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THE 

CABINET OF HISTORY. 

CONDUOTED BY THE 

REV. DIONYSIUS LARDNER, LL.D. F.RS. L.&.E. 
1LR.LA. F.B.A.S. F.L.S. F.Z.S. Hon. F.C.P.S. &c. &c. 

ASSISTED BT 

EMINENT LITERARY MEN. 



HISTORY 

OF 

THE REFORMATION. 

BT 

THE REV. HENRY STEBBING, A.U. 



« » - 



VOX,. II. 



-f-JL. 



L0ND6N: 



PRIimO FOB 

LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, ft LONOMAN, 

P4TERN0STEB.B0W ; 

AND JOHN TAYLOR, 

UPPBB OOWBR arrBBBT. 

1837. i 









London: 

Printed by A. SPormswoooE, 
New-Street-Square. 



THE 

CABINET CYCLOPiEDIA. 

CONDUCTED BY THE 

KEV. DIONYSIUS LARDNER, LL.D. F.R.S. L.&E. 
MRl.A. F.R.A.S. F.L.S. F.Z.S. Hon. F.C P.S. Ac. &c. 

ASSISTED BY 

EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN. 



THE REFORMATION. 

BY 

THE REV. HENRY STEBBING, A.M. 

VOL. II. 



LONDON: 

PRINTBO FOa 

LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, & LONGMAN 

FATBRNOSTER^SOW ; 

AND JOHN TAYLOR, 

UPPER QOWER 8TRBBT. 

1837. 



TABLE, 



ANALYTICAL AND CHKONOLOGICAL, 
TO THE SECOND V0LU3IE OF 

THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 



CHAPTER XIL 

STATE OF AFFAIRS. POLICY OF CHARLES V. ELECTION OF 

FEaDINAND. — OPPOSITION THERETO. MEETING OF THE 

PROTESTANTS. LUTHER. EVENTS IN SWITZERLAND. 

DEATH OF ZniNGLS. 

A. D. Page 

Result of Proceedings at Augsburg . - .1 

Ambitious Views of Charles V. ; his Capacity and princely 

Virtues - - - - - 1 

Unwise Policy of his Measures - . - 2 

Influence of Opinion always under.rated - 2 

Charles's Errors in Statesmanship inexcusable as not owing to 

ecclesiastical Domination - ' . - - '> 

1530. Elector of Saxony retires to his States . 3 

(Not. 89.) His Attendance required at Cologne by the Em- 
peror ; Object of the Meeting - - -5 
(Dec. 22.) Meeting of the Protestant Allies at Smalcalde; 

they niter into a defensive League . - -4 

(Dec 21.) The Confederates address a Letter to Uie Emperor, 

protesting against a Subversion of their Laws and Privileges - 4 
The Catholics equally apprehensive of the Emperor's Designs . 4 
Luther's Attempt to dissuade the Elector from opposing the 

Wishes of Charles . , . . 5 

Melancthon also endeavours to interpose with the Elector . 6 

(Dec. 31.) Termination of the Conference at Smalcalde; 

earnest Remonstrances despatched to the Emperor . .6 

Address of Charles on opening the Proceedings at Cologne - Q 
He enjoins the Election of his Brother Ferdinand as King of 

the Romans ; his Nomination by the Electors - - 7 

Policy of tb'ig Meagure clearly stated by the Emperor - " 

A 3 



VI ANALYTICAL AND OHRONOLOOICAL TABLE. 

A. D. Page 

1531. (Feb. 29. or March 99.) Re-asaembling of the Members of the 

League at Smalcalde - - • - 8 

Apprehensions entertained of the Purposes of the League - 8 
High Character of the King of Denmark; his Policy at this 

Juncture . - - - .8 

Motives for their Conduct alleged by other Princes - 9 

Luther*s State of Mind at this Period - . P 

Answer of the Princes to the Call upon them by the Emperor 

for Assistance against the Turks - - • <i 

Another Meeting of the League, at Frankfort - . 10 

Results of their Application to the Kings of France and Eng. 

land . . - . .10 

Fortunate Junction with the Protestant Princes of large and 

wealthy Cities - - - -10 

Opinions expressed by the Deputies from the Fr^ Cities - 11 

Their Arguments unavailing; the Princes determine not to 

recognise Ferdinand - . -• - 11 

Mediation of the Archbishop of Mentz and Louis - 11 

(August.) Fruitless Interference of the Counts of Nassau and 

Niienar ; Candour and Firmness of the Elector - - 12 

General Meeting at Smalcalde; unsatisfactory Results; Ad- 
journment for Re-assembly at l^ire . - - 13 
Letters addressed by the Elector and Philip of Hesse to the 

Mediators - > - . . 13 

Conduct of Luther ; Publication of his *' Admonition to his 

beloved (Germans ;" Extracts . . .14 

Luther'slPaper on the Edict of Augsburg - - 16 

His Remarks on Ecclesiastical Dignitaries ; and Answer to the 

Imputation of Disloyalty - . • - 17 

His Vindication of the Lutherans from the Charge of Seditimi - 18 
Position of Parties in Switzerland - - - 19 

Evil Effects of Zealotry and Intolerance ; gross Insults to the 

Followers of Zuingle - . . - 20 

Retaliatory Proceedings of the Cantons of Zurich and Berne - 20 
Civil War prevented through the Interposition of Strasburg ; 

Conditions of the Treaty . . . - 21 

Subsequent Preparations for Hostilities; inefiftetual Attempts 

at Accommodation . - . - 21 

Articles of the proposed Treaty ; Statement of their Case pub- 
lished by Berne and Zurich . . - 21 
The Supply of Provisions intercepted from the hostile Cantons ; 

Commencement of theWar . . - 22 

Death in Battle of Zuingle ; his excellent Character . 23 



ANALVTICAfi AND CHBONOI/MIGAL TABLK. Til 



CHAP. XI IL 

EFFORTS AT CONCILIATION BCTWEEN THZ SMFSROR AND THE 

PaOTESTANTS. DI8FUTKS RKSFXCHNG THE ELECTION OF 

FERDINAND. PROPOSALS MADE BT THE REFORMERS. 

PROSPECTS OF A GENERAL COUNCIL. REMARKS THERE- 
UPON. OPINION OF ERASMUS ON THE SUBJECT. OEORUE 

OF SAXONY AND LUTHER. ADVANCE OF PROTESTANTISM. 

A. n. Page 

1532. Reasons for Conciliation from the common Danger in the War 

with the Turks . - . - ::4 

Evils from the oi^wmte jCourse pursued by Charles ■, Postpone* 

mentoftheDieC . • . . - !^4 

(Jan.) Conferences of Charles with the Archbishop of Mentz 
and the Elector Palatine ; at their Instance, he alloi^ a Re. 
newal of the Debate between the two Parties . - 3.5 

(Aprill.) Meeting at SchweinAirt; Proposals to the Protest- 
ants fhnn the Emperor . - 25 
Great political Object of Charles ; Opening of the Diet at 

Ratisbonne - - • - 'id 

Result of the Conference at SchweinAirt ; Specific Answers of 

the Protestants . . - - S7 

Conditional Acquiescence of the Elector of Saxony - -28 

Reply of the mediating Princes . - - £8 

Counter-statement by the Son of the Elector of Saxony - 9i^ 

Proposals to the Mediators by the whole Body of Reformers - oO 
(June 3.) The Assembly convened at Nuremburg - SI 

Conciliatory Observations of Charles to the Diet at Ratisbonne; 

Necessity for a General Council - - - 31 

Advice of the mediating Princes acceded to ; Religious Perse- 
cution to cease in the Interim - - - 31 
(July 23.) Answer of the Reformers to the Emperor ; they 

promise Succours against the Turks • • 3S 

(Aug. S.) Ratification of the Answer by Charles ■ 32 

(Aug. 13.) ' Death of the Elector of Saxony ; his Son, John 

Frederic, his Successor . - - - 3!2 

A severe Confiict threatened with the Turks ; the hostile 

Armies drawn up (br Battle - - - S'2 

Retreat of Solyman - - - « - .'J,> 

1533. The Emperor visits Italy ; he holds a Conference with the 

Pope - - - -S3 

Address of the Nuncio, the Bishop of Reg^o, to the Elector of 

Saxony - - - - -33 

Politic Caution of John Frederic; he defers his Answer till he 

has consulted his Party • ' -34 
(June.) Meeting of the Reformers at Smalcalde *, tbeu ^ce^X"} 

to the Pope's Nuncio on a General Council - - '^ 

A 4 



TIU ANALYTICAL AND OHRONOLOOICAL TABLE. 

A. D. Page 

The ProtestanU justified in th eir Sufpicioni of the Pontifr . 37 
Position of the Christian World - ' - - 38 

Remarks on Councils . - . - 39 

Views of Erasmus at this Crisis . .40 

His Commentary on the Eighty, fourth Psalm - - 41 

His Views on the Doctrines of Justification by Faith and Neces- 
sity of good Works - - . - 4ii 
His Remarks on the Sacrifice of the Masi and Adoration of the 

Elements . . - . - 43 

He earnestly recommends, in conclusion, the Settlement of 

the Dispute - - - .43 

The Sentiments of Erasmus unpalatable to the Reformers - 44 

Important Crisis to the Circumstances of both Parties - 45 

Fierce Intolerance towards the Reformers of Duke George of 

Saxony . . - . - 45 

The latter assailed by Luther with Vehemence of Language ; 

Luther's Extremes of Character - . - 46 

Terms of Lutlier's Appeal in Favour of the Reformers of Leipzig ; 

Reply of Cochlaus - . ' - .47 

Vindication of Luther ; his Treatise " On Private Masses, and 

the Consecration of Priests " . . .48 

His Object in this Publication - . - 49 

His Views on the Call to the Priesthood, and Administration of 

the Church . . . .50 

His various Works ; he is distinguished as a Commentator on 

Scripture - - - . .51 

Rapid Advance of the Protestant Cause . .51 

Adhesion of the Prince of Anhalt and the Duke of Cleves . 52 
Vagaries of the Anabaptists . - - 52 



CHAP. XIV. 

REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. CHARACTER OK HENRY VIII. . — 

CARDINAL WOLSEY. STATE OP RELIGION IN ENGLAND. ^" 

DESPOTISM OP THE CLERGY. TINDAL. BILNEY. — FRITH. 

BAINHAM. DECLINE OF WOLSEY's POWER. QUESTION 

RESPECTING THE KING's DIVORCE. EVENTS WHICH POL- 
LOWED THEREUPON. WOLSEY's FALL. CRANMEK. — SIR 

-THOMAS MORE. THE XING's SUPREMACY ESTABLISHED. 

Extent of the Reformation in £urq)e ; Influence of the Re- 
formed Doctrines in England . . - 54 

Prospects of Religion at the Accession of Henry VIII. ; his 
Character . . - . -55 

Henry's Controversy with Luther ; selfish Motives which led 
the Monarch to countenance the Reformation . ~ 5(i 

Political Importance of Henry ; his Minister, Cardinal Wol. 
§ey - - - - -57 



ANALYTICAL AND OHRONOLOOIOAL TABLE. IX 

A. D. Page 

The Cardinal a great bat ambitiotu Statennan ; Extent of hie 

Power and Influence - . . - 57 
Zeal of Henry in Defence of the Pope's Authority ; Rectriction 

of the Kingly Power by the Church . . 58 
Question mooted, whether the Clergy were equally amenable 

to the Laws with the Laity ; Case of Dr. Standish - 59 
Murder of a Merchaut-tailor named Hume, under Clerical 

Sanction - - - - - - 59 

Tyrannous and unjust Decision of the Ecclesiastical Judges in 

the Case - - . - - 60 

Expression of Public Feeling ; Embarrassment of Henry ' 60 

Dr. Vesey's Opinions ; Dr. Standish accused before the Council 60 

Discussion on Two of the Articles of Actnisation . - 60 
Declaration of Wolsey before the King; he recommends that 

the Matter be rrferred to the Pope • - - 61 

Spirited Behaviour of Henry ; the Affkir hushed up . 61 
T%e State of the Public Mind favourable for the Reformation ; 

Diiibsion of Luther's Writings . . - 62 
Tlndal's Translation of the New Testament; ineffectual Pro- 
hibition of its Circulation . . . - 63 
Great Struggle with the Hierarchy ; the Martyrs Bilney and 

Frith - - . - - 64 

Retractation of Bilney on a Charge of Heresy ; his Contrition • 65 
Preaching the Reformed Faith in NorroIIc, he is apprehended, 

and condemned to the Flames . - .66 

James Bainham ; he recants on the Rack ; but afterwards 

openly withdraws his Recantation . . - 66 

He is burnt to Death ; his Exclamation when in the Flames . 67 

Admirable Constancy of the Protestant Martyrs - - 67 

Conflict of Principles - - - 67 
Fall of Wohey ; Circumstances which accelerated it .68 

Henry's Divorce from Catherine of Arragon - - 68 

I^rplexity of the Pope as to his Policy on the Occasion - 69 

The'£nifea9SS|mcnt of Wolsey far greater - - 70 
Cardinal CampH^tnOBociated with him as a Court to try the 

Cause - . - - 71 
1529. (June.) The King and Queen cited before the Legates ; they 

obey the Summons - - - - 72 

Address of Catherine to her Consort - - 72 
Dilatory Progress of the Trial ; Appeal of the Queen to her 

Nephew, Charies - - - - - 73 
The Pope directs an Avocation to Rome ; unsuccessful Oppo- 
sition to it of Wolsey - - - - 73 
(July 23.) Campegio postpones further Proceedings till October 73 
The Pope dissolves the Commission - - 74 
The Passions of Henry aroused ; his Enmity agtunst the Queen, 

and Disgust with Wolsey - - - - 74 

The Great Seal taken from the Cardinal ; bis Impeachment - 75 
He is deprived also of his Ecclesiastical Possessions ; a Portion 
^ of tbem gubgequeatly restored - . - - 'l^ 



X ANALYTICAL AND OBRONOLOGICAL TABLB. 

4. D. Page 

WoImj sinka under his Calamitiet - - 75 

Ordered to depart flrom London, he goe* into Yorkshire - 76 

He is accused of High Treason, and put in Custody as a Pri- 
soner - - - - - 76 
His Death at Leicester, on his Way to the Metropolis - 76 
Rise of Sir Thomas More and of Cranmer - - 76 
More becomes Chancellor ; his Character exemplary, except 

being a Persecutor - - - - 77 

Cranmer's Advanconent ascribable to his Learning and amiable 

Character - - - - 77 

Circumstance which brought him to the Notice of Henry . 77 
Cranmer's Proposition as to the Divorce ; he enters the House- 
hold of the Earl of WilUhire and Ormond - - 78 
Mission of Gardiner and Fox to the University of Cambridge ; 

their Letter to the King - . - 78 

Exertions of Dr. Crook, on the Continent, for the Royal Cause 80 
1530. (July 1.) Crook's Letter to Henry - - - 80 

Opinion of the Illegality of the Marriage by the most cele- 
brated Universities • - - - - 82 
Decisions at Oxford and Cambridge that the Marriage was 

void - - . - - - 83 

The great Reformers of Switserland, except Bucer, in favour of 

the Divorce . . - . - 83 

Neither Melancthon nor the other Lutheran Leaders would de- 

Clare the Marriage unlawful - - - 83 

Interpreution of the Levitical Code by Jewish Doctors - 83 

The Influence and Authority of the Pope and the. Emperor 

disr^arded in the Opinion given by the Scholars'and Divines 84 
Steps taken in England to bring the Aflkir to an Issue - 84 

Style of the Pope's Reply. Firmness of Henry - .85 

His vigorous Procecd.ngs against the Clergy ; Cupidity and Am- 
bition his two Motives - - - - 85 

1531. Sums of Money paid by the Convocations of Canterbury and 

York to obtain a Pardon - ' ' - - 85 

Style of Supremacy by which Henry was addressed by the 
Clergy - - - - - 85 

1532. Solemnisation of Henry's Marriage with Anne Boleyn - 86 
Henry, being cited before the Pope, sends a Courtier with 

Bonner to plead his Cause - - - 86 

1533. Act of Parliament abolishing the Payment of Annates to Rome 86 
Further Legislative Proceedings against the Romish Church - 87 
Sir Thomas More resigns the Great Seal ; his Dissatisfaction at 

the Proceedings against the Church - - 87 

Elevation of Cranmer to the Archbishopric of Canterbury ; 

he is confirmed in his Office by a Bull from Rome - 88 

Care of the Archbishop to settle the Minds of the People as to 

the King's Marriage - • • - 88 

Remarks on its Legality - - - - 89 

The Convocation declare the Marriage with Anne Boleyn to be 

lawful; Kesults of the Decision - - -89 



ANAIiTTIOAL AND CURONOLOOICAL TABLE. XI 

M. D, Page 

An Hope of a Compnnnise witb the Fope at an Endi Impulse 

to the Policy of the Refonnen . - - .90 

The Reformation promoted by the Inclinations of the People and 
ofmany learned Divinei - - - 91 

153«. (March.) Act paiMd for establishing the King's Supremacy ; 

Triunqtb of Protestantism . ' • - - 91 

Execution of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, and of Sir Thomas 
More, for supposed Treason - . 9S 



CHAP. XV. 

accession of paul lu. prockkdinas respecting a gene- 
ral council. —the pope*s nuncio at wittemberg. — 
Luther's firmness. — assembly of the protestants at 

smalcaldx. sentiments of the kino of france. — of 

hjbnrt vui. renewal of the league. the ana- 
baptists. 

Accessi<m of Cardinal Famese as Pope Paul III. ; his Character 

bold and politic . . . . -9$ 

1535k He sends Peter Paul Verger to Germany on the Sutjgect of a 

General Council - - - - 9S 

Mantua fixed on for the Meeting ; the Elector of Saxony first 

iqipealed to ; his cautious Reply to the Ambassador - 94 

Luther invited to an Interview with Paul Verger atWittemberg ; 

his amusing Preparations for the Scene . - 94 

Results of the Interview . - . . . 95 

The Reformation advanced by the calm and noble Conduct of 

Luther ; ■ Verger himself eventually enters the Reformed 

Church . - . - .96 

Assembly of the Protestant' Leaders at Smalcalde ; th^ir Answer 

to the Pope • - - . - 96 

Fhtncis I. of France sends Bellay to Smalcalde to conciliate the 

Protestants . - ... 97 

The Ambassador explains his Master's religious Vieys to Me- 

lancthon, Sturmius, &c. . • - -97 

Politic Caution of the Protestants - . . -98 

Fox, Bishop of Herrford, sent as Envoy to Smalcalde by Henry 98 
Fox's Address to the Assembly j calm good Sense and Piety of 

the Reply ; High-mindedness of the Protestant Leaders . 99 
Decree of the Assembly, continuing the League till 1545, and 

specifying the Terms of Admission for other Protestant 

Cities • . - - - .100 

Adhesion of the Duke of Wirtemberg and the Princes of 

Pomerania ; and of the Cities of Frankfort, Augsburg, Ham. 

burg, and Hanover .... ino 

Fanatical Course of the Anabaptists ... \^^ 

Muaster the Seat of tbia Superstition and ImpostuTe . \<^V 



Xll AMALTTIOAL AND OHBONOLOOIOAL TABLE. 

A.D. PiWe 

Character and Proceedings of Bernard Rotman - • 101 

Progress of Proselytism ; the Pulpits of the Catholics taken Arum 

them .... - 102 

Preparations for an Assault on the Town ; the Messenger sent to 
Munster made Prisoner ; the People of the Town collect and 
surprise their Adversaries, who submit to Conditions - 102 

John of Leyden and Bernard Rotman preach the Doctrines 
of the Anabaptists ; they are decreed to Banishment by the 
Senate ..... 103 

They conceal themselves, and soon after re-appear with unex- 
pected Reinforcements .... 103 

1534. The Landgrave sends Two able Preachers to the City . 103 
The Proposition of these Divines to meet the Leaders of the 

Anatutptists in Conference rejected - 10# 

Assembling of the Sect, and Conflict with the Inhabitants ; 

Terms agreed to; flocking in of all the Sect ; the respectable 

Citizens quit the Place, leaving Rotman and his Companions 

in Possession . . . . • 104 

Principal Associates of Rotman ; their new Form of Govern. 

ment - - - - . - 104 

Decree, under severe Penalties, to bring in all the Money and 

Furniture, to be subject to their Distribution . - 105 

The Bishop of Munster lays Siege to the City; pretended 

Visions of John of Leyden ; he marries Three Wives - 105 

Difficulties of the Teachers to prove their Doctrines . 105 

Internal Quarrels ; a new Prophet, who proclaims John of Leyden 

King ofall the Earth . . < -106 

He assumes the Sovereignty, and puts down the Council of 

Twelve - . - - - 106 

He invests himself with the Insignia of Royalty, and sits en- 

throned to administer Public Justice ... 107 

Interposition of the surrounding States . - 107 

Projects and Impiety of the Fanatics ; Twenty-eight Emissaries 

sent out, who all, with one Exception, suffto Torture and 

Death . - - - - 106 

The humane Interference of the Princes rendered abortive by 

John of Leyden .... - 106 

Gloomy Prospects of the Inhabitants, who suffer all the Horrors '^ 

of Famine and Disease ... 109 

Inhuman Barbarity of John of Leyden - . - IIU 

1535. (April.) The Diet at Worms grants a Subsidy for the Expenses 

of the Siege ; Count of Oberstein appointed General of the 

Army . . . . - 110 

Energy and Watchfulness of John of Leyden • - 110 

(June 22.) The Bishop inefifectually addresses the Inhabitants 

to prevent Bloodshed - - - 111 

(June 24.) The City attacked ; obstinate Rencontre, and dreadful 

Carnage ; Rotman killed, and John of Leyden and Knipper. 

doling taken alive . . - .111 

Dreadful Fate o( the Frisonerft • . - - 112 



.AKALYTIOAL AND CHBONOLOOICAL TABLE. XUl 

A.n. Page 

Occurrence of Efents which precipitated the Issue of the Pro- 
testant Struggle . - - - 112 
15S7. (February.) Another Meeting of the Protestants at Smalcalde ; 

the Emperor's conctKatory Answer to their Address - 113 

The Reply of the Princes - - - -114 

Important Points of Difference between the Catholics and Pro- 
testants - - - - - 185 
Address of the Imperial Envoy.Matthias Helde, to the Assembly, 

urging them to consent to the proposed Council - - 115 

Degree of Imiwrtance attained by the Reformed Party . 116 

Their Steadfastness of Purpose ; Publication of their Reasons 

against the proposed Council - - - 117 

Similar Determination of Henry - - - 117 

The Pope, on various Pretexts, defers the Meeting of the 
Council ; he deputes his Ministers to consider the Question of 
Abuses in the Church - - - -118 

The Commissioners draw up a valuable Paper .on Church Re- 

form ; its various Topics - - - - 118 

Paul insincere in his Wish for Reform - -120 

The Document intended to be kept secret; but surmised that 

Paul favoured its surreptitious Appearance - - 121 

A Copy of the Memoir finds its Way into Germany ; and is re- 

- published among the Protestants, with Notes - - 12S 

Prorogation of the Council for another Year . -122 

1538 State of AflFkirs - - • -122 

to Prospects of Peace; Memoir drawn up by the Protestants - 123 

1540. Vindication of themselves - - - -124 
Correspondence of the Emperor with the Protestant Leaders - 126 
(June.) Meeting at Haguenau ; prorogued to the 28th of October, 

at Worms - . - - - 126 

Opening of the Conference, in November ; frivolous Waste of 

Time ; the Debate at length begun, by Melancthon and Eckius, 

on Original Sin - - - - 126 

Interruption to the Colloquy by Adjournment to Ratisbonne, in 

March - - - - - - 127 

1541. (April.) The Emperor opens the Diet in an Address ; a Arimdly 

Conference ; Choice of the Disputants - - 127 

Course of the Proceedings - - - -128 

Discourse of the Pope's Legate ; energetic Reply of the Pro- 
testants ; concluding Address of the Emperor - .129 
Unsatisfactory Termination of the Meeting - -ISO 

1542. Distraction of the Emperor firom the Controversy by the Success 

of the Turks ... - - - 130 

Trent fixed on for the Council ; as pleasing to the Catholics 

as displeasing to the Protestants ; the latter determine to ao* 

knowledge no Assembly under the Auspices of the Pope - 130 
Manifesto of the Pope; his Exhortation to the Prelates of 

German , - . - - 130 

His Unavailing Offbr to mediate between Charles and lYie ^v\% 

0f France - - - - - \^\ 



XIV ANALYTICAL AMD OHBONOLOOICAL TABLE. 

A. D. Pa-m 

154& (February.) Diet at Nuremberg; Retirement of the ProtestanU IS 

Melancholy Political State of Geneva . . 1.5 

1544. Diet at Spire, opened by a Speech fhmi the Emperor - t^ 
Quarrel between the Protestants and Henry of Brunswick ; Pro. 

ceedings at the Diet • - - - 1..' 

Mutual Concessions ; the Edict of Augsburg suspended . 1 • 

Letter from the Pope to the Emperor - - . I.- 

Observations on its Tenor - - . 1- 

1545. Re-assemblingof the Diet at Worms > - 1 
The Emperor's Address, and Reply of the Protestants - ^ 
Charles's Change of Policy ; Civil War between the Landgrave 

of Hesse and Henry of Brunswick - - .1 

Fears entertained by the Protestants - .1 

The Archbishop of Cologne attempts a Reform of Abuses ; he 

seeks the Co-operation of Bucer, Melaucthon, and Pistorius • 3. 
The Opposition he encounters firom his Clergy ; his Reply to 

their Remonstrances > - . . 1- 

Deaths of George of Saxony, Albert of Mayence, and Erasmus - 1 
Prince Henry appointed Successor to Geargc of Saxony, if he 

will adhere to the Catholic Faith ; he reiuses the Conditions, 

but endeavours to obtain the Sovereignty . .1^ 

Luther rei^irs to Leipzig ; Character of Albert of Mentz . J ^ 

Review of the Lifp and Character of Erasmus - • 1^ 

Failing Energy of Luther ; his Anxiety for the Settlement of the 

Protestant Church - . . 14i 

Contrast of the Position of the Rival Churches; Difficulties of 

the Protestants - - - - 150 

Main Distinction between a Visible and the true Universal and 

Invisible Church - - . - -150 

Wish of Luther to revert to the apostolic Constitution of the 

Church ; his Fears lest its Revenues should be diverted from 

ecclesiastical Purposes . . ' .151 

Moderation and Disinterestedness of the Saxon Reformers - 152 
Consecration of Amsdorf as Bishop of Nuremberg, the first de. 

cisive Step - - - . - 152 

Inspiring Motives of the Reformers in their Proceedings . 152 

Admirable Manner in which the Principles of the Reformation 

were carried out - - - -158 



CHAP. XVL 

COUNCILS. OPENING OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. DIFFI- 
CULTIES OF THE LEGATES. DEBATES ON DOCTRINE AND RE- 
FORMATION. COLLOQUT OP RATISBONNE. LUTHER. — HIS 

DEATH AND CHARACTER. 

The Principle of General Councils, in the Abstract, invaluable 15£ 
1.540. (Jan. 7.) The Council of Trent ; the Pope's Legates state the 
Extirpation of Heresies, the Re-establishment of Discipline, 



AKALYTICAI* AMD OHKONOLOOICAL TABLE. XV 

D. Page 

and the Restoxation of Peace, as the Objects for which it was 
assembled . . - . -156 

Animadversion on the Vices of the Clergy - - 156 

The Address of the Legates sufficiently justified the Acts of the 

Reformers . • . . . -158 

Discourse of the Bishop uf Castellamare . - 158 

Continued Adjournments of the Meeting; their dilatory Pro- 
ceedings and Confusion ; Inquiries remitted to the Pope - 159 
Distribution of Money among the necessitous Bishops; In- 
structions ttom the Pope ... 160 
Disputes engendered among the Catholic Prelates - - IdO 
Contradictory Opinions as to the proper Order of Proceeding ; 

various Propositions - - 161 

The Legates have Recourse to Rome, but are ill seconded by 
the Pope - - - - - - 163 

The Arrangement of the Inquiry eventually agreed upon; Sur- 
prise and Alarm of the Pope at the Result - -164 
Prohibition by the Pontiff of the Discussion of Reform ; Distress 

and Embarrassment of the Legates ... ia5 

Session of the 4th of February - - -165 

Proposed Proceedings in the Session of 8th of April ; Investiga- 
tion of Scripture and Tradition ... 166 
Discussion on the Translation of the Scriptures . -167 
Important Results looked for from the Council of Trent and the 
Colloquy of Ratisbonne - - - - lt)8 

Luther draws nigh to his End ; his Preparations for the Event - 168 
1545. (Jan. 2a) He goes to Eisleben to arbitrate a Dispute - 17U 

His last Illness and Death - - - 171 

Review of his Character and Career ... 172 

Remarks on his Writings - . - .173 

His Diligence and Simplicity as a Preacher . - 174 

His Faults - . - - 175 

Fourth Session of the Council of Trent ; its First Decree - 175 

The Second Decree ; Public Criticism - . - 177 

Fresh Instructions of Paul IIL to his Legates . - 178 

Disposition of the Emperor's Party to curtail his Powers ; the 
Archbishop of Cologne - - - - 179 

The Legates strive to involve the Council in the Labyrinth of 

Discussion - • . . . 179 

Frustrated by the Archbishop of Toledo ; Wrangling among the 
Prelates - - - - - - 180 

Obstinacy of Paul as to the Order of Consultation - - 180 

Spirit of Rivalry between the various Grades of the Clergy . J81 
Debates on Free-will ; Nine Propositions on Original Sin - 182 

Results of the Discussion . - .183 

The Decrees drawn up for Publication ... 185 

Fifth Session ; Provisions of the Decree of Reformation - 187 

Doctrine of Justification, and the supposed Heresies ; Twenty- i 

five Propositions .... \^ ' 

^vihlrom the Non-residence of the Clergy - - \^ 

The Spirit of Party paramount in the CotuvcU - - '^^^ 



XYi AKALTTIOAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



CHAP. XVII. 

DIZT OP RATISBONNK. PREPARATIONS OF THE POPE AMD 

EXPEROR FOR WAR. MEASURES OF THE PROTECTANT 

THE ELECTOR OF SAXONT AND THE LANDGRAVE OP H 

PREPARE FOR A CAMPAIGN. THE WAR AND ITS CONSBQUE* 

COUNCIL OF TRENT. 



Policy adopted by the Pope and the Emp«x>r 

Proceedings oi the Diet at Ratidwnne ; Renxmstrancet of th 

Protestant* ... 

Hostile Preparations of both Parties 

Animated Address of Balthasar Gultling to the Protestants 
Articles of the Pope*s Treaty with Charles ; Dishonesty of tfa 

Pope's Ccmduct .... 

Strictures on the bad Faith shown towards the Protestants 
Unsuccessful Attempt at Mediation of the Elector Palatine 
The ProtesUnts take the Field ; their Vindication of that Step 
Hostile Movements ; the Elector and the Landgrave proscribe 

by the Emperor ; Address to him of the Protestant Chiefs 
Arrival of Reinforcements for the Emperor; the Protestan 

march to Ratisboune ... 

The Landgrave defeated; the Emperor's Army extricated froi 

Danger ... 

(Oct 3.) Preparations for Battle ; the Annies retire into the 

EIncampments ... 

Advantages obtained by the Emperor ; he offbrs the Elector 

Territories to Maurice, Duke of Saxony 
Scruples of Maurice to accept them overcome ; his Letter to tl 

Elector .... 

Strenuous Efforts of the Landgrave on behalf of the latter 
Warlike Proceedings of Ferdinand 
The Electorate taken possession of; gloomy Aspect for tl 

Protestants ; Exultation of the Emperor 
The Protestants sue for Peace; ungenerous Conduct of tl 

Elmperor . . - . 

The Confederates solicit Aid from France and England ; tl 

Troops sent into Winter Quarters 
Their narrow Escape from the Emperor 
1547. Maurice reproached by the Elector in a Letter to the Ministe 

ofState .... 

The Elector partially successful in recovering his Dominion 

Reinforcements sent to Maurice 
Unwillingness of the Bohemians to interfere in the Strugg1< 

JE'x&rt/on of the Emperor*! Influence 



ANALYTICAL AND 0HR0N0fX>6ICAL TABLE. XVll 

». Page 

March of his Army, and Engagement with the Elector - 210 

The Elector defeated, and taken PriMmer; he is sentenced to 

Death - < - . -211 

The Sentence withdrawn unon Conditions ; Terms of the 

Agreement ..... 212 

John Frederick releases the Garrison of Wittemberg from their 

Oaths - - 81t 

He, with his Family, permitted to visit Wittemberg - 213 

Submissicm of the Landgrave of Hesse ... £13 

His Scruples on certain Articles overcome ; his Degradation by 

the Emperor .... 214 

He is put into Custody ..... £15 
But liberated on the Payment of 150,000 Gold Crowns - 216 

Reflections on the Policy of the Interference of Princes . 216 

Further Proceedings of the Council of Trent ; Doctrines of 

Divine Grace .... £18 

Polemical Discussions ... 219 

Doctrine of Free-will - - • - 221 

Six Propositions ; th«r Reception by the Council - * . 221 

Their Views of the Sentiments of Luther ; and of the Doctrines 

of Zuingle . - . . • 222 

Difibrences of Opinion on Predestination and Election - 223 

DiflSculties in framing the Decrees ; Two drawn up - 224 

Controversy on the Residence of the Clergy . .225 

Discipline enforced by the ancient Canons • . 226 

The Prelates enjoined to reside on their Sees ; Demand for the 

Prohibition of Pluralities . . • 227 

Opening of the Sixth Session of the Council - - 227 

Substance of their Decrees at the preceding Meetings • 228 

Thirty-three Canons of the Roman Church, with its Anathemas 

for Heresy . - - - 231 

Articles of Reform adopted as to Non.residence - - 232 

The Doctrines of the Sacrament proposed for Consideration . 234 
The Pope directs the Transfer to Rome of all Questions of Re- 
form ; the Legates dare not proclaim his Order - - 235 
Memorial of the Reform Party in the Council - - 235 
A Copy sent to the Pope, with the Commoits of his Emissaries ; 

Consternation of the Pontiff - - - 236 

Concessions of the Pope ; Success of Cardinal del Monte - 237 

(March 3.) Proceedings in the Seventh Session of the Council 237 
Decree on the Sacraments ... 237 

Anathemas respecting Baptism and Confirmation - 239 

The Legates change the Place of Meeting of the Council, upon 

the Plea of the Existence of a contagious Disease - 240 

The Cause assigned a mere Pretext ; Indignation of the Reform 

Party - - - - - 240 

(March 11.) Opening of the Eighth Session at Bologna; Re- 
monstrances against the Change from the E%aperor - 241 
(Sept 15.) Prorogation of the Council - - %\% 



{ 



^OL n. 



a 



• •» 



XTllI ANALYTICAL AND GUBONOLOOICAL TABLE. 



CHAP. XVIII. 

REFORMATION IN ENQLANO. ACTS PASSED B7 HEMRT Vlil. 

PERSECUTION. SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES. EFFORTS OF 

CRANMER. EDWARD VI. ESTABUSUMRNT OF THE CHURCH 

OF ENGLAND. — » REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 

A. a Page 

Progress of the Reformation in England - - 243 

ISS^ (June) The Opinions of the Lollards examined by the Convo- 
cation - . . . _ 243 
Proceedings of Henry; Cranmer's Sentiments - - 244 
Articles presented to the Convocation - - 244 
Important Disagreement from those of the Council of Trent - 245 
Influence of the Change of System upon the People • 846 
Promulgation ofthe Bible in English . - . S4C 
Henry entitled to no Praise for his Share in the Reformation - 246 
John Lambert accused of Heresy ; his Trial before the King . 247 
Refusing to retract, he is burnt to Death • - 248 

1539. Bill introduced into Parliament on the Eucharist ; Tendency to 

the Papal Doctrine; its Six Articles - - 248 

Cruelty of the Law against Heresy - - -249 

Fickle and reckless Conduct of Henry - -249 

Influence of the Papal Party - - - - 250 

1540. Martyrdom of Lutherans ; Barnes, Oerrard, and Jerome perish 

at the Stake ; similar Barbarities in Scotland - - 260 

Attempt of the Papists to stop the Circulation of the Bible ; 

Cranmer procures the King's Sanction to its Revision ' - 250 
Publication of ** The necessary Condition of a Christian Man ;'* 

Admonitions to the Clergy in it ascribed to Bonner - 251 

The Sermons of Luther admirable Models for Imitation - 254 

Fearless Energy of Latimer's Preaching ; its Success - 255 

Enmity raised against Cranmer for his Reforms - - 256 

Shanton, Bishop of Salisbury, imprisoned for Heterodoxy; he 

recants - - - - - - 256 

Awful Sufibrings and heroic Fortitude of Anne Askew - 256 

Fresh Attempt against Cranmer - - - 257 

Thwarted only by the Attachment ofthe King; Anecdote • 258 
Relative Positions of the rival Parties - - 259 

Proceedings of Henry as to the Monastic Institutions . 259 

1536. Commission of Inquiry ; its extensive and arbitrary Powers - 260 
Report ofthe Visitors on the Abbey of Glastonbury - 261 

Instructions to the Commissioners as to the expelled Monks ; 

nearly 10,000 Persons driven out firom the Convents - 262 

Sympathy and Indignation aroused by their Sufferings ; Policy 

of Henry - - - - - 263 

Disposition of the confiscated Property - - 264 

S37. Death of Henry ; amiable Disposition of Edward VL - 26G 

Progress of the Reformation under favoutsbXe ^xxsv^ces ; com. 



ANALYTICAL AND OHBONOL06ICAL TABLE. XIX 

A. a Page 

podtion of a Book of Homilies ; ** Paraphrase of Erasmus on 

the New Testament," translated - - - 267 

Removal of Images from the Church - - S67 

Imprisonment of Gardiner and other Catholics for of^xMing the 

.Reforms - - - - - - 268 

Act for administering the Sacrament to the Laity - 268 

Moderation recommended to the Priests - - 269 

1548. Commission appointed to examine the Book of Offices ; their 

Decision on the Eucharist - - - ' - 269 

Abolition of auricular Confession ; its Comparison with open 
Confession - - - - - 270 

E£Bcacy of the Ordinance of Absolution - -271 

Cranmer introduces a Catechism; Formation of a Liturgy . 273 
Fl'eparation of a Liturgy .... 273 

Publication of the Book of Common Prayer ; its Contents - 274 
Violent Opposition of Gardiner to the Progress of the Reforms - 275 
He is committed to the Tower for preaching a seditious Sermon 
before the King - - - - - 275 

Obstructions from the Gergy to the Spread of Truth - 276 

Ab rogation of the Law imposing Celibacy upon the Priesthood 277 
The Book of Common Prayer confirmed by Act of Parliament - 277 
Ordinance for the universal Adoption, under Penalty, of the 

new Form of Worship _ > . - 278 

Harshness and Impolicy of the Measure - - 279 

Settlement of the Confession of the English Church - 280 

Bishops Gardiner and Bonner deposed; Consecration of Miles 

Coverdale, Hooper, and Ridley - - - 281 

Publication of the Forty-two Articles of the Confession ; Al- 
terations of them in the subsequent Reigns - - 281 
Perseciition of the Reformed Church under Mary ; Deposition 

ofthe Protestant Bishops - - -282 

Repeal tyf all Acts of Parliament against the Roman Catholic 
Church - - - - - - 282 

1555. Martyrdom of the Reformers instigated by Gardiner - 282 

Hooper burnt at the Stake ; as also Ridley and Latimer - 283 

Cranmer condemned to the Flames; he retracts, but subse- 
quently abjures his Recantation, and is burnt - - 285 
Cardinal Pole succeeds to the See of Canterbury ; his Moderation 
over-ruled by the Violence of Mary - t - 283 
1558. Ordinance prohibiting Prayer or Sympathy for the Martyrs - 284 
(Nov. 17.) Death of Mary ; also of Pole - - 284 
Accession of Elizabeth Triurnph of the Protestant Church - 284 



it ^ 



XX ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLB. 



CHAP. XIX. 

R7FORMAT10N IN FRANCE. — - PERSECUTIONS.. LEADERS OF THE 

PROTESTANTS. DEATH OP HENRT II. — CONSPIRACT OF 

AMBOISE. — CONSEQUENCES OP IT.^ ST. BARTHOLOMEW. — ' 
SUBSEQUENT FATE OF PROTESTANTISX IN FRANCE. 



Death and Character of Francis I. of France - - 285 

Persecution of the Protestants ; Ettbrti of Cardinal Lonaiae to 

establish the Inquisition .... £85 

Firm Resistance to ii of the Parliament and the Magistrates - 88S 
1555. Increasing Popularity of the Refonned Doctrines ; Congr^stioQ 

established in Paris .... £85 

Attempt made for their Destruction - - - 286 

Disappointment of the Cardinal of Lorraine at its Fruttiation ; 

he establishes the Inquisition ... £87 

He, with the Cardinals de Bourbon and De Ch&titton, appointed 

Grand Inquisitors . - . . £8B 

They suspect some influential Members of the Parlianient of 

Heresy - - - - - -288 

59.. (June 15.) King Henry holds a Bed of Justice ; firm and jhtu- 

dent Conduct of Harlai, Scguier, and De Thou ; manly Ad- 
dresses of other Councillors . _ _ £88 
(July 29.) Sanguinary Resolve of the King ; thwarted by hit 

Death fVom an Encounter in a Tournay . - 289 

Accession of Francis IL ; his mental Incapadty, but bigoted 

and persecuting Spirit . - - - $go 

Rapid Spread of Protestantism ; it is embraced by Collgni and 

Dandelon ; temporary Imprisonment of the latter - 290 

The King of Navarre and the Prince of Cond^ become Leaders 

ofthe Reformed Faith - - - -291 

1559. Martyrdom of Anne Dubourg - - . £91 

faiereased Activity and Cruelty of Cardinal Lorraine . 291 

The Protestants prepare for Defence ; Conspiracy of Amboise ; 

Jean de Bari . - - - - 292 

The Conspirators assemble at Nantes ; they plan the Attack of 

Blois, the Residence of the King; the Plot betrayed by 

Avenelle - - - - - 292 

Sense and Feeling of Francis on the Occasion . . 292 

Counsel of the Duke de Guise to entrap the Protestant Leaders . 293 
The Proceedings of Jean de Bari fhistrated by Treachery . 298 

Battle of the Conspirators with the Royal Troops ; total Defeat 

of the former ; Jean de Bari slain in the Field . .294 

CastelnaUjWith other Prisoners, are put to Death ; indiscriminate 

Slaughter of all concerned . - . • 294 

The Prince of Condg and other Leaders escape with Difficulty ; 

Prospect of a Civil War - - - - 294 



AKALTTIGAIf AND CBONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXI 

A. D. Page 

Michael de THftpital created Chancellor ; his Justice and Toler. 

ation ; Edict of Romorantin .... 295 

Auembly called of the States General ; the Piince of Cond^ 

commences HostiliUes ...... 295 

The King of Navarre and the Prince made Prisoners ; Skill and 

Energy of the latter S95 

The Prince of Conde condemned to the.Scaffbld; ineflfectual 

Intercession on his Behalf ; - > - - . 296 

Tlie Deed prevented by the sudden Death of the King - > 2S7 
Accession of Charles IX., and Regency of Catherine de' Medi- 

cis; conciliatory Propositions of DeTHdpital - -297 

Conference on Reli;;ion ; Calvin deputes Beza to attend ; De 

THApital insists on Ecclesiastical Reform ... 297 

Address of Beza excites the Violence of the Prelates ; Moder. 

ation of the Cardinal of Lorraine .... 298 

Catherine de* Medids directs a private Conference among the 

least violent ; General Confession drawn up > > • 298 

The Article on the Eucharist purposely indefinite - - 299 

1562. (January.) De THOpital procures* an Edict of Protection to 

the Protestants - -299 

Their intemperate and indiscreet Ebullitions of Feelings ; State 

of Parties. . - 300 

Montluc commissioned to ** correct the Freedom " of the Pro- 
testants ; his sanguinary Cruelties '. . . . 3OI 
Policy of Catherine ; Outrage of the Duke of Guise against the 

Protestants - ...... 501 

Civil War ; Siege of Rouen ; the King of Navarre slain ; Cruel- 
ties of the Pariiament ; Successses of the Protestants . . 302 
Assassination of the Duke of Guise ; the Murderer impeaches 

the Protestant Chief* 303 

1567. Resumption of Hostilities ; Catherine obtains the Aid of 10,000 

Spaniards ; Battle of St Denis (November 10.) ; the Protest- 
ants, defeated, retreat into Champagne ... 303 

1568. Peace restored, but soon interrupted .... 303 

1569. (March 16.) Battle of Jarnac, and Death of the Prince of Cond^ ; 

Colegnini becomes sole Leader of the Hugonots '. • 303 

1570. (August.) Conditions of Peace signed - , - 304 
Termination! of the Regency ; atrocious Character of Charles 

IX. ; his Dissimulation towards Coligni - - - 304 

Mysterious Murder of the Queen of Navarre ; diabolical Plot of 
the King and his Coadjutors - - . - 305 

1572. (Aug. 18.) Marriage ofthe King ofNavarrewithMargaretdeValois 305 
Attempt on the Life of Coligni ; artful Villany of Charles - 305 
General Massacre of the Hugonots on the Feast of St. Bar- 
tholomew - . ; . . 3f:6 
Remorse and Vacillation of the King ... 3OS 
Cessation of the Slaughter in Paris - - - 308 
The Massacre in the Provinces ; Attempt of Charles to fix the 
Guilt on the Duke of Guise ; Boldness and Energy ot VYv^ 
Quc&a-Mothcr - . . - ^R(9 



XXll ANALYTICAL AND H RON O LOGICAL TABLK. 

A.D. Page 

Proceeding* in the Fauxbourg Saint Oennain on the Night 

of the Mauacre ..... Si9 

Kcfbual of many CathoIicM to comply with the languinary Man- 
date; noble Conduct of the Governor of Bayonne and the 
Bishop of lisietxs - - - - -311 

Similar Instance ot'Tigogucs, the Governor of Dieppe - - 319 
Between 40,000 and 30JIH10 estimated to have been slaughtered - 3iS 
Sully'st Recital of his narrow Escape' - - - 31S 

Remarkable Escape of Merlin - - - - 314 

Charles endures Agonies of Remorse; Dangers which betet 

his Kingdom . - - - - - 315 

The King of Spain the only Catholic Prince that heartily ap- 
proved of his Crime - - - - 316 
Doubts and Misgivings of the Pope, although he orders Re- 
joicings at Rome - - . - - 316 
The Death of Charles saves his Country Arom impending' Evils 317 
Accession of Henry, Duke of Anjou ; his FanaUcism - - 317 
He endeavours to avert Civil Wars by Concessions - - 317 
Formation of the Catholic League ; Henry supersedes the Duke 

of Guise as iU Head - - - - 318 

Reign of Henry IIL infamous by the total Corruption of Man- 
ners - .... 318 
Prevalence of Irreligion, sensual Excesses, and Assassination . 319 
Murder of the .Duke of Guise and his Brother by the King's 
Order - - - - - .319 
1589. (August!.) Henry stabbed, in Retaliation, by Jacques Clement; 

Rejoicings of the People - . - - 319 

The Regicide] canonised by the Pope, and ordered magnificent 
Aineral Rites ; indignant Exclamation of a French Cardinal 
to the Pontiff - - - - 320 

Accession of Henry Quatre; he abjures the Reformed Faith, 

but protects the Protestants; Edict of Nantes . . SSO 

Infamy of Louis XIV. in revoking this Edict - - 321 

CHAP. XX. 

PROORKSS or THE REFORMATIOK IN THE LOW COUNTRIES. — 

CHURCH OF GENEVA. CALVIN. STATE OP AFFAIRS IN 

GERMANY. PUBLICATION OF THE INTERIM. COUNCIL OF 

TRENT. CONCLUSION. 

State of Religion in the Low^Countries under Charles V. .322 
Accession of Philip IL ; his Bigotry and persecuting Spirit . . 323 
1562. Popular Discontent ; Severity of the Government • . 323 

ThelReformers put forth a Confession of Faith . - .323 

Determined Stand against the Inquisition ; the Prince of Orange 

Head of the Confederacy - - . • .324 

Mitigation of the Punishment againsttHeresy ... 324 
The Anabaptists excluded from Protection ; Dangers encoun- 

tered by tho Reformers - - - *- - 395 



AXALTTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXiii 

A.H . Page 

The Prince of Orange appointed to the Command of Antwerp . 325 
136i (August) Reckless Proceedings of the lower Class of Reformers 326 
iSSI. The Duke of Alva commissioned by Philip to subdue the Spirit 

of the Netherlands - . . - - .327 

The Duke supersed es the Duchess of Parma as Governor - 327 
Counts Egmont and Horn put to Death ; '* Council of Tumults," 
or ** Council of Blood," established . . - - 328 

1568. Manifesto of the Spanish Inquisition j Perpetration of the most 

bloody Cruelties . . - - - - 328 

Buoyancy of the public Spirit ; eventual Triumph of the Prince 
of Orange ... .... 328 

1573. The I^rotestant acknowledged as the National Religion - . 329 

Summary of Alva's Atrocities . - . . 329 

153& Birth and Education of Calvin ; his Institutes of Christianity . 329 
At the earnest Persuasion of William Farel, he remains at 

Geneva ; and is chosen I*reachcr and Professor of Divinity . 330 
Calvin expelled by the Magistrates, for withholding the Sacra- 
ment ..-..-. 330 
He establishes a Congregation at Strasburg ... 331 
1541. Being greatly solicited, he returns to C^neva . .331 

Strictness of his Ecclesiastical Discipline; Institution of a Con- 
sistory ; he prepares a Liturgy ; and founds a learned Academy 331 
Wisdom and Prudence of Calvin's Measures ; his Death . 331 

Severity of Calvin toward Servetus - . - 332 

Proceedings of Charles V. on the Removal of the Council of 

Trent to Bologna ; the Interim Confession of Faith - .332 
Although the Interim is condemned by the Pope, it was decreed 
Law by the Diet of Augsburg ; the Document unsatisfactory to 
both Parties . - - - ^ - - 333 

Death of Paul III. ; Cardinal del Monte his Successor as 
Julius III. - - - - - - 333 

The Pope re-assembles the Council at Trent ; Concession of the 
Emperor - - - - - - 334 

1551. (May 1.) The Eleventh to the Fifteenth Session of the Council, 
with fruitless Results j War breaking put in Germany, the 
Council a4Joum their Sittings .... 334 

Cessation of Hostilities, and Conference at Passau between the 
Protestant Leaders and the Emperor - - - 334 

156t Pius IV. re-assembles the Council ; Defence of the Prelacy, one 

of its main Objects - - - - - 335 

1563. (August 16.) Support afforded to the Church of Rome by the 

Jesuit Lainez ; the Order of Jesuits - - - 335 

(Dec. 4.) Final Meeting of the Council of Trent ; its Decrees 

read and confirmed ; deep Emotions of the Fathers at parting - 336 
The Decrees signed by 254 Members of the Council - - 337 

1561 cJan. 26.) Pius IV. confirms the Decrees, and takes Steps for 

their general Adoption - - - - 337 

France alone objects to their Reception - - - 337 

Mingled Feelings of the Protestants at the Issue of the CouncW - ^iSl 
Concludin*^ Beffections - ... - ^51 



HISTORY 



OF 



THE REFORMATION. 



CHAPTER XII. 



WATE OP AFFAIRS. POLICY OF CHARLES V. ELECTION OF 

FERDINAND. OPPOSITION THERETO. MEETING OF THE 

PKOTESTANTS. LUTHER. EVENTS IN SWITZERLAND. 

DEATH OF ZUIN6LE. 

The proceedings at Augsburg brought the protestants 
and their opponents into direct collision as parties in 
the ^tate. Neither Luther, nor any other leader of the 
reformers, could be justly charged with having promoted 
this political schism. It was the natural result of mea- 
sures undertaken by statesmen who had not yet learnt 
the respect which is due to principle and the love of 
troth. The human mind has an inalienable right to 
the examination of whatever is proposed for its adop- 
tion. On this depends the advancement of our race in 
knowledge ; and to deny it, is to take from mankind the 
chief defence of whatever is most valuable in civilis- 
ation, and to make it impossible that religion should 
ever consecrate reason to its service. 

Charles V. was superior to many sovereigns of his 
age in capacity and princely virtues. But his views 
were bounded bj the desire of aggrandising \\is iaiftVV^ , 
jod establisbJDg bis successors in the posseasian. oi «^ 



r 



2 HISTORY OF THE REFORICATION. 

power which should yield to no growing spirit of free- 
dom and inquiry. Instead^ therefore, of considering' 
the essential difference hetween political disafFection and 
the separation of Christians from a church supposed to 
be corrupt and tyrannous, he was persuaded to adopt 
measures, which might have been wise and wholesome 
in the former case, but which, according to the nature 
of things, could in the latter lead only to incalculable 
mischiefs. 

It was impossible that those who had embraced the 
principles of the reformation should recede from the 
ground conquered for them by an appeal to Scripture 
and common sense. Nothing was wanting to secure 
their firmness and perseverance. They had success to 
encourage them ; knowledge to invigorate and guide 
them ; and they were, for the most part, men of strong 
minds and sound learning. To have given up what 
they now possessed, would have been to sacrifice the 
riches of freedom, of intelligence, and the recognition 
of every principle dear to the hearts of enlightened and 
honest men. 

Politicians have, in every age, estimated the force of 
opinion at too low a price. We speak of opinion ; not 
of the enthusiasm of a few bold and over-heated minds, 
nor of the impetuous and ungovernable determination 
of the multitude. To these the stateman is always ready 
to give heed ; and he either employs them as engines of 
his own power, or at once enters into contention with 
them as the most dangerous of antagonists. Charles, 
like other politicians, could see the effects which might 
be expected to follow from opposition to established 
institutions ; and he allowed himself to be betrayed into 
the error of supposing that similar dangers could only 
be produced by the same cause, and that the same 
methods were to be pursued in depriving protestantism 
of its influence, as would be required in stopping the 
progress of a rebellion. But the force of opinion is 
stronger than the might of armies, or the most perfect 
skill of the statesman. It has t\\e gcwv^ift^V ^\Xx\Wfc of 



fiLECTQR QF SAXONT, 3 

liuinaiiity for its essence ; and, if it foe founded in 
trath^ breathes of a still higher and a divine principle. 
Nothing can be brought against it, but what is inferior 
both in nature and in purpose ; and it is, doubtless, a 
law of the moral universe, that when truth has once 
lifted up her head, and proclaimed ber will, the good 
she has bestowed shall not be forced from the hands 
of those who rejoice in its possession. 

Had Charles been as devoted to the interests of the 
church, independent of its political relations, as was 
Philip II., the measures which he adopted might have 
found an excuse in their eouformity to the usual prac- 
tices of catholic sovereigns. But the whole tenour of 
his career evinced how free he was from purely eccle- 
siastical influence. The error, therefore, which he 
committed, in losing sight of the proper claims of pro- 
testantism, and in supposing that they might be ef- 
fectually resisted, was as little to his credit as a states- 
man, as it was essentially abhorrent from liberality and 
justice. 

The elector of Saxony bad retired to his states with a. b. 
the feelings of a man who knew that a great trial of ^30. 
fortitude was at hand, and that he had only sufficient 
time to prepare himself for the troubles which would 
soon burst like a flood upon his house.* On the 28th 
of November, he received letters from the emperor, 
desiring bis attendance at Cologne on the 29th of the 
following month; and these letters were accompanied 
by others from the archbishop of Mentz, who an- 
nounced that the object of the meeting was the election 
of a king of the Romans. The character of Ferdinand, 
and the part he had taken in the late proceedings, were 
not such as to render it prudent for the protestants to 



• Luther wrote thus to one of his friends at this time : — "It is certain 
that the emperor is resolved to restore all things as they were, and to establish 
the domination of the pope more firmly than ever; which hardness will 
excite, I fear, great tumults in the empire, to the destruction of the pontifili 
and the clergy. For the more powerful cities, as Nureml)erg, Uim, Augs. 
burp, Argentina, Francfort, with twelve others, openly refuse and ov^ose 
the decree of the emperor, and adhere boldly to our princes.'* — BTid<« 
tir.p.goa 

B 2 



I 



4 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATTOR. 

yield any of their legitimate rightB in his favour, John 
Frederic^ therefore^ lost no time in acquainting the princes 
of his party with the course which he intended to adopt. 
The more effectually to secure the execution of these de- 
fensive measures^ he proposed a meeting at Smalcalde^ 
on the 22d of December. His summons was readily 
attended to, and the great body of protestant allies there 
signed a treaty which bound them to the mutual defence 
of their rights and religious liberties, should any vio- 
lence or injustice be attempted against them. These 
resolutions were founded on the assertion that the cit- 
ation issued by the archbishop of Mentz was iUegal, and 
that the creation of a king of the Romans would be an 
infraction of the bull of Charles IV., and would in- 
fringe upon the liberties of the empire. 

On the 24th, the confederates addressed a letter to 
the emperor, in which they acquainted him with the 
apprehensions which had been inspired by the reports re- 
specting the election of his brother Ferdinand. Against 
this measure they protested, as a violation of the ancient 
custom of the empire ; of the oath which Charles him- 
self had taken ; and as subversive of the laws and pri- 
vileges of the Germanic states. " We entreat you," 
they said, '^ by our love both to you and to our country, 
not to pursue a course which can only produce confu- 
sion and distrust. Let the remembrance of the past 
exercise its proper influence in this matter ; and induce 
your majesty to employ your authority to prevent rather 
than favour the election of a new king, and the subjec- 
tion thereby of the members of the empire to two mas- 
ters, instead of one lawfully elected sovereign." 

The apprehensions entertained at the prospect of 
Ferdinand's election were not confined to the protestants. 
No one was more opposed to the design that the duke 
of Bavaria ; and both he and other catholic princes used 
whatever means they could safely employ to prevent the 
success of the emperor's plans. But with so little rea- 
gon has Luther been accused of favouring seditious 
principles^ or any other species o? o^^o«v.^Aniw \ft \^^- 



LUTHEB*S ADyiC£. 



timate government^ that he strongly dissuaded the 
elector of Saxony from resisting the wishes of Charles ; 
and even adduced arguments in favour of Ferdinand's 
soccession to the dignity which he coveted.* If the 
emperor^ he suggested^ should find him determined 
in his opposition to Ferdinand, there was reason to fear 
that he would transfer to George of Saxony the posses- 
sion of the electorate. He added, moreover, that Fer. 
dinand ought not to he opposed on the plea that he was 
not favourable to the cause of the Gospel ; for that his 
election would be the act of the emperor,' to whom they 
were bound to render allegiance : that should he be ap- 
pointed to the dignity in question, it was not the part 
of Christians to tremble ; for that God would as surely 
deprive him of the power to prevent the spread of the 
€rospel, as he had in that respect rendered Charles him- 
self powerless; and that they should, therefore, evince 
the same constancy and firmness of mind as had cha- 
racterised their conduct at Augsburg. 

Luther dreaded the effects of a civil war more than 
the obstinacy of the bigoted, or the violence of perse- 
cutors. The landgrave of Hesse had uttered expressions 
which gave too clear a sign that he was ready to take 
arms on the first occasion offered ; and it appeared clear 
to Luther, that a persevering opposition to Ferdinand's 
election could only end in a sanguinary struggle, which 
must involve the whole of the protestants in distress 
and misery. " Ah ! Lord God," he exclaims at the 
dose of his letter to the elector, " I am a child in the 
things of the world ; I will pray and intreat, therefore, 
that God may be graciously pleased to guide and direct 
you, as he has hitherto done ; and should events take 
place, which I fain would not see, may the Lord still 

* Sleidan, t L 1. vii. p. 308. Seckendorf, L I sec. I p. 3. It is reported 
tktt the elector, when questioned on this subject, observed, — " If a neigh. 
houring power should assail us on account of our faith, I should think it 
my duty to resist the ajcgression by taking up arms ; but should the em. 
peror do so, I would yield, seeing that I could not die better than in the 
cuise of the Gospel** — Sec. Ad. 

B 3 



6 HISTORY OF THE REFORBtATION. 

grant ns his grace^ and bring things to a prospel'om 
end ! " • 

Nor was Melancthon less urgent than Luther in dis- 
suading the elector from joining in the opposition to 
Ferdinand's elevation. He answered the objection 
which had been adduced to the iexistence of two rulers 
at the same time^ by citing examples of such a twofold 
sovereignty from the history of Rome and Germany. 

The consultation at Smalcalde terminated on the last 
day of December ; and the princes and deputies of the 
protestant cities, having entered into a defensive league, 
immediately despatched letters to the emperor, contain- 
ing their remonstrances on the subject of the proposed 
election, and earnest petitions that their rights and 
liberties might not be exposed to the arbitrary proceed- 
ings which seemed authorised by the decrees at Augs- 
burg. He had received, they said, the most illustrious 
proofs of their loyalty and affection ; and had, they 
acknowledged, softened the force of the original resolu- 
tions, as exhibited by the elector of Brandeburg : limit 
then, they added, the power of the fiscal chamber, that 
we may feel secure from violence till the calling of a 
, general council : let this be granted, and we will con- 
tribute, as heretofore, not only to the war against the 
Turks, but to every other cause which may concern the 
welfare of the state. 

Charles opened the proceedings at Cologne by an 
address to the states, in which he explained the motives 

* Basnagc remarks on the league entered into by the protestant leaders, 
that the princes so engaged had the rank of prince before that of electors; 
and that, possessing sovereign authority, they had a right to raise annies, 
to make war, and to form leagues independently of the emperor, and even 
against him; as they did, in fact, with Gustavus Adolphus and the Un^ 
of France, without being accused of the crime of rebellion. They treated 
with the emperor as sovereigns, as appears by the treaty of peace between 
Ferdinand II. and the elector of Saxony ; and when they have made war 
with him, they have asked neither favour nor pardon. They have even 
elected an emperor and a king of the Romans in spite of him who sat on 
the throne It is true that the electors are vassals of the empire, and 
that they have to pay a small contribution fbr their states ; but nothing U 
more common than to see vassals, when they have the rank of sovereigns, 
make war against their lord. Edward III, after having paid homage to 
Philip of Valois, waged continual war with him; and Francis T., vassal of 
the emperor for the duchy of Milan, made war with bim, without being 
treated as a rebel — T. ii. liv. xxy. c vU i^ W^. 



£lJBOnON OF FERDINAND. 7 

which led him to desire the election of his hrother Fer- 
dinand as king Of the Romans. The dominions over* 
which he had heen placed^ he said^ extended through 
many landa; and the attention which they claimed^ 
defied the attempts of a single sovereign^ however zeal- 
ous he might be in the discharge of his duty. An 
additional cause of anxiety^ he reminded tbem^ existed 
at that time. Men's minds were unsettled on the gravest 
matters of religion and politics ; and Germany^ especially, 
was suffering from the disorders thence produced. As 
he could not reside in the country himself, it seemed 
necessary that effectual measures should be taken for its 
more orderly government ; and he had accordingly 
established a senate in the empire. But the authority 
of this body had been despised ; and he found himself, 
therefore, obliged to seek the appointment of a king of 
the Romans, who should possess a power second only 
to his own, and who, by his ability and virtue, might 
merit the confidence of the empire. He knew no one, 
he said, better fitted for this position than his brother 
Ferdinand, whose dominions, as king of Bohemia and 
Hungary, were a wall of defence to Germany, and in 
whom he himself could repose with comfort for the 
execution of whatever duties might devolve on the 
sovereign. 

Notwithstanding the arguments thus advaned by the 
emperor, it was not till after a deliberation of some 
days, that the princes present at the assembly could be 
persuaded to give their assent to his proposal. This 
resistance they coloured by a complimentary expression 
of their desire that the emperor would himself take up 
his abode among them. But Charles had formed 
plans of government which admitted not of his yield- 
ing, even in appearance, to this request; and the 
electors found themselves obliged, either by fear, com- 
placency, or a sense of duty, to proceed^ to the nomin- 
ation of Ferdinand as king of the Romans. 

The policy of this measure was as clearly stated by 
the emperor himself, as it could be by an^ YJiiXftt ovi 

B 4 



8 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

the events of this period. Germany had exhibited 
• signs of dissatisfaction with the corrupt systems under 
which it laboured. It was expedient for the reigning 
sovereign to support those systems; and as he could 
not be present himself, is was further necessary thi^ 
his authority should be delegated to some one whose 
interest in defending the axioms of ancient rule should 
be as great as his own. 
A. D. It had been clearly foreseen by the protestants as- 
1531. sembled at Smalcalde, that their opposition to Ferdi- 
nand could afford them no further advantage than that 
which might be looked for^ from an exhibition of their 
principles, and the adoption of means for their defence. 
On the 29th of February *, they again met at Smalcalde ; 
and^ as they now had to consider the probable effects of 
Ferdinand*s triumph, each came prepared for the dis- 
cussion as a matter of immediate and personal concern. 
It is evident^ from the nature of the subjects debated 
at this meeting, that danger was expected^ and that it 
would require the employment of both men and money 
to put the protestant states in security. 

But the league of Smalcalde was regarded with alarm 
by some of those who could not be suspected of 
indifference or cowardice. The king of Denmark had 
always evinced the most conscientious regard for the 
interests of religion ; and had adopted the principles of 
the reformation at a period when it was far less evident^ 
than at present^ that they would obtain the support of 
a party suflSciently powerful to resist the overwhelming 
influence of Rome. But he saw the expediency of 
pausing before rendering himself responsible for the 
proceedings of a body which might bring into the 
field so mighty an enemy as the emperor, supported by 
the influence of the church, and the greatest princes of 
Europe. There were, he stated, many prelates in his 
dominions, whose opinions it would be dangerous for 
him to despise. They were connected with a portion of 
the nobility ; had vast wealth at their command, and 
♦ Sleidan says it was on March 29.— Iav. Vuv ip. Sl^, 



LEJIOVB OF 8HALGALDE. 9 

nnmeroiis dependents ready to undertake any task 
which they might propose. It was only, however, 
as king of Denmark, that he was ohliged to adopt 
these prudential considerations. As a prince of the 
empire, he professed himself willing to take part with 
the confederates, and support, to the utmost of his 
power, the great cause in which they were engaged. 

Motives of a similar kind to those which influenced 
the king of Denmark, were alleged hy other princes, 
and some of the reformed cities. It was scarcely a 
matter of conscience whether they should join the 
league or not. If they were willing to meet the 
threatened danger, and patiently endure the oppression 
with which they might be assailed, they would exhibit 
thereby an example of resignation, to which no one 
could object as an inferior proof of Christian fidelity. 
They might, therefore, properly claim the liberty of 
acting according to the circumstances in which they 
were placed, without being justly amenable to any 
charge of dishonesty or want of zeal ; endurance being 
at least as true a sign of holiness, as resistance or con- 
tention.* 

The assembly had not separated, when letters arrived 
from the emperor, calling upon the princes for assistance 
against the Turks, whose progress was as rapid as it 
was successful. To these letters an answer was returned, 
expressing sentiments similar to those already made 
known at Augsburg. They were willing, it was said, 
to hear whatever burdens might be imposed upon them 
by the necessity of the state ; but desired the emperor 
to reconsider the nature of the measures which it was 



* Luther's state at this time is strikingly illustrated by a passage in one 
of his letters to Justus Jonas : — " De me si quid triste audieris, non facile 
credas. Nam hac nocte quod non memini factum antea a me dormivi in 
latere dextro sex horas, cum soleam dormire in sinistro semper : ita fessus 
tram. Nam precedente nocte usque ad mulram diem portavi lapides et ligna 
in inferno, non in ^gypto. Erat fomax il]a non ferrea ^gypti, sed talis, 

3 nam non licit dicere, ut esse funus mihi viderer. Sed scribo hsc, ut vi. 
easvenim esse, Christum esse regem virtutis in infirmitate, qui calida 
cum frigidis, dura cum molibus, mortem cum vita, peccatum cum justitia, 
denique omnia contraria cum contrariis, regere, tempeTaTe, eV coTu^oTi^t^ 
potest."— iSh^, A M p. 229. 



10 HlSTORir OF THE BEFORMATION. 

contemplated to enforce against them. The elector of 
Brandeburg, they continued, had spoken at Augsbnrg 
with such unmeasured violence^ that his majesty had 
seen the necessity of modifying his statements: but 
though they had from time to time appealed to him 
against the undue power of the fiscal chamber^ he had 
not deigned to accord an answer to their petitions ; and 
they could only judge of his sentiments by the observ- 
ation made to their deputies by the elector palatine^ who 
declared that their addresses were useless^ for that the 
emperor would take his own time to consider every part 
of the subject. They did not doubt, they said, that 
attention would, at length, be paid to their remon- 
strances ; but the situation in which they were now 
placed, was one which demanded the most cautious pro- 
cedure ; and it ought scarcely to be expected that they 
should exhaust their states of money and arms for the 
war against the Turks, when they were threatened in 
their own houses with violence and oppression. Afford 
us, then, protection against the further proceedings of 
the fiscal chamber, and we will render the required 
assistance.* 

Another meeting of the members of the league took 
place at Frankfort in the month of June. Letters in 
the interval had been received from the kings of France 
and England, to whom the confederates had applied for 
countenance and support. These answers were couched 
in the most cautious terms : expressed affection and re- 
spect, distrust and reproof ; so that it would have been 
impossible for the acutest politician to say. whether 
they might be looked upon as friends, or were to be 
dreaded as enemies. 

It was a circumstance highly favourable to the steady 
progress of the reformation, that the protestant princes 
were joined in their efforts by large and wealthy cities. 
Popular enthusiasm excites to dangerous experiments ; 
but when it willingly yields itself to the conduct of 
those most interested in the safety of the state, it only 

• SeckendoTf, lib. Ui. sec. i. S\e\dau,t. \.\\\i.Vvi:\.^.3av. 



VEETlirO AT FBAlfKFORT. 11 

serves to accelerate the progress of events^ and bring 
about beneficial changes which might have been looked 
for in vain in the ordinary course of policy. The de- 
puties from the free cities, assembled at Frankfort^ 
opened the consultations by expressing their opinion 
that it would be unwise to encounter the danger of 
exciting a civil war by opposing the election of Ferdi- 
nand^ which, in reality, had conferred upon him little 
more than an empty tide. They observed further, that 
so long as the emperor lived, or remained within the 
bounds of the empire, he would continue to exercise 
supreme authority ; and that even when Ferdinand was 
left to himself, he would still have to act according to 
the known wishes and principles of his superior : that 
hitherto they had done nothing which could be inter- 
preted as a proceeding hostile to the state — their views 
and wishes having been confined to claims for religious 
liberty ; whereas, should they engage in opposing the 
elevation of Ferdinand, reasons might be immediately 
found for charging them with the guilt of sedition.* 

These arguments, to all appearance so reasonable 
and prudent, did not prevail with the princes. John 
Frederic professed his readiness to follow the example 
of his ancestors, in so far as due attention was paid to 
justice and the established laws of the empire : but 
both he and his allies declared that they would not 
accord to Ferdinand the title or dignity of king of the 
Romans ; to neither of which he could pretend without 
violating their rights and privileges. 

The assembly had not concluded its deliberations, 
when an intimation was given that the archbishop of 
Mentz and Louis, prince palatine, were willing to act 
as mediators between the emperor and the protestant 
party. This offer was accepted, after some consider- 
ation, and on the specially named condition, that the 
fiscal chamber should refrain from any oppressive at- 
tempt till the time of the conference. 

* SeckendorC Sleidan. 



12 UISTOBY OF THE REFORMATION. 

Towards the end of the month of August^ the elector 
of Saxony was visited by the counts of Nassau and 
Niienar. In the course of their interview they ad- 
vanced many arguments in favour of a compromise 
between the two parties ; and the manner in which 
they expressed their suspicion that the elector was in- 
clined to unite with the sacramentarians^ afforded him 
an opportunity of declaring in the strongest terms his 
rooted dislike to that body of his fellow reformers. 
The very circumstance that this declaration produced 
the most lively satisfaction on the part of his catholic 
advisers ought, at least, to have warned him that he was 
thereby giving an advantage to the enemies of protest- 
antism, and weakening the force of the principles which 
they most dreaded to see established. 

As a diet was to meet at Spire on the 13th of Sep- 
tember, the counts urged the elector to be present at 
the assembly, or to send the prince as his represent- 
ative. To this he replied with candour and firmness^ 
that the events which had taken place at the former 
diets were little calculated to overcome the reason 
which age enabled him to offer as an excuse for his 
absence ; that at least a safe-conduct would have been 
necessary, had either he or his son intended to be pre- 
sent ; and that, still further, no circumstance whatever 
could induce him to undergo the privation of hearing 
the Gospel preached in its full and simple purity, or to 
sin against his conscience by observing any distinction 
between different kinds of meat. To this he added^ 
that if the subject of religion was to be brought before 
the diet, he should deem it necessary to take Luther 
and other theologians with him, and that safe-conducts 
would be required as well for them as for himself. In 
conclusion, he reminded the mediating noblemen, that 
the emperor had refused to grant him the formal in- 
vestiture of his states ; and that it was evident, as well 
from this as other circumstances, that his majesty en- 
tertained suspicions against him, for which there was no 
proper foundation. '* But if," said he, '^ it should please 



MEETING AT 8M ALCALDE. 13 

the emperor to allow me the privileges which I require^ 
I will not fail to he present at the diet/' 

The general meeting of the protestant deputies, and 
those of the prince palatine^ and the archbishop of 
Mentz, took place a few days after at Smalcalde. To 
the surprise of the former^ it was proposed that the 
debates should be renewed from the point where they had 
ceased at Augsburg. The deputies immediately replied, 
that they had been desired to communicate to those who 
sent them an account of what might be demanded, 
and that they should act according to the instructions 
which they expected to receive. It was observed on 
this, that it had been supposed that no further conditions 
would be required for the conference than those which 
had been already granted, and that the emperor would 
have just cause to complain if the protestants were not 
prepared to offer any other concessions than those made 
at the last diet.* It was evident, from the tenor of the 
observations which fell from the envoys of the arch- 
bishop and the prince, that hopes had been entertained, 
that the protestants might be led into debate when they 
were unprepared for argument, and were represented not 
by learned theologians, but by men acquainted only with 
the conduct of affairs politically considered. The artifice 
was frustrated by the wise precaution of the deputies, 
and as neither party seemed willing to leave the ground 
on which it had taken its stand, the meeting was ad. 
joumed^ with the intention of its being re-assembled at 
Spire. 

The elector of Saxony and Philip of Hesse allowed 
a few weeks to elapse, and then addressed letters to the 
archbishop and the prince on the subject of the meeting. 
They insisted strongly on the uselessness of attempting 
to carry on a debate respecting points of doctrine, without 
the assistance of theologians ; and, repeating their former 
declarations^ begged them to be assured of their resolu- 
tion to persevere in the profession of those t ruths which. 

• SJeidan. 



14 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

they believed to be founded on Holy Wnt, The em* 
peror^ they added^ had promised to summon a general 
council. When that assembled, they would enter more 
fully into the explication of their opinions ; and nothing 
should be wanting to prove how willing they were to 
act with charity and moderation. And if, in the mean- 
time^ his majesty would appoint a day for being present 
at Spire, they would not fail to attend him there^ or to 
send deputies with full powers to declare their opiuioDs 
and intentions, provided a safe-conduct, and liberty to 
preach and express tliemselves according to their con- 
sciences, were granted to them and Luther, whom they 
wished to take part in the assembly. 

In the midst of these proceedings, the father of the 
reformation himself was steadily watching its progress, 
and supplying, from time to time, those supports to the 
developement of his grand idea which occasion seemed to 
require. At the close of the preceding year, he had 
published a book, entitled '^ Martin Luther's Admo- 
nition to his beloved Germans." * In this work he 
speaks in a tone of sorrow and complaint of the obstinacy 
with which the enemies of the reformation continued to 
prosecute their intolerant plans ; and of the indifference 
which they showed to every offer of concession, to the 
conscientious scruples, and prayers of the protestants. 
It was to be feared, he said, that the result of all this 
would be tumults and seditions, but that the Lutherans 
would be free from the charge of exciting these dis- 
turbances ; for it was their known principle to preach 
and to exercise patience and submission, even unto 
death, wherefore he trusted, that the Almighty would 
preserve them, as he had done in the late troubles. 
'^ But should I die," says he, " the pope will then find 
who Luther was ; and that he, who living was a pest to 
him, will be death to him when dead. Many are the 
monks and bishops," he continues, ^' who will perish, and 
certainly for eternity ; while I and the pious go to take up 
our abode in heaven, trusting to a conscience void of of- 

• SamtUche SchrUlcn, t. XNY. ^A'Ji^.'. 



LUTHER S ADMONITION. 15 

&3kcey and wholly untainted with the sin of heresy. The 
fflost yiolent of our adversaries are obliged to acknowledge 
that no article of the protestant confession opposes Scrip- 
tiffe^ or the rule of faith ; but certain ceremonies only, and 
the decrees of the popes^ who have imbrued their hands 
m the blood of many innocent confessors. If war be 
attempted in this conjunctw^ of a£fairs^ God will raise 
ap some Maccabee^ and it will have no better success 
than was the case with that which the Germans waged 
against the Bohemians." In alluding to Eckius and 
Fabius^ he says that they were like bats^ loving only oh- 
ficurity and darkness ; and that^ while the Confession was 
received with joy and applause, men heard their confut. 
ation of it with shame and sadness. Of the former 
of these champions of the Roman churchy he speaks with 
all his wonted severity and bitterness. '^ That dishonest 
sycophant and sophist Eckius," says he, '' feared not to 
say, in the hearing of our party, that if the emperor, 
acting according to the resolutions formed at Bologna, 
had attacked the Lutherans by arms, immediately on 
coming into Germany, and had put them to death wher- 
ever he chanced to find them, he would have done well; 
but that all his good counsels were destroyed when he 
permitted the elector of Saxony to plead by his chan- 
cellor in favour of conciliation." Of the emperor, on the 
contrary, he speaks in terms of respect and loyalty, and 
fepeats his saying, that if the priests had done their 
duty, there would have been no need of Luther. It was 
Ferdinand, he says, who prevented his giving that at- 
tention to the '^Apology for the Confession," which it 
merited ; for his own disposition to mild proceedings 
was evinced in the repi'oof with which he repressed the 
violence of the elector of Brandeburg. He then states 
the reasons which might be employed to dissuade the 
emperor from war, and arranges them under three heads : 
the first referring to the intimate connection between 
the Gospel and the protestant confession ; the second, 
to the consequences which would result from a war car- 
ried on IB favour of the Koman party, andyjlaic^vwoxiXi^ 



l6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

be nothing less than the re-establishment of the wc 
abuses of pontifical authority ; the third, to the pui 
of the doctrines taught by the protestants, when co 
pared with the same doctrines corrupted by the igi 
ranee and superstition in which they had been invoh 
by the priests. In this section he speaks of the d 
trine of justification by f^th, which, he says, was t 
object of all the persecution raging against them, 1 
which the gates of hell would never be able to or 
come. 

On the publication of the edict of Augsburg, Lutl 
sent forth a paper, in which he endeavours to pre 
that the principles on which that edict was found 
were as contrary to right views of the church, as tl 
were to Christian freedom.* To the so frequently 
peated argument that the church could not err, he 
plies, that the church remained holy, although it mi| 
sometimes fall into error, as it is evident it does ; si; 
'^forgive us our sins," is its universal prayer. 1 
denial of the cup to the laity, was not, he says, 
act of the church, but that of the corrupt and ambiti 
clergy, and that only of the Roman church. W 
respect to the order for the restriction of private masi 
he shows how contrary was their use to the simplii 
of the Gospel ; and adds, '* We have the words 
Christ : on these we rest, by these we live, and 
these, by divine grace, we will die. These are 
foundation of the true mass, not of that which 
bought and sold. These require not that we sho 
offer up a sacrifice to God, that we should honour 
saints by a sacrament, or attempt to redeem s( 
from purgatory, or pay for each other by the m 
The only proper efiicacy and fruit of the sacram 
are described in those words of Christ, ' To you il 
given for the remission of sins.* To this, the clamo 
of the pope concerning the sacrifice of the mass 
add nothing, nor can the contrary observation of 
whole church diminish its authority. The insiitui 

« Samtliche SchritleTx, I, -^nv. \> ^\^ 



LUTHER*8 ADMONITION. 17 

f Christ remains.*' Alluding again to the doctrine of 
istification by faith, he repays with the boldest cen- 
are what was said in the Confutation respecting the 
ejection of good works from the religion of pro- 
eatants, and adds, '^ This article shall neither emperor, 
WIT Roman, nor Turk, nor Tartar, overturn. Nor 
hall the pope, with all the cardinals, bishops, priests. 
Honks, and nuns, overturn it : nor kings, princes, 
lynasties ; nor all the world, with all the devils ; but 
they shall receive infernal fire, the reward of their con- 
tradiction. So do 1, doctor Luther, declare, the Holy 
Spirit inspiring me ; and this is the true Gospel.*' 

On the subject of ecclesiastical dignitaries, he says, 
" Our associates declared at Augsburg, and I have re- 
peated the same sentiment, that we are ready to recog- 
iiise their authority, if they will leave the Gospel free, 
and reform abuses. For we know that those abuses 
are enormous, and that, notwithstanding their existence, 
the Gospel must be preached, and we must live and 
die for the gospel. Let this be allowed, and it would 
be easy to treat concerning prebends and the constituting 
of pastors, and to find a remedy for all existing evils. 
But they have not only refused these things, but seek to 
oppress the Gospel by the force of their authority, and 
to slay, or drive into exile, those pious Christians who 
espouse its cause." 

In reply to the direction that the Gospel was to be 
taught according to the interpretation of the doctors, 
acknowledged by the universal church, he says, " And 
who are the doctors received by the church at large ? 
Are they Eckius, Faber, Cochlaeus ? Or Augustine, 
Ambrose, jTerome, Gregory, Hillary ?" 

An anonymous writer of Dresden attacked him, at 
this time, on the subject of his supposed disloyalty to 
the emperor : but he replies, that no one had ever more 
strongly inculcated the duty of obedience to magistrates 
than he had done. He confesses, that he believed that 
no one could be obliged to obey the emperor, oc axv^ 
other power, if be commanded him to take u^ axm^ 

VOL, IT, o 



18 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

against true religion and justice ; and he acknow- 
ledges that he had not repented of this opinion, whi<^ 
was supported by the example of St. Maurice^ who, : 
with 10,000 of his fellow soldiers, met death rather : 
than obey the emperor, who desired them to do what 
they accounted unholy.* To the assertion of the writer, 
that neither the emperor nor the princes had medi- 
tated a war against the protestants, Luther replies, 
that he did, indeed, hope the best things from the em- 
peror, who was far more benignant and tolerant than 
those who prompted him to acts of cruelty, and were 
now raging because he seemed unwilling to accede to - 
their sanguinary plans. With regard to the suspicion 
that the Lutherans were themselves preparing for - 
war, he says that he was himself ignorant of the 
matter ; and acknowledges, — somewhat contradicting 
thereby his early sentiments on the subject, — that even , 
if they did take up arms, they could not properly be 
accused of sedition and rebellion, for that it was not 
unlawful to defend themselves against unjust aggres. 
sions. The intentions of the pope, however, were 
proved, he adds, by what had taken place at Bologna 
between him and the emperor, and by the instances of 
cruelty which had been perpetrated against private in- 
dividuals, which, were they to be attempted in the case 
of the princes, must needs provoke a war, for neither 
the elector of Saxony, nor the landgrave of Hesse, 
would fear the sword of such enemies. He then alludes 
to the expressions which had fallen from th^ lips of 
the duke George, of Eckius, of the elector of Brande- 
burg, and others, and more especially to the general 
desire which had been manifested on the part of the 
catholics, ' for the arrival of Charles. '' How often,' 
says he, " did they exclaim. The Saviour comes ! the 

* He is M> clear on this point in his treatise on Christian Liberty, that it 
is surprising how even an enemy could have accused him of upholding se. 
ditious principles. He states two propositions, both of which the icriptunl 
reader will allow are to be found in ttie Bible. The first is, that the Chrii* 
tian is master of all things, is fVee, and subject to no man ; but the second 
iB, that the Christian is the servant of, and subject to, all men : that is, be 
sayg, the Christian is free as to b'u sou\, and de^tvds on no one ; but as to 
big body and fail actioni , U subject to a\\ V^e i«ox\\?^ — T>e liberl. CMi^ 
til foi.3. 



AFFAIRS IN SWITZERLAND. 19 

Saviour comes ! And was it not continually proclaimed 
that, before the feast of St. Michael^ the Lutherans 
would be ruined ?*' Faber, he affirms, publicly said, 
that a council was certainly required for the correction 
of abuses in the churchy but that the Lutherans ought 
first to be put down by force^ lest the reformation should 
seem to have been the work of a single miserable monk. * 
Afikirs in Switzerland were as little exempt from the 
evil influence of a hostile power as they were in Ger- 
many. Though less amenable to the authority of the 
pope, and free from the direct interference of the em- 
peror, the protestant cantons saw in the conduct of 
their former allies the most active spirit of Roman zeal, 
intolerance, and subtlety. It was easy to discover that 
Swiss Catholicism, if left to itself, would have been too 
much modified by its conjunction with free civil insti- 
tutions, to allow of its assuming the terrific forms of 
destructive intolerance so common to its nature in 
other countries. But the policy of Rome had freer 
course among a few small states, when once ])ermitted 
to assail them, than it was likely to enjoy where the 
wealth and extent of a country might in some degree 
counterbalance the weight of any foreign infiuence. 
The catholic cantons had, from the beginning of the re- 
formation, evinced such a degree of intolerance towards 
Zurich, and those which followed its example, that an 
observer of events might, at a very early period, have 
prognosticated the rising of a storm ruinous to the 
peace and prosperity of the country. Thus the assem- 
blies formed for the purpose of considering the points 
in dispute only led to an increase of mutual distrust. 
The one party, confident in its numbers and apparent 
strength, assumed to itself the right of domination ; 
and the other, believing in the justice of its cause, 
reasoned and acted in the spirit of a sect which had 
always to expect the sufferings of persecution, and had 
ample reason to regard its opponents as enemies to its 
freedom and the general interests of humanity, 

* Seckendorf, lib. iit sec. 2. p. 8. 

c 2 



\ 



20 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

The increase of the evangelical party did not lesses 
the danger of an open and sanguinary conflict. Whfle 
it gave a higher feeling of confidence to the followers 
of Zuingle^ it took from them the characteristics of t 
body in which faith, humility, and earnest communion 
with the Father of mercies were the chief supports to 
exertion. The opposite party, in the mean time, saw 
the necessity of adopting measures which would enaUe 
it effectually to resist any attempt at retaliating on its 
own meditated oppressions. A state of things like this 
could not continue long without producing deplorable 
disorders; nor can the history of religion present t 
more melancholy example of the effects of zealotry and 
intolerance, than that afforded by this portion of the 
history of Switzerland. The brotherhood formed by 
the union of the cantons was as a soil especially pre- 
pared for the planting of the highest virtues which 
can be cherished by civilisation and rational freedom. 
In many respects the results were such as the most 
patriotic of the people desired ; but it was soon found 
that tares had been plentifully sown among the wheat, 
and that it was more likely they would overran and 
choke the good seed, than that a hand would be stretched 
forth sufficiently bold to root them up. 

Insults of the grossest kind had been passed upon 
the followers of Zuingle when they appeared in any of 
the catholic cantons. In Underwald the aut^iorities 
allowed the people to place the arms of Zurich and its 
associates on a gibbet for public soorn and ridicule: 
and it was well known that a confederacy had been 
formed, with Ferdinand at its head, for making a far 
more serious attack on the honour and liberties of the 
reformers. 

The state of Zurich and Berne, both abounding in 
wealthy and noble-minded citizens, was not such as to 
render it probable that this conduct on the part of their 
enemies would pass unnoticed or unresisted. Having 
published a manifesto, complaining of the treatment they 
had so unjustly received, tViey Tpxod^iVm^^ xS^sai deter. 



AFFAIRS IN SWITZERLAND. 21 

mination to defend themselyes by arms against the 
further insults of the confederate cantons. A civil war 
was thus about to be commenoed in a country which 
owed its only chance of freedom to the union of its 
people. The troops on each side were speedily put 
in motion^ and a battle was hourly expected^ when 
Strasburg interfered and succeeded in effecting a seem- 
ing reconciliation. The principal conditions of the 
treaty were, that war should not be again excited on 
account of religion, and that both parties should for the 
future refrain from injurious expressions and all acts 
of oppression^ whether direct or indirect. 

Two years had passed away since the signing of this 
treaty. The causes in which the dispute originated still 
existed, and had gathered strength from numerous in. 
tenrening events. Berne and Zurich, therefore, again 
made preparations for hostilities ; and early in the year 
the principal passes to the other cantons were occupied 
by their troops. An attempt at accommodation, under- 
ti^en by the king of France and some cantons not 
engaged in die quarrel, wholly failed of success. It 
was proposed by the mediating party that the injuries 
eommitted on both sides should be mutually forgotten ; 
that those who had been exiled on account of religion 
should be recallecU; and that the five cantons, while 
eontiniiing in their ancient profession, should not 
prdiibit to any of their people the reading of the 
Scriptures.* 

It would be difficult to discover in these articles of 
the proposed treaty the reasons which induced its re. 
jection on the part of the five cantons opposed to Berne 
and Zurich. The two latter pubhshed on the 9th of 
Sqitember a statement of their case, and insisted strongly 
that the grievances under which they laboured were 

* But M U Bcfonn. de Suisse. Fleur^ says, that Zuingle put him- 
idf forward in this Aflbir« and, notwithstanding the advice of his 
Maida,deatced4oactu general of the iunnj. This statement is not cor. 
net; Zuingle simply fiollowed the custom of former times ; and, if he had 
vUied, mlgH haveiustified himself by the example of man^ a ^omax\ tite. 



22 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

» > 

amply sufficient to justify them in the course which 
had heen taken. 

The policy of Berne and Zurich consisted in pre- 
venting the supply of provisions to the hostile cantons ; 
and the latter were therehy reduced to the alternative of 
either relaxing in their resolution not to accept the 
terms of the accommodation^ or immediately commenc. 
ing a vigorous attack on the reformed confederates. 
Adopting the measures most adapted to their present 
state of feeling, they prepared for war ; and carried on 
their plans so cautiously, that their troops had reached 
the neighhourhood of Zurich hefore the people of that 
canton were aware of their movement. The few sol- 
diers dispersed along the frontiers formed a force wholly 
insufficient to resist the approach of the enemy; and 
messengers were despatched to the city, calling for im- 
mediate succours. Consternation seized the less cour- 
ageous of the citizens ; while those on whose eneigy 
and hravery the canton depended for its safety, seemed 
roused to desperation hy the alarming situation in which 
it was so unexpectedly placed. Such forces as could he 
armed at the moment were instantly led towards the 
scene of action ; but scarcely had they reached the 
summit of a mountain, overlooking the position occu- 
pied by their companions, when they beheld them fall- 
ing on all sides beneath the swords of the enemy. A 
narrow and precipitous opening among the rocks was 
the only path by which a descent could be made to the 
spot where the battle had commenced. It was at onoe 
perceived that to attempt the passage in sight of the 
enemy would be to expose the whole to destruction : 
but no time remained for taking a safer course. Many 
were the mangled corpses which already strewed die 
earth j and as the few who remained to carry on the 
unequal contest received the repeated attacks of their 
assailants, they seemed to look bitter reproaches on the 
tardiness of their f<^ow citizens. Inflamed at the 
melancholy spectacle,* the soVdVei^ 'wYddk \vad lately 
arrived on the height leaped ixoTxi XXia to^^^ «cA. ^^« 



DEATH OF ZUINGLE. 23 

scended, one by one, as they best could^ to the valley. 
But they only arrived in time to see almost the last of 
their companions die^ covered with wounds ; and^ un. 
able to form themselves into a line^ they speedily shared 
the same fate. 

In the midst of the band which had been thus hastily 
summoned to the fields was Zuingle himself. Ancient 
custom required the minister of religion to attend his 
countrymen to battle ; and Zuingle had too high a sense 
of honour as well as duty to shrink from that which his 
fellow citizens demanded of him at such an hour, what- 
ever might have been his present opinion of the pro- 
priety of the claim. He attended his people on this 
occasion with the enthusiasm of a patriot and the love 
of a father ; and when he saw them bleeding, he ex. 
posed himself in the same manner as they did to the 
slaughtering swords of the enemy^ and fell covered with 
wounds. 

Such was the end of Ulric Zuingle^ a man whose 
name will remain venerable among posterity as long as 
genius and profound and enlightened piety are regarded 
as the chief ornaments of human nature. He com- 
menced the reformation of religion in his country from 
motives the purity of which could hardly be disputed. 
It was in the active discharge of his duty, as a minister 
ci die Gospel^ that he learnt how much had to be done 
to enlighten die minds of men on the subject of Chris- 
tian truth ; and the desire to remove those obstacles 
which he found to this great end in his own narrow 
ipihere of exertion^ was the ground of all his proceed, 
itigs^ — the principle which animated him from the first, 
to the last e^rt which he made for the diffusion of the 
Gospel and the correction of abuses. 



o 4 



24 BISTORV OF THE REFORMATION. 



CHAP. XIII. 

EFFORTS AT CONCILIATIOK RETWXKN THE ZMFEROR AKD THE 

PROTESTANTS. DISPUTES RESPECTINO THE ELECTION OF 

FERDINAND. PROPOSALS MADE BT THE REFORMERS. 

PROSPECTS OF A GENERAL COUNCIL. — REMARKS THERE- 
UPON. — OPINION OF ERASMUS ON THE SUBJECT. GEORGE 

OF SAXONT AND LUTHER. ADVANCE OF PROTESTANTISM. 

A. D. 'pjgjj y^^Y with the Turks demanded an attention on the 
' part of the emperor which could not well he c^ivided 
hetween the field of battle and the council chamber. 
It was a season for action instead of debate ; and the 
peace of Christendom would have been promoted in no 
slight degree^ had Charles deferred his communications 
with the. Roman pontiff for a time, and^ proceeding at 
once to Germany^ had summoned the princes to their 
station in the army before engaging with them in 
dispute on the subject of their faith. Success against 
the common enemy would have given to each party a 
more placable and brotherly disposition, and thus in- 
creased the means of those who earnestly sought the 
true interests of their religion and their country. A 
defeat, on the other hand, must have taught the em- 
peror and his party that the reformers coidd not be 
treated as schismatics at such a period without en- 
dangering the safety of the state, the security of which, 
it would have been now obvious, must depend on the 
firm union of its several members. 

But a different course had been pursued ; and Charles 
had, hi consequence, to contend with a domestic foe of 
his own creating, and. one not.less powerful and deter, 
mined than the one which he had to meet in hostile 
array. His apprehension at the progress of the Turks 
had induced him to defer the meeting of the diet, sum. 
moned for September in tVie ^n&l ^e%i, ^ thj^ beginning 



JkTTEMFTS AT CONCILIATION. 25 

of the present. Early in January he set out on his 
way to Ratishonne, in which city the diet was to hold 
its assemblies ; and in the course of his route he had 
conferences with the archbishop of Mentz and the elec- 
tor palatine, who strongly urged him to allow a renewal 
of the discussion on the grand points of debate between 
the two parties. Charles yielded to their persuasions ; 
and his consent being gained^ they forthwith addressed 
the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse on the 
same subject ; and it was finally agreed that a meeting 
should be held on the 1st of April, at Schweinfurt. 

The distinguished men who had undertaken to pro- 
mote a reconciliation, notwithstanding the previous 
failures of so many similar attempts, came to the con. 
ference authorised to make proposals in the name of 
the emperor for effecting this important purpose. Of 
the conditions oflfered, the principal were, — that the 
protestants should neither publish nor teach any thing 
not contained in the Confession of Augsburg ; that they 
should have no communion with the Zuiglians or the 
anabaptists ; that they should make no attempt, under 
the plea of religion, to draw to their party the subjects 
of other princes ; that they should not allow their 
preachers to teach the doctrines they professed beyond 
the boundaries of their own states; that they should 
neither disturb the established ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
nor attack the rites and ceremonies of the church ; that 
they should furnish succours against the Turks ; sub- 
mit themselves to the decrees of the state ; obey the 
emperor and the king of the Romans ; and renounce 
any confederation which might have been made against 
eitlier the one or the other, or against the orders of a 
different religion. It was added, in conclusion, that if 
the protestants were ready to accept these conditions, a 
hope might be entertained that the emperor and the 
king of the Romans would forget all past offences.* 

There was an appearance of moderation in the pro- 
posals thus made, which might have led a less ex^e- 

• SadM, 1 1 lib. rUL p. 336. Seckendorf, Ub. III. sec ^ 



26 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

rienced order of men than the German reformers to 
accept them as the basis of a permanent peace. But 
to those accustomed to weigh the sentiments and mo- 
tives whereby men of firm principles and ardent piety 
are usually actuated^ it will not seem surprising that 
the offers of the emperor were regarded with somewhat 
of coldness and suspicion. It was contrary to the spirit 
of protestantism to bind itself not to speak of truth 
because it might be disagreeable to the ears of princes ; 
and Christianity itself would appear to have been un. 
lawfully published^ were obedience to some of the re- 
strictions above stated the measure of a just and reason- 
able loyalty. 

But Charles had plainly a great political object to 
carry, in his present attempt to bend the protestants to 
his wishes. Notwithstanding the election of Ferdinand, 
and the acknowledgment of his right by the catholic 
princes, it was felt that the resistance. of the protestants 
must, at least, greatly diminish the lustre of his dignity, 
and prevent the full efficiency of the measures which 
the emperor hoped to carry by the elevation of his 
brother. By attempting, on the other hand, to secure 
a political purpose, while seeming only to seek the 
religious ta*anquillity of the country, he alarmed the 
fears of every class of the people except those who were 
blindly wedded to his interests. Accidental circum- 
stances had combined the question of Ferdinand's elec- 
tion with the disputes between the catholics and pro- 
testants, and had made them respectively his supporters 
and his adversaries ; but there was nothing which ren- 
dered the conduct of Charles in this measure essentially 
less opposed to the rights and freedom of the former 
than it was to those of the latter. In both cases a pri- 
vilege had been injured which formed, in many respects, 
a powerful bulwark to the liberties of the empire against 
the plots and aggressions of ambitious politicians. 

The emperor had opened the diet at Ratisbonne; 
and that assembly was in the midst of its proceedings, 
when the messengers despalc^edi \>^ ^^ Tsv&^^xxod^ 



ATTEMPTS AT CONCILlATIOJr. 27 

princes at Schwdnfurt arrived with an account of the 
determination to which the debates of the conference 
had been brought. To the conditions on which security 
was offered^ the protestants objected^ as involving a 
violation of their liberty, both as members of the state 
and enlightened Christians. In regard to the acknow. 
ledgment of Ferdinand as king of the Romans, they 
observed^ that his elevation had taken place in direct 
opposition to the bull of gold^ which stated that a king 
of the Romans should not be created during the life of 
the emperor, without the consent of the electors and 
six other princes of the empire. It was further de- 
dared, that should it at any time appear necessary to 
adopt such a course^ the archbishop of Mentz was to 
assemble the electors and princes in a place suited for 
safe deliberation^ and that if they concluded in favour 
of the appointment^ the electors^ together with the king 
of Bohemia, were then to proceed to the election : that 
the new king of the Romans should only act in the 
name of the emperor ; nor receive any oath of fidelity 
from the orders of the empire till after the death of 
that sovereign : that, to avoid creating a prescriptive 
rights not more than three kings of the Romans should 
be chosen in succession from the same family: that neither 
the emperor himself nor the king of the Romans should 
be allowed to change these regulations of the bull of 
gold : that when it appeared necessary to the electors 
to create a king of the Romans, they i^hould not be re- 
quired to acquaint the emperor with their determin- 
ation, or to leave it in his power to direct the archbishop 
of Mentz to convoke the assembly of their order ; but 
that, when it seemed good to elect a king of the Ro- 
mans^ the archbishop should call a meeting of the elec- 
tors at Frankfort, and at no other place, except by the 
especial permission of the electors, and for important rea- 
sons: that the archbishop should not be allowed to require 
of the inhabitants of Nuremberg, except with the con- 
sent of his colleagues, the crown and sceptre, ot «.\v^ 
other of the imperitd ornaments : that the Xeiav oi ^x^ 



f 



28 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

months^ appointed to intervene between the summoning 
and assembling of the electors^ should not be shortened ; 
and that if any of the particulars here stated should be 
neglected^ the electors should not be obliged to attend 
the summons to Frankfort^ or, if there, should be 
allowed to depart, and that the whole of the proceedings 
should be declared null and void : that the king of the 
Romans should not be consecrated except in the pre- 
sence of the electors, or their deputies ; and that the 
emperor should set ande whatever had been done in 
opposition to these principles. 

To the particulars here stated, it was added, that if 
the emperor would confirm the bull of Charles IV., ac- 
cording to this, its received sense, the elector of Saxony 
would readily yield, in other respects, to the wishes of 
his majesty ; but that if the latter did not give his 
assent to such an interpretation of the instrument, he 
would willingly consent to its being submitted to the 
decision of competent and legitimate judges, on the 
especial condition, however, that Ferdinand should not 
assume the right of exercising any authority in the 
administration of affairs till their decision was made 
known. Should the emperor consent to neither of these 
propositions, it was next to be requested, that he would 
allow the complaining party to plead their cause before 
him and the assembled orders of the empire, and to 
state the reasons on which they founded their objection 
to the election of his brother. Lastly, they apologised 
for the steps which they found it woidd be necessary to 
take to prfevent their being regarded in foreign countries 
as enemies to loyalty and good government. Their 
communication with other states was only designed, 
they said, to prove that they were guilty of no such 
crimes as those laid to their charge^* 

The mediating princes took upon themselves the 
duty of replying to these demands on the part of the 
elector of Saxony and his associates. They would not, 
they said, dispute a question which concerned, not them 



ATTEMPTS AT CONCILIATION. 29 

alone^ but the emperor^ king Ferdinand^ and every 
prince of the empire : yet ivhilst they professed their 
willingness that the matter should be referred to a com- 
petent tribunal^ if such were the wish of the elector of 
Saxony^ tbey remarked that they feared any communi- 
cation with the emperor on this subject would not only 
be attended with no effect, but would prevent altogether 
the prospect of a reconciliation. This being the case^ 
they earnestly entreated the elector of Saxony and the 
prince, his son^ to consent to measures which might save 
them frotn consequences destructive to the happiness of 
the country. If they acceded to these conciliatory ex- 
hortations^ they might hope every thing, it was added^ 
from the feelings of the emperor and king Ferdinand^ 
who would not fail to take such precautions as seemed 
roosft fitted to secure the rights and privileges of all : 
it might also be confidently hoped that they would 
forget whatever had passed^ and attend especially to the 
affairs of the elector of Saxony, and concede to him, 
even in religion, as much as was, in any degree, con- 
sistent with their duty. It was, however, particularly 
observed at the conclusion of the address, that the pro- 
spect of an arrangement in matters of religious dispute 
must depend on the determination taken respecting the 
election of king Ferdinand.* 

Increasing years and infirmities obliged the elector 
of Saxony to leave a large part of the conduct of public 
affairs, at this time, in the hands of his son. That 
prince replied to the mediating council by stating, that 
he had not expected such an answer to the remon- 
strances of his father and his allies, as that above 
described: that those who took upon themselves the 
character of mediators ought not to decide or defend, 
but simply to propose that which seemed likely to con- 
ciliate; and that if the emperor finally rejected the 

* Sleidan. Luther*8 letters at this period are valuable, and prove how 
truly anxious he was to prevent any occurrence which might injure the 
progress of the Gospel. ** A)l would be stopped," says he, ^^ by tV\e d\&lutV>. 
aoce of peace. The Gospel would be injured, and even, pexY^ave* Xqvbi 
/kaoiuwcaseofdwar.'' — Bri^e, torn, i v. p. 33& 



30 HISTORY OF THE BEFORUATIOy. 

demands proposed by the complaining party, the appeal 
would be made to a tribunal which^ it might be ex* 
pected^ would decide according to justice. 

The substance of the proposals then made to the 
mediators by the whole collected body of reformers was 
as follows : — '^ That those wl^o had presented the Con. 
fession at Augsburg^ with its subsequent apology, 
would confine themselves strictly within the limits of 
the declarations which they contained : that, in respect 
to doctrine, they would not join themselves to those 
who held different opinions on the subject of baptism 
and the Lord's supper : that they would not make 
religion a pretext for drawing into their party the sub- 
jects of other states ; but that, if the subjects of those 
states were free to go whither it pleased them, they 
should not now be denied that liberty, and that it 
should be lawful to receive them after proper notifi- 
cation given to their superiors: that they would not 
send preachers into other states without the consent of 
the magistrates: that it should be lawful for them 
when assembled in any city, for the purpose of attend- 
ing the diet of the empire, or when proceeding with the 
army against t]ie Turks, to avail themselves of the 
ministry of their own teachers, and to receive the 
Lord*s Supper according to the institution of Jesus 
Christ: that they should refrain from all injurious 
language ; but that the ministers of the church must be 
allowed to rebuke, in a spirit of moderation and charity, 
the vices and errors of their times : that those who 
professed the reformed doctrines should not be excluded 
from the chamber of the empire : that the ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction should remain as it was, but that the 
bishops should not be permitted to vex or oppress the 
protestants : that none of the edicts passed on the sub- 
ject of religion should be put in execution till it was 
known what would be the decision of a general council: 
that they should enjoy the estates and revenues of the 
church who occupied the posts to which they properly 
belonged: that no pexsou sKouId be deprived of his 



CONCILIATORY MEASURES. 31 

lights by violence : and^ lastly, that, in respect to 
political matters, every one should perform the duties 
which properly belonged to his office and his station ; 
and that each party should, for the future, endeavour 
to act in the spirit of conciliation and friendship.*' 

Another meeting of the assembly, convened for the 
purpose of re-establishing concord, was summoned for 
Ae 3d of June, at Nuremberg. The emperor, it ap- 
pears, had by this time learnt somewhat of the in- 
flexible character of the reformers ; and the position in 
which he was placed by the successes of the Turks 
compelled him to yield to the necessity of the times. 
In the course of the proceedings at Ratisbonne, he 
informed the diet, that he had some time back sent an 
ambassador to the pope and the college of cardinals, 
and that he had communicated the answer of his holi- 
ness to the king of France, who agreed with him on 
the necessity of calling a general council. He added, 
that great difficulties were created by the sentiments of 
the pope respecting the manner of summoning, and the 
choice of a place for the meeting of, the proposed as* 
sembly ; that he had not, therefore, been able to come 
to a conclusion on the subject ; but that as the disputes 
respecting religion continued to increase, and create 
fresh dangers every day, he intended to employ his 
influence to secure the assembling of the council in the 
place best suited for that purpose, and to effect such 
other objects as seemed most likely to secure the return 
of tranquillity. 

It was in the spirit of this addrei^s^ that Charles at 
length agreed to the advice of the mediating princes, 
and proclaimed that no person should thenceforth be 
interrupted in the observance of his religion, till the 
meeting of the council, or at least till the orders of the 
empire had provided some method for the healing of 
the wounds inflicted by the present disorders. To 
prove his earnestness and sincerity in this matter, he 
declared that the severest punishments should follow 
any breaeb oi this edict, and that whatever measate^ 



32 BISTORT OF THE REFORMATION. 

had been commenced against the protestants should be 
considered null and void.* 

The equivalent which the refonners gave, in return 
for this assurance of at least temporary security^ con- 
sisted in the promise of affording succours against the 
Turks, and such other instances of loyalty and obedience 
as the exigency of the times might render necessary. 
Their answer to the emperor, dated July 23,, was signed 
by seven princes, and the deputies of twenty-four cities, 
and on the 2d of the next month it was ratified by 
Charles himself. 

These arrangements having been made, and all parties 
being now equally convinced of the dangers with which 
they were threatened, and of the necessity of meeting 
them with courage and promptitude, the diet broke up 
on the 27th of July, and the most distinguished mem- 
bers of that august assembly immediately proceeded to 
summon their people to attend them to the field. In 
the midst of these preparations, that is, on the 13th of 
August, the protestant party was deprived of one of its 
chief ornaments and supports, by the death of the elector 
of Saxony. He was succeeded by his son, John Fre- 
deric, whose Christian heroism, it will be seen, rendered 
him well worthy of inheriting the dignity enjoyed by his 
two venerable predecessors. 

A fierce and sanguinary conflict seemed to be at 
hand. The Turks had reached the town of Gratz, a 
place in Styria ; and the emperor, by the advice of his 
ministers and auxiliaries, pitched his camp in the vicinity 
of Vienna. Both armies awaited, in anxious suspense, 
the signal of their respective leaders to begin the contest; 
but they were not destined, on this occasion, to try their 
strength. The Turkish chief, after looking for some 
favourable opportunity to attack the enemy, found that 
he was both losing his time, and uselessly encountering 

* When the emperor received the document which contained the de. 
mands of the reformers, he is said to have inquired, before the packet wa« 
opened, "Are the Lutherans content?" On the secretary answering 
in the affirmative, he said, " Give me the pen, then ; *' seeming, aavs 

Fluery, to intimate thereby h\s \Tnpat\ence to tree himself from the ob. 

»Ucles which opposed his waT mth tbeTvkxki.— 12^.134. Tk.St&. 



THE EVPEROB AND THE POPE. 33 

the perils of remaining in the heart of the enemy's 
country. Charles was too experienced a soldier to allow 
himself to be surprised^ or to venture on any step which 
might lessen the imposing grandeur of his position. He 
appeared at the head of a vast and renowned arma- 
ment, prepared, as it seemed, to execute any design 
which might free the country from the insults of its foes. 
His name and presence were mighty adversaries to the 
proud hopes which had been excited on the part of the 
invaders ; and Solyman took the remarkable and unex- 
pected decision of retreating without a battle. 

The emperor availed himself of the leisure now af- a. d. 
forded him to visit Italy, and hold a conference with the 1533. 
pope on the subject of the council. Of the results of 
this interview, we have a partial report in the address of 
the pontiff's nuncio, the bishop of Regio, to the new 
dector of Saxony. After descanting on the piety and 
paternal wishes of his chief, the bishop observed, that 
the emperor had hoped, when passing from Italy into 
Germany, that he would be able to subdue, by his pre- 
sence, the disorders of the state ; but that he had failed 
in these his hopes, and, on his return to Italy, had 
strongly insisted on the necessity of a general council; 
that in this wish he was joined by the princes of Ger. 
many, and now also by the sovereign pontiff himself, 
who assented to the proposal, as well through his desire 
to conciliate the favour of the emperor, as on account of 
his anxiety to promote the happiness of the republic. 
" I now inform you," added the nuncio, " in the name of 
his holiness, that such are his wishes and his determin- 
ations : but as the nature of the subject demands atten- 
tive consideration, he has delayed his decision on points 
connected dierewith, as on the manner of calling the 
council, the time and place of its meeting, and the order 
of its proceedings — particulars which require the most 
careful notice, to secure the freedom of the assembly, 
and render it conformable to those which were held by 
the fathers of the church, and under the direction of tke 

H0I7 Ghost. Nor ia it to be forgotten, thai me^\y& 
VOL. ri, J} 



54 HISTORY OF THE REFOBICATIOK. 

must be adopted to secure the promises of those who 
assist at the council, that its decisions shall he finals and 
that its authority shall not be afterwards disputed^ so as 
to destroy the efficacy of its labours, and the hopes of 
those who regard it as the means of peace and union." 
The nuncio further remarked^ that his holiness had 
carefully considered what place would be best adapted 
for tlie important purpose of receiving the assembly^ and 
that he had fixed on Bologna^ Placentia^ or Mantua. 
Then again alluding to the necessity of securing obe- 
dience to the decrees of the council^ he added, that if 
the kings and princes interested in its acts should agree 
to these considerations, the pontiff would, within six 
months, give notice of the intended meeting, and appoint 
its assembling a year after, that time might be given for 
the collecting of provisions, and for making arrange- 
ments demanded by the expected greatness of the as- 
sembly.* 

To this address of the legate the minister of the 
emperor, by whom he was accompanied, added, that 
his master had given his full assent to the opinions of 
the pope on the several points to which allusion had 
been made, and that he trusted the elector would agree, 
with all fidelity and good- will, to the united wishes of 
his holiness and the emperor. 

John Frederic combined in his character the experience 
of a cautious statesman with the virtues of the ChristiaOj 
and excused himself from replying at once to the address 
of his distinguished visitors. At the end of a few days, 
he explained to the nuncio the reasons which obliged 
him to defer his answer to a more distant period. A 
numerous body of persons, he said, had been joined 
with his father in making the confession of faith at 
Augsburg, and he was, therefore, not at liberty to decide 
any matter of importance before consulting the general 
feeling and wishes of the party. He rejoiced at the 
determination which had been taken by the pope and 
the emperor to call a council ; and as a meeting had 

• Seckendorf. Sleidan. 



HEETINO AT SMALCALDE. 35 

been appointed for the month of June^ at Smalcalde^ he 
would^ immediately after learning the sentiments of his 
associates there assemhled^ acquaint the pontiff and the 
emperor with the conclusions to iiirhich they had ar- 
rived. 

The meeting to which the elector alluded was held 
at the time appointed^ and an answer was sent to the 
nuncio^ drawn up in the name of the numerous reformers 
present at the assembly. ^*We render our sincerest 
thanks to the emperor/' they said, '* for his determin- 
ation in favour of a general council, and for the labour 
he has employed to promote the glory of God, and the 
safety of the repubHc. May God prosper the design 
and direct the steps of his majesty, so that he may aid 
the triumph of truth, the abolition of false doctrines and 
superstitious practices, and thereby promote the revival 
of the pure worship of God, and the virtue and holi- 
ness which ought to be the ornaments of his church." 
Having thus expressed their feelings on the general sub- 
ject, they proceed to speak on the particular points of 
the nuncio's address. It had been determined, they 
say, that in consequence of the pope's having con- 
demned their doctrine, a free and Christian council 
should be held, either for all Christendom, or for Germany 
alone. This had been expressly stated, first, in order 
Aat neither the opinions nor power of the pope, or 
any other authority, might interfere with the proper 
consideration of their cause; and, secondly, lest an 
attempt should be made to decide the points in dispute 
by the decrees of the popes, and the opinion of the 
schoolmen, and not by the authority of Scripture. The 
observation thus made is supported by this reasonable 
inquiry, — Of what use can any effort against the autho- 
rity of the pope be, if the Bible is not allowed to be the 
source of certain intelligence on Christian doctrine and 
practice? That it would be expedient to hold the 
cwfficil in Germany, was allowed, say the authors of the 
^ly, by the emperor himself ; but the efforts of tVve ^o^^^ 
bad contradicted die decrees of the diet, sealed as l\\ou^ 

D 2 



S6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOIf. 

they were with the seals of the emperor and the princes. 
The pope (they continue) pretended^ indeed^ to fa. 
vour the calling of a free council^ hut he seemed to hare 
intentions which would wholly suhvert the freedom of 
the assemhly : for what other effect could he expected 
from the efforts which he made to unite the king and 
princes on his side ? There was, in fact, strong reason 
to helieve that he only sought, under the shadow of a 
general council, to establish his own authority, and to 
prevent the reformation of those errors and vices un. 
der which they had so long groaned. They could 
not tell, say they, what would be the determination 
of others on this matter, but the proposal which had 
been made by the pontiff* seemed far more calcu- 
lated to deter than to invite the attendance of the re- 
formers at the council: for it would be manifestly 
an act of extreme folly on their part, to bind them- 
selves to acknowledge the authority of an assembly 
of which they knew not yet either the form or the 
method ; or whether its design was not simply to fa- 
vour the establishment of the pope's authority and that 
of his partisans; whether he was willing that the 
points in dispute should be determined by an appeal to 
Scripture, or had resolved that they should be referred 
to traditions and laws wliich had no foundation in Holy it 
Writ. In respect to the demand of the pontiff", that the j* 
council should be held according to ancient custom, — 
this, say they, was only made in order to conceal his 
intentions, and to pervert the proper design of the as- •* 
sembly ; for, in some of the later councils, every thing ) 
had been determined by the decrees and authority of 
the popes, which was not the means by which the 
peace of the church could be restored, x)r afflicted con- 
sciences comforted, but calculated rather to confirm 
and increase that servitude and darkness under which 
they had so long suffered. The obligations which he 
intended to impose upon the members of the council 
would prove, it was said, the most grievous snare to their 
conscienceSj seeing that it wa% \m^o««^<& i«t \3\«m to | 



DECISIONS OF THE PROTESTANTS* 37 

arriye at a just decision on the points in dispute, unless 
they were left unfettered in judgment^ and at perfect 
freedom to decide according to its dictates. ^' If the pope 
insists on pursuing his present purpose^ we place our 
cause/' said the authors of this document^ '^in the 
hands of God^ who will defend his doctrine^ and the 
purity of his worship ; and, should the pontiff be allowed 
to assemble a council according to his own will and 
pleasure, which, we trust, will not be the case, we will 
then consider what it is our duty to do, and whether we 
may attend the meeting, under proper assurances of 
safety, and on this condition, that we be not obliged 
to acknowledge the authority of a council which is held 
contrary to the decrees of the empire. This being the 
case, we earnestly request that the emperor and the pope 
may be made acquainted with our sentiments, and (hat 
the former may refrain from any harsh judgment against 
OS, but endeavour to procure a council, held according 
to the decrees of the empire, and in which every thing 
shall be decided by the opinion of free, pious, and inde- 
pendent men. It is the interest of the emperor to em- 
ploy his power and influence in extending the preaching 
of the Grospel, and not to assist in furthering the cruelties 
of those who for so many years have persecuted inno- 
cent men — for this cause only, that they profess the 
doctrines of salvation. Finally," say they, "we rest 
our confidence on the emperor alone, and are ready to 
prove our affection and loyalty by every thing, except the 
violating of our conscience and our faith." ♦ 

Such were the sentiments which prevailed among the 
protestants at this period. They appear to have been 
amply justified in their suspicions of the pontiff, not only 
by the long known policy of the papal court, but from 
the tenor of the message which announced his willing- 
ness to summon a council. It must be confessed, how- 

* Sleidan.T Luther: Briefe, t. iv. The thoughts and suspicions 
of Luther are given at some length in this document. He insists strongly 
on the distinction between a council held according to pTimiUve ex%nv^\« 
and according to custom : the former implying God's word as lYie Tu\e,\.Yv« 
ijUter the danmega of men. 

D 3 



38 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

ever^ that the reformers had little reason to be astoi 
at the efforts which he was said to be making to 
in his cause the most influential of the European p( 
To have neglected this precaution when an active 
were about to strike at the foundations of his autt 
and probably attempt an entire change of the con 
tion of the church, would have been to give u 
principles for which the Roman^erarchy had cent 
from age to age, and which it was not to be sup 
could appear less important in the eyes of the p 
pope than in those of his predecessors. The mos 
picious circumstance in the demands of the ponti 
his so earnestly insisting on choosing the place of 
ing, and fixing on one of three cities, all withi 
immediate range of his authority, and a sojou 
whijch could not but be disagreeable, and even pei 
to some of the reformers.* 

A new subject for deep and careful consultatio 
now brought before the Christian world. The 
trines of the two great parties into which it was di 
had been examined by the heads of each in cloj 
subtle debate. Scarcely a province in Europ( 
without its little synod of learned protestants, j 
the life and energy of a youthful church. Nor d 
champions of the established faith show any incli 
to shrink from the contest to which they were i 
by the zeal of the reformers. If they had been al 
to keep the Bible closed, these encounters might hav« 
continued till each had discovered that the mere 
retical discussion of theology was as little likely to i 
a sober confession of faith on the one side as o 
other. But this would have been akin to the assi 
of a large portion of mankind to the dominion c 
fidehty or superstition. The discovery, that con\ 

* That it was not the protestants only who had driven the pope 
elude that a council was necessary, is plain from this, that when th( 
pal cardinals assembled, some time after, to consider the state of the 
they began their address to the pontifT with a thanksgiving to C 
having inspired him with the design of restoring the discipline of the 
and removing abuses cnused by the vices and tyranny of his predecc 
I>u Pin, Eccles, Hist. c. xxvi. 



REMARKS ON COUNCILS. 39 

cannot be arrived at by tbe exercise of those natural 
faculties to which we must in reality wholly trusty if 
we refuse the appeal to Scripture^ is the grand source 
of religious apostacy in every age. The Roman catho- 
lics^ therefore^ by their unwillingness^ manifested on 
many occasions^ to admit the Bible in their disputes^ 
favoured the growth of an evil which even the least 
pious of any body of Christians could not have con- 
templated without sorrow. Arguments founded on the 
knowledge given by revelation must siu-ely appear the 
more valid when shown to be in close conformity with 
the written word of God; and if it be allowed by 
Christians of every denomination^ that an acquaintance 
with the doctrines of salvation cannot be obtained where 
there is no revelation, the plain inference seems to be, 
that every doctrine proposed for belief as essential to our 
justification may be found set forth in the Bible^ and 
propounded there in terms exactly measiuring its lati- 
tude^ and proper applications as an article of Christian 
faith. 

The disputations which had hitherto been carried on 
between the two parties were on this and some other 
accounts little calculated to give satisfaction to ingenuous 
and really inquisitive minds. There was an evident 
mixture of motives in the minds of controversialists 
as well at this as at other periods of religious excite- 
ment ; and the meetings of provincial or partial assem- 
blies afforded constant occasion for the collision of feel- 
ings which had little to do with the sentiment proper 
to religious inquiry. A general council, on the other 
hand, presented the prospect of furthering the cause of 
tnith in a manner far superior to that afforded by any 
mferior tribunal. In such an assembly, if properly 
conducted, neither national prejudice nor the confede- 
racies of particular sets of churchmen, it might be sup- 
posed, could prevail to the injury of the grand cause for 
which it was summoned. The learned men of all na- 
tions, the most esteemed teachers of the common MtK^ 

J> 4 



i 



40 HISTORY OF THB REFORMATION. 

the heads of the Roman charch in every country^ and 
the leaders of the reformation not only in Grermany^ bat 
wherever its seed had been sown, would be there to un- 
fold their views — to employ their powers of reasonings 
— and exercise the influence due to their piety^ for 
the establishment of a firm and holy concord. Such a 
meeting might well be desired by all who had no 
greater wish than that of seeing the value of the 
Gospel asserted^ and the best means employed for the 
publication of its doctrines. The previous arrangements 
necessary to secure the proper conduct of its discussions 
could only be the work of the few in authority. To have 
put them under general management^ would have been 
to suppose the existence of a power which it was th^ 
object to create in the assembling of a council. This 
was the source of the doubts and difficulties under which 
both parties had now to labour : the one seeing how 
much it must lose by submitting its principles to the 
demands of the reformers ; and the latter feeling con- 
vinced that^ unless they were allowed to insist on such 
points as seemed necessary to establish the freedom of 
the council, they would probably be placed in a worse 
condition by its decisions than that in which they stood 
at the beginning of the reformation. 

Erasmus regarded the summoning of a general coun- 
cil with intense interest. Notwithstanding his disputes 
with Luther, and the alliances which he. had formed 
with Henry VIII. and other catholic princes, his 
acute intellect, and the grand superiority which he 
could not fail to assert above the vulgar prejudices of 
intolerant priests, brought him into a position in 
which he necessarily shared with the protestants in 
many of their wishes and anxieties. The cause of 
learning and literature had been too much injured by 
the Roman catholic church, to leave such a man at 
liberty to espouse its tenets without many limitations. 
Nor could he help feeling that, were it once again es- 
tablished on the same basis as that on which it had till 
hteJ/ stoodj he would be obliged to ■^xn^WLa «l very dif- 



ERASMUS. 



41 



ferent course to that which he so boldly adopted under 
the rising spirit of protestant liberty. 

But while feelings of this kind might exercise a con- 
siderable influence over this extraordinary man^ he was 
still too closely united with the heads of the churchy 
had spoken and written so strongly in its defence^ that 
he could not but regard with more than ordinary con- 
cern the approach of an event which might overthrow 
its fundamental dogmas. There was, consequently^ in 
the mind of Erasmus^ at this juncture of affairs^ a 
blending of very different sentiments ; and both catho- 
lics and protestants were able to cite him as an autho- 
rity in favour of their respective views. The vehicle 
which he employed to convey his opinions on the sub- 
ject of the council^ was a commentary on the eighty- 
fourth Psalm.* Many passages occur in this exposi- 
tion which would merit attention at any period ; but 
they were especially applicable to the wants of men 
when there was a danger that many might lose^ in the 
turbulence of controversy, not only Christian charity, 
but every other essential of an evangelical profession. 
The moderate party, on both sides, looked with appro- 
bation on every attempt to soften the asperity of their too 
violent associates ; and Erasmus only needed a somewhat 
more affectionate earnestness of disposition to have be- 
come the recognised head and chief of a vast body of 
serious, but temperate, advocates of reform. He touches, 
in the commentary to which we have alluded, on one 
of the most important points of the great controversy ; 
but evidently as one who rather wished to modify than 
defend the disputed doctrine of free will. He says, 
tiiat the question is more knotty than profitable ; and 
that, if it were discussed, it should be confined within 
the rules and principles of theological debate. '^ It is 
enough," continues he, ^* if we acknowledge that man 
can do nothing by his own strength, and that if he 
possess any power, he owes it all to grace, by the in- 
fluence of which we are what we are, -wYveteferj ^^ 

• Opera Eras. 



42 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

plainly confess our own weakness^ and glorify the 
mercy of the Lord. Let us acknowledge^ that much is 
to be ascribed to faith ; only let us aliow^ at the same 
time^ that this very faith is the peculiar gift of the Holy 
Spirit, and that it is not^ as the world supposes^ pre- 
sent to every one who says, ^ I believe that Christ suf- 
fered for me.' Let us concede that justification is by 
faith ; that is, that the hearts of believers are purified : 
only let us also allow that works of charity are neces- 
sary to the securing of salvation ; for a true faith can- 
not be inactive, seeing that it is the fountain and root 
of all good works. But let us rather distinguish the 
justice which cleanses the recesses of our minds, and 
which is rightly called innocence, and the justice which 
adorns and enriches it with good works. God, pro- 
perly speaking, can be a debtor to no one, unless by his 
own free and gratuitous promise ; and if we fulfil the 
conditions of the promise, the power by which we do 
so is the effect of his munificence. Yet ought not the 
words reward or merit to be altogether disused^ seeing 
that God is pleased to accept and value that which he 
works in us by his grace. It is not the word, but the 
thing, at which we ought to look. Nor let the ears of 
the uninstructed multitude be filled with such para- 
doxes as these : ' It matters not what your works are, 
only have faith, and you shall be saved;* or, ' Man, what- 
soever he does, does nothing else but sin ; * which, 
however true in one sense, are hkely to be interpreted 
by the people in that which is most false and dan- 
gerous." * 

It was evident to the followers of Luther, that allu- 
sions were made in these expressions to the known and 
most important doctrines of that great man's theological 
system ; but the cautions thus given respecting the 

* If it should be allowed that too little care has been taken by writers 
on the article of justification by faith to guard it from antinomian error, 
it can also be proved, and with far greater force, that fearful carelessness 
has prevailed in statine the necessity of good works, for it must either be 
intended to set aside the merits of Christ, or the writer must be grossly 
negligent whenever such a Bubject w\e(t\ooae\^ exj^\«ckXiedL. 



ERASMUS. 43 

Strong language sometimes employed in their illustration 
affected not the decided admissions which were made 
in reference to their agreement with the Gospel^ and 
the immediate dependence of a true confession on the 
acknowledgment that divine grace is the sole foundation 
of human hope. 

The opinions involved in the defences set up for the 
invocation of saints, presented greater difficulties to one 
who wished^ like Erasmus, to soften and excuse that 
which one party regarded as an abomination, without 
seeming to the other to speak of it in terms of disrespect. 
We may observe the same of his remarks on the sacri- 
fice of the mass, solitary masses, and the adoration of 
the elements; in treating of which he seems to en- 
counter difficulties, the attempted explication of which 
leaves his acute intellect entangled in perplexities from 
which there is no escape. Thus, after defending the 
real presence, and the consequent propriety of worship- 
ing the host, he says, notwithstanding, '^ No one is so 
foolish as to honour the human nature of Christ for the 
divine ; or bread and wine for Christ." In another 
passage he remarks, '' If we believe that the divine 
nature was not separated from the human in the sepul- 
chre, is it not much more credible that it is not sepa- 
rated from the living body in the sacrament ? Thef e- 
fore, if we agree in this, the other points, such as how 
the body and blood of the Lord are present under the 
substance of the bread, or the species of bread and 
wine, and what accidents pertain to the body, and 
other things of the same kind, may be left to the de- 
termination of the synod." In concluding his argu- 
ment, he thus oratorically speaks of the advantages to 
be looked for from the settlement of the dispute. 
'' What," says he, '^ could be a greater blessing than 
to find ourselves once more assembled together in peace 
and harmony in the house of God ? It is for this 
that the emperor strives; for this that Ferdinand, 
king of the Romans^ of Hungary, and BoViemV^^ ^ 
juince of singular piety, employs Ilia beal e^etVXsiTv^, 



44 HISTORY OP THE RBFOBMATIOir. 

Nor does the most Christian king of the Fieneh fiul to 
prove by his conduct his right to this pnise : nor wiU 
the king of England forget his praise of defender of the 
Catholic faith. They^ moreoever^ who best know the 
dispositions of pope Clement^ assure us that, by hit 
equitable arrangements^ the peace of the church mty 
be looked for as secure. Nor will the just views md 
influence of the learned cardinals be wanting to tiie 
furtherance of this great object. The design^ in short, 
will prosper happily for Christy if the other princes snd 
states direct their minds to the same end. Strife hu 
already prevailed too long. Wearied, let us seek for 
peace. If the merciful goodness of the Lord hss been 
abused^ and we have fallen into licentiousness^ instead 
of exercising penitence^ we should now tremUe lest his 
fury burst upon us^ as it did aforetime against the 
Jews. We speak not of abusing the demracy of 
princes : they know their power ; but they are wiQ- 
ing to try what milder remedies may effect before they 
proceed to severer operations. It is thought^ perhspfl^ 
that Cssar slumbers ; but he is evidently awake in diifi 
matter : he is cautious^ as a prince of the highest sa- 
thority should be, in carrying on affairs ; but assuredly 
will he put in execution whatsoever he has once de- 
termined to effect. The goodness and philosophical 
mind of Ferdinand^ whose character is that wbidi 
Plato describes as becoming a prince^ certainly merits 
not contempt^ but more abundant reverence and a more 
religious obedience. Cyclopean feuds and mad temerity 
never produced any useful results." 

The sentiments of Erasmus were considered in a 
very different spirit by the reformers^ who regarded the 
pope as an inflexible enemy to the views they had 
adopted. In their eyes he appeared as an advocate of 
the maxim, that there could be no salvation beyond the 
pale of the church ; and the desire to refute this prin- 
ciple^ as applied to those who saw so much reason to 
separate from that of Rome^ speedily led to the adop- 



GEORGE OF SAXONY. 45 

tion of the counter-maxim^ that no union whatever 
ought to he formed with the pope. 

Whatever there was of good or evil in the spirit of 
the two parties^ it was now that the circumstances of 
the times hrought it especially into action. Bigotry^ 
intolerance^ the passion for power^ the fear of change^ 
on the one side ; the love of novelty, the hope of suc- 
cessful aggression^ the enthusiasm and fanaticism which 
attend the estahlishment of a new state of things^ on the 
other ; — these were the marks which distinguished that 
portion of each party which had not the glory of God^ 
and the salvation of men's souls^ for their object^ but 
the introduction or firmer establishment of the system 
which seemed to promise the greatest prospect of politi- 
cal aggrandisement. 

For the honour of religion and humanity^ we may 
safely say^ that these formed^ on either side, but a < 
small proportion of the great mass of religious profes- 
sors^ properly so called. But^ in every season of po- 
litical or religious excitement^ it is those who feel that . 
they have something to gain or lose, who seem most 
resolved on taking the lead of affairs. They speak a 
language understood by the world ; they know, from 
the examination of their own hearts, what is most 
likely to affect and interest the multitude ; and darings 
as they do^ to mingle the ordinary appeals to human 
passion with somewhat of a higher and nobler cha- 
racter^ we need not wonder when we see them carrying 
their object in spite of the more sober-minded and 
spiritual advocate of holiness. The world comprehends 
to a very small extent the nature of the motives by 
which he is Influenced ; and if they give him credit for 
sincerity, they speak at the same time as if he deserved 
pity for the blindness of his enthusiasm. 

Among those who pursued with unabated rigour 
the persecuting spirit of the churchy at its first onset 
^[ainst the reformers^ duke George of Saxony still ap- 
peared conspicuous. His conduct towards tVve i^eo^<& 
under his government who manifested any incUiia\.\OTiX» 



46 BISTORT OF THE REFORMATION. 

Lutheranism was marked by the fiercest intolerance ; 
and they appear to have borne his oppressive acts with 
a moderation and patience as honourable to their cha- 
racter as Christians^ as his unjust procedure was dero- 
gatory from his dignity as a prince. Luther observed 
the distress of the reformers at Leipzig with feel- 
ings of warm commiseration. Their sufferings were in 
the cause of God and the Grospel ; and the persevering 
tyranny of the prince exhibited on a small scale that 
which had been perpetrated in the world at large by 
the rulers of the Roman church. Yielding to the fuU 
tide of his indignation^ he assailed this great enemy of 
religious freedom and reform with a boldness corre. 
sponding to the ardour of his feelings. Unfortunately^ 
he indulged himself in the use of language which had 
more of fierceness in its sound than of force in its 
application ; and while such a mode of expression 
could add no strength to the cause for which it was 
employed, it scarcely ever failed to provoke, on the 
opposite side, a more determined spirit of hostility. 

Luther, was not less exposed than other men of 
his class and character to those quick alternations 
of feeling which usually accompany great ardour of 
temper. His conduct, indeed, on more than one oc. 
casion^ seems to afford proof that he was peculiarly 
subject to such sudden changes in his views of others. 
The language which he employed in addressing the 
Roman pontiff savoured at one time of adulation ; 
at another, it breathed a spirit from which the 
most powerful bigot might have shrunk abashed and 
terrified. Almost the same may be said of his con- 
duct towards the king of England and duke George 
of Saxony. He appeared, as friend or foe, to be always 
ready to say that which belonged to the sentiments of 
either character, in their highest degree of good or ill ; 
and, in most instances, he passed at once from the ex- 
tremes of the one to the extremes of the other. 

The appeal which he had made in favour of the 



6E0R0E OF SAXONT. 47 

reformers of Leipzig • was coached in terms which 
coald not fail to excite the wrath of a prince like 
George of Saxony^ and which, indeed^ any susceptible 
mind^ not endowed with firmness equal to its suscep- 
tibility^ must have regarded as not less injurious than 
unjust. Luther^ when he called him the child or 
minister of the devil, ought surely to have inquired of 
himself whether the only reasons which he had for 
doing so were founded on the prince's zeal in the cause 
of his religion, or on motives which had their origin in 
a sensual and selfish heart. If a regard to truth 
obliged him to reason on the former supposition, rather 
than on the latter, the anger which he felt at the perse- 
cuting spirit of the prince should of itself have taught 
him how easy it was for a man of ardent zeal, and pos- 
sessed of power, to overstep, in such a controversy, the 
limits of Christian charity. He allowed that, in his 
temporal capacity, he deserved the character which the 
world in general gave him ; but before God, he 
said, he was not less execrable than Pontius Pilate, 
Herod, or even Judas himself. And Luther was right, 
if the prince did, as he asserted, defend error, knowing 
it to be such, against truth, suppressing the latter 
from any of those political motives which entered so 
largely into the calculations of the rulers of that age. 

To the accusations of Luther, Cochlaus replied, as 
the champion of the prince, with a vehemence equal to 
that of the great reformer. He declared that the oath 
which was stated to have been taken against the pro- 
testants, by order of duke George, had not its origin 
with the prince, and that it was moulded by Luther to 

* S&mtliche Schriften. The enemies of Luther might perhaps say that he 
was under the evil influence at this time to which other parts of his con- 
duct have been attributed. It was in this year that he made known his 
conference with the power of darkness, the circumstances of which are de- 
scribed with great particularity. ** It was not the first time," remarks Fleury, 
"that Luther was instructed by the devil; and in these different confer- 
ences he doubtlessly learnt from him, among other things, the condemn, 
ation of the mass. It is thus that God, for the confusion, or rather for the 
conversion, of Uie enemies of the church, permitted that Luther should be 
btindedyand led to confess that he had been enlightened atid converted by 
the devil, and that the fiitber ot lies had been bis mastei m otve ol \.\v^ 
principal pmota of his reformation. " — Fieury^ I cxxxiv. t\. 111. 



48 HISTORY OF THE REFORJiATION. 

suit his own argument. The conduct of the refonner 
in breaking his monastic vows^ and the whole system 
of his teachings are also glanced at ; but sufficient is 
said to prove that Luther was not wrong in espousing 
the cause .of the protestants of Leipzig as a persecuted 
people, and that the rules and manners of the church 
were regarded by the supporters of Roman catholic dis- 
cipline as justifying the tyranny under which they 
groaned. Seventy persons^ it appears^ were actually 
driven into exile because they refused to receive the 
sacrament of the Lord's supper unless permitted to do 
so in both kinds^ and according to the simple rules for 
which there is evangelical authority. Luther^ in his 
reply> distinctly states that their peaceful resignation to 
the decree of the duke was the consequence of his ex- 
press advice^ and that he was so far from exciting a 
spirit of revolt, as asserted by the duke^ that he had 
inculcated, with the utmost earnestness, passive obe. 
dience to the laws as a necessary accompaniment to 
firmness of faith and holiness. In respect to the guilt 
with which he was charged in throwing off his monastic 
obligations, he speaks in a tone of deeply settled con- 
viction. He had kept those vows inviolate, he says^ 
so long as he owned their authority ; and when he 
ceased to acknowledge the foundation on which they 
rested, it was because it existed not either in natural or 
revealed truth. '^Lamentable is the fact," he continues, 
'' that human inventions have been every thing, and the 
word of God nothing ; whereas the latter deserves the 
most profound and devoted attention. I have given 
myself to the study of theology, with prayers and watch- 
ings, for twenty years ; for twelve years I have taught 
the Scriptures by reading and writing, with incredible 
labour, and in the midst of daily afflictions and persecu- 
tions; yet do I feel myself to be still nothing but a tyro, 
employed even now only in the rudiments." 

It was at the close of this year that he published the 

treatise ^^On Private Masses, and the Consecration of 

Priests : " one of the most \m^x\A.TL\. q1 \aa ^lodoc- 



LUTHER. 49 

■ 

tions^ as conveying his sentiments on these suhjects^ after 
a long examination of every argument that the Roman 
catholic church seemed able to bring in support of its 
practices. His joy and satisfaction at the reformation 
idiich had been effected in the administration of the 
communion in Saxony are nobly expressed. '' God be 
praised^" says he^ '* that I have lived long enough to 
see "with my eyes the mass performed in purity and 
simplicity, and the right and legitimate use of that 
most holy sacrament properly established. I see this 
with great joy of heart, and the more especially since I 
myself, alas ! assisted so many years, under papal cor- 
ruption, to forward the abuse. It is with horror I recollect 
how I and others celebrated private masses at that time ; 
but we did it in ignorance, and, therefore, our Lord Jesus 
Christ has in his mercy forgiven us, seeing, moreover, 
that we have never done it since.-* On the subject 
of the papacy, he says, '^ We acknowledge not the 
papacy as the church, or even as a part of it ; but 
account it a corruption and a desolation, and antichrist, 
which resists the church, the word, and the order of 
God, and sets itself above them, as the God of gods, 
according to the prophecy of Paniel and Paul. But 
since we cannot be separated bodily or locally from 
that corruption, or from that antichrist, — for, as Christ 
teaches^ it will, to the end of time, occupy a seat, not 
without, but within the church, — let us be separated 
therefrom in a true sense, spiritually; let us avoid its 
corraptions, that we may stand steadfast in the faith, 
and cast off its defilements.*' 

It was the object of Luther in these observations to 
prepare the minds of his countrymen for the assertion 
of a right on which, he saw, must depend the very 
being of a reformed church. If the pope was the sole 
depositary of the sacerdotal unction, no means existed 
for supplying it with ministers authorised to perform 
the peculiar functions of the priesthood. The pontiff 
would never, it was evident, consecrate men to eedft- 
maibad oMcea whose opinions tended to tVve \x^too\aiv^ 

VOL, u, E 



50 HI8T0R7 OF THE BBFOBlfATION. 

of almost every principle which supported his dignity. 
Luther and his associates were^ therefore^ constrained 
to adopt one or the other of these resolutions: that^ 
namely^ of leaving the completion of their work^ the 
continuance of the reforms which they had introduced 
in hoth doctrine and discipline^ in the preaching of the 
Gospel^ and the rites of the altar^ to those who might 
hereafter separate themselves from the Roman churchy 
after having heen ordained to its ministry ; or that of 
calling lahourers into the vineyard^ on the authority of 
the churchy considered according to the true catholic 
and spiritual meaning of the word. 

In adopting the latter alternative^ Luther was careful 
to show that he did not dispute the necessity of a 
proper call to the priesthood by the church. It was on 
the new views which he now took of the nature of the 
church and the administration of its authority that he 
had to defend his proceedings in the present necessity. 
'^ This^" says he, " is the rock, and the fixed and solid 
foundation on which we stand. Wherever the Gospel 
is rightly and purely taught, there, of necessity, is the 
Christian church : for whosoever doubts this, doubts also 
the Gospel, and the Word of Grod. The Christian 
church exists where these are accounted of highest 
worth, namely, the Word of God, Christ, the Spirit, 
faith, prayer, baptism, the holy supper, the keys, the 
ministry ; and where this is accounted as second in 
importance, the right, namely, of calling to the ministry 
those who may teach the Word of God, and dispense 
the sacraments. For what does Christ say, Matt. x^i. 
19, 20. .^ ' Where two or three are gathered together,' 
&c. : and is it not plain that if two or three enjoy the 
privilege here described, it must exist in much greater 
force in the whole community ? How clearly, again, 
does St. Paul speak concerning ordination, 2 Tim. ii. 2. 
^ The things that thou hast heard of me among many 
witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, wha 
shall be able to teach others also.' Here there is no 
mention made of oil or oinlmeivt, Wt ^. command is. 



LUTHER. 51 

simply given to teach the Word of God. He to whom 
this is given is regarded hy St. Patd as a pastor^ a 
bishop, and a pontiff^ for all are comprehended in the 
preaching of the Divine Word. This is the office 
which Christ accounted peculiarly his own ; for by the 
Word oome the sacraments^ and by the Word is the 
form of the sacrament constituted^ which the papists do 
not deny. Christ certainly forgot the anointing when 
he said^ ^ Gro teach all nations^ and teach them to ob- 
serve all things whatsoever I have commanded you ;' 
that they might preach the Word of God, and admi. 
nister tl^ sacraments.'^ 

The interest excited by every subject which bore amy 
rdation to the grand purposes of the reformation^ kept 
Lather perpetually employed in refuting his opponents 
or strengthening the failli of his followers. He pub- 
lished^ in the present year^ several smaller treatises on 
the most popidar points of the dispute. But it must 
always be remembered^ to the honour of this wonderful 
man, that while engaged in controversy to a degree 
which distinguished him above every other polemical 
writer, he laboured with corresponding diligence as a 
preacher and a commentator on Scripture. At the 
•doae of the present year, he published the exposition^ 
Aont which he had been for some time employed, on a 
part of the book of Psalms, and several sermons ; and it 
is with delight that every religious mind must contem- 
plate the calm ^angelical sentiments which are poured 
forth in some of these compositions, as the fruit of his 
most retired and holy contemplations. 

Notwithstanding the opposition of duke George and 
fte other chiefs of the papal party, the protestant cause 
eontinued rapidly to advance. This might, no doubt, 
be ascribed in some respect to the comparative security 
which the reformers enjoyed after the passing of the 
htt decree; but too much importance must not be 
ascribed to this circumstance. With the increase o£ 
li{^ and knowledge, the minds of men Yrould naXxxT^^ 
leeame more mtereeted in the topics wbic)i\ eii^a^g,*^^ xJici^i 

£ 2 



52 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

attention of their most venerated instmctors. Noi 
shall we he giving too much credit to Christians Htm 
awakened to reflection^ if we helieve that a fair propor- 
tion of the numher would at no time refuse to encounter 
some degree of danger in the assertion of a pure and 
saving faith. Among the most conspicuous of the new 
adherents to the reformation were the prince of Anhalt 
and the duke of Cleves^ hoth of them distinguished for 
learning and piety, and well inclined to pursue with 
equal zeal and candour the main objects to be valued in 
the purifying of the church. 

But while circumstances of this kind indicated the 
progress of truth and knowledge, the continued advances 
of fanaticism filled the protestants with alarm and sor- 
row, and aflFbrded fresh opportunities for their enemies 
to confound the efforts which they made to obtain true 
Christian liberty with the wildest profligacy of thought 
and action that had ever veiled itself under a professior 
of religion. The anabaptists had lost none of theb 
strength by the death of Muncer. His power depended 
wholly upon the flame which enthusiasm had 111 
up in his mind, and that was not of a kind to 
•keep burning in the encounter of danger and priva- 
tion. A party, situated like the people of whom he be. 
came the momentary head, derives more advantage from 
a quick succession of new leaders, full of vigour for the 
instant, than it suffers evil from the events which seve- 
rally cut them off. 

A powerful detachment of this party had obtained { 
settlement in Westphalia, and thence sent forth thei: 
inflammatory appeals against the continuance of an] 
species of law or government, except such as might hi 
established on the wildest interpretation of Scripturt 
precept and prophecy. Thus they boldly asserted tha 
the authority of magistrates was already abolished, anc 
had given way to the reign of Christ, for the confirm- 
ation and execution of whose laws they had received i 
commission, they said, to employ the sword. Like here 
tics o£ a much earlier date, they denied that Jesus Chris 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 53 

had derived his body from the Virgin Mary ; and^ as- 
serting their freedom from all moral as well as political 
restraint, defended polygamy as conformable to the 
system of grace^ through which they looked for as much 
licentious enjoyment in this world as purer Christians 
expect of holy delight in the world to come. 



IS 8 



54 BISTORT OF THE REFORMATION. 



CHAP. XIV. 

REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. CHABACTXa OF HKNRT Wfh — 

CARDINAL WOLSSY. STATE OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND. — 

DESPOTISM OF THE CLERGY. TINDAL. BILNEY. — FRIIE. 

SAINHAM. DECLINE OF WOLSBY's FOWBR. •— QUBmOK 

RESPECTING THE EING's DIVORCE. EVENTS WHICH FOIp 

LOWED THEREUPON. — WOLSEY's FALL. CRANMBR. — HE 

THOMAS MORE. THE KING's SUPREMACY BSXABLUHEDb 

The progress of events at the period of a great moral 
or religious revolution is like the flowing of an ooean, 
which spreads its arms wider and wider^ and comes 
with a quicker pace^ at each return of the tide. France, 
Italy, Spain, the strength and ornaments of southern, 
and nearly the whole of northern, Europe, had felt the 
shaking of the earth under the footsteps of the ap« 
proaching giant. But no great nation had yet entirely 
thrown off its allegiance to the pope. The reformed 
states of Germany were linked by indissoluble ties to 
those which adhered with the utmost zeal to the Roman 
church; and in other countries the principles of pro- 
testantism had been embraced, not by the multitude, 
but by the few who were distinguished from their 
fellow.men by energy, power of inquiry, and a deep 
feeling of the vital importance of divine truth. 

England had experienced, in common with other na- 
tions, the influence of the reformed doctrines. It was 
prepared to sympathise in the earliest efibrts of Luther by 
the venerated memory of its own WickUffe. From the 
period when that able teacher of the Grospel had spread 
open the pages of the Bible, and called his countrymen 
to study the Word of God for themselves, and compare its 
testimonies with the creeds of primitive Christianity, a 
spirit of inquiry existed in this country which indicated 
that, sooner or later^ it would emancipate itself from the 



BENRir Yin. 55 

tyranny of Rome. Persecution did its utmost to smother 
this rising spirit of religious freedom ; and many were 
the martyrs who bled for the profession of the truth 
which they had learnt in the study of Scripture. 

Neither civil nor rdigious liberty enjoyed any prospect 
of success when Henry VIII. ascended the throne of 
his ancestors. His love of power was not more unfa, 
vourable to the improvement of his people^ than his 
fondness for dogmatism and the learning of the schools. 
He was thereby led to invade the provinces of thought 
and knowledge^ and place under royal law the dominion 
of truth. Had he been able to establish this supre- 
macy^ there would no longer have existed any of those 
happy retreats in which the scholar and philosopher 
rejoice to find themselves alone^ and where their own 
authority is felt and acknowledged to be the highest. 
The example of Erasmus proves how open the most 
learned are to the influence of kingly power; and that 
it is never exercised with more injury to the cause of 
sound erudition and pure reli^on than when the mc 
narch himself has notions of his own to support, and 
seems to consider his credit and honour at stake in 
securing attention to his arguments. 

The vices of this prince may in some degree be 
sscribed to the circumstances under which he began to 
KigQ, His father had been despised for his avarice ; and 
the oppressive exactions by which he had ruined the peo- 
ple, in order to gratify this base and unkingly passion^ 
rendered his death a cause of national rejoicing. The 
new monarch sought popularity by the indulgence of a 
profligate extravagance, which the country was at first 
led to admire as a display of princely generosity. It 
soon discovered its error; the exactions to which it 
hecame subject could ill be borne ; and it would pro- 
hably have sought to lighten the burden by a strong 
display of indignation, had it not been kept down, first, 
hy the watchfulness of the government, and next by the 
fteling of loyalty with which the prejudices on^Xk^'^ 

B 4 



56 HIST0R7 OF THE REFORMATION. 

inspired in Henry*s favour continued to animate alaige 
portion of the people. 

Religion coidd look for no help from the state at this 
period. The "knowledge which existed was contraband 
in the eyes of the men in power : it had been deriyed 
from a more than suspected source ; and the readiness 
with which the admirers of Wickliffe's writings acknow- 
ledged their reverence for those of Luther and Melanc- 
thon increased the abhorrence in which the name of 
the earlier reformer was held by the English Roman- 
ists. Henry's controversy with Luther contributed to 
destroy even the faintest hope which might have been 
entertained of his becoming a friend to the reformation. 
He was thereby rendered personally inimical to the cause; 
and there is nothing in the character of this monarch 
which could lead to the supposition that he would ever 
have sacrificed a personal feeling to any higher and 
nobler principle of action. It was to the existence of a 
stronger motive on the side of selfishness^ encountering 
that which had its origin in pride and ancient prejudice, 
that the church of the reformation was indebted for his 
assistance. 

Henry's political power was equal to that of the 
greatest of European monarchs ; and he readily took a 
part in all the important movements of the age. At 
one time he was the close ally of the emperor; at another, 
of his rival, the king of France, and the pope. The 
position and resources of the nation enabled him to 
engage in wars, which produced the most fearful con- 
vulsions on the Continent, with comparative safety. This 
procured him renown and influence. His opinion was 
of weight in all affairs of importance ; and the respect 
produced by power, riches, and external splendour, being 
easily made to stand good for the sentiments of their 
possessor, Henry enjoyed an authority which rendered 
him, in every way, a favourite ally of Rome. 

The minister of the monarch, in the most brilliant 
portion of his reign, was the celebrated cardinal Wolsey : 
a man of extraordinary sagacity, and whose fidelity to 



CARDINAL WOLSEY. 57 

his master was not less conspicuous than his political 
wisdom. To his counsels and prudence Henry owed 
the preservation of a power whicb^ under the control 
of his own wilful passions^ would have speedily vanished 
in the contempt engendered hy his personal weaknesses 
and vices. But Wolsey's wisdom and loyalty were 
mixed up with an ambition which gave additional vigour 
to every measure of his government in favour of Romish 
ascendancy. His love of power and display^ his proudest 
imaginations as a prince of the church, his desire of 
fame and honour as a statesman^ were as far satisfied as 
they could be in any station below that of the ponti- 
ficate. He was, virtually, the ruler of a mighty king- 
dom, for every measure by which its affairs were managed 
emanated from him.* His riches were sufficient for 
the support of an establishment which was regarded 
with surprise, even in an age remarkable for its love of 
pomp. The splendour of a court had never been better 
adapted to produce an impression of awe than the gran- 
deur with which this cardinal premier arranged his house- 
hold. But if he filled the minds of his countrymen with 
wonder at the display of his wealth, he produced an 
equally strong impression on those of foreign princes by 
the surpassing skill with which he executed every pro- 
ject of diplomacy. It was well known in all the con- 
tinental courts, that if he could be swayed, the king 
himself was secured : and hence the emperor, and other 
princes, found themselves constrained to conciliate his 
hjcfor by promises, the breach of which involved first 
the sacrifice of their own honour, but eventually the de- 
gradation of Wolsey. 
Henry's zeal for the support of the pope*s authority 

* According to Erasmus, **he Was the bringer about of a peace be. 
tween the chief monarchs of the world, when even pope Leo X. could 
ooIt bring to pass a five years' truce He had proceede»l a fair way by his 
endeavours to render Great Britain ex are auream^ a more glorious 
nation than ever it was before He purged the land of robbers, quieted 
diiputes among great men, reclaimed the clergy, and restored learning. 
As ftnr polite learning, as vet struggling with the patrons of the antient 
ignohince, he upheld it by his favour, and defended it by hU authoT\tY,&u<i 
adorned by his splendour, and cberiaaed by his kindness*** — Strvpe^NoW 
futi fkiffR 



58 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 

against the attack of Luther was greatly increased by the 
contempt with which the reformer treated his attempts ai 
a theologian. But it is singular how a prince of his cha. 
racter could' continue to promote a system which^ of all 
others^ tended most to the abridgment of royal authority 
The clergy claimed^ at the hands of the pope, complete 
immunity from civil charges and punishments. To th< 
pope were appeals made^ the spirit of which was ho8til< 
to every kind oi good government; and^ by the manage, 
ment of Wolsey^ the only defence which remained foi 
the king's jurisdiction^ in ecclesiastical affiurs^ was efS^' 
tually destroyed. Till the time of that subtle poli 
tician's acquirement of supreme power^ the Englisl 
bishops had been obliged to acknowledge their depend' 
ence on the state for the enjoyment of those rich tem. 
poralities which were^ doubtless, regarded by many ai 
the most valuable part of their dignity. Wolsey, h] 
uniting in himself the legatine authority with that o 
the chancellor^ obtained a triumph over the crown whicl 
it would have been vain for the pope to demand in hi 
own person. According to the views formerly held oi 
the nature and proper government of the church, it wa 
highly expedient that the monarch of a country shoulc 
be obliged to ask the sanction and blessing of its head 
when he nominated persons to fill its most importan 
offices. While this custom prevailed, it required onl; 
a moderate share of honesty, on the part of the pontifi 
to preserve the church from the influx of needy am 
ambitious politicians. But it was easy to be seen, the 
when the pope obtained possession of the temporalitie 
of a distant country, they were as likely to fall into th 
hands of unworthy men, as if the undivided contro 
over ecclesiastical appointments remained with the mos 
worldly-minded monarch. The court of the former wa 
not less dangerous to virtue than that of the latter ; am 
it made little difference whether the wealth of the churc 
was employed to further the designs of an ambition 
pontiff, or a bad king. According to the establishe 
custom in this country, t\ve iieYjVj-«.Y5^'«^'^ \ftako^ 



CARDINAL WOLSEY. 59 

having been approved by the pope^ was endowed with 
the revenues of his see by an order from the court of 
dianoery. Till this had been issued^ he was^ in reality^ 
as poor as iiny of the primitive overseers of the Chris* 
tian churchy and was thus taught to feel that he had 
national as well as catholic and ecclesiastical duties. 
Wolsey's assumption oi power led to thfe destruction of 
this feeling ; and had circumstances continued to favour 
his viewB^ and enable his successors in office to pursue 
the same projects^ the church in this country would 
have speedily lost every trace of independence^ and^ pro- 
bably^ (^ usefulnesss. 

But^ notwithstanding the error committed by Henry 
in these points^ and the many inducements which existed 
to make him a devoted ally of the pope> the history of 
several proceedings in the former part of his reign clearly 
proves that he was not always blind^ either to the dan* 
ger which the laws incurred through the pride of the 
Roman prelates^ or to the necessity under which he lay 
of resisting those pretensions to independence which they 
daily advanced. The case of Dr. Standish^ a man of 
great learning and honesty^ guardian of the mendicant 
friars^ and chief of the king's spiritual council^ afforded 
the monarch a fair opportunity of expressing his true 
fedings on a most important point of the controversy 
between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. 

The doctor^ it seems^ had ventured to uphold the 
principle^ that churchmen might lawfully be summoned 
to trial for offences against the laws^ in the same manner 
18 members of the laity. One of the most zealous of 
the high-church party, itie abbot of Winchelcomb^ loudly 
exclaimed against this opinion ; and Standish was, in the 
cud^ exposed to a persecution which threatened the most 
grievous consequences. During the progress of the dis- 
pute^ the murder of a merchant-tailor^ named Hume, 
was laid to the charge of some persons in the estabh'sh- 
nient of thd bishop of London ; and the endeavour to 
bring them to justice being thwarted by tbe mtexi^xew^^ 
of the prelate, a new cause .for discontent axo^. 1\2kfc 



60 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

unfortunate man had been murdered^ it was generally 
believed^ because he was not only suspected of reading 
Wickliffe's Bible^ but had ventured to resist some unjust 
demand on the part of a priest. So little effect^ how- 
ever^ had .either the decision of the coroner or the 
murmurs of the people in this case^ that the corpse of 
Hume was burnt in Smithfield as that of a suicide and 
a heretic^ who had deserved a worse death than that 
which he was accused of having inflicted on himself. 

But a feeling had taken possession of the public, which 
the clergy were no longer able to subdue. The decision 
of the ecclesiastical judges was protested against as ty- 
rannous and unjust ; and in this declaration of opinion 
the people were joined by their representatives in par- 
liament, and by the first lawyers in the kingdom. Henry 
found himself greatly embarrassed by this state of things. 
He plainly saw the danger into which the royal autho- 
rity, and the stability of the laws, would be brought, 
unless the clergy were obliged to acknowledge them, 
selves as his subjects, as well as the rest of the com- 
munity. 

In this perplexity, he called to his counsels Dr. Vesey, 
dean of the chapel-royal, and demanded of him a full 
and free statement of his conscientious opinions on the 
question at issue. The answer of this eminent church- 
man convinced the king still more that his own secret 
feelings on the subject were correct. He, therefore, sum- 
moned a meeting of the council without delay; and 
Dr. Standish having been called before the assembly, he 
was formally accused of holding opinions ruinous to 
the dignity and privileges of the church. Of the six 
articles named in the accusation, he acknowledged him- 
self the ready supporter of two : these were, first, that 
the exemption of ecclesiastics was not founded on a 
divine right; and, secondly, that no positive ecclesi- 
astical law binds any but those who receive it ! * 

On these points, both the accused and Dr. Vesey ar- 
gued with equal boldness and ingenuity. But neither 

• Burnet, vo\.\.'.iBll.\.Vj.\» 



WOLSET AND THE KINO. 6l 

their arguments nor the opinions of the lawyers could 
prevent the convocation from persevering in its original 
motion. Wolsey^ in the presence of the lords and com-* 
moDs^ the judges^ and privy council^ assembled at Bay- 
Dard*8 Castle^ made a solemn declaration before the king 
to this e£fect; and concluded by expressing his hope^ 
that his majesty^ to avoid the censures of the church, 
would refer the matter to the decision of the sovereign 
pontiff and his council at the court of Rome. 

The account of this affair is of the utmost importance, 
as illustrating the state of things previous to the reform^ 
ation in England. Nothing could better prove the 
determination of Wolsey to pursue his own interest, 
and that of the Roman church, in opposition to those of 
the nation,'^than the expression which he let fall in the 
discourse above related. Henry was himself startled by 
the words which threatened him with the censures of 
the church, if he did not, in fact, give up his authority 
as he who bore the sword for the punishment of evil 
doers. His conduct, on this occasion, was such as 
hecomes a monarch. " By the permission and ordinance 
of God," said he, ^'we are king of England; and the 
Hng of England, in times past, never had any superior, 
hut God only. Therefore, know you well, that we will 
niaintain the right of our crown and of our temporal juris- 
diction, as well in this as in all other points, in as ample 
manner as any of our progenitors have done before our 
time. And as for your decrees we are well assured, that 
you of the spirituality go expressly against the words of 
divers of them, as hath been showed you by some of our 
council ; and you interpret your decrees at your plea- 
sure, but we will not agree to them more than our pro- 
genitors have done in former times." 

If arguments were needed to prove the blessings con- 
sequent on the reformation, the very circumstance that 
this affait was hushed up would afford sufficient evi- 
dence to establish its worth in the eyes of every lover of 
justice and liberty. Notwithstanding the dedwe^ ^ew- 
^ments of the king, the decision of a juiy, l\\e o^voioft. 



62 HISTORY OF THB RBPOBMATION. 

of lawyers and judges^ the influence of tlie biaboptf 
was found sufficient to screen their instruments against 
the force of the laws. Henry foresaw the tumult whidi 
would arise if he persisted in punishing the candors 
as they deserved ; and the attorney-general was, there- 
fore^ directed to allow the most conspicuous of the 
accused parties to depart in safety on the plea of not 
guilty. 

The indignation with which the people contemplated 
these things was greatly increased hy the recollection of 
the long series of cruelties perpetrated against the Lol- 
lards, and every reader of Scripture or the writings of 
Luther. Wolsey himself acknowledged the necessity of 
a reformation so far as regarded the state of discipline 
and the manners of the clergy ; hut he did nothing to- 
wards repressing their furious hostility to the diffusion 
of that knowledge^ the want of which was the real 
source of most of the prevailing abuses. The people, 
therefore^ had to fight the battle for themselves; and 
had they understood the points of the controversy which 
it properly belonged to them to consider, they would have 
formed a barrier to the corruptions of the clergy not easily 
to be overcome. But, as yet, they could only murmur. 
There was not sufficient intelligence in the community 
to enable it to trace the evil to its source : no sufficient 
concord to give strength or consistency to its purposes. 
The executions which took place from time to time 
produced a feeling of horror and disgust ; but no means 
were taken to prevent the recurrence of such barbarities; 
and the bishops continued to violate every law of hu- 
manity and the Gospel with impunity.* 

But the day approached when truth was to reassert its 
authority. Many of the writings of Luther were already 
almost as well known in this country as in Germany. 
Among the English reformers, moreover, were men 
whose learning and energy well qualified them to fight 

* Strype*8 Eccles. Memc^, vol i. part L ed 1822. chap. vii. p. lia A 
full account is here given of the visitation carried on in the diocese^of 
XoodoDj and of the persons brought before the bishop. 



/ 



TIN1>AL. 63 

tbe same battle^ and employ the same weapons as Lu- 
ther. Of this number was William Tindal^ a man 
▼enerable in the history of the reformation^ as calling to 
memory the first legitimate attempts made since the time 
of Wickliffe to give the people solid and* Scriptural in - 
struction. After having become favourably known to 
many persons of eminence^ he received a small grant of 
money to secure his maintenance^ while he carried into 
effect his long-formed design of translating the New 
Testament from the original Greek. In order to obtain 
advantages which could not be so readily secured in 
this country^ he proceeded to Germany^ and there en- 
joyed^ for a time^ the inestimable benefit of conversing 
ftreely with those noble examples of learning and piety 
which it was his ambition to imitate. From Germany 
he travelled into the Netherlands, and took up his abode 
at Antwerp, where, in the year 1526, he completed and 
printed his translation. Copies of the book were imme- 
diately sent to England, and their speedy circulation 
through the country filled the bishops with new alarm. 
Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of 
London, issued an order prohibiting any one from pos- 
sessing a copy, on pain of excommunication and punish- 
ment for heresy. The translation itself was described 
u proceeding from the followers of Luther, and as 
iboimding in errors and pernicious glosses. 

Bat neither the threats of punishment nor the abuse 
lavished on the work could prevent the circulation of 
Tindal's Testament. The bishop of London, who en- 
joyed the enviable distinction of hating the cruelties, 
tbough he allowed the necessity, of persecution, had re- 
course to the expedient of secretly purchasing the copies 
which had not yet been sent over to England. But this 
attempt to stop the diffusion of Scriptural light also 
failed. The money procured by the sale of the original 
impression was employed in printing a more correct 
edition of the translation, and the English prelates re- 
ceived fresh information every day of its. favourable 
Inception amon^ tiie people. 



64 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



Thus was the struggle carried on between the little 
band of Scriptural teachers^ and the numerous and all- 
powerful hierarchy which^ but for the inborn sense of 
right and freedom which always belonged to our na- 
tionality^ would have brought England to the same state 
to which Italy was reduced by the operation of a similar 
power. Already had blood flowed in copious streams ; 
and more was still to be poured out^ in the hope^ as it 
would seem, that the flowing of the sanguinary torrent 
might at length carry the Bible back into its obscurest 
hiding-places. 

Among the sufferers of those eventful times were 
men whose united learning and piety would have 
adorned any station in the church. Their names, and 
the narrative of their martyrdoms, are familiar to most 
English readers. Bilney and Frith had both of them 
obtained distinction at the universities. There was no- 
thing in their characters that savoured of enthusiasm ; 
and not one of their enemies could accuse them of 
aught but preaching from the Scriptures, and exhort- 
ing those who heard them, to test the truth of their 
doctrines by a reference to the same divine source 
of knowledge. The former of these venerable mar- 
tyrs, humbled under a sense of sin, had long sought for 
comfort in the ceremonies and ordinances of the Romish 
church.* He sought it in vain ; and that saddest of all 
feelings, the fear that the last resource of afflicted minds, 
penitence and devotion, would not avail him, filled him 
with despair. A passage in the New Testament, to the 
reading of which he was led by the fame of the transla- 
tion of Erasmus, reinspired him with hope. The fur- 
ther study of the Gospel confirmed the impression thus 
made; and in proportion as he became happier in his 
mind, through the bland influence of Scriptural medi- 
tation, he felt increasing gratitude to the source from 
whence he had derived this consolation. 



* Fox's Acts and Monuments. Among the first of Bilney's converts 
wag ** Master Hugh Latimer ; which Latimer, at that time, was cross- 
keeper at Cambridge, bringing il fotlh upou iptoc^M^oxw <Sa^%." 



BILNEY. 65 

Haying resolved to employ what might he left him 
of Efe in preaching those truths from which he had 
himself derived so much advantage^ he entered upon 
his course with the spirit of a sincere and zealous con- 
vert. But he was not yet prepared to endure the suf- 
ferings to which such a profession of faith exposed 
him. Summoned hefore the hishop of Loudon on the 
charge of heresy, he consented to retract, and was ac- 
quitted after hearing a faggot at S. Paul's cross.''^ 

If his state was miserable before he became ac- 
quainted with the saving doctrines of the Gospel, it was 
doubly so now. Scarcely had he left the scene of his 
humiUation, when he began to experience all the ter- 
rors of a soul which had denied its God, or treated the 
blood of Christ as an unholy thing. No longer able to 
turn for comfort to that Gospel which he had denied, 
shut out from communion with the good and holy men 
whose example had formerly animated him to the de- 
sire of becoming a confessor, he appeared to himself 
like a creature already wandering in the outer darkness, 
and to whom hope was lost for ever. 

Such a state of feeling could not be borne long with. 
out driving the sufferer either to madness or atheism ; 
the latter being not unfrequently the result of despair, 
operating sometimes in one way, and sometimes in 
another. But Bilney obtained mercy. His error was 
the consequence neither of perverseness nor of hypo- 
crisy. He fell, as St. Peter, not with the consent of the 
apbit, but through weakness of the flesh. When his 
Melancholy, therefore, had arrived at its height, he was 
still allowed to recollect the invitations of the Gospel. 
Be saw therein no denial of mercy to those who should 
diligently seek it by prayer and repentance. Awakened 
to new hope by these returns to Scripture, he began to 
nieditate on the means by which he could best prove 
his contrition, and recover the peace which he had lost. 
His resolution was soon taken ; and, with the New 

. * In his retractation be submitted to call Luther a w icked aiid dLcX.ctX8^<& 
heretia 

VOL, n, F 



66 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

Testament in his .hands, he hastened into Norfolk, 
-where he preached the doctrines of the reformed faith 
so openly, and with such seal, that he speedily attracted 
the notice of Nix, the hishop of Norwich, by whom he 
was apprehended, and condemned to the flames. His 
constancy and cheerfulness, when led to the stake, 
proved how much happier the human soul may feel in 
the sight of any species of worldly terror, than it can 
in the perfect possession of outward safety and tran- 
quillity with any cause of inward disturbance. Such 
was the deep feeling of serenity which filled the heart 
of the martyr at this moment, that he saw the pile 
prepared for him with the complacency of one about to 
offer up a sacrifice of thanksgiving ; and when exhorted 
to remain firm, he replied calmly, that he was like a 
mariner, who, when tossed upon a stormy sea, thinb 
only of arriving at a safe port, and when he reaches it 
rejoices that his danger and labours are at an end.* 

The next victim was a layman, James Bainham by 
name, a lawyer in the Temple, and a person of family 
and worth. His apprehension was followed by his 
being immediately put to the rack, and in the agonizing 
dread with which he contemplated a repetition of the 
torture, he professed himself willing to recant. But, 
like Bilney, he soon found that no bodily pains could 
inflict a suffering so terrible to the human heart as the 
fear and anguish of conscience. Humiliated and deeply 
penitent, he resolved on giving the best proof in hii 
power of the sorrow with whic^ he regarded his weak- 
ness. Proceeding, with this purpose in his mind, U 
St. Austin's church in the city, he rose during the ser 
vice, and before all the congregation, held up a copy o 
the English Testament, and declared, with a loud voice 
that he there acknowledged the crime of which he hac 
been gtdlty in recanting. He was led to this step, h 
said, by the torments which he had suffered already 
and by the assurance which possessed his mind, that i 

* Fox's Acts and Monumentsi 



JAMES BAINHAM. 67 

be did not thus seek for mercy^ the day of judgment 
would doom him to everlasting misery. 

A brief interval only was iRlowed to elapse before he 
was brought to the stake. The same remarkable com- 
posure and cheerfulness of mind as distinguished Bilney 
in his last hours^ characterised the conduct of Bainham. 
He rejoiced at the prospect of being admitted, notwith- 
standing his former weakness, to the company of those 
vho had honoured God by their deaths ; and when the 
fire had already half consumed his body, he exclaimed, 
^' Think not, O ye papists, that I am suffering any 
agony in these flames. Ye look for miracles, and be- 
hold a miracle ; for this burning pile is to me as a bed 
of roses." 

Such was the constancy with which these profess- 

ors of the evangelical faith bore testimony to its truth. 

Never did the world behold a more awful instance 

of the power which the spirit of darkness exercises 

among men, than that afforded by the condemnation 

of these protestant martyrs. When the persecutors of 

the early Christians condemned them to the scaffold, 

or the ensanguined circle of the amphitheatre, they only 

pursued a course which had been adopted for ages by 

the enemies of truth. They turned neither to the right 

Hand nor the left in these proceedings ; contradicted 

^o professed principle ; were guilty of no inconsistency, 

of no hyprocrisy, of no intolerance even, for it was but 

*n exercise of such power as had ever been employed to 

support the empire of falsehood and sensuality. The 

Oospel had overturned the foundations oji which their 

vystem was built. It had taught men that the love of 

Ood is the source of all wisdom and all good, and put 

^ solemn question to the whole human race, " If a 

Baan loves not his brother whom he has seen, how 

cwi he love God whom he has not seen ? " Nor had it 

left men at liberty to determine absolutely for each 

other that which is true or false, without an appeal to a 

higher standard than their own reason. That ^Xaxv^^x^ 

i« the word of God; and it was for their ap^ea\ix\% \ft 

p 2 



6*8 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

this standard that the chiefs of the Roman church de* 
luged its courts with the hlood of martyrs. 

While these events were 'in progress, the affairs of 
the court and kingdom afforded occasion for much 
anxiety on the side of the party in power. Wolsey 
had fallen from his high estate. He had long hoped 
that the influence which he exercised not only over the 
government of England^ hut in so many of die foreign 
courts^ would at length procure his elevation to the 
papal throne. Promises even were given him to that 
effect hy the emperor Charles ; and when he found 
them broken, he boldly changed the course of his mas- 
ter's policy. But from this period his conduct was that 
of a disappointed man. He seems to have endeavoured 
to make up for his loss of the splendid prize on which 
he had set his hearty by exercising the power he pos- 
sessed with a more reckless disregard of every thing 
but the gratification of his pride. Thus he did not 
scruple to place his own name above that of the king's ; 
and by this^ and a series of similar actions^ Henry was 
at last convinced that the crown of England must be 
made to fit two heads^ or be snatched from the grasp of 
such a favourite. 

But the power of Wolsey was planted deep in the 
feelings and prejudices of the nation ; and Henry had 
learnt to repose on his counsels till it was almost im- 
possible for him to decide on any matter of importance 
without appealing to his experience. It would, there- 
fore, have been long, it is probable, before the cardinal 
had found reason to suspect the stability of his position^ 
had it not been for circumstances which brought the 
whole force of his sovereign's will and passions to bear 
against his interests. 

We need do little more than allude to the transactions 
respecting Henry's divorce from Catherine of Arragon. 
They form a portion of the events which belong as 
much to national as to church history. It is sufficient 
for us to remind the reader that the king had at first 
objected to marrying his \)iol\\et ^ yjvdjyn , but was over- 



henry's divorce. 69 

ruled by the strong arguments, advanced in favour of 
tbe measure by the political counsellors of his father.* 
The same dislike to the union existed after the mar- 
riage had taken place^ and when Henry ascended the 
dirone. But the arguments which had been origi- 
nally advanced in its favour were still pressed upon 
bis consideration ;.and he was induced thereby to con. 
firm the marriage, and exalt Catherine to the throne. 

The fact that he had originally strong objections to 
his union with this princess^ and that they were founded 
on scruples which had every appearance of conscien- 
tious feelings ought not to be lost sight of. Although 
it cannot apologize for his subsequent conduct^ it cer. 
tainly softens^ in some measure^ the suspicion that his 
course was begun in hot-blooded sensuality. Consider- 
ing his character and his early formed prejudice against 
Catharine^ the respect which he paid her^ and the con- 
stancy with which he appears to have kept his mar- 
riage, vows^ till the question of the divorce was settled^ 
we should be led to believe that he was free from 
treachery ; and that in pressing for the divorce more 
eagerly when he became enamoured of Ann Boleyn, he 
acted no otherwise than any man would have done^ 
who had already come to the conclusion that religion^ as 
vdl as his own inclination^ was on the side of such a 
i&easure. 

At the first attempt made to settle this important busi- 
oesB, it was little suspected that the difficulties which 
it involved would finally defy the power of the church, 
/ and only slowly yield to the will and determination of 
^ prince and his courtiers. But the Roman pontiff 
had felt the weight of the emperor's glaive, and he knew 
that to pronounce a sentence of divorce which should 
^throne a near and respected relative of that sovereign 

* The buU granted by the pope to authorise the marriage was couched 
ta terms the most explicit, and ended with a solemn prohibition against 
»>y objection which might be hereafter urged against the union : — " NulU 
ngo omnino hominum liceat banc paginam nostrae absolutionls, d\&vet\.%«L- 
Itotit, et Toluntatis infringere, vel el auisu temerario cotvttaVce. ^\ q^\% 
StttOD btte attewptare prsesumpaerit, indignationem OTivY\\poX.eT\tA% 'Dciv «£> 
Baaoram Petri et Paali Apoetolorum ^us se novetil Iucuwututxi:* 

F 3 



f 



70 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

would be to involve himself in troubles worse i 
those from which he had so narrowly escaped. Nor 
it consistent with his station to forget^ that by a ] 
ceeding of this nature he might endanger the chi 
itself. Charles V., it had been already seen^ was n 
prince who valued the pretensions of the hierai 
when they interfered with his own determinatio 
and there was every reason to suspect that any ad 
combination of circumstances^ which should bring 
power of Rome into collision with his own^ would 
termine his mind in favour of the protestants. He 
on the other hand^ was not to be offended with in 
nity. In him the church had found a defender 
performed his office with the affection of a son^ and 
zeal of a partizan. His power and influence 
necessary as counterbalancing weights to those of 
emperor and the French king ; and it was reason 
apprehended that if they were thrown into the opp 
* scale^ the church would suffer materially both in itj 
dependence and its resources. 

To these considerations, it is but fair to believe, ^ 
added others of a higher kind. The question of 
divorce was one which could not be considered witl 
reference to Scripture, and to the fundamental princi 
of natural and moral law. That this reference 
wholly neglected would be an unjust assertion ; 
when once engaged in an inquiry of this nature, 
minds of most men will find themselves in a labyri 
from which, with any feeling of conscientiousness, 
impossible very quickly to escape. 

But if the pope had cause to fear the conseque 
which might result from the discussion of this sub, 
cardinal Wolsey was placed thereby in a state of 
greater perplexity. He had prided himself on 
soundness of the policy which had hitherto prese 
the dignity of his sovereign and the nation from 
reign aggression. The impetuosity of Henry's feel 
was now such as to threaten to undo, by some sue 
determination^ all that his wise, though ambiti 



henry's divorce. . 71 

I minister had effected. Had Wolsey been nothing 
^ more than a political counsellor^ he must have felt 
alarmed and irritated at this aspect of affairs. But his 
natural acuteness and penetration enabled him to fore- 
see that on the issue of the question in debate hung all 
liis fortunes^ and that if it should be determined con- 
trary to his known sentiments^ he must lose, for ever, 
the sole support of his dignity and sp]/endour, the trust 
and confidence of the king. 
It was Wokey's interest and duty to watch the pro- 
^ gress of the discussion in the Roman court, and frame 
-^ his own measures accordingly. Had he attempted to 
act independently of the rule thus afforded him, he 
would have been favouring a system, under the pre- 
dominance of which his power and riches would have 
Tanished like a shadow. Nor could he do so without a 
violation of the fidelity which he owed to the church, 
of which he was the favoured child, and to the princi- 
ples of which he adhered, as founded on rightful pre- 
cepts. Had he sought only to please the king in this 
matter, he would have merited not merely the censures 
which are heaped on pride and ambition, where only 
holiness should prevail, but the deep reprobation, the 
scorn and contempt, with which the time-serving cour- 
tier is deservedly overwhelmed. 

Wolsey, in short, took the part which it might be 
expected, as well from his character as his necessities, 
he would adopt. After it had been attempted in vain, 
by the court of Rome, to determine the question, so 
as to set it at rest, by satisfying the wishes of the 
£nglish monarch. Cardinal Campegio was sent over 
to this country with legantine powers and instruc- 
tions to form with Wolsey a court to try the cause. 
Campegio was Wolsey's junior in the sacred coUege ; 
and the latter, it is suspected, wished to have him for 
his colleague on this occasion, that he might still pre- 
serve his state, and exercise the influence which it was 
now so necessary he should possess for his oviiv s^aieX."^ .* 

, • Fuller u very amusing in his account of this matier. "C«m^e!^>aA 

F 4 



72 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

A. D. Both the king and the queen were formally dted ^ 
1529. appear hefore the legates and their court; and both 
oheyed the summons. The unfortunate Catherine ad- 
dressed her consort in terms of sorrow and respect. 
Many powerful reasons were contained in the few words 
she uttered, to prove that the meditated divorce would 
he an outrage against justice^ as well as mercy. ''Alas, 
Sir ! I see I am wronged^ having no counsel to speak 
for me^ hut such as are your suhjects^ and cannot be 
indifferent upon my part. Therefore I must humbly 
beseech you^ even in charity, to stay this course until I 
have advice and counsel from Spain ; if not^ your 
grace's pleasure he done^" was the melancholy couclu. 
don to her brief address, and having finished which 
she left the court, apparently resolved to resist oppres- 
sion with a dignity which should have more of patience 
in its character than of petulance or anger. 

The pope had flattered Henry with the notion that 
he had put a bull into the hands of Campegio which 
would enable him to determine the matter according to 
his wishes ; and, though no efforts of Wolsey or the 
king could induce the pontiff to give permission for 
this bull to be seen by others, Henry still hoped that the 
consultation of the legates would end in the sentence 
of divorce being published and confirmed. 

I 

was the junior cardinal," says he, " and therefore the rather procured by 
Wolsey to be his colleague in this business, whose pride could scarce ad- 
mit an equal, but abhorred a superior, that any foreign prince should take 
place of him in England. As Wolsey's junior, so was he none of the most 
mercurial amongst the conclave of cardinals, but a good heavy man, having 
ingenium par negotio ; neither too much nor too little, but just wit enough 
for the purpose tne pope employed him in. Wolsey might spur Campegius, 
and Campegius would bridle Wolsey, keeping them both strictly to the 
letter of their instructions. Wolsey, hearing Campegius was come to 
Calais, with an equipage not so court-like as he could have desired, and 
loth that his own pomp should be shamed by the other's poverty, caused 
him to stay there till he sent him more splendid accommodations, at least 
in outward show, and then over he came into England. But see the 
spight of it As the cardinal's mules passed Cheapside, out of unrulin«ss 
they chanced to break the trunks they carried, which were found full of 
nothing but emptiness, which exposed his mock state to the more scorn 
and contempt Empty trunks, the lively emblem of this cardinal's legacy, 
coming hither with intent and instructions to do little, and going hence 
having done nothing at all." — Book v. p.472. The real argument with the 
pope most probably was, that Campegius was known to favour, in some 
i, the emperor's wishes, but was a\mo&V. vndiSexeni.— Strt/pe^ p. 115. 



l^^havinj 



henry's divorce. 73 

But he soon found reason to fear that his expecta. 
tioDs had heen formed without due consideration. The 
court was adjourned from day to day, and no pro. 
ffKss whatever made in the trial. While he thus 
vainly pressed his cause^ the queen was not inactive in 
lier defence. She had appealed to her nephew for sup- 
port^ and Charles had intimated that he would not 
allow her to he oppressed without his resenting the 
injury she suffered. In this state of things^ the pope 
was advised to allow of an avocation to Rome ; and no 
sooner did this become known to the king^ than he di- 
rected his ambassadors to employ their most earnest 
persuasions to dissuade the pontiff from this proceeding. 
Wolsey was still so far in favour with the king as to 
be made his instrument in the endeavour to prevent the 
cause from being carried to Rome. We are informed^ 
that he directed Dr. Bennet^ in his name^ and with tears 
in his eyes, ^' lying at the pope's feet, to assure him, 
that the king and kingdom of England were certainly 
lost, if the cause were avocated : therefore, he besought 
him to leave it still in their hands, and assured him, 
that for himself, he should rather be torn in pieces, 
joint by joint, than do any thing in that matter con- 
trary to his conscience, or to justice." * 

The process was delayed by continual intermissions 
of its sittings till the 23d of July. From the exer. 
tions which had been made in his favour, and the 
general bearing of the cardinal, Henry cherished the 
hope that the decision of this day would set the matter 
at rest^ and leave him at liberty to contract a new mar- 
riage. But Campegio had determined otherwise ; and 
when the monarch and his courtiers were in full ex- 
pectation of hearing the definitive sentence pronounced, 
they found, to their mortification, that the cardinal in- 
tended to insist on following the rules of the consis. 
tory at Rome, and ceasing from all further discussion 
of the matter during a vacation which was to last till 
the beginning of October. 

J.* Burton, vol I p. i. b. ii. 



74^ HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATION. 

Shortly' after this^ the pope sent orders to the l^ates 
to dissolve the commission^ and inform the king of the 
avocation of the cause to Rome. Henry was now left 
in extreme perplexity. His determination to obtain the 
divorce became firmer as he continued to experience 
fresh annoyances from the prosecution of the suit. By 
an easy species of frauds he was ready to attribute 
the whole burthen of his uneasiness on these occasions 
to the unfortunate queen; and if he had little per- 
sonal enmity against her when the separation was first 
suggested to his thoughts^ there is no reason to believe 
that such was the case after the affair had been some 
time in progress. 

In the disgust which the monarch thus harboured in 
his breast Wolsey found a share. The difficulties of 
his present position had not yielded to the power and 
subtle wit which had hitherto borne him along the tide. 
Henry expected to find in him a minister sufficiently 
skilfid and compliant to carry his point against all olv- 
stacles ; and Wolsey manifested^ at firsts so strong an 
inclination to fulfil his master s wishes^ that the queen 
regarded him as her chief enemy, and readily adopted 
the views of the emperor Charles as to the policy of 
abridging his influence. It only needed that Henry 
should be rendered suspicious of his zeal or affection to 
humble him beneath the power of his enemies on both 
sides; and the untoward determination of Campegio, 
to close the court, with the subsequent order of the 
pope that the cause should be tried at Rome, quickly 
brought about that collision of feeling, which no art- on 
the side of the cardinal could overcome. 

The fate of this extraordinary man was now deter- 

♦ " It is certain he was as earnest in this cause as ever he was in any, as 
appears by his importunity with the pope, begging and beseeching him, as 
he esteemed him a Christian, a good cardinal, worthy of that sacred col- 
lege, no useless and unprofitable member of the apostolic see ; as he looked 
upon him to be a lover of right and justice, his faithful creature, and, in a 
word, one that desired eternal salvation, that he would, at this t'me, have 
respect unto his counsel and intercession, and favourably grant the king his 
most godly requests ; which, had he not l;nown them to be right, holy, and 
just, he would rather, he said, have undergone all kinds of punishment 
than have promoted them ■, nay, thai he would pawn his very life and soul 
for them." -~ Sirffpe, Eccles. AnnaU^ -voV \. T^«t\.\. ^.Vi&. 



FALL OF WOLSET. 75 

mined. Henry^ at the approach of the Michaehnas term, 
required him to resign the great seal ; and almost imme- 
diately after he was impeached in the house of lords. 
On the articles of impeachment being brought before 
the commons, his faithful seryant, Cromwell, supported 
his cause so well, that he was spared the personal dis- 
grace which seemed to await him at their hands. 

But though safe from punishment in his own per- 
son, the king deprived him not only of his temporal 
dignities, but of his rich ecclesiastical possessions. At 
once archbishop of York and bishop of Winchester, 
besides enjoying numerous minor, but almost equally 
profitable preferments, he now saw himself in danger 
of being reduced to penury. The principal offence laid 
to his charge was, that he had unlawfully exercised 
the legantine office, and introduced the pope's bulls 
into this country, contrary to the statute of Richard II. 
He might, therefore, consider himself happy in escap- 
ing with merely the loss of wealth ; but such was the 
attachment which still lingered in the heart of the king 
towards his ancient servant, that he left him only a 
short time to suffer even from causes of this kind. The 
bishoprics, and the splendid furniture which had been 
seized in his residence, were restored ; and had he now 
manifested any of the self-respect and dignity which 
ought to have been looked for in such a man, he might 
still have enjoyed much of the influence and honour 
which attend true greatness even in its fall. 

Unhappily for Wolsey, he had never contemplated a 
reverse of fortune. His elevation as a churchman had 
made him forget himself as the favourite of a king, and 
subject consequently to all the changes and chances of 
a courtier's life. When calamity approached, therefore, 
it found him wholly unprepared to meet the storm. 
He sunk overwhelmed with despair ; and his enemies 
had the satisfaction of seeing him, not only humbled 
in his fortunes, but broken in that heart and spirit 
of pride, before which they had so often tte«\\i\fi.^% 
Benrjr pitied him, hut peremptorily ordered \i^s ^'^- 



76 HISTOBT OF THE REPORMATIOX. 

partare from London ; and^ after a vain attempt to re- 
main in the neighbourhood of the capital^ he was obliged 
to yield to the influence of those now in power^ and 
take his journey into Yorkshire. 

A cardinal and an archbishop^ with sufficient wealth 
remaining to support both dignities^ it was scarcely 
to be expected that he would proceed with the feeling! 
of an exile to his extensiye diocese. But the loss of a 
single step to the ambitious man is the loss of confi- 
dence and hope. It was at the price of years^ and of 
toil the most afflicting^ that he gained it^ and^ once loBt, 
the re-ascent seemed contemplated in yain. 

It was not, however, allowed the unfortunate Wolsey 
to try what retirement and study might do in calming 
his irritated mind. He had been in Yorkshire only a 
few months, when he was accused of high treason by 
the earl of Northumberland, and committed as a pri- 
soner to the keeper of the Tower, who had directions 
to convey him to London. This blow was sufficient 
to destroy all lingering remains of hope. From the 
moment he became a prisoner, though treated with 
the respect due to his rank, he resigned himself to 
despair. His strength was not sufficient to enable 
him to sustain this agitation of mind, and by the 
time he reached Sheffield Park, the seat of the earl of 
Shrewsbury, he was evidently approaching his latter 
end. A brief revival of nature enabled him to resume 
the journey, and he reached Leicester ; there he again 
sunk under the burthen of his grief, and with his last 
breath taught a melancholy lesson of penitence and 
humility to those who serve man and themselves with 
more fidelity than God.* 

During the progress of those affairs which eventually 
ruined the fortunes of Wolsey, two men of distin- 
guished worth and ability were gradually rising to powei 
and fame. These were sir Thomas More and Cranmer. 
So broadly marked with inconsistencies were the 
characters of men at this period, that the former oi 
* Carendisht Wordf worth's Eccles. Biog. vol. I. ^. &\A. 



CRANUEB. 77 

these celebrated actors in the events of the reformation^ 

was not ^ more remarkable for his private worthy the 

extent of his learnings the force of his natural abDity 

and general purity of public conduct, than for fierceness 

of zeal and cruelty as a persecutor^ when called upon 

to aid the designs of the Romish priesthood. To sir 

Thomas More was committed the charge of com. 

pleting the prosecution of Frith, Bainham^ and others^ 

and it was this otherwise amiable man, and upright 

judge^ who condemned them to the flames. At the 

time of Wolsey's disgrace, he was in the plenitude of 

his fame, and the chancellorship having been offered to 

Wareham, archbishop of Canterbury, and being refused 

by that prelate, owing to his great age,' he was admitted 

to this eminent station^ a station as fitted to display his 

errors as his virtues, but in which he manifested an 

integrity of purpose so unstained by the usual marks of 

a willing or selfish prejudice, that the former ask our 

pity, while the latter demand our veneration. 

Cranmer was indebted for the favour which he en« 
joyed at the hands of Henry to the power which learning, 
simplicity^ and good sense united, will always give a 
man when the powerful stand more in need of counsel 
than flattery. This eminent reformer had acquired dis- 
tinction at Cambridge for his extensive erudition, and 
profound knowledge of divinity. Wolsey was so well 
acquainted with his character, that he wished to make 
him one of the professors in his own newly established 
college; but Cranmer refused the proffered honour, from ' 
an indifference, say his biographers, to the calls of am- 
bition^ but more probably, we think, from an instinctive 
dread of sacrificing his knowledge, his love of truth and 
ingenuousness, to the support of that system of the false. 
hoo<l of which he began already to be convinced. 

The appearance of the plague at the university had 
obliged Cranmer to leave his usual residence, and take 
up his abode in the house of a Mr. Cressy of Waltham 
Cross^ to whose sons he had lately been ^ppovu\;ed toX^x. 
In the course of bis progress, the Hng slo^^^ ^^* 



78 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

Waltham for the night ; and Gardiner and Fox having 
a lodging assigned them at Mr. Cressy's^ they tbere 
became acquainted with Cranmer. The learning and 
ingenuity manifest in his conyersation inspired them 
with the highest respect for his ability ; and when the 
discourse at supper was directed to the subject of the 
divorce^ they listened to his observations as those of a 
man whose intellect was as clear as it was p«werfuL 
Cranmer had long since formed his opinion on the na- 
ture of the question ; and he now remarked^ that the 
proper method of settling the dispute would be to refer 
it to the universities^ and the most celebrated scholars 
of various countries : that if they determined the mar- 
riage to have been unlawful in itself, the decree of the 
pope must have left it so still; and that^ therefore, 
nothing farther was required than their decision to re- 
lieve the king from the embarrassment which he had so 
long suffered by the delays of the Roman court. Henry, 
on being informed of this suggestion, expressed his 
desire to see the author of so acceptable a proposition ; 
and Cranmer, being called to court, speedily secured 
the king's favour, and, what was so far more difficult 
to be acquired or retained, his deep and sincere respect. 

Cranmer having been recommended to the father of 
Anne Boleyn, newly created earl of Wiltshire and Or- 
mond, was received into his household, that he might 
enjoy sufficient leisure to compose a treatise elucidating 
and confirming his views respecting the divorce. Se- 
veral learned men, in the mean time, were directed to 
proceed to Germany, France, and Italy, for the purpose 
of consulting the most celebrated of their cotemporaries; 
and Henry appears to have been suddenly inspired with 
a new hope of seeing his wishes fulfilled. 

It was intrusted to Gardiner and Fox to manage this 
important business in the university of Cambridge ; and 
the letter in which they acquainted the king with their 
proceedings affords some curious information respecting 
the manner in which they were carried on. ** Fleaseth 
your highness," say t\iey, " Xo >a^ «ANet\.\sfcd^ that ar- 



\ 



FftOCEEDINOS AT CAMBRIDGE. 79 

living here at Cambridge upon Saturday last past^ at 
noon, that same night, and Sunday in the morning, we 
devised with the yice-chancellor^ and such other as 
&yoar your grace's cause^ how and in what sort to com- 
pass and attain your grace's purpose and intent; wherein, 
we assure your grace, we found much towardness, good, 
will, and vigilance, in the vice-chancellor and Dr. Ed- 
munds, being as studious to serve your grace as we could 
wish or desire. Nevertheless there was not so much 
care, labour, study, and diligence employed on our party, 
by them, ourself, and other, for attaining your grace's 
purpose, but there was as much done by others for the 
let and impeachment of the same ; and as we assembled 
they assembled ; as we made friends they made friends, 
to let that nothing should pass us in the university's 
name : wherein the first day they were superior, for 
they had put in the ears of them, by whose voices such 
tilings do pass, multas fdbulas, too tedious to write unto 
your grace. Upon Sunday at afternoon were assembled, 
after the manner of the university, all the doctors, 
bachelors of divinity, and masters of arts, being in num- 
ber almost 200. In that congregation we delivered 
your grace's letters, which were read openly by the vice- 
chancellor. And for answer to be made unto them, 
first, the vice-chancellor, calling apart the doctors, asked 
their advice and opinion; whereunto they answered, se- 
verally, as their affections led them, etreserat in multacon^ 
fimone. Tandem they were content that answer should 
be made to the questions by indifferent men ; but then 
they came to exceptions against the abbot of St. Benet*s, 
who seemed to come for that purpose ; and likewise 
against Dr. Reppes and Dr. Crome ; and also generally 
against all such as had allowed Dr. Cranmer*s book, 
inasmuch as they had already declared their opinion. 
We said thereunto, that by that reason they might ex- 
cept against all ; for it was likely, that in a question so 
notable as this is, every man learned hath said to his 
friend as he thinketh on it for the time : but vie ow^X. 
not io judge of any man, that he setteth moxe \.o ^eiea^ 



80 HISTORY OF THJB REFORMATION. 

that which he hath once said, than tnith afterward 
known. Finally, the vice-chancellor^ hecause the day 
was much spent in those altercations, commending every 
man to resort to his seat apart, as the manner is in those 
assemhlies, willed every man s mind to he known se- 
cretly, whether they would he content with such an 
order as he had conceived for answer to he made hy the 
university to your grace's letters ; whereunto that night 
they would in nowise agree. And forasmuch as it was 
then dark night, the vice-chancellor continued the con- 
gregation till the next day at one of the clock, at which 
time the vice-chancellor proposed a grace after the form 
herein inclosed, and it was first denied ; when it was 
asked again, it was even on hoth parties, to he denied 
or granted; and at the last, hy labour of friends to 
cause some to depart the house which were against it, 
it was obtained in such form as the schedule herein 
inclosed purporteth, wherein be two points which we 
would hkve left out ; but, considering by putting in of 
them we allowed many, and that, indeed, they shall not 
hurt the determination for your grace's part, we were 
finally content therewith." 

The points which the writers of this epistle would 
have fain left out in the decree of the university, were 
these : — that the question should be disputed in public, 
and decided by the majority of votes. It cannot but 
be evident, indeed, that fears were entertained respecting 
the submissiveness of the university to the will of the 
monarch. And in this an honest mind would rejoice, 
were it not that, with all its opposition, it was open to 
the practice of arts which soon enabled the king to ob- 
tain a decision according to his wishes.* 

While Fox and Gardiner were furthering the royal 
cause at Cambridge, Dr. Crook was exerting himself 
with equal zeal on the continent ; and his letter to 
Henry, dated Venice, July 1. 1530, gives indisputable 
evidence respecting the opinions of the reformers in 
general on the subject of the divorce. ^' Please it your 

» Strype. "Butti^t. 



obook's letter. 81 

li^hness to be tdvertised/' says he, ^' that as this day 
I obtained the common seal of the uniyersity of Padua^ 
in substantial and good form ; for all the doctors were 
assembled upon Sunday^ and the case was amongst them 
solemnly and earnestly disputed all Monday^ Tuesday^ 
Wednesday, and Thursday, and this present Friday in 
the morning again ; and thereupon they concluded with 
your highness, and desired a notary to set his sign and 
lumd unto an instrument, by Leonicus and Simonetus 
advised, in corroboration of your cause, and thereby to 
testify that this instrument was their deed, device, act, 
and conclusion : and, for the more credence to be given 
to the said instrument, they caused the chancellor of the 
potestate here to set his hand and seal for the appro- 
bation of the authority of the notary : a copy of all the 
which things I send unto your highness by this bearer, 
in most humble wise beseeching the same to be adver- 
tised, that the general of the black friars hath given a 
commandment that no black friars dispute the pope's 
power: notwithstanding prior Omnibonusprocureth daily 
new subscriptions, and will do till the brief of contrary 
commandment shall come into his hands. My fidelity 
bindeth me to advertise your highness^ that all Lutherans 
be utterly against your highness in this cause, and have 
letted as much with their wretched power, malice, with- 
out reason or authority, as they could and might, as 
well here as in Padua and Ferrara, where be no small 
otnnpanies of them. I doubt not but all Christian uni. 
vergities, if they be well handled, will earnestly conclude 
with your highness. And to obtain their assent, as well 
through Italy, France, Alinayne,Austrich, Hungary, and 
Scotland, I think it marvellous expedient for the pre- 
ferment of this your most honourable and high cause. 
As from the seignory and dominion of Venice towards 
Rome, and beyond Rome, I think there can be no more 
done than is done already, albeit, gracious lord, if that 
I had in time been sufficiently furnished with money. 
Albeit I have, beside this seal, procured unlo ^ov« \\\^- 
ness an hundred and ten subscriptions, yet il laa^ \>^tVL 
VOL, u, a 



82 HI8T0BT OF TH8 BBFOBMATION. 

nothing in comparison of that that I might easily an 
ivould have done ; and at this hour I assure your high 
ness^ that I haye neither provision nor money^ and hay 
borrowed an hundred crowns, the which also are spen 
about the getting of this seal ; of the which my neecj 
and divers impediments in your highness's cause hen 
I have advertised your highness by many and sundr 
letters, and with the same sent divers books and writings 
part to Hierom Molins, a Venetian, and factor to Map 
pheus Bemardus, by the hand of your snbgect, Edmun 
Herwell ; part directed to Mr. Tuke, whereof I am nc 
thing ascertained whether they be exhibited unto yon 
highness or not, to no little discomfort unto me : not 
withstanding I have reserved a copy of all things, let 
ters and others, and herein inclosed a bill, specifyin 
by whom, and to whom I directed my said letters, i 
most humble wise beseeching your most royal clemency 
to ponder my true, sure, and good endeavours, and m 
to suffer me to be destitute of money, to my undoing 
and utter loss of your most high causes here, for < 
myself I have nothing whereby to help myself." ♦ 

The conclusion to which the most celebrated unj 
versities of the age arrived, fulfilled the expectatioi 
which the agents of the king had formed. Those ( 
Paris, Bologna, Padua, Tholouse, were alike detei 
mined in their sentiments respecting the illegality of tl 
marriage, and the want of proper authority on the pa; 
of the pope to remove this illegality by a dlspensatioi 
In some of the decrees the marriage was spoken of i 
horrid and detestable ; and as prohibited, under tl 
heaviest penalties, as well by natural as divine law. J 
Oxford and Cambridge the decision was procured wil 
greater difficulty than at the foreign universities. The 
the question could not be considered in the abstract, 
as it might be, in a great degree, among the schola 
abroad. The suspicion that Lutheranism lurked und 
the veil of loyalty in this instance, alarmed the heads 
the catholic party, far more sensible of their danger 



henry's divoiicb. 83 

BngUnd than in France or Italy. Henry^ moreoyer, 
by some late acts carried through parliament^ had evinced 
a desire to suppress certain privileges of the clergy^ 
which were r^arded by the people as favouring corrup- 
tion ; and this, coupled with the circumstance of his 
aj^ealing from the pope to the universities^ tended to 
give the whole business the air of a party question be- 
tween the high churchmen of the day^ and those who 
began to own the necessity of some reform. 

It was at lengthy however^ decided, both at Oxford 
and Cambridge, that the marriage ought to be considered 
as illegal, and therefore null. This testimony in favour 
of the king, though not accorded with the readiness 
which might have been acceptable to a monarch of his 
irritable nature^ was of the utmost importance to the 
furthering of his cause. By the advice of some of his 
fiiends, he had sent agents into Switzerland ; and, with 
the exception of Bucer, all the great reformers of that 
country were in favour of the divorce. CEcolampadius 
and Zuingle himself entered into the dispute with 
ready zeal. With them was associated the celebrated 
German divine, Osiander, whom the arguments of Cran- 
mer, now in that country, had convinced of the justness 
of the king's determination. Calvin followed in the 
same train ; but it does not appear that either Melanc- 
thon, or any other of the Lutheran leaders, could be 
persuaded into declaring the marriage unlawful. The 
Levitical code, they said, was not binding on Christians; 
and, therefore, no objection drawn therefrom ought to 
be taken as justifying the divorce. It is a curious fact, 
that, in the midst of these disputes between the learned 
divines of the Christian church, the Jewish doctors were 
called upon for an interpretation of the law as stated in 
the divine records of their nation. According to them, 
the commandment regarding marrying a brother's wife, 
when he died without children, was of force only while 
ihe Israelites remained in the land of Judsa, and during 
the continuance of a state of things in which it was 
heccBBary that the succession of families to ceTla\\i ^x* 

G 2 



S4> BISTORT OP THB BEFORHATION. 

tions of land should be carefully presenred. At a later 
period, and under other circumstances^ this rule lost its 
force ; while the law against marrying a brother s wife 
could be altered neither by time, nor any change of 
circumstances. 

The pope and the emperor obserred these proceed- 
ings with little complacency. An application was made 
to the former, on the part of the king's agents, for 
authority to receive the opinions of divines and casuists, 
and after some time it was reluctantly granted* No 
surprise, perhaps, ought to hawe been entertained at the 
unwillingness of the pope to concede such a point. The 
terms of the dispute implied a doubt of his authority 
on matters about which, in the more flourishing times of 
the papacy, no question could have been safely enter- 
tained. Nor was it to be supposed that the emperor 
would patiently listen to any proposal which tended to 
set aside his so frequently declared resolution of de- 
fending the cause of his near relative. It was, conse- 
quently, against the influence and authority of both 
these potentates, that the agents of Henry had to strive; 
and no better proof, perhaps, could be given of the 
rapid change which was every where taking place in tlie 
minds of men, and in their feelings respecting the right 
of private judgment, than their success in this proceed- 
ing. Numerous scholars and divines, in every country 
of Europe, openly declared opinions in direct opposition 
to the known wishes of those whose power had till 
lately been the arbitrator in such disputes. The ques- 
tion was examined, not by the light of pontiflcal decrees, 
but by that of Scripture and philosophy ; and the de- 
cision came forth supported, not by the infallible judg- 
ment of the pope, but as the result of a free inquiry 
carried on in the halls of learned universities. 

Things being in this state, it was considered in 
England that steps might now safely be taken for bring- 
ing the affidr to an issue. In order to efiect this object, 
the king obtained the signatures of the cardinal, of the 
Mrchhishop of Canterbury, of four bishops, and several 



PROCEEDIKaS AGAINST THE CLERGY. 85 

DoUemen and commoners, to a letter addressed to the 
pope, the purport of which was, that his holiness had 
treated the Idng with injustice, and even ingratitude ; 
and thaty unless immediate attention were paid to his 
demands, means would be resorted to, which might lead 
to the assertion of an independence highly injurious to 
bis authority. 

The pope replied to this address in the mingled style 
of apology and reproof; excusing himself from the 
charge of neglecting the king's application, and remind- 
ing the writers, that it was only their love and loyalty 
to dieir sovereign which could apologise for their bold- 
ness of expression. But Henry had already taken his 
determination. He was too fkr alienated from the pon- 
tiff, and too restless^ to await any farther reply to his 
remonstrances; and, soon after despatching the above do- 
cument to Rome, he caused an act to be passed, whereby 
his subjects were prohibited from purchasing or pub- 
hshing any thing from that court, on pain of impri- 
sonment. This, with the solemn presentation of the 
arguments in the king's cause to the houses of parlia- 
ment and convocation, and the yet bolder measure of 
suing the whole body of the clergy as guilty of violating 
the statates against provisors, went far to convince the 
least penetrating of observers that the time was near at 
hand when England would no longer be a part of the 
pope's patrimony. 

It was with no slight alarm that the higher orders a. m. 
of the clergy saw the king determined to pursue the ^^^^- 
above charge against thcto to its full extent. Two mo- 
tives urged him forward in this important measure: 
the one resulting from his cupidity ; the other from his 
wish to bring his power and authority into direct col- 
lision witii those of the pope. In both these respects he 
was successful. The convocation of Canterbury offered 
die »im of 100,000/. as the price of a pardon ; and that 
of York, 18,840/. On the payment of these sums, and 
the delivery of a soleniin promise by the represeat&tWe,^ 
of ibet^gjr, that do violation of the statute oi ^xoN\sfit% 

3 



) 



86 BISTORT OF THIS REFORMATIOir. 

should again take place^ the king granted a general psr*^ 
don. This occurrence led also to a new display of 
Henry's feeling respecting his supremacy in the national 
church. The petition of the conrocation of Canterbury 
was addressed to him as '^ The protector and supreme 
head of the church and the clergy of England." Many 
of the members strongly objected to this title^ and wished 
to add this qualifying clause, — *^ in so far as is lawful 
by the law of Christ." Henry saw at once that the 
petition, in its original form, must greatly aid his pre- 
sent views and pretensions ; and the clergy, being .in- 
volved in a business which threatened them with ruin, 
found it expedient to silence the scruples felt on the 
occasion, and satisfy the ambition of the monarch. 

Affairs proceedecT in this train till the end of the year 
1 532, when Henry solemnised his marriage with Anne 
Boleyn ; and soon after, the pope addressed him in a 
letter, in which he says that he had heard that he had 
put away his queen, and kept one Anne about him as 
his wife, thereby creating a general scandal, and being 
guilty of high contempt towards the apostolic see, before 
which his suit was still depending. To this epistle the 
king replied in the same manner as to earlier represent- 
ations of the pontifical court. But no arguments could 
persuade the pope to change his policy in this difficult 
business. Instead, therefore, of answering Henry *s ad- 
dress in a more indulgent tone, he at once cited him to 
appear before him in person, or by proxy. The king 
so far yielded as to send one of his courtiers, with the 
celebrated Bonner, to plead his cause before the con- 
sistory ; and the accounts given of the period plainly 
prove, that both parties were under the influence of 
feelings which had nothing to do with the decision of 
the question according to the simple argument of right 
or wrong. 
A. ». Excuses were still made for delay, but Henry seemed 
1533.,.ggQlYgc[ tQ hasten the ruin of the papal power in Eng- 
land with a corresponding degree of adverse policy. 
TAus, he obtained an act o£ ipw\\«w^fcw\., ^halishing the 



SIR THOMAS MORE. 87 

fatore payment of annates to Rome ; and^ shortly after^ 
he brought into the house a copy of the oaths taken hy 
the bishops to himself and to the pope^ demanding their 
revisal on the plea that the prelates^ according to these 
oadis^ were hut half his subjects. Of a similar cha- 
ncter was the hill which prohibited any appeal to Rome^ 
either in temporal or spiritual matters ; and which^ it 
appears^ was brought forward with the direct view of 
rendering any further mention of the proceedings at 
Rome not only unnecessary but illegal. 

In the midst of these proceedings^ the venerable chan- 
cellor, sir Thomas More, resigned the great seal. He 
had lost none of his virtue by the possession or exercise 
of power ; and his piety being combined with a deep 
sense of the unlimited obedience due to the church, he 
beheld with equal fear and disgust the hostile prepar- 
ations of his sovereign.* He took the part, therefore, 
which religion and honesty dictated. So far as he could 
free himself from the influence of intolerant zeal, he 
was willing to correct abuses in the same spirit as every 
other virtuous man who has the courage and power to 
attempt it: but the supremacy of the Roman pontiff 
was a fundamental article of his creed. It was that by 
which he framed the course of his poUcy, and which 
mingled itself most intimately with all his views of 
government, both as to the state and to the church. 
The proceedings of Henry, therefore, were in direct 

* Sir Thomai is thus described by his own party : — ** For virtue, 
learning, and integrity of life of a layman, he was such a lord chancellor 
as England never had the lilce ; so true and blessed a confessor in joy. 
ftilly suffeiine disgrace, imprisonment, loss of goods and lands, for justice' 
sake, as well he may be compared to the ancient confessors in that kind. 
But his special and peerless prerogative is, in that he died a martyr for the 
defence and preservation of the unity of the catholic church. And his 
vartyrdom is so famous and noble, that it is not inferior to the martyrdom 
of those that suffered because they would not deny ^he holy faith of 
Christ : nay, rather, it seemeth to be more esteemed. For, as the learned 
and great clerk, Dionysius of Alexandria, writeth, 'thai martyrdom,* 
saith he, * that a man suffereth to preserve the unity of the church, that it 
be not broken and rent, is worthy no less commendations, but rather more 
than the martyrdom that a man suffereth because he will not sacrifice 
to idols : for in this cause a man doth die to save his own soul ; in the 
other, for the whole church.' Therefore he is a happy and blessed 
rautjT.** -^ Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, from IAS. Vci VXvt^k.- 
huxyatLunbetb, voLiL p.SS5. 

Q 4 



88 BISTORT OF THE REFORMATION. 

opposition to the advice of his counsellOT. They strad 
at the root of the maxims whereby he thought to sap- 
port the grandeur of the church and the inyidable 
sanctity of the laws ; they rendered null those principla, 
the authority of which he had himself supported at ^ 
expense of human blood. But while his resignatioa 
was a duty which he owed both to his conscience and 
his sovereign^ he greatly weakened thereby the supports 
on which the Romish party had hitherto depended. 
His character and learning enabled him^ in the high 
station which he occupied, to answer complaints whidi, 
gathering strength every day, threatened the speedy mis 
of the catholic hierarchy. He carried his virtues inls 
retirement ; but a period of change and excitement i< 
not the season when private worth is suffieientlyvaliied 
to be allowed a voice against the general sense of public 
necessity. 

The greatness of the loss which the catholic partf 
suffered by the resignation of More, was only to te 
equalled by that of the advantage gained on the side of 
the reformers by the elevation of Cranmer to the arcb- 
^bishopric of Canterbury. That eminent man was still 
in Grermany when Warham died ; and he owed bis 
appointment not less to the king's estimation of bis 
worth and sound ability, than to his inclination to pro* 
mote him as an advocate of the divorce. 

Cranmer found it expedient to yield to the wish of 
the sovereign and his advisers, and allow himself to be 
confirmed in his office by a bull from Rome. That be 
was averse to this proceeding is shown by various ey\r 
dence ; and his reasons for giving up the point are not 
to be considered in the light of those of a man formally 
separated from the church, but as scruples which the 
most conscientious of men might deem it their duty to 
yield when peace and union may be promoted by the 
concession. 

The first care of the new archbishop was to settle the 
minds of the people on the subject of the king's mar. 
riage. A large portion of the clergy regarded that step 



bbnby's marriage. 89 

u deserring of the strongest reprobation. They were 
readily joined by the firm adherents to the church ; and 
this class of opponents received an important addition 
to their force^ by the equally indignant feelings of those 
who r^arded the matter not so much in the light of an 
ofibnoe against the church or its ordinances, as against 
the rules of morality and social faith. 

But^ whatever were the sentiments of the nation on the 
subject^ nothing could justify the marriage of Henry with 
Anne Bokyn while his union with Catherine remained 
undissolyed by any formal declaration or legal act.' He 
hid^ it is tme^ the opinion of many universities^ and 
learned divines and casuists^ in his favour ; but a mere 
statement of opinion had never been considered of suffi- 
cient weight to dissolve a solemn compact^ nor ever can 
be received as of such authority where the happiness 
of mankind is believed to depend on just laws and an 
enlightened government. The only apology that can be.; 
made for Henry is this ; — that he had ceased to regard 
the Roman court as entitled to pronounce against him^ 
Ixrt knew not^ at present^ whether any national tribunal 
could be invested with a power sufficiently sacred and 
independent to pronounce the sentence. 

The convocation^ though not without much opposition 
in tile lower house^ pronounced the marriage of the king 
with Anne Boleyn lawffQ. Henry now lost no time in 
making the event known through the various European 
courts; and the consequences of the step were imme. 
diatdy foreseen. At Rome^ the question of the divorce 
itOl continued a subject of debate ; and the monarch 
nemed to retain some of his former anxiety respecting 
the decision of the head of the catholic church. But it 
was. impossible for either the one or the other to yield 
the position he had taken. The king^ by acknowledging 
the supremacy of the pope, exposed himself to the charge 
of liting in a state of adultery ; and the pope, by any 
appearance of countenancing the late marriage, or leav- 
ing the monarch's appeal from himself to the kawie^ 



90 HI8T0BT OP THB REFORMATION. 

of Christendom unnoticed^ endangered for ever ibe 
highest prerogatives of his office. 

But had the pontiff and Henry heen willing to com- 
promise the business, their several advisers would not 
have allowed them to remain in this pacific disposition. 
The cardinals zealously urged his holiness to lose no 
time in adopting measures which would oblige the king 
to humble himself to the censures of the church ; while 
the rising chiefs of the protestant party in England as 
energetically argued, that the independence of the crown, 
and the safety of the national church, were wholly de- 
pending, at the present moment, on the perseverance of 
the king in the course which he had just adopted. The 
arguments thus advanced were seconded by the mon- 
arch's own inclinations. Measures obtained a hearing, 
which, a few short years before, would have been 
regarded with suspicion, and even horror ; the appre- 
hensions of sir Thomas More were fulfilled ; and the 
supporters of the papal authority, both at home and 
abroad, insisted more earnestly from day to day on the 
necessity of the pontiff's adopting decided measures for 
the support of his invaded authority. 

Urged into action by the members of his own court, 
and equally so by the imperialists, the pope found him- 
self obliged to pursue a course which his own prudence 
' or timidity would have deferred to a far distant period. 
By a vote of the consistory, Henry's marriage with Ca- 
therine was declared lawful ; and it was intimated^ that 
if he refused to receive her again as his wife, he would 
stand exposed to the heaviest censures of the church. 
This sentence was confirmed by a second' vote, on the 
arrival of an ambassador from England, charged with 
the duty of advocating the royal cause ; and the small 
remaining hope of a compromise was thus for ever de- 
stroyed. 

The news of this proceeding at Rome gave a fresh 
impulse to the policy of the reformers in England. Both 
the parliament and the convocation were in favour of 
the king's supremacy. T\ie Vd&^o£ ^iii&tiQnal and in- 



THE kino's SUPBMTAOr. 9^ 

dependent church was heginning to be developed in the 
minds even of the people; and this alone was now 
wanted to free the nation from the tyranny under which 
it had so long groaned. 

It ought never to he forgotten^ that the reformation 
in this country was not produced by any sudden move- 
ment of either zeal or policy. Allowing that self-interest^ 
or passion^ furnished the inducement for change on the 
side of the king^ his will, arbitrary as it was^ could have 
effected little^ had he not been favoured by the inclin- 
ations of the people, and a vast body of learned and 
conscientious divines. With all his efforts, and not. 
withstanding the testimonies given in his favour^ the 
little actually effected took many years to accomplish ; 
and though It is true that the monarch sought to con- 
finn his new marriage by rendering himself independent 
of Rome^ yet it is equally certain^ that he had not per- 
sonally thrown off his allegiance to the pope till the 
parliament and convocation had made extensive inroads 
upon the pontifical rights. The reformation in England 
was effected by a twofold process, the parts of which 
seemed brought to maturity independently of each other. 
Thus, while the followers of Wickliffe, Luther, and 
Zuingle were going through the country, proclaiming, 
with the Bible in their hands, the most important doc- 
trines of the Gospel, the political chiefs of the nation ' 
were slowly but eflfectually laying the foundations of 
that independence which would secure to such preachers 
the liberty of declaring divine truth, in all its fulness 
and purity, from every pulpit in the land. 

The question of the king's supremacy in ecclesiastical a. d. 
matters was discussed with a care and freedom becom- ^534. 
ing the importance of the subject ; and in the month of 
March a bill was passed, which set aside for ever the 
pope's authority over the church of this country. Other 
acts were soon after passed, which tended to confirm 
both the dignity of the monarch and the liberty of the 
nbject. The whole face of public affairs was thus 
changed; and the spirit of protestantism rose lTi\rai^\ia»X 



92 HISTORY OF THE BEFOBMATION. 

over the bigotry^ the pride^ and the cruelty which had so 
long characterised the rulers^ civil and ecclesiastical^ of 
England. 

But, unhappily, this victory of the reformed party was 
not pursued with the pure and generous feelings which 
the Gospel inculcates. There were many, who, without 
doubt, conscientiously adhered to the former system of 
ecclesiastical polity, and who must have violated truth 
and honesty had they acknowledged the king's suprem- 
acy. Among these stood conspicuously forth Fisher, 
bishop of Rochester, and sir Thomas More. The cir- 
cumstances which .led to their ruin, afford a melancholy 
proof of the ^veakness of those eminent men in matters 
connected with their zeal for the Roman church ; but 
they afford a still stronger instance of the jealousy and 
tyranny of the government in those days, and c^ the 
facility with which the lives of the most virtuous of the 
people might be sacrificed to the suspicions of a mon- 
arch and the imperfection of the laws. Neither More 
nor Fisher would acknowledge Henry as the head of 
the national church ; and, in the midst of the contentions 
which this resistance fomented, the impostures of a 
fanatic, known by the name of the Maid of Kent, pr^ 
cipitated the catastrophe which awaited them. They 
were accused of a treasonable acquaintance with her 
designs; and both perished on the scaffold — the victims, 
not of religious zeal or intolerance, but of a haughty 
And unjust king. 



9S 



CHAP. XV. 



ACCESSION OF TAUI. III. PROCEQIIIVGS RESnECTINO A GENE- 
RAL. COUNCIL. THE FOPE's NUNCIO AT WITTEMBERC 

Luther's firmness. —assembly of the Protestants at 
smalcalde. sentiments of the king of france. of 

HEKRT Vlll. RENEWAL OF THE LEAGUE. THE ANA- 
BAPTISTS. 

The accession of the cardinal Farnese^ who assumed the 
itle of Paul III.^ to the pontifical throne^ infused fresh 
ngour into the counsels of the Roman see. He was 
bold and politic ; and the dissoluteness of his early course 
having made him a father^ he added to the proper cares 
of his new station^ the anxiety to provide for his off- 
spring out of the resources of the church. He hegan 
bis labours^ therefore^ with equal energy and caution. 
Difficulties surrounded him on all sides: but he had 
powerful supporters ; and it required little to persuade 
bim into the belief^ that united policy and courage might 
lecover a considerable portion of the ground which had 
been lost by the weakness and incapacity of preceding 
pontiffs. 

Notwithstanding the proofs which had been given a. d. 
by the protestants^ of their determination to press the 15S5. 
; calling of a general and free council, Paul appears to 
i bave entertained some hopes of being able to resist their 
influence. * One of his first measures was to send Peta: 

• It is generally supposed that Paul III. was far more inclined to allow 
recalling of a council than his predecessor, Clement VII. : but that he 
m no better disposition to yield any point which could be defended, is 
plain from the manner in which he is said to have received his legate's in- 
Hination respecting the necessity of employing force. ** He desired no- 
«hing better," says the continuator of Fleury j " and he spoke of it to the 
^^ror on his visit to Rome a few months after. I'he emperor," it is 
wded, ** agreed with his holiness on the subject ; but observed, that before 
*w was made with the Lutherans in Germany, a counc'\\ tau&t, YkC Yi^^*^* 
«< they might be lelt without excuse." — Cont. Flewry^ \vv. \a&. xi. \. 



94 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

Paul Verger^ as his ^inister^ into Germany. That 
skilful diplomatist received instructions to assure the 
princes and other chiefs of the reformers, that it was 
the pontiff's earnest desire to assemble a council which 
should^ in every respect^ fulfil the wish of pious and 
honest minds ; but that it should be governed by the 
rules of former councils ; and that^ with r^ard to the 
place of meeting, Mantua was the town on which he 
had determined^ as offering the greatest acoommodatioDi 
and as most conveniently situated both for himself and 
others. The first whom the ambassador addressed oB 
the subject^ was the elector of Saxony. He appealed to 
him in the strongest language which a wish to conciliate 
could inspire; and even endeavoured to make it appear, 
that if any obstacle now existed to the calling of the 
council, it was not on the part of the pope^ but his own. 
But the elector was as cautious as the minister was 
politic and eloquent. He simply replied, that he would 
give his answer to the suggestions of the pontiff as soon 
as he had consulted his allies. 

On the arrival of Paul Verger at Wittemberg, Luther 
was invited to an interview with him at the residence 
of the chief magistrate. The great reformer amused 
himself with the idea of this meeting ; and early on the 
morning of the day sent for his barber, to whom, on 
entering, he said, that he had been summoned to attend 
the nuncio of the most holy father, and did not wish to 
go unshorn ; hoping that he might be taken for a younger 
man than he was, and so frighten his enemies with the 
notion that he had still a long while to live. He then 
put on his best suit of clothes, and even decorated him- 
self with a golden ornament given him by the elector. 
When the hairdresser expressed his fears that some 
offence might thence arise, Luther replied, " They have 
greatly scandalised us; and this is the only way in which 
we can act with serpents and foxes." 

Luther was accompanied to the castle by Pomeranus; 
and, on ascending the carriage, laughingly exclaimed; 
Behold the German "j^o^e, ^xi^ ^^t^^vcA^L'^^xsL^aaxuu! 



rr 



itjr. 



LUTHBR TO TEROEB* ' 9^ 

This is the work of God.** Mutual salutations having 
passed hetween him and the nundo^ and the subject of 
the council heing introduced^ Luther observed^ that he 
did not believe the pope was serious in his promises ; 
and that he feared^ even were a council held^ that its 
deliberations would be wasted on questions of no im- 
portance to the great interests of Christendom. " I 
and my associates/' said he^ ^' are convinced by the Holy 
Spirit of the tnidi of our doctrine^ and need no council 
to determine for us ; but there are others^ who^ ignorant 
and sorrowful^ and oppressed by tyranny^ know not 
what they ought^ or what they ought not, to believe. 
Let a council then be called : I will be present, though 
it should condemn me to be burnt." On the legate's 
asking him in what place he would wish it to be held, 
he replied, " Wherever you like." — *' At Bologna,*' 
said the former. '' And whose is Bologna ? " asked 
Lather. On being answered, that it was the pope*6, he 
exdaimed^ " Good God ! and has the pope seized this 
dty too ? But I will come even there." The nuncio 
then added, that the pontiff proposed making a journey 
to Wittemberg. *' Let him come," said Luther ; '^ he 
wiU be treated with ridicule." — '* But shall he come 
armed or unarmed?" rejoined the ambassador. *' It 
matters not," was the answer : *' we shall be ready for 
him, however he comes." To the question put by the 
l^te, " whether priests were consecrated in Saxony," 
Luther replied, " They are consecrated ; for the pope 
would not ordain them for us ; and behold, here sits a 
bushop^" (pointing to Pomeranus), " whom we have 
eonsecrated." 

It is evident, from the manner in which this con- 
versation was carried on, that the reformer had, at the 
present time, Uttle fear of the pontiff, but that he en- 
tertained the worst suspicions as to the sincerity of 
bis professions respecting the calling of a council. He 
concealed none of his feelings — none of his intentions. 
Whatever were the plans of the Roman bieiaTcV^ , "W 
lested wiib cooBdence on the support w\i\c\\ \i!& V^ 



96 HISTORY OF THE BKFOBMATIOK. 

deriyed from Scripture, and the piety^ the worthy and 
perseverance of his associates. In these sentiments the 
elector readily joined. He desired it to he undenrtood, 
it is said^ that he did not douht the good faith of the 
emperor^ or king Ferdinand ; and that^ with regard to 
the council, it was not so much for the sake of the 
protestants, as for those who were ignorant of their doc- 
trines, that he desired such an assembly to be called. 
" Our opinions/' he added, *' rest not on the learning 
or wisdom of men, but on the firm and solid rock, the 
word of God, which shall remain for ever, and yield 
not to the gates of hell." 

The cause of the reformation was greatly advanced 
by this calm and noble conduct. Even Verger himself 
felt moved at the display of so much wisdom among 
men whom he had been taught to regard as the enemiec 
of order and religion. The impressions thus left on 
his mind, produced in due time their proper results; 
and the papal legate became a zealous supporter and 
prelate of the reformed church. 

At an assembly of the protestant leaders, held at 
Smalcalde in the month of December, the disposition of 
the pope, as made known by Verger, formed the subject 
of a long deliberation. Their answer to his demands 
was firm and prudent. They concealed not the fean i- 
they entertained for the safety of their brethren, who r 
might attend the council without, the most solemn pledges ^r 
for their protection : they declared their reasons for r- 
doubting the principles on which the business of the - 
assembly would be carried on ; and summed up their vc 
remarks by a direct appeal from the selfish interested- i 
ress of the pontiff, to the honour and magnanimity of 
their temporal rulers. " The cause," said they, " iB }6 
tnat of the whole world ; and it is for the emperor and c 
the princes to determine the matter according to the 
rules of truth and equity; in doing which they will only ? 
be following the example of those times, when unho^ 
bishops were deposed by their people, and popes by tl» 
emperor and the chuxdi. 'Wt t«w^^\. fex^et/' they 



FRANCIS I. 97 

d^ '^ that the pontiffs of this age have not only con- 
ned by words, but have oppressed and inhumanly 
shed by their decrees^ those who refuse to obey 
1. As the appeal is against this tyranny^ the pope 
party concerned^ and another power must be intro- 
d to determine what is just. We only desire to 
re an impartial tribunal : let its consultations be 
ormable to Scripture, and the example of the ancient 
ch ; we will give our aid^ and trust that by these 
is Christ will be glorified^ and the chur<:h restored 
anquillity." 

he king of France was now meditating a war in 
r, and saw at once how important a point would be 
ed, could he procure the assistance of the protestant 
ces ; he therefore sent an ambassador to the meet- 
at Smalcalde^ and charged him to make the best 
)gy in his power for the late transactions against 
eformers in France, and to assure the assembly that 
najesty had the most earnest wish to conciliate their 
dship, and, as far as his conscience would allow, to 
lote their interests. To this the meeting replied 
manner as courteous as it was guarded. The great- 
(atisfaction was expressed at the assurances given 
acting the king's friendly feeling ; and the assembly 
lised^ in return, that, so far as its members were at 
ty to act independently of the emperor and the 
Ire, they would lend no succour to his enemies, 
ut Bellay did not trust solely to the effect which 
lersuasions might have on the assembly : he sought 
icquaintance of Melancthon, Sturmius, and several 
r eminent reformers, to whom he spoke of his mas* 

inclination to favour their cause in terms which 
ssarily indicate one of two things : either that he 
ded the power and resentment of the protestants, or 
beginning to think too well of their doctrines to 
dn long opposed to their diffusion in his kingdom. 
)rding to the account given by Spalatin, it was 
ly deducible from the language of the ambasj&adox, 

the French monarch agreed with them m \^«x 



98 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATIOK. 

notions respecting the foundation of the papal power, 
as human, and not divine ; and^ even In respect to thdr 
doctrine of the eucharist, which he is said to have sup- 
ported against the earnest advice of his theologians. On 
the nature of the mass^ with its variouB ceremonies, 
on the worship of images^ on the merits of the saints, 
and on free-will^ he is represented as equally indined 
to yield many important points to the reformers. The 
same may he said of his views of porgatory, good works, 
monastic vows, the marriage of priests^ and theadminis* 
tration of the eucharist in both kinds. 

Some doubt has been expressed by controv^niafisti 
respecting the truth of this report ; but it is eraflrmed 
by collateral as well as direct proof. Even Maimboniy 
himself allows that the mind of Francis had boen grestlj 
wrought upon by the persuasions of his sister^ the queen < 
of Navarre ; to this may be added^ that he was now 
endeavouring to soften die indignation of a powerfd 
party ; and that his ambassador^ a political rhetoridao, 
may be supposed to have employed expressions which 
seemed best calculated to produce the desired efiect 
Neither party, in fact, ought to have attributed such 
importance to the subject. The opinion of the king of 
France was of consequence at the moment, his power 
and influence being sufficient to furnish the reformers 
with the means of a formidable resistance to their op- ^ 
pressors ; but, the occasion past, his constancy <»* his 1 
vacillation can add no weight to the argument on either | 
side. So little inclined, moreover, were the protestants | 
to place any trust in the declarations of the ambassador, 
that^ even when they were most likely to be influenced 
by his eloquence, they proved themselves superior to the 
temptations it held out^ and could neither be persuaded 
iior deceived into accepting an alliance which might 
involve them in a violation of allegiance to the em- 
peror. 

It was not the king of France only who saw fit to 
seek the friendship and assistance of this rising con- 
federacy: Henry Vlll. s\«o «ea\.«xivK!kbasaador to Smal- 



HENRT VIII. 99 

eslde. T^ person chosen for the misBion was Fox, 
hUely made hishop of Hereford. In his address to the 
assembly, he stiUed that the king was not only well 
disposed towards the elector of Saxony and his associates, 
btit had proved his inclination to favour the protestant 
cause by the changes introduced in the English church. 
He warned them, in the name of the monarch, against 
allowing any jealousy or schism in the great body of 
reformers to weaken their strength in the approaching 
coimcil ; and rested this advice on the fact, diat there 
had always been cause in the church for the exercise of 
charity among its several members. But if peace was 
to be secured, he said, it must be established on the 
foundation of Scripture ; against which the pope had 
exercised every means he could command. Till his 
power, his cruelty, and his tyranny, therefore, were de- 
stroyed, a peace of this kind must never be expected. 
After alluding to the manner in which the papal do- 
mination had been destroyed in England, the ambassador 
repeated, with great earnestness, the king's advice to the 
protestants, not to take any part in a council held only 
to confirm the power of the pontiff, or give permanency 
to abrogated rights and superstitions. The reply which 
the assembly gave to the English ambassador, like that 
to the envoy of the king of France, was distingui^ed 
by its calm good sense and piety. Not the most severe 
examination of die language and sentiments of these 
addresses could lead to the detection of any wish, on 
the part of the reformers, to conciliate the friendship of 
ihe great and powerful by the slightest sacrifice of prin- 
ciple or Christian independence. Afiairs were now at 
a juncture when the assistance of France and England 
m^ht have produced the most important results in the 
cause of religious Hberty ; but the wise and good men, 
at the head of the protestant party, judged that any 
advantage would be too dearly purchased if the price 
paid were even a seeming succumbing to worldly ex- 
pediency. 
Qfl Ae ereofCbnstmas'dsLy, the assembly Qoudxxiie!^ 

H 2 



100 HI8T0BT OF THE BEFOBMATION. 

its deliberations by pasring a decree which estahtisbed 
the continuance of the league till the year 1545 ; and 
provided for the admission of all such into the protestant 
confederacy as were willing to sign the confession of 
Augsburg, and take their part in whatever struggles the 
support of that evangelical statement of faith might 
render necessary. To these conditions many princes and 
cities, not yet in the league, readily agreed : among the 
former were the duke of Wirtemburg and the princes 
of Pomerania ; and among the latter^ the cities of 
Frankfort, Augsburg, Hamburgh and Hanover. 

In the midst of these events, the anabaptists were 
pursuing their fanatical course with a steadiness and 
success which could hardly have been looked for aftor 
the signal defeat of Muncer. It was not^ however, in 
this case, the vigour of fanaticism which insured suc- 
cess : it was the state of the people^ and of parties. 
The lower class of Germans were as yet but litde pre- 
pared to change the pomps of their early faith^ for a 
system which should wholly depend for its demon- 
stration on the simple word of truth. They had not 
yet enjoyed the advantage of hearing that word ex- 
pounded by good and wise men : it was by the clamour 
of wild enthusiasts that the vast mass of the peasantry 
had been roused from the dreams of superstition. To 
this they could listen, for it came with all the stimulants 
of wonder ; it required no preparation of the heart or 
mind to make the promises which it conveyed acceptable: 
they could be understood by the weakest mind, and 
were of a nature to move the dullest and coldest heart. 
'^ We come," said the pretended prophets, ^' with mes- 
sages from heaven. The hour is arrived when freedom 
and glory shall be the reward of those who assert the 
honour of Christ and of his cross. No longer the slaves 
of necessity and the laws of the world, we overcome by 
our faith ; and already are fulfilled in us the promises 
of the Most High. Happy, then, are you, whom the 
spirit of the Lord moves to join our ranks. Hasten to 
the warfare^ and the lewaidsYiVacYv vw^ix. wnx Vt\w\xi\jh- 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 101 

ant prepress. The enemy shall fall before us^ and the 
spoil of his camps shall furnish our feast." 

By exhortations abounding in assurances of this kind, 
the hopes of the people^ who could not help feeling the 
truth of that part of them which spoke of their present 
degradation^ were excited day by day. The church, 
with all its powers and grandeur, seemed to crumble 
beneath the blast of the mighty rushing wind, which 
proclaimed the presence of the Almighty Spirit. An 
enthusiasm thus inspired was resistless ; but neither had 
the scriptural teaching of Luther any share in exciting 
it, nor could it have produced, according to ordinary 
calculation, such a vivid impression on the minds of 
people situated like the German peasantry. It offered 
food to souls hungering after righteousness and know- 
ledge, but not excitement for the ignorant, or bribes for 
the ambitious. 

This distinction between the two parties was fully 
understood by the parties themselves : no attempt at 
conciliation could, it was felt, succeed. The anabaptists 
pursued their designs with as close an adherence to the 
plan traced out by their first leaders, as the reformers 
of Wittemberg followed that of Luther. But time has 
its influence even on the wildest enthusiasm ; and these 
bold assertors of a spiritual freedom which set all law 
at defiance, had begun to discover the necessity of 
making use of a policy which should give the semblance 
of government to the empire they pretended to have 
founded. 

It was in the city of Munster that this new empire 
of superstition and imposture assumed its most for- 
midable aspect.' The fortifications, which rendered the 
town one of the strongest in Germany, might have kept 
out an army ; but it was seized upon, as if totally help- 
less, by men who came armed with the weapons of zeal 
and eloquence. Bernard Rotman had long been known 
as one of the most enthusiastic of the reformed teachers 
when he was admitted into the city. TYve TpottY ^^^^ *vc^- 
iroduced bim in vain sought for a chuicVi m Yi\i\Q\v\!kfc 

H 3 



102 HIBTOBr OF THE BBFOBVATION. 

might exercise hit office. But this was of little coiue<> 
quence to a man of his diaracter ; and^ while the cloon 
of the churches were dosed against him^ Rotman was to 
he heard declaiming from a pulpit placed before the 
porch.* 

Joined soon after hy some associates from Hesse^ the 
work of proselytism went rapidly on ; and^ to the con- 
sternation of the clergy of the dty, not only the people, 
but the magistrates^ evinced a willingness to adopt both 
their doctrines and their views respecting the nature of 
the church. The efforts of the catholics to stem the 
torrent proved utterly fruitless. A fresh demand was 
made for pulpits ; and the senate passed a decree which 
prohibited the established clergy from any further ex- 
ercise of their office. Remonstrance was vain ; and 
they had no alternative but to seek redress by force. 
In this they were encouraged by the bishop of the dio- 
cese, who furnished them with the means of making a 
regular assault on the town. From a little village in 
ihe neighbourhood they sent a message to the senate, 
demanding the restoration of the churches, and the set- 
tlement of affairs on their former basis. Instead of 
returning an answer to this demand, the people of Mun- 
ster kept the messenger a prisoner, and, collecting them- 
selves into a band of about 900 persons, proceeded in the 
night to the village where the clergy and their friends 
were awaiting a reply to their message. Thus sur- 
prised, the latter were obliged to submit to conditions; 
and an agreement was entered into whereby six churches 
were given up to the sectaries, and many of the ancient 
rites abolished as superstitious ; the catholics retaining 
exclusive authority in the cathedral, which the city 
consented to leave in the possession of all its privileges 
and revenues. 

The concord which followed this settlement of the 
dispute between the two parties was worthy of the high- 
est praise ; and would have led, had it been preserved, 

* Seckendorf, lib. iii. xli. 3. Sleidan. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 103 

to many j^rofitable results. But scarcely was peace 
restored^ when the famous John of Leyden made his 
appearance in the city^ and hegan to preach/in the most 
yiolent language of fanaticism^ the doctrines of the 
anahaptists. Bernard Rotman^ though hold and zeal. 
008^ and secretly an anahaptist, had confined himself to 
the teaching of truths which formed the general theme 
of die evangelical preachers. John of Leyden^ on the 
contrary^ went the full lengths to which an uneducated 
mind can he led hy unmodified enthusiasm. ^' Do you 
believe," said he to the reformers, '* that there can be 
any efficacy in the baptism of infants ? " and when they 
answered him in the affirmative, he declared himself an 
enemy to their doctrine, and immediately began to ad- 
dress the people in a strain which again threw all things 
into confusion. 

To the astonishment of the senate, who had at- 
tempted to banish John of Leyden and his associates 
from the city, Bernard Rotman now publicly declared 
himself a believer in their doctrines, and spoke the same 
language as the fiercest of the sect respecting the bap- 
tism of infants. But, notwitstanding his influence, the 
senate proceeded to pass a decree which condemned the 
party to hanishment ; and the reformers seemed to have 
secured a complete triumph over these dangerous rivals. 
Unfortunately, their success was but brief: the anabap- 
tiats, with that inventiveness which is so frequently 
found in connection with the highest degrees of fanati- 
dsm, while they apparently yielded to the storm, only 
employed th^ occasion to entrench themselves more se- 
curely in the very heart of the city. Instead of re- 
treating, they lay concealed among such of the inhabit- 
ants as had manifested a willingless to listen to their 
exhortations ; and, soon after, to the consternation of 
their opponents, appeared with unexpected reinforce- 
ments to demand the free exercise of their ministry. 

The landgrave, aware of these occurrences, and a.: 
anxious fpr the tranquillity of the city, had sewt. Ivj^i ^Sa 
preachers of considerable ability to sup^oiV. \)tv^ es^w- 

H 4 



104 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

gelical party and doctrines. Acting in strict accord- 
ance with the principles of the Reformation^ these divines 
offered to meet the leaders of the anabaptists in open 
conference^ and to examine their several opinions by an 
immediate appeal to the word of God. Nothing could 
be more reasonable than such a proposition ; but these 
ultra-protestants proved themselves to be as adverse to 
Scripture as the strictest advocates of cathoh'cism. The 
oflfer of the evangelical teachers was rejected ; and the 
followers of John of Leyden^ finding that an inspiration 
of their own would much better suit their purpose than 
that which was divine^ began to run through the streets, 
warning every one who would escape destruction to save 
himself by being straightway re-baptized. 

A general assembling of the sect took place after this; 
and, the signal given, the whole body precipitated them- 
selves on the defenceless inhabitants. The strong places 
of the city were soon taken, and only one retreat re- 
mained to the opposite party. In this they made an 
obstinate defence ; and the anabaptists, otherwise vic- 
torious, agreed to terms. Peace was thus restored for 
a time ; but the busy spirit of the leaders would not 
allow it to continue. Messages were secretly sent to 
the members of the sect dwelling in- the neighbouring 
towns and villages, to hasten to Munster. The sum- 
mons was readily obeyed ; crowds of fanatics, malcon- 
tents, and beggars flocked to the city; and the re- 
spectable inhabitants retreating in terror from such a 
multitude, Rotman and his companions remained almost 
«ole masters of the place.* 

The principal associates of Rotman on this occasion 
were Bernard Knipperdoling, John of Leyden, and 
John Matthew, who arrogated to himself the honour of 
the chief of the prophets. At the instigation of these 
men, a senate was constituted, consuls were elected, 
and the city was put under a form of government 
agreeable to their purpost^s. The first decree of the new 
senate directed that the inhabitants should bring all the 

* S\e\dKa. 



JOHN OF LETDEN. 105 

money and furniture they possessed to a certain place, 
there to he distributed according to the will of the pro- 
phets. Disobedience to this order was threatened with 
the direst punishment ; and several of the unfortunate 
people, tempted to express their' fears or their doubts, 
were miserably butchered. Such was the state of things 
when the- bishop of Munster, having collected a small 
army, laid siege to the city. But so far was this from 
changing the conduct of the fanatics, that it only seemed 
to increase their madness and intemperance. John of 
Leyden, to establish at the same time his own dignity 
and the safety of the new order of things, pretended to 
fall into a trance; and, when he awoke, made ki)own to 
his followers that he had seen a vision, in which the 
Almighty directed him to name twelve heads of the 
people, like those of the twelve tribes of Israel. The 
most important part, however, of this revelation referred 
to the laws of marriage, which the prophet said were 
now changed, or abrogated, it being the present privi- 
lege of eyery Christian man to marry as many wives as 
he chose. John of Leyden manifested his confidence 
in his own revelation by immediately marrying three, 
among whom was the widow of Matthew, lately slain 
by a soldier of the besieging army. 

A proceeding 6'f this nature required many arguments 
and explanations for its support; and the prophet having 
assembled the various teachers of the sect, directed them 
to prove the truth of his doctrine from Scripture. Such 
an order might be more easily given than executed : this 
was seen by the hesitating looks of the puzzled theolo- 
gians; but the enthusiasm, or threats, of their leader 
prevailed, and they promised to perform this new duty 
of evangelical teaching to the best of their ability. 

The scandals which attended the promulgation of 
such a rule may easily be imagined. Even those who had 
borne with the decree which had obliged them to sacri- 
fice their property, could not patiently suffer the viola- 
tions of decency which were now daily occuttIiv^. An. 
attempt was made at resistance^ and some oi t^cie \^^^\^ 



106 BISTORT 09 THE BEFO&MATIOk/ 

of the anabaptists fell into die hands of the dtisem. 
The latter^ however^ had little reason to rejoice at ^bar 
sttccess; fbr the enemy rallying^ they were attacked and 
routed^ and fifty of their number fell a sacrifice to the 
vengeance of the enraged fanatics. 

Even these triumphs did not content John of Leyden 
and his companions. They were now sole masters of 
the city; but the taste of power which they thereby en- 
joyed only served as an incentive to fresh violations of 
social order. A new prophet, by trade a watchmaker^ 
who joined their ranks about this time^ furnished them 
with the opportunity of showing the degree of strength 
to which their zeal had arisen. Pretending that he was 
charged with a message from Heaven^ he solemnly 
called together a multitude of people^ and declared that 
it was the will of God that John of Leyden should be 
proclaimed the king of all the earthy and that he should 
go forth, at the head of an army^ for the destruction of 
worldly princes, and all who refused to partake of the 
regenerating grace of God.* 

John of Leyden did not shrink from the sovereignty 
thus offered him, but stated that he had himself received 
a revelation on the subject, which he refrained from 
making known, lest he might be accused of presumptu- 
ously claiming the dignity on his own testimony. This 
concurrence between the two prophets was regarded with 
awe and wonder by the people ; and the new sovereign 
ascended his throne, amid the applauses of as abject an 
assembly of subects as ever hailed the appearance of the 
tyrant whom they dreaded. 

Like rulers of another class, John of Leyden dis- 
covered that it would be much easier to govern by his 
own will, than according to the guidance of others. 
His first act, therefore, was to put down the Council of 
Twelve, which had hitherto formed the government of 
the city: his next was to order the preparation of -the 

' * Sleidan. Luther, in his address to his beloved Germans, shows in a 
Btriking manner the resemblance between the conduct of the anaba|>tist« 
and that of many of the papUts. SimtWcYve StYiu^Kft, x. ^Vv .^. VJS*. 



JOHN OF LEYDEN'. 



107 



insignia of royalty ; tliat is, two crowns^ a sceptre^ and 
QoUar, — all of whidi were to be of the purest metal^ — a 
ivord^ and a throne. Arrayed in his royal ornaments^ 
and surrounded by the officers of his courts he took his 
Kat on the throne^ which was placed in an open part of 
the city, and, ui imitation of die kings of old, invited 
the people to bring their causes before him, that he 
might pass judgment according to the wisdom with 
which he was endowed from on high. Among those 
who came to make appeals before this notable tribunal, 
^y were by far the most numerous, it is said, whose 
complaints regarded the subject of marriage. While 
anne sought redress for the loss of wives or husbands 
whom the new law had set free, others came for relief 
from the burdens which the liberality of the prophet had 
unwittingly put upon their shoulders. 

Such was the watchfulness witli which the city was 
guarded by order of the king, that the bishop found all 
the forces he could muster insufficient for the siege. 
But affiurs were now arrived at a point which demanded 
the interference of the surrounding states, unless princi- 
pies were to be allowed which would speedily shake to 
pieces the whole fabric of society/ The matter was 
brought before an assembly of princes at Coblentz; and 
a grant was made to the bishop of 3000 infantry and 
SOO horse for six months. From the application 
made to other princes, and to king Ferdinand him- 
self, it is dear that the force thus allowed was not re- 
garded as sufficient to secure success. The alarm had 
spread like an infection, and not without cause. Men*s 
minds were agitated with a thousand doubts, audit was 
difficult to foretel what would be the result of an 
qipeal made with such flattering promises as those of 
the fanatics of Munster to young and enthusiastic minds. 

Fear seems to have been hitherto a stranger to John 
of Leyden and his companions. Though so closely 
surrounded by the troops of the bishop, that famine 
threatened them with all its horrors, they coutitvMed \a 
plan ibe most extensive projects for convextmg \\ve ^oyV^. 



108 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

or subduing it. On a certain day, the king sumnioni 
bis subjects, by sound of trumpet^ to meet^ with arm 
in the environs of the cathedral. A repast had been pn 
pared there for 4000 persons^ and they were attended di 
ring the meal by the king and the queen themselv.es. J 
the close of the banquet^ the former took a piece of brei 
in his hand^ and^ breaking it as he passed along the rani 
said to each of the guests^ '^ Take, eat, and declare tl 
death of the Lord." The queen carried about the cu 
presenting it with similar words; and^ all having partaki 
of the wine, the king demanded of the assembly a solen 
promise of obedience. This was unanimously accordo 
and he proceeded to say, that it was the order of tl 
Father that twenty-eight doctors should be sent for 
into the four quarters of the world to spread abroi 
the doctrine which was taught in Munster. 

The commission thus given was executed with a zc 
and resolution deserving a better cause. £ach of tl 
missionaries had his particular destination, and he con 
menced his labours with calling the people to repentanc 
for that the kingdom of Christ was come, and wou 
prove the ruin of those who listened not to their exhoi 
ations. When taken before the magistrates, they pe 
ststed in the same declarations ; and, according to t 
command of their chief, spread their mantle on t 
ground, depositing a piece of gold upon it; the sign, th 
said^ of the abandonment of the place to its fate. Tl 
conduct was not often patiently witnessed by the autl 
rities ; and the unfortunate enthusiasts, seized ai 
thrown into prison, were silenced by the most cruel U. 
tures and death. Only one of the twenty-eight escap 
this end. 

While the emissaries of the sect were thus labouri 
and suflfering, the people of Munster became daily mc 
terrified at the prospect before them. The princes i 
sembled at Coblentz had, with honourable humanii 
addressed a letter to these deluded victims of impostui 
imploring them to desist from a course of conduct whi 
could only terminate eithei m iVvevt ovqxL destruction, 



JOHN OF LEYDEN. 109 

Ae rain of every thing valuable to Christians. John 
of Leyden possessed sufficient influence to render this^ 
ind every other effort of the kind^ abortive. He pro- 
mised the people that^ if they would remain patient, the 
iqiproaching Easter would end their trials^ and crown 
fltem with a glorious triumph.* 
The landgrave of Hesse viewed these proceedings with 
equal alarm and sorrow. He had always manifested an 
inclination to carry the principle of religious liberty to 
iis farthest limits. So weU were his dispositions known on 
dds pointy that John of Leyden^ and his fellow prophets^ 
when pouring out their anathemas against all other 
pdnces, pretended to spare him. But^ whatever had 
been his former wish to treat them with lenity^ he now 
foand that their daring fanaticism defied any species of 
Christian tolerance. In a book which they published 
tbout this time^ and also in their reply to the exhortations 
of the assembly at Coblentz, they defended their con- 
daet by an assertion of plenary inspiration^ and the 
wildest perversions of Scriptural truth. The landgrave 
oondesoended to employ the most learned of his theolo- 
gians in confuting these wretched reveries. But his 
indolgence only added fuel to the flame^ and they con- 
tinued to pour forth their inventions, as if triumphing 
in the opportunity afforded for their display. 

At length the hour promised as the season of deliver- 
ance approached. The horrors of famine and disease 
bad already begun their work among the inhabitants of 
Mnnster. Every day added to the number of the vic- 
tims who sank under the weight of their misery. The 
^w of enthusiasm no longer supported them ; and, as 
they poured out their last sighs, they revealed to their 
wretched companions in misfortune the sad tidings that 
they suffered all these things for the sake of a base 
impostor. 

Notwithstanding the gloomy prospect which presented 
itself on all sides to the besieged, John of Leyden ap- 
peared among the people with the same bold and confi- 

♦ Sleidan. 



110 HISTOBY OF THE BEFOBMATIOir. 

dent looks. One of his queens TenCored to sympatbiei 
with the famishing creatures around her^ and to exprew 
some doubt respecting the rigjit of her ocmsort to wjoj 
luxuries, nvhile his people were dying of hunger. Slie 
was called before him. The other queens attended hx, 
and were warned against committing a like oflfenoe hj 
beholding her head in an instant severed from her 
shoulders. Singing and dancing fc^owed the execntiim ; 
and the haggard multitude were compelled to praise God 
in this manner^ till their fainting limbs would no longer 
support them. 
A. D. Several months had now passed since the meeting of 
1535. the princes at Coblentz^ but nothing had been doae to 
put an end to this disgraceful reign of fanaticism and 
imposture. Some of the cities, whose d^uties were 
present at the assembly, disputed the right of the piinoei 
to make any decree on the sut^ect ; and^ though they 
acknowledged the necessity of a vigorous interference, 
refused to grant any subsidy till ordered to do so by a sai' 
ficient authority. But in the month of April a diel 
assembled at Worms ; and after some consultation, it was 
agreed that 20,000 gold crowns a month should be 
allowed for the expenses of the siege ; and the bish<9 
immediately appointed the count of Oberstein general of 
the army. 

The city was now beset by a large body of well- 
trained troops ; and it might have been expected that i 
few days would suffice to carry aplace garrisoned by a mul' 
titude of undisciplined and famishing enthusiasts. Bal 
John of Leyden proved himself possessed of that inexhaust 
ible vigour, and unwearied watchfulness, which so ofltei 
successfully defy the best exercises of every other kindo 
power. The people in general would have gladly opene< 
the gates to the besiegers. They were appealed to on the par 
of the bishop and the general by the most solemn assor 
ances of protection, if they would prevent, by a timel] 
submission, the necessity of further hostilities. Awart 
of his danger, the pretended king let nothing escape hii 
observation ; and answers were sent, under his ordefsj 



JOHN OF LETDE?r. Ill 

to &e tddresses above notieed^ which represented the 
cituent of Munster as glorying in their tribulation^ and 
itOl looking forward to the triumph which had been 
promised them by their prophet. 

On the 22d of June^ the bishop again addressed the 
inhabitants^ but to no effect. AU hopes of conciliation 
where thus cut off; and two fngitives from the city being 
taken, information was obtained respecting the best points 
at which the fortress might be attacked. On the night of 
the 24«th, a small but select band was sent to gain pos« 
Besdon of the pass and one of the ramparts. The cen- 
tinds were at their posts, but were soon killed ; and an 
unguarded gate presenting itself to the assailants, the 
little band found their way into the city. An obstinate 
lencontre followed. The few that retained any strength 
gadiered round the king, resolved to defend him to 
the last. Their courage, animated by a zeal which 
wemed to recover all its strength at this moment .of 
peril, prevailed over every efibrt of the soldiers. The 
ground was strewed with the dying and the dead ; and 
for the instant, it might have been supposed that the 
words of the prophet were about to be fulfilled. De-* 
9air seized the routed assailants ; and they would have 
{^ly retreated, but were prevented by the fury of the 
enemy, and the height of the walls. At length two 
or tlu-ee of the soldiers forced their way to a gate, 
aod, having contrived to open it, admitted the troops. 
The king and Knipperdoling were taken alive. Rot- 
man threw himself into the midst of the assailants, and 
ML covered with wounds. For a short time, the people 
continued to carry on the conflict with unabated fury ; 
bat, overpowered by numbers, the few that remained 
alive flung down their arms, and prayed for mercy. 

Thus ended the reign of John of Leyden. Never had 
the name of Christianity been employed to support a 
grotaer imposture. Licentiousness and cruelty marked 
every step of its prc^ess ; and had not Divine Provi- 
dence brought it to a speedy termination, every vice 
whidi shrouded its head on the downfaSl oi YieaXkeii^i'sni 



112 HISTORY OF THB BEFOBMATIOK. 

would have been resuscitated and again deified. The 
fate of the deposed pretender was soon determined 
Hurried from place to place^ he was at length brought 
before the bishop of Munster^ the archbishop of Cdogne^ 
and the envoys of the duke of Cleves. By these person- 
ages he was questioned as to the motives of his conduct, 
and the foundation of the opinions which he propagated 
with such a furious zeal. At first he defended himself 
with all the arguments of fervent enthusiasm. Then he 
yielded somewhat to the fears inspired by the terrible 
punishment which he saw awaited him, and at last even 
offered, it is said, to compromise the interests of his 
party for the hopes of personal safety. But neither his 
humility nor his arguments availed him. He was taken, 
with his two companions, Knipperdoling and another, 
and fastened to a scaffold. Thus exposed to the ridi- 
cule or the compassion of the multitude, they beheld 
the executioners approach with feeUngs proportioned to 
the strength of their hearts, the sincerity of their pro- 
fessions, or the light they enjoyed by a late discovery 
of their error. John of Ley den himself was humble 
and devout. His fellow-sufferers uttered with their last 
breath the horrors of their creed. The executioners, 
armed with burning pincers, tore their flesh piecemeal 
from the bones^ and their mutilated bodies, as soon as 
life was extinct, were hung up in iron cages, a terror to 
the multitude, and an everlasting disgrace to those who 
ordained and witnessed the infliction of such a punish- 
ment. 

Events followed the occurrences here recorded which 
contributed to precipitate, at least in appearance, the ex- 
pected issue of the struggle. The king of England sent 
his ambassador to solicit the alliance of the protestants ; 
and war was declared between the king of France and the 
emperor. Meeting after meeting took place. A con- 
cord was entered into at Wittemberg between the Swiss 
and German reformers ; new rights and privileges were 
claimed by them ; and all Europe seemed occupied in 
watching their determined efforts for religious freedom. 



1I£ETIN0 AT SMALOALDE. 113 

The changes effected in Augsburg were the cause of a. d. 
fresh irritation on the part of the catholics ; and a new 1537. 
league was formed by the archbishop of Mentz, and 
o&er chiefs of the party. Resolved to establish the 
citizens in the fullest enjoyment of their religious li- 
berty^ the senate had taken possession of the churches^ and 
given them over to such ministers as were willing to 
perform the service according to the reformed principles. 
There was reason to fear that the representations made 
to the emperor on this subject might excite him to some 
new act of oppression against the whole protestant com- 
munity. To avert this^ therefore^ they sent a deputation 
to his majesty^ charged with the justification of these 
proceedings, and an assurance that the reports which had 
been circulated respecting their alliance with the king 
of France were not founded in truth.* 

At a meeting of the princes, at Smalcalde, in the 
month of February, the emperor replied to this address, 
by his minister, Matthias Helde. The spirit of con- 
ciliation breathed throughout the speech of the envoy. 
He lamented the doubts which appeared to disturb 
the minds of the protestants respecting the emperor s 
clemency ; reproved their conduct in giving even a 
seeming encouragement to the machinations of the French 
king; exhorted them to afford the emperor a loyal 
support in the present state of affairs, and to do all in 
their power to promote the efficiency and authority of 
the council, to the summoning of which they had origi- 
nally so greatly contributed. In regard to the com. 
j^aints made against the judges, the protestants, he said, 
had been the sole cause of the confusion which reigned 
in the courts; for they had claimed an exemption 
ftom the sentence of the law on the plea of religion, 
iriien the matter, properly considered, had no relation 
whatever to the dogmas of their faith : '^ but if," he added, 

* Sleidao. Seckendorf. Luther wrote in the most affectionate terms to 
fbe Moate of Augsburg ; acknowledged with joy the worth and power of 
tiicir minbten, and prayed that they might be strengthened by divine 
grace to continue the struggle against the corruptions of the age. — Brie;fe, 
t iv. pi 69S. and t r. p. JS 

VOL, II, I 



114 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

^^ the judges can be convicted of any proceeding contrary 
to the rule laid down by the emperor^ his migesty 
will punish them according to the law published at 
Ratisbonne." 

The reply of the princes was not given till some dayi 
after the delivery of this address. They commenced 
with many assurances of their gratitude and loyalty to 
the emperor; but justified their conduct as rendered 
necessary by the dangers and difficulties with which 
they were continually surrounded. They had claimed 
for the people of Augsburg^ and others who had joined 
their party since the pacification of Nurembex^, the 
same privileges as they themselves enjoyed : to this they 
were led by the plainest dictates of duty and brotherly 
aflfection ; and they persisted in the demand, as a cod* 
dition from which nothing could induce them to depart 
It is difficulty in fact, to see how they could have acted 
otherwise. When they first struggled for liberty them* 
selves^ it was on the plea that they ought not to bs 
oppressed by violence for their conscientious worship 
of God, or their profession of a belief founded on 
Scripture. The same plea might be urged with pre- 
cisely the same force by the later converts. No gift 
or grant was claimed from imperial generosity, but sim- 
ply that protection which it was the height of injustice 
to refuse. When they joined the ranks of the protest- 
ants, therefore, they did not come into the possession of 
advantages to which they had no right, or to institute 
a claim to which some prior services ought to have been 
rendered, but exposed themselves to a danger against 
which the general principles of justice had already pro- 
vided a defence. To have left them exposed to the 
persecutions endured before the right of religious freer 
dom was recognised, would have been a declaration on the 
part of the earlier protestants, that the safety they en- 
joyed was nothing more than a partial indulgence ; an 
acknowledgment which would have rendered their state 
now worse than it was at the beginning. 

Another subject of especial consideration, in this ad** 



MEETING AT 8MALCALDE. 115 

was the conduct of the judges. The princes in- 
that the greatest injustice had been practised 
: the protestants : that their claims were rejected 
;fore a hearing ; and that^ in the case of the peo- 
Hamburgh^ a larg fine had been inflicted^ be- 
hey refused to annul the resolutions by which 
ad settled the religious affairs of their city, 
little inclined was the assembly to give its assent 
advice of the emperor on the subject of the coun- 
rhe utmost vacillation^ it was said^ had been 

by the popes in arranging this matter. Hadrian 
>oken in one way, Clement VII. and Paul III. 
ther; and, from the known sentiments of the 

there appeared to be no prospect that the 
I about to be summoned would obtain the sanction 
protestants. 

se were great and important points of difference, 
om not one of which the reformers could recede 
.t the sacrifice of their safety, as well as their prin. 
The decisions of the tribunals might or might 
according to justice ; but their very constitution 
Iculated to breed suspicion on the one side, and 
to acts of tyranny on the other. No one had yet 
ble to decide what were the questions which ought 
egarded as purely religious, when raised in judl- 
atroversy between the two parties. The quarrel 
ing temporalities might easily be proved to bear 

religious right ; and the spiritual claim coiQd 

be advanced without some seeming pretensions to 
llowed civil privilege. In the same manner, the 
ties involved in the preparations for a general 
[ excited a spirit of doubt that greatly widened the 
between the contending sects. The catholics saw 
;essity of employing all the resources, and the most 

maxims, of their church, to lessen the danger 
id from the assembling of the council ; while the 
ants, aware of their proceedings, regarded them 

a fresh proof of the impossibility of Tea>\Ainxi% 
BJijtjr pure to the world, so long aB the i^o^ei ol 

I 2 



Il6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

the popes remained unchecked. " Nothings" said they^ 
^' can he more inconsistent with justice^ or the proper 
character of a general council^ than the endeavour of the 
pontiff to govern its deliherations. He and his prede. 
cessors are^ in every respect^ one of the parties on whose 
conduct judgment is to he taken. Our theologians have 
proved them guilty of the most grievous offences against 
the Gospel; and it has always heen the received maxim 
of the church that the pope has not the power to con- 
voke^ much less the right to preside at^ a general 
council. To this is to he added the consideration^ 
that he has summoned it to meet in It&ly^ wherehy he 
has resisted the positive commands of the emperor^ and 
the other orders of the state ; necessarily exciting douhts 
in the minds of the protestant leaders respecting the 
prudence, or safety, of attending a meeting where they 
would he surrounded hy enemies, and exposed to the 
danger of a thousand secret machinations." 

The imperial envoy demanded no interval to prepare 
his reply, but immediately rose to assure the assembly 
that his master desired nothing so much as the restora- 
tion of tranquillity. He then proceeded to defend the 
principles on which the tribunals had been established^ 
and alluded to the difficulty of separating causes 
purely religious from those involving temporal interests. 
With regard to the council, he appealed to the princes 
in the strongest language of entreaty ; implored thera- 
not to oppose any obstacle to a measure now so anxi- 
ously desired by the emperor ; spoke of the alleged vices 
and errors of the popes as things of which his majesty 
was not aware ; and then stated his conviction, that if 
such could be proved against them, or that were any 
attempt made to influence the council to an unjust de- 
cision, the emperor would interpose his authority to 
secure the prbtestants from harm. 

It was evident from the tone of* this address, that die 
reformed party had reached a degree of importance 
which would enable it to insist on terms, instead of yield- 
ing either to power oi £ia\id. ^o «»\xw\^^ ^*& this felt, 



MEETING AT SMATiCALDE. 117 

that Paul III. sent another messenger to the elector of 
Saxony^ requesting his co-operation in the assembling of 
a council. Every attempt^ however, at influencing the 
protestant princes proved vain. They had Luther with 
them ; and^ their minds being strengthened by his power- 
ful representations, as well as by their own careful estimate 
of the means of defence which they possessed, they lis- 
tened with equal steadfastness of purpose to the public 
harangues of Matthias Helde, and the more private 
persuasions of the legate. 

The answer to the ambassador was couched in Arm 
bat respectful language. To every argument he had 
brought forward, some circumstance was adduced as a 
reply. Conciliatory measures would have been joyfully 
promoted by the party ; but what room could there be 
for conciliation, when the proceedings of their opponents 
only indicated the determination of the Roman court 
neither to change its own policy, nor allow the principles 
of toleration to be acted on in any other ? '^ We see 
dearly," said they, '^ that the net is spread for our feet, 
and we must act with the utmost precaution. But let 
not this be attributed to any fear respecting the defence 
of our doctrines : we earnestly desire that they may be 
Bobmitted to a public examination, and for this purpose 
beseech the emperor to call a free council in Germany, 
where the subject may be debated without the unjust 
interference of the pope or his emissaries/* 

A statement of the reasons thus advanced against the 
proposed council, was drawn up and published by the 
Minority of the princes, as well for an explanation of 
their conduct to their followers and associates, as for 
tiieir defence against the accusations of opponents. In 
an that they said to prove the unjustifiable conduct of 
the Roman pontiff in this matter, they were closely fol- 
bwed by Henry VIII., who concluded his protestations 
with the advice that, since there was no hope of a free 
general council, every prince should take upon himself 
die duty of reforming the church of his ovfii covrcvtc^. 

P«d II L was one of the most cautious o£ ^iVa ox^et , 



I 3 



118 HI8T0BT OP THE REFORMATIOir. 

and, though as anxiouB as the most ambitioiis to up) 
his authority, did not shrink from the emj^oymeo 
any subterfuges to put off the day when he shooli 
obliged to meet his antagonists in doeer conflict, 
the period named for the assembling of the council d 
nigh, his fear increased ; and^ on the plea that the d 
of Mantua required a garrison for his city^ the mee 
was put off tiU the month of November. The mc 
of November found him as Httle inclined as before 
the free discussion of the abuses of the church. Si 
however, was the feeling which prevailed on all si 
that^ unwilling as he was to allow of inquiry^ he 
himself obliged to divert the attention of the pe< 
from the meeting of the council, by pretending to r 
the question of reform to some iji his principal 
nistersa 

Among the persons chosen for this important ol 
were the cardinals Reginald Pole, Graspar Contai 
James Sadolet, and John Peter Caraffa. With tl 
were associated several other ecclesiastics of rank ; 
the commission given them by the pontiff expressly 
timated that they were to make known their sentimt 
without reserve, and to suggest the best means wl: 
might present themselves, on examination^ for the 
formation of abuse and the removal of grievances. 

The paper which the commissioners drew up, 
answer to these instructions, contained many valua 
hints on the subject of church reform. It warned 
pope against continuing to suppose that the power of 
papacy was unlimited; an error, said the writ< 
which, hke the horse of Troy, contained in its worn 
countless host of evils. Then, alluding to the n 
chievous consequences which ^had followed upon 
free use of dispensations, it adds this striking piece 
advice, — that if his holiness, as the vicar of Chr 
saw fit to grant any indulgence, he should not rece 
money for the grant. Of the methods to be employ 
in improving the state of the clergy, the first concen 
the admission to holy oidet^ *, awdi \i€c^ \\ n«%& t^co 



nOMAN REFORMERS. 119 

mended that all candidates should he placed under the 
examination of persons properly qualified for the task. 
The next consideration respected the higher classes of 
ecclesiastics ; and it was strongly urged that dignities 
ought not to he conferred on men who were distin- 
guished neither for great piety nor remarkahle talents ; 
that hitherto offices of the greatest importance had heen 
liestowed on young men^ whose follies had led to many 
scandals ; and that the utmost care should he taken for 
the future to avoid hoth this and the corresponding error 
of allowing exchanges of henefices for the sake of pro- 
fit, the promise of livings hefore the incumhents were 
dead, and the holding of henefices, the duties of which 
irere incompatihle with each other. 

^ot having spared the pope himself, the cardinals 
proceeded to notice the ahuses which had crept into 
their own order. The evil of which they chiefly com- 
plained was, that hishoprics were given to cardinals; 
'^and the duties of the prelate and the cardinal," said 
they, " are so distinct, that any attempt to perform the 
one must interfere with the other. It is the ofiice of 
the cardinals," continues the memoir, *' to remain with 
you, holy father, and assist in the general government 
of the church : hut the hishop is to remain with his 
flock. The desire for hishoprics, moreover, has in- 
duced the former to frequent the courts of princes ; to 
hecome flatterers ; and indulge in many of the vices 
of the world : whereas they ought to he examples 
of purity, and to he ever ready to increase, hy their 
presence and their counsels, the dignity of the Roman 
oourt. With regard to the hishops and all other pas- 
tors, let them lahour diligently among their people ; for 
idiat spectacle can he more afflicting than that of ahan- 
doned churches, and flocks left to perish in the hands 
of mercenaries ? Let those who are guilty of such 
^Jffences he severely punished : let them he deprived of 
ter revenues if ahsent without permission; and let 
pennission he given for only a brief period, accot^\\\% 
totbe/giF5 of die ancient church, whicla. ^xotiWvXfc^ «b 

I 4 



I 

\ 



120 BISTORT OF THE REFORXATIOK. 

bishop's being absent from his diocese for more ihsir 
three weeks." 

The following sections of this curious memoir re- 
ferred to the discipline of schools and monasteiiei. 
In the advice respecting the former, the Coloquies of 
Erasmus were especially mentioned as highly unfit for 
the purposes for which they were employed in the 
education of youth. This is the more worthy of 
remark, as the pontiflP^ it is said^ had proposed aboat 
this time to elevate Erasmus to the dignity of a cardinal 
In conclusion, the commissioners remark, that the churdi 
of Rome is the mother and mistress of all the churdies, 
and that both the church and city ought, therefore, to 
be an example to all others for holiness and purity of 
manners. *< Instead, however, of this being the cas^ 
there are in the church of St. Peter, many ignorant and 
sordid priests, whose garments are so vile and filthy, 
that they woidd scarcely be allowed in the poorest private 
dwelling. What, again, shall be said of the numerous 
prostitutes of this city, who, undistinguished from other 
women, parade the streets, mounted on mules, and 
followed in open day by the servants of the most eminent 
cardinals, and others of the same sort ? We have seen 
in no other city so much luxury and intemperance as 
in this, which ought to be the mirror ^nd the model of 
the whole earth !" '^ You have taken the name of Paul,** 
say the commissioners to the pope ; ^^ and we hope that, 
Uke that apostle, you will have an ardent zeal for the 
safety of the church. God elected St. Paul to preach 
the kingdom of heaven to the Gentiles : and we trust 
that, according to his example, God has chosen your 
holiness to make the name of Jesus Christ, obscured by 
the nations, shine forth again ; to remove the calamities 
which surround us ; to recall the wandering sheep to 
his fold ; and to turn away the anger of God, which 
our crimes have merited, and which seems ready to 
overwhelm us.*' 

If Paul III. was sincere in his wish to learn what 
irere the abuses whicli requixedi \xfiL\sie^«Xj& ^c&^QTm^ he 



'Z~ 



ROMAN BEFOBMERS. 1^1 

bad here sufficient instruction to convince him of the 
existence of evils incompatible with the name of a 
Christian church. There is too much reason to fear 
that he had no real intention of taking advantage of the 
counsel given him ; but^ whatever were his feelings on 
the subject^ the execution of the proposed reforms would 
not only have been attended with difficulty, but would 
have done little towards satisfying those who had de. 
manded the examination of the doctrines and discipline 
of his church by the light of Scripture. Necessary as 
were the topics treated of by the commissioners, they 
iei were only such as an obvious expediency prompted: 
they had no connection with any inquiry into the origin 
of that manifest apostacy from holiness, of which the 
i2 abases mentioned formed but the surface. Had the 
manners of the clergy become corrupt only through the 
loosening of the cords of discipline, — ^had the wealth of 
the ehurch been allowed to run waste, or to flow into 
diannels where it never ought to have been seen, merely 
hs ty the temporary influence of pride or avarice, — the 
dangers resulting therefrom might have been made to 
yidd to such a reform as that suggested in the memoir. 
But here was a church which refused to take Scripture 
w the sufficient test of truth ; which had for ages encou- 
raged the abominable notion that a soul might be bought 
^ from punishment by money ; and of which the only 
Weapons of defence and correction were, not the spiritual 
ttmour of the Holy Ghost and of truth, but the sword 
:i| and the burning pile : here was a church thus fallen 
tnd corrupt, submitted to a reform in which there 
Kerned to be no recoUection whatever that God's word 
and spirit can alone prevent the downfall of any insti- 
tution in which man is concerned. 

The document presented to the pope was, it is said, 
to have been kept in profound secrecy. But the court 
of Rome could scarcely expect the silence of all its 
members on subjects like those alluded to. It has even 
been surmised that Paul himself favoured iVve sv«Te^- 
titioD» appearance of the memoir, that the ^oiVA. m\^\. 



xis 



mi 
?e3 



L 

il 

he 



122 BI8T0BT OP THE REFORMATIOir. 

be amused with the seeming anxiety of himself ai 
ministers for the commencement of a reform. Ho 
this may be^ a copy of the document made its wa 
Germany^ where it excited the immediate attent 
Luther and the protestants in general. It was i 
lished among them, with notes ; and both argumen 
jests were abundantly employed to show the utter 
dency of the pontiff's measures for any serious pu 
This temporary movement was the only result < 
proceedings at Rome. The memoir^ as to any rsn 
which it proposed^ was speedily forgotten ; and ai 
prorogation of the meeting of the council^ till tl; 
lowing year^ oon?inced all parties that the seaso: 
not yet come in which Rome would feel itself safe 
the hands of reformers. 
▲. D. Afikirs were now in that state in which an imp 
1538 event had to be looked for, till some great effort s 
. . _ be made, on the one side or the other, to bear do¥ 
' balance in its favour. The protestants assembled 
time to time, at Frankfort and other places 
obtained frequent and important accessions to 
numbers.* In their debates, a freedom of sent 
prevailed wldch could only have proceeded from 
dence in the justice of their cause^ and the means 
they possessed for a vigorous defence. Their dei 
were made with an enlarged view of the duties 
they had to fulfil towards the vast body of peopl 
joined with them in the profession of the ref< 
faith. While few in number, and acting only for 
selves, they might barter a privilege for present s 
or remain content with danger, if they could but 
ihe comfort of inward peace. But they were 
struggling for the rights and safety of millions, f 
protection of a church in which they might hope 
ration after generation would listen to the word oi 
and enjoy the invaluable blessing of pure de^ 



\ 



* Melancthon complained greatly of the little progress made? 
aeetingB, which he says vras rathex caw«ed b^ the fault of the pers 
eemed, than by that of the lUw. SSitnt^c\ve S«AmS\.eft,\. tnWu '^. 



PB08PE0TS OF PEACE. 123 

True it is^ they pressed their claims upon the emperor 
in seasons when he was least ahle to spare their as- 
sistance^ or assail them for their adherence to the doc- 
trines they professed. But who^ except the most pre- 
judiced of reasoners^ would find .fault with the weaker 
party in a struggle for acknowledged rights^ because 
it proffered its claims when the stronger adversary was 
most likely to see the value of its friendship^ and the 
danger of its enmity ? 

Some hope of a pacification appears to have been enter, 
tained towards' the close of the year 1540. This fleeting 
prospect of tranquillity had its origin in the mild counsels 
of the emperor's new chancellor^ Granvelle, who, fearing 
the consequences which might result from the unbending 
character of his predecessor, resolved on trying the effect 
of more moderate and amicable measures. To the 
representations and demands of this minister, the pro- 
testants replied by a memoir, in which they entered at 
full upon their defence, and more particularly as to the 
parity of their conduct in respect to the management 
of the ecclesiastical revenues which had fallen into their 
bands. After having proved that no injustice or cruelty 
had been used against the inhabitants of the suppressed 
monasteries, but that they were carefully provided for 
according to their age and incHnations, the document 
shows, that what remained of the revenues was employed 
either to improve the state of the churches badly pro- 
vided for, to assist the poorer clergy, or furnish young 
men, intended for the ministry or employment in the 
state, with the means of pursuing their studies. '^ And 
if,after these objects have been secured," says the memoir, 
''there still exist a surplus from the revenues of the 
church, we shall not refuse to let it be devoted to 
such pious and useful purposes as may be pointed out 
by a general council, or a diet of the empire. For thus 
it is that the Scriptures, and ancient laws and decrees, 
teach us to employ the riches of the church : and 
we desire and intreat that our adversaries viOfuld «kCX 
in like manner in reaped to ecclesiastical xeN^ivxy^^, 



f 



124 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

since in most cities there are numerous parishes wholly, 
or almost wholly^ unprovided for ; whilst the hishopf, 
and other dignitaries who do nothing either in Uie 
churches or the schools^ ahound in the possession of 
wealth. We see, moreover, men of the worst characters 
enjoying these riches, and every day spending in luxury 
and dehauch that which was originally hestowed for tiie 
service of God. Would that the emperor knew what 
use our adversaries make of their revenues : how they 
keep hack for private purposes the income of churches ; 
and how, when we demand the restitution of that whidi 
belongs to us, offering them in our states the free en- 
joyment of whatever pertains to them, the judges of 
the imperial chamber, instead of deciding according to 
justice, only fan the flame of perpetual discord ! Equality, 
says the proverb, is the parent and nurse of peace ; and 
did our enemies regard the happiness of Grermany, their 
conduct would not be what it is." 

To the accusation, that they were not sincere in their 
professions when they spoke of peace, the authors of 
the memorial replied, that they had, ten years before, 
given, without artifice or concealment, a fuU accoimt of 
their doctrine and discipline ; and offered proofs, which 
were found sufficient to convince a large number of 
persons, that their faith and practice were according to 
Scripture, and the primitive rule of the church. ^'And 
no one will deny/' continue the apologists, ^' that many 
gross errors existed at this time. The doctrine of 
penitence was cold and obscure. Not a word was said of 
the grace of Christ, or of the remission of sins. The 
supper of the Lord was fearfully polluted by the pa- 
pistical mass ; private masses being altogether a modem 
invention — the offspring partly of ignorance, and partly 
of avarice. From the forced celibacy of the priests 
arose a host of scandals; while the doctrine of the 
keys and of the power of the church only served to 
assist the popes in burdening men with laws and pre. 
cepts, the spawn of their own ambition. Our opinions 
on these subjects were made Vtiovitv Xo ^^ cav^tor at 



.' DEFENCE OF PROTESTANTS. 125 

Augsburg : they have been since professed and defended 
by learned men of other nations ; and our whole con- 
duct evinces how strongly we desire that the doctrines 
we avow should be made known to the worlds and tried 
by the test of Scripture. Our adversaries, on the other 
hand, instead of showing any inclination to meet our 
o£fers of conciliation^ have treated us with increasing 
enmity. When a meeting has taken place between us^ 
they have begun by stating^ that they would not recede 
from any of the dogmas they profess^ but expected 
us to forsake the principles which we had embraced^ as 
derived from the Word of God. Thus, while they ac- 
cuse us of dissembling when we profess to desire peace, 
they themselves destroy every means for its attainment ; 
the only condition upon which they offer it being this, — 
that we renounce the truth, and return to the profession 
of error. But let it be known, that we desire to 
meet our adversaries in open conference ; that we do not 
shun, but seek, the light ; and that we will freely ex. 
pose to them, whenever they will, both our. doctrines 
and the reasons which have induced us to embrace 
them. The only condition we require is, that Scrip- 
ture be taken as the foundation of our reasonings, and 
that the truth of the Divine Word be the acknowledged 
standard of purity in the doctrine of the church. It is 
from Jesus Christ that we have learnt this principle. 
The revelations of God are the support of our profes- 
sion, and we cannot, therefore, depart from it. But 
we speak here of the fundamental articles of the Chris- 
tian faith : there are points not essential to salvation, as 
those which relate to ceremonies, the ordination of priests, 
the property of the church, and marriage ; on these we 
can readily agree to a compromise, provided that freedom 
is allowed on the more important articles of faith." * 

Passing from this defence of their conduct in respect ' 
to religion, the authors of the memorial undertake, in 
the next place, the confutation of those who accused 
them of joining the enemies of the emperor , and x^- 

» addaa, t, it Uv. xiii. , Seckendorf, lib. iU. sec ai. 



126 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

fUsing him assistance in the time of war, '' We 
prove/' say they, ^^ that we have furnished his gene 
with ammunition and cannoniers ; and that we I 
enlisted our suljrjects to render him all the aid in t] 
power. Enticed by terms the most advantageous^ 
have uniformly resisted the offers of the enemy ; and 
trust is, that such representations of our conduct wil 
made to the emperor as may convince him of our loy 
and zeal." 

This address was followed by a correspondence betiif 
the emperor, and the elector of Saxony and the la 
grave of Hesse, as the leaders of the protestant pa 
Little now was said, on either side, on this occasi 
bat in the month of June an assembly was conve 
at Haguenau, and the ambassadors of the protes 
princes, with many of their most distinguished the 
gians, attended the meeting. After a debate lengthe 
through several sittings, Ferdinand agreed to prorc 
the assembly till the 28th of October, when it 
summoned to meet at Worms.* 

The opening of the conference thus indicated 1 
place in November, when Granvelle addressed 
meeting in a speech which abounded in persuasions 
peace. Similar language was employed by the pj 
legate ; and it might have been supposed from tl 
addresses on the part of the catholics, that they v 
ready with offers and assurances which would I. 
practically promoted the design of a reconciliat 
But so far was this from being the case, that no eff 
were spared to prevent the fair and free discus? 
of the points at issue. Above six weeks had I 
spent in frivolous disputes respecting the pre 
method of conducting the debate. At length it 
^ begun by Melancthon and Eckius ; the subject chc 
for the commencement of the coUoquy being 1 
of original sin. Scarcely, however, had these celebn 
champions of the two parties exchanged argume 

^ * Seckendorf, lib. iii. sec 21. Melancthon was ill at this time, but Li 
urged him to exercise a detetminedcovxxage vtiow^vcv%\}tv%^«^almessen 



DIET OP WORMS. 127 

when letters arnyed from the emperor^ recalling his 
aiflister^ and dissolving the assembly^ but intimating 
that the dispute might be resumed in the diet now sum- 
nKmed to meet at Ratisbonne in the month of March. 

It was not till the beginning of April that the diet ^ ^^ 
was opened. The presence of the emperor promised 1541, 
to give dignity to its proceedings ; and the reformers 
appeared there fully prepared to support their cause by 
idl the force which belongs to learning and piety. Like 
other speeches of the same nature^ the address of the 
emperor only alluded superficially to the state of public 
affairs^ and the duty of the assembled powers to agree 
with him in opinion^ and promote^ to the best of their 
ability^ the general course of his policy. But^ at the 
conclusion^ he recommended that a certain number of 
Germans should be chosen to deliberate in a friendly 
conference on the principal points of dispute ; and that 
when* they had come to any resolution on the subject, 
they should make it known to the legate of the pope, 
in order to receive his judgment. 

To this the heads of the protestant party replied, 
that they were fully sensible of the anxiety of his ma- 
jesty for the peace and prosperity of the empire, and 
that they should endeavour to conform themselves to his 
wishes ; but that, before they consented to commit the 
conduct of the dispute to certain members of their body, 
they desired that it might be made known to them who 
would be acceptable to his majesty, and that the dispute 
might be continued from the point where it broke off 
when they were summoned from Worms to Ratisbonne. 
The emperor replied, that the choice of the disputants 
oaght to be left entirely to him ; and this demand being 
conceded by the protestants, his majesty immediately ^ 
named, on the part of the catholics, Eckius, Pflug, and , 
Cropper ; and on that of the reformers, Melancthon, 
Pistorius, and Martin Bucer. At the special request 
of the disputants, two presidents, Granvelle and the 
count palatine, were appointed, and several persons of ^ 
distinction to sit as witnesses of the pioceediii^^ 



128 BISTORT OF THE BEFORXATION. 

The emperor^ it would seem^ felt little confidence in 
the judgment of the theologians, or in their method of 
pursuing the business which they had in hand. To pre- 
vent prolixity and waste of time^ he directed a book to 
be laid before them, which he had received^ he said, from 
some highly learned and pious men, and he wished the 
disputants to carry on their conference by stating their 
several opinions on the heads of doctrine set down in 
this manuscript. Eckius was the foremost to object 
to such a method of proceeding, but a violent fit of sick- 
ness obliged him to retire early from the debate ; and 
his sentiments had, therefore, to be made known through 
the medium of his colleagues.* 

When the volume in question was returned to the 
emperor, he found the result of the conference to be an 
agreement on some doctrines of minor importance, the 
grand points of the dispute remaining untouched. 
Whether even this was more than he expected, or that 
he hoped by mildness to lead the way to further con- 
cessions, he thanked the protestants for their zeal, and 
the care manifested in the drawing up of the notes ap- 
pended to the manuscript. These sentiments he re- 
peated at the general meeting of the diet on the 8th 
of June ; and, placing before the assembled princes the 
notes of the disputants^ both catholic and protestant^ 
he desired them to declare, after due deliberation, their 
opinion on the subject. 

The orders of the emperor were obeyed^ but not in 
the manner which might have been expected. By the 
great majority of the princely ecclesiastics present^ both 
the book and the notes upon it were treated as unwordiy 
of attention. The other members of the diet did not 
come to so hasty a conclusion, but insisted that the 
matter ought now to be referred to the pope's legate, 
according to the plan originally laid down. To this 
proposal the emperor assented ; and the papal minister, 
thus endowed with authority to deliver his judgment on 
the subject^ took advantage of his position to declare 
* Seckendorf. Sleldan. Lulhox. S&mi^che Schriften, t. xvii c. 1& 



DISCOURSE OF THE LEGATE. l!^9 

that the whole must be left to the decision of the pon- 
tiff. In his discourses to the emperor^ and the various 
members of the diet^ he spoke as if the present disposi- 
tion of the protestants favoured the hope of their re- 
turning to the bosom of the church ; and when ad- 
dressing the bishops^ on whom he pressed strongly the 
necessit^r of a reform in manners^ and discipline^ he 
advised them to use every effort to prevent the increase 
of the protestant heresy; to send emissaries into various 
parts of the country, who might prevent, by their 
watchfulness, the efforts of Satan ; and to take care 
that the youth in their dioceses were instructed in the 
various branches of learning, seeing that the protestants 
had successfully made use of these means for the pur- 
poses of corruption. 

Such a tone of expression was ill calculated to soothe, 
or promote conciliation. The protestants immediately 
declared that the legate had grievously erred in express- 
ing a hope that they might one day return into the bosom 
of the church — a church, the errors and the gross 
vices of which they so entirely despised. They spoke 
also with indignation of the recommendations which he 
had given the bishops, and said plainly, that they had 
expected very different sentiments from a person of his 
knowledge and experience. The electors having de- 
cided that the points of agreement between the two 
parties ought to be confirmed till such time as a 
general council was held, they entreated that permission 
might be given for the teaching of the doctrines which 
were thus received ; and that the decree of the diet of 
Angsburg might be suppressed, or suspended. In re. 
ference to the summoning of the council, they again 
stated what they had so often before repeated — that they 
would never agree to leave the ordering of such an as- 
sembly in the hands of the pope or his ministers. 

After a prolonged debate, the difficulties of which 
seemed rather to increase than diminish with its length, 
the emperor addressed the diet, and pomliiv^ owX. ^<& 
danger with which the country was menaced, "b"^ X)afe w^- 

VOL. JI, K 



' ISO HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION'. 

proaches of the Turk^ besought the assembled princes 
to cease from dispute till the meeting of the general 
council^ which^ he was assured by the promises of the 
sovereign pontiff^ would shortly be convened. 

Thus terminated the most important meeting whidi 
had taken place since that of Augsburg. Its results 
were as little satisfactory as the expectations respecting 
them were numerous and anxious. It would have re- 
quired no great foresight^ had the minds of men been 
calm and clear^ to conclude that such would be the case. 
To suppose that a few theologians^ met together as the 
representatives of two great religious parties^ could 
blend into one the broad wide streams of antagonist 
opinions, the force of which had been sufficient to shake 
the stedfastness of kingdoms and empires^ was to en- 
tertain a notion which might delay excesses, but could 
never lead to any permanent good. 
A. p. The rapid advance and brilliant triumphs of the 
154'J. Turks left the emperor no time to pursue the plans- 
which he might otherwise have executed for the settling 
of this great controversy. In a diet held at Spire, in 
the month of February, the attention of the members 
was almost entirely confined to the political necessities 
of the day ; but the legate of the pope, in concluding 
his address, spoke of the calling of a council as a mea- 
sure finally determined on. The city of Trent, more- 
over, was now named for the place of meeting. This 
announcement, intended as a concession to the wishes 
of the Germans, was acknowledged by king Ferdinand 
and the leaders of the catholics with warm expressions 
of gratitude. The protestants, on the other hand, were 
as averse to Trent as any other place in Italy for the 
purposes of a general council, and repeated their former 
determinations to acknowledge no assemUy of the kind 
convened under the auspices of the Roman pontiff. 

Notwithstanding this declaration on the side of the 

party most deeply interested in the subject, the pope 

proceeded to publish his manifesto respecting the as. 

sembly ; and, having \Iv\\led\^\e <i\v\ft^^of Christendom 



DIET OF NUREMBERG. 131 

in general to the meetings addressed a particular exhort- 
ation to the prelates of Germany^ for whose sake^ and 
, at whose instance^ he said^ he had involved himself in 
the weighty cares attending this proceeding. The 
emperor^ on receiving the hull, expressed himself as 
Dot less surprised than offended^ at finding himself only 
ranked on an equality with the king of France. What- 
ever there was of importance in the affair^ it appears to 
have been less regarded by Charles than this^ perhaps 
intended^ oversight in the language of the pope. Pro- 
testantism^ had it been the child of courts or die ally of 
politicians^ might have made good use of the weakness 
of the sovereign; but it neither aided nor defended 
itself by the weapons which a more ar ful policy would 
frequently have put into its hands. Charles was now 
at war with France, and the pope undertook the diffi- 
cult task of acting as a mediator between the two 
princes. His arguments^ however, were unavailing : 
the emperor answered them all by the simple statement^ 
that it was impossible to maintain peace with a man 
whom no promise or treaty could keep faithful to his 
word. 

Another diet was held at Nuremberg in the month of *^' ^• 
PdHiiary, and the protestants once more availed them- ^^^' 
selves of its sitting to complain of the oppression 
which they sufibred from the judges of the imperial 
chamber.* Ferdinand, who presided in the assembly, 
listened to their representations with attention ; but the 
only answer he could give them was, that the chamber 
should undergo revision^ and that the general council 
would shortly commence its inquiries. This was so far 
horn satisfying them, that they declared their resolution 
to retire immediately from the diet, and to take no 
further part in its proceedings, till justice should be 
rendered them on a point so essential to their interests 
aod safety. To this resolution they adhered, and the 

* LttUier, in a letter to Justus Jonas, says, " Universa nobilitas et prui- 
<3pes meditantur servitutem Gennania?, et exhauriunt popuVos. ^\\ ^oVaxvV. 
onmia habere "t r. /i 548, 

K 2 



ISSt BI8T0BT OT TAB RBFOBMATlOir. 

decree of the diet kwt its antfaority by their re ti ie m g nt 
Another proof was thus given of .the increaniig power 
possessed by the party. They had every reasoo t9 
tremble at the resentment of the emperor^ bat they 
could afibrd to run the hazard of a temporary persecn- 
tion for the sake of the noUe results to be expected ftmn 
their final success. 

In the midst of these proceedings^ the political state 
of the country was as melanclioly as that of a nation 
can be^ when torn by internal diseensiont^ threatened 
by a bold and triumphant enemy^ and ruled by princes 
whose interests were various^ and whose opinions, in 
proportion as they were sincerely profiessed^ defied the 
influence of either persuasion, argument, or force. Of 
the troubles which, springing ^m the rivalries and 
discords, first between the emperor and the king of 
France, and then between the minor potentates, r^ned 
the peace of Germany, our limits will not permit us to 
speak. We are obliged, therefore, to trace as Ihrong^ 
a labyrinth the current of events which more closely 
pertained to the interests of religion. Happily, the dr. 
cumstances and spirit of the times gave a supreme impor- 
tance to feelings and motives which regarded the establish- 
ment of a pure faith. Though continually modified, and 
driven cut of their straight course, by the occurrences of 
the period, they were not of a kind to be hidden from 
observation, and the tide rushed forward, rendered only 
the more rapid by every opposition to its flow. 
A. D. The beginning of this year was marked by the meeting 
1544. of a diet at Spire.* Important consequences were 
looked for from its debates, and the protestants 
had shortly before held an assembly at Frankfort, in 
order to be prepared with answers to the questions 
which it was expected would be put to them on the 
occasion. The emperor himself opened the business 
of the diet, and in an address of considerable lengthy 

* ** Ora pro ecclesia,** says Luther to Spalatin, at this time, '* id est, pro 
nobis. Intrinseci hostes plus nocent, quam externl, ut Judas Inter apo^ 
loa; Bed vincit cruciflxuS) el p«tV.t ctutvftxot:' ~'&waai^«\.x.'^ €87. 



ADDRESS OF THE EHPEROR. 133 

igain assured the numerous princes before him of the 
ncreasing anxiety which he felt for the restoration of 
ranquiUity. Of his sincerity^ in one sense^ few^ perhaps^ 
ioubted ; but what were the offers which he made in 
etum for the sacrifices demanded? The rulers of a 
lumber of free states pleaded for the uninterrupted enjoy, 
nent of the Word of God, and the practice of rites 
vhich they deemed conformable to its principles. In 
his they were opposed by the tyranny of a corrupt 
church, the pride of whose chief Charles himself was 
ilways ready to resist and humble. When called upon 
to prove their zeal in the defence of the empire, t-* 
increase the burdens of their people, to raise money and 
recruit armies for the assistance of a sovereign on whose 
ambition might be charged many of the dangers now in- 
curred, they simply asked, as a corresponding pledge of 
affection on his part, that he would allow them to pur- 
sue a reformation which they deemed essential to the 
good of their souls and the souls of their people. The 
only satisfaction they received were reiterated assur-« 
ances of his desire tliat peace might be restored; and 
the only method which he pointed out as likely to secure 
this end, was their renouncing what they had professed, 
restoring what they had overthrown as cumbersome, and 
yielding again to an authority which they had pronounced 
to be the very offspring of corruption. 

One of the first subjects which engaged the attention 
of this diet was the serious quarrel existing between the 
protestants and Henry of Brunswick. The emperor 
had scarcely finished his address, when the elector of 
Saxony and his associates rose to declare, that Henry 
had provoked them by his unjust proceedings to 
take up arms, and that they now regarded him as 
unworthy of a place in the diet, from which accord- 
ingly they desired him to be expelled. This bold 
procedure on the part of the protestant princes was 
instantly answered by Henry of Brunswick, who as 
sternly declared that the elector of Saxony , VJcv^ \^tv\- 
grave ofHesae, and their associaten, oug\\ty»X\l Xo\»«3t 

K 3 



154 hutobt of the BxromuAtum. 

the penalty with which they were lo letdy to bnidcB 
him. In a sabaequent aeaaion of the diet» the protet- 
tants renewed the charge ; unfolded at fidl the reaaona 
which had induced them to enter the territory of Bmna- 
wick, and proved that the Ticea and conduct of the 
prince had been intolerable^ aa well to hia own^ aa to 
the neighbouring states. 

The patience with which the emperor listofied to 
these addresses^ was a sign that he had no inclination 
to take part in the quarrel, or compromise his interest 
with either side. An important concession also was 
made at this time by the elector of Saxony, who now 
admitted the claims of Ferdinand to the dignity of 
king of the Romans. A still further proof of the loyal 
wishes of the protestants was afforded at the termination 
of the diet, when they voted a liberal supply of men and 
money to carry on the war, as well against France aa 
against the Turk. In return for this expression of 
amity, the emperor repeated his promises to further, as 
far as lay in his power, some useful and pious plan of 
reformation ; and, what was of more practical impor- 
tance^ suspended the edict of Augsburg, and declared that 
judges of the imperial chamber might, after a certain 
time, be chosen from among protestants as well as 
catholics, without regard to their religious peculiarities. 

This was a step of the utmost consequence in the 
progress of religious liberty. It not only offered con- 
vincing evidence that the emperor viewed the protestants 
with far more respect than formerly, but actually brought 
within their reach the apparent means of an acknow- 
ledged legitimate defence against the further oppressions 
of their enemies. The vast importance of the measure 
in their favour was instantly seen by the opposite party ; 
who protested that the decree would have met with their 
determined resistance but for their loyalty to the em- 
peror, to whom they would not pretend to prescribe 
laws. There appears, however, reason to doubt whether 
their conduct would have been thus moderate, had 
not the archbishop of Cologne «n.d xScl^ b\«ho^ of Mun- 



THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 135 

Star encouraged the claims of the protestants. Among 
tiiose who were far from viewing the reformation with 
pleasure, but also gave their votes on this side, that 
they might act consistently with their often avowed deter, 
mination to yield in all things to the head of the empire, 
were the duke of Cleves and the prince of Baden. The 
elector of Brandehourg, and the elector Palatine, added 
all the weight of their infiuence on the same side ; and 
by these means the various disputes with which the bnsi. 
ness of the diet was commenced were for a time silenced, 
and a better prospect of tranquillity offered than had 
been presented from the beginning of the reformation/ 

Such was the favourable aspect of affairs immediately 
after the termination of the diet ; but they were not per- 
mitted to remain long in this state. The pope read the 
decree which had been passed With mingled anger and ap- 
prehension. He clearly saw in its provisions that tendency 
to forbearance and liberality which it was his chief care to 
resist. Any sacrifices made to the wishes of the protes- 
tants at such a time was likely to prove doubly injurious 
to the cause][of the papacy. The emperor held the balance 
in his own hands ; and his determination, it was in- 
stinctively apprehended, would decide the controversy. 
''Shall I any longer conceal," said the pontiff, '^ the 
fears which agitate my breast ? Eli, who suflfered so 
miserably of old for his indulgence to his children, 
shall be my example. I will speak then ; for the decree 
which has been passed endangers both the safety of the 
church and your own soul. Cease not to follow the 
example of your ancestors. Swerve not from their 
obedience to the church and to its ordinances ; but fulfil 
its injunctions, one of the first of which is, to refer 
whatever regards religion to its control. In contradic- 
tion to this, however, you have given your sanction to 
a decree which speaks of a general or national council, 
without seeming to recollect the power which alone has 
authority to assemble councils or decide on the con- 
cerns of the church. Nor is this all," con\iTv\xfe^ \?ftft 
jKMitiF/ ^' you have permitted even tbe svi^i^ox\.et^ d 

K 4 



186 HIgTOBT OF THB mCVCIBMATIOir. 

heiety to pass judgment on rdigioui maUen, to de 
questions respecting the rights and property of 
dinrch, and have also reinstated those wlio bad 1 
justly degraded for their offences against its peace, 
are willing to attribute this rather to the advice of ot 
than to your own feelings ; but remember, that evil c 
munications corrupt good mannas, and that there i 
proceeding, howeyer dangerous and evil, whidi may 
by the cunning craftiness of the wicked, be mad 
bear the appearance of piety. Scripture affords 
fident examples of the anger of God against those 
invade the duty of the high priest. The father 
family distributes the offices of the household at 
sees fit, and will not sufier one member tbereo 
interfere with the charge of another. And the chi 
is the house of God ; and it W9uld ill become the infc 
ministers to assume the functions of the more ex& 
The priests are entrusted with the government of 
church, and let him who ventures to interfere vrith 1 
duties take heed, lest he suffer not the fate of him i 
daring to touch the sacred ark, about which the Le^ 
only were allowed to minister, was struck dead 
his temerity." 

After having cited many other examples of the ] 
ishment which had fallen on profaners of the sanctu 
the pontiff continues to say, that the apology which 
emperor offered respecting the limited time during w! 
the decree would be in operation, affected not 
question ; and that if the proceeding were even p 
in itself, it would be wicked, because undertaken by 
who had no right to interfere. ^' It is to God that pr 
must give account, and with that we must be satis 
He has proved his love for princes who have honoi 
and obeyed the Roman church, by crowning t 
with the fulness of success. Thus was it in the cas 
Constantine the Great, in that of Theodosius, and 
illustrious Charlemagne ; while equally signal have 1 
the misfortunes of those who, either in the infanc; 
the maturity of the chuxcYi, \i%iNe T^«ksXfe^\t& rulers 



*^ BEMARKS. 137 

its cHrdinances." To this the pontiff added^ that he was 
wilMng to accept the offices of Charles as a coadjutor, 
bnt not as a director ; that he entertained the warmest 
anxiety fbr the assembling of a council, as the promised 
means of healing the present disorders ; that he trusted 
the emperor would act towards him as his father, and, 
pcohibitiiig the mention of religion at the diets, would 
lemit, in all cases, the settling of its affairs to him. 
Lastly, that he retracted whatever he had done out of 
faToor or indulgence towards the protestants, whom he 
designated as rebels, and enemies to the Romish church, 
a measnie, he said, which the necessities of the times 
compelled him to adopt, seeing that mildness only 
tempted the schismatics to further invasions of just and 
hdy things, and would, in the end, oblige him to 
adopt a line of conduct more severe than was accordant 
widi his character and wishes. " Let your majesty then 
consider," says he, *' whether you think it is better for 
yoa to assist in restoring tranquillity to the church, 
or to take the part of those whose only wish is to de> 
rtroyit.''* 

It was in this manner that the pope of Rome could 

address a sovereign who had done nothing more than 

engage that the people who owned his sway should 

CDJoy the fair administration of the laws. Even this had 

not been granted till after many years of suffering on the 

Iiart of the complainants had given proof of injustice 

viiich no prince could tolerate. The interference in 

idigious affairs, of which the pontiff spoke, had not the 

remotest resemblance to those sacrilegious acts to which 

&ey were compared. It was no invasion of the mysteries 

of the sanctuary, or the office of the priest. The order 

of society seemed threatened by the disputes of rival 

sects; and he who had the direction of whatever 

pertained to the preservation of that order, but acted 

according to the first principles of duty, when he pro* 

moted and sanctioned the solemn examination of their 

controversy, according to the example of primitive times* 

* SecJ^endorf. Sleid&n. 



158 HUTOAT OF TBB BBFORMATION. 

It wat said by the pontiff, that he akme had a li^lb 
decide questions pertaining to religion ; bat tha was tie 
of the points at issue ; and, whether the princij^icoaU 
be supported or not, the importance attached to ill 
assertion or denial made It a matter for open ddbate, 
and rendered it necessary that the assembly in whidi it 
was considered should be free from the influence of Ae 
. pontiff's authority. Nor was this the only matter is 
which independence of his control would be essential 
to the fair decisions of a coundL He stood charged 
with supporting a system favourable to pride, licentioiis- 
ness, and error : his accusers were men of adcnowledged 
piety, and equally unquestioned learning. Tens of 
thousands of followers now bore testimony to the force 
of their arguments and the purity of Uieir conduct; 
and came forward to support the system they had 1 
adopted with reasons which lost nothing of their worth, 
because embodied in the simple language of Scripture. 
Were their questions now, their demands for reform, 
to remain for ever unanswered ? or were they to he 
satisfied with the answer given them in an assembly 
convened, ruled, dictated to by him who had so vast an 
interest in the decision ? If neither of these was to he 
the case, and if the peace of the church really required 
an open and general consideration of the dispute, the in- 
terference of the temporal ruler to see justice done between 
the disputants, was accordant with every principle of 
his high and solemn functions. Violence threatened 
the sanctuary; and he came, not to offer incense on the 
altar, but to save it from being overthrown. 
A. D. The diet re-assembled early this year at Worms ; and 
1545- deep and earnest were the arguments of the protestant 
deputies, urging the fulfilment of the promises made at 
the last meeting. In the month of May, the emperor 
^and the cardinal Farnese arrived at Worms ; and another 
^bedmen was given of the struggle carried on by the 
Svereign, anxious to conciliate the protestants, and the 
■nt of Rome, each watching every look and movement 
|klch could indicate bia \\eN^ ox \k\A:atiQU8. Peace 



BEPLT TO THE EMPEROR. ISQ 

had been made with France^ and the present object of 
the pope was to unite its sovereign and the emperor in 
one mighty league against the reformers. The cessation 
of hostilities greatly aided his projects in this respect. 
Charles appears to have been on the point of taking 
some step^ though timidly^ in favour of protestantism^ 
bat to have drawn back the moment he saw himself in 
dose alHance again with the two grand props of the 
catholic interests. His address to the diet was courteous^ 
but temporising. He spoke of taking measures to secure 
a reform in the churchy — of rendering justice to those 
who complained of wrong ; but he summed up all 
with ^ reminding the assembly that a general council 
would soon meet^ and that it would be advisable to 
stop all further debate on the subject till such time as 
it might be considered in the proposed synod. 

Accustomed to the ways of politicians^ and as well 
aware of the objects aimed at in the plans of the emperor 
as that prince himself^ the protestants immediately 
reminded him of his promises at the last diet^ and 
especially of his assurance that he would provide for the 
lestoration of peace^ without appending to that promise 
any mention of a general council. They besought him 
not to withdraw from this course of action^ but to 
confirm whatever had been decided on at Spire, which 
would lay the basis of a permanent peace, and secure 
the affectionate co-operation of their party in carrying 
on the war against the Turk, so anxiously viewed by the 
emperor and his brother Ferdinand. '^ But if this be 
denied us," said they, '' with what face can we ask the 
contributions of our subjects ? The peace of Germany 
must be secured before success can be hoped for in this , 
war. We march against the Turks for the preservation 
of the state, of our fortunes, and of our religion ; but 
what would the people gain, if, while they went forth 
to repel an enemy who attacked them on the one side, 
they were menaced and ruined by a foe equally to be 
feared on the other?*' To this they added, that fresh 
sureties ought to he given them, that t\ie gexvei^X cQ>3ii<£^ 



140 Bin0RT OF THS MEFCmMATUm. 

thofold not interfere widi tbe umoigeinentB "wliidi hi 
been made for their security^ a demand whidi tfe 
experience of past times^ as wdl as tliie present «^ed 
of affairs^ most fiodly justified. 

But so fsr was the emperor from acting acoordiiig^ 
the spirit of the preyioos diet^ that he plainly dedira 
it would be impossible for him to free the protestuti 
from the decrees of the council^ to which he saM iibef 
must submit in common with the rest of the world. A 
long argument followed this announcement, and it wis 
soon perceived, to the deep regret of every lov» of 
peace^ that the hopes which had been entertained Were 
as fallacious as the policy of Rome was crafty and 
intolerant. Still the empennr could not persuade hfan- 
self to throw off the mask which he had assumed, er 
rather, perhsps, to give up the wish which, with better 
feelings, he cherished, of inducing a compromise be- 
tween the hostile churches. This was manifested ia 
the suggestions with which he closed the diet. The 
principal points of dispute were again referred to s 
select number of learned men. Fresh promises of s 
reform of the chamber were given ; but the vexed and 
irritated sovereign had the mortification to find, that his 
catholic supporters would not consent to the article 
which proposed a continuation of the conferences. 
With as little success he endeavoured to soothe the mind 
of the duke of Brunswick. His wishes, and in some 
degree his authority, were doggedly resisted ; and tbe 
afiairs, both of religion and of the state^ seemed wholly 
at a stand. The landgrave of Hesse, in the mean 
time, took upon himself to punish the resistance of 
Henry of Brunswick ; and a short but fierce conflict 
gave both the prince and his eldest, son into his hands. 
Nothing could better prove the distracted state of Ger- 
many than this affair, from beginning to end. A petty 
civil war, fomented by the basest treachery on the one 
side, and a fierce spirit of retaliation on the other, raged 
at a time when there was the greatest necessity for 
trAttquiUitj ; and wYieii the "50^, \3afc wsMgeror, and 



FEARS OF THB PROTESTANTS. 141 

almost every prince in Christendom, felt it to be their 
interest to call for union. Power, persuasion, patriot- 
ism, and principle, were equally inefficient or inactive ; 
and it needed but a coalition between the one or the 
ether party with the restless mass of the population, 
to overturn the whole system of European policy. 

A spirit of distrust had, not without reason, taken 
possession of the protestants. They had found them* 
selves baffled and disappointed in every measure, where- 
by they hoped to secure their religious freedom, and 
the promotion of that good cause, which, to them who 
were sincere in their zeal, was of infinitely greater con- 
eern than the acquisition of personal liberty, or the 
safety of their highest dignities. The doubts and ap- 
prehensions thus conceived, were further increased by 
the intelligence conveyed to them from various quarters, 
and especially from the English court, where their 
ambassador was informed that the emperor had cer- 
tainly determined upon commencing war against their 
party, and effecting by force what he had vainly sought 
by milder measures. A further reason for this feeling 
was given by the preparations for the council, which 
still continued to be carried on with a vigour and a 
secrecy that afforded ample proof of the new views 
taken of the proposed assembly.* Only a few years 
bad passed since the prospect of a general council ap- 
peared to be contemplated by the Roman court with 
discontent and dread : now it was viewed as promising 
safety from the invasions of reform. Such a striking 
contrast in the disposition of the catholic party must 
bave greatly tended to convince the protestants, that 
they had only acted according to sound policy when 
tiiey first declared their resolution to take no share in 
an assembly subject to the domination of the pope. 

"Wliile the main course of events thus demonstrated 
the energy of the two antagonist spirits, other circum- 

* The more moderate or the catholic writers all agree in pointing out 
tbe low policy of the pontifical court in respect to the council, and by thia 
prove in fact most of the accusations brought agam&l it )Q^ -^xo\.«s\a.vX%, 
See Fleui7. Fn Faoli, Hist Cone. Trid. 



142 HI0TOEY or THS BBFOBIiAnHr. 

Stances occarred which eqiudly iDdicftfeed die t/amg^ 
that was taking jdace in the minds of manj exceflcnt 
men^ preyented by their aitnation from acting with 
freedom^ or unable to determine the exact line of toiu 
duct which it was their duty to pursue. The uth^ 
bishop of Cologne afforded an example of this class of 
men. A Tirtuous and intelligent prelate^ he had kng 
contemplated with sorrow the corruptions idndi cp«- 
pressed the cause of the gospel ; but^ though anxioos to 
reform these abuses^ he saw that such an undertaking 
would be attended with difficolties undor which he 
might sink defeated and ruined. If he paused tha^ 
before putting his hand resolutely to the work^ Htde 
surprise will be felt by those who haye a due r^^od lor- 
the infirmities of himian nature. The arrival of Bueer 
in his diocese gave him the opportunity of seeking, the 
advice of that learned and temperate reformer. Me- 
lancthon and Pistorius were also sent for to co-operate in 
the undertaking ; and a series of artidea having been 
drawn up^ the archbishop called a meeting of his clergy, 
that they might put in execution such parts of the plan 
as seemed calculated to promote the interests of piety. 
Instead, however, of seconding the views of their 
bishop, they began an opposition which in a short 
time placed them in the position of declared enemies 
to their spiritual head. The council, said they, will 
shortly be held ; let projects of reform be deferred 
till the commencement of its sittings; let the new 
preachers be dismissed, and all things restored to their 
former footing. To enforce their remonstrances, they 
appealed to the power of the pope^ and the virtue of 
submission ; and in the end, threatened to call in the 
aid of supreme authority, if any further attempt was 
made to establish the intended changes.* 

The archbishop replied to these appeals with equal 

good temper and firmness. Bucer and Luther, he re. 

marked, were not his private advisers, nor ought the 

reforms which he meditated, to be attributed to their 

<* Seekendorf. Sleidan. OnVheolYiei %vie«¥l«uxT. 



BXATH OF OEOBOE OF SAXONY. 145 

18^8. He knew and admired them as the teachers 
iposUdic tnithj^ and of a system of doctrines which 
Tved nniversid acceptance. Such being the case, 
was resolved, he added, to complete the reform 
ch appeared so necessary to the happiness of his 
)le, and the general safety of the church. His 
\e thus became the cause of protestantism itself, and 
defence was an object of especial care to its ad- 
ites throughout Germany. 

^hree of the most celebrated men of the age died 
ing the progress of these events. George of Saxony, 
ert of Mayence, and the erudite Erasmus. The 
: of these distinguished characters assumed a station 
>ng the enemies of protestantism, which exposed him 
he most violent hatred and reprobation of its sup« 
ters. But he does not appear to have resorted to those 
; which sometimes render even the spirit of persecu- 
1 baser than a blind zeal and cruelty can make it. He 
; a stem, persevering, and angry opponent of reform ; 
[ his power was exerted to the utmost whenever it 
Id be brought to act against the walls of the rising 
iple ; but he seems to have done nothing for which 
had not first the warranty of his own convictions ; 
I, however venomous a man may be, or however op- 
ted to our own views of justice and charity, we ought 
: to place him in the ranks of the reprobate, unless 
can be proved guilty of some known offence against 
! law of his own inward consciousness, or the em. 
lyment qf weapons not merely sharpened by religious 
laticism, but dipped in the poison of fraud, hypocrisy, 
d malice. His unshaken zeal for the Roman church 
s strongly manifested at the period when all opinions 
; put to the most powerful of tests. When approach- 
;his end, he bequeathed his estates to bis brodier 
jnry, and the two sons of that prince, but with the 
oviso, that if they did not remain obedient to the 
tholic faith, the whole of his dominions were to be 
dgned to the emperor and king Ferdinand, till ^Td^ 
e of his family^ by fidelity to the chuicYv, ^o\i\!^.\ife 



144 HlfTOBT or THB BBPOMBAXlOir. 

fimnd worthy of the bequest Hb detdi npfeniogiMi 
vitaUe^ meieengert were lent to Hcnry^ aid ihm pnpflU 
of the will being made known, die prinee wm iminjeiMl 
to declare hie aaaent to the eondiliona oq wIM» hi 
i«ceivc4 the statei. " Return wift vm,*' aaid At dqpi^ 
ties, ''and enter at onee upon the poaaeiaiem of iht 
treaaurea amaiaed by the pnadenee of yoor pwdeeaawt; 
aad of that noUe palace, whidihaa been enrldied hf Ui 
taste and munificence with more dian prhiedyq^ndoaii/'^ 
To thia addreaa, prince Henry replied in the langngt 
of a man to whom the world had oeaaed to be of eqpHl 
value with the goepd. " Your language/' said hi^ 
'^ leminda me of the promise which die devil made H 
Jesus Christ, if he would fall down and worddp hia. 
No ! you solicit me in vain. I cannot resign die paa^ 
session of truth and religion for that of any temponl 
advantage." But this determination of die prince dU 
not prevent his endeavouring to estaHiah his daim H 
the soverdgnty, which he regarded as his undoubui 
right The death of the duke was no sooner announced 
than he made himself master of Dresden and several 
other towns of the vacant dominions. Important pre- 
parations for the introduction of protestantism had been 
in progress even during the life of Greorge, who coold 
nei^er by force nor exhortation keep down the ardour 
of those who regarded it as the means of life* Luther 
now hastened to Leipzig, as a sphere requiring the most 
energetic exercise of his powers. The protestants of 
that city and the surrounding territory had been obliged 
to support their faith and hope on the scanty food whidi 
could be looked for under the eye of a jealous and per- 
secuting prince. It was but just that they should novr 
be replenished with a fuller supply of spiritual nourish- 
ment, while it was equally expedient that diose who had 
hitherto been kept back from receiving or openly pro- 
fessing the truth by the fear of persecution, should be 
brought to acknowledge it by the clearest demonstratioii 
of its beauty and efficacy. 
Albert of Mentz eidabited xel \hft eaxl^ part of hit 



DEATH OF KRASMU8. 145 

Mr the eager amlntion of a churchman^ accustomed 
oak to the refenues of the church as an inexhaust-. 

source of riches. He shared with Leo X. in the 
t profits of the sale of indulgences, and was imme« 
lAj after made to feel that the insulted reason of 
ikind had resolyed to break the yoke of its bondage. 
( life was passed in sustaining that mixed religious 
political controYersy which he had thus contributed 
awaken. He i^rank from none of the measures 
tch it was deemed expedient^ on the side of the 
man court, to pursue ; but his character appears to 
'e undergone some change during the progress of, 
nts ; and he was far from being one of those who 
K>8ed the reformation with the most virulent or 
P7 spirit. 

The death of Erasmus took place in 1536, at Basle, 
ere he had found an honourable retreat from the 
lies of the world, and the turbulent disputes of school- 
n and polemics. His last days were spent in the 
ision of his voluminous writings, and in performing 
! not burdensome duties of rector of the university, 
the bosom of which he had retired. Whatever un- 
ourable impressions may be felt when we see him 
irting the patronage of powerful monarchs, or bend- 
; his noble genius to the will of the corrupt rulers of 
lorrupt church, we cannot fail being filled with acU 
ration at those wonderful displays of learning, elo- 
snce, and wit, which, often mixed with the yet more 
nirable evidences of profound wisdom, broke down 
many of the defences of darkness, and roused so 
my dormant minds to the exercise of thought and 
(uiry. Though this great man, moreover, has none 
the claims to veneration which belong to the be- 
am and self-offerings of Luther, he is not without 
Dse to respect which pertain to the few who have 
used the ehmity of the world and the powerful 

the freedom of their expostulations. Flattered aad 
ressed by kings and pontiffs, Erasmus had nitiiijf- 
«mies among the clergyy and espeGia!ll7 amcstt^ ^3ift 

VOL. IJ, Li 



146 RI0TORT OF THE REFORMATIOir. 

diTines of the old universities. By them he was h 

for his satires^ suspected because of his leamingy 

dreaded for the ability with which he could apply ; 

purposes hitherto forbidden. While Luther had 

whole body of the Roman church for his adven 

Erasmus had to encounter the small inner circle of 

schools; and as every doubt was regarded as a heresy, 

every attempt at reform as rebellion^he frequently see 

to stand on the edge of a precipice^ from being phu 

down which he was only saved by the dread with w 

the party contemplated the loss of the only man 

could be Inrought into the field against Luther with 

diance of success. It is not a little curious to see 

weU he managed his affairs^ so as to inspire the cou 

Rome with the continual dread of losing his serv 

while it trembled at the consequences of his freedoi 

opinion. Conscious of its weakness^ it dared not 

ture on the attempt to correct the petulancy of thi 

powerful son ; and Erasmus enjoyed a secret triur 

which to a certain kind of ambition is far more s 

factory than its open and ordinary conquests in 

world. It was only Luther, on the one side, and 

divines of Paris on the other, who could inspire 

with fear. The former employed weapons which shiv 

to pieces the two-edged sword of wit and learning, 

against which the shield of subtle argument affbi 

little protection : the latter could pass decrees, wh 

coming immediately from recognised seats of learn 

possessed an authority to which many would yield t 

opinions, who would have despised, in their hearts, 

arbitrary commands of the ecclesiastical power. At 

instance of Natalis Bedda, a doctor of the Sorbonne, 

doctrine of Erasmus was pronounced by the facult; 

divines to be founded in error and schism, and as ir 

rious to morality as it was contrary to the maxims 

sound theology. To this sweeping accusation^ Erasi 

returned an answer, the prudence and moderation 

which are as remarkable as the vigour of the remarks 

" 1 am very far," says he, ^^ from wishing to fol 



DEATH OF EBASMUS. 14? 

lii example of those obstinate people^ who are not con- 
iftit with defending their opinions against objections, 
Ikt, being determined not to acknowledge themselves 
ilMble, run into more dangerous errors than any they 
imy have before advanced. As for me, I have not for- 
ptten in my answer the respect due to the authority of 
Ikfe divines ; and am always ready to acknowledge the 
Knits into which I may have fallen through negligence 
iit ignorance. If ii appear, on the other hand, that 
iny ambiguity of style has led the censors to mistake 
Kfty meaning, I c^all readily explain what is obscure, 
^d declare my thoughts with more care and explicit- 
^ttess. When I meet with statements that are in them- 
r^ves false, or with things attributed to me which belong 
^ others, I shall not charge the faculty with the unfair- 
flegg in which these have originated^ but ascribe them to 
the negligence or dishonesty of those by whom my 
sentiments have been represented to that body; for, 
being always employed on important matters, it cannot 
have minutely examined my writings, but must have 
passed its opinions on the propositions placed before it, 
BS supposed to be correctly gathered from my works. 
May the faculty ever be preserved from any accusation 
irhich might injure its dignity or authority ! for I am 
persuaded that the interests of religion are promoted, 
nrbile the world retains its veneration for the divines of 
Paris, and receives their decisions as oracles."* 

Thus modestly could this great man write, when 
ibont to defend himself from the censures which seemed 
so seriously to injure his reputation, and even to place 
bim in the ranks of those whom the church to which 
he adhered regarded as its most hateful enemies. In 
endeavouring to prove that it was not for any real of- 
fence against orthodox opinion that the divines of Paris 
assailed him with so much anger, he mentions as rea- 
sons for their opposition, first, that he spoke out too 
fredy ; secondly, that he refused to make use of scho- 
laitic terms ; thirdly, that he had rejected the modem 

» Du Pin, b. iiL art Eras. 
L 2 



148 HIITOBT OF THE IlBVOBllATIOir. 

•dioolinen to kSkm tbe pom style tnd doctrine of 
primitiye divines ; and^ fburthly, that he hod odor 
his psges with the tropes and figures employed hy A 
ancient writers^ and the inspired authors of Scripture 
Erasmus had other enemies to encounter. In £] 
knd he was Tiolently assailed hy Edward Lee^ n 
pretended to discover the seeds of heresy in every | 
of his notes on the New Testament. At the univen 
of Louvain^ besides a host of inferior antagonists, 
had to encounter the especial enmity of the professw 
divinity, Jacob Latomus ; while in Spain, the schd 
of the university of Alcala were led on to the i 
counter by Lopez Stunica, a doctor of divinity, anc 
man of some learning and acuteness, but little fitted^ 
would appear, by candour or gentleness to fathom i 
meaning of the gospel. It is related of this man, tl 
having written his observations on the notes publisl] 
by Erasmus, he presented the MS. to cardinal Ximeo 
who, with equal good sense and liberality, advif 
him to send it as it was to Erasmus, and to await ! 
answer before proceeding to publication. So far, ho 
ever, was Stunica from sharing in this good temp 
that seeing some one in the company of the cardL 
studying the annotations alluded to, he loudly repro^ 
him for reading a book which cot^tained such a mixti 
of mistakes and trifles ; but the cardinal again 
pressed his zeal. *^ Would to heaven," he said, *^ tl 
all authors had written to as good purpose as the autl 
of this book. Give us something better, or do not fi 
fault with the productions of others." The court 
Rome was as little inclined to favour this attack 
Erasmus as the Spanish minister. Leo X. and 
cardinals even prohibited Stunica from publishing 
remarks ; and we have thus a very curious instance 
the different light in which the opinions and writii 
of Erasmus were viewed by the advocates of the sa 
church, the champions of the same system of error a 
misrule. Nothing can better prove the vigour of '. 
mind, and the admirable fitness of his style to g 



LUTHER. 149 

» to the expression of his feelings. A tenth part of 
Eit Erasmus said^ said in another ytaj, would have 
n sufficient to secure his condemnation as a heretic^ 
3 for the stake. 

[juther lost none of his energy hy the increase of 
rs and tolL Of him^ in common with other men of 
imilar character^ it mighty perhaps^ he truly said^ 
t new light was let in *^ hy chinks which time had 
de ! " His hodily health suffered more and more 
m those chronic attacks to which he had been long 
iject ; but this hindered not his labours. He wrote 
h the same vigour as in the earliest period of his 
eer; but while he breathed forth the earnest con- 
tions of a mature spirit — while he hurled defiance 
the fortresses of darkness and error^ he frequently 
»ke as a man who felt that the whole of his extra- 
linary career would shortly be judged^ not by his own 
any other man's judgment^ but by His unto whom 
hearts are known^ and from whom no secrets are 

The chief object of the reformer's care at this time^ 
s the settlement of the discipline and other concerns 
the new protestant church. It is easy to conceive 
V much anxiety this occupation must have caused 
Q. Considerations involving the highest questions of 
ristian duty arose every step he took. He could 
TOW but few ideas from the constitution of the 
man church. It had been supported for centuries by 

mightiest efforts of power^ was adorned with the 
ils of ages and nations, and had been able to employ in 
service the finest and the subtlest minds that ever 
;aged in the task of representing things spiritual by 
ward signs and images. The different orders of ite 
•gy were linked together by ties which converted, 
m into a well disciplined army. Their means of pro- 
ton were full and ample ; brilliant rewards tempted 

eloquent and accomplished to the best exercise of 
ir talents : the ambitious had examples \a \\xt« ^«iiv 
which might encourage the most desi^OTi^vev%) «:^^ 

L 3 



150 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

Mtisfy the most sanguine ; while the influence whii 
they possessed among the people) their experience i 
all the methods whereby large masses of roankiz 
are held in awe^ enabled them to carry forwai 
with comparative ease whatever projects seemed be 
calculated either to increase their usefulness^ or subdi 
the obstacles which opposed the enlargement of d 
church. 

How different were the circumstances under whic 
the protestant ministers had to perform the duties an 
pursue the great ends of churchmanship. Their revenii 
was small and precarious ; they were not yet cemente 
together in the bonds of a well ascertained fellowship 
and whatever rules of discipline they had to institut 
must depend for their efficacy^ not on the feelings o 
awe or long.existing sentiments of veneration^ s 
readily excited^ but on the calm good sense of thei 
followers, — on the intelligence which they themselve 
had to impart by conscientious and assiduous labour. 

But if the practical difficulties were great, thos 
which stood in the way of a just and satifactory theor 
of church government were still greater. Luther sai 
clearly that the church, in the highest view of its nature 
must have a unity like the unity of the Spirit whicl 
gives it life : that to deny this, would be to take awa; 
one of the most important deductions which Christian 
draw from the character of their Lord ; and that, thi 
church lost sight of, there would be no support fo 
ministerial authority, or the exercise of any of thos 
branches of wholesome* discipline, so essential to thi 
interests of piety. 

With these convictions to act as a counterpoise to th< 
stimulants of reformation, Luther dived into the depth) 
of his capacious mind, learned and spiritual as it was 
to see on what foundation his new system could be es 
tablished. The conclusion to which he eventually camt 
rested on the distinction between a visible and th( 
true universal and invisible church. This latter he be. 
lieved to have resisted the influence of all outward anc 



LUTHEB. 151 

ttati^oiiist drcumstances ; and to have retained its 
strength and unity when its members were dispersed 
'liiraugh the most remote countries of the worlds and 
ivefe not discovered to each other by any visible remark 
car open profession of belief. When the Roman church^ 
apostatised from the pure faith of the gospel, it lost its 
daim to be considered as a part of the general com- 
munion ; and Christians had this only to comfort them^ 
namely^ that the true church, being an object of belief, 
and not of sight, still retained its own peculiar privileges 
and glory. 

It was Luther *s wish to establish a church which 
should answer in its outward constitution and principles 
to these views of the universal church, and fulfil the 
designs of the apostles in the simple plan which they 
seemed to sketch out by their ministerial ordinances. 
The circumstances of the age, and the peculiar character 
of the reformation, rendered the temporal power an 
important element in these changes. It was under the 
eye of his sovereign that Luther carried on his pro- 
ceedings. The same was the case with the reformers 
in other countries; and thus the ruler of a people 
became, by general consent, the head and shield, as to 
temporal things, of the new church. Luther, with his 
accustomed acuteness of observation, and with a recti- 
tilde of purpose which has preserved him from any of 
the baser accusations of selfishness, immediately dis. 
covered the danger to be apprehended from such a con- 
stitution of the church. He foresaw that the revenues 
which were to supply a provision for its ministers, and 
the other necessary demands of a religious establish- 
Hient^ must arise from the application of sources now in 
the hands of the catholics ; and that in the transfer, 
&e property which had been solemnly consecrated to the 
service of God, and the grandest objects of charity, 

* LoDginime, latissime, profundissime distinguo inter Romanam ec- 
deriam et Romanam curiam. Illam scis purissimum esse thalamum Christi, 
tmtnm ecdesiarum, dominam mundi, sed spiritu, id est, vitiorum, non 
nnim mundi, sponsam Christi, filiam Dei, terrorem inferni, victoriam cax- 
nlt ; et quid dicam ? cujus sunt omnia ? Such was Luthei^ft &eacT\vX^oxi q& 
the BonaD cburcb st the beginning of his career. 

h 4 



152 BISTOBT OF nU BBVOBMAnOir. 

wmild be ei^oied to needy end T^oeioM ipoiiiteM 
AnxkNis to preTent the evils that opprdmded, lioepaitt 
eemetUy and frequcntlj <hi the tuljeet to Ihoee ite 
bad aoy influence or audiority. It waa a Tital prinajplr 
in bis polity, that nothing whidi had been OBce gtwm 
to God oould be safely withdrawn, or given back 4ia lie 
world ; and, consequently, that neither the deiKy ner 
the prince were authorised to attempt any sKenallwn 
of ecclesiaBtieal revenues. Whatever, theretoe, fell ims 
the liands of the Saxon refcmners was diligently em- 
ployed in the direct line of reUgious service ; and they 
set an example of moderation and disinteiesteffaiesp in 
respect to the weslth of the church which it would hsffs 
been well to have seen followed in other lands wfaoe 
protestantism set up its banners. 

The election and consecration of Amsdorf * to ^ 
bishopric of Nuremberg, in 154S, was the first decisli^ 
step taken towards the erection of an independent 
church. From this beginnii^, the progress towards the 
only end which could be contemj^ted was sure sad 
rapid ; but the friends of the reformation can scarcdy 
fail to wish that the proceedings of Luther and the 
elector had been of a less doubtful character than in 
this instance they must be allowed to have been. 
Julius von Pflug was the bishop appointed in the 
usual way by the chapter ; and it would be difficult to 
defend Uie violence of his deposition, without also 
arguing for a system subversive of the most wholesome 
lessons of experience. But, whatever may be thought of 
the conduct of Luther, or the elector, in reference te 
the individual, the proceeding was one of such im- 
portance, that if the reformation could be comprehended 
^jn some few points of a theory, it is in this we should 
one of the boldest developements of its spirit, as the 

itiguiist of principles which, older than the most 

licttous corruptions of popery, were ready, with 

energy and their poison, to give a destructive 




THB ENGLISH OHUBCH. 153 

£Mrce to amlMtkin whenever it should appear. The 
advocates of the new system had contemplated with the 
intemest awe and delight the purity of apostolic times. 
Their hearts burned to restore the blessings of those 
tknea to their fellow men ; and in the grandeur of this 
design^ and the intrepidity of their benevolence, they 
loBt sights it may be allowed^ of considerations which 
ought not to have been neglected. Gigantic abuses lay 
in their way to the temple^ as it rose before them in 
the vision of pristine holiness. They beat them aside 
in their triumphant march ; and when they stood^ in 
hope and faith^ on its threshold, they had no thought 
but the one inspiring notion that they were about to 
start afresh on tiie path of life and wisdom, and that 
neither rules, precepts^ nor institutions could or ought 
to stand in the way of those who thus began^ where the 
apostles began, with fellowship in Christ. 

It cannot but be matter of congratulation to the members 

of the church of England, that in this country the work 

of reformation was carried on without violence being done 

to those principles which give an apostolic authority to 

its ministers. The king had no need of prelates whose 

episcopal ordination or appointment might be called in 

question. Bishops, in the full possession of their sacred 

authority^ and venerable for the purity of their personal 

character^ for their extensive learning and noble genius, 

mthorised and promoted the reform of the national 

diarchy which throughout preserved its integrity, and the 

oonsistency as well of its polity as of the fundamental 

doctrines of a pure faith. From the prelates thus opening 

&e channels of protestantism, arose an authorised and 

pioperly consecrated clergy, who wanted nothing to 

their office which the power or the call of the church 

ecnld give. If they failed, either at this or any sub- 

iequent period, in the befitting virtues of their station, 

&e guilt, the deficiency, was personal, not ecclesiastical. 

As a clergy, they were endowed with the best privileges 

which the public teachers of religion could xeceiN^ m ^^ 



154 MMTosr or nut BMramMXTUUf, 

way of andent rale wad ezimplo. A d^enaatioii of 
the gotpd had been committed to tibem^ and it tfaevee. 
forward became their duty to preach Ihe wcnrd^ and 
adminiiter ^ aacraments^ not as novicesy bat as tliose 
whose right to these functions was based on the surest 
foundation^ — primiti?e example, and primitive doctrioe. 



155 



CHAPTER XVI. 

:0DNC1LS. OPENING OF THE COUNCIL OP TRENT. — DIFFI- 
CULTIES OF THE LEGATES. DEBATES ON DOCTRINE AND RE- 
FORMATION. COLLOQUT OF RATISBONNE. LUTHER. HIS 

DEATH AND CHARACTER. 

3oTH the plan and spirit of the Christian church 
avour the principle which first led to the calling of 
general councils. The unity of the spirit, the commu. 
lion of saints^ the very notion of a universal church, 
he memhers of which are hound together hy an indis- 
oluhle brotherhood, teaches the believer that the strength 
if the sacred institution lies not in any one of its sections, 
lut is diffusjed, with the gift of life, through its whole 
5xtent. To its acknowledged representatives, therefore, 
)rought together in the name of its adored Founder, 
he great body of Christians may well look, in seasons 
►f difficulty or distress, for the determination of their 
loubts. It is in the assembly of the elders of the church 
hat the fulfilment of the blessings upon united prayers 
ind deliberations may be most confidently expected. 
The promise given was doubtlessly intended as an 
ncitement to the cultivation of peace and mutual love ; 
nd, where these form the basis of inquiry, we humbly 
rust that an answer will always be accorded from on high. 
)ut, to render this expectation reasonable, the conditions 
oust be fulfilled on which alone the tenour of Scrip- 
ure encourages us to look for guidance. If the question 
gitated concerns only a national church, or a province | 
f that church, a union of its principal members in 
ouncil will realise the rule laid down; but if the sub. J 
set be one which has relation to the general interests of . 
/hristendom^ and the purity of the common ialvi^ci) ^^£0k 



156 mtTOBT OF mm MmmmATum. 

nothing len than a free and well-ordered ummHtj it 
the representatives of the Christian church, in its mikd 
sense^ can he r^;arded as possessing the anthoritj^ 
derived fro<n th(S promised presence of the hlessed ^^bit 
How far the principles on which the Coondl of Treat 
was convened deviated fron these rales will he un- 
derstood from the preceding narratiTe. 
. D. Notwithstanding the preparations whidi had been 
?46. made during the preceding year^ and the foaial open, 
ing of the council, it was not till the 7th of January, 
1546, that this celebrated assembly hdd its first ef- 
fective sitting. On the rooming of that day, the nu- 
merous dignified ecclesiastics, ambassadors, and other 
personages called to the council, proceeded to the cathe- 
dral, accompanied by a countless host of people, not 
less excited by the soknmity of the spectaele, than by 
the importance of the subjects abont to he debated. 
High mass having been performed, with all the pomp 
and grandeur of which the solemn ceremony was sos. 
ceptible, the pontifical l^ates commenced tl^ business 
of the meeting, by reading an instrument in which were 
set forth the main objects for which, it was said, the 
council had been summoned. These were, the extirpation 
of heresies, the re-establishment of discipline, and the 
restoration of peace. So far was any attempt from being 
made to apologise for the state of the Romish clergy, in 
this address, that its authors declared that to the 
negligence and vices of the ecclesiastical order might 
be attributed all the misfortunes at present existing. 
Hence, it was said, sprung the dangers to be appre- 
hended from the heresies and schisms which every where 
prevailed. They had neglected to till the field ; tiiey 
had sown no good seed themselves, and the enemy had 
covered it with tares while they slept. " Let every one 
then examine himself," continued the legates. '< Let him 
consult his conscience, and see whetlier or not he have 
done his duty to the church. War is raging around : 
the scourge of God is sent on account of the sins of his 
people. They have opened. x)h.e tQ«A. Xo xScAa sxid all other 



COUNCIL OF TRENT. 157 

evils by their avarice and ambition. Could they claim 
for themselves the honour of suffering in the cause of 
justice^ they might he esteemed happy ; but they have 
no right to this consolation^ for their conduct deserved 
a punishment much heavier than that inflicted. It ought 
to be esteemed a mercy that God has allowed this coun. 
oil to be held ; affording thereby the hope that the churchy 
recovering its former strength and purity, may he like 
Jerusalem after the return of its people fVom their cap. 
tivity in Babylon. There were enemies and scoffers in 
those days^ who would have hindered the rebuilding of 
the walls of the holy city ; and in the same manner may 
the present design be opposed ; but the work must be 
done, and the commands of Jesus Christ obeyed, what- 
ever difficulties lie in the way of their execution." 

Then follows the important advice^ that^ as the mem- * 
bers of the council were assembled in the character of 
judges, they should perform their duties with the most 
careful attention to the proper virtues of their office ; 
that they should yield neither to hatred nor to friend- 
ship*; regard not the persons of men, nor their own 
interests, but act with a single eye to the glory of God. 
'' For He and his angels are present," said the legates, 
" and not a thought of our hearts is hidden from his 
sight. Let the bishops who are here -fulfil the orders 
with which they are entrusted by the kings and prices 
from whom they come ; but, above all, let them remem- 
ber that they are standing before God ; that they are 
bound to act independently of prejudice or favour; and 
that it is the duty of erery one to bear in mind that he 
is sent to concert measures for the re-establishment of 
peace, and, therefore, must avoid whatever savours of 
strife or factic^." 

The sentiments thus expressed were such as became 
men occupied in so solemn a work as that contemplated 
by a general assembly of the church of Christ. It 
needed only a strict and spiritual observance of the rules 
propounded to give efficacy to the prooeeding;& q{ ^3ck& 
meettngiy and to r&ider it replete with bVes^ixi^ \a \x\iA.. 



158. HISTOBT OF TUB BBFOBMATIOir. 

Tentl Christendom. The addxeis of the l^tet «a%^ 
in many respects^ a niffident jnatificadan of ahnoat aB 
that had been said and done by Luther and the olhef . 
reformers. An acknowledgment was made tiiat flie 
clergy had left the Lord's vineyard ezpooed to ^' 
ravages of Satan ; that they had oormpted themadfei 
with the worst excesses of avarice and ambition ; sad 
that^ in consequence of their faithlessness in the ped^Drm* 
ince of their work^ the laity were sunk in immorafity 
and ignorance. That such a state of thingi could BOt 
have arisen from the mere want of discipline^ musthaie 
been plain to most minds^ sufficiently bold to look fiur 
enough to discover the truth. The relaxing of discipline 
will always be productive of many and great ii^juries; 
because^ in every period of the churdi^ there will be 
found men who can only be governed by the stem 
hand of a watchful authority. But^ where the mass is 
corrupted ; where holiness lies dishonoured bencAdi te 
altar, and the contemplatioii of Christ upon the ercM 
moves not the heart to penitence and the obedience of 
love, there* it may be concluded, some vital error has 
prevailed, some offence against the truth, which has occa- 
sioned tlie Holy Spirit to withdraw himself, and leave the 
huge body, destined to be his temple, without life and 
beauty. 

Ai^other discourse, or the decree of the council, fol- 
lowed the address of the legates. It was delivered by 
the bishop of Castellamare, and, like that [already read, 
exhorted the bishops and clergy to a more zealous per- 
formance of their various duties. '^ Let them apply them- 
selves to prayer," it said, '' and the celebration of ^ 
mass. Let Uiem fast and give alms. Let the prelates 
live soberly, abstain from the indulgence of luxury at 
their tables, and not engage in light and useless con- 
versation." To this was added the equally important 
exhortation, that, the darkness of error being dissipaiad, 
care should be taken to search for truth ; and this with 
all attention to sobriety, temperance^ and peace. 
M>thing further was done m iDbAa ««in»NLoC the coun- 



COUNCIL OF TBENT. 159 

On the 13th of the month it again assemhled, hut 

'y as it seemed^ to prorogue its meeting till the 

i^ when it was expected a larger numher of pre. 

would hare arrived to give dignity and authority to 

ecrees. 

he most casual ohserver could hardly fail to dis- 
r, in the dilatory and uncertain proceedings of the 
nhly^ that those who had the ordering of its debates 
' as yet but very imperfectly acquainted with the 
rci^ which afterwards employed them^ to the full 
at of their energy. To prevent the danger which 
It result from the vague and indefinite views which 
prevailed, the pope assembled a certain number of 
inals and other dignitaries of his court, and hav- 
established them as a permanent body, gave it 
1 in charge to watch the proceedings of the council, 
to take such measures, from time to time, as the 
Qce of his interests might render necessary. The 
^s, anxious to know the line of policy which it 
Id be expedient for them to pursue, made inquiries 
be pontiff, which prove in a striking manner the 
usion which must have prevailed in the councils of 
church, at this important period. No plan had 
laid down for the conduct of the debates. It was 
itermined whether heretics or heresies should be 
e the objects of consideration ; whether the opening 
le council should be publicly announced, and the 
ces and bishops of different nations be exhorted to 
for its success, by the members of the assembly, 
hether this should be done by the pope.* The same 
Ttainty existed as to the manner of voting, the 
ring up of the decrees, and, above all, as to the 
as to be employed in reconciling the discordant 
Qgs and interests which were already seen to exist 
Qg the bishops and other dignitaries in the assem-. 
To these inquiries was added a request, that 
lar posts might be established between Trent and 
le, and a larger supply of money remitted, the 2000 

♦ F« FaoIo. Le Courayer, t i. Uv. u. luSid. 



iSO HItTOBT OF TBE MEWOmMAmm. 

cfownt lent a ihort time before luiTiiig bete ^IbCribnMf 
among the more neoesatooB of the faieb(^a» 

No time was lost in answering tfaeie inqniiiee. Tth^ 
legates were instracted to take care that the TOtes s ho df 
not be given by nations^ a mode^ it was said^ nnknowB U 
antiquity^ and only introdaoed, with much daoagory st 
the councils of Constance and Baml. Their grand ot^feel 
was to be the preservation of the papal power, m in 
pre-eminence drer sll other anthorities ; and to aid Aov 
in this dnty, another sum of 2000 crowns was sat 
them f<Mr the use of the neoessitous prdates, who whs 
siso exempted from the payment of tithes to Roroe^ is 
long ss they might be present at the connciL 

The intentions of the pope were not more agwc sMB 
to the views of many of the ecclesiastics assenAled st 
Trent, than they were to the protestants. Thus the 
Spanish bishops loudly exclaimed against the boll whiflh 
freed them from the payment of tithes, as implyhi^ t 
right on the part of Rome which they did not adoM^ 
ledge ; while the numerous and powerful prelates sf 
France protested, with still greater zeal, against the 
council being simply termed seicrosancta synodtu, de- 
manding, at the same time, that these words should be 
added^ — ecclesiam universalem representans. This deu 
mand involved an attack on the irresponsibility of tfae 
pontiff; and the legates replied, that if the assembly 
were thus described as representing the universal diureb, 
a door would be opened to many difficulties, and it 
might next be added, that the council derived its autho- 
rity immediately from Jesus Christ, and consequently 
possessed a power, to which every dignity, even that of 
the pope himself, must yield. Convinced of the im- 
portance of the subject, the French bishops vehemently 
urged their request, and drew over many prelates (if 
other nations to join in the demand ; but the influence 
of the papal representatives prevailed ; and the dispute 
was at length, though unwillingly, suspended. 

Opinions the most contradictory prevailed as to the 
proper subjects for imme^ale coii^v^ts^ou in the 



OOUNOUi OF TtlBNT. idl 

edsbly. The party in the interests of the emperor^ 
nd at the head of which was the cardinal Madrucdo^ 
teongly insisted on the propriety of beginning with 
oeasures of reformation. ^' It woidd be useless^" they 
atd^ '^ to treat of doctrines^ while manners and disci- 
pline remain in that state of corruption whence all the 
rrors of the age had their origin. Nor ought the con- 
rary practice of the ancient councils to be alleged in 
pposition to this ; since, in the times when they were 
leld, vice prevailed to a less alarming degree in the 
Jhristian church, heresy being then its mightiest and 
nost deadly enemy." The legates listened to this advice 
irith ill-concealed dislike. It was far more alarming 
o Rome to see inquiry sharpening the intellects of 
icute observers preparing to investigate the foundations 
>f its power, the sources of its wealth, than to bear them 
i^nniog a debate on subjects which, it was more than 
probable, would quickly involve them in the inextricable 
trammels of controversy and mysticism. There is little 
reason to believe that the pontiff would have long hesi- 
tated about calling a council, had he been able to assure 
bimself that it would confine its views to the correction 
(tf doctrinal errors. But few persons in this case would 
liave understood enough of the subjects in dispute, to 
become thereby the enemies of a church in the com- 
munion of wMch they had been brought up, and to 
which they were attached by so many ties of sympathy 
and ancient reverence. Their confidence in its infal« 
libility might have been shaken ; and some, ambitious 
of independence, would have, perhaps, seized the oppor- 
tunity to shake off the yoke imposed by education ; but 
the multitude, as in other cases of controversy, would have 
soon returned to its state of tranquil acquiescence in the 
dogmas established, and the church would have enjoyed 
higher consideration tban it gained from this its seeming 
triumph. But when the manners of the clergy were to 
be examined, the most ordinary mind could form a 
judgment on the grounds of complaint. The passions 
would find a plea to engage in the ddscumoxk *, vdl^^ « 

VOL, II, H 



l62 HI8T0RT OF THB BEFORVATIOK. ' 

conviction once gained, who conld foresee where tbe 
mischief would stop^ or how long it would be before th» 
church could r^ain its influence over the affections or 
prejudices of the people ? 

The advice given by this party in the councQ was 
directiy opposed by that of another^ which consisted of 
zealous defenders of the papacy^ with all its subject traio 
of abuses and corruptions. It was ai^ued by these 
theorists^ that^ as faith is the mother of Christian gftees^ 
attention ought first to be paid to the purifying of 
doctrine from the taint of heresy; which^ being re- 
moved^ would leave the Gospel to work the cure of 
every remaining evil. This reasoning would have been 
correct if it were true that the corruption of faith leads 
to corruption of morals, but that the corruption of 
morals do not lead to that of doctrfne. A fair view of 
the subject, however^ will show Ihat the latter has as 
often been the case as tiie former ; and that in respect 
to the evils prevailing at the time alluded to^ they were, 
both doctrinal and practical, the result not so mudi of 
error in opinion as of base, sensual, and sordid disposi- 
tions, corrupting all the sources of intelligence. 

But neither extreme could be right; and a third 
party sprang up, which seemed disposed to exercise its 
judgment in choosing a middle path^ and taking imme- 
diate cognisance of both the important objects named 
in the preliminary discussion. To effect this, it was 
proposed that the council should divide itself into dif- 
ferent chambers, each of which should devote itself to 
one or other of the subjects agitated, and bring its 
debates to a conclusion, distinct from tbe rest. The 
only objection to this would have been, that an assembly 
loses much of its solemnity and authority when thus 
divided into sections ; and that, constituted as tiiat of 
Trent was, it would have been very difficult to persuade 
tbe whole to agree to the decisions of any of its parts. 

There was still another party. This consisted of 
tiiose who were more anxious to calm the tumult of war 
and ^ivil strife^ than either assert^ or assail^ the dignity 



OOUKCn. OF TRENT. l6S 

of the Roman church. The French lent all their in- 
fluence to support these views ; and still further mani- 
fested their comparative indifference to the mere ecclesi- 
astical portion of the inquiry^ by urging the necessity of 
inviting the Lutherans to attend the council^ and making 
every concession to the spirit of forbearance^ and Chris, 
tian charity. 

The legates found themselves pressed with fresh diffi- 
culties in this diversity of opinion, and, fearful of giving 
offence to either party, could only have recourse to their 
wonted policy of deferring thdr answer^ and in the 
mean time seeking advice from Rome. But so badly 
was the zeal of these champions of the church answered 
by its head^ that Paul III. allowed them to remain 
from day to day without either a reply to their ques- 
tions^ or the remission of any of those farther sums of 
money which they stated to be absolutely necessary to 
the continuance of their influence over the poorer 
bishops. Different reasons have been alleged for this 
strange conduct on the part of the pontiff. On the one 
side it is stated, diat his attention was wholly engaged 
by the war in which his interests, and those of Europe 
at large, were likely to be so deeply involved : on the 
other^ it is supposed that he considered his general ad- 
vice to the legates sufficient for their present guidance ; 
and that it would be safer to defer any more particular 
directions till circumstances should arise which might 
make him better acquainted with the state of parties.* 

It appears that the work of reformation might, at 
this period, have been greatly promoted by a large and 
powerful section of the Romish hierarchy, had it not 
been the policy of Paul III. to prevent either change 
or inquiry which could in any way endanger his own 
immediate interests. The French, the Imperialists, 
and many even of the Italian and Spanish bishops, de. 
liv^red sentiments which proved their willingness to 
make whatever concessions might be necessary to satisfy 

« Thig ig the opinion of Courayer, who flndg feult with Fra Paoli for 
Wt conjecture that the pope forgot the oouncil in his attention to the gub> 
jeot of the war. Hi»t. Cone Trente» t i. Uv. 11. n. 37. FVeux^. 

M 2 



164 HISTORY OP THE BBFOBMATION. 

the public call for peace and reform. But the l^tei 
were ever ready with arguments for delay. The ex- 
amination of doctrine was represented as the first duty 
of such ail assembly of ecclesiastics ; and when cardi- 
nal Madruccio spoke warmly against the Tices and ava- 
rice of the age, he was answered by a bitter allusioQ to 
his own rich possessions in the church, and told^ in plaie 
words^ to go home and reform himself. 

After a long debate, it was agreed that the two sub- 
jects of inquiry should be pursued together; and the 
legates, it is said, regarded the determination as a signal 
triumph. Had the feeling in favour of eomroencing 
with the topic of reform finally prevailed, they would 
have found themselves engaged in a work for whidi 
they were wholly incompetent Neither instruction nor 
authority had been given them for the conduct of a dis- 
cussion of this kind ; and as the members of the coun- 
cil already manifested impatience at the frequent pro- 
rogations which had taken place, they would have been 
obliged to have recourse to some desperate expedient for 
dissolving the assembly, or have had to sacrifice far 
more than their master contemplated to the concealed 
or open friends of the reformation. The present ar- 
rangement offered the prospect of continued delay. 
Nothing, in reality, was likely to be determined while 
the minds of men were one day agitated by the bold 
encounter of polemics, and another by the practical 
calculations of reform. In many cases, the antagonists 
on the one side would act as friends on the other, and the 
efforts of enemies might always be neutralised by a 
judicious application to their respective prejudices and 
wishes in cases of slight importance. 

The legates,- however, were not long allowed to in- 
dulge themselves in this notion of success. Both the 
pope and his consistory received intelligence of what 
had passed in the council with surprise and alarm. 
They had expected that the legates would make no con- 
cession whatever to the clamour of the assembly, and 
that it would have been oWi^<^, «X thevT Instance, to 



DIFFICULTIES OF THE LEOATEfb l65 

confine itself wholly to questions of (pinion and doe- 
tnne. An order accordingly was sent, prohibiting the 
publication of the decree of the last sessicm^ and ex- 
pressly stating that the meeting was on no account to 
concern itself, at present^ with the discussion of reform. 
The legates, in reply, movingly described the dis. 
tress and embarrassment caused them by such a deter- 
mination on the part of the pope. " Are we to be made," 
said they, '^ a laughing-stock to all the world ?" Or 
is it supposed, exclaim the members of the council, 
^^that Paul III. is to amuse himself with us, as Alex- 
ander V. did with the council of Pisa, and Martin V. 
with that of Constance ?" " It is generally believed by 
the bishops,'^ added the offended l^ates, <^that tl^ 
Roman pontiffs have refused to assemble councils be- 
cause they fear reform ; and had we absolutely denied 
to the meeting the liberty of discussing this subject, we 
should but have placed in danger the very authority 
which it is our purpose to support." * 

In the session held on the 4th of February, the 
archbishop of Sassari read the decree which had been 
passed. This important document purported, that as the 
council had assembled for the grand object of extirpate 
ing heresy, and reforming manners, it had resolved to 
commence its proceedings, according to the example of 
the ancient councils, by a profession of faith ; trusting 
thereby to obtain the blessing of God, and to stand 
armed, with the best shield it could employ, against 
the poisoned arrows of schismatics. The decree was 
formally admitted, but at a subsequent congr^ation 
the cardinal legate del Monte proposeid that it should be 
suppressed, as displeasing to the pope. This proposal 
roused the indignation of the bishop of Astorga, who 
demanded on what authority a decree could be sup" 
pressed, or altered, which had been passed by the com- 
mon consent of the fathers. " The tribunals of $paln>'' 
said he, ^' have made me acquainted with no instance 
of any president of an assembly venturing to interfere 

* Flevtty, lir. cxUi. n.a9. 
M 3 



l66 HWNMIT or THE miMHUfATIOIf. 

witili ill determinatJom.** Sadi « febnke ecNdd not hi 
unheeded, and the legate, ezensing himadf in the bat 
way he waa able, deaiited from hit attempt.* 

The attmtion of ihe oongregatioD waa. next eaUed 
to the proper metiiod of proceedings in the aeaaion fe» be 
opened on die 8th of April, and which, it waa expeeted, 
woidd be mudi more fertile in conaeqnenoea than die 
nreTioos meetinga. Sereral oongrqpationa devoted iSbett 
aittings to thia objeet : and it waa agreed, according to 
the advice of the president, that the firat ardde of die 
deereee shoold determine the audioiity and canon of 
Scripture ; and die aeoond, the nature and prooft of 
tradition. Three arehbialu^ia, and three budiops were 
charged with the duty of pnttii^ this decision into 
proper form ; and another set of diyinea i ce e if e i ^ 
commisaion to examine the text of Bcripture, and to 
report respecting the corruptiona and interpolatiolu 
which^ it was suspected, had crept into the sacred 
volume. 

On the completion of their labour, the members of 
this important commission reported to the congregation 
that most of the errors to be found in the text of Scrip- 
ture arose from the negligence of die publishers and 
transcribers ; and the bishop of Bitonte, by whom this 
report was delivered^ expressed a hope that any future 
danger from this cause might be prevented by the im- 
position of a heavy fine on those who were guilty of 
negligence in copying the Word of God. Few pas- 
sages in the history of this remarkable council are more 
interesting than the present proceedings. While two 
of the bishops spoke in the strongest manner against 
the notion that the church had a right to impoee 
fines for imperfect publications, cardinal Pach^co pro- 
posed that a law should be passed prohibiting transla- 
tions of the Scripture into the living languages. But 
so far had the spirit of reform penetrated even into the 
bosom of the papal hierarchy, that cardinal Madruccio 
immediately observed, that Germany was scandalised at 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE. l67 

the bare mention of depriving the people of the light 
of Scripture^ which, according to the apostle, ought to 
be the subject of men's continual meditation. " Yes," 
rejoined Pacbeco, ^'but this reading of the Bible was 
prohibited in Spain with the consent of Paul II." ^' We 
grant it,*' replied Madruccio: '^ Paul II., however, or 
any other pope, might be mistaken, but the apostle 
Paul could not." * 

The disputes which followed exhibited a singular 
specimen of the boldness with which error will defend 
itself against the arms, and even the persuasiveness, of 
truth. There were not wanting those in the council of 
Trent who had a competent knowledge of the ancient 
languages, and a sufficient acquaintance with biblical 
literature to enable them to judge rightly on the points 
in dispute. Isidore Clarius, a Benedictine monk of 
considerably erudition, stated, that from the time of 
Gregory the Italian version, and the translation by St. 
Jerome, were in common use ; but that these two ver- 
sions had been comprised in a single edition of the Scrip- 
tures, known under the title of the Vulgate. This 
translation received the praises of Clarius as the best 
existing; but he cautiously added, that no version 
ought ever to be considered as equivalent in authority 
to the original. 

Andrew Vega, a Spanish monk of the Franciscan 
order, confirmed the sentiment last expressed, by re- 
marking that lio interpreter ought to be regarded as 
inspired ; but that, nevertheless, the Latin church might 
properly acknowledge the Vulgate as authentic, and as 
containing nothing contrary to Christian doctrine or 
precept, though not, in all places, strictly conformable 
to the original. It had, moreover, he represented, the 
authority given by antiquity, for it was used a thousand 
years before in the most celebrated councils of the 
church, and might fairly, therefore, be commended to 
general use, full liberty being allowed to the scholar to 
consult and use the Bible in its original langua^es^t 

• Flewy, cxliL n. 57. f Fra PaoU, t A. \w. \\. n. 5\. YV««n, 

V. 4 



168 HIgTOBT OF THB KEFOKMATIMT. 

Such were some of the proceedings which mariee 
opening session of the coundL We tum^ for a 
space^ from their consideration^ to notice an erent wi 
while regarded as a matter of triumph by the mos 
fluential members of that assembly^ filled the mint 
'protestants with the deepest and most earnest sorro 

The colloquy of Ratisbonne^ which commence 
the beginning of February, appeared likely to pass 
without producing any important effect on the oonditi* 
the reformers in (xermany. It was rendered respect 
however, in the eyes of both parties, by the charact 
the theologians which it had gathered together * ; 
Christendom looked with anxious expectation for 
issue of the two most important meetings that had 
summoned in the later ages of the church. The coi 
of Trent, and the colloquy of Ratisbonne, were diffi 
in their constitution ; but the general ends propose 
both were the same. To attain these results the a( 
of some mighty principle was required, or the dire( 
influence of some mind which, unbending in its d 
mination, and correspondingly noble in its views, nr 
have taught the more timid, the vacillating, and 
dishonest, to venerate the majesty of truth. 

It was at this period, when his services seemec 
greatly needed to further the designs of the protest 
that Luther drew nigh to the close of his career, 
had for some time past been conscious that he stoo 
the borders of eternity. His conversation aboundc 
allusions to the mighty change preparing for Y 
and he then only appeared touched with melancl 
when he spoke or thought of his own failure in holi: 
or of the yet imperfect state of the great work w 
the providence of God had led him to commence, 
man ever laboured more earnestly than Luther to 
tablish the doctrine of justification by faith, or to o 
turn the fatal notion of human merit. And, whil 
exhorted his hearers to look for safety in the con 
confession of their sins, he exhibited in the feelir 



LVTHKB. 169 

his own heart so deep a sense of unworthiness^ snch an 
almost agonising sorrow at the recollection of his infir- 
mities^ that every one could at once see how utterly poor 
and wretched he considered himself, except as he could 
take advantage of the riches of a Saviours righteousness.^ 
Thus sublimely humhle, thus eminently sincere in the 
profession of evangelical faith, the sorrows of the peni- 
tent were always mingled with the love and triumphs 
of the believer. 

When this wonderful man turned from the con- 
templation of his own state to that of the church, he 
viewed events not in the spirit of a self-satisfied leader^, 
but with the stem feeling of one determined to calculate, 
as exactly as possible, not merely the amount of good 
obtained, but the dangers which existed to prevent its 
increase, or its preservation. '* I have lived long enough," 
said he> in one of his saddest moods. '' God grant that 
I may quietly lay aside this burdensome worm-bag in 
the earth ! I have, without doubt, seen the best that 
man can see in this world : all things will now, I fear, 
grow worse." 

A strong feeling, not of confidence in his unaided 
power, but of trust in the means whereby he had been 
made the instrument of much good, led him to believe 
t^t his own departure would be the signal for a general 
onset, by all the enemies of truth and holiness, upon the . 
newly^rected fortress of scriptural bdief. ''As long 
^ I live," said he one day to some friends collected 
^nd his dinner-table, ''no danger^ I trust in God^ 
^iU arise, and Germany will enjoy the blessings of 
peace. But if I die, then begin to pray, for you will 
have need of prayer : our children must grasp the spear, 
uid the land will fare badly. Therefore I say, when I 
*in dead, exercise yourselves diligently in prayer." This 
doep and prophetic appprehension of coming ills made 
him look for death, in his own case, as a harbinger of 
good. In one of his last sermons preached at Wit- 
^bei^, he expressed a desire that the peo^l&'^wsi^ 
Cease to prajr for bis life ; and his moXive «feea» \«^ 



JfO BI9T0BT or TBB BBFOBKATIOV. 

kave been stated in this melanchdj passage : — '' If 
should Eve a hundred yeara^ and could subdue all futn 
enemies as I hsTe oTeroome my present foes^ yet^ I s 
wdl^ my successors would have no rest^ for the de\ 
sttU Htcs and reigns. My only desire, therefore^ is i 
a short and gracious season of departure : I care 
longer about Me." 

Thus daily expecting the stroke which should lay hi 
low^ Luther was still anxious to employ his hours 
die most profitable manner. On die sid of Janusi 
1545> he set out on his way to Eisleben. His olij* 
in undertaking this journey was to settle a dispi 
which had arisen between 4he counts of Mansfeld a 
their tenants. Luther*s heart was awake to whate' 
concerned the interests of his friends ; and he had ma 
in this scene of his early days. *' I shall die happil; 
said he^ *' if I can reconcile the counts, and restore pei 
among them." * 

The season of the year added not a litde to i 
fatigue of the journey ; and he was detained for th 
days at Halle^ owing to die impassable state of i 
swollen rivers. Impatient of further delay, he at 1 
resolved to make the passage in a ferry-boat. Jus 
Jonas^ and his three sons^ accompanied him ; and wl 
they were safely across^ he laughingly remarked to 
friend, what a joy it would have been to the devil, coi 
he have managed to plunge us all into the stream. 

His presence at Eisleben was hailed with every < 
monstration of respect; and he enjoyed sufficient 
fluence to settle the business which he had taken 
hand. The rapid decay of his strength gave, houi 
fresh alarm to his friends ; but he continued to prea 
and even ordained two ministers of the protestant char 
during the little time left at his disposal. His praye 
his conversation, seemed more deeply imbued than e 
widi spiritual grace. He would stand and pray, it 
said, before he went to bed, with such a force a 



DEATH OF LUTHER. l7l 

aleyation of mind^ that those who listened to him were 
lUed with astonishment. 

~ On the 17th of February^ his weakness had so greatly 
^Qcreased^ that he could no longer leave his room without 
extreme difficulty. Not willing to remain away from 
IMS friends, he continued to attend them at the usual 
nipper hour ; and his conversation^ thoqg^ often alluding 
o his expected dissolution^ was pleasant and lively. So 
riolent^ however^ were the pains that seized him soon 
ifter partaking of sapper, that he could not refrain 
3rom crying out aknid. Hot cloths were applied to his 
iody, and the count of Mansfeld himself assisted the 
Kttendants in endeavouring to soothe his agony. The 
neans employed were for a time successful. ' About ten 
^'dock^ he fell into a calm deep sleep, and his friends^ 
^ratching over him with tender solicitude, conceived 
lopes that he would rise refreshed and comforted ; but^ 
m hour after^ he suddenly woke^ and exclaimed to 
Dr. Jonas^ who stood near^ " O Lord God, what agony 
io I sufler ! How my breast is burdened ! Yes ! 1 shall 
?emain in Eisleben V* On hearing him utter these 
lamentations, his sons^ together with the count and 
countess of Mansfeld, gathered round his bed ; and an 
appearance of perspiration inspired Dr. Jonas with a 
fresh hope that the pain might again be got under. 
" Jonas," said the sufferer^ '' this is the cold sweat of 
death. The malady increases, and I shall soon give up 
the ghost." Then composing himself to prayer^ he 
exclaimed three times^ <' Father^ into thy hands I com- 
mend my spirit ! " He spoke little after this ; and his 
friend Jonas, seeing him grow weaker and weaker^ said^ 
''Venerable father, do you die trusting in Christy and in the 
Gospel^ according to the doctrine you have preached ?" 
Summoning, as it seemed, all the strength of his heart and 
^irit^ he answered aloud^ *' Yes ! ** and then sunk again 
into the calm of exhausted nature. At the mention of 
Ms name he sighed deeply, but without any appearance 
of pain or apprehension^ and, folding his hands together ^ 
hy tTBnquUl/ till between two and three in lVieTELOTmw%) 



172 HI8T0BT OP THE REFOBMATION. 

when he breathed forth his spirit^ as if the pain of d 
had been abready overcome.* 

Thus ended die career of the most remarkable 
known in the Christian church since (he days of 
apostles. If we compare him with the primitive 
fessors of the Gospel^ he is equal to the noUest an 
them for courage^ self-devotedness, purity of cone 
and earnestness of zeal. If we examine his sentin 
by the rule of Scripture^ they exhibit the most fail 
adherence to the word of the Spirit^ the most pa 
willingness to be taught^ and to teach, only as a chii 
wisdom, though full of strength as a child of God. 

The most wonderful quality of Luther's char 
was seen in the power with which he could execute 
part of the duty which belonged to him as a reiij 
reformer. Grand and comprehensive in his viewi 
brought within the sphere of vision the most re 
consequences of his undertaking ; and, seeing the ( 
culties to be apprehended from personal as well as p 
opposition, pursued, with equal skill, the proper n 
for lessening the power of both. Had he been sii 
a politician, he would have surpassed all others ii 
same career by his penetration, his knowledge of 
racter, and ability to make circumstances bend t( 
necessity. In the ranks of philosophy he would 
enjoyed a not less distinguished position, many o 
views on general subjects being as interesting for 
originality as his theological statements are val 
for their scriptural tendency and simplicity. But ^ 
ever were the qualities of his mind, whatever its p 
or riches, they were all employed on the one j 
object, for the execution of which he had been set 
by the Divine Head of the church. No strivinj 
a]:^bition diverted him from seeking the glory of 
No weaknesses of fear or love could persuade hi 

* Fuit onanino vir magnanimus, qui talia ausus est quae totus i 
orbis, et qui tot gentibus adversus se conspirantibus unum se opposu 
que utitiam parem addidisset animi moderationem, nee frena afi 
nimis laxasset. Profecto tranqullliorcs post se reliquisset Ecclesi 
Hornii Hist Exles., p. 32:&. 



OHABAOTER OF LVTHEB. 175 

compromise what he believed to be the purity of evan- 
gelical truth. He went forward^ turning neither to the 
yight hand nor to the left^ whether threatened by the 
power or lured by the wiles of the devil. 

If compared with some of those patterns of solitary 
llidiness^ ihe ascetics of the early churchy or the monks 
•nd hermits of the nuddle ages, Luther may be regarded 
as inferior to them^ both in strictness of life, and freedom 
fiom worldliness of temper. But it ought not to be lost 
aght of> that Luther had a work to perform which obliged ' 
him to leave retirement, and shake off the feelings which, 
cultivated iti solitude^ render meditation an all-sufficient 
flupporty as well as comfort, to the mind. We must 
not expect to find the virtues of the ascetic — aided as he 
I is by every circumstance that can tranquillise the soul^ 
i nbdue the passions, and open the heart to celestial 
visionB, to ministering angels of spiritual delight — ^ in the 
character of those who have to harden themselves for 
warfare in the open world, and to endure toils which 
yatt to flight every present expectation of repose. The 
onployments of men of mrhd, if ardently pursued^ 
leceive a light from their own intellectuality ; but they 
do not fail, in their tum^ to exercise an influence on 
those by whom they are followed. • A Christian can 
Oevtf be a woridling, but a Christian in the world 
etanot be fairly judged of, at first sight, as a Christian in 
Nlitnde ; nor ought he to be considered as failing in 
tpiritual-mindedness, although he appear not so singu- 
larly remote in manners and habits from the rest of 
mankind as he who has been able to shake off all the 
tnmmels of social cares and duties, and leave the world 
for the 8<^tude and independence of the wilderness. 

The writings of Luther are so voluminous, that, did 
ve not know his history, it might be supposed that 
W had devoted his entire life to the labours of author, 
ihip. Few of his works are of a nature to admit of the 
idea that little exertion of thought or inquiry was 
lequired for their composition. His eiLten^kW^ catci^ 
mentaries od Scripture afford evidence o{ xVve xaoeX 



174 HUTOBT OP THE BBVOBMAYIMr. 

lUttient application of mind, and of the' W pl oyiii M 
an audition wfaidi^ vait for the timei in wfaidi lie I 
ooold only haTe been obtained by habits of laboi 
ttndy* The translation of the Bible is stiU adtnowki 
to be a^wonderlhl performance^ even as m transiaf 
and what shall we think of the man capable of exeev 
audi a wrak in the midst of the dangers anddistrae 
which beset liie path of the great reformer ? 

Add to all tltis^ that Lnther was as diligent in c 
cis&ng the office <^f a preacher as if he had been ntt 
a parish priest His sermons, moreoTer^ were snd 
for the most part, might have heesa preached by a 
who had • no other riew than that of instmctinj 
ordinary congregation in the doctrines and duties 
taining to the Christian profession. In speakin] 
himself as a preacher, he once said, ** To preach CI 
is a difficult and dangerous office. Had I eariier kn 
how weighty an office it is, I should neter hare ' 
tared to undertake it ; but should have said, with M( 
* Send whom thou wilt' " On another occasion^ t< 
discoursing with one of his friends, who complaine 
him of the weakness and inefficiency of his own pi 
exercises, he said, *' Ah^ my dear friend^ how well ( 
understand what you mean. But you will become i 
skilful and learned as you proceed; and will e 
perhaps, and obtain honour. Remember, however^ 
you are to preach our Lord Jesus Christy and tak 
notice of what the people say or think."* It was 
favourite maxim that the most simple style^ the plai 
words and the plainest things^ best became a preac 
'^ One must say to the poor people," he remarked, " 
white is white, and black black. Time^ place, and 
character of the hearers must all be considered^ 
man wishes to be useful. He will regard his peopl 
a mother does her children^ invite and lead them to 
truth, and feed them with the milk of the word.'* 
cannot preach or make a sermon according to art,' 
said. '^It does not seem necessary to speak on e^ 



CHARACTER OF LUTHER. 175 

|K»iit of a subject^ but only on that which is most im- 
j^orUnt, and on which the whole appears to rest. This 
pnncipal point often presents itself to me as I am pro- 
peeding^ without my having previously thought es- 
pecially thereon ; and I should be too long in my 
discourse were I to follow up every idea at similar 
length. 

Thus mighty in the endowments of intellect^ and 
spiritual in his views and labours^ was the reformer of 
Wittemberg. His fa^lts are soon numbered. They 
were^ impetuosity of temper, and a consequent want of 
patience and charity towards opponents ; a strong tend- 
ency of heart to pride; an occasional indulgence of 
wrath^ which, cherished from a principle of zeal supposed 
to be right, assumed at length a command over his 
feelings which, even had it been lawful at the beginning, 
could only be evil in its continuance and results. These 
were the remains of the natural man : the humbling 
evidences that faith and wisdom may have wrought 
wonders, while charity has still to plead for admission 
into the heart. The only apology that can be made for 
Luther in this respect is, that while the faults alluded 
to were deeply rooted in his natural character, their 
developement was greatly promoted by most of the 
circumstances of his life. 

Returning now to the council of Trent, — that august 
body prepared for its fourth session with all the solem- 
nities fitted for an occasion on which were to be decided 
questions of the highest importance to what had hitherto 
been considered the universal church. The reading of 
Uie decrees occupied the attention of the meeting for a 
large portion of the time devoted to its present sitting. 
in the first of these documents it was stated, that the 
cy>uncil having for its object the preservation of the 
gp^pel in its purity, as promised in the prophets^ pub* 
Ushed by Jesus Christ, and preached by his apostles ; 
a^ being the source of all truths which regard the salva- 
tion of the soul, or the rule of conduct ; and considerm^ 
that these tmtbsj and this rule^ are contained in \\ie«AkC\^ 



176 HI8T0RT OP THK BEfOBMATXOK. 

books, or in the traditions receiTed by the apostles firom 
the mouth of Jesus Christ himself, or put into the 
minds of the same apostles by the Holy Spirit, and 
handed down from generation to generation, eTen ts 
the present, — that the holy council, considering these 
things, did receive all the books of die Old and New 
Testaments^ and also the traditions regarding faith 
and manners, as proceeding from the mouth of Jesui 
Christ, or from the Holy Spirit, and preserved in the 
catholic church by a continued succession of witnesses. 
A list of the books of Scripture, as they stand in the 
Vulgate, was appended to this declaration, and the most 
terrible anathemas were published against those who 
should refuse to admit the canon as thus establishedi 
or the authority of tradition.* 

• Fn PftoU, t i. liT. ii. Courayer, p. 988. Fleury. The fbHowingpis. 
sage flrom Mr. Mendham's valuable volume will throw light on this cunooi 
passage in the history of the council : — 

** The next letter to the usual correspondent, the moat reverend FaiMte^ 
of the S6th of April, pursues the same sutyect, and combats the same 
Objection. This young cardinal and critic is reported as wishing to know, 
why, in receiving the Vulgate a* authentic, no mention was made of cor* 
recting it ; since it is manifest that there are errors in it which can ill be 
attributed to the press. The answer is, that, after long disputation upon 
the subject, many of the learned of different nations held, that the vulgar 
edition was that of St. Jerome. Others agreed unanimously, that the 
edition used in the Roman church was the most secure, as never having 
been accused of heresy, although it might appear to vary in some places 
from the Hebrew and Greek text ; and however humble, barbaric, or sole* 
cistic its style might be, the originals were corrupted by the Hebrews and 
heretics ; and therefore no course was so secure, as to rest upon that 
church, which, besides being the head of Christendom, had even, by the 
special privilege and favour of God, been preserved without spot of heresy, 
and with a perpetual and uninterrupted succession of ponlifrs. Although 
the incorrections do not touch matters of faith, the synod has not thought 
proper to adopt the opinion of the deputies, nor to confess by a public 
decree that the edition was formally corrupt } but in this dilemma judged 
it more expedient to correct the books tacitly, and to issue them with the 
authority of their lord, and with the approbation of the synod, than to 
rectify an error at a time when there would be no remedy. It was there> 
fore concluded at the last general congregation, that his holiness shouk^be 
written to, in the name of the synod, as is now done, to correct with all 
expedition the last edition, and then the Greek and Hebrew bibles : and 
the same being done here, that the Joint labours should produce, with the 
authority of the ]K>pe and council, a correct bible, which should be pub> 
lisbed, for the perpetual conservation of the faith. The legates give seven 
reasons for the course which they had taken, among which the nMit 
observable are, — that which represents it as the declaration of their adver« 
saries, that they have separated f^om the Roman church, not only oo 
account of its bad manners, but likewise its false doctrine ; and it would 
be a confirmation of their statement, if the sacred Scriptures, which for 
centuries she has published, proclaimed, and interpreted, shoukl be 
acknowledged to be erroneous ; nor would it avail to say, that the errors 
did not affbot faith, I'moe ficom one etroi v)2i^t'^^aAnJC»l an infinity, and 



BECBEfiS OP THE COUNCIL. 177 

In the second decree, the version of the Scriptures^ 
generally known under the title of the Vulgate^ is pro. 
nounced authentic ; and it is declared unlawful to puh- 
lish any explication of Scripture which hears a contrary 
flense to that given hy the churchy the true judge of in- 
terpretations^ or to the unanimous opinion of the fathers. 
A provision is next made for the publication of the 
translation thus authorised ; and it is pronounced a 
oime to publish^ sell^ or even possess anonymous 
writings treating of sacred things. The ambassador of 
the emperor appeared at this session of the council; 
and the reply to his address — both the one and the other 
as unimportant to the world as they were flattering and 
pompous in expression — terminated the business of the 
meeting. But the publication of the decrees excited a 
feeling little agreeable to those by whose influence they 
had been passed. <^ How is it^*' said men of inquiring 
minds^ ''that five cardinals and forty-eight bishops 
should have been able so soon to determine points 
hitherto left in obscurity^ and to have decided that books 
are canonical which^ till now, were regarded as apochry- 
pbal. How can they have obtained the right to pro- 
nounce a translation authentic, which is in several places 
contrary to the original ; or to prohibit any one from 
examinining for himself the meaning of the Divine 
Word ? '* These questions implied no great faith in the 

that, the last, which propoises, that in case the erron should be judged 
tnroortant, an amended edition might be published without scandal or 
inamy, every error being ascribabie either to ancient or modem tran. 
icriben. 

** There is something instructive in all this ; and the reader, who is at all 
acquainted with biblitial or papal literature, needs only to be referred to 
the tardy and inauspicious result of this altercation, which, so much more 
fivoarably for some than for Trent, was carried into execution by the pon. 
ttflk, in this respect not very concordant, Sixtus V. and Clement vlIL, the 
latter of whom, after obliterating, by pasting over, the errors of his prede. 
eessor, with litue satisfaction or little effect, was induced at length to draw 
the broad stroke of infallible condemnation over the whole surface of his 
predecessor's amended Bible, and, after the lapse of forty.six years from Mie 
time of the present history, published to the Roman world an edition of 
tiielr Bible, which might be esteemed correct This pontiff, it is well 
known, availed himself of the delicate hint to ascribe all errors to printers ; 
and woe would have been to them, if they told the truth. Thus the 9000 
fariations are satisfactorily settled. It is enough to refer to the \8XM>\n« vikt 
oor able and meritorious, but ilKencouraged, Jamea, on \\vva %\x>Q(i«c'C* 
Coundl of Trent, p. 65. 

YOLi IJ. jf 



178 HItTOBT or TBS BBFOBMATWir* 

autliority of the conndL Still leM weie i^peuanoei 
faTouraUe to its raccess when it wu asked, in a dmibr 
tone^ which among the prelates who aniated at tboe 
proceedings enjoyed any reputation for knowledge ; or 
whether the canonists who were moat reapeetafale for 
skill in their proper porsuita^ had any proportionafafe 
acquaintance with the great qneationa of theokigy ? It 
was asserted^ in short, that the hishopa who acted so 
important a part in the council were whdly deatitnte 
of the knowledge which became their station; Att 
they were, for the most part^ gentlemen and oonrCien; 
and that those who were any thing more than tituhr 
bishops, presided over dioceses so small, tibat» pat alto- 
gether, they would not make a thooiaiiddi part of 
Christendom.* 

The indefiniteness of the decrees f^med another 
subject for criticism. No command, it waa said, had 
been given respecting the recdring of traditions^ bat 
only a prohibition against treating ^em witii contempt ; 
so that, in fact, the whole mass of traditions, accor^Qng 
to this, might be rejected, if it were done respectfully* 
The same doubts were expressed on that part of the 
decree which related to the Vulgate. *' What avails it to 
know that the version is authentic, if a guide be not 
given us in the choice of editions ?" — a question which, 
it may be seen, was in reality answered by the provisions 
made for printing a more correct copy of tiie version 
tiian those which at present existed. 

Paul III. now began to observe with more interest 
than hitherto the proceedings of the council. Subjects 
were brought forward on which no decision could be 
passed without more or less influencing his autiiority. 
The consequence was, that the legates received fresh 
instructions, and an energy appeared in tiie movements of 
the papal court which it had not before exhibited. Three 
points were particularly insisted upon in the directions 

* Courayer objects to this remark, and compluns of his author u un- 
just to the theologians alluded to. But Fra Paoli does not express ths 
sentiment as his own He sXtnpVf u^'l^ ^^*^ va^^ ^ii«a th« ofdnloo com- 
monly expressed, and especVaW^s ui QertEoxv^. ToisuV.'^.^V 



AN'XIRTT OF THE POPE. 179 

forwarded to the legates. In the first place, th^y were 
to publish no decree without having submitted it to 
examination at Rome : in the second, they were to take 
care not to treat as matters of controversy things about 
which all the world seemed already agreed ; an error 
committed, it was said, in the session just passed : and, 
in the third place, they were not to suffer, under any 
pretence whatever, the papal authority to be made the 
subject of debate. 

The pontiff had cause for the anxiety manifested in 
these instructions. Not only was it plain that a large 
portion of the members of the council, though wrought 
upon by the legates at the moment of voting, were not 
altogether cordial in their support, but that the party 
acting under the influence of the emperor was resolved 
to do its utmost to diminish his power. The suspicion 
thus engendered received a strong confirmation from 
the result of his proceedings against the archbishop of 
Cologne. After a protracted controversy, the clergy of 
the diocese had induced the pope to declare the arch. 
Inshop excommunicated, and to deprive him of all his 
ecdedastical dignities. But so little inclined was the 
emperor to take part with the church on this occasion, 
that, though its sentence was pronounced in the most 
sdemn manner, and published to the world, — though 
the pontiff represented it to him as a matter of the 
highest importance to the dignity of the hierarchy, and 
even obtained the sanction of the learned university of 
Loavain to the proceeding, — Charles remained firm in his 
refusal to acknowledge the deposition, and continued to 
treat and address the archbishop of Cologne in the same 
manner as before the act of excommunication.* 

Anxious to defer the question of reform till more 
auspicious times, the pope desired the legates to engage 
the council in the discussion of the doctrine of original 
sin, — a subject the labyrinths of which, he well knew, 
would speedily free him from any present anxiety Te- 
specting the re-appearance of those who mig)il eiv^«^^ vol 

♦ Sleidaa, t il liv. xvii. 311. 
N 2 



180 HI8T0BT OF THB BEFORMATIOF. 

the debate. The Spanish ambasaador^ Toledo, mispectiiig 
the intention of the legates, and determined to pTevent 
their escape from the more necessary bosiness of die 
council, did not hesitate to inform them, that it was the 
emperor s wish that the assembly should confine iti 
present views to the sulject of reformation, rather dian 
attempt the discussion of points of doctrine, wbidi 
xequired a less prompt consideration than matters of t 
practical nature. 

The congregations held at this time exhilnted a me- 
lancholy proof of the want of concord between the 
leading members of the church. Cardinals wiai^^ 
with cardinals, bishops with bishops, and almost die 
entire body of the prelacy rose in arms against Ac 
authority of the pope iuid the priyileges of the moDastk 
order, which the bishops regarded as a usurpation of 
the common rights of episcopacy. This, and other cir- 
cumstances, rendered the l^ates suspicious of everj 
manifestation of independence in the tnrder ; and when 
the bishop of Fiesoli ventured to tax them with an at^ 
tempt to limit the freedom of the council, they not only 
insulted him by a reprimand, but prepared to make him 
depart the city. The bishop of Fiesoli was not the only 
prelate who had been taught to tremble before the le- 
gates. An expression of indignation at the appearance 
of things in the council had brought upon the bishop of 
Chiozza such a storm of angry looks, that he saw reason 
to tremble for his personal safety; and, pretending sick* 
ness, he made a hasty retreat from this dangerous po- 
sition to his diocese.* 

Paul 111. could not be induced to give up the rules 
he had laid down for the proceedings at Trent. In 
vain had the legates represented to him the earnest desire 
of the ambassador, Toledo, of many prelates, and 
even of the emperor himself, that he would allow the 
council to begin its consultations on the subject of re- 
form. '' No ! If we allow princes to be our guide, we 
shall never see the end of dl^^utes. Pay no heed to 

« Fra PaoVi, t. \ . \W. *i\. ^. 300. ^o>w«|«. 



THE BISHOPS AND MONASTIC PREACHERS. 181 

'. representations of Toledo. £xcuse yourselves as you 
it can to the emperor ; and at once propose for dis- 
ision the article of original sin ! " This was the 
rport of the pontiff's answer^ and his ministers pro- 
ded immediately to ohey his orders. An intimation 
i been given^ that no corrections of the Vulgate were 
be attempted without fresh orders from Rome. The 
ines, therefore, who had been chosen to examine the 
sion^ were straightway dismissed. In the next place, 
was determined to settle the question which had 
sen out of the disputes between the bishops and the 
•nastic orders. The former pretended that they alone 
1 the right to appoint preachers^ and provide for the 
truction of the people. To this the latter replied, 
it^ supposing such to have been originally the case, 
>y had forfeited their right by leaving the duty ap- 
ided to it unperformed.* 

This dispute was viewed by the supporters of the 
pacy as one of the most important that had been 
rted. The power of the bishops, it had long been 
covered^ could not consist well with the high pre- 
isions of the sovereign pontiff. No means presented 
elf so well adapted to lessen this antagonist influence 
episcopacy^ as the rising spirit of monasticisra. Be- 
een the abbot and the pope there was no probable 
ise of rivalry ; but between the bishop and the pope, 
d the bishop and the abbot, there was a twofold source 
jealousy. Something of the same kind might be 
md to exist in the inferior grades of the two orders of 
iests and monks, all ranks of the clergy having reason 
desire freedom from the unlimited power of a distant 
1 irresponsible potentate ; while the monastic orders 
ist have always felt that they could exist only by hit 
roux and protection. 

The importance of the matter was fully understood 

the court of Rome, and the instructions transmitted 

the legates breathed the very spirit of caution. Both 

rties were to be appeased; both were to be satisfied: 

» Fra Paoli,tA. Uv, IL n. 61. 
N 3 



182 BISTOBT OF TBB KIFOUtATIOir. 

that temporiting condnct^ in short, wm to he pormed 
which riioald conceal from the eyes of men the previil- 
ing fears and wishes of the chief. By appealing to the 
hiflhops^ especially to those of Italy, on Uie duty iMdL 
they owed to the pope, and thai flattering their lote of 
power, hy obliging the monastic preachers to ask for 
their Ucences before exercising the function of teachers, 
they induced them to yield some of the pdnts of most 
consequence to the interests of the pope. But scarcely 
had the prelates expressed themselves satisfied, when 
the leaders of the monkish party protested against the 
terms of the arrangement ; and it was not till after a 
long and humiliating struggle, that the legates could 
persuade these quarrelsome rivals to submit their private 
interests to the good of the church.* 

The debates on the subject of free-wiU were atlengtk 
commenced ; and, it having been first agreed that the 
opinions of the German divines should be sought 
through the proper channels, the inquiry was instituted 
upon these nine propositions : — 1. That Adam, by hii 
transgression, had incurred the anger of God, and the 
pupishment of death ; but that, although degenerated 
both in soul and body, he transmitted not his sin, but only 
the corporal punishment, to his posterity. ^. That the 
sin of Adam is called original sin, not because it was 
transmitted from Adam, but because it has passed from 
him to his posterity by imitation. 3, That original 
sin is ignorance or contempt of God, taking away all 
fear and reverence for the Supreme Being, and infecting 
body, soul, and will with a general corruption. 4*. That 
even in children there is an inclination to evil, which, in 
its growth, produces an extreme aversion to holy things, 
and a passipnate love of the world, which is original sin. 
5. That infants, although baptized for the remission of 
sins, do not come into the world with any sin derived 
from Adam. 6. That baptism does not put away 
original sin, but only prevents its being imputed, so 
that it is, as it were, erased, and, gradually losing its 



ORIGINAL 8IN. 183 

force in this life^ is entirely eradicated in the iivorld to 
come. 7* That this sin remaining in baptized persons^ 
retards their entrance into heaven. 8. That concapi- 
scence^ which may be called the nourishment of sin^ and 
which remains after baptism^ is truly a sin. g. That^ 
besides corporal deaths and the other imperfections to 
which the present life is subject, the fire of hell is the 
principal punishment due to original sin. * 

It will at once be seen, that the only points of real 
importance in these articles are to be found in the 
first and second propositions ; the others being imme- 
diately derivable from the truth universally allowed, 
that sin, however imbibed, acts like the poison of an 
infection, destroying whatever might be good, wise, 
or holy in human nature. Innumerable authorities 
were brought forward by the disputants to justify their 
several interpretations of the term original sin ; and 
Augustin, Anselm, Thomas Aquinas, and Duns Scotus, 
afforded the most learned among them a rich variety 
of logical niceties for determining a matter which, in 
the simple language of Scripture, interpreted by a 
humble spirit, presents so few difficulties, either prac- 
tical or doctrinal. 

But, in this respect, the fathers of the council of 
Trent only pursued a method of discussion which would 
have been adopted by the theologians of any age, 
church, or sect. We cannot follow them through the 
labyrinths of the debate ; but the first proposition was 
unanimously declared heretical, according to the decisions 
of the various councils which were held on the doctrines 
of Pelagius. The second proposition shared a similar 
fute. Of the third article, the former part was con-» 
demned because it spoke of the contempt of God, and 
other crimes of a similar nature, as original sin, whereas 
this species of guilt is not to be found in infants, nor 
in all grown persons; and to describe original sin in 
this manner, therefore, was, in fact, to deny its exist- 
ence. The second part of the same proposition was 

• Fn Paoli, 1 1. Uv. iL i^ 806. 
N 4 



184 BUTOBT OF THB REFOBMATION. 

spoken of as in one sense to be tolentedy bat in anodNr 
as heretical. '' If the protestants/' it was said^ '' wbei 
speaking of the universal corruption of man^ mean onlf 
a privative corruption^ they may be right; bat thejr 
seem to understand the doctrine as implying a totd 
and substantial corruption^ and pointing to humsD 
nature as existing now under a form di^rent to thit 
in which it was created. The catholics designated 
original sin as the privation of justice^ a fountain without 
water; but the protestants said that it was a living 
source, whence sprang the corrupted waters of disbelief 
hatred, contumacy, and aU other worldly feelings and 
desires. Such being the case, the proposition was eon. 
demned, and the fourth article was united with it ai 
equally heretical and dangerous. The only opponent 
to this decision was the learned theologian Catharin, 
who plainly declared that n<me of the arguments ad- 
vanced seemed sufficient for the purpose of confuting 
the supposed heresy. He was answered by Dominie 
Soto, a rigid adherent to the opinions of Thomn 
Aquinas; and the council seemed on the point of 
dividing, when its attention was called to the fifth 
article, about which there was less danger of discussion. 
It was unanimously agreed, in the debate on this pro- 
position, that original sin is effaced by baptism, which 
restores the soul to its first state of inuocency, the 
punishment of the sin remaining as a trial and exercise; 
that the perfection of Adam was a quality which adorned 
and perfected the soul, rendering it acceptable in the 
sight of God, and freeing the body from mortality: 
that God, for Christ's sake, gives to those who are bom 
again a new quality, which is called justifying grace, 
and which, purifying the soul from the taint of sin, 
restores it to the state in which Adam was before the 
faU, and produces even a Iiigher degree of goodness 
than original justice ; with this reservation only, that 
the body is left in the condition to which sin at first 
subjected it. 
The sixth and sevenOi ax\\d&« -w^xe both declared 



OBIOINAL BIN. 185 

heretical : the eighth, which was founded on some loose 
eitpressions of Augustin^ badly understood^ excited a 
still stronger opposition. On the ninth proposition, 
the debate was carried to some length, Augustin and 
his party employing the words of Scripture to support 
the opinion that original sin will be punished with fire ; 
and the contrary par^, including the celebrated Peter 
Lombard, and most of the scholastics, contending that 
the only penalty awarded it will be a denial of glory. 

It might have been supposed, that with the termina- 
tion of the debate the members of the council would 
have found themselves relieved from a considerable part 
of the embarrassment in which they seemed involved 
by the intricacies of the subject. But, instead of this 
being the case, they only saw fresh difficulties sur- 
rounding them ; and the prelates, to whom ought 
properly to have pertained the task of drawing up the 
decree, proved themselves as incompetent to decide on a 
question purely theological, as they were eager to secure 
the advancement of their temporal interests. The 
l^ates trembled at the delay which thus took place at a 
period when it was the wish of the pope that the de- 
cision of the question should be expedited. Toledo, 
on the other hand, wishing to obtain time for the fur- 
therance of his own plans, saw the confusion which 
prevailed with secret satisfaction.* At length some 
appearance of unity was restored^ the leaders of the 
assembly again having recourse to the common watch- 
word of the council — the ruin of the protestants. The 
decrees were then put in form for publication. Under 
the head of original sin, were comprised five anathemas, 
the first four of which were directed against the Lu. 
therans^ and the last against the followers of Zuingle. 
On these the consent of the fathers was unanimous ; but 

* The most distinguished opponent of the decision of the majority on 
this occasion, was Ambrose CaUiarin. He was at one time near carrying 
away the palm of victory, and his address contains the substance of all that 
was said in defence of the 'first three articles. He stated, — *' Qu*i? falloit 
dutinguer le pech6 d*avec sa peine : Que la concupiscence et la privation 
dela justice ^tnient la peine dup^b^: Qu'il falloit done Tvece&&».\te'a\€w\. 
quslep6eb&fiJtsuitrecbose: Qu*H est impossible, quece quvn*ai^vi\\.^\.^ 



186 

as nodnng could pqioadc cidier tbe one ptrtj or die 
odieiv wlio had dkpated oo die Inmanilale nalme il 



S« CB A^Mi I* Mil CB MM : Qm tocoMiiiinHwt «t k privmoB ds b 
BtiaBtd*AdnauctMt*iplBB ItarttniMitBMt Ms powoiMC Mrepidw 

MMM;CtCIMMdl« Blwrilt Hj M M fM IMfil (*i jidK, A^ 




ponvait pat Ai% 

feMorMdalft 

p(Hliilli§ par h 
deDiea/UftUoit chercbcr on antw»oyMd1w ipli qpi r l> tW i AftMto i*i 
Udil, fMCOBM DIM, «uai I 



■rkvota 



pidi^ i ce qu^U tt de cette , . _ , 

taMit Abraham la iVf» Asv O Bf mi, aroit ftik ud pMte ftvee hd «t« 
pottfrit^ ; de aiine quad U deoMU jartloe oriftaMlle ^ Adam at m 
nweJunaain, Dotre pie a ria c ptoa •na^tmeaaaaoBMrniatciiealuidaM^ 
d—rwidam de UooMcnrer poor lid al pour euz, an ob a ma nt la pgtepte 
qoliavoit reca ; au Hen ipie teUe da robaarvcr a la pardndt antaotpNT 
cox oue pour lui-mtaw, cClaa rendroit aideli am m tm aa peinai, m tnM- 
gUMiuii atant devenneoeDe da chacmi, m hd ecnmeca«a^ etdaaslM 



autre* oomne la mite da pacta cim Ua el d poor cox : Qnlalaai la mmm 
tramgreMion qui Hoit en loi ua p<cM actnd, Mt daMtoi antici lapteM 
originel par naputadon qui leorMartfidte, ct qne cVrt aiml qoa toot II 
mondeapMi«cnluiIoniQuniapicli(. C^kmrm fimdoil prindpakmqt 
aon opinion rar oe qu*il ne peat y avoir pro p te m ant de vCrliaiile pdeM n 
n*y a point d'acte de la Yolont<, ct qn*il m pout y avoir rian de voloBtiiit 
dana le pteh< originel quel' imputatioa de la uauia ie ui op d*Adam i tooii 
pulaque quand S. Paul dit, que torn ami pidtiem Jdmm, on ne pent entendie 
autre chose, sinon quits ont commis le mime p§ch6 arec lui. 11 rapports 
pour exemple ce qu'^crit S. Paul aux Hfixeux, que Levi aroit pay^I* 
dixme i Melchis^ech, quand Abraham son bisayeul U lui pa^a; et que 
par la meme raison on peut dire, que la foUbnti d* Adam d vide Tordre de 
Dieu, quand Adam le viola lui.mime, et qu*elle a pMi€ en lui, conune eOe 
auroit re^u la justice en lui : qu'ainsi il n'^toit pas n^cessaire de recourir 
au plaisir sensuel qui infecte la chair, et dont Pinliection se communique I 
Tame ; ^tant impossible de concevotr qu*un esprit puisse recevoir une aAe- 
tion'corporeUe : Que si le p^hi est une tache spintudle dans Pame, die ne 
peut pas etre auparavant dans la chair; et si c*est une tache corpordle 
dans la chair, elle ne peut rien opirer sur l*en>rit : Qu'enfin il £toit uqpoft* 
sible de concevoir, qu'une ame, pour se joindre d un corps corrompu, cod- 
tractAt elle.meme Hnfeccion du corps. Pour prouver ensuite le pacte de 
Dieu avec Adam, il se servit d*un passage du prophete Os^, d*un autre ^ 
PEccl^situtiquey et de plusieurs endroits de S, Augusim. II montra auisl, 
que le pech§ originel de;chacun estl'acte seul de.la transgression d*Adam} & 
le montra, dis-je, par un endroit oO S. Paul dit, que plusaevrs ami 4ti JmU 
pjcheurs par la desobHssance tPun seul ; et parcequ*on n'a jamais cm dam 
raglise, que le p^che soit autre chose qu*une action vol(mtaire contre la 
Lol ; et qu'tl n'y a eu d'autre action volontaire que celle d* Adam. II le 
servit encore pour prouver la mime ^chose d*un autre endroit, oCl S. Pml 
dit ^ue c*est par fe p^cA^ originel que la mart esi entrie dan$ le monde, 

Juoiqu'elle n'y soit entrie que par la transgression actuelle d* Adam. En- 
n 11 tira une de ses principales preuvres, de ce que quoiqu* Eve eikt mangi 
avant Adam du flruit difendu, elle ne reconnut point sa nuditi, et ne soou 
frit aucune peine,* avant qu'Adam eAt pich£ .lui.mime. D*oA il con. 
clut que le pechi d*Adara fut non seulement son pich§ propre, mais en- 
corecelui d^Eve et de toutesa posterity**— fV-a Paoli, Hist, du Con, T.Ux, 
p. 312. 

This address was censured by Dominic Soto, who taking uptne arguments 
ol Thomas Aquinas, lepUed*. — *^ Qu* A.eAm ^ch&«ctuellonent ea man. 



FIFTH SESSION. 187 

Christ's conception^ to yield its dogmas^ the legates 
proposed that the matter should he left undecided ; 
and the archbishop of Aix desired that an order might 
he passed^ prohibiting any further mention of the point 
in dispute, either on the one side or the other. 

At the opening of the fifth session^ the decree above 

named was read in a full assembly of the members ; 

and immediately after^ the decree of reformation. This 

document, so highly interesting and important^ was 

divided into two parts. In the former, provision was 

made for the better and more general teaching of theo- 

^^^} hy an order to the bishops^ that they should 

oblige those who enjoyed revenues, set apart for this 

purpose, to perform the duty which pertained to their 

appointments, either in their own person, or by deputies 

properly qualified for the task, and appointed by the 

bishop of the diocese. It was further ordained, that^ 

for the future, no person should be appointed to benefices. 

of this kind who were not sufficiently learned to exercise 

the office of theological professors : that in places where 

no provision had hitherto been made for this purpose^ 

the first prebend which fell vacant should be devoted 

to the institution of a divinity lecture : that, if no 



sent du fruit' d^fendu; maigqu*il demeura pecheur parune disposition 
o^uelle produite par Taction : Que tel est d'ordinaire le Aruit des actions 
*»uv«i«e«, (lui produisent dans I'ame de ceux qui les coromettent une dis- 
piMition, qui fait qu'aprds Tacte ils demeurcnt pecheurs et en conservent le 
Bom; Que Taction d*Adam fut une action passagdre, qui n'eut d'etre qu'au 
i&cment qu*elle fut produite ; mais que la quality nabituelle qui lui en 




91 - . ^ 

>I9eUent la urivation de la justice : Que Ton peut expliquer cela en consi. 

^antque Thomme est appelle pecheur non seulement dans le tenis qu'il 

pccfae actuellement, mais encore aprte, tant que le pech£ n'est point efifkc^ ; 

(( cela Bon point i cause des peines ou des autres suites du peche, mais 

Ulquement par raj^rt k la transgression pr§c§dente ; de meme que 

rixmmiequiaeTientcourMest appelli^ tel tant qii'il ne se redresse point, 

ODD & cause de Taction actuelle, mais & cause de Tefifbt qui en reste apr^s 

<piB Taction estpass^e. Puis comparant le p<'-che originel d cette courbure, 

comme v^ritablement e'en est une spirituelle, Soto dit, que comme toute 

la nature humaine ^toit en Adam, quand il se courba en violant le com. 

iBandement de Dieu, tout le genre>humain, et par consequent chaque indi. 

vidu muticuUer, est daoaeur^ courbe, non point de la courbure d'Adam, 

Buisde la courbure qui lui estpropre, etqui le faitrestercourbe, ct pecheur, 

tant qu*il n*est point redressel par la grace. Ces deux opinions furent 

•outenues avec une chaleur ^gale de part et d*autre, chacun vouVatvt 1«\xq 

adopter la sieune pax le Synode. **^Ibid. p. 314. 



l8S BinoBZ or thb BiroBMATuw. 

prebend exialed whieli could be thus employed, some 
dmple benefice ihonld he taken ; and tliat, if this did 
not produce nlfficient income, the deficiency ebuuld be 
made up by the ndghbonring incumbents. In rtgard 
to the poorer chnrches, it was added, that the bishop, 
with the adfiee of the chapter, should appoint at least 
one master lo teach grammar gratuitously to tile young 
clergy, and otber poor scholars, that they migh; ..lereb; 
be prepared for the study of divinity when it should 
please God to call tliera to his service. Like the 
profeuors of tfaeoIi^,.tlie grammar master was to be 
provided for by lome church benefice ; and we canool 
bat admire the wisdom of the whole of thie plan for 
diffusing knowledge through the Christian community. 
All that was needed to render it efficient, to make it 
fertile in blessings to the church and the people, was s 
wise regulation la to the studies to be pursued ; the 
'Change, in ihortj of dry grammatical inatitutcE, for 
the invigorating exercises of thought pursuing sub- 
Btanljal knowledge, and sanctified ami supported by 
copious draughts from those fountains of wisdom that 
are ever welling forth from the oracles of God. Some 
approach was made to scriptural instruction in the 
directions given respecting the reading of the Bible 
in monasteries and conventa; both bishops and princes 
being exhorted to enforce the ordinance as necessary to 
the present and eternal welfare of their people. But 
had this command been issued with that attention to 
the circumstances of the case which it deserved, how 
unlikely it is that the Sible would have been for so many 
ages after denied to the people by the church of Rome, 
or that every attempt to make it accessible to tbe 
humble inquirer should have been treated as the fore- 
runner of heresy or schism. 

The second part of this decree, so valuable to the 
historian, and so creditable to those by whom it was 
drawn up and paused, treats of the duty of public 
preaching.* Bishops and archbishops, it is aaid, are 



DISPUTE ON FAITH. 189 

bound by tbeir office to preach the gospel of Jesus 
Christy if not prevented by §ome particular cause ; and 
when this is the case^ it is their duty to provide pious 
and learned men to supply their place. Curates^ in the 
same manner^ are exhorted, unless hindered by sufficient 
reasons, to preach to the people on Sundays and festi- 
vals; but the members of the monastic orders are 
prohibited, in the strongest terms^ from preaching with-* 
out permission from the bishop. The difficulties arising 
from the collision of these two powerful rivals in the 
Roman church have been already alluded to. They 
appeared on almost every question of importance, and 
were now only subdued by its being suggested, that 
whenever a bii^op interfered in the affisiirs of a monas- 
tery, he was to perform his duty, not in virtue of his 
prelatical authority, but as the delegate of Rome. 

A congr^ation was summoned on the 21st of the 
month, to consider the doctrine of justification, and the 
supposed heresies of the reformers. Several theologians 
having been ordered to put the subject into a form which 
would most readily admit of its being discussed, the 
divines thus chosen reduced the numerous questions it 
involved to twenty-five propositions. The first of 
these articles propounded, that faith alone, to the 
exclusion of works, suffices for salvation : the second, 
that justifying faith is the confidence whereby we be- 
lieve that our sins are forgiven us for Christ's sake ; and 
that those who are justified must believe that their sins 
are forgiven. The third proposition unfolds the opi- 
nion, that faith alone renders us acceptable to God, who 
takes no notice of good works ; that by it men are puri- 
fied and made worthy of receiving the eucharist : the 
fourth, that they who do good without the Holy Spirit, 
sin, because they do it with an unsanctified heart ; and 
that even the observing of the commandments of God is 
sin, unless it be done by faith : the fifth, that true 
penitence is a new life ; that repentance for past sins is 
not necessary ; and that contrition for pie^ieviX. o^e^^^'s^ 
does not dispose the heart to receive gtoice *. ^^ ^v^^^ 



190 BISTORT OP THE BEFOKMATlllir. 

that a fit disposition ia not necciiary to justification; 
and that faiih justifies, not because it inclines a mtn 
to good, but because it is the means and instrument 
whereby the grace of God is seiied and apprehended.* 

These are some of the propositions which the councfl 
was about to examine, under the head of doctrine. The 
reformation of abuses seemed on the point of making 
another advance, by the proposal of the cardinal del 
Monte to enforce the constant residence of bishops and 
pastors on their respective cures. It was owing to 
their non.residenoe, he said, that die evils which at jne- 
sent threatened the church had made such an alarming 
progress ; that heresies and corruption prevailed among 
the people, since they whose duty it was to watch over 
their conditions, and prevent the approach of the enemy 
of souls, were so rarely at their station. To the same 
cause, he further observed, might be ascribed the fre- 
quent admission of the most unworthy or the most mu 
qualified persons to the ministry ; and that if the mis- 
chief which hence occurred was to be removed, it could 
only be effected by enforcing in the strictest manner the 
law of residence. 

The truth and good sense of these remarks urere 
obvious ; and the speakers who followed confirmed what 
the cardinal had stated, by their own experience. A 
Florentine bishop endeavoured to show that the obtni* 
sion of the mendicant and other orders of preachers had 
so destroyed the authority of the prelates, that they 
might as well be in a strange country as in their dio- 
ceses ; but his objection only tended to establish the 
general argument, for it might have been asked whether 
the influence of the preaching friars was not almost 
entirely owing to their finding the field deserted by 
those who should have tilled it themselves. The legates, 
pressed on both sides, agreed that the subject should be 
discussed ; and thus, two of the most important inquiries 
that could have been instituted were prepared for the 
coming assembly. 



DISPUTES. 191 

A wide range of argument was taken in the discussion 
of the theological questions respecting justification. 
Keither learning nor acuteness was wanting among the 
disputants ; but they were swayed^ it is suspected^ by 
other motives than a simple love of truth. The spirit 
of party reigned supreme in the council. An impe. 
lialist would not willingly yield any point to the sup- 
porters of the pope ; nor the supporters of the pope to 
those who regarded ^e interests of the church itself as 
the only object to be sought. This state of things de- 
manded the continual interference of the legates ; and 
whenever they interposed their authority, the freedom of 
debate ceased^ and the inquiry after truth became lost in 
&e consideration of what would be most pleasing to 
the Roman court. A more distressing spectacle can 
scarcely be presented to a pious or ingenuous mind. 
There was enough of knowle^e^ good sense^ and earnest 
feeling among the members of this celebrated council to 
make it a blessing to the church at large ; but^ as in 
every case where a church has lost its apostolic purity, 
the defence of the church destroyed the means which 
; might have been so profitably employed for the defence 
of the Gospel. 



192 HISTORY OF THE REFORXATIOK. 



CHAP. XVII. 

DIET OF RATISBONNE. PREPARATIONS OP THE POPK AND THI 

EMPEROR FOR WAR. MEASURES OF THE PROTRSTAVTS. -' | 

THE ELECTOR OF SAXONT AND THE LANDGRAVE OF HES81 

PREPARE FOR A CAMPAIGN. THE WAR AND ITS CONSI- 

QDENCE8. COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

While the fathers of the council of Trent were thus 
deeply engaged in endeavouring to settle the doctrine 
and discipline of the churchy the pope and the emperor 
adopted a line of policy which would shake Europe to 
its centre. Neither the one nor the other appears to 
have entertained a thought of inquiring hy what means 
the happiness of mankind could he best promoted. 
They were both despots ; both men of calculating 
minds ; proud, selfish, and ever apprehensive of some 
change of events, that might at once hurl them from 
the eminence which they guarded with such jealous 
care. 

The diet met at Ratisbonne early in the summer, 
and the intentions of Charles became too apparent to 
allow the protestants to indulge any longer a hope 
of safety. It was impossible for them to regard the 
council of Trent in the light of an assembly whose 
decisions would be binding on the consciences of Chris- 
tians studious of framing their belief and practice 
according to the rule of Scripture. This they repre* 
sented to the emperor in the strong and earnest lan- 
guage of men who had taken a path from which nothing 
could induce them to recede. '^ Let the subjects," said 
they, *' on which we feel so deeply, be examined in a 
free German councW *. \et xkewv. Vi^ dUeussed even in a 



\ 



WAB AfiAlNST THE PRQTESTANT8. 193 

(liet of the empire; or iu a meeting of learned and 
conscientious theologians ; but do not leave us to be 
judged by an assembly in which it is impossible^ by its 
very constitution, that justice should be done us." 

Such a remonstrance was little agreeable to the em- 
peror. He saw that a feeling reigned among the pro- 
testants^ which was neither to be overcome by the most 
cautious policy, nor to be surprised by the most daring. 
The elector of Saxony, as the head of the party, was 
the first to experience his resentment. His letters to 
* that virtuous prince were couched in terms of bitter 
leproach; and only the blindest of men could have 
failed to discover in the whole bearing of the emperor 
and his ministers, that the sword was already more than 
hli out of the scabbard. The circumstance that peace 
litd been made with France, and a truce entered into 
^th the Turk, augmented the suspicions of the pro- 
testants ; and, when it was heard that the cardinal of 
Trent had been dispatched post to Rome, to claim the 
aasbtance of the pope, the last lingering doubt vanished, 
and they were obliged to own, that the time had ar- 
rived in which they were either to be martyred in 
mass, give up their faith, or arm themselves for its 
defence. 

To the inquiries of those who ventured to question 
Charles respecting his hostile preparations, he simply 
viswered, that he only desired to establish peace in the 
empire ; that those who were willing to obey his man- 
dates might depend on his friendship; but that he 
^oold now use his power to put down the authors of 
trouble -and dissension. The landgrave of Hesse, never 
loth to appear as the champion of his party, lost no 
time in making arrangements for the war thus suddenly 
announced. Full of zeal and energy himself, he en. 
deavoured to inspire the other protestant princes with 
a similar feeling. But so specious had been the 
issurances of the emperor and Ferdinand, that they 
lesired nothing more earnestly than' peace, that the 

• SleidBn. Fm Pttoli, t, Jl Ur. ii. PallaTicli^, Ub. ^U\., c 1. 
VOL. J7# O 



194 BISTORT OF THB BEFOBMATIOir. 

deputies at Ratisbonne lent an unwilling ear to theaa 
exhortations of the landgrave. The constant movem< 
of troops in Germany and Italy roused them from thei 
dream of security. With the promptitude of an hoi 
patriotism^ the cities of Upper Germany^ and the d 
of Wirtemberg, lost no time in communicating intelli- 
gence to the chiefs of the league; and^ following u] 
their counsel by actions^ instantiy led into the field 
small but resolute band of infantry. 

The troops^ thus promptiy raised^ were led by gentle* 
men of high birth and character. When fairly ready 
for action^ Balthasar Gultling, counsellor of the duke of 
Wirtemberg^ addressed them in a speech well fitted 
animate the courage of men who came forward nei 
as warriors nor as rebels^ but as the subjects of fi 
princes^ resolved to defend their independence^ and 
safety of their homes and altars. ^^The Roman pontifi) 
the vicar of Satan/' said he^ '^ again dreams of dev 
tating Germany with the scourge of war: he seda 
revenge for what our countrymen did when they sacked 
and pillaged Rome; and his mortal hatred to true , 
religion urges him on to attempt our final ruin. At 
his instigation, the emperor Charles takes up anus 
against our princes and those allied with them in a 
holy confederation, that he may force us by violence to 
the practice of a religion impious and diabolical. Yes! 
this proud and wicked slave of Satan, has himself 
equipped a body of infantry and cavalry to aid the L 
forces of the emperor. Spanish regiments also are 
already in the country ; and we may hourly look for 
the horrors which will inundate the land when these 
foreign bands receive the signal for action. Our 
princes, therefore, and their allies, knowing it to be a 
solemn duty to protect their subjects from violence, 
and, above all, to save them, if possible, from the 
seductions of a false religion, have resolved, by the 
grace of God, to act as men. and Christians ; and, not- 
withstanding any further promises and persuasions, to 
commence hostiUliea. H«vt^ U is that they have 



THE POPE AND THE EMPEROB. 195 

ailed you into the field. Obey the chief set over 
"ou ! show yourselves worthy of the ancestors of your 
ace ! and^ for the rest^ we will resign ourselves to the 
nil of the Almighty^ in whose righteousness we trust 
or the decision of our cause." • 

Activity prevailed on both sides. The protestants, 
n their part^ lost no time in calling for the aid of the 
leighbouring states. Venice and the Tyrolese were 
Dtreated to oppose the passage of the papal troops 
brough their fortresses : the noblemen and free cities 
rhich had not yet joined the confederacy, received 
ivitations to unite diemselves with the defenders of 
digious freedom ; and an ambassador was sent into 
witzerland^ where it might well be hoped many thou- 
mds would be found ready to support a cause so 
milar to their own. 

The pope^ in the mean time^ concluded a formal 
€aty with Charles, by which he promised to furnish 
00,000 crowns of gold, in addition to the sum of like 
nount already advanced ; to permit the emperor to 
vy half the revenue of the ecclesiastical possessions in 
pain, and to sell as much of the property of the 
onasteries in that country as would amount to 500,000 
)ld crowns, t He furllier agreed, to send 12,000 
fantry, and 500 cavalry, ready equipped into the 
dd, and to maintain them for six months ; the grand 
ndition on which the whole was granted being this ; 
at the troops and the money should be religiously 
^voted to war against the heretics^ and to the com- 
lUing of all those who rejected the council, and took 
irt in the new errors, to renounce the same, and 
turn to the profession of the ancient faith. 
It is impossible to pass over the mention of these 
ents without an expression of astonishment at the 
ring dishonesty of the pontiff's conduct. The pro- 

Sleidan, t it. liv. xviL p. 324. 
• The cardinals, it is said, did not approve of this mode of providing for 

war. They might well, indeed, dissent Aromsuch a proposal. The 
ader is, how Paul III. dare venture on such an attemyl to mcteaa^Yvw 
mrcea. Jbid. 

o 2 



196 

tetUnti had for jenn been dfimnding the filr 
donof thebTiewiin afkeeaiidg«iienleoiiBdL Ai 
cil was called^ which wanted the eaacnrial tetniei ef i 
asiemblj^ in which a oontroTcnj like tihat now 
could be sadafactorilj detennined. The ol^jeetiflBB 
the proteitanta were dinegaided; and the omdlj 
oommenoed its sittings. Bat, dioogfa coiiTened in eop*] 
tempt of the reformers^ though disallowing their ii{^ H j 
call for the judgment of a tribunal otherwise eonatit 
it does not appear that the assembly ever snpposed il 
summoned mmly to decide a question already answoa^j 
or to act as if it had no other duty to perform tiian tliflK| 
of pronouncing condemnation on one of thepartica wl 
quarrel was the olject of its consideration. The 
mode and character of its debates prove that the 
was the case ; that the subjects on which it had 
decide were still matters of controversy ; and thai it 
possible that the termination of the debate might 
always be on the side of the pope. On questions 
of doctrine and discipline did this doubtfuhiess pi . . 
remain till the formal summoning up of the sevefd] 
decrees. If the council had even the shadow of freedc 
or any pretensions whatever to the dignity and authority! 
possessed by the assemblies^ on the mode] of which 
was supposed to be formed^ it might speak of the ssi 
things^ and finally decide on the same principles, as dwi 
protestants. The privileges of the pope himsdf conUI 
not be rightly considered as wholly out of the view ofl 
such a body : the revsiiues of the church, its rites audi 
discipline ; the state of the clergy, every thing, in shoc^ 
inquiry into which had given birth to protestantisai^l 
was to be subject to its investigation. 

What then, may we ask, can be thought of tkj 
conduct of the pope, or of his ally the emperor, wlwi| 
they could dare, while such an assembly was sittings ti 
meditate the destruction of those, the proceedings iM 
opinions of whom were the subject of its solemn deUbs*! 
rations ? It surely cannot be said, that they deservedj 
this fate, because lYie^ letuaed. \o vg\j«ai at the coanfiiL 






PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 197 



Sapposing even they had heen guilty of contumacy by 
this conduct^ still the offence had not been determined 
by the assembly, ^hich now alone had authority to say 
what was the penalty due to such a dissent. The 
meditated attack^ in fact^ would at any time have been 
unlawful ; but it was now a sacrilege^ and was no other 
than the iniquity of a prince giving secret orders for 
iSbe assassination of a person accused of treason^ while 
it is yet undetermined by the judges whether that which 
18 laid to his charge have any thing of treason in its 
nature. 

Seizing the moment which yet remained before the 
actual commencement of hostilities, the elector palatine 
endeavoured to avert the danger by mediation. The 
only statement which he could make to the protestant 
princes^ after communicating with the emperor, implied 
the necessity of their entirely humbling themselves to 
|j his power. '^ His majesty,*' said he, '^ will speak of 
peace if you ask for pardon in that in which you have 
oflfended ; if you will offer to restore whatever you may 
have taken from others, and to redress any injury 
inflicted against the laws of justice."* 

The elector of Saxony and the Landgrave proved 
how little they regarded an answer of this kind, by 
immediately preparing for the field. In their address 
to the emperor, justifying the measures which they were 
* ' thus compelled to adopt, they boldly accused him of a 
▼ want of good faith in acting in a manner so contrary 
J to what might have been expected from his previous 
hi[ behaviour. Passing then to a review of the few past 
years, they proved how loyal had been their conduct ; 
how little they merited the accusations heaped upon 
them ; and how greatly, on the other hand, he must 
have forgotten the solemn oath which he took at his 
coronation. '* We leave,** said they in conclusion, '^ our 
interests in the hand of God ; and when you shall have 
^ informed us precisely of what we are guilty, we will 
'*. then prove our innocence so clearly that the injustice 

^' , « Pallavic Ub. ix. c. iii. Sleidan. 

o 3 



> ' 



198 HISTORY OF THE BSrOBXATIOir. 

of this attack shall be manifest to all the world ; and 
it will be seen that it is perpetrated at the iostigatiflD 
of the Roman antichrist^ and the impious council sf 

Trent." 

The landgrave of Hesse now put his troops in motion 
to meet the enemy on his descent from the Alps. Se- 
bastian Schertelin had^ in the mean time, made hinndf 
master of the strongest fortress in the valley of the Tyrol, 
and was on his way to Inspruck^ when the forces ^ 
Ferdinand gathering together on all sides against him, 
obliged him to retreat. The emperor himself remaiiu 
ed at Ratisbonne, where an army of eight thoostnd 
infantry^ Grermans and Spaniards^ and seven hundred 
horse, awaited his command to march. He was not, 
however, idle. On the 20th of July^ he published the 
ban of the empire against the elector of Saxony and the 
landgrave. The document purported, that these two 
princes had at all times opposed themselves to his plioi 
for the good of the empire; had disobeyed his orders; 
invited others to do the same ; and, under the pretenee 
of religion^ carried on designs of ambition fatal to the 
happiness of the state. " Their rebellion," continued 
the emperor, '' being thus manifest, I proscribe them as 
perfidious rebels, as guilty of lese majeste, and disturbers 
of the public safety. I am moreover resolved to punidi 
these rebels, and forbid any one to join them under pain 
of death, and confiscation of goods,*'* 

On the banks of the Danube the protestant chiefe 
awaited the further movement of the indignant sove- 
reign. His arrival at Landshut, on the Iser, gave them 
an opportunity of again addressing him, before striking 
the first blow. '^ You attack by your proceedings," 
said they, '' not only the Gospel, but the law and liberty 
of the empire ; nor can you forget that you have for 
many years past been in constant communication witb 
the Roman antichrist and foreign princes, in order to 
form against us an alliance which might finally lead to 
our subjection. And now, concealing the true object of 



PBEPARATI0N8 FOB WAR. 199 

this war^ you pretend that it is not in a religious strug- 
gle that you take up arms^ but for the purpose of punish- 
ing a rebellion. But have you not proyed this to be 
faLse^ by allowing the pope to hold a council composed 
only of his creatures^ and from which the few who 
ventured to express their opinions honestly were in- 
stantly expelled ? Had we^ indeed^ been guilty of any 
crime^ it would have been your duty to call us before an 
assembly of princes^ according to the example of your 
ancestors. Instead of doing this^ you have acted in a 
manner as imworthy of your own honour as it is inju- 
rious to us. While summoning us to the diet^ and while 
even consulting with us there^ you have taken measures 
to attack us in open war ; even entering into a truce with 
the Turks^ that you might turn against us the weapons 
hitherto employed only for the destruction of infidels. 
You say that you wish well to the propagation of the 
Gospel ; but how does this assertion agree with the de« 
crees of the university of Louvain^ confirmed by your 
authority; or with the punishments which you have 
allowed to fall on the heads of those who^ in various 
parts of your dominions^ have professed the reformed 
doctrines ? Does it not all prove^ that you have been 
in dose alliance with the Roman antichrist ; that it is 
your vidsh to extinguish the light of scriptural truths and 
to re-establish the power of the papacy^ with all its 
attendant corruptions ? " 

The arrival of the pontifical forces^ to the amount of 
10^000 infantry and 500 cavaliers, and soon after that 
of 600 veteran Spaniards from Milan and Naples, under 
the command of Philip de Lanoy, placed the emperor in 
a formidable position for commencing the attack, and 
taking vengeance on the protestant chiefs for the resolute 
manner in which they braved his menaces. It was not 
till after careful deliberation that the latter had de- 
termined on the steps to be first taken. The result of 
their consultations was a hasty march towards Ratis- 
bonne ; and thither they were soon after followed b^ ^}cv^ 
emperor, at the bead of his now numerous axm^ \ \sv]l\. 

o 4 



SOO pmomr of nn mfmoTf 



■nddcnly bhanging hit ronta^ he toolcllie nmAt^ltgM-' 
giMdt, and arrived there in tinie to earpriae and difat a 
party of the kndgrave'a troopiywho, ignonBt of Mi 
entry into the towp^ had approached to rrfWH iwit wi ito 
poaition. 

Having aneoeeded in making themadvea maaten af a 
height ahoye the town^ the leadera of the piolcalaMi 
planted a formidable line of artillery along the hum d 
Ae eminence, and the word only waa needed to hail de- 
atmction into the camp of the emperor. The laB4gnne 
atrong^y urged the wiadom of loiing no time in coan- 
mendng the attadc; and it ia oo^jectm^dy that, had 
hit adfice been taken, it would have given the oonMe- 
ratea an advantage of which no preaent movement of the 
enemy could have deprived them : hut hia aaaodatei la 
the war were neither ao bold nor ao skilful aa hinndt 
The counad he gave waa overruled by the timid maiinii 
of a teeming prudence ; and the emperor escaped ham. s 
danger to which his military experience prevented Iiii 
being again exposed. 

The protestant chiefs having discovered their error 
when it was too late to recover the favourable moment 
for attack^ left the position above Ingoldstadt to meet 
the portion of the imperial army which was said to be 
approaching under the command of the count de Bm^. 
No circumstance of importance attended this movementi 
and it was not till the 3d of October that the two armies 
found themselves sufficiently near each other to promite 
any decisive encounter. They were now in the nd^- 
bourhood of Nordlingen^ and an engagement bdng almost 
inevitable^ the protestant leaders immediatdy put iheir 
forces in order of battle ; but ndther party was wilHi^ 
to risk the first attack^ and after looking at each for some 
time, both the one and the other retired into its encamp* 
ments. 

With no partner in command, whose wishes or opiD" 
ions could retard the promptitude of his deeidons, ib^ 
emperor was always prepared to execute a movement 



MAUBICE. 20 X 

he instant a favourable opportunity presented itself for 
ction. Thus he rapidly made himself master of the 
everal towns along the Danube which offered the best 
afeguard to his future movements ; and when the allies 
jame up to him on the ISth of October, they found him 
encamped in the neighbourhood of Donauwerth. Sur- 
prised at their unexpected approach, he again stood ex- 
posed for a moment to their attack ; but the want of de- 
cision once more deprived the confederates of a triumph 
80 near being gained, and the armies remained inactive. 
But while so little was effected on the field occupied 
by the emperor and the heads of the protestant con- 
federacy, important events were taking place in other 
parts of the country. It was the policy of Charles to 
attempt that by counsel which he could not so readily 
or safely secure by arms. The dominions of the elector 
of Saxony had been declared confiscated ; and the ties 
of friendship or relationship not often binding the con- 
sciences of princes, Charles at once conceived the possi- 
bility of persuading Maurice, duke of Saxony, to take 
possession of the forfeited territory, and render him in 
netum all the assistance which such a sudden elevation 
to dignity might entitle his benefactor to demand. Mau. 
rice hesitated for a time to accept the proposal. He 
lecoUected the close union which had existed between 
his parent and the elector of Saxony ; the instances of 
Idndness which he had himself experienced at his hands ; 
the benevolence and Christian piety of the prince ; and 
whenever these considerations seemed to admit of an an- 
swer, and the subtle representations of the emperor made 
it appear that the elector had been guilty of rebellion, 
which ought to break the closest ties of private amity, 
there still remained a difficulty to be overcome in the 
ttind of Maurice. The elector was beloved by his 
objects, and the cause of holiness was little less dear 
to them than it was to their prince. How then would 
they submit to see his place occupied by one who 
^pted it at the hand of a potentate, whose ^axv^ o\^- 
ject it was to destroy their pretensions to ie\\^oua ix^^- 



202 BISTORT OF THE BEFOBMATIQN. 

dom ; to undo all that had been done in the country'finr 
the restoring of truth ; and to bring back the ministers of 
a churchy to whose long-continued influence might be 
ascribed that state of darkness from which it was so 
greatly their boast to have escaped ? 

These considerations had their due weight for some 
time on the mind of the prince ; but the emperor had 
an argument in reserve, which the moment he began 
to waver^ was applied with such skill that the few 
lingering doubts of conscience aud honourable feeling 
quickly vanished. The forfeiture of the elector s states 
had placed them^ it was represented^ at the disposal of 
his imperial majesty^ who now offered them to the 
branch of the family which stood next in succession. 
Should this offer be refused on the part of the favoured 
prince, they would probably fall into the hand of a 
stranger, and he woidd have to lament the alienation 
of dominions which had for ages belonged to his 
ancient and powerful house. This consideration pre- 
vailed ; and^ after some discussion as to the terms on 
which the states were to be received, Maurice consented 
to accept the grant, as far as it was in the power of the 
emperor to afford it. 

The affair thus settled between Charles and the 
prince, the latter wrote to the elector to acquaint 
him with the state of affairs, and to apologise for the 
part which he had taken. " You have doubtless been 
informed," said he, *^ of the orders which I have 
received from the emperor. That sovereign having 
desired me to take possession of your states, I have 
obeyed his mandate, but not till he gave me full assu- 
rance on the article of religion, that he would not 
interfere with the liberty which the people have so long 
enjoyed. It is by the advice of my friends that I take 
this step to preserve my rights, and prevent the danger 
of our seeing the electorate pass into the hands of 
strangers. If, moreover, affairs should not continue in 
their present melancholy state, and you should one day 
be reconciled with the emperor^ and king Ferdinand^ I 



MAumoE. 203 

will not refiue, if those princes give consent^ to bring 
the whole affidr before the states for their final adjudi- 
cation of our respective rights." 

Such was another of the consequences of a war 
fomented by the arts^ and only engaged in^ to promote 
the vindictiye purposes^ of a corrupt church. The 
generous minded landgrave beheld with equal sorrow 
and alarm the position of his ally. His first impulse 
was to write to Maurice himself, on whom he urged all 
the arguments which reason and honourable feeling 
could suggest, to persuade him to desist from so dis- 
graceful an enterprise. '^ Remember," he said, ^' the 
conduct of your unde duke George ; the nature of his 
last testament ; and how much you owe to the generosity 
and firmness of the protestants. Can you have for- 
gotten that they promised you a pension, provided by 
themselves, if the time should ever come, when, out of 
hatred to your faith, your unde should deprive you of 
support ?" * 

The landgrave next addressed the princes and free 
towns on behalf of the elector ; calling upon them for 
immediate help, and showing how fearfully the cause 
of religious liberty must suffer, if the defence of the 
electorate was not provided for without the necessity of 
breaking up the army now engaged against the emperor. 
In these addresses the landgrave was joined by the 
counsellors of war ; and no argument remained unem- 
ployed to convince the allies of Saxony, that, if the 
elector was left to ruin, their own would speedily be 
effected 1^ the same intolerance and cruelty. 

Ferdinand, while these efibrts were being made on 
the part of the pro^stant chiefs, was bearing down 
upon the country, thus marked for ruin, with a large 
body of troops from Bohemia. Alarm every where 
prevailed. The people saw themselves about to be 
made the victims of a tyranny against which, they had 
hoped, the wisdom of their ancestors, and the constitu- 
tion of the empire, would always efiectually preserve 

« Sleidan. 



804 HltTOBT OV nn BBPOBMASIOOr. 

nMiL Thow who were comptntlTid j indURHcnt ti 
rdigion^ htd ample veaioa to dieid Ae nun of dieir 
worldly interesto ; while the itat, and thej were probalily 
at thu time the greater* niimher, hehdd in die tomag 
atorm not only the ineparahk ii^nry of dieir yt t mpmP f 
and aodal interests^ hot the undoing of that noble wodk 
in which they had ao latdy icjoioed, not only for dieir 
own lakei, hat for the proapect which it preaented ef 
good to generationa yet unborn. 

It required litde ezerdae of military ddll to tib 
ponesaion of a country in ao defencelaM a atate aa dw 
dominions of die ele^r at diia time. Moat of die 
towns opened their gates to Manrioe and hia aQie^ 
without attempting resistance. The groaseat enormitiei 
were perpetrated by the troops who raTaged the countij. 
Blood flowed where even die necessity of war demanded 
no sacrifice ; and die wretched people saw dieir .homes 
violated by savages^ set on to defend the rights of m 
infalHUe Christian bishop. 

The afikirs of the confederates presented on all sides 
the most gloomy aspect. .Already was tBeir venerable 
leader stripped of his dominions^ his people ruined^ and ^ 
the safety of dieir religion left to the mercy of the 
conqueror. Things wore no better appearance in the 
field. With an ardent desire to do all that brave men 
could do, the troops of the confederates had not yet 
gained a single success which might serve to animate 
hope^ and stimulate to fardier efforts. The emperor^ 
on the other hand, fired by the prospect of their speedy 
ruin^ looked proudly and almost contemptuously at theii 
movements; and^ putting himself more than once in 
positions where they might have attacked him with 
certainty of success^ escaped from their, hands as if he 
could measure exactly the counterbalancing influences of 
the landgrave's impetuosity^ and* the elector's caution. 

But winter was now fast approaching^ and the pro- 
testant leaders plainly saw that they could not, without 
the ruin of their cause, allow things to remain in their 
present state. At a mee^ng oi \Sca ^«^x]L^i^,thficefore, 



WAB CONTINUED. 205 

in the camp at Giengen^ it was fairly confessed^ that one 
or the other of these resolutions must be adopted and 
acted upon without delay : namely^ to force an engage- 
ment^ and stake all on its issue^ or to send the soldiers 
into quarters^ and retire till the spring ; or to sue for 
peace.* 

The last of these propositions was adopted, and the 
emperor received intimation of the feeling which pre- 
vailed in the camp of the protestants. Had he been 
sincere in his original professions on the subject^ he 
would not have wished to take any further advantage of 
events, than that of securing by his success^ the tran- 
quillity of the country : he would have done nothing 
which savoured of vengeance; would have sought no 
increase of his own authority ; nor acted in any other 
way than an arbiter^ who asserted a right to arbitrate^ 
and had been unfortunately obliged to establish that 
right by arms. But^ instead of showing a generous 
inclination to reconcile conflicting views and interests^ 
he demanded sacrifices which he knew could not be 
granted by itaen of honoujr and spirit. The con- 
federates^ therefore, were compelled to make provision 
^for continuing the war ; and, as they saw littie reason 
to hope for any efficient aid from their alUes nearlr 
home, they resolved on addressing themselves to the 
kings of France and England, who, being- now at peace 
with each other, were in a condition to undertake any 
enterprise which might promise them an accession of 
glory or influence. There being no hopes of peace, and 
it seeming unwise in the present state of the army to 
attempt a battle, the only alternative which remained 
was to send the troops into winter quarters. The 
several divisions, accordingly, began their march to- 
wards the district assigned for this purpose. At the 
close of day, orders were given to halt ; and the soldiers 
prepared themselves for repose. But, instead of taking 
their position with the main body of the army, the 
elector of Saxony and the landgrave ascended a hill a& 

• Sl^daa,tiL liv.x?iiL p. 3B5. 



900 




rf 



uinunI dioB ft pftrt of iSbt cmlry oBd MtiBny • Hk 
MH^fffffj Dtnowij wstdun^ vbt bovcbmhIb <k hK 
entnj, MUnnd tbem widi Idi wbflfe amj, SDd hf 
■^^ftll came doK id the pontioB oce^ied hf ikt 
inaaiAam dadL Bat^ m ihej had icaMm on warn 
fonner occBiioiw to hlame thdr own want of deonn^ t9 
had tbej caoae on this to njoioe in finding die cv- 
peror goiltj of a aimikr cnor. Inetead of attaclAy 
dieir fitde fbeee, he waited for die Rtmn af maaiaf, 
dial he mig^t be die better able to catimale didr 
•tKfigdi. Before, hower^^ he commcBced hia maidif 
thej were on their way to die genend rendeivoas; tail 
the diaeorery of the dai^^ from whidi they hd 
eacaped, lig;htened for the time the mdandwly idndi 
had begun to prevail in their ranka. 
ii. 9. The itmgg^ was continned with no i^pearanee of 
1547. change in fayoar of the confederatea ; and the mifir- 
tmiate elector found himielf on die bordeiB of bii 
territory, Icm like a prince contending for die liberty of 
his people at the head of an army, than an exile at the 
gate of his home, preparing to reproach die intruder on 
his hearth with the basest crimes of treachery and 
ingratitude. '^ I have purposely deferred," said he, in 
his letter to the ministers of state, ^^ answering yonr 
communication to me in the mondi of October. It was 
my wish to see what time would bring forth. What 
nas happened is well known ; but, considering the rela- 
tionship and alliance which exist between us, and the 
obligations which your prince has incurred at my hands, 
I expected not such treatment either from you or from 
him ; little could I have thought, that I and my people 
should be thus persecuted through his ambition, and 
much less did I ever suspect that you would consent to 
aid in a project which is so likely to prove the ruin 
both of yourselves and of your country. The treachery 
of your prince afflicts me so much the more, seeing 
^ diat in his letters to me he has expressed the same 
B iUendsiiip as I have evei idl iotY^m* C«9^1« moreover. 



THE ELECTOR AND MAUBIOE. 207 

3 insensible to the miseries heaped on my subjects by 
is proceedings ? how many families have been ren- 
sred desolate by the barbarities of the hordes he has 
itroduced into the land ! how have the churches been 
sprived of their ministers^ and every -class and order 
I the country made to feel the miseries of war I The. 
retext for seizing my states is the command of the 
mperor^ and the urgent desire of Ferdinand: but 
ught not the ties of bloody of duty and alliance^ to be 
referred to their edicts ? Till the subject of religion 
;ave rise to disputes^ the most perfect harmony existed 
letween the emperor, Ferdinand, and myself; and all 
he crimes and errors which have since been imputed to 
ne were till then unknown. But^ if these things were 
ndeed ordered by the emperor^ ought you not to have 
been fired with indignation at receiving such com- 
mands? Should you not have inquired whether it 
was lawful for your prince to obey an inj auction so 
destitute of reason — so opposed to truth and justice ? 
Yes ! you carried into the council-chamber minds cor- 
nipted by passion^ and the desire of possessing my do. 
minions has blinded both you and your prince to every 
maxim of justice : had it been otherwise^ you could not 
have failed to see that^ condemned as we have been un- 
heard, our proscription is contrary to all the laws, the 
conventions, and every rule of right, which the emperor 
by a solemn oath has bound himself to preserve in- 
^olate. Maurice himself would have seen this ; but he 
bag followed the example of the impious Doeg (1 Kings, 
xxii. 1.), and endeavours to hide his crime under the 
mask of duty. You assert that he would not have 
%ted as he has done, had not Ferdinand approached 
my territory with an army. This excuses him not ; 
for it is not as he states : men of credit have assured 
me that it was you and your prince, who, by a secret and 
base artifice, formed this intrigue with the emperor and 
Ferdinand at Ratisbonne, and at Prague, and that the 
time will come when all will be discovered, and ^\aL^^^ 
in its proper light, Butj by the grace of Ood^ \ wsl 



HnroBT or the BcrmufATiMr. 

retarned to the borden of mj land^ and at the 1 
an army ; and I am reiolved to do all in my po 
the leoovery and the defence of my dominions. ] 
ailing this jnst attempt, I will take sach yengei 
yon, and principally on the authors of the des 
■hall make you feel in yourselves how great hi 
the injury inflicted upon me. I am deeply i 
that such should be the state of things! I 
the sorrows of our common country ; but it is y 
have commenced the line of conduct from whit 
qpring ; and if they are increased while I enc 
to do away the oppression of my sul^ects, it 
akme who must stUl be regarded as the authors 
misery. 

It was not without a feeling of confidence s 
sohition that the elector thus concluded his c 
nor did he lose any time in putting into executj 
threats which it contained. Leading his army 
gates of Leipzig, he poured such a volley c 
into the city, that the inhabitants had ample rei 
abhor the policy which had exposed them to such 
The garrison of this city was sufficiently str 
prevent the elector from taking it ; but, though 
in this instance, there was scarcely another city 
territory, with the exception of Dresden, which < 
fall into his hands. 

The emperor and Ferdinand received intelligi 
these events with vexed and angry feelings. B( 
one and the other furnished some troops to 
Maurice in his defence ; and when fresh intel 
was brought from day to day of bis continued 
the marquis of Brandenburg volunteered his serv 
a mediator between the contending powers. T 
treat of the elector from before Leipzig reii 
Maurice in his former confidence ; and, notwithst 
the earnest entreaties of the mediating prince, 
sdved upon continuing the war. When affairs 
showed the probability of the elector's trium 
Maurice appealed to \2ii« emY^sroit aaew^ and i 



r THE BOHEMIANS. 209 

iulenhle force was sent to his assistance. The success^ 
bowever^ with which the town of Brohlitz was he. 
neged^ reassured the elector^ and he found himself in a 
omdition to carry on the war^ notwithstanding the 
strength of the enemy^ and the general backwardness of 
bis associates to plunge as deeply as himself into the 
perilous struggle. 

Maurice had found in Ferdinand a firm and zealous 
friend ; but the influence of that prince was not suffi- 
cient to overcome the disgust with which the Bohemians 
contemplated the persecution of the elector. Though 
led into the field, these brave people could not be per. 
soaded to act against their old ally ; and when pressed 
by the king^ till the refusal of aid seemed no longer 
possible^ they besought him not to compel their personal 
ttrvioe^ however he might insist on the grant of sub- 
sidies. The wrath of the emperor was not soothed by 
these circumstances ; and the subjection of Strasburg 
and other places of importance^ stimulating his pride^ 
be manifested his determination to leave nothing undone 
which might secure t))e final ruin of the unfortunate 
Sector. Addressing the ministers of Maurice;^ he said^ 
''Since John Frederic^ the proscribed^ has returned 
^r his flighty and has not only recovered that of 
which the elector Maurice deprived him by my orders^ 
but has seized upon the possessions of my brother 
Ferdinand in these quarters^ I am on my way to chas- 
tise his insolence and rebellion. I therefore demand, 
m the first place, that nothing may be wanting to my 
army in its progress to the scene of action, and that my 
soldiers may be received and treated with humanity : 
still more, that despising the calumnies of John 
Frederic, you may continue, as in time past, to render 
to your prince every mark of fidelity and love." 

Early in the month of April the emperor again ad- 
dressed the Bohemians, urging them in pressing terms 
to lend their aid to Maurice at this juncture of affairs ; 
md intimating that both he and his brother Ferdinand 
thould regard their refusal as a maxk. oi ^%^^ ^^sb*^ 

VOL, u. p 



SIO HlfTOBT m THB BEFOBlKATlOir. 

retpect Bat liie eoancQ of Prague remaiiied fiim 
ta the cauae of the elector and the confedency. ^' Wa 
are hoand to defend our common faith/ said the^f 
" and heseech the emperor and the Idng of the R<»iiaBf 
not to purane this war againat the dectOT, bat to wA 
aome friendly mode of terminating the diapate." 

On the 18th of the months the emperor and Ferdi. 
nand began their march, at the head of a wett-diacipliari 
army^ towards Meiaaen. The elector^ who was parted 
there with the main body of his troops^ retreated at their 
approach to Muhlberg on the Elbe, whither he was 
foUowed by the emperor, who came ap with him (m die 
24th. An engagement was now inevitable ; but the 
dector had so little expected the rapid movement of die 
enemy, that he was attending charch when news was 
broaght him that the whole army of the emptor had 
effected, by a desperate charge, the passage of the Elbe. 
Alarmed and uncertain how to act, he b^an a hasty 
march towards Wittemberg : but the activity of die 
imperialists was inexhaustible; and in the forest d 
Lochan^ about three miles from the Elbe, the two 
armies stood fairly opposed to each other, and prepared 
to decide the fatal quarrel of their princes. The ex- 
traordinary paleness of the sun, and the melancholy 
gloom which every where prevailed, were signs, it is 
said, of what was about to happen. 

The conflict was kept up till night-fall. Each party 
fought with skill and desperation; but the emperors 
force was by far the more numerous, and among its 
leaders were some of the most celebrated generals of 
the age. The duke of Alba and Maurice, Lanoy^ 
Antony Toledo, and Spinelli, charged with the firsi 
division; while the other was led on by a banc 
of princes, consisting of the emperor himself, kiD| 
Ferdinand and his two sons, and the young princes o 
Saxony. Unfortunately for the elector, his army hat 
been weakened by the necessity of leaving a garrisoi 
in Wittemberg ; and though he fought bravely an^ 
fiJciIfully it'Was soon evidei^t \k^\ the foitune of the da 



FALL OF THE ELECTOR. 211 

pmt be against him. Wounded in the face^ and over* 
whelmed by numbers^ he at length laid down his sword^ 
Aod was immediately conducted, first to the duke of 
Alba^ and then^ to the emperor. Charles beheld the 
&]]en prince with a look of stem satisfaction^ and on 
liis saying, ^< I am your prisoner, gracious emperor; 
^ow me, I pray, a guard worthy of a prince," re-i 
pKed insultingly, '' I am then your emperor ! You 
dudl be treated as you deserve." Ferdinand expressed 
himself in a similar spirit ; and the elector saw from 
the beginning, that he had little to hope from the 
generosity of his conquerors. 

Nothing was wanting to complete the triumph of 
Charles and the party he had espoused. The forces of the 
elector were utterly broken up and dispersed ; nor could 
the most sanguine of his supporters see a hope of 
leviving the struggle in his favour. A few days only 
were allowed to pass over, when the emperor entered 
Wittemberg with all the pride and display of a vic- 
tor. The captive prince was called before him ; and 
having been obliged to bear a long accusation of base- 
ness and rebellion, received sentence of death. It was 
now the time for this enlightened and pious man to 
show his virtues and his fortitude. He had been over- 
come in the field. His skill as a chief was inferior to 
that of his conqueror ; nor did he possess the qualities 
which insure for a prince admiration in the eyes of 
bold and busy politicians. But in this hour of affliction 
he proved himself superior to the storms of adversity, 
to the fear of death, and whatever else is most terrible 
to all but the wisest men. '* 1 did not think," he calmly 
said, on hearing the sentence, " that the emperor would 
have acted thus : bnt I should like to know if my death 
be indeed resolved on, that I may be able to do what 
is necessary for my wife and children." 

The news of what had taken place produced the 
most lively concern in the' states of Saxony, in Bohemia, 
and in every quarter of Germany where the light which 
had been bestowed by the reformation "wm n^u^^ %& ^ 

p 2 



€12 BISTORT OP THE BSPIMUrATlOir. 

Uessiiig. An indeseribaUe feding of honor took poi* 
seMioii of everj other feeling, when it hecame knoim 
that the elector had heea condemned to death. Tk 
first to interfere was the elector of Brandebonrg, iriM 
lost no time in seeking the emperor, and employiig 
his intercessions for the illustrioos prisoner. Chaikf 
allowed himself to he tamed from his darker purpose; 
hut he hsg^k hy proposing conditions whidi, nnksB he 
measured all men fay his own worldly spirit, eouM not, 
he knew, he accepted. Thus the offer of -a oomnnh 
tation of punishment was, in the first place, made te 
depend on the electors agreeing to approre whate?er 
the council of Trent, or the emperor himsdf, voffA 
determine concerning religion. But the pn^oealwii 
not listened to a moment, and the doctor stood prepsred 
for the worst Charles, therefore, saw himsdf ohBg^ 
to lower the tone of his demand in respect to rdigioii, 
and to confine the conditions to things which regarded 
only the temporal af&irs of his prisoner. By the tenos 
at length agreed on, the elector resigned his dignity, 
and all his states, as well for his children as himself, 
ahsolutdy, into the hands of the emperor. " He pro- 
mised, moreover, to observe all the decrees which might 
be hereafter passed, and to remain during life as the 
prisoner of the emperor, or the prince of Spain." It 
was agreed, on the other hand by Charles, that la 
return for these sacrifices, he should receive a certain 
sum annually for his support, retain possession of the 
town of Gotha, its citadel and fortifications being first 
destroyed ; and be assisted by a present grant of money 
for the payment of the debts which he had contracted 
in his late proceedings. 

The agreement being signed by both the parties, 
John Frederic had an Interview with his son and his 
brother, who came to see him in the camp. From them 
he learnt, that the brave soldiers of Wittembei^ refused 
to give up the fortress till he should send them a 
positive command to lay down their arms. The un- 
fortunate prince imme^teVf «e:(iX. \i<»c^ ^hal he freed 



THE UkNDORAYE. SI 3 

hem from the oath they had taken on entering his service^ 
ind desired them to retire in three days. Soon after 
Ms his afflicted wife left the dty^ and seeking the 
emperor hesonght him to pity their miserable state. 
Charles was moved at the sight of her distress ; and en. 
leaYOuring to console her, gave permission for her 
tiusband to return with her to Wittemherg, and remain 
there a week. The re-appearance of the deposed elector, 
mrrounded by his weeping consort and children^ and 
lUowed only sudi a brief period to take leave of a place 
io dear to his family^ melted all hearts capable of 
sympathy; but taught to many that had never felt it 
before^ how dignified is virtue in affliction, and how 
Doighty is the spirit of holiness when seen in direct 
conflict with the world and its misfortunes. 

While the elector of Saxony was thus yielding to the 
stroke of calamity, the landgrave of Hesse looked 
forward with the expectation of speedily sharing the 
fate of his faithful ally. The resolution of the emperor 
was not to be doubted ; and the powerful friends which 
the landgrave possessed in Maurice and the elector of 
Brandebourg could alone preserve him from all the evils 
which had fallen on the head of the deposed elector. 
At their urgent solicitation he was persuaded to meet the 
Btorm before it had gathered in itsf^ strength. Escape^ 
he saw and acknowledged, was impossible ; and after 
a brief struggle with his pride, he consented to resign 
his dominions into the hand of the emperor, and to hold 
them for the future only under his control. On coming 
to this resolution, he hastened to meet the emperor who 
had taken up his quarters at Hall. Maurice and the 
elector of Brandebourg were there to receive him, 
and press the conclusion of the affair. The articles of 
the treaty had been before stated, and it only remained 
for him to sign the instrument in which they were set ' 
forth. But on examining the paper, the landgrave 
foimd it stated that the sense of the articles was to 
depend on the interpretation given them by the emperw. 
To this he objected ; not only on t^e f^craoA ^t >^^ 

p 3 



4£r 



1] 



: ! {• IXSTOHT OP THE lUVOBMATXinr* 

ianzernns . nuencv. vox liecaxise ic wu not stited in 
:ie -Dndicions undnaiiy placed bexoxe him. Hii oIh 
•K'nons. .Luwpvpr. reiv •ivermied : md there appemd 
-.) lie ;:o rurther liificuiiy m the wmy of the negotutiaD, 
I'heii rne iiisiioD t>t .Vrraa (ienumded thmt in recorn fbr 
'be :LssiiRUice !ie received in resard to reiigifnii freedom, 
le should nnimiae to obey the decrees of the oomicil ^ 
Trent.* 

riuH tviu .1 1'reah denumd : and the landgnTe at once 
.-epiieii. :hat he wonid much rather endure the iOa which 
oiit^ht *ome upon him from breaking off the negotiatioi, 
*.han >:onsent :o im .uticie like this. The bishop azgned 
in vain : penoasion proved equally fmitless : at length 
'.he prelate L'eaaed tiom annunent and persoasion ; and r 
-•temiy remarkinu: that the emperor woold wait ni \ f 
loneer tor liis answer, taught the unfortonate prince to 
iiniieratand that if he did not accept the condidons « 
now otFereii, he might be compelled to expect othflf 
still less tolerable or indulgent. Terrified at the prospect 
thus siirliienly presented to his imagination , he humUcd 
hini<«-lt' -lutficientiv :o lieclare that he woidd obev the h 
irrn-i's r>f A fn?t?. piuus. and ireneral council, satisfying l- 
\\\^ I -on science by thesse < qualifying epithets, and the |i 
ariflition of the sentence, '* in which the head as well as t-' 
the m-jmhers shall be reformetl.'* No circumstance * 
was n<'frl»»cted which could make the degraded prince 
moro conscious of his fail, or more completely humble 
him in the sight of others. Led before the emperor, be 
was obligpf! to ask pariion at the foot of the throne for 
t}ic offpnc<'s of which he had been accused, — to make 
\ formal surrender of his dignides, and to beseech his 
inn je««ty to restore him to his states on the condition of 
n frtithfnl and entire obedience to his will. Charles 
|i«n«!rd for a wliile after hearing the petition of the 
inndj;rnve. ns if not yet determined in what manner to 
proernl. At h'ligth lie deigned a reply ; and after en- 
irtrj'ini; u|mmi the rlemency of his di8{K>sition^ said, that 
it the s(t|iei(A(iiMi of Keveral princes he was induced to 



THE LANDGRAVE. ^1^ 

grant the petition ; to forego the enaction of the penalties 
due to the crimes which had heen committed ; and to 
exempt the offender from that perpetual imprisonment 
which had otherwise been inflicted. 

Charles had so little of the generosity of the prince^ 
or the charity of the Christian in his hearty that he did not 
condescend even to bid the humbled landgrave rise from 
his knees ; but allowed him to remain in that posture 
till he ventured to rise without bidding. Had this been 
■n^ the landgrave might have consoled himself with the 
thought that he would soon be on his road homewards^ 
and that^ once again among his people^ the recollection 
of this painful scene would be speedily worn awaiy. But, 
Instead of being allowed to realise this consolatory hope, 
he found himself a prisoner. 

On being about to leave the hall at the close of the 
eeremony above described, the elector of Brandebourg 
acquainted him that his company was desired at the 
duke of Alba's. The dector himself and Maurice 
escorted him thither, and the party supped with every 
appearance of friendship and hospitality. At the close of 
ih6 repast, the duke took Maurice and the elector aside, 
leaving the landgrave to amuse himself with some 
game of chance. They remained absent till the night 
Was far advanced. At length a messenger came and in- 
formed the prince that, contrary to all expectation, he 
must submit to remain in the custody of a body of 
guards. It was in vain to protest against this dis- 
honourable act. Maurice and the elector hastened to 
assure him that they felt their credit pledged to see his 
liberty protected; that they would remain with him 
during the night, and in the morning employ whatever 
influence they possessed, to turn the emperor from a 
eontinuance of such conduct. They failed not to fulfil 
their promise ; but the emperor declared that he always 
intended to pursue this course with the landgrave, and 
had only promised that he should not be kept in per. 
petual confinement. Day after day did these ^riuce& 
iK>licit that be might he set at liberty. CViuiVe^ N^^sk 

p 4 



Sl6 

Inexorable ; and they found themeehea involved in i 
difficulty, which »ndered their situation almost hs bid 
ai ihst of the landgrave himself. The best couditian 
they could procure, after some furtber delays, and when 
all Iheir argumentg were exhausted, was this, — thit 
the landj^rave should be set at liberty on the payment 
of 150,000 gold crowns, and giving sureties for the ful- 
filment of the other parti of the treaty. Irrilaled and 
depressed, the landgrave proftssed himself wiliing to 
assent to this sacrifice, and thereby purchase the liberty 
of which he had been so unjustly and unexpectedly de- 
prived. 

Such was the fate of the two leaders of those nnmeroui 
bands of reformers, who had so much reason to rejoiK 
in the benefits procured for them under their auspices. 
It can scarcely, however, escape the observation of t 
thoughtful mind, that the darkest scenes in the hiatoij 
of the reformation bad their origin in the interferencedE 
princes, Luther had sufficient foresight to discover, U 
a very early period of his labours, that, ■with all flw 
seeming necessity of human power for his support, tbe 
cause in the sequel would lose by the poUtical influenced 
brought in, much more than it could gain. That he 
needed protection, and that the assistance rendered him 
by his pious sovereign was a timely aid, need not be 
doubted, though it may seem questionable whether lb[ 
later proceeiiings of his powerful associates were ever 
likely to prove useful. There are certain seasons when 
Divine Providence appears to summon princes to promote 
the designs which he has planned for the good of bis 
church. And so it may have been at the commencement 
of the reformation ; but when the sovereign brings into 
the bosom of a yet infant institution the implicated 
mass of his poUtical relations, his aims and wishes as 
the inheritor of a crown, and its guardian for a remote 
posterity, there is at least some danger that the foundi- 
tions may tremble beneath the unexpected weight. The 
electors of Saxony were rich in Christian graces,' and 
. their piety made them cbfiitwv oS ^.W daurch ; the brtv 



POLITICAL INFLUENCE. 217 

hea^ of its people^ rather than lords over God's he- 
itage : but it is easy to see^ that^ had it not been for 
liem^ none of those measures could have been taken^ 
prhich certainly contributed nothing to the promotion of 
I peaceful and conciliatory spirit. It was by their assist- 
ince alone that possession was taken of churches and 
nonasteries^ to which so little claim could suddenly 
36 made; they alone authorised the forcible expul- 
sion of the incumbents of benefices^ and tlie breaking 
ap of institutions^ which^ to have been made useful^ 
QQUst have been preserved. The reformers could have 
ittempted none of these things as simple ministers of 
religion ; and how glorious would have been the spectacle 
>f a church growing up^ in whose walls not a stone 
^uld be found which belonged to a ruined altar ! That 
the reformation was not furthered by the eager appro- 
priation of the wealth of the Roman churchy will be ac- 
Imowledged by many : but who will venture to deny, 
that it was not ii^jured when dragged forward to be a 
partaker in the quarrel of princes ; or when, accused as 
the chief minister of their wrath and ambition, it had to 
bear whatever evils might arise from their ill-planned 
^counters, or their habitually unsound policy ? Both 
Benry VIII. and the landgrave of Hesse had an in- 
fluence over the actors in the reformation, which, carried 
& little farther, would have not only rendered them unfit 
for the work, but have marred the work itself. What 
igain can we say of Maurice, or how believe that, bring- 
ing in so much ambition and treachery, he could legiti- 
mately be ranked among the friends of a reformed 
dhurch ? Apart from the troubles brought upon it by 
political causes, the youthful institution might be called 
prosperous. The means of life and knowledge which 
it ministered had been gladly received by thousands. 
Seed had been planted in many tracts of good land, and 
ivas bringing forth fruit a hundred fold. But no minis- 
^r of the truth had arisen up the foster child of courts : 
lo champion had gone forth from the side of the throne^ 
to assert the value and the sufficiency of tYieBVVAe. X^\ 



218 Hu n m r aw ram mMvauukrum, 

bj men of thiskiiid it wtt tbtt the lefimnmtioii wu^ie. 
gnn^ tud carried on as far as it had aetnally gone. The 
came in the hands of such men was soeeeasfal stin; and 
a fax more pleasing task wonld it have heen for the his« 
torian to trace their footsteps and reeoont their tkiamphi^ 
porsning one definite olgeety one simple^ grand dedgn, 
than it is to rdate how soon the church of God^ reeo. 
Tered from a grieroos hondage^ was sorrouDded agun 
hj the powers of the worid and of dailmeM. 

While the pope and his imperial ally were parsdii; 
their hostfle enterprise against the prote s t a nta of Ger- 
many, liie fatfiers of the oooncfl of Trent eonthraed 
their ddiberations on the weightiest topics of Chrisdin 
doctrine, and the most important hrancfaes of eoderitt-. 
tical discipline. It woold occupy' too much of enr 
space to puisne minutely, or step hy step, the pio- 
ceedii^ of this august assembly ; hut we shall notice 
such points in its eyentftil labours as seem best ol- 
culated to exhibit the spirit which influenced its de- 
bates. 

The nature of Divine Grace furnished the assembly 
with a subject for consideration which left no learning 
or talent unemployed that could be found among th^ 
members of the council. To prove that even in the 
church of Rome very wide differences of opinion have 
existed^ it would be sufficient to give an abstract of 
some of the discussions carried on at this time in Trent 
In the debate concerning the operations of the divine 
principle which sanctifies the heart, and gives a new life 
to the soul, there were some who strenuously contended 
for its absolute and irresistible power ; while others, on 
the contrary, as earnestly insisted that such a doctrine 
was false and presumptuous. The former argued thai 
their belief was the only sufficient support to a humble 
and fearful soul; that Jesus Christ has assured his 
people that their sins are forgiven them ; and that God 
has ever taught them to return thanks for their justifica- 
tion, which they could scarcely be required to do, if 
they knew not for ceTUVnl^ \)\%X ^^ X^^ecxixsk^ has been 



COUNOIL OF TRENT. 219 

eived. To this they added^ that St. Paul bears abun-* 
It testimony to the truth of their doctrine^ for that he 
8 to the Corinthians^ "What! know ye not that 
sus Christ is in you^ except ye be reprobates ? '' And 

the Roman converts, ''The spirit beareth witness 
th our spirit that we are the sons of God." " Can 
;re be any danger then," say they, '* in receiving the 
rds of Christ and his Apostle ? Or is it likely they 
uld teach us a doctrine calculated to engender pride ? " 
I the supposed answer to these questions, the advocate 
the doctrine of absolute grace established his position, 
it it was folly to speak of receiving grace voluntarily, 
thout being able to tell whether we have it or not : as 
it were not necessarily implied in the receiving a 
ng voluntarily that we kiiow it is given us, and that 

really possess it. 

Not less confident in the assertion of their particular 
!ws, the advocates of the opposite opinion had con- 
ided. that God did not make men certain of their elec- 
n, lest they should thereby become puffed up with 
ide and an arrogant confidence. For the support of 
is argument, they quoted the words of St. Paul, ex- 
rting Christians to '' work out their salvation with fear 
i trembling ;'' and these of the sage. ''No man 
oweth either love or hatred, by all that is before them." 
to, with the whole of the party which prided itself on 
i logic of Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura, con- 
ided for this interpretation of the question ; but the 
isons urged so forcibly for the contrary view of the 
bject, by the rest of the council, obliged them so far 
compromise their opinions as to allow a distinction be« 
een ordinary Christians and martyrs, or such as might 
ve received a special revelation from God. One of 
i principal disputants on this side even allowed that 
ire might be a human and experimental faith, assuring 
i soul of its sanctification, and the presence of divine 
ice, in the same manner as being warm, we are con<* 
iced of the operation of heat. When this vie^ of llk« 
bject was taken up, its supporters wexe -pxe&^ft^ m^ 



820 mrroBT op tbk BiFomiiATioir. 

the question^ Mnbether the faith so conodTed mm t di.' 
yine faith; uid, if lo, whether it was eqnal. to the 
catholic faith, excluding all doubt ? To this inquiry it 
was answered, that though not the catholic fkith, it wii 
equal to the catholic faith, because diyine ; and that it 
was the same in this as in other cases where faith is 
given to particular revelations, but whidi, though a divine 
faith, is not the catholic faith till the revdations are 
generally received. Thus, it was observed, the prophelB 
believed in the revelations of God with a fidth wfaidi 
at first was private and particular, but which afterwards, 
that is, when their prophecies were received, became 
catholic, or universaL It is worthy of remark, that the 
opposite party objected to these notions as favouring tiie 
views of Luther ; and that even this could not persuade 
their supporters to withdraw from the position they had 
taken. " In this respect," said they, " Luther would 
not have erred from sound doctrine if he had not as* 
sorted that this faith justifies, instead of r^;arding it si 
following justification/' The passage quoted from St 
Paul was then examined, and interpreted not as im- 
plying uncertainty, but as a Hebrew phrase expressive 
of awe and respect, in the same manner as we migbt 
describe the fears of servants in the presence of their 
masters, though assured of their kindness and love. 

The arguments of the polemics seemed inexhaustible, 
and to those actively engaged in the dispute, they ap- 
peared to increase in value and interest in proportion to 
the length of time which the discussion occupied. But 
weary with the complexity of the subject, one of the 
l^ates proposed that it should, for the present, be laid 
aside, and another topic brought forward for the con- 
sideration of the assembly. As the doctrine of free-will 
was closely connected with that first debated, the divines 
insisted on the propriety of making it the subject of 
the next discussion. This proposal being assented to 
by the legate, theologians were appointed to exhibit the 
sentiments of Luther and the Lutherans on the ques- 
tion^ and the f oUowiug 'pio^wSanroa N?«fc ^^SAfited firom 



COUNCIL OF TRENT. 221 

eir writings : — 1. That Grod is the sole cause of all 
lat is done^ of bad works as well as good. 2. That 
) one can^ of himself^ think well or ill^ but is under 
le power of absolute necessity. 3. That liberty was 
st when man became a sinner^ and is now but a name 
ithout a reality. 4. That we have only a liberty to 
) evil^ and none to do good. 5. That fret will is but 
i an inanimate instrument^ and co-operates not to pro- 
ice action. 6. That God converts only such as he is 
eased to convert^ and then does it without their wiU^ 
id even against their will. 

Invectives of the most violent kind were poured out 
hen these propositions had been read. Some pro- 
3unced them to be the opinions 'of madmen; and 
;hers remarked that the authors of such errors ought 
Dt to be met with reasonings but^ as Aristotle advises 
1 such cases^ with the experimental censure of a sound 
lastisement. The unmeasured violence^ however/ of 
lis angry feeling was^ in some degree^ checked by 
^atharin^ who observed^ '^ that as man could do nothing 
rithout the special grace of God^ he mighty in one 
ense^ be said to have po freedom, and that^ conse- 
uently, the fourth article ought not to be too readily 
ondemned." But every attempt to persuade the council 
conciliatory measures was regarded with extreme 
aspicion. Such endeavours^ it was said^ might be ac- 
eptable in a colloquy where the authority of the church 
uffered the rude invasion of the laity^ but could not 
e entertained in an assembly constituted like the pre- 
ent 

The dispute was continued on the question^ whether 
lan is at liberty to believe or not to believe ? By some 
; was asserted^ that man is able to believe by the sim- 
lest exercise of his will : by others it was remarked^ 
lat as faith springs necessarily from evidence^ persua- 
on produces it in the understandings as a natural agent; 
truth^ they said^ confirmed by daily experience^ which 
iows that no one can believe what he might viie\i \x^ 



fS9 HISTOBT OF THB BEFORMATIOK* 

believe^ bat only that which has the eyidence of tnith 
about it. 

It was easy to see, in the course of this discussion, 
that the opinions of Lather presented themsel?es under 
a Tery different aspect to different parties in th» assembly; 
and that amid every effort to condemn them, as hereticali 
in the mass, the more candid of the theologians were 
obliged to allow, that there was much of sound thedogy 
and scriptural truth running through his sjrstem. This 
was remarkably the case when they came to examise 
his sentiments on election and pi^edestination. Nothing 
could be found olijectionable on these sutgects either in 
the writings of Luther, or in the Tarious confessions iHiidi 
had been made by the party in its o(mferenoes with ^ 
catholics. The ground-work of the discussion, thae- 
fore, on these articles was formed of propositions drawa 
fi^m the works of Zuingle, whose doctrines were lepn- 
sented in the following propositions: — 1. That Ae 
cause of predestination is not to be found in man, bit 
in the will of God. 2. That the predestinated cas 
never lose their souls, nor the reprobate save them. 
3. That none but the elect and predestinated are truly 
justified. 4. That the justified are obliged by faith to 
believe that they are of die number of the predestinated. 
5. That the justified cannot fall from grace. 6. Thit 
those who are called, but are not of the number of the 
predestinated, receive not grace. 7* That a justified 
man must believe that he will persevere unto the end. 
8. That a justified man oaght to believe firmly, that if 
be lose grace he will receive it again. On the first d 
these articles, the most distinguished of the divines ex- 
pressed themselves as believing its consistoicy with 
catholic doctrine. This opinion they supported by as 
appeal to the celebrated schoolmen, Thomas Aquinas 
and Scot, who argued, that God elected before the 
foundation of the world, by his uninfluenced merey^ 
some persons whom he predestinated to glory, and fbf 
whom he prepared iVio^e means of grace which should 
enable them to iQ\£i\. \^ m\e^>iQ\^^ \ ^C^oaX ^ numter 



i 



COUNCIL OF TRENT. " S2S 

of these persons was certain and determinate^ and could 
not be increased ; that those who were not thus elected 
had no right to complain^ since he had prepared suf- 
ficient assistance to incline them to good^ although ef- 
fectively the elect only would attain to it. In support 
of this opinion^ they quoted numerous passages from St. 
Paul^ and summed up their arguments by an appeal to 
Augustine^ an authority^ at that time^ in the church from 
which it was not safe to differ very widely.* 

Catharin headed the opponents to this view of predes- 
tination and election, but found himself obliged to adopt 
a middle course. According to him, God had chosen a 
small number of persons out of the mass of mankind^ 
whom he had absolutely willed to save^ and that for this 
purpose he had prepared them helps which could not 
fail of proving efficacious ; but that^ with regard to the 
rest^ he desired that they also might be saved^ and had^ 
therefore^ provided them with means sufficient for their 
delivery^ but left them at liberty to accept them, and to 
obtain salvation, or reject it and perish ; that of the 
number thus circumstanced, many would be saved^ al^ 
though not belonging to the elect ; and that the rest^ 
rejecting the means of grace^ would be left to destruc- 
tion : that the will of God was the sole cause of the 
predestination of the first; that the salvation of the 
others was the effect of their accepting, and co-operating 
with^ the grace bestowed upon them by God ; and that 
the reprobation of the third class arose from the fore- 
knowledge which God had of their voluntary refusal of 
bis help, and the terms of salvation which were offered 
them. To this^ it was added, that the various passages 
of St. John and St. Paul, and all the other places of 
Scripture brought forward in this controversy^ and in 
which God speaks of an absolute election^ ought only to 

* Paul Sarpi remarks, on the tvo opinions, that the first was the most 
mysterious and incomprehensible, and therefore the better calculated to 
humble pride; to make man place all his trust in God,.rather than on him. 
self; to make man see the deformity of sin and the excdlencyof grace. 
The other, he says, was the more plausible and popular, and, therefore, 
approved of by the monks, who were better skilled in pieac\i\n{^ Vlci«a\xi 
tMBdence of theology. I4v, ii t L p. SIB. 



224 HUTOBT or tbb mmroMMA 

be undentood of the fint ; that the ezhortatioiii ti »* 
pentaoce, and the frequent ofien of mercj which oecnr in 
Scripture, are addressed to all the rest in common : thit 
the number of the few who were dected bj God*s etoad 
decree was fixed, bat that the number of thooe id» 
were saved by the use of grace, depended on his fixe- 
sight of their works and dispositions. 

A similar difference of opinion preyaikd on the se- 
cond article, but the rest were condenmed widiOBt 
dissension ; and it was especially renuirked, in refcfcnee 
to the third and sixth propositions, that the church had 
always taught that persons might receiye, and for some- 
tiroe preserve, grace, and yet in the end perish. The 
examples brought in iUustration of this opinion woe 
those of Solomon and Saul, but especially that of Jadi% 
whose perdition was less a matter of doubt than that of 
the two menarchs : Christ having distinctly said, " I 
have lost none but the son of perdition." There wi% 
however, yet another example, and that, in the eyes of 
these divines, even more convincing than the fall of 
the traitor Judas, this was no other than that of 
Luther. 

Some difficulty was felt in drawing up the anathemas, 
lest the curse of the church might be sent forth against 
opinions, the error of which was not clearly proved. 
In the disputes which followed on this important mat- 
ter, the conflict between reason, charity, and the dignity 
of the council, was singularly characteristic of the dif. 
ferent parties in the assembly. At length it was agreed, 
that two decrees should be drawn up, so as to se* 
parate the catholic doctrine from that which opposed 
it. C)f these instruments, the one which contained the 
anathemas was called the decree of doctrine ; and the 
other received the name of Canons. 

It ought not to create surprise that the cardinal St. 
Cervin, who was commissioned to frame these documents, 
found inconceivable difiiculty in satisfying the various 
parties in the council. The same must have been the 
case in any extenaWe asaftxa\)\3BL^^ oi ^Vvor*^ sjixious to 



<)DUNCIL OF TRENT. 2S5 

tpreany in Ae most definite terms^ opinions^ which, 
iften brought fairly to the light, wanted, by their very 
itare, the definiteness which it was sought to give 
wm in language. But, notwithstanding the almost 
nunnountable difficulties of the task, the cardinal so 
a snrmounted them, that all parties were osatisfied, and 
ich agreed to find in the decrees the expression of his 
wn sentiments and doctrines. * The only drawback 
» the merit of the cardinal was this, — that the council 

believed to have sought the concealment of the dif- 
Tences which existed among its members, and that the 
atement of doctrine, therefore, was not likely to be 
camined by the fathers with that obstinate subtilty of 
lought, which, at first sight, might have been ex- 
acted. 

Among the questions of reform agitated in the in- 
•rvals of polemical dispute, that respecting the residence 
P the clergy was carried on with the greatest ardour, 
lie Dominicans, led by Soto, contended that prolonged 
bsence from an ecclesiastical benefice ought to be con- 
idered as the breach of a divine law. Several canon- 
tts, on the other hand, and the Italian bishops, regarded 
; as a violation of canonical obedience only, defining 
esidence to be an ecclesiastical obligation, and nothing 
lore. The chief supporters of Soto in this. debate were 
lie Spanish bishops, who had combined, it is said, to 
romote, as far as possible, the interests and dignity of 
leir order; and, therefore, to establish tbe laws by 
'hich they were to be governed on the institution of 
Ifarist, which, once allowed, would have enabled them- 
> assert their independence of tbe pope. The legates, 
seing the danger likely to arise from a continuance of 
le discussion, prudently warned the fathers against 
arsuing a question wbdch might lead to a schism 



* Fra Paoli instances'as a proof of this, that, shortly after the breaking 
> of the council, Dominic Soto wrote three books *' On Nature and 
race," as a coinnientary on the doctrine of the council, which he says was 

• own ; while Andrew Vega, who led an opposite party 'm the a&%ew&A'<j« 
i4 also in his cowmeataries, published about tne same time,lbal\.Yiedi^'t«A 
are tbe mirror of bis opiaioaa.'-'T. i. liv. ii, n.80. 

VOL JI, a 



22f)' IIISTOIIY OF THE REFORMATION. 

among catholics themselves, and thus weaken tbcir 
authority against the Lutherans. 

Of those who could not he persuaded to give up tlie 
consideration of a matter so important to the intereiti 
of Christendom, and so interesting to many preseot, 
from personal feelings, some contended that die best 
method of curing the alledged abuse, would be to renew 
the authority of the ancient canons * ; which, it wu 

* The following passage will show how closely the early church watdied 
over thiii part of itt discipline : — *' The next laws of this nature were surh 
as concerned the residence of the clergy ; the design of which was the same 
t» all the former, — to bind them^ constiint attendance upon their duty ; and 
thc:te laws equally conrerncd bishops and all the inferior clergy. Tlie ooaO' 
cil ofSardicd has several canons relating to this matter. iTie seventh d» 
crees, that nolnshop should go u( trr^aTtrtidv, to the emperor's coux^ 
unless the emperor, by letter, called him thither. The next canon pitv 
vides, that whereas there might be several cases which might^equires 
bishop to make some application to the emi)eror in behalf of the poor, or 
widows, or si.ch as fled fur sanctuary to the church, and condemned criml* 
nals, and the like: in such ca.<e» the deacons, orsubdeacons, of the cburd 
were to be employed to go in his name, thut the bishop might fall underno 
censure at court, as neglecting the businci^s of his church. Justinian b# 
a law of the same import with these canons, — that no bishop should appetf 
at court u{)on any busincsts of his church without the command of the 
prince ; but, if any petition was to be preferred to the emperor, relatingto 
any civil contest, the bishop should depute his a|>ocrisarius, or resident at 
court, to act for liim ; or send his opconomiis, or some other of his clenji 
to solicit the cauxe in his name, that the cluirrh miKht neither receive as- 
mage by his absence, nor he put to unnecessary expenses. Another canoo 
of the council of Sardica limits the absence ofa bi?hop from his church to 
three weeks, unless it were U|K)n some very weighty and urgent occasion. 
And another canon allows the same time for a bishop, who is possessed of 
an estate in another diwese, to go and collect his revenues, provided he 
celebrate divine service every Lords Day in the country church where hi» 
e>tite lies. And, by tv/o other canons of that council, presbyters and 
deacons are litnitetl to the same tenn of absence, and tietl to the fore* 
mentioned rules, in the pame mmner that bishops were. The council of 
Agde made the like onler for the Firnch churches ; decreeing, that a pres- 
byter, or deacon, wlio was absent from his church for three weeks, should 
be three years susj)ended from the commun'on. In the African churcheSi 
upon the account of this residence, every bishop's house was to l)e near the 
church, by a rule of the fourth council of Carthage. And in the fifth 
council there is another rule, that every bishop shall have his residence »t 
his principal or catliedral church, which he shall not leave to betake hin>* 
self to any other church in his diocese; nor continue upon his private con- 
cerns, to the neglect of his cure and hinderance of his frequenting the 
cathedral cliurch, Froni this it ap])ears, that the city church was to be 
the chief place of the bishop's residence and cure. And Cnbassulius, i" 
liis remarks upon this cnn )n, reflects upon the French bishops as tranJ* 
gressiiiK the ancient rule, in s{>ending the greatest part of the year upon 
their pleasure in the country. Yet there is one thing that «ocms a difficulty 
in this matter ; for JKutininn fays, no bishop shall be absent from his church 
above a whole year, unless he has the emperor's cx)mmand for it: which 
implies that a bishop might be absent from his bi.>«hopric a year in ordi- 
nary cases, and more in extraordinary. But I conceive the meaning of 
this is, that he might be absent a year during his whole life : not year afttf 
year, for that would amount to a peri)etual absence, which it was not the 
tutent of the law to gr»ut, \>ul lo \\e \,V\cvcvuv to the direct contrary, except 
the prince, upon some extTHotdwAx^- affaAT,\.V\o>i^'^^v\»^«xA.tiiemapar' 
tlculjir dispcnsatioii." — UingJiam's Works* NoV\\.^.'i9.V. 



COUNCIL OP TRENT. • 227; 

sittd, could not be regarded as pardoning remissness, 
seeing that they punished the offence with deposition ; 
nor, on the other hand, as unreasonable, since they 
dyU>wed legitimate excuses for absence ; and, therefore, 
that the only thing needed was the introduction of some 
strict rule, to prevent the too frequent granting of dis- 
pensations. Others, again, pressed for the addition of 
new penalties ; and the majority of the council appeared 
convinced, by the reasonings of both parties, that in any 
attempt at reformation the most decided measures must 
be adopted on this subject The pontiff heard of these 
debates with no easy feeling. He trembled for his 
favourite prelates, and still more for his cardinals; 
many of whom held rich and extensive sees. As he 
apprehended, it was proposed in the council that the 
cardinal-prelates, as well as other bishops, should bet 
obliged to reside in their dioceses. The cardinal del Monte 
promised that they would do so ; but desired that their 
pames might not be mentioned in the decree. It was 
next demanded, that a prohibition against the holding 
of many benefices should be introduced ; and that this 
law also should extend to the cardinals. Here, again, 
Del Monte was obliged to employ his eloquence and his 
influence to induce the meeting to defer the establish. 
ment of the proposed rule to a more convenient time * ; 
but scarcely had he effected this, when he saw himself 
involved in a fresh difficulty by the revival of the old 
demand, that the council should be described as repre- 
senting the universal church. From this proposal he 
again contrived to extricate himself, or, rather, the cause 
of the papacy; but discontent set on the brows of 
many of the members, and it was evident that frequent 
conflicts of such a nature would speedily sap the found- 
ation on which the legates alone hoped to fix their tem- 
porary authority. 

At the opening of the sixth session of the council, a. .^, 
there were present four cardinals, ten archbishops, and ^^^'* 
forty-five bishops; two abbots, five generals of the ^ 

*Fieuiy,I.cxliii.n.53.. 
Q 2 



fSeS HIiTORT OF THI SEFOXXATIOir. 

montitic orders, and the procareun of the caidiBal d. 
Augsburg, and the archbishop of Tr^ei. Tht huL, 
ness of the meeting was opened with the aokmnities flC 
religion; and the dignified eeclesiastics present vein 
leroinded at once of their distinctioB and their dmtj fa| 
the reading of the Gospel, which aays to its mimstm^ 
*' Ye are the salt of the earth; but if the salt hmft kit 
its savour, wherewith shall it he salted ? " At tht 
conclusion of this solemn admonition, the cardinal dd. 
Monte, as first legate, delivered a corresponding dis» 
course, and then chanted the Feni Creator SpirUwi 
every heart that could entertain a sentiment of devotion 
bowing with awe, as the heavenly harmony of thtf 
most beautiful of hymns pealed through the throngs of 
God's professed and consecrated ministers. The senks 
ended, the cardinals, prelates, and numerous theoilo- 
gians took their seats ; when the archbishop of Spalatio 
commenced the reading of the decrees, as drawn up \ff 
order of the council at its preceding meetings. 

In the summary of doctrine thus published by the 
higlicst authority of the Roman church, it is stated 
that, witli regard to justification, every disposition which 
leads to its attainment is the efiect of active and pre- 
venting grace, which is given by God freely, and not is 
a debt. Man, it adds, has by his own will destroyed 
himself, but is not able, by any effort of his own, to 
recover the blessing lost, to cure the wounds inflicted 
by sin, or reawaken even the de^re of holiness. Thi* 
bein^ the case, he can place his hope on no other foun- 
dation than the mercy of God, through the merits of 
Christ. The first step towards the recovery of holinett 
is faith in the promises of God ; and the character- 
istic of faith is this, — the will is freely indioed 
towards God ; indicating thereby the presence of divins 
love, the will having no tendency towards God till, 
it begins to love; "love," says St. Augustin, "being 
the weight whicli moves the soul, and turns the will* 
Revelation, continues this interesting memoir, dis* 
covers to the sinner \K)\k \«ni\i\fc wA ^^\iAn\Lu^ truths; 



COrmCIL OF TRSNT. t!29 

m 

l/firom the consideration of these two classes of admo* 
Mii^ God awakens in the soul of the sinner two corre* 
mdiog dispositions ; that is, the fear of €rod*s justice* 
l^he hope of pardon through his mercy. Bowed down 
;h the weight of his terrors^ the offender looks to the 
tcj of God for help. In that he discovers a sure 
^ige; and* inspired with new confidence^ founded on 
> merits of Christy he throws himself into the arms of 
Inite goodness and unmeasured compassion. A holy 
e springs up in his soul as he thus embraces the hope 
forgiveness ; charity alone preparing the way for its 
n admission into the heart. But the sinner must love 
id, as the source of all righteousness: this must b6 
I source of his hatred to sin^ and of his desire to 
ifil all the divine commandments. Still, none of 
Ne dispositions, preceding justification, has any 
mi; for the apostle plainly declares, that we are 
stified freely by grace. The effects of this justifi- 
tion are described as consisting in the remission of 
IS, the sanctification and renewal of the soul, in such 
manner, that the sinner, by the operation of this 
fsterious and divine principle, becomes truly just, 
e friend of God, and an inheritor of eternal life, 
his change, so wonderful in its present effects, so 
tod in respect to futurity, is wrought by the Holy 
ibit, who forms in the heart the sacred inclinations of 
lib, and those graces of hope and charity which unite 
with Jesus Cfaoist, and make the believer one with 
a. 

Cautious in all its expressions, and in this respect 
isely attentive to the infinite value of divine truths 
ta in its lowest degrees and minutest portions, the 
seree condnues to say, that it is not faith alone which 
ises man to this high dignity. Faith is the com-* 
ciMenient of salvation, the foundation and the root 
• lU justification ; but, separated from charity it is 
Md, and, consequently, avails not to the justification 
t ike sinner in the sight of Grod. Grace T«cev9«^ 
«i dienabed in the besurt, he who has been tk>a& «axia* 

« 3 



•230 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATION. 

tifieil, remains not satisfied with the degree of hoKoeB 
at first obtained^ but advances from one step to another, 
adding grace to grace^ and yirtue to virtue ; becomiif 
every day more and more santified by prayer^ by morti- 
fication^ the practice of good works, and the exact ol^- 
servance of the laws of God^ and the maxims of die 
Gos{>el. Thus exercising themselves in the practice of 
lioliness, the followers of Christ learn the truth of those 
divine words of their master^ ^' My yoke is easy, and 
my burden is light ;" for, being children of God, diey 
love him, and love it is which makes it easy to perform 
the task which he sets them, and delightful to fulfil his 
law. And if he be pleased sometimes to convince 
them of their natural darkness and helplessness, by 
hiding his face a moment from them ; if he be pleased 
to make them feel by these means the necessity of hit 
presence and his spirit, they despair not ; but, knowing 
that his grace is sufficient for them, that his grace is 
made perfect in weakness, they do but pray the more, and 
express more strongly their desires for his present help, 
being assured that they will receive the aid which is 
necessary, so as to be enabled to persevere unto the 
end, and obtain the crown which is laid up for his 
faithful servants. Nor do they believe that any other 
strength but God's strength could enable them thus 
to persevere, or that all who are justified do thus 
proceed to perfection in righteousness. They look not 
for an entire and absolute assurance that God will 
establish them in glory ; yet is there no misgiving, 
no inquietude in their hearts. The great truths of 
their faith convince them that they may safely place t 
full and continuing trust in God, and that he wiH 
perfect the work which he has begun in their hearts; 
giving them both to will and to do according to 
his good pleasure. Instead of this trust inspiring 
them with presumption, it induces them to work out 
their salvation with fear and trembling, since they 
feel and acknowledge that their hearts are naturally 
corrupt, that tliey are full of pride and ingratitude, an 



COUNCIL OF TRENT. "231 

^ihat the enemies which they have to combat are mighty 
and persevering. And this fear^ while it diminishes 
not their confidence, excites them to constant vigilance, 
bumbles them under the mighty hand of God, and leads 
them to employ all the means which religion furnishes 
to preserve them from falling back into the miserable 
condition out of which they have been delivered. The 
prospect of everlasting joy, when their course shall be 
finished, animates them to the practice of all holy virtue : 
they know that eternal glory is promised to the children 
of God, for the sake of Christ, and as a recom pence for 
the good works which they performed in their course 
through the world ; for faith teaches that Jesus ( Christ 
infuses continually his living spirit into the souls of 
those who are justified, even as the sap of the vine 
flows into its branches ; and that this divine virtue 
precedes, accompanies, and always follows their good 
works, which could not, without its influence, be ac- 
ceptable or meritorious in the sight of God. Faith 
teaches them this gracious truth : they cannot doubt but 
that their good works, thus produced by the power of 
God, must have a merit in his sight, and procure for 
them an augmentation of sanctity in this life, and a 
proportionate degree of glory in that which is to come. 
But they acknowledge, that the merit which is thus 
ascribed to their good works should teach them to 
glory, not in themselves, but in the Lord, since that it 
is of his gracious mercy alone they have the power to 
work, and of his wonderful condescension only that 
they are rewarded for the things effected by his 
grace.* 

* According to the arrangement made for clearly distinguishing the 
catholic from erroneous doctrine, the decree on the true doctrine of justi. 
fication was followed by thirty-three canons, each accompanied by its 
anathema, condemning what the Roman churcli regarded as heretical. We 
give these canons as valuable illustrations : — 

L Siquelqu'un ditqu'un homme pent etre<justifi^ devant Dieu par sefl 

Kjpres ceuvres, faite& seulement selon les lumieres de la nature, ou selon. 
pr^ceptes de la loi, sans la ^ racede Dieu m^ritte par J^sus-Christ ; qu'i 
•oil anath^me. 

1 1. Si quelqu'un dit que la grace de Dieu meritee par Jesus.Chri<t n'est 
■donnle qu*afln seulement ouel'homme puisse plus axsetneulNXNte^^TAVSk 
l\ui6ce, et mehter la vie eternelle, comme si par \e \\bce«x\yvVte^ «axA>Bb 

Q 4 



232 HISTOBY OF THE REFOBUATIOK, 

This declaration of doctrine wai followed by another^ 
relating to the articles of reformation diacusaed at tlia 



grace, il pouvout faircTun et I'autre quoique pouitant vnc peine eti 
culte ; qu'il M>it anathdme. 

III. Siquelqu'un dit que uni Top^nition prfrenante daSaint-B^rttffll 
aans to i wToun, un hommc peut faire de« actet de fbi, d*eip6niMe^ de 
charit6 et dc repentir, tela qu'ilt doivent i;tre pour obtenir U grace de la 
JuKtification ; qu'il soi( anath^ine. 

IV. Si quelqu'un dit que le libre arbitre mil et excite de Dieu, en doB* 
nant sou coiisentement k I>ieu qui I'excite et I'appeile, ne ooopdre en ries 
k le preparer et & te mcttre en etat d'obtcnir la grace de la juntificatiOD, ct 
qu'il ne {leut reAi«cr von consentemeiit, s'il le veut, malt qu*il est oonnoe 
une chose inanimee, nansrien faire, et purement paaaif; qu'il aoit an^ 
th^e. (Lainez, Je^uite depute de aa lociete, dont noua n^jporterons aillenn 
la naissanee et les progrds, demanda que Ion fit un changement & re eanon ; 
parce que le terme mu/um, ni6, employ^ par le condle pour marquer !*» 
tion dc Dieu sur le libre arbitre, lui paroissoit trop fort Malt fee p^m 
rejettdrent mi demande avec indignation, en ditant, Potom PeUigkmit 
Cbiusex les Pclagiens.) 

V. Si quclqu'un' dit que depuis le p^hk d'Adam, le libra arbitre de 
I'bomme est perdu et eteint, que ce n'est qn'un nom sans reality, ou enfla 
une fiction et une vainc imagination que le d6mon a introduite dans Tegfiie; 
quM soit anathtme. 

VI. Si quelqu'un dit qu*il n'est pas au pouToir de I'bomme de rendresai 
▼oies manvaiKCfi, mais que Dieu opere les mauvaises ceuvres, aussiJUen qne 
les bonne«, non-seulement en tant qu'il les permet, maia propremcnt et 
par lui-menie; en sorte que la trahison de Judas n'est pas moins sod 
propre ouvrage (de Dieu), que la vocation de Saint Paul; qall na 
anathcme. 

VII. Si quelqu'un dit que toutes les actions qui se font avant la justiflei- 
tion, de quelqiie maniac qu'elles soicnt faitcs, sont de veritables pech^; 
ou qu'elles meritent la haiiic dc Dieu ; ou, que plus un hoinme K'etforoe 
de se (liiipoiier k la graco, plus il ptchc grievement ; qu'il soit anathfeme. 

VIII. Si quelqu'un dit que la craintc de renter qui nous none a avoir re- 
cours k la miscncorde de Dieu, et qui est accompagnee oe la douleur de 
nos pcches, on qui nous fait abstenir de pecher, est un peche, ou qu'elle 
rend i.cs pecbeurs encore piuvs ; qu'il suit anathdme. 

IX. Si quclqu'un dit que I'homrne et>t justice par>la seule foi, en sorte 
qu'oii entende par-Ik que {Miur obtenir la grace de la justification, on n'a 
besoin d'aucur)e autre chobC qui y coopdrc ; et qu'il n'est pas memeneces* 
•aire, en aucune manidre, que rhomme se prepare et se dispose par le 
mouvement de ra volunte ; qu'il soit anath^me. 

X. Si quelqu'un dit que les lioinmes sont justed sans la justice de Jeni>- 
Christ, par laquelle il nous a merite d'etre justifies; ou que c'est parcette 
Justice memc de Jesus-Christ qu'ils sont iormellcment justcs ; qu'il (oit 
anathdine. 

XI. Si quelqu'un dit que les hommes sont justifies, on par la seule irapti* 
tation de la justice de Jcsus-Christ, ou par le seule rcmissiovj des iH>ches, eo 
excluant la grace et la charite qui est repandue dans leurs coeurs par le 
Saint- Esprit, et qui Icur est inherente : ou bien que la grace, |>ar laquelle 
nous sommes justifies, n'est autre chose que la faveur de Dieu; qu^l soit 
anaih^me. 

XIT. Si quelqu'un dit que la foi justifiante n'est autre chose que la coiw 
fiance en ia divine raiscricorde qui reniet les pechcs k cause de Jesui- 
Christ, ou que c'e«t par cutte seule confiance* que nous sommes justifiei} 
qu'il soit anathdme. 

XIII. Si quelqu'un dit qu'il est necessaire d touthomme, pour obtenir la 
remission de ses peches, de croire ccrtainement, et sans hesiter^ sur (ou i 
cause de) ^es propres foiblcsses et son indisposition, que ses p6chea lui soot 
remis : qu'il fcuit anathdme. 

XlV, Hi quelqu'un dit qu'un homme est absous de mi pcch^ et juttifii 



COUNCIL OF TRENT* 233 

; meeting of the council^ or its congregations, 
jcree it was ordained^ that if any prelate^ of what. 

m aus8i.t6t qu'il) croit avec certitude ^tre absous et juttifl^, 

ionne n'est veritablement justifie, que celui qui se croit Mre 

ue c*ett par cette leule foi ou conflance que TabMrfution et U 

s'accomplit ; quUl soit anathdme. 

elqu'un dit qu'un bonume n6 de nouveau (par le bapt^me) et 

>b1ige »elon la foi de eroire qu'il est certainement du nombre 

lies ; qu'il soit anathdme. 

uelqu'un dit qu'il est certain d'une certitude absolue et infail* 

! I'a apprts par une revelation particuli&re, qu'il aura cer. 

e graod don de la perseverance jusqu'i la nn ; qu'il soit 

quelqu*iin dit que la grace de la justification n'est que pour 
tnt predestines d la vie, et que tous les autres qui sont ap> 
I la verite appele, mais qu'il ne regoivent point la grace. 
It predestines au mal par la puissance de Dieu} qu'il soit 

quelqu'un ditque les commandcmens de Dieu sont impossibles 
l^me dans celui qui est justifie et en 6tat de grace; qu'il soit 

[uelqu'un dit que dans I'evangile il n*y a que la foi seule qui 
.'|)te, et que toutes les autres choses sont indiff(§rentes, n'^tant 
lees ni defendues, mais laissees i la liberte, ou que les dix 
lens ne regardent point les Chretiens ; qu'il soit anatb^e. 
elqu'un dit qu'un homnie ju&tifie, quelque parfMt qu'il puisse 
as oblige d observer les commandemens de Dieu ct de I'eglise^ 
nent i eroire, commc si I'evangile ne consistoit que dans la 
nple et absolue de la vie eternelle, sansja condition d'observer 
demens ; qu'il soit anath{:me. 

quelqu'un dit que Jesus-Christ a ete donn6 de Dieu aux 
qualite seulement de redempteur, dans lequel lis doivent mettre 
ce, et non pas aussi comme legislatcur auquel ils doivent obBr; 
ith^roe. 

ijuelqu'un dit qu'un homme Justifie pent pers^verer dans la 
a re^ue, sans un secours particulier de Dieu ; ou, au contraire, 
K;ours meme il ne le pent pas ; qu'il soit anath^me 
, quelqu'un dit qu'un homme, une fois justifi6, ne peut plus 
srdre la grace, et qu'ainfi celui qui tombe dans le p#che n'a 
'aiment justifie ; ou, au contraire, au'un homme justifi6 peut 
te sa vie iviter toute sorte de pechea, meme les v^niels, si ce 
I privilege piarticulier de Dieu, comme c'est le sentiment de 
;ard de la sainte Vierge ; qu'il soit anathdme 
quelqu'un dit que la justice qui a 6te re^ue n'est paaconserv^e 
igmentee devant Uieu par les Iwnnes ceuvres ; mais que 
(suvres sont les fruits seulement de la justification, et det 
on I'a rc9ue, mais non une cause qui I'augraente ; qu'il Kit 

quelqu'un dit qu'en quelque bonne ceuvre que ce soit, le juste 
ois veniellement ; ou, ce qui est encore plu» insupportable^ 
mortellement, et qu'ainsi il merite les peines ^temelles: et 
' raison pour laquelle il n'est pas damne, c'est parceque lAeu 
e pas ces ceuvres k damnation ; qu'il soit anatbdme. 
I quelqu'un dit que les Justes ne doivent ix>(nt, pour leon 
res faites en Dieu, attendre ni esp^rer de lui la reconpeme 
ir sa miscricorde et le merite de Jesus-Christ, pourvu qu'ila 
jusqu'^ la fin en foisant le bien et en ^urdant les commaDde* 
soit anathdm& 

ii quelqu'un dit qu'il n'jr a point d'autre p6ch6 mortel que !• 
lihte ; ou que la grace qu'on a une foiri ref ue ne se perd pex 
! peche, quelque grief et qudque €noTme qvfVi «o\\.t q^^'^gMt 
'delitej qu'il goit anatbixxie. 



234 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

ever rank or standing he might be^ should remain awij 
from his diocese six months, without just and sufficient 
cause^ he should lose a fourth part of its revenue ; that 
if he prolonged his absence to the end of six months 
more, he should suffer the loss of aliother fourth part of 
his income ; and that if he continued to be guilty of the 
same offence, the metropolitan should be obliged, under 
pain of an interdiction, to denounce him to the pope, 
who should punish him, or deliver his diocese into the 
hands of a more worthy pastor. Corresponding punish- 
ments were allowed for the correction of the lower 
orders of ecclesiastics ; and, though this was but one 
step in the progress towards a reformation, it was an im- 
portant advance for a church which had, during so many 
ages, resisted every attempt made to warn it of its cor- 
ruptions, and the rulers of which seemed ever to be em- 
ployed in satisfying their ambition, or seeking means for 
the safer violation of all wholesome dicipline.* 
The subjects proposed for consideration the next 



XXV I IT. Si quclqu'iin nit que la grace etant perdue par le pcche, lafia 
BC lu'rd atissi ei) iiieine temps; ou que la foi qui reste n*est pas une 
veritable t'oi, quoiqiiVlle ne soit {>as vive ; ou que celui qui a la foi sans la 
charite nVst pas Chrtt'on ; qu'il soit anathdme. 

XXIX. Si quelqu'un dit que celui qui est tombc dans le pechc dcpuisle 
baptC'inL' iu> pcut pa.s se relover avecle8ecour^ dela grace dc l>ieu ; ou bien 
qu'il peut A la verite rccnuvrcr la grace qu'il avoit perdue, mais que c'est 
par la soule foi, sans le secours du liarreinent de penitence, centre ce 
que rcglK-se Romaine ct univer.si'lle, in>truite pir Jesu^Christ et par ses 
ap6tres, a jusqu'ici cru, tenu, et cnseigne ; qu'il soit anath^ine. 

XXX. Si quelqu'un dit qu'A tout pecheur penitent qui a re^n la grace de 
la justification, I'ofTense est tell emeu t remise, ct I'obligation k la {leine §ter- 
nelle tellemcnt cffacee et abolie, qu'il ne lui r&ite aucune peine temporelte 
^ payer, soit en cetto vie, soit en 1 autre dans le purgatoire, avant que Ten- 
tree au royaumedu ciel puisse lui ctre ouverte ; ^u'il soit anathdme. 

XXXI. Si quelqu'un dit qu'un homme justitie pdche, lorsqu'il fdt de 
bonnes cruvres en vCie de la recompense eternelle ; qu'il soit anathdme. 

XXX II. Si quelqu'un dit que les bonnes ocuvrcs d'un homme jiutifie 
sont tenement Je.s dons de Dieu, qu'elles ne soient pas aussi les raeritM<le 
cet homme justitie ; ou que par ces twnnes oeuvres qu*il fait par le seeoun 
de la grace de Dieu et paries mcrites dt^ Jesus-Christ, dont il e^t ua mem* 
bre vivant, il ne merite ]>as veriUiblement une augmentation de grace, U 
vie eternelle, et la possession de cette nieme vie, pourvu qu'il meuieen 
grace, et meme I'augmentationde la gloire ; qu'il soit anathdme. 

XXXIII. Si quelqu'un dit que par cette doctrine catholi(^ue touchaatU 
justification, cxposee par le saint concile de Trentedans Ic present decret,oii 
dcroge en quelque cnose k la gloire de Dieu ou aux merites de notre Seip 
gneur Jesus-Christ ; au lieu de reconnoitre qu'en etfet la vcrite de noire Ui 
y e£t eclaircie, et la gloire de Dieu ct de Jesus-Christ y est rendueplul 
eclatante ; qu'il soit anathdme. — Fleury, L cxliii. n. 80. 

* FraPaoli. Fleury. 



COUNCIL OP TRENT. 235 

iion 'were the doctrine of the sacraments^ as clo^Iy 
Donnected with that of justification, and the residence of 
the clergy ; a matter not yet settled to the satisfaction of 
the more zealous of the fathers. Several of the congre- 
gations which followed were almost wholly occupied 
with disputes on the latter subject^ and on the question 
of pluralities ; but^ in the midst of the discussion, the 
pope saw fit to transmit an order for submitting all 
questions of reformation to himself. Such, however, was 
the temper of the council, that the legates dared not at- 
tempt the experiment of making its arrival known. 

Excuses, framed with all the wisdom which long ex- 
perience could give, were not sufficient to preserve the 
legates from the attacks which they had so much reason 
to apprehend. Their unwillingness to speak again on 
the subject either of residence or pluralities, convinced 
the members of the council that an attempt would be 
made to prevent the reform which both their consciences, 
and the clamours of the world, convinced them to be 
necessary. At the head of the party most active in the 
pursuit of reformation was Pacheco ; and, when every 
other mode of appeal had been employed in vain, he 
united with a numerous body of prelates in drawing up 
a memorial, which contained the principal demands on 
which they had resolved perseveringly to insist. Of 
these the chief were, that dispensations should be abo- 
lished ; that the cardinals should be obliged to reside in 
their dioceses at least six months every year ; that resi- 
dence should be distinctly declared a divine duty ; that 
the cardinals should be prohibited, like other bishops, 
from holding more than one see ; and that all dispens- 
atbns for the holding of pluralities should be revoked, 
not only in reference to the future, but in respect to 
those already granted, unless some just cause of ex- 
emption from the law could be proved before the 
bishop : that unions for life should be set aside as 
. famishing a pretext for pluralities ; that livings should 
only be given after the strictest examination •, «xv^ \.\v^\. 
no one should he admitted to the episco^^l o^t^ <^ 



236 BXSTOBT OV THK BEffOBMATX09r. 

a rieid inquiry had taken place l e ip c cti ng hit life tod 
manners. 

A copy of this memorial wai immediatel j deipatdwd 
to the pontiff, accompanied with the intelligence thit 
the biflhops became haughtier every day^ treating the 
cardinals without any respect, and eren daring to spetk 
publicly of the necessity of reforming them. '* They ^mre 
not even the pope himself/* it was said, '^ but venture to 
declare that he is only playing with words, and tint 
he holds the council simply to amuse the worid with s 
vain hope of reformation." His holiness is then plainly 
assured, that it would be impossible to keep these proud 
prelates much longer in subjection, for that they hid 
formed cabals, the power of which was daily on die 
increase ; and that it would be wise to take some 
decisive step, by publishing a plan of reform at Romei 
before the opening of the approaching session. Then 
reverting to their own situation, the legates speak of the 
method by which they hoped to master the ambition of 
their opponents. "It is necessary,** say they, " that 
we should remain firm, for otherwise the faction will 
gain by force what we are unwilling to accord out of 
good will, and so make themselves the masters. What- 
soever, therefore, may happen, we must not yield; 
but. if the bishops remain equally firm to their purpose, 
we shall W obliged to come to the vote, and shall 
then require all the assistance that can be rendered ns, 
and especially the return of the bishops, who have left 
us to go to Venice." * 

Consternation seizoil the pope and his court on the 
rrwipt of iliis epistle. The mode of defence suggested 
by (he U>:at(r!s wdi» such as. in the high and palmy 
da X Tit of Kou:e"5 unshaken fonix*«es, would have be- 
cwMwe i\w *p'.nt of \:s }vUcr ; but now there was peril 
of e^frt >;;ch c\»,vni\*.e«: en the tee5:nir5 of its cen- 
ttir^frik A t»v *\<d Tv*i*ta!icif n*iih: provoke attempts 
«ii\ Wsvr h\>?;*.> , Av.d ni ?hsc r.voi-.XQ: of aiserdng its 
rs^^li V *'.>^'*v».'.v *vv'.ir>.'K. ;5 wj:*:: nc-«i>iTP a blow that 



COVMOIL OF TBKNT. 237 

mid be fatal both to its power and to its dignity, 
he latter consideration prevailed ; and. the legates were 
rected to make such concessions as the circumstances 
' the times seemed to demand ; a very different kind 
' instruction to that which appeared in the earlier 
iswers of the pope to the inquiries of his ministers. 

The cardinal del Monte received these directions of 
ke pontiff with less pleasure than might have been 
Lpected^ standing as he did in the midst of suspicious 
id angry opponents. But permission to concede was 
ot what he desired ; and he assumed for himself higher 
round than the advisers of the pope at Rome^ or 
is colleague Cervin, deemed it prudent to attempt to 
ccupy. He was, however, not less politic than bold, 
od refused not any labour which might enable him 
effect his purpose. The bishops were expected from 
Venice without delay ; and in the mean time he laid 
us plans so cautiously^ that a large portion of those 
Those opinions were still doubtful, allured by his 
exhortations, his promises, or threats, agreed to support 
um when their votes should be necessary. They were 
rue to their word, and del Monte triumphed in the 
irst general congregation held after the receipt of the 
wpe's letter. 

The seventh session of the council was opened on a. d; 
he 3d of March, with the usual solemnities. As ^547. 
loon as the members had taken their places^ the decree 
Ki the sacraments was read ; and, in thirty propositions^ 
^ch accompanied by an anathema, the Roman church 
ledared its belief on this all-important subject. The 
^t anathema is directed against those who say that 
he sacraments of the new law have not been all iiisti* 
Qted by Christ ; or that there are more or less than 
even, namely, — ^baptism, confirmation, the Eucharist^ \ 
>enitence, extreme unction, orders, and marriage ; or 
iut any one of these is not properly and truly a sacra- 
lent : the second refers to those who affirm, that the 
icraments of the new law are only different . ftoixv 
lose of the old law in thiSj that the outYraid cet^\svQivi\«& 



S38 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

and practices are different ; the third, to another d 
who assert that the seven sacraments are so equal, i 
no one can he said to he more honourable than 
other ; the fourth regards those who say that the 
eraments are not necessary to salvation, and that 
grace of justification may be obtained without then 
faith alone ; the fifth is against those who affirm 
they have only been admitted for the sake of fai 
the si^th, to those who deny that the sacraments con 
the grace of which they are the sign ; or that they'] 
not this grace to those who do not oppose their 
fluence, as if they were only external signs of jusl 
or of grace, received by faith, or simple marks 
which the faithful are distinguished from the woi 
in the seventh, they are condemned who deny that i 
always gives grace in the sacraments, even if the} 
received with attention to all the requisite conditi 
but affirm that this grace is only given sometimes 
to some persons ; the eighth is directed against tl 
who say that the sacraments confer not grace by t 
own efficacy, but that faith alone suffices to procure 
the ninth, against such as affirm that the three sa< 
ments of baptism, confirmation, and orders imp 
no character, that is, leave no spiritual and imperish 
mark, which render it impossible that these sacram 
should be re-administered; and the tenth is aga 
those who pretend, that any Christian has a righ 
preach the word of God, and administer the sa 
ments. 

In the next three anathemas are respectively < 
demned the errors of those who say that the inten 
of doing what the church does is not required in pen 
who administer the sacraments; of those who ai 
that the minister who is guilty of some deadly sin < 
not in reality perform or confer the sacrament, altho 
he, in every respect, attends to the due performanc 
the rites ; and, lastly, of such as say, that the c 
monies which have been approved by the church, 
which are employed in the solemn administratioi 



COUNCIL OP TRENT. 239 

ike 'sacraments, may be omitted without sin, according 
to the will of the minister^ or that they may be changed 
hj the pastor. 

Such are the anathemas contained in the decree as 
ht as it relates generally to the sacrament. They are 
followed by others^ directed against particular errors on 
the nature of baptism and confirmation. Under the 
former head^ they are anathematised who assert that 
^e church of Rome^ the mother and mistress of all 
churches, holds not the true doctrine concerning baptism. 
A similar curse is pronounced on such as deny the 
efficacy of baptism administered by heretics^ in the 
Bame of the Trinity, and with the intention of doing 
what the church does ; or who say that baptism is not 
necessary to salvation ; or, that a man baptized cannot, 
even should he desire it, lose the grace conferred, what, 
ever sin he commits, unless he wishes not to believe ; 
or, that infants baptized ought not to be put into the 
numher of the faithful, because of their inability to 
perform acts of faith ; that they should be rebaptized 
when they come to years of maturity ; and that it 
would be better not to baptize them while infants. 

In the part of the decree which respects confirmation, 
l^e first anathema is directed against those who deny it 
to he a sacrament ; the second, against such as affirm 
that those who attribute any virtue to the unction of 
confirmation dishonour the Holy Spirit ; and the third, 
^nst those who pretend that priests, as well as bishops, 
Jtfe the ordinary ministers of the rite of confirmation.* 

* The word ordinary was introduced into this canon, it is observed, in 
^tt to prevent the appearance of condemning those who considered that 
uie bishop might give a species of delegated authority to priesto for the 
performance of this rite ; a practice not uncommon inthe Greek church. 
(Fleury, L cxliv. n .19.) Bingham mentions several canons which were pas- 
wd to fix the power of confirming as the 8|)ecial privilege of the episcopal 
wder; but instances some cases in which a power was given to the pres. 
Dyter to perform a part of the office. Thus, in the Roman church, the 
Unction, or consignation, was twofold, — that on the forehead, and that of 
the other parts of the body ; and, where this practice prevailed, the pre8> 
bjrter took a part of the duty. Pope Iimocent introduced the custom, and 
divided the performance of the rite between the two orders, if anointing 
immediately after baptism may be considered in the light of confirmation : 
but, even in this instance, it was especially reserved to the bishop? to &v\ovc\t 
the forehead, and to complete the ordinance by imponlvotx ol V\?cc\dL%. Xw 
^Barient cburcb, the whole of the rite was pexformelX)^ \.\\e\>\&>cvQi^\ 



Thete emont on iSbtB nenmcBti mn MBkmwA If 
die deciee of KUnrmttioii ; whidi being iced and tdmStm 
ted^ the fathers lepented^ with the intendanof upeedify 
leMsembling in co ng ieg i tiop. Thtj met agidn at the 
end of ten days ; when^ to the ahmn of many^ and dw 
iU-eonoealed indignation of others, die legatee Ba« 
Bonnced that thej had been made ac^puintad with dw 
rapid progress of a pestilential disease In die town and 
nrighhonrhood, and diat they had, dMrefbre, lesohel 
to translate the eonncil to some lafer and mote heaUif 
place. This announcement they Justified by the tes« 
timony of two physicians, the one the attendant of As 
cardinal del Monte, the other the phyddan to llw 
council.^ The murmurs of die Bpanlah prdati^ 
die doubts and questions as to the existence of any 
authority for the transladon of the council, wUdi 
sat on every tongue, were answered by DA Monte, 
almost before expressed ; — ''I could have removed,* 
said he, ''the council from die first, if I had chosen;" 
and he immediately drew forth a bull given him by the 
pope^ and authorising him to take this step whenever 
he saw fit. 

This did not appease the anger of Pacheco and his 
party. Diligent inquiries were made as to the nature 
and progress of the decree, of which so much had be^ 
said. The result was, that no proper cause for alarm^ 
seemed to exist: only two persons had died in tbe 
course of several weeks, and they were unaffected with 
any disease which had die slightest appearance of infec« 
tion. But the legates had taken their determination, and 
were not to be moved by these representations. The 
translation of the council promised them many advan- 
tages, — time to form further plans of resistance to the 
rising spirit of reform; some relaxation from dieir 

but it is shown by the practice of the church at Alexandria, that Uie 
bishop did occasionally give the power of confirming to bis presbyten. 
AtUiquities, book xi. c il sec. 2. 

* This was the celebrated Fracastoria He is said to have received 
■ixty gold crowns a month from the pope for his attendance on tbe 
council i but no menUon U made oC wa Vxt^bSa tilte. — SMdan, i, fl> 
I xix. p. 411. PalUlic,\\b. ix., c 1^ 



COUNCIL OF TBXNT* 24 1 

iontinual toil; and the opportunity of. settling the 
oundl in a place where communication with Rome 
night be more rapidly and conveniently earned on. 

At the opening of the eighth session on thb lltb 
)f March^ the cardinal del Monte read the decree of 
Tanslation; and the approval of the assembly being 
lemanded^ it was confirmed by the votes of thirty-five 
sishops and three generals of orders. Pach^co opposed 
the resolution^ by arguments full of force and reason. 
The impropriety of removing the council from one state 
to another^ without the consent of the emperor^ was 
strongly insisted on ; and Bologna^ as the place of 
assembly^ was objected to by an open )leclaration^ that 
It was not sufficiently free from the immediate influence 
tmd domination of the pope. To these arguments the 
l^ates gave an efiectual reply, by again putting the 
Babject to the vote^ and numbering among their sup.- 
porters two thirds of the assembly, the proportion re- 
Quired to establish their right to effect the proposed 
translation. 

The pope received intelligence respecting this bold 
measure of the legates with not less pleasure than surprise. 
Bat the gratification felt at first gradually yielded to fears 
iispired by the known sentiments of the emperor, and 
he fact that all the prelates under his control reso- 
utely persevered in their determination to remain at 
Frent till they should receive his instructions. These 
ears were greatly augmented when the emperor's am- 
lassador, Vega, presented himself, and with many earnest 
emonstrances from his master deprecated the precipitate 
nd unjustifiable nature of the late proceeding. The efforts 
f the papal nuncio did not avail to quiet the emperor's 
idignadon. To his soft and well, worded apologies, 
is majesty replied, haughtily, that all the reasons al- 
^ed for the translation were false and frivolous ; tha* 
e would never believe that Paul had had no share in 
le matter, for that he was an obstinate old man, always 
)llowing his own headstrong will, and fully set on. 
lining the churcJi. On the nuncio's endeavo\xi\w^ \o 
VOL, iL n 



t4i uwicmr ov Tm mmnmMA' 



mtkt innmr^tliat ihe\)liliop8 who bad kft Tia 
parted of ih^ own accord^ Charlea qidddj relied, 
will not dispute with yoa on the matter, air Xin 
hat go and find the biihi^ of Arraa." 

No alternatiTe remained for the pontifl^ hot to : 
lemUe the council at Trent, or delay ita proceeding 
■hoold better mideretand the position in idiidi he st 
To take the former course at once would hare 
Inconsistent with his dignity. He, dierefore, din 
the legates to prorogue die meeting of the council i 
time to time, or to yidd, if they saw fit, to the wi 
of the emperor at the earliest becoming opportoi 
Del Monte still pursued his fkvourite system of upb 
ing to the last the dignity and supreme authorit 
the diurch. " Tell the emperor and king Ferdinti 
aaid he, *' that I would willingly attend to their beh) 
hut the head of the church must yield to no wish 
dut of promoting the welfare of mankind." 

Thua fixed in his resolution, del Monte assem 
ihe fathers of the council on the 15th of Septemi 
and acquainted them that it had been deemed expec 
to prorogue the session without fixing any day 
resuming its business. By far the greater numbe 
the prelates at Bologna were completely under 
influence, and immediately yielded to the proposa 
thus terminating their deliberations. The legate 
hereby succeeded in freeing himself and the pope i 
the pressure of immediate difficulties ; but they ^ 
botli too well aware of Uie state of parties in the chi 
itself, and of the feelings of the emperor^ to enjoy 
repose which the cessation of authorised inquiry see 
to promise. 



245 



CHAP. XVIII. 

FORMATION IN ENGLAND. ACTS PASSED BY HENRY VIII. — 

PERSECUTION. SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES. EFFORTS OF 

CRANMER. — EDWARD VI. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHURCH 

OF ENGLAND. — REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 

^E turn now to a brief survey of the progress of events^ 
mnected with the reformation in other countries, 
ingland had been emancipated from the thraldom im- 
osed upon it by Rome, long before the value of divine 
ruth was acknowledged by its princes and nobles, 
lenry VIII.^ rejoicing in his dignity as head of the 
ational churchy had little in his character correspond- 
ig to the feelings of a religious reformer; and so 
ar was he from acknowledging the sublime principle 
f charity as the only sure foundation of improvement^ 
bat he promoted the work of persecution^ and the 
Qterests of error, with as much zeal as when he ac- 
nowledged himself the faithful servant of Rome. 
In the month of June, 1536^ the opinions of the 
ioUards^ and of the later reformers^ were subjected to the 
lamination of the lower house of convocation; and 
bout the same time^ Henry himself, exercising his skill 
I a theologian and his authority as a monarchy pre- 
ented to the upper house his own views and opinions 
n the main questions of reformation. The debates, in 
oth cases, were prolonged by the dislike which a large 
onion of the bishops still felt to the idea of a change^ 
ither in doctrine or discipline. Cranmer, on the other 
And, pursued his plans with the steady, yet fervent 
pint which characterised the best men of his class and 
tation. ''Seek for your rule of faith rn the simple 
'ord of God," was the purport of his arguments ; and, 
s he poured forth his eloquent exposition of the rea- 
0Q8 on which he acted, superstition, bigotry , it«\]L<^ vcv^ 

b2 



£^•1 HISTORY OF THE BEFOBMATIOX. 

malice, seemed to ante-date their doom in the English 
church. 

The first of the articles proposed for acceptance in 
the convocation would have heen a sufficient foundation 
for the most spiritual system of reform. *' Let all 
hishops and preachers," it said, '' teach the people to 
helieve and receive the whole Bihle, and the three 
creeds. Let them interpret whatever doctrine they 
treat of according to this rule, and condemn whatever 
is contrary to its intentions, or the precepts of the first 
four councils." But, in a following article, we read thtt 
" Under the forms of hread and wine, exist, truly and 
suhstantially, the very same hody of Christ that was 
horn of the Virgin Mary :** in another, " that the peopk 
were to he instructed, that the use of images is war- 
ranted by Scripture; that they were to be warned, 
indeed, against the superstitious practices of former 
times, but that they might still offer incense, kneel and 
worship before them, supposing they were taught to 
bear in mind, that all this was done in honour of Go^) 
and not out of regard to the image itself." On the sub- 
ject of praying to saints, the instructions were equally 
opposed to the spirit of protestantism. It was here 
said that *' the people should be taught, that it was good 
to pray to them to intercede for, and pray with, us." Of 
ceremonies, it was said, that '' the mystical signification; 
if rightly interpreted, served to recall our feelings, and 
raise our thoughts, to God." Thus it is taught, that the 
sprinkling of holy water is to remind us of our baptism^ 
and the sprinkling of the blood of Christ ; that the giving 
of holy bread is a pathetic sign of the sacrament, and of 
our union in Christ ; that bearing candles on Candlemas- 
day betokens the character of Christ, as the light which 
should come into the world ; that sprinkling ashes on Ash- 
Wednesday is happily emblematical of our mortality; 
and bearing palms on Palm.Sunday, of our wish to 
receive Christ into the heart now, as aforetime he was 
received into Jerusalem. Under the head of purgatory, 
we read, that, " as due oid'&t ol OciaxvVj x^ojcvixeth, and 



BELIOION IX ENOLAND. 245 

the book of Maccabees^ and divers ancient doctors^ 
plainly show^ that it is a very good and charitable 
deed to pray for souls departed; and^ forasmuch also 
as such usage hath continued in the church so many 
years, even from the beginning, we will that all bishops 
and preachers shall instruct and teach our people com- 
mitted by us unto their spiritual charge, Uiat no man 
ought to be grieved with the continuance of the same, 
and that it standeth with the very order of charity, for 
a Christian man to pray for souls departed, and to 
commit them in our prayers to God's mercy ; and also 
to cause others to pray for them in masses and exequies, 
and to give alms to others to pray for them, whereby 
they may be relieved and holpen of some part of their 
pain." 

But strong as is the language here employed, the 
qualifying sentences which follow show plainly, that 
already was the axe laid to the root of the tree, and 
that it required but a brief period of further exertion on 
^e part of scriptural divines to shake the whole mass 
of superincumbent error. " Forasmuch," it is said, *^as 
*he place where they be, the name thereof, and kinds of 
P*in also, be to us uncertain in Scripture, therefore 
*^8, with all other things, we remit to Almighty God, 
^nto whose mercy it is meet and convenient for us to 
<^mmend them, trusting that Grod accepteth our prayers 
for them, referring the rest wholly to God, to whom is 
blown their state and condition ; therefore it is necessary 
^at such abuses be clearly put away, which, under the 
Dame of purgatory, have been advanced, as to make men 
believe that, through the bishop of Rome's pardon, souls 
mig^t clearly be delivered out of purgatory, and all the 
pains of it; or that masses said at ^Scala cceli,' or 
otherwise, in any place, or before any image, might 
likewise deliver them from all their pain, and send them 
straight to Heaven.'** 

Another remarkable feature in these articles, was the 
mention of only three ordinances of Te\\^\oii, w^av^"^ , 

• Records. Burnet, vol. iv. p. 111. 



246 HI8T0BT OF THE REFOBMATION. 

baptism^ penance, and the Lord's Sapper, as sacraments; 
a circumstaliee tbe more worthy of attention, as the decree 
of the council of Trent, passed some time after, so stron^y 
marks the feeling of the Roman church on this subject 
A change, therefore, of doctrine, as well as of poKty 
and discipline, was commenced. The people beheld 
their rulers shrinking from the task of upholding a sys- 
tem, every part of which had been pronounced holy; 
and it is easy to conceive that the effect of such a state 
of things must, for the time, have been as dangerous to 
those who only sought excuses for impiety, as it was 
full of promise 'to those who contemplated the speedy 
settlement of every doubt, and the dissipation of the 
clouds of error, by the benign influence of the pure 
word of God. 

The publication of the Bible in English, and the 
king's Ucence permitting persons of every class to read 
it, marked the progress which continued to be made 
towards the attainment of this devoutly hoped foi 
triumph. To secure to the people in general the ad- 
vantage of drinking at the fountain-head of knowledge: 
every minister of a parish was directed to place an Eng- 
lish Bible in his church, and to exhort the people t( 
read it, as the word of God, and as deserving the entin 
assent of their hearts to its precepts and revelations. 

Henry permitted religion thus to advance ; but, i 
ill-curbed passions, if pride and tyranny, and a wilUng 
ness to shed blood, are proofs that a man is not actin 
under the influence of the Divine Spirit, he merited n 
other praise for all he did, than that which might h 
claimed for any blind instrument of good, in the hand 
of God's providence. Scarcely had the Bible been s€ 
up in the churches throughout the country, when one c 
those crimes were perpetrated which we might hav 
hoped would never have been seen in the land, after th 
king, the priest, and the people, had acknowledged, i 
common, that the Bible sdone is infallible. The doc 
trine of the real presence was still professed by Henry 
as founded on the old interpretation of Scripture ; ba 
it WA8 not his continued v»«A\ei Vxi xJoi^ wM^^ ^S. ^ 



TRIAL OF LAMBERT. 24? 

ioman catholic creed which made him^ or has ever 
lade any man^ forget the duty of charity^ and hreak 
own all the defences of human liherty and safety. 
This has^ in every instance^ heen the consequence of an 
inholy mistrust of God's power to support his gospel hy 
aeans corresponding to its nature^ aided hy a pride and 
elfishness^ which rejoice to find so complete a method 
s that of religious persecution for the attainment of 
heir ends. 

Among the small numher of English reformers who 
intertained the opinions taught hy the divines of Swit- 
zerland, was John Lamhert^ a man of learning, and ex- 
emplary character. Deeply impressed with the import- 
ance of forming correct views on the eucharist, he could 
not refrain from questioning Dr. Taylor, after hearing 
him preach on the suhject^ as to the foundations of 
8ome of his arguments. It was not long hefore the re- 
port of his opinions, as he himself had described them, 
^came matter of consideration to Cranmer, and others 
^f that party. The unjustifiahle zeal of Luther against 
the dogmas of Zuingle has been often stated in this 
^otk ; and, unhappily for the interests of religion, the 
deling which prompted Luther to suppose that Heaven 
pould not contain himself and Zuingle, seems to have 
infected the minds of many of his followers. There is 
every reason to believe that such men as Cranmer and his 
associates would have proceeded to no act of cruelty against 
an amiable and simple-minded scholar like Lambert; 
hut while they pressed him closely with their in treaties 
that he would recant, he appealed to the king, and thus 
took it out of their power either to punish or release hinu 

Henry, at all times ready to display his power or 
ability as a theologian^ resolved to employ it now at 
the head of the church, and determine the nature of 1 
heresy, as well as punish it by his] power as a magis«* 
trate. The trial of Lambert took place in Westminster 
Hall ; the court, with a vast concourse of the dignified 
^rgy and nobility, attending in honour of the k\xv%* 
2ranwer, and the other bishops, assisted, the xsiQ\i«x^\9^ 

R 4 



248 HISTORY OF THE BEFORM ATION. 

the conduct of the argument; and whatever may be 
said respecting the difficulty of their position^ they cer- 
tainly did not add to their claims on the veneration of 
mankind^ when they sat complacently and unmoved^ whik 
a humble-minded believer in the Bible was oppressed by 
a haughty judge^ and at length condemned to die 
because he would not retract a confession of belief, 
derived, he was assured, from the pages of revelation. 

Lambert did honour to his party by the humUe fino- 
ness which characterised his conduct Wlien borne down 
by a torrent of mingled sophistry and invective, he re- 
signed himself to his fate^ and contented himself with 
saying, that '' he committed his soul to God^ and hii 
body to the king's clemency." He found no mercy •* 
the hands of the sovereign. A cruel sentence consigned 
him to the flames ; and it was executed in the most 
barbarous manner. 

For a brief period, the terrors of this persecution lay 
heavy on the hearts of the few who had formed evan- 
gelical views on the doctrine of the eucharist, and on 
the nature of Christian liberty, as taught by the wor^ 
of God. The introduction of a bill into parliament ^^ 
1539, for the settling of doctrine, fixed the attention ^^ 
of both parties in the nation on the most disput^^ 
points in the several systems of belief. Cranm^^ 
laboured strenuously to prevent any opinion being e^' 
tablished contrary to the confession of Augsbur^^' 
The archbishop of York, the bishop of London, wit;^ 
a powerful party, now headed by the king, sought ^ 
on the other hand, to revive the creed as it formerl^^^ 
stood. In the bill, therefore, laid before parliamenr^ 
the tendencies to papal doctrine were clearly manifest ^ 
nor could the united influence and ability of the^ 
the reformers stop its progress through the house. Th^ 
six articles of which it consists referred to the real pre^ 
fence in the eucharist ; to the giving of it in both kinds; 
to the laity ; to the keeping of the monastic vows of 
chastity ; to the celebration of private masses ; to the 
jDarriage of priests, atvd avMvcvi^t o-Wvlt^^viTL, These 



THE TEN ARTICLES. 249 

rtides were revived and determined upon as the future 
de of the church. The king was rewarded by the 
uinks of the house for the zeal he had shown in the 
latter; and the act concluded with the express de- 
aration^ that whoever preached or wrote any thing 
mtrary to the first of the six articles should be con- 
emned as a heretic^ and burnt without mercy: that 
le crime of obstinately disputing against the rest should 
e adjudged a felony^ and punished with death ; and 
bat even a word spoken against them should subject 
be guilty person to imprisonment during the king's 
pleasure. To secure the execution of this intolerable 
aw^ commissioners ai\d judges were appointed for all 
>art8 of the kingdom^ whose duty it was to bring the 
iccused to trial before a jury. 

Thus did the fickle and reckless Henry VIII. strive to 
>nt an end at once to whatever he had efiected in the 
vork of reformation. If he could before claim the 
Derit of having destroyed the power of the pope over 
be national church ; of having given the Bible to the 
l^ple^ and thus assisted them in escaping the oppres- 
*on of ignorant priests, what right had he now to any 
'aise for this, when, by a single act of parliament, he^ 
inverted the Bible into a field set with fatal snares to" 
^ery inquiring mind and tender conscience, and re- 
^tablished every dogma and practice from which Rome 
^ gathered the worst of its corrupting principles ? 
^e only apology that can be offered for him, is the 
^ct which he still manifested for the character and 
i^ty of Cranmer ; the anxiety he evinced to learn his 
pinions on the late act, and the care which he took of his 
arsenal safety when die power of his enemies seemed ■ 
^y to overwhelm him. But what sure we to think 
* a monarch who, venturing to modify, according to 
^ will, the doctrines of the church, and then passing 
tt act in the face of the nation, denouncing chains and 
eath against those who opposed it, only a few weeks 
fter expresses a wish for the first ecclesiasUc vw ^<& 
'^dowj to let him know what can be s«id a/geixv^X. \vt 




uo 

The infhwnee of the piptl fstf 
etMM. Several bidiopiy Ik f wiww < 
fonml themielTef eipoied to iii»i—t 
of dcgraiUtion, bat of imprimuncBL 
othor htnd, wctiml hlmadf and 
king'i favour, by coDaeotiiig to act aa 
■ion«r, rather than as an indcpendcat 
fall of Cromwell, now eail of 
to the strength of their party; andybai fi 
mation in farour of the eircolatifln of fhm 
the reformation would have been comp i eldy at m \ 

Martyrdoms again began to be fkeqncat. Im 1540^ 
fiarneN, Gerrard, and Jerome, priests, bat LattoHH 
in doctrine, perished at the stske in W ai i l l i lWl i l . Thn 
oonntsncy in luffering gate a deeper and move ieneBt 
resolution to many who professed, bat date not openly 
oontrnd for, the principles of erangdical laitli. Sfaaihr 
executions took place in other parts of die kingdon; 
and the commencement of the reformation in Sootfand 
WAN msrlccd by the faith and sufferings of the piou 
ntul the iMinobled Patrick Hamilton, abbot of Ferns. 

To rviidiT tlieir proceedings the more secure, and 
rcMiiovo till* alinoHt only remaining obstacle to their 
hopo of placing all things on their former footing, the 
lu*N(U of the papal party now proposed to stop the 
ftirthcr circulation of the English Bible. Cranmer 
triMnbUnl at the rising danger. His power was too 
nnich abridged to allow of his making a direct resist- 
atico. lie had, therefore, to employ policy ; and having 
obtaintnl the king's sanction to his views, be induced 
him U) order that the revision of the English Bible 
shoidd Ih> n'ferred to the universities. Pursuing the 
advantage thus gained, and choosing for his time of 
action tlic breaking out of the war with Scotland, 
(-raninor urged the monarch with strong and pathetic 
ap|)oaIa to modify the enactments which had been made 
against the reformers. He so far succeeded as not 
only to establish the ri(^t of all the educated dasses to 
read the Scriptuiea, Wt to i^wicdI ^^^oAiigai.^ bosiT 



Bonner's admonitions. 251 

from condemning a spiritual person to deaths till after 
three convictions^ or a layman to heavier punishments 
than imprisonment and confiscation of property. About 
the same time also, the book entitled " The Necessary 
Erudition of a Christian Man" was drawn up by the 
archbishop and his associates.; a work which measures 
with great exactness the proportions of truth and error, 
that existed among the churchmen of the age. * 

Nor were the prelates of the opposite party indifferent 
to the improvement of either the clergy or the people, 
if we may give any credit to the statement which 
ascribes to Bonner the admonitions contained in such 
passages of advice as these : — 

'* We exhort you," it is said, '^ in the first place, that 
every one of you shall, with all diligence and faithful 
obedience, observe and keep the king's ordinances. 
That every parson, vicar, and curate shall read over, 
and diligently study every day one chapter of the 
Bible, and that with the gloss ordinary, or some other 
doctor, or expositor, approved and allowed in this 
church of England, proceeding from chapter to chap- 
ter, from the beginning of the Gospel of Matthew 
to the end of the New Testament ; and the same so 
diligently studied, to keep still and retain in memory, 
and to come to the rehearsal and recital thereof, at all 
such time and times as they, or any of them, shall 
be commanded thereunto by me or my deputies. 
That every one of you do procure and provide of 
jrour own a book, called ' The Institution of a Christian 
i^an', otherwise caHed the ' Bishops' Book' ; and that 
jre, and every one of you, do exercise yourselves in the, 
same, according to the precepts given you. That ye, 
jvery one of you that be parsons, vicars, curates, and 
dso chauntry priests and stipendiaries, do instruct, 
;each, and bring up in learning, the best ye can, all 
;uch children of your parishioners, as shall come to 

* Burnet giyes an earlier date to the publication of this book, but is cor- 
ected by his learned editor. Dr. Nares ; who observeK^ ^Ihat it n(«& csqIc) 
«rtain questions concerning the sacraments whudi otouatkedi bXXxxiSXwlvX 
bit time, Bitt. qfJl^orm., tip. 470. 



S5£ BUTOBT ov nu BanmunoH. 

joa for the nme ; or at kttt to tetdi diem to leiA 
En^^iih, taking moderaldy therefore of tluir friendi 
diat be able to pay^ ao that they may thereby tlie 
better learn and know how to belieTc;, how to piay) 
how to lire according to God'a pkaanre. That evoy 
carate do at all times his best diligenoe to stir, move 
and reduce such as be at discord, to peace, lore, charitj, 
and are to remit and forgive one another, as often how« 
soever they ahaU be grieved or oflfended; and tint 
tiie curate show and ^ve example diereof, when ind 
as often as any variance or discord 'shall happen to 
be between him and any of his cure. That aU priests 
shall take this order when they preach : — first, ibej 
ahall not rehearse sermons made by other men wiAin 
this 200 or 300 years ; but when they preach, ihey 
shall take the gospd or epistle of the day, which they 
shall recite and declare to the people plainly, distinctly, 
and sincerely, from the beginning to the end thereof, 
and then to desire the people to pray with them fllir 
grace^ after the usage of the church of England now 
used : and that done, we will that every preacher 
shall declare the same gospel or epistle, or both, even 
from the beginnings not after his own tnind, but after 
the mind of some catholic doctor allowed in this church 
of England; and in no wise to affirm any thing, but 
that which he shall be able always to show in some 
ancient writer : and in no wise to make rehearsal of 
any opinion not allowed^ for the intent to reprove the 
same; but to leave that for those who are and shall 
be admitted to preach by the king*s majesty, or by 
me, the bishop of London, your ordinary, or by mine 
authority. In the which epistle and gospel, ye shall 
note and consider diligently certain godly and devout 
places, which may incense and stir hearers to obedi- 
ence of good works and prayers. And in case any 
notable ceremony^ used to be observed in the church, 
shall happen that day when any preaching shall be 
appointed, it shail be meet ax\d convenient that the 
preacher declare and aet ioii^ \o ^^ -^ws^i^*^^ Xssa 



' CHANGE OF SENTIMENT. 255 

meaning of the same^ in such sort that the people may 
perceive therehy what is meant and signified hy such 
ceremony; and also l^pow how to use and accept it 
to their own editing. Furthermore^ that no preacher 
shall rage or rail in his sermon ; hut boldly^ dis- 
creetly^ and charitably open^ declare^ and set forth the 
excellency of virtue ; and^ to suppress the abomination 
of vice, every preacher shall^ if time and occasion will 
serve^ instruct and teach his audience what prayer is 
tised in the church that day^ and for what thing the 
church prayeth specially that day, to the intent that all 
the people may pray together with one heart for the 
same ; and^ as occasion will serve^ to show and declare 
to the people what the sacraments signify, what strength 
and efficacy they be of, how every man should use them 
reverently and devoutly at the receiving of them : and 
to declare wherefore the mass is to be so highly esteemed 
and honoured, with all the circumstances pertaining to 
the same. Let every preacher beware that he do not 
feed his audience with any fable, or other histories, other 
than he can avouch and justify to be written by some 
albwed writer. And when he hath done all he will 
say and utter for that time, he shall then, in few words^ 
recite again the pith and efiect of his whole sermon, and 
add thereunto as he shall see good.'' 

Such were the instructions which went under the 
name of Bonner. They afford us a valuable illustration 
of the state of the clergy at this time, and of the feeling 
which prevailed as to the essential duties of a properly 
constituted ministry. For many ages past, the clergy 
Lad acted as if they regarded the whole of their du^ 
performed when they went through the liturgies of the 
day, and received a confession . Now they were informed 
that they must not only lead the people in the offering 
up of prayers, but instruct them from the pulpit, and 
watch over the education of their children. This change 
was the necessary consequence of the activity to which 
meti's minds were roused by the circulatiow o^ \\^ 
Scripturesr, and the agitation of questionB eo Vrck'^oiXasckX 



SM mmsT or tem BBP0Mi4nw< 



to their tabntixm am thote now daily p rapo Md , ThM 
cut be little need of preodien when^peo^ are taogM 
lo bdiefe thai the drarch it wflUng fo.be raqponAkftr 
iheir aouls^ if tiiey render it obedience and aoppoit 
Inquiry ihea becomes an impcrtinenoe. The pronuM ii 
given to an implicit confidence in the dictator^ not to • 
faith which cometh by hearings and knowledge of the 
word of God. Bat let the drarch give np ita dairas to 
the power of abeolTing lina^ or reconciling aooh to 
HeaTen which know noUiing of the goodneaa of Gcd^cr 
the myatery of salvation, but what they learn by dictate 
and what they remember without Uiougfat; let it to- 
knowledge that the living Spirit of the divine word nmit 
itself impart the light and nourishment whidi ue 
needed^ and then it will be found tiiat the comparing 
of things spiritual widi spiritual^ the bringing forth of 
things new and old^ is necessary to render the language 
of the teacher persuasive^ and satisff the new desUei 
of the heart. No longer assured of safety in the use of 
external signs, it yearns for knowledge to fill up the void 
of which, the moment its present confidence departs, it 
becomes too sadly sensible. And to whom shall it look 
in this case, but to those who are accredited ministers 
and dispensers of heavenly truth ? Or what will it so 
gladly receive from their lips, as the evidence of divine 
realities, furnished by the harmony of revelation, and its 
cloud of witnesses ? * 

We have spoken, in another place, of the sermons of 
Luther. They were eminently simple, and abounded 
with demonstrations of doctrine. His example was of 
immense worth to the divines of Germany at the be- 
ginning of the reformation, leading them at once from 
the miserably defective models furnished in the school 
of Catholicism, but warning them, at the same time, 
against falling into the wild and wanton style of the 
anabaptists, or the less serious of their own sect. In 
England, the preachers of the reformation had not so 
mighty a mind to subdue and guide them. Each was 



LATIHEB. 255 

eft at liberty to adopt his own style^ and speak ac- 
cording to his natural temper^ or the influence which 
ime^ place^ and circumstance^ exercised on his feelings. 
Bishop Latimer^ the most celebrated and the most ener- 
getic of preachers at this period^ ddighted in a freedom 
>f expression which often leaves a painful feeling on 
the mind of a modern reader. But he spoke of things 
which his whole heart despised, of truths which he was 
willing to seal at any moment with his blood. Thus, in 
one of his sermons preached at St. Paul's, he burst 
forth into an accusation of the prelates of his age, which 
must have made the heart of the boldest quake : '' Un- 
preaching prelates " said he, " are so troubled with 
lordly living ; they be so pleased in palaces, couched in 
courts, ruffelpng in their rents, dancing in their domi- 
nions, burthened with ambassages, pampering of their 
paunches, mounching in their mangers, and merilying 
in their gay manners and mansions, and so troubled 
with loitering in their lordships, that they cannot attend 
to it. They are otherwise occupied : some in the king's 
matters, some are ambassadors, some of the privy 
council, some to furnish the court ; some are lords of 
parliament, some are presidents, and some comptrollers 
of mints. Well, well ! is this their duty ? Is this their 
office ? Is this their calling } I would fain ask who 
controlleth the devil at home, while the bishop con- 
trolleth the mint.?"*. 

This practical application of a moral lesson to known 
and actual offences, gave a power to the preacher which 
might be exercised with advantage among the proud 
and the worldly. But it was by the introduction 
topics illustrating the doctrines of justification by faithj 
of the sanctifying power of the Holy Spirit, that preach- 
ing became valuable in the estimation of the people ; < 
that it drew such vast crowds about men who at one 
time had neither churches nor pulpits to preach in, and 
even to listen to whom was attended with dangers from 

* Serm. 1548. p. 17. Butuet. 



256 HISTOBT OF THE BETOBMATiOX. 

which most men, in these days of unpractised conngey 
would shrink with dread. 

Cranmer continued to pursue the main objects c^ n* 
formation, notwithstanding all the oppodtiou whidi he 
had daily to encounter. Such was the rage excited 
against Iiim by the quiet gradual influence of his piety 
and learning, that a powerful party plotted his min^ 
and he was secretly accused of heresy. The king 
had too much penetration as well as honour to allow die 
calumniators any chance of success. Cranmer learat, 
from the monarches own lips, the design which had been 
formed against him ; and the means whereby its authon 
might be most signally disgraced and punished. He was 
grateful for the kindness of his sovereign^ but refused 
to take advantage of the opportunity of revenge. This 
excellent man had a sufficient hold on the affections of 
Henry to preserve himself, both on this and another si. 
milar occasion ; but was not able to prevent a recurrence 
of the frightful scenes which disgraced the country 
some years before. In 1546, the zeal which had for a 
little while slumbered, roused itself against the sacra- 
• mentarians with increased vigour. Among the first 
whom it assailed was Nicholas Shanton, bishop of Salis- 
bury, who, having been long imprisoned for some minor 
offence against orthodoxy, let fall expressions which 
rendered him suspected of denying the real presence. 
The bishops of London and Worcester, pitying perhaps 
his infirmities, but more probably averse to seeing one 
of their own standing brought to the stake, waited on 
him in prison, and convinced him, it was said, so clearly 
of his error, that he not only recanted, but became, in 
the reign of Mary, one of the foremost to rejoice in the 
condemnation of his previous associates. 

As the mind shrinks humbled and distressed at the 
contemplation of this old man saving the miserable re- 
mains of life by a denial of the truth, it is painfully 
excited by the sympathies awakened at the awful suf* 
ferings and heroic fortitude of the young and accom- 
plished Anne Askew. T\v\^ x^YaasVaWift ^^mau^ driven 



ANNE ASKEW. 25? 

£^ liome by her husband^ the moment he suspected 
; Aer opinions^ had been received and cherished by many 
r ^ the ladies about the court. Her high birth and ex.. 
Ordinary abilities made her an object of general at- 
tention ; but the admiration she excited causing inquiry 
into her history^ she was called before the bishop of 
London^ and examined as to her belief in the real pre- 
VSDcs, The answers she returned^ though apparently 
snfficient to satisfy the demands of the six articles^ left 
some suspicion on the bishop's mind^ and she was with 
difficulty rescued from his hands. Not long after this 
the was again apprehended, and sent to Newgate. While 
there she employed herself in composing several deva- 
tional pieces and letters ; and, addressing the king on the 
sulject of the eucharist, said^ with equal force and cau- 
tion^ that she believed ' as much as Christ had said in 
it, and as much as the catholic church from him did 
teach.' 

But neither her sex nor her accomplishments weighed 
with the ruthless persecutors who had selected her as 
a ncrifice. The lord chancellor himself having or- 
dered her to the Tower, waited to see her fixed to the 
rack ; and, if report speak true, assisted at the torture 
with his own hands. Firm and silent amid her excru- 
diafcing agonies^ the unfortunate lady was carried back to 
prison^ and before the pains of the rack had ceased was 
hurried to the stake. There she had companions in 
Buflfering ; and^ while the four martyrs were preparing 
for the flames^ the recanted bishop of Salisbury stood 
and preached to them on the nature of heresy^ and the 
condemnation that awaited it in another world as wdl 
as in this. 

Another attempt against the safety of Cranmer followed 
this outbreaking of zeal^ and the archbishop was again 
indebted for his safety to the generosity of his sovereign. 
The object of the cabal was to see fakn safely confined in 
the Tower; and such was the noble simplicity of Cranmer's 
diaraeter that he expressed no wish to escape the trial 
to which his enemies would have exposed \im. '^ X^^ 

VOL* XT. s 



258 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

fool/* said the king^ on hearing him thus express him- 
self, ^* do you think, if you were once in prison^ that 
there would not he ahundance of false witnesses to ac- 
cuse you ? But, as you do not know how to take care 
of yourself, I must look to it for you.'* 

Henry appears to have enjoyed an occasion of putting 
the enemies of Cranmer to confusion, for he again laid 
the plan hy which he was to escape from their hands, 
and leave them ridiculously struggling in the toils of 
their own net. Giving Cranmer the ring off his finger, 
he told him to attend the summons which would he sent 
him the next morning from the privy council ; and to 
use the signet as he saw fit. The summons was sent 
as the king had said, and Cranmer attended the call 
Strange, however, had been the effect of his expected dis- 
grace on the feelings of the council. Instead of being 
admitted at once, and as he might have demanded in 
virtue of his own dignity, he was left standing in the 
antechamber, obtaining no greater respect than would 
have been shown to his domestic. While he was thus 
waiting the pleasure of the lords of council, the king's 
physician happened to pass by, and observing, with equal 
scorn and indignation, the insult endured by so inesti- 
mable a prelate, he hastened to the king, and spoke of 
it in terms which roused Henry's anger to the highest 
pitch. A messenger was accordingly sent to the council, 
desiring that Cranmer might be admitted without delay. 
He was not left long in suspense respecting the nature 
of the charge against him. '^ You and your chaplains," 
said they, " are the authors of all the heresies in the 
kingdom." Cranmer listened patiently to the length- 
ened accusation, and, on their intimating that he would 
be sent to the Tower, humbly expressed his hope, that, 
as he had so long occupied a place among them at the 
council- table, they would allow him the indulgence of 
being brought face t# face with his accusers. A rude and 
angry answer being returned, Cranmer immediately said, 
*^ I must appeal, then, my lords, from you to the king ; 
andj as he spoke, piesewle^ \)afc xo'^i^.^\^et. The coun- 



PBOGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. 259 

cil was thrown into indescribable confusion by this un. 
expected demonstration of influence still enjoyed by the 
archbishop ; and its members^ instead of waiting to pur- 
sue their charge, jiastened precipitately to the king to 
provide for their own protection against his just, and 
now not concealed, indignation. '' I thought," said he, 
'' that I had had a wiser council." Then, laying his 
hand on his breast, he added, " By the faith 1 owe to 
God, if ever prince owed a debt of gratitude to a subject, 
I owe one to Cranmer.'* 

Such were the mingled discomfitures and triumphs 
of the English reformers to the conclusion of Henry's 
reign. But if they had much to endure, if they had to 
contemplate with sorrowful feelings the slow progress of 
improvement and religious liberty, the Roman catholic 
party had evils of a worse nature to sustain. The pro- 
testants, amidst all their griefs, might clearly discern 
the vigour of a youthful principle in the bosom of their 
little community. They had every thing to hope for. 
However persecuted, they were, in reality, the assailants; 
and, such is the provision of a bountifully endowed na- 
tare, the instinctive hopefulness of the heart when 
making a great effort, that they might discern through 
the darkness of the present, the gradually increasing 
means of future good. The catholics, on the other 
hand, experienced all the terrors which conscious weak- 
ness and error, of system are so calculated to inspire. 
They had hourly to contend against a people who chaL 
lenged them to a species of inquiry for which they were 
ever unprepared ; and grand and imposing as might be 
die venerable visions which arose at the bidding of the 
devouta: members of the church, to the worldly and 
ambitious the only prospect presented must have been 
that of ruin and decay. 

But it was not a prospective or theoretical view of 
tffiiirs that tended to inspire the English Roman catholics 
with fear. At an early part of the period, to the 
principal .events in which we have alluded, Henry VIll« 
hegsok to regard the richly endowed ab\>ey«>, %xi^ qiCcl^^ 



Q60 history of the reformation. 

religious institutions of the land^ with the eye of a mo- 
narch, rather than with the devout feeling of a troe son 
of the church. We have mentioned^ in the History of 
the Christian Church, St Antony's prophecy, that monks, 
he feared, would soon hegin to love large houses, and 
the other apparatus of luxury. His fears were too 
well realised ; and, of all the classes of mankind, the 
memhers of monastic institutions in later days were 
those, perhaps, who had the fewest cares or trouUes with 
which to contend. 

The wealth amassed hy the several fraternities in 
England, the proverliial pride and sensuality of the 
monks, the douhtful character of too many of the con- 
vents, had destroyed much of that sentiment of respect 
which the people had felt in earlier times for the inmate 
of the cell. It is well and hecoming, in the busy 
children of the world, to look with respect on those who 
are believed to have strength and purity of spirit suffi- 
cient to resist its temptations of pleasure or ambition, 
and to leave all it can offer for communion with their 
souls and with God : but if the love of solitude is 
proved to have no other foundation than sloth, or, if it be 
discovered that the pleasures of the world are only 
seemingly given up, that they may in reality be the 
more securely enjoyed, mankind, enraged at the re- 
proofs they have received from the mtouths of hypocrites, 
and disgusted at the cheat, will readily join in abridging 
privileges so unworthily and uselessly enjoyed. But, if 
the spoliation be itself begun from suspected motives ; if 
it be the work of tyranny, or be conducted with a crud; 
forgetfulness of individual suffering, it is more likely 
that the sympathies of the people will remain with the 
sufferers, than that their zeal for reformation will co- 
incide with that of the ruler. 

Henry issued his instructions for the survey of refigious 
houses in 1536; and rarely have the commissioners of 
a government been endowed with powers so arbitrary or 
inquisitorial. TYvus, ow tTv\.^x\tv^ the house, they were 
to inquire to w\\at oxder, tmX^, at t^^^TiV^. ^tvajsadL ; 



DSnOLUTION OF MONASTERIES. 26 1 

and^ having been satisfied on this point, were to enjoin 
the guperior to appear, without delay, before the chan- 
eellor of the augmentations of the revenues of the king's 
crown, and the council. Their next inquiry was to be, 
" What number of persons of religion were in ^the 
house, and the conversation of their lives ; and how many 
of them were priests ; and how many would go to other 
r^gioua houses of the same kind ? How many would 
take capacities; and how many servants or hinds the 
oune house kept commonly; and what other persons had 
their living there ? " No species of property was to be 
left unnoticed in the inventory : the weight of the lead 
on the roof, and of the bells in the belfry ; the plate, 
jewelsy ornaments, money, household stuff, and chattels 
of every other kind, were to be diligently examined and 
described. In the directions respecting the lands be- 
kMiging to the estabUshment, the governor is forbidden 
to receive any rents for the future till tlie king's pleasure 
should be known, " except such as must needs be had 
£nr their necessary food and sustenance, or for payment 
of their servants' wages." * 

' • " We came,*' say the visitors, ** to Glastenbury on Friday last, about 
tan of the dock in the forenoone : and for that the abbot was then at 
flharpham, a place of hys, a myle and somewhat more from the abbey, we, 
vitbouc any delay, went unto the same place, and there, after certain 
esmmiinicatioa dedaring unto him the efl^ct of our coming, examined him 
BpoD oertun articles. And for that his answer was hot then to our pur. 
pOM^ we adviaed him to call to his remembrance that which he had as 
JImhi forgotten* and so declare the truth. And then came with him the 
ttne day to the abbey ; and there of new proceeded that night to search 
Us atndy for letters and books ; and found in his study, secretly laid, as 
*ril a writtto book of arguments, against the divorceof his king's majistie 
md the Udy dowager, which we take to be a great matter, as also divers 
Hidooa. copies of bulls, and the counterfit lyfe of Thomas Bequet in prinL 
wit we could not find any letter that was materialL And so we proceeded 
aipdii to his examination, concerning the articles we received from your 
lovAihip, in the answers whereof, as we take it, shall ap^pear his canker*d 
md traiteroui heart and mind against the king's mi^istie, and his suc- 
faasioo ; as by the same answers, syned with his hand, and sent to your 
kndahip by this bearer, more plainly shall appear. And so, with as fur 
voida as we could, wq have conveyed him f^om hence into the Tower, 
UAng Imt a very weak man, and sickly. And, as yet, we have neither 
4iiefaaTged servant nor monk ; but now, the abbot being gone, we will, 
ViUi as much celerity as we may, proceed to the diq>atching of them. We 
kave Id money, 500/. and above ; but the certainty of plate, and other 
itaOt thar& as vet we know not, for we have not had opportunity for the 
wn& bat inortly we intend (God willing) to proceed to the same; whereof 
we snaU ascertun your lordship, so shortly as we may. Th\ft «\«o X«k «A. 
TertiM jonr JordfA/A that we have found a fiiir chalice of istAd, %xi^ <^n«c% 

B 3 



262 HISTORY OF THE BEFOBMATiON. 

Having giving these directions concerning the dispo- 
sition of the property^ the royal reformer condden in the 
next place the manner of providing for the members of the 
establishment thus about to be driven from their home. 
'^ The commissioners/' say the instructions^ *^ are to 
send such of the religious persons that will remain in the 
same religion^ to some other great house of the »me 
religion^ by their discretion^ with a letter to a governor 
for the receipt of them ; and the residue of them that 
will go to the world, to send them to my lord of Canter- 
bury^ and the lord chancellor for their capacities, with the 
letter of the same commissioner." It is further directed 
that the commissioners should give the persons who 
would have capacities some reasonable rewards^ according 
to the distance of the place^ to be appointed by their 
discretion r and to send the governor to the court of 
augmentations, from which he was to receive a pension 
for life. On these instructions the commissioners acted, 
it seems, with a zeal of which the king could make no 
reasonable complaint. The smaller convents were the 
first suppressed.* Near 10,000 persons, it is coin- 



other parcels of plate, which the abbot had hid secretly fVom all such com- 
missioners, as have bene there in times past ; and as yet he knoweth not 
that we have found the same. Whereby we think, that he thought to 
make his hand by his untruth to his king's majistie. It may please your 
lordship to advertise us of the king's pleasure, by this bearer, to whom we 
shall deliver the custody and keeping of the house, with such stuff* as we 
intend to leave there, jconvenient to the king's use. We assure your lord- 
ship, it is the goodliest house of that sort that ever we have seen. We 
wold that your tordship did know it, as we do; then we doubt not but 
your lordship would judge it a house mete for the king's majisty, and for 
no man else, which is to our great conifort ; and we trust verily, that there 
shall never come any double hood within that house again. Also tins is 
to advertise your lordship, that there is never a one doctor within that 
house; but there be three batchelors of divinity, which be but meanly 
learned, as we can perceive." — Records. 

* These smaller convents were such as had not a revenue of more than 
200/. per annum ; and, in the preamble to the act for thetr suppression, it 
is said that, efforts having been long made in vain for their reformation, 
the king thought it would be better, and more for the honour of God, to 
use and convert their income to more useful purposes. 

Fuller says, " The small houses, like little fishes, couW not be caught 
with the net of reformation, as slipping tln-oiigh the holes thereof, and 
thesefore no way to suppress their faults except by suppressing their found- 
ation. AU I win add is, God first punished great Sodom, and spared little 
Zoar, though probably alsoin fault : here Zoar was first punished. Let 
great Sodom beware, and tYxe W^ex -nxQsvwXexveii look to themselves."— 
Nisiory of Abbeys, , 



DISSOLUTION OF MONASTERIES. ^63 

mooly reported, were left without a shelter, or the 
means of existence by the dissolution thus rapidly ef. 
feeted. Their fate was truly such as might claim the 
sympathy of the nation. They could not properly be 
(Jiarged with the evils of a system which began to be 
ooimpt ages before they lived ; nor was it to be sup- 
posed that any very large proportion of the number had 
been guilty of the crimes charged upon some of the 
more conspicuous offenders. But, whatever their errors, 
or their corruptions, they now presented themselves to 
the people^ poor, destitute, and without having where 
to lay their heads. Their misery was not feigned; their 
humility and squalid looks were no longer the garb of 
hypocrisy, whatever they might have been in the days 
gone by. The tale they told, therefore, sunk deep into 
the hearts of the hearers; and the first awakenings of 
sympathy were soon followed by anger and resentment 
against the authors of such distress. 

The indignation excited by the mere spectacacle of the 
wretched monks was greatly increased by the mode in 
which their lands and houses, and other property, were 
disposed of; it being supposed that the vast sums which 
they produced would be employed only to fill the coffers 
of the king, or supply his favourites with the means of 
more safely indulging in luxury and riot. Even Henry, 
arbitrary as he was, trembled at the rising storm ; and, 
by the advice of his ministers, adopted the best means 
that could be devised for calming the public excitement. 
By a stroke of policy, which deserves credit for its refine- 
ment^ he sold many of the lands and buildings to private 
gentlemen, who thence became involved in the obligation 
of defending, not merely the estates which they re- 
ceived, but, the principle on which they were seized. 
The consciences of men are not usually in their tenderest 
moments when tempted by the prospect of wealth ; and^ ' 
in these ckses, there were the precedents of Wolsey, and 
Audley, the speaker in the house of commons, to aid 
the arguments of self-interest. Fatal, indeed, had been 
the example given by these great men. " ll ^wSi^i* 

8 4 



264 HI8T0BT OF THE BEFOBKATimr. 

says the old historian^ " the freehold of all ahbeys^" for 
hoth had heen lord chancellors in their time ; boih were 
well versed in cases of conscience ; and who could olgeei 
when^ of the two^ '^ the one^ a divine, first took, and the 
other^ a lawyer^ first received such lands, into his pos- 
session ? " This measure, however, was not sufficieBt, 
of itself, to quiet the murmurs of the nation. The po- 
verty of the expelled monks demanded relief j and the 
poor, who had been almost maintained by the monasteries^ 
were, if possible, .in a still lower degree of wretehedness. 
These claimants on the justice of the king were silenoed, 
in part, by his making them pensioners on the newly con- 
fiscated estates. When the sale of the larger abbeys pot 
him in possession of still greater resources, he formed 
plans which while they ameliorated the condition of the 
individuals who suffered by the suppression, induced the 
nation to believe that some effectual good might be ob- 
tained through the changes that had occurred. While 
fifteen abbeys and sixteen nunneries were given back to 
charity and religion by a royal grant, the revenues of 
others were set apart for erecting new bishoprics and 
schools of learning ; thereby fulfilling, though only to a 
small extent, the professed purpose contemplated in the 
suppression of these antient establishments.* 

** Fuller enumerates, with arithmetical particularity, the benefits which 
Henry conferred, as a balance to his oppressive exactions. His list forms 
the bi'st aiMlogy the monarch could put forth : — 

** We would not weed king Henry's actions in his dissolving of abbeys, 
so as onely to mark the miscarriages and misdemeanours therein. Conte 
we to consider, what commendable deeds this king did raise on the ruinei 
of monasteries. 

" First, he politickly increased the revenues of the crown and dutchie of 
Lancaster (on which he bestowed the rich abbey of Fourness in that 
county) with annexing much land thereto, and erecting the Court of Aug- 
mentations (whereof largely hereafter) for the more methodkcall managing 
thereof; though (alas!) what the crown possessed of abbcy.land, was 
nothing to what he passed away. Surely, had the revenues of monasteries 
been entirely kept up, and paid into the exchequer, there to make an 
JErarium Sacrum, or publick treasurie, it is questionable whether the same 
had been more for the ease of the subject, or use and honour of tbe so> 
veraigne. 

** Secondly, he piously founded five bishopricks de novo (besides one at 
Westminster, which continued not) where none had been before. For, 
though antiently there had been a bishop's seat at Chester for a short 
time, yet it was then no better than tbe summer-house of the bishop of 
Lichfield (onely during the Yvfe ot ox\e "Pfelw Vvnvu^ there), which now was 
foJemnly made a bishoprick f<a%ucceMioTi,MAte«x cMcivc^xASMSc^ v— 



DISSOLUTION OF MONASTERIES. 265 

ly these^ and similar means the clamours of the 
on were subdued^ but not altogether silenced. There 

;Aop*s See. Diocese assigned it. ^''*^-^;S ^f ^*'*^ 

iford. 1. Oxfordshire. 1. LincoTna 

istolL 2. Dorset, and some part of 2. Salisbury. 

Gloucester-shire. 
tertxMrough. 3. Northampton-chire and 3. lincolne. 

Rutland, 
oucester. 4. Gloucester.shire, the rest. 4. Worcester, 
lester. 5. Chester, Lancaster, and 5. Lichfield and York. 

Richmond-shire. 

who honour prelacy must acknowledge these new foundations of the 
'8 for a worthy work. Those also of contrary judgment, will thus 

forth ai^rore his act, because, had he otherwise expended these 
f-lands.and not continued them to our times in these newbishopricks, 

had not been in being, by their late sale, to supply the common. 

th. 

niirdly. Where he found a prior and monks belonging to any antient 

idral church, there he converted the same into a dean and preben- 

s, as in — 

Canterbury. 3. Elie. 5. Worcester* 7. Duresme; 

Winchester. 4. Norwich. 6. Rochester. 8. Carlile. 

e not say, that he entirely assigned (though a good authour aflSrmeth 
I, or the most part of those priorie-lands, to these his new foundations, 
ever, the expression of a late bishop of Norwich is complained of as 
7il, and untrue, that king Henry took away the sheep from that ea- 
ait ond did not restore so much as the trotters unto it. 
^""ourthly. He charitably founded many grammar-schools (great need 
eof in that age in this land), as in Canterbury, Coventry, Worcester, 
allowing liberall salaries to the masters and ushers therein, had they 
carefully preserved. But sometimes the gifts of a bountifUU master 
k in the passage through the hands of a covetous steward, 
fifthly, He charitably bestowed Gray.friers (now commonly called 
it-Church), and the ho^ital of S. Bartholomew in London, on that 
for the relief of the poor thereof. For the death of Charles Brandon, 
of Suffbike, his beloved brother.in.law, happening the July before, 
pressed king Henry with a serious apprehension of nis own mortality 
I the sympathy of tempers, intimacie of converse, and no great dis- 
Y of age betwixt them), that he thought it high tune to bethink him- 
•f his end, and to do some good work in order thereunto. Hereupon, 
e 13. of January following, anno 1546, he bestowed the said hospitals 
e city ; a gift afterwards ccmfirmed, and enlarged by king Edward the 



lixtly. He built and endowed the magnificent coUedge of Tkinitf. i 
led King's-CoUedge-Chappell in Cambridge, and founded uiofciKWur 1 
8 for languages, phvsic, law, and divinity, in both unlvenltlesi M kl I 
roper place thereof shall hereafter largely appear. ' 1 

«venthly. He employed John Leland, a most learned antiquarj. t9 I 
nbulate and visit the ruines of all abbeys, and record the iiiiin'nniMgi \ 
in. It seems, though the buildings were destroyed, king "Hmitfwmm 
the builders preserved, and their memories transmitted to poatatilBf'. 
task Leland performed with great pains, to his great praise, tm »• 

8 purse, who exhibited most bountifully unto him j as "■' " — ^ 

h in these his Latine verses : — 

*' Ant^ suos Phoebus radios ostendere mundo 
Desinet, et Claras Cynthia pulcbra faces : 
Antfe fluet rapid um tadtis sine piscibua tt({tuic. 
Spinier et nullam sentis habcmt avem. 



w»B one circumstance, however, which prevented thii 
wide extension of evil, which usually follows (he suildea 
depreesiun ol' any class of society. The 10,000 monks 
and nuns turned out upon the world, had no ties to 
connect their misery with a future age, or other portions 
of their fellow- creatures. They were alone in the world ; 
and the recollection of their EuRtrings and complains 
would pass away in a few years, leaving the world un- 
injureil hy their distreaseE. 

The death of Henry, iti 1537, opened a wide prospect 
of BUceeBs and happiness to the English reformers- 
His reign will ever be memorable as the era of an event, 
the greatest in the history of the Christian world. The 
circumstances of 'his life conspired with pcculiaritiee of 
individual character to j^ve him a personal interest in 
the change. He obeyed the impulse which he felt, but 
not the hand of Providence held out to be his guide. 
The glory, therefore, of establishing the reformation in 
this land was not allowed him ; hut, having prepared the 
materials for the edifice, he left it to his successor to 
raise the structure, and enjoy the hleseings which pos- 
terity h^ been willing to beUow on such a work. 

Edward VI. exhibited from earliest youth a geade 
and docile dispoution. The chief director of his studies 



to HlKt narl|r fliig « more of the mini pnnDiiing prtananciei out of boib 
UBlKniaa, ind bi hrtnl them bBjond the Kni on Ihe king'i exhibithni 
unto them. Kr Thomu Smith, bml In Que^i'i-t^tK'se tn Cambridje, 
ud atlennfd principal kciHut to quetn Ellubelh, w»i one of Ihe tail 
MhKUad In thii manner, TheH roung nun proned ■Itet^nrdi the pict- 

- ** U. LBStlir, He Jiutiir uAkd ft crejtl veariy jumLnoof cnoney (o laiinj 
monkiftnd num dunni iheLr llv«: the manner and condition of Hhk:!! 
peniloni we Hill Dov at laiae ic\Ue." — ChuTck. UiM., Oiit. (>/ Jiitst, 
book vi, p. 3S&. 



GENERUi VI8ITATI0K. 267 

was Cramner, and^ under such an instructor^ it was not 
likely that he could remain long unacquainted with the 
great characteristic doctrines of the reformed religion. 
His intelligent mind readily and earnestly adopted those 
doctrines as his creed. The duke of Somerset, his 
uncle and protector, willingly acceded to the suggestions 
of Cranmer ; and, as several of the bishops were simi. 
larly disposed, the work of reformation was recom- 
menced with many happy presages of success. 

The first measure adopted was that of sending visitors 
to all parts of the kingdom, with authority to examine 
the state of the several parishes, their means of religious 
instruction, and the character of the pastors.* Nothing 
could he more deplorable than the spectacle which pre- 
sented itself to these visitors. The ejected monks had 
been^ of late, provided for by livings instead of pensions; 
and as they were usually ignorant and superstitious 
men, a clergy, so formed, was little calculated to lessen 
the evils consequent on a long series of religious dis- 
orders. To preserve the people, therefore, as far as could 
be done by such means, from falling into total darkness, 
a book of homilies was composed; and the curates were 
directed to instruct their congregation by regularly read- 
ing them in the church. To this excellent summary of 
Christian doctrine and precept, was added a transla- 
tion of the " Paraphrase of Erasmus on the New Tes- 
tament ; " and thus the people, if anxious about divine 
knowledge, might readily obtain it. 

But the injunctions given to the visitors did not every 
where exhibit so clear and comprehensive a knowledge of 
the spirit of the age. The article most objectionable to 
the Roman catholics was that which directed the imme- 
diate removal of images from the churches. The fediqg 
inspired by this command was one of determined resist- 
ance ; and, though in matters of ceremony, the injunc- 
tions were as favourable to superstition, as in other parts 
they were applicable to the work of reform, this article 
respecting images threw a shadow over the whole. 

* Records. 



Gardiner and Bonner viewed the progress of the vi 
with fear and anger. The very constitution of such l 
body uos injurious to their inleretts and dignity j and 
it was plainly their detenu inaiion to resist it to the Int. 
Gardiner, on being suinmoned before the privy council, 
spoke with bitterness against almost every principle 
stated in the injunctions. When further pressed to ac- 
knowledge the homilies, he again declared his resoluciaii 
to continue to oppose their introduction into churches; 
and, according to tlie evil spirit of the age, was imne- 
ilitttely sent to prison. Gardiner was not the only per- 
son imprisoned ; all who ventured openly to resist the 
injunctions, shared a similar treatment ; and the catho- 
lics had reason to apprehend that the heavens would 
soon wear as sdd an aspect for them, as they did bo 
short a time before for the protestants. 

Another important Elep in the progress was tal:en 
shortly after the publication of the injuoctiotis. This 
wag the passing of a bill in parliament, authorising the 
admini^ilratian of the communion in both kinds to the 
Uity. The reasons for the pissing of this act are sue. 
cinctly stated [□ the act itself: — " Itbdim more agrt^ 
able," says the preamble, " to Christ's first institution, 
and the practice of the church for 500 years after Christ, 
that the sacrament should be given in both the kinds of 
bread and wine, rather than in one kind only ; iherefon 
it is enscted that it should be commonly given in both 
kinds, except necessity should otherwise require it. 
And it being also more agreeable to the first inaritution, 
and the primitive practice, that the people should receive 
with the priest, than that the priest should receive it 
alone, therefore, the day before every Mcrament, an 
exhortation shall be made to the people to prepare tbem- 
■elves for it; in which the benefits and danger of worthy 
and unworthy receiving are to be ex^-etaed, and the. 
priests are not without a lawful cause to deny it to 

We begin with this enactment to catch the dim out- 
Jioe of some of the [eaUii«B ot tnn <3[oit<^ 'Chia ia still 



BOOK OF OFFICES. 269 

nere die case in the orders given to set aside most of the 
tIvoIous and burthensome customs which prevailed in 
he pnUic service^ and in the more positive command re- 
specting the removal of the images^ which still occupied 
heir place in some of the churches. Soon after this^ 
mother charge was delivered to those who exercised the 
>ffice of preachers ; and in every line of this document 
wreathes the spirit of moderation and patience : " Do 
lot,'* it says, " encourage a precipitate zeal ; nor urge 
he people to go before those who are to instruct them ; 
rat employ yourselves in persuading men to repent of 
;heir sins, and to dismiss all superstitious thoughts, con- 
futing themselves with this, that what remains to be 
lone will be effected in God's own good time." In 
lupport of which lesson, the people were reminded that, 
Christ and his Apostles did not oblige his followers to 
my sudden alteration of former customs, and that, 
herefore, we, who have no miraculous endowments, may 
ye well content to pursue the cautious plan of reform 
lere mentioned. 

The advice thus given was not employed as an arti- 
See to conceal an intention of proceeding no farther in 
;he labour of correcting errors ; for befpre the close of 
he year (1548) a commission was appointed to examine 
he book of offices, with the view of adapting its Ian. 
^age to the more intelligent opinion now taken of 
Christian worship and doctrine. The commission was 
)f a dignity worthy the importance of the subject it had 
JO examine. Sixteen bishops, the two archbishops, and 
;ix learned divines, formed the first meeting. Few of 
these distinguished men had advanced so far as Cranmer 
towards a spiritual view of the sacraments. Wheft' 
the nature of the eucharist was considered, so widcSy'- 
opposite were the opinions of the two parties, that It 
is more surprising they should have agreed upcm aity"- 
sommon view of the subject, than that they should n^ 
bave approached nearer a perfect harmony of thought. 

After a long debate, the commissioners decided that 
the euchanst ehonld still be regarded aa «i \£Aai&>\s<Qk 



■•3 



S70 Hiw. 

that it should be perforined «s a coRiRiunion also. Ex- 
hortations, and a conresajon, were therefore drawn up ; 
and ihe whole sertioe of the communion differed only in 
ft «1i(;bt degree from the beautiful and pailietic form 
which we employ at present. A proclamation announud 
Ihe change thui elfecWd ; and the bishops were ia- 
Btnicted to give such directions to the cnratea of piirisheE 
as would euEUrc the perfoimance of [fais solemn ordi- 
nance, according to the new service, the following Easter. 
The part of tlie alterations which created the atrongesl 
feeling of aversion, in' the minds of the catholics, vac 
the substitution of a general luid publit eonfession, for 
the private confesajon wliich it was formerly their cuBtom 
to make to the priest before partaking of the communion. 
The introiluction of this change hroke (he firmest bold 
that the Roman catholic clergy possessed over the con- 
sciences of the people. Had there been no private coii- 
fessioas, the church must long since have yielded to liie 
tree movements of the human mind, to the teudendei 
of that fpiril of inquiry and reslslance, which sprung 
up in Europe as early as the fourteenth century. It 
was not from any thing wrong in private confession it- i 
self that the Christian world had latterly so muchreaion 
to wish it abolished. Oases may be supposed in which 
the system, properly regulated, would affurd the moat ' 
powerful aid to wonnded consciaicea, the surest support 
to the weak, the beat opportunities for admonishing ibe 
proud heart, and snatching it from the toils of Satan. 
But how singularly chastened, hy the moat spiritual diJ- 
cipline, how pure in character, how elevated in mini!, 
ought ecclesiastics to be, if charged with administeiiiig 
a system like this ; and bow certain it is that, failing in 
these qualities, the possession of a right to contemplate 
every weakness of the human heart must lead to abuKC 
of the most dangerous kind. Ad open confesuon of 
aina, on the other hand, though less humiliating to ptond 
and thoughtless hearts, will as strongly impress the mind 
of a true penitent with sorrow for sin, with disgust at 
tlie recollection of Ua fotUea kiv& \a« -wcdEosiAei, as the 



ABSOLUTION. 271 

rivate declaration of his guilt. It will have the advan- 
Eige, moreover, of bringing him closer to God, by freeing 
im from the fears, the confusion and embarrassments 
^hich must more or less affect his mind when alone 
nth one of his fellow creatures. In the former case, he 
peaks immediately to his Heavenly Father ; if he feels 
bashed, he has not deceived himself by a false notion 
•f his humiliation : it is the sense of his guilt, and 
if God's presence, which alone can have produced the 
orrowful emotion in his soul. 

Nor ought it to be supposed that a general and decla- 
ative absolution is of less value to the penitent than 
hat which is addressed to him in particular. The 
fficacy of the ordinance must in both cases depend on 
he faith and sorrow which have prompted the con. 
ession. Where these assist, the conditions on which 
jrod promises to have mercy are fulfilled. His minister, 
he ambassador of Christ, declaring the conditions of 
lardon, and receiving in return an assurance that faith 
;nd repentance have brought the assembled sinners to 
lis ministrations of mercy ; that they acknowledge their 
^ilt, have no wish to conceal their lost condition, but 
ook and sigh for pity at the throne of the Saviour; 
'eceiving this assurance, in answer to his exhortation, 
le pronounces the sentence of acquittal, and sends back 
he humbled, but comforted penitent, to manifest his 
thankfulness for this gracious pardon of his offences. 
What can be more complete } What can answer more 
;losely to the sacramentsd promises of baptism ; or lead 
he heart with truer confidence to feed on the body and 
)lood of Christ ? 

The reformation of a church can avail little^ if llie 
nost active measures are not pursued for opening the 
iyes of the people to the principles on which it has 
proceeded, and the present and future advantages which ] 
hey may expect to derive from co-operating spiritually 
n the work. Luther had ever sought to secure the 
idvantages which he gained over the enemy, by en- 
ibling his countrymen to judge for tViems^Ne^ -^V^'^ct 



272 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATIOir. 

he was right or wrong. True protestants will^ in every 
country, follow his example, Cranmer^ haying efiectcd 
the ahove changes, now turned his thoughts to the com- 
pilation of a catechism, on the hasis of one already ex- 
isting in Latin, and which was to serve as a general 
introduction to the knowledge of Christian doctrine. 
In this elementary treatise he brought forward plain and 
scriptural proofs of the errors of the Roman churdi, 
insisting strongly on the idolatrous nature of the honour 
paid to images, and on the duty of destroying them. But 
many points of the catechism illustrate in a striking 
manner the difficulties which still opposed the reception 
of the simple doctrine of revelation. The real presence 
is alluded to, and absolution is spoken of as a sacrament; 
these remains of ancient error clearly indicating tbat 
neither Cranmer nor his party had, as yet, become suf- 
ficiently free from the impressions of early education, 
and the mighty influence of expressions, long recognised 
as divine, to take the word of God as the sole standard 
of truth. But the mists soon passed away; and such 
was the happy zeal of the reformers at this period, that 
the homilies and catechism having been prepared, they 
proceeded without delay to examine what materials ex- 
isted for a liturgy, which might be made applicable to 
all the wants of a general congregation. 

Almost every bishop in the early ages of the church 
exercised the right of employing what form of prayer 
he considered best fitted to the wants and capacities of 
his people.* As this liberty was found to be prejudicial 

• " In after ages, bishops agreed by consent to conform their liturgy to 
the model of the metropolitan church of the province to which they 
belonged. And then it was enacted into a law by several councils, th«t 
the same order and uniformity should be observed in all churches. The 
rudiments of this discipline were first laid in the French churches; fbrin 
the council of Agde a canon was made, about the year 506, that one and 
the same order should be equally observed in all churches of the province, 
in all parts of divine service. And, in the council of Epone, it is mott 
expressly said that, in celebrating divine offices, the provincial bi«hop 
should observe the same order as was observed by the metropolitan. Ado 
before these, the council of Vannes, in Bretany in the province of TouWi 
made a like order for that whole province, that one and the same custom 
in celebrating divine service, and the same order for psahnody, should b^ 
kept in all churches ; that, as they held one faith and confession of the 
Holy I'rinity, so they shouVd keei? lo aut t\j\^ q^ ^\vue offices j lest, if 



COMMON PRAYER. 27S 

he interests of the church at large^ several councils 
ert9ok to restrict the multiplication of liturgies, and^ 
u* as could be effected^ to reduce the most popular 
. common form. But so late even as the era of the 
•rmation different offices of devotion were used in 
various provinces of England, each owing its sanc- 

to the venerable name of its supposed author, and 
1 wanting the chief characteristics of a form of 
fCT through which men seek to make their requests 
wn unto God. 

^he first step taken by Cranmer and his associates^ 
heir new design, was to collect these various service- 
ks, and examine them with the care of men whose 
!Ct was not to change or obliterate for the sake of 
slty, but to promote the work of edification. It was 
1 no fierce or polemical feeling, therefore, that they 
m the perusal of the books before them ; and the re- 
d of their meekness was ample and glorious. They 
e enabled to see the worth of that which was intrin- 
lly good, and to transplant it, free from any mixture 
error, into their own formulary. By this careful 

pious employment of whatever had been conse- 
ed as well by piety as antiquity, and was not less 



varied in their observations, that variation should be interpreted as 
agreement in some point or other. And the same rule was made and 
erted in the Spanish churches. For in the council of Girone, an. 517, 
e decree was made for the whole province of Tarragone or Catalonia, 
the same order of mass and custom in psalmody, and other^ minis- 
)ns, should be observed in all churches of the province, as was ob. 
!d in the metropohtical church. The fourth council of Toledo enlarged 
•rder for uniformity in all the churches of Spain and Gallicia, obliging, 
riests to perform divine offices in the same manner, that there might 
> diversity among them, and that such difference might neither offend 
^eak, nor look like a schism in the church to ignorant and carnal men. 
efore they appointed, that one order should be observed in praying 
singing, and the same method be kept in the morning and evening 
ce, because they were all of the same faith and the same kingdom, 
the first council of Braga has four or five canons to the same purpose, 
nting the same order of psalmody,'and lessons, and salutations, and 
ime forms of celebrating baptism and the eucharist, to be observra in 
lurches. So that, though every bishop at first had liberty to frame a 
ly for the use of his own church, yet in process of time they agreed 
Dseot to take the liturgy of the metropolitical church as a standard 
le whole province ; and when the Roman empire began to be canton- 
ind divided into different kingdoms, then came in the use of national 
[ies, whose use was commensurate to the bounds and WmSVA oi V}t\feNx 
ctlve nations and kingdoms." — Eccles. Antiq. book ^uii. c. n. ms. 1. 

m. IT. T 



27^ HISTORY OF THE REFORM ATIOK. 

calculated to express the necessities of the soul thw il 
was to soften the heart by its beauty and pathos o£ 
language, the commissioners found themselyes in pot* 
session of materials admirably adapted^ in every way, to 
their purpose. 

' No time was lost in the performance of this saocd 
labour ; and, at its conclusion, the people of £n^aBd 
received from the venerable fathers of our church the 
noblest gift, after the translation of the Bible, they ever 
received from man. In this first edition of the commoi 
prayer, the morning and evening services were die same 
as at present, with one important exception, the absence 
of any form of confession and absolution- The com- 
munion service wanted the ten commandments, and is 
the use of the elements, the wine was to be mixed with 
water ; and the bread to consist of round unleavened 
patches, distinguished from the wafers, formerly em- 
ployed, by being thicker, and without any stamp or im- 
pression on them. Some slight difference also existirf 
in the prayer for Christ's church; the Virgin Mary, 
the apostles, saints, and martyrs being alluded to, by 
name, in the passages where God is praised, ** for all 
his servants departed this life in his faith and fear." 
And in the prayer of consecration occurred the words, 
'• With thy Holy Spirit vouchsafe to bless and sanctify 
these thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine, thtt 
they may be unto us the body and blood of thy most 
dearly beloved son.'* 

The form of baptism was, in great part, the same 
as it now stands in our prayer books. But several of 
the superstitious niceties were retained which deprived 
the sacrament of so much of the sublime simplicity 
with which it was endowed by the Redeemer himself* 
Thus, a cross having been made on the child's breast as 
well as his forehead, the devil was adjured to depart, 
and the priest, taking the infant by his right hand, placed 
him in the font three times, once on each side and once 
on the breast. He was then clothed in a pure white 
garment, betokening his newly acquired innocence, and, 



I 



OARDINER. 275 

hiivlng'been anointed on the head, was blessed in a con- 
duding prayer for the Holy Ghost. In the visitation 
of the sick, the anointing with oil was retained^ and, in 
the funeral service, the custom of praying for the dead. 
These were the points in which consisted the difference 
between the first impression of the plan of worship in 
the national church, and that given to the church when 
its doctrines and discipline were finally settled. The 
catechism which still affi>rds so admirable an introduction 
to the knowledge of the Christian system, formed a 
part of the prayer book ; the only passage which it 
needed was the definition of the sacraments, on which 
the views of the reformers were not yet sufficiently 
settled to enable them to speak with clearness and deci- 
sion. 

But temperate as were Cranmer and his associates in 
this work of reform, they had to encounter a reckless 
and determined opposition. Gardiner had been libe- 
rated from confinement, on promising to give his assent 
to the measures which he had treated with so little re- 
gard to the wishes of the government ; but, instead of 
Ailfilling his promise, he persevered in a course of con- 
tact which proved that he would leave nothing unat- 
tempted to prevent the settlement of the church on the 
fcwis of reformed doctrine. Such was his enmity to the 
unprovements effected in the ordinances of religion, and 
to those who introduced them, that he would mount the 
pdpit whenever a reformer was about to preach, and, 
Bk^ithstanding the promises he had made, exhort the 
^Mple to dose their ears against the teachers thus sent 
to instruct them. So resolved does he appear to have 
f^n to carry the affair to extremities, that he is said to 
J^e armed the servants of his house as if to defend 
oiniself by force ; and on being allowed, at his express 
'J^dre, to preach before the king, his sermon abounded 
^ matter of so violent and almost seditious a nature, 
^ the council considered itself justified in committing 
^ to the Tower. 
In 80 far as the bishop did break & BoVemxi "^tovsaa^ 

T 2 



Tl6 BXROftT or TBI BBPOraATlOV* 

of conformity, or nt or speak nditioiNiy, he mcriWFttt 
■ererity exendsed againit Idm;biit^ if he didnodUiig 
more than uae hit best endea?oars to prevent the ioiii- 
Uishing of a faith which he thought erroiiediij^ add ik 
a bishop, arail himsdf of his privfl^ges to warn' As 
people against ^ supposed errors, we know no ar- 
gament whereby the conduct of those who sent hhn ts 
prison could be justified, nniess it be thi% diat, In those 
times, the principles of justice and freedom were as Kttle 
understood or regarded as the vitsl doetrinea of dnlH 
tianity. 

But Gardiner was not the worst enemy to tbe prs- 
testant cause. The multitude of ignorant priest^, whs 
oould not be made to understand the Takie of a Auop 
which should make the people wiser than themsehe^ 
employed the vilest arts to destroy the inflnenee lAoA 
the newly cumulated homilies, and other pnUieatiooi id 
the reformers, were calculated to obtain; Of the doff 
who were somewhat above these in rank and ksmiBg^ 
many retained all the feelings of indignation which lai 
sprung up in their minds when Henry VIII. began the 
dissolution of the monasteries. Some there were, also, 
which belonged to the party of which More and Fisher 
had been the defenders, even unto blood, and who nor 
saw, with mingled rage and despair, the restoration of 
the papal authority in the country become less and lesB 
possible.* 

The union of these opponents depnved the reformers, 
for a time, of that full harvest of converts, of those 
happy and inspiriting triumphs over the darkness th«t 
lingered round the borders of the land, which wf^ 
have been looked for at this period. But we know not 
the ways of Providence in such seasons of mighty changes, 
— in the hour when churches and nations are undergoing 
the throes of a second birth. Had the church of £n§[' 

* Fuller says, that a proclamation was issued about this time Jp^'^^^^M 

any one from preaching, the disputes between the clergy of the oPP^!/ 

parties rising to so dangerous a height Burnet doubts the fenuin^^*^ 

the document quoted b^ YuiiVav— CYiuxdk "BSaX. Hirt. of Refcnnio^ 

vol ji. pu 129. 



MABRIAOE OF THE CLEROY. 277 

land been sooner built^ it would^ probably^ not have 
been built so well : had the means and opportunities of 
raising the superstructure been more at command^ the 
builders would not have spent so much time about the 
foundations. 

Shortly before the conclusion of the year 1548^ an 
important one in the history of the reformation^ an act 
was passed setting aside the laws which had prohibited 
the marriage of the clergy ; and another, confirming the 
book of common prayer as the rule of the church 
service. The former of these acts gave rise to dis- 
putes which the friends of religion would gladly have 
prevented at such a time. But the subject was one 
of vast consequence to the plans of reformation. The 
celibacy of the Romish clergy had been very generally 
considered as a fruitful source of the vices laid to th^r 
charge. Religion and morality^ therefore, demanded an 
inquiry into the reasons on which it had been esta- 
bUsbed. But this was not the only view taken of the sub- 
ject The separation of the clergy from the mass of the 
community was secured by their celibacy ; and the poUcy 
of Rome had, it was well known, sought by this method 
to render every class of its ministers, more completely 
devoted to its will. Nor was it likely, so long as this 
nile continued, that the phalanx of its defenders would 
be easily broken up. The peculiarity of their mode of 
Kfe, their comparative independence, their freedom to 
plui and act, un confined by ordinary sympathies, un- 
borthened . by ordinary cares, opened their ears to the 
•lightest whisper from the ruler of the church. This 
^ generally known and felt ; and it is not improbable 
^t the more politic of the reformers might regard the 
breaking down of this strong fence to the Roman cita- 
to as an object particularly worthy of their thoughts. 

The homilies, tlie catechism, and the book of <!ommon 
prayer, were now fairly before the world. Each of 
tbeae works had been compiled with a care worthy of 
^ important topics of which it treated. The age was 
** Btronglj excited to permit of meiia "viiWXtx^ qt 

T 3 



S78 umojiT ov thb 

•petking on terioiii mtttert widimtt wukmm llwigiiti 
It was tn age of eumett feding; of bold cmji e ii atw^ 
of risk and hope. The leaden in die gntid toawtmatt: 
of mind and spirit had to tteer throojl^ the mUitaf 
the torrent ; but they confessed the power of Mnat 
grace as mightier than- the mightieft inflnenoet fktt 
pressed npon them from withoat. Men of aaidMC 
class and character could not have p re ven ced the irorii 
from interfering with what they tan^t ; bat bow ftw 
and slight are ^e passages in tfaewritinga pat totfk \f 
the fathers of our church that betray any lempoririig m 
unspiritual feeUng. 

Thankful^ however^ as the nation had a right to 1» 
for the benefits thus conferred^ it is diffieult to nd, 
without a feeling of the most painful kind> theordiBaDei 
of goyemment which commanded uniTereal aasent to dii 
form of worship estaUished by the new liturgy. ** Hie 
parliament," itissaid^ *' having considered thebook^ini 
the things that were dtered and retained in i^ they gai» 
their most humble thanks to the king for his care abcot 
it ; and did pray, that all who had formerly offended in 
in these matters, except such as were in the Tower of 
London, or the prison of the Fleet, should be pardoned; 
and did enact, that, from the feast of Whit-Sunday next 
all divine offices should be performed according to it; 
and that such of the clergy as should reflise to do it, ox 
continue to officiate in any other manner, should, upoa 
the first conviction, be imprisoned six months, and forfieit 
a year's profit of their benefice ; for the second ofi'i^ice, fw^ 
feit all their church preferments, and suffer a year's iffl- 
prisonment : and for the third ofibnce, should be im* 
prisoned during life. And all that should write, or ps^ 
out things in print against it, or threaten any dergyinti^ 
for using it, were to be fined in 10/. for the first of' 
fence, 20/. for the second, and to forfeit all their goodly 
and, upon a third ofience, be imprisoned for life.'** 

How clearly do we learn from enactments like tH^^ 
that charity, or the blessed light which she bestows, is o^ 



THE CLEBOY OPPRESSED. 279 

a necessary attendant on the improvement of institutions, 
but that she must be sought for in long-continued ap- 
plication to the principles of heavenly wisdom. The 
authority claimed by popish princes in the name of the 
church of Rome^ and all the offences committed thereby 
against freedom of conscience, could scarcely have effected 
greater injury to the cause of truth than the command 
set forth in the preamble to the above act. Rome as- 
serted the infallibility of its decrees, prohibited the 
questioning of doctrines and maxims to which it had 
set its seal, and epacteil the heaviest penalties wherever 
its injunctions were disobeyed. The English parliament 
did the same when it forbade the appearance of any 
writing in which the principles of the late reform might 
be disputed. Had it been contented with issuing a 
decree which would have obliged the clergy to observe 
iraiformity of discipline and worship, or to resign their 
benefices, its proceedings might have been defended on 
the plea, that such a course was necessary in order to 
preserve the nation from the never-ceasing agitations of 
pulpit controversies, and to secure that uniformity of 
worship and discipline in the established church, with- 
oat which it could never enjoy the influence essential to its 
future authority. But when the incumbent had been 
inide to give up his benefice, to cease from appearing 
tt the altar of a church which he hated, it was surely 
in instance of the grossest tyranny to pursue him with 
Vmds and imprisonment. Although, again, it might be 
pntper to silence the abuse of the church in its own 
Pipits, it could only manifest the most suspicious and 
J^ghty temper, on the part of the government, to stop, 
^ t sudden, the course of inquiry so natural to such a 
pcfiod, or to punish the expression of feelings which 
"wmy of the cathoUcs must have honestly and bitterly 
^^crished in common with other defeated controver- 
^•Iwts. They had been overcome, it was said, by a 
'V^teouB appeal to truth, and the fair use of argument. 
^tt it now to be said, enough has been gained or done 
"yoontroversy^and^ protestantism tnump\vwv\.,\\.^MJ^^3K^ 

T 4 



i 



aiUe it! fbtmtr wetpons of deteee ad dl Hi ifinttHil 
■rmoury eontoit to be nfe hj the cmplojiiieiit of tin 
■une meant ot were originaliy leeortod to hj Ronie? 

This wai an error mnch to- he deploiod. A tme p(k 
teatent, a faithful and loving ebOd of Ihe chnrdi of 
England, deeply lamenti every efareomakanoe which is at 
variance with die grand principle on which the chnnh 
is eaientially eataWshed; hat he haa ihia to eomole 
him^ — the protettant cfanrch haa had die corrective in 
itaelf. While Itome continued firom age to age to por- 
■oe its courae of tyrannooa pcraemtion ; while it cooU 
jnatify this its coarse by argummts drawn from tbe 
dogmas of its creed ; while, in searching its tradhiiHis sod 
its fathers^ it could find nothing that might check iti 
darkest purposes of inquistorial rage ; — the protestant 
church had scarcely done aught to viohite the maxiim 
of evangelical charity, when it found itaelf drawn in \ij 
the strong curb of its own openly aaserted principles^ and 
obliged, at every subsequent period, when it committed 
a simDar error, to acknowledge by its practical retract- 
ation, that it had violated its own life-giving and primal 
law. 

The next great effort of Cranmer and his colleagues 
was to arrange the confession of the English church. It 
had been the aim of the German reformers, at the diet 
of Augsburg, to settle the foundation of protestantism by 
an appeal to Scripture, and by placing in a clear and 
distinct form the results of their careful comparison of 
precept with precept, and doctrine with doctrine. They 
felt that this was die only legitimate method of answer- 
ing their opponents, and of securing concord among 
diem selves. The English reformers were at present 
triumphant. It was for them to furnish the oudine of 
the national religion : and, in calling upon the dergyW 
people to conform themselves to the rules of worship snd 
discipline which they had laid down, it was but dieir duty 
to unfold, with all befitting distinctness, the doctrines 
to which, on the authority of Scripture, they required 
assent. Bucer, it is eaid^Yk^.^. ^T«!6»&ddus matter on tbe 



d 



ARTICLES OF RELIOION. 281 

ntion of Cranmer, at an early period of the reforma- 
ts but cautious in all his proceedings^ the latter re- 
id to adopt any measure of so important a kind till 
saw such a conformity of opinion among the heads 
;he clergy as would prevent the danger of dissension, 
the consecration of Miles Coverdale and Hooper to 
sees of Exeter and Gloucester, the bench of bishops 
i occupied by a large majority of reformers. Gar- 
er having been obliged to vacate his diocese, Bonner 
1 shared his fate, and his place was now occupied 
the learned and pious Ridley. This change afforded 
r strength to the protestant party, as a party, but had 
n effected by such an unjust exercise of authority 
inst the deposed prelates, that, as in the case of the 
against questioning the perfection of the liturgy, 
ry candid mind shrinks from the task of defending 
excusing it. Affairs, however, were at present in a 
e v;hich promised the continuance of tranquillity, 
the opportunity was gladly embraced for discussing 
articles of faith. It is conjectured that Cranmer 
Ridley had the principal share in drawing up th^ 
line of the English confession, and that their state- 
it of doctrine was subsequently laid before each of 
other prelates for their correction or approval.* 
3 articles thus drawn up were forty-two in number, 
having been received and acknowledged in the con- 
ation held at London in Feburary, 1552, they were 
Jished by the " king's authority, as agreed upon by 
bishops, and other learned and good men, to root 
the discord of opinions, and establish the agreement 
;rue religion.*' t 

)f the several struggles which continued to agitste 

country, we cannot here speak. Nor is it witlilli 

compass of our present design to describe the awftil 

ibution which fell upon the protestants in the reign 

These articles, wholly set aside by queen Mary, were reduced to 
y.nine when brought in again by queen Elizabeth. Some attempt 
made by the puritans to introduce alterations fovouring their par^ 
ar views ; but their conferences led to very trifling cbanges. 
Burnet, vol. ji p. 265. 



of Mary, or the recQrreiyflBdfiiialeitaUidia^tof Mr 
power in that of Eliiabedu The ehnrdi of tibe »&«■»• 
tion was now phuited so aanerer to he uprooted, howenr 
mnch its outworks mig^t he assailed, however furioM^ 
its enemies might rage within, and poiUnte, the csorti 
of its temple. In events snhaeqnent to the period d 
which we have spoken, the character of the national ie» 
finrmation hecame more fvOlj derdopcd, gathered toA 
strength at one time from opposition, at another, fnm 
readily harmonising drenmstsnoes ; hat no new pria* 
dple was appealed to, and none was required, for settiiig 
die polity or defining the doctrineof the dnirdi. Muf 
employed a violence so precipitate, so fierce, that ■• 
persecutor, of ancient or modem timea, haa more tn^ 
deserved the obloquy which attends a dark and sangri* 
nary bigotry than this cruel hut unfortanate qoeM*- 
Under the guidance of the new pope*, Jufiua III.,aBi 
with Gardiner for her councillor, the prqjeet of restoiilg 
all things to their former state was ss rapidly exeonted |i 
it was boldly conceived. Mary had at first dedsred 
that she would not interfere with the religious freedom 
of her people ; but scarcely had this dedaration beea 
made when the rites of the Roman catholic worship 
were restored, and Cranmer and Latimer sent to die 
Tower for refusing to recognise the lawfulness of the 
change. The rest of the protestant bishops were inn 
mediately after deprived of their seats in the house of 
lords. This was followed by the repeal of the acts passed 
in the preceding reigns against the power of the pope, or 
the institutions of the Roman church. But the protestanU 
were too strong to be overcome by a single blow. The 
fury of the persecution dare not vent itself at once; snd 
it was not till the year 1555 thatGardiner succeeded in 
persuading the queen to send forth the ministers of papii 
wrath to prepare their judgment seats and thdr faggots. 
Then flowed the blood of martyrs who, by their patient 
and willing sufferings, nourished the spirit of the reform- 
ation with its best food, strengthening it against the 



PERSECUTION. 283 

rials of pro|perity, and expelling the bad humours which 
ts hitherto comparatively easy triumph had allowed it to 
"etain. Hooper was among the first who perished in 
he flames. After a short but melancholy interval, Ridley 
ind Latimer followed on the same path of suffering and 
;1ory. Then came Cranmer, the gentleness of his soul^ 
he natural calm of his heart and mind mifitting him^ as 
far as nature was concerned, for mighty efforts and trials^ 
yt for the supporting of sufferings to which he had not 
fomillarised himself by deep and continued meditation. 
Bat he shrunk from tlie appalling spectacle of torture 
and an agonising death, only to gain fortitude from 
the sorrowful conviction of his weakness. The seeds of 
strength are ever sown with those of faith and love. 
Cranmer retracted, and delivered his retractation in 
words written with ink : he abjured this act of weak- 
ness, and confirmed his abjuration with tears of the 
saddest penitence, and a death as demonstrative of faith, 
and as exemplary for its firnmess, as that of the roost 
celebrated of the primitive confessors. 

The see of Canterbury, as soon as rendered vacant 
by the deposition of Cranmer, was given to cardinal 
Pole ; and the continuance of the persecution, while it 
brought so many virtuous and holy men to the stake, 
deprived the country, by the flight of others, of the good 
to be expected from their learning, their wisdom, and their 
noble examples. But amidst all this distress, the pro- 
testants remained unsubdued. Driven froin the churches, 
forbidden to raise their hands in prayer, or partake of 
^ Lord's Supper, according to the rule of the gospel, 
tbey sought the most obscure retreats for the exercise 
of their religion, and, hidden from the eye of the world, 
appealed to the Lord for help in this season of their 
fion*8 calamity. The new archbishop of Canterbury 
^as a man of great accomplishments, and less inclined 
^ extreme measures than it might have been supposed 
^oold be the case with one so long familiar with Roman 
pcspotism ; but whatever might be his individual feel- 
^, they were oFerruIed by the vioVence oi "^^t^ » ^asA 



lier ad?iien, Ererf year teemed to add to fim ttuogk 
of her fierce and mdandboly aei], tin, in 1558^ audiwai 
the horriUe hlindiiesa of her hourt, that ahe iaaoed la 
ordiDance ibrhidding men e?cn to pimy for dioae eoo- 
demned to the flamea^ or to aay ereii ^^Qod help them." 
Marj liyed bat aix montha after thia ; and her 
deaths which happened on the 17th of November^ wis 
aoeoeededj in a few hooia, by that of cardinal Fob. 
The acoesaion of Eliiabeth apeedilj diaperaed die g^boB 
which hung over the proteatant dinidi. Once nuae 
waa the Bible brought fcnth : the aonnd of the goipd 
began to be heard again in erery comer of the land. 
Men the moat renowned in the nation for wiadom and 
piety were called to the conncila of the qoeen ; and, 
nnder their auspices^ the drarch of England, by God*! 
continual Ueaaing, became, from day to day, bettor 
fitted to miniater grace and knowledge to the fw^ 
The narrative of eventa anbaeqnent to thia period he- 
longs properly to the separate history of the £ng^ 
church. We have brought it to the point when Rome 
had so far lost its ascendency, and her corruptions of 
doctrine and worship were sufficiently eradicated, to 
render the further reformation of the church the duty 
of the church itself, rather than a struggle for reform- 
ation against a hostile power. 



xa^ 



CHAP. XIX. 

mVFORMATION IN FRANCE. PERSECUTIONS. LEADERS OF THE 

PROTESTANtS. DEATH OP HENRY IX. CONSPIRACY OP 

AMBROSE. •— CONSEQUENCES OF IT. ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 

SUBSEQUENT FATE OF PROTESTANTISM IN FRANCE. 

While such was the course of things in England^ 
France was preparing for a succession of troubles not 
less terrible^ but far less fruitful in great or beneficial 
results. The death of Francis I. took place within a 
few months of that of Henry VI 11.^ and he left his 
kingdom in a state which demanded the most prudent 
eounsels^ and the most energetic exercise of paternal 
govereignty. He had himself understood but little of 
the principles whereby nations are made happy, and 
thrones established on the love and concord of mankind. 
Generous, bold, and not wanting in a certain species of 
religious feeling, had he lived in an earlier age, he might 
have greatly increased both the power and glory of his 
country : but ignorant at once of his duty and his in- 
terest at the period in which he lived, unable to stem 
the torrent which swelled around him, he committed a 
series of mistakes in his policy, the avoiding of which 
might have saved France from sorrows the effects of 
which are not yet altogether vanished. 

The persecution of the protestants, carried on at in- 
tervals by the late king, was now to become the leading 
principle of the French government. At the insti- 
gation of the cardinal of Lorraine efforts were made to 
establish the inquisition in Paris with the same powers 
as it possessed in Spain. The firm resistance of the 
parliament alone saved' the nation from this terrible in- 
truder on the small remains of its fieedom. A.\;^- 



S86 BISTORT OP THE RBFOUf ATTOIT. 

Struck^ u it seemed^ by the recollection of the numlier 
who had already periidied on the scaffold^ or in th« 
flames, the magistrates began to relax in their seal 
almost in the same proportion as the more bigoted of 
the king's counseUors grew fierce in their wishes. This 
unallowed tolerance on the part of the magistrates, 
uniting with the increasing popularity of the reformed 
doctrines, tended to increase daily the followers of Lu- 
ther, Zuingle, or Calvin. In 1555 a regular congre- 
gation was established in Paris, and, though it dare not 
assemble in any open or fixed place of worship, the 
members were sufficiently confident of increasing safety 
to meet first in one house, and then in another, for the 
known purpose of religious communion. 

But the security in which they trusted was baaed on 
sandy foundations. They were deceived by appearaneet 
to which they ought never to have given heed, when 
the safety of their rising church was still in danger. 
Instead, however, of waiting patiently the proper season 
for showing their force, they assembled to the amoont 
of 400, and made a display of success which could not 
but awaken the attention of the more jealous of the ca- 
tholic party. The building where they met was in the 
quarter of St. Jacques, and the night was already far ad- 
vanced when, having completed their devotions, they 
were preparing to retire. On a sudden, they discovered 
that the neighbouring streets and lanes were filled with 
a dense mass of people, breathing menaces of destruc- 
tion. The darkness of the night alone offered any hope 
of safety. They opened the doors of their retreat, and 
began to go forth ; but what was their horror when 
they saw that every house in the neighbourhood had a 
torch burning at its windows, and that their persons 
might be as easily recognised as if it had been broad 
noon. Some of the gentlemen present, finding the 
multitude intent on murder/ resolved to defend them- 
selves to the last, and, drawing their swords, succeeded 
in forcing their way through the crowd. But more 
than half the number consisted of women or aged per- 



PEB8ECUTI0N IN FRANCE. 287 

sens. These "were seized by the infuriated people^ and 
only escaped fhom their cruelties to be taken by a body 
of the king's guards^ and hurried off to prison. 

The consternation of the reformers was indescribable 
at this unlooked-for outbreaking of popular fury^ sup- 
ported, as it seemed^ by the secret connivance and assist- 
ance 'of the government. Among the prisoners were 
persons of the highest respectability, attendants even on 
the court, officers of the army^ and others known for 
their fortune or influence in society. Terrified at the 
contemplation of proceeding against so numerous a 
body, the parliament manifested no inclination to pursue 
the opportunity of triumph which seemed thus put in 
its power. The cardinal of Lorraine viewed the affair 
with very different feelings. To him it presented itself 
as affording a favourable moment for crushing the re- 
formers by one grand and signal exercise of power. 
His advice, it is probable, would have been followed ; 
but at this period the king was in close alliance with the 
Swiss and German reformers, and, at their earnest re- 
quest, he found himself obliged to direct that the pri- 
soners might be set free. 

But if the cardinal of Lorraine was defeated in his 
attempt to ruin the protestants by this sudden move- 
ment, he obtained ample satisfaction for the disap- 
pointment in the success of his measures for the esta. 
blishment of the inquisition. It was at the moment 
when France rung, from one end to the other, with songs 
of triumph, that he carried this design into execution. 
Calais had just fallen into the hands of the king, and 
the protestants^ though still trembling under the ex- 
pected grasp of their enemies, did not refuse to join in 
these expressions of national joy. The cardinal was of 
too gloomy a mind to be moved from his purpose at the 
spectacle of peace and festivity which the country pre- 
sented ; but, choosing rather to work on the pride of the 
king, than to leave him to any generous influence, he 
procured a decree which bestowed upon himself, the 



288 HI6T0RT OF THE BEFORMATION. 

cardinal de Bourbon^ and the cardinal de Chatinon/the 
office and power of grand inquisitors for France. By 
this edict they were authorised to arrest^ imprison^ and 
consign to death all persons, whatever might be their 
rank or degree, on whom they could fix the charge of 
heresy. 

The opposition of the parliament, and the prevailing 
temper of a considerable portion of the respectable classes, 
greatly modified the power of this terrific tribunal. It 
was even suspected that several of the most influential 
members of die parliament were favourable to the views 
of the reformers, and that in resisting the edicts issued 
from the bed of justice they were providing for their 
own safety as well as for that of the persecuted calvinists. 
The cardinal of Lorraine insisted on the necessity of 
betraying these suspected members of the chamhers 
into some open acknowledgment of their opinions. 
Yielding to the base suggestions of his adviser, Henry, 
on the 15th of June, 1559, held a bed of justice; and 
surrounded by all the great officers of state, by the 
cardinals Lorraine and Bourbon, the constable, the duke 
of Guise, and other noblemen, he stated his desire to 
settle the present religious disputes according to the law 
of charity and holiness. 

Among the suspected persons were the presidents 
Harlai, Seguier, and the learned and virtuous de Thou. 
Their answers to the suspicions of the monarch were 
firm and prudent. They warned him of the danger 
which ever attended persecution, as well to those who 
inflicted the misery as to those who endured it. Milder 
measures, they added, would be far more likely to effect 
the desired object, if the discouragement of heresy was 
the aim of the court. Twenty- five years of sad experi- 
ence demonstrated the truth of their opinion on this 
matter, and the independence of the Gallican church, 
as well as the peace of the country, seemed greatly to 
depend, as they proved, on the adoption of tolerant and 
tranquillising principles. 



DEATH OF HENRT H. ^SQ 

' The addresses of these admirable men were followed 
by those of other councillors, less moderate, less wise, 
but deserving honour for the manner in which, des- 
a^dng thoughts of personal daoger, they ventured to 
declare their abhorrence of the meditated treason against 
religion and Justice. Their bitter expostulations were 
listened to with iU^oncealed indignation by the king 
<and his advisers. Nor did the heroism they displayed 
awaken any sympathy in the minds of men long trained 
to servility, and ignorant of any better motive to action 
than a blind dependence on the dictates of their zeal. 
^* Hasten to subdue the rebellious spirit of heresy by re- 
doubled vigour,^' was the exclamation of many of the 
magistrates,. " and remember the example of Philip 
Augustus, who did not fear to put 600 heretics to death 
in one day," * Henry was prepared to follow the advice 
thus given him, and before he left the court directed the 
captain of his guard to arrest the most obnoxious of 
those who had ventured to take so bold a course in the 
debate. The protestants saw the gathering of the storm 
that was about to burst upon their heads ; but a few 
days only had passed, when, by a singular dispensation 
of Providence, Henry perished in the midst of triumph 
and festivity. In the tournay held to grace the nuptials 
of his son with Mary of Scotland, he displayed a bravery 
«nd a skill which had won him the applauses of the most 
splendid assembly that France could present. Still thirst- 
ing for honour in the mimic battle, he obliged the captain 
4>f his guards to try with him the only twoj lances which 
remained unbroken. The force and steadiness of the 
encounter promised fresh triumphs to the monarch ; but, 
the fastenings of his vizir beoomin^ loose, the lance of 
Montgomeri struck him near the left eye. He was taken 
up insensible ; and, an abscess having formed, which de- 
£ed the imperfect skill of his physicians, his death fol- 
lowed on the ^9th of July. 

Francis II. was only sixteen years of age when he 

* Thuani Hist. , t. i. p. -621. Lacretelle, Hist de France, t i. p. 205. 
VOL. lU V 



290 

begun to reifcn, and the weakness of his frame, bisw 
of menial cultivation, and general disinclination for bu- 
siness, contributed to throw all tbe power, as well as the 
reipontibility, of govotnraent into the hands of hb tm- 
tntious relatives. But incapacity for better things doet 
not prevent a prince from becoming a zealot and a 
secular. Francis comprehended the maxims of die 
cardinal Lorraine with precocious ijigenuity ; and, hid 
he lived lon^ enough, would probably have become, ii 
every way, the worthy ally of Philip of Spain, uwl 
Mary of England. 

Prolustantism, notwithstanding the power of iB 
enemies, was daily gathering strength. It could DOW 
number among its supporters some of the Unest cbl- 
racters in France. At the bead of these stood the id- 
miral Coligni and his high-spirited biotlier, Dsndelot 
Sotli had distinguished themselves by a noble derotiA 
to the cause of their country ; by their incomparable 
valour and their invincible fortitude. Coligni imbiM 
the truths of evangelical religion in the prison ti 
he was led after the battle of St. Quentin. Dandelol 
venerateil the wisdom of his brother, and gladly followed 
iiim on the path which he had chosen. But Uie greater 
ardour of his temper speedily exposed him to die ob- 
servation of the court. He was apprehended, cast it 
prison, and only escaped a worse punishment by tiie 
apprehensions which were entertained of the power 
his family. Oae of the grand inquisitors, the canlind 
(Ihatillon, was his brother, and, though an inquisitor, > 
secretly inclined to the same views of religion. Sandelot 
suffered but a short confinement ; and, having consented 
to hear mass performed in the prison, was restored lo 
his liberty and honours. 

While there uas the energy of a sincere faith ii 
men as these, there were nut wanting others who re- 
garded proleslautisnt as a species of rampart, a 
work, already raised Hufficiently high to afford them Ae 
shelter which they needed in defending their own dig- 



C0LI6NI AND CONDl^. 291 

nity and rights. The king of Navarre^ and the prince 
of Cond^^ it is conjecMired^ would not have so soon en- 
gaged themselves in the religious quarrel, or pursued it 
at least with such a determined spirit, had they not seen 
cause to resent the conduct of the court.* Thus each 
class of the new professors had its leaders. The more 
^iritual rejoiced in the fervour of such men as the 
Chatillons: those of a more worldly character gladly 
prepared to range themselves under the banners of the 
prince of Cond^. 

The course of political events soon brought the two 
patties into a position whence it was impossible that 
either could retreat without compromising their consis- 
tency or their honour. At the close of the year 1559, 
Anne Dubourg, one of the counsellors who had spoken 
80 openly before Henry II. at the bed of justice, fell a 
Tictim to his honourable zeal.f The execution of this 
firm and pious professor of the reformed doctrines 
seemed to increase the ardour of the cardinal Lorraine ; 
and he now began to bring into more active operation 
all the terrors of the tribunal known by the name of 
the ^' Chambre Ardente." Carrying on its designs by 
the help of a class of men who took delight in the very 
exercise of cruelty, and who frequently saw themselves 
enriched by the spoils of their victims, nothing could ex- 
ceed the violations of justice perpetrated daily under the 
same of religion. The houses of persons suspected of 
protestantism were assailed day and night by spies ; and, 
in one instance, a fierce confiict ensued, which almost led 
to the mingling of blood with the bread and wine of the 
communion. 

Meetings held for no other than a religious purpose 
were soon succeeded by assemblies far more dangerous 
to the government. Goaded on by fresh demonstrations 
of injustice, and by the daily apprehension of some attack 
winch might prove fatal to their cause, Coligni, the 
prince of Cond^, and their associates began to form 

• Uuaretelle, t L Ut. iv. p. 326. ^ ThuKwu^.^. ^S^ 

V % 



292 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

serious designs of preparing a regular plan of defence. 
The conspiracy of Amboise was the result of numerous 
meetings held in Vendome. Jean de Bari^ a man of 
ardent spirit, deeply imbued with veneration for the 
doctrines of Calvin, and rendered sedate by a long and 
unjust exile^ became the willing agent of the design. 
With a zesd and activity alike indifferent to fatigue, 
he traversed every province of the country, diffusing 
the seeds of conspiracy, and rousing the yet dormant 
party to an active assertion of its rights, '^ It is not 
enough," said he, ^' to be willing to suffer. The time 
is come to make your enemies tremble, and oblige them 
to cease from their insufferable cruelties." 

The city of Nantes saw the conspirators assembled 
for their first great movement. Jean de Bari employed 
all the force of his eloquence to convince them, that his 
main object was to deliver the young monarch from the 
power of his evil counsellors ; and that he had no other 
feelings than those of loyalty and affection for his sove- 
reign and the state. In conformity with this declaration, 
he advised an immediate attack on the town of Blois, 
the present residence of the king, who, being safely in 
their hands, might then be persuaded to alter his mode 
of government, and confer upon his subjects the inesti- 
mable blessing of religious liberty. 

An advocate named Avenelle, who had involved him- 
self deeply in the plot, found his courage yielding at the 
moment when every thing was prepared for the execu- 
tion of the design. He hastened to the cardinal of 
Lorraine, related all that had happened and was about 
to be attempted. Terrified at the discovery, the grand 
inquisitor immediately communicated the alarming 
tidings to the court. Francis II. had sense and 
feeling enough to discover the extent of his danger, 
and its true source. *^Alas!" he exclaimed, ^'what 
have I done that my people should rise against me? 
I will hear their complaints. They shall have their 
rights." Then, turning to the cardinal of Lorraine, he 
said, with a force and \i\Ueitkft%^ o^ ^^^cession hitherto 



JEAN DE BARI. 2 93 

unknown to him, " It is you, you alone, who render 
me odious to my subjects.'** 

The duke of Guise, proud, ambitious, and intolerant 
as his brother the cardinal, was infinitely superior to 
him in force of character and fitness for any season of 
danger. It had been the advice of the queen-mother 
that Oohgni, and the other chiefs of the protestant party, 
should be pacified by timely concessions to their wishes ; 
and that the admiral himself should be straightway ad- 
mitted into the councils of the court. The duke of 
Guise listened to the queen with attention ; and, in one 
sense, agreeing with her, immediately advised that Co- 
ligni, Dandelot, and the prince of Cond^ might be sent 
for to court, that they might be treated on their arrival 
with an outward show of respect, but be detained, in 
reality, as hostages for the future conduct of their 
party. 

Coligni and the prince of Cond^ were, according to 
this advice, sent for to the castle of Amboise, whither 
the court removed without at present declaring its dis- 
covery of the plot against the liberty of the king. As 
no reason could be alleged for refusing the invitation, 
both the admiral and the prince attended the bidding 
of their sovereign. Fairly assured of their separation 
from the main body of their colleagues, the duke of 
Guise would gladly have given way, at once, to the joy 
which he felt at his secret triumph over the heads of 
the now dreaded, rather than despised, protestants. But 
while the champion of the royal cause was engaged with 
Coligni and the prince, in a pretended conference on 
their respective affairs, Jean de Bari still pressed for* 
ward with his little army. ** We are suspected/*- he 
said, ''but not discovered;" and, directing his steps to- 
wards the castle of Amboise, he cherished the hope of 
succeeding in the meditated attack before measures 
could be taken by the royalists for their defence. 
Treachery, however, again interfered to preserve the 
king. The duke of Guise was informed of the inten- 

* Xacretelle, t i. IW. iv. p. 353. 
U 3 



294 HISTORY OF THE BEFORHATION. 

tions and exact situation of the insurgents. A body of 
troops received instant orders to march against them ; 
and a short but bloody battle left the plain covered 
with the bodies of the conspirators. Of the two chiefi 
in command of the band, Jean de Bari fell on the fields 
the other^ Castelnau, had remained in his chateau ; but, 
having been persuaded to come forth and surrender 
himself, he was taken to Amboise, thrown into a dnn. 
geon, and soon after condemned to death. Several 
others, who had been made prisoners at the same time, 
shared his fate. The last of these victims to the at- 
tempt of Bari, as he prepared himself for the executioner, 
dipped his hands in the blood that was streaming over 
the scaffold, and then, raising them to heaven, exdaimed, 
^^ O God, avenge, I beseech thee, the blood of these 
martyrs." But how small was the number of those 
who thus fell by the sword of justice^ compared with 
the multitude of victims who, involved directly or in- 
directly in the affair, were given up to indiscriminating 
slaughter ! more than twelve hundred persons, it is said, 
perished in Amboise. The duke of Guise was glutted 
with revenge ; but his minions had not yet satisfied 
their thirst for the blood of Hugonots ; and, when other 
methods of slaughter failed, they hung whoever at- 
tracted their suspicion on the trees in the neighbouring 
forest.* 

The prince of Conde, and his distinguished associates, 
escaped with difficulty the peril which hung over them. 
Their rank, and the esteem which they enjoyed with 
the nation at large, rendered a present attempt upon 
their lives too dangerous an enterprise even for the duke 
of Guise. But it required little sagacity to discover 
that their security, in future, must depend, not on the 
mere influence of their rank or name, but on the 
number of their followers, and the power of their 
swords. This once acknowledged, the prospect of a 
civil war became every day more certain. France beheld 
itself about to be plunged into calamities such as, 



MICHEL DE L^HOPITAL. 9^5 

happily, few nations have suflfered ; and from which 
she has never thoroughly recovered. 

On the death of the chancellor Olivier, the celehrated 
Michel de I'Hopital was elevated to the vacant dignity. 
Justice and toleration had a friend in this great man, 
which seemed to promise them at least a temporary 
triumph over their enemies. The conspiracy of Am- 
fooise furnished the cardinal of Lorraine with arguments 
which taught the king to believe, that not even the in- 
quisition itself was suffident to prevent the growth of 
the evils attendant upon heresy. New measures were 
proposed ; and every honest mind trembled at the pros- 
pect of a period when the souls of men would lie ut- 
terly prostrate beneath the grasp of tyrannous laws. 
L'Hopital succeeded in greatly modifying the meditated 
proclamations. In the edict of Romorantin, drawn up 
under his own eye, the secret meetings of the protestants 
were forbidden under pain of death : but he foresaw 
that the parliament of Paris would refuse to en register 
mich a law ; and the occasion afforded him an oppor- 
tunity of safely expressing principles, and proposing 
measures, which, under other circumstances, could not 
have been hinted at without creating suspicion and 
alarm. 

But the plans of the persecutors, and the fears of the 
reformers, had assumed a consistency which refused to 
yield to any temporary resistance. L'Hopital insisted 
on the necessity of assembling the States-General, and 
<»lling a national council. His advice was taken ; but 
the prince of Conde had already commenced hostilities. 
The city of Lyons was attacked by one of his followers ; 
and^ though the enterprise failed, and the prince escaped 
heing publicly compromised in the affair, his proceed- 
ings were clearly understood by the ever watchful eye 
of the duke of Guise and his brother. With a po- 
licy which answered admirably to the character of the 
«ge and the dominant parties, no intimation was al- 
lowed to escape which could warn the prince of his 
danger* His pride and his courage urged hiiw fot^axd. 

u 4> 



296 

IVlien informed by his fricnils that ruin awsiirf 
him, if he ventured lo approach the court, " 'Thtj 
dare not attack me," was biE answer to the Tepi»- 
lentationg thus made; and he entered Orleans, when 
the king of Navarre, and other distjneuiahed men o! die 
party, already found tliemseSves involved in the meshn 
of the net spread for them by the duke of Guise. Both 
the kinfi! and the prince were made prisoners. The 
former ivsii litile feared. His known weakness and 
irresoluliDn gave his enemies a constiLnt iilvanCage onr 
liim ; and though he might prove formidable when 
joined in action with bolder men, it was felt that, sepk 
rated from them, his rain might gafely be deferred. 
The prince of Conde, on the contrary, was tbe man of 
ill oChers to be dreaded at this junclm-e of ftfiair» 
Admired for liiit vigour of character, possesGed of here- 
ditary claims to honour, and skilled tn all the arts 
which fit a man to became tbe leader of angry multi- 
tudes, he was regarded by the oppressed Calvinisis, aad 
the disaffected of every class, as their natural gaide am) 
protector. 

It would have been contrary to tlie usual maxima of 
coun.s, at ihie period, to let such a man escape, nben 
once secured, thoQgh there had been far less reason 
for his apprehension than there was in the ease of the 
prince. But he had taken a part in the late insur- 
rections which brought him fairly within the range of 
judicial inquiry ; and when a commission was appointed 
to try him, the only thing of which he had to camp lain, 
was the rejection of hie appeal from » species of secret 
tribunal to the open and unsuspected jtulgment of lu> 
peeri, and the atateg of the realm. 

The sentence of the eommiBdon devoted Ae prince 
to the scafibld. ConetematioD ragaed in the part; of 
which he was the leader at the announcement of his 
fate. Entreaties offered by his wife, and followed by 
those of the duchess of Ferrara, and the dacbesB de 
Montpensier, made no impression on the heart of the 
king. Even the nolitic teaaaiuag of the chancellor, the 



CONFERENCE OP FOISSI. 297 

pressing representations of the queen-mother^ always 
anxious to diminish the authority of the Guises^ failed 
of success. The hours of the prince were numbered ; 
th^ preparations for his death were to be forthwith 
commenced ; but Francis felt that the sight of bloody shed 
on a scaffold by a prince of his own line^ would leave 
terrible thoughts in his mind. He was, therefore, to 
leave Orleans before the day of execution. On the 
evening preceding his departure he attended vespers, but 
in the midst of the service he fell into a deep swoon ; on 
awaking from which he was found to be labouring 
under an affection of the brain, which in a few days 
terminated his existence. * 

A new scene was opened by the accession of Charles 
IX.^ and the regency of the politic and ambitious 
Catherine de' Medicis. The virtuous chancellor de 
I'Hopital took advantage of the moderation which she af- 
fected in the first moments of her triumph, to propose 
measures that might lead to the pacification of the coun- 
try. But the seeds of discord were too widely sown ; 
they had begun to spring up under circumstances the 
most favourable to their growth ; and the wisdom of a 
few, or the temporary change of court counsels, could 
never of itself dear the land of the obnoxious weeds. 

The most ready method which presented itself of 
reconciling the religious parties was that of assembling 
their chiefs in conference. Calvin himself received an 
invitation to attend the meeting at Poissi in 156 1. He 
Tefused it in his own person ; but sent Beza as his re- 
presentative, and that of hiS' party. The disputes at 
this celebrated conference were carried on in the presence 
of the king, the queen-mother, and the splended train 
of distinguished persons who formed their court. 
Fifty-two prelates crowded the hall; and, in their 
hearing, the amiable de THopital insisted on the ne- 
cessity of ecclesiastical reform. But the chancellor 
spoke not as a theologian, and his rank and character 
commanded respect, and even obedience. The feelings 

• TliuaniM, t i. p. 715. Lacretelle. 



298 BISTORT OF THE REFORMATION. 

inspired by the address of Beza had nothing of this 
kind to subdue or qualify them. He prayed with afervour^ 
and expressed himself in language^ which^ for a time^ so 
charme(i the audience, that polemical wrath allowed itself 
to be soothed into silence. But the spell once broken^ 
the train fired by his near approach to die main points of 
the controversy, murmurs of indignation soon evinced 
how little the prelates of France were inclined to receive 
lessons from the ally of Calvin. An observation^ in- 
tended to show the untenable nature of the doctrine of 
the real presence^ threw the assembly into a paroxysm 
of wrath. The cardinal de Toumon was the first to 
speak ; and looking towards the youthful monarchy he 
besought him to close his breast against the poison con- 
tained in tliis false and heretical address. In a similar 
strain, the cardinal .of Lorraine exclaimed, " Would 
that this man had been mute^ or we deaf ! " There was 
too much moderation in this expression to please the 
more violent of the bishops. But the cardinal had 
learnt sohiewhat of wisdom by the changes which had 
taken place. He could no longer perform the part of 
grand inquisitor ; and, while the reformers were every 
day gathering strength, the state of France was becoming 
proportionally less fitted to encourage the hope that ar- 
bitrary proceedings would prove successful. In his 
concluding address, therefore, he was so far from 
yielding to the fanatical spirit of the violent advisers 
of persecution, that he promised certain measures of 
reform ; and, though he defended with skill and energy 
the points opposed by Beza, yet he spoke with so much 
temper, that, at the close of the conference, he was ac- 
cused of favouring the heretics, and almost fostering 
heresy. 

Anxious to obtain even an appearance of conciliation, 
Catherine de' Medicis directed some of the mildest 
of the theologians of each party to hold a private con- 
ference, at the close of the public debates. This was 
agreed to, and a general confession on certain im- 
portant points was drawn up, which satisfied the car- 



CONFERENCE OP POISSI. ^99 

dinal of Lorraine^ but provoked more than ever the 
indignation of his associates. The article on the eu- 
charist was purposely indefinite as to the real presence. 
*' We confess," says this part of the creed, '' that Jesus 
Christ, in his Holy Supper, presents, gives, and truly 
exhibits the substance of his body and of his blood, by 
the operation of his Holy Spirit; and that we receive, 
and eat sacramentally, spiritually, and by faith, this his 
body which died for us, that we may be bone of his 
bone, and flesh of his flesh ; that we may thereby be 
vivified, and perceive all that which is necessary for our 
salyation. And seeing that faith, resting on the word 
of God, makes and renders present the things which are 
promised, and that by this faith we truly, and indeed, 
take the true and natural body of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
by virtue of the Holy Spirit, in this respect, we confess 
the presence of the body and of the blood of Christ, 
in the holy supper. In so far, moreover, as faith 
renders the things promised present, and that this faith 
takes truly the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
by virtue of his Holy Spirit, in this respect we confess 
the presence of his body and his blood in the Holy 
Supper, in which he presents, gives, and veritably ex- 
hibits the substance of his body and his blood, by the 
operation of the Holy Spirit, and we then receive and 
eat spiritually and by faith, that body which died for 
us, that we may be bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh, 
that we may be vivified, and perceive all that pertains 
to our salvation." * 

The cardinal, by giving his assent to this article of the 
confession awakened still stronger suspicions of his in- 
clination to favour some of the views of the protestants. 
But, whatever might be the momentary impressions, or 
policy, of the cardinal, the reformers had little reason to 
rejoice in the acquiescence of a man whose whole conduct 
was ruled by a dark and designing policy. Their true 
protector, at this period, was the chancellor de THopital. 
To his influence they were indebted for the publication of 

♦ LacretcUe. 



300 msTORV or ttii: BEPOHMjkTioN. 

an edict in January l/iS^, which secured them from iny 
of tlioKe «uddeii invasions of tlieir lives and liberties, till 
then Ko conilantly to be sppreherided. By this editt, 
they obtained the ri^ht of holdiri): re1i}^ous assemblia 
in the neighbourhoed of towns ; in return for which 
privilege they were to allow the peaceable collection of 
tithes, and to make no attempt which might saTonr of 
e to the constituted authorities either of choteli 



It rarely happens that any auddenly acquired aL 
vantage ib employed with discretion by large bodies of 
men. The first impulseB of freedom fill tJie heart wiih 
too much joy and pride to yield readily to caution. 
There will always, moreover, be found some to whom 
the measure given will only be valued as they decei'e 
themaelves into the notion of its being the whole desired. 
Thus the preachers of the reformed church had no sooner 
gained the important privilege of exerdsing theii 
functions, under ihe sanction of the law, than they began 
to abuse this advantage by launching out into the 
language of liitter reproof i^nat their opponents, and 
adopting a freedom of speculation which seemed to set 
at naught every hope of harmony aa to dther doctriDe 
or disciphne. 

Enraged at the temper thus evinced, the more violent 
of the cathoUca found every day aome fresh reason to 
accuse the calvinista of heresy and treason. Moder' 
ate men continually trembled at the precipitancy with 
which their respective leaders resolved and acted. Bnt 
a&kirs were now in a atate which allowed no hope of 
peace till sacrifices should be made on both ^des, that 
demanded more spirituality than existed on either. The 
mildest therefore, as well as the roost higotted and 
violent, soon became involved in the same dark stream 
of zeal, paauon, lust of power, or lust of liberty. 

But, whatever might be the illegality of the princeof 
Conde's or Coligni'a proceedings, or whatever the in- 
discretion of some of the reformed preachers we diould 
in vaia seek for a palUtiAAte Xo 'Cae^AW: umI barbaroiu 



MASSACRE AT CAHORS. 301 

conduct of the gOTemment. Giving a commission to 
Montluc^ an old and iron- hearted soldier, to correct the 
freedom of the protestants, the court laid bare a sword 
which^ scarcely dry from the battle-field, thirsted for 
more sanguinary triumphs. The reformers of Cahors 
had been goaded to madness by the cruelties they suf- 
fered at the hands of the populace, and the baron de 
Fumel. Some peasants avenged themselves by mur- 
dering the latter ; and Montluc was despatched, osten- 
siTely, not only to punish the Hugonots, but the inha. 
bitants of Cahors, who, in their barbarous zeal, had 
slaughtered vast numbers of the defenceless reformers. 
Forgetting that he was the instrument of justice, he 
avenged the death of the baron de Fumel ; but despised 
the orphans and widows, whose tears were the only proof 
that could be given of the horrors which had been per- 
petrated. Seventy unfortunate persons had fallen beneath 
the hands of the populace, that ever fierce executioner. 
Montluc rejoiced in multplying the victims of this 
frightful abandonment of justice ; and the certainty of 
impunity encouraging the people to continue their per. 
secutions^ every part of the country began to stream 
with the blood of massacred protestants. 

While popular violence was thus allowed to rage 
unresisted, the heads of the reformed party enjoyed 
a seeming respect at court, which might have lulled 
the wisest politicians into security. Catherine de' 
Medicis hoped, for a time, that they might be made 
supporters of her authority against those who feared 
her talents and hated her ambition. But the impossi- 
bility of such a union was soon discovered ; and the 
duke of Guise, invited to occupy his former station, and 
throwing off the veil which he had for awhile assumed, 
came forth as an enemy to protestantism whose fierce. 
ness, at least, in this instance, was exceeded by that of 
Catherine de' Medicis herself. His return to the seat 
of government was signalised by a tumult in the little 
town of Vassi *, where his attendants, having first pro- 

» Lacretelle. t il Ut. t. p. OS. 



vokcd the CclnioisM lo ri*e in ■elf-dkfmce, thai tmA 
than with ibrir laocdj till ihe mwi thraoiEh the tiIr 
wu UTtwtd with SOO woniided Mid 60 Snti. ( 
Mng mDiaded of the edict of Jtsotn, be eidiiw 
•' IMcstaUr edict. This ■itn wiU bdp to breik itLf 

\f'e bare HM (pace to unfold dw loag and inliiat 
plot which, developed by feudi ud jeakvsies. woitit 
like ■ HibCerkneoiu fire, At length appeucd perfectedi 
the douiu wliich deioted the Hngooots U> duKnead 
The feeble king of N>*arae had become by tnnu i 
iU*c of the (jDeen and of the duke of Goi<e. Cam 
had niciained hia dignitj and firmness amHst all d 
cfaan^ea to which the court wu suhject. While » 
weie die circiim ounces of the great, the people it la^ 
were in a »late bordering on civil war. The »arie 
parliamentii passed eiticts which, under the pretext 
(upportiiig the laws, did Uule more than excite i 
niultitade to fresh acts of violence. At length w 
tiw catasiroplie. An army was raised on both sidem 
dclermini' whetlltr RornaniEm ehoulii continue to enj- 
the abfoluce command of men's consciences, or t 
principle of reformation emancipate them from 
bondage alike injurious to the improvement of societ 
and the common interests of CbriBtianity. 

The siege of Rouen, obstinately defended by Mon 
gomeri, now become a leader of the protettanis, t 
forded the firBt opportunity for a great trial of etreng 
between the two parties. A bail from the rampai 
indicted a mortal wound on the king of Navarre ; si 
hii death was avenged by the ruin of the besieged ell 
Innumerable executions followed the pillage of tt 
noble town, and the parLaraent seemed lo vie with tl 
army in its sanguinary triumphs. But Conde ai 
Coligni were at the head of a body of troops whose i 
gour and enthuaiaam were as yet unwasted. The broth 
of the latter, moreover, the heroic Dandelot, had 70t 
Germana under hig command. Thua supported, the pr 
teitants again raised their heads, and, after some furth 



DEATH OF CONDlS. SOS 

encounters, were in a state to insist on conditions of 
>eace that favoured the prospect of permanent tran- 
quility. 

But suspicions of the darkest kind infected hoth 
[parties. The duke of Guise had fallen hy the hand of 
i.n assassian named Poltrot; and the murderer^ while 
s«rrithing under the rack^ sought a momentary relief hy 
pronouncing the names of Beza and Coligni as among the 
chief of his accomplices. Few credited so hase an accus- 
ation insinuated of men whose honour and piety were as 
remarkahle as their zeal for the reformed religion. But 
the poison of jealousy and hatred continued to work in 
the veins of the nation till the restless harharity of 
Catherine found its might again satiate itself with the 
horrors of civil war. By an artifice as treacherous as 
the design which it supported was sanguinary^ an army 
of 10,000 Spaniards was allowed to penetrate the heart 
of France^ that it might the more effectually destroy the 
protestants of the Netherlands. The prince of Cond^ 
and Coligni immediately adopted their plan of action. 
A brilliant experiment on the valour of the enemy 
hrought them to the gates of Paris. The battle of St. 
Denis was fought on the 10th of November 1567 ; 
hut victory deciding against the protestants^ the leaders 
and their hardy bands were obliged to [make a rapid 
retreat into Champagne. Peace was restored at the 
beginning of 1568^ but with as little security for its 
continuance as before. Scarcely had it been declared, 
when attempts were formed to seize the persons of the 
chiefs of the party, who only escaped the meditated 
injustice by a hasty flight. The prince of Conde ga- 
thered his forces together at La Rochelle, and, on the 
l6th of March, 1569 was fought the battle of Jamac, 
in which that brave and chivalrous defender, but not 
ornament, of the protestant party, ended his eventful 
career. 

Coligni, by the death of ,the prince of Conde, and 
that of his brother Dandelot, which occured shortly 
after^ was become the sole hope and champion of the 



304 

llugonoti. It woulil have been well hstl be occapicd' 
llie Btine potiiioii From the beginning. Hewas ca1m,de- | 
lermined, mil conBistcnt ; finil whatever errors he niigbt 
commif could be ascribed neither to passion nor frivolirf. 
lie earneolly aif-lied for peace, and, tbough circumstanKi 
oblignl him lo continue ibe war with all the vijiour he 
posieueii, the first opporlunily which presented itself . 
for ceasing from hostilities was gladly and aincerdy 
embraced. The conditian« of peace were signed ill 
August, 1570, *nd, from the seeming readiness of ibtf 
government to make lai^e coneeEsions in favour of. 
tranquility, ho|)es were again entertaini^d that the 
wounds of the country might yet be healed. 

Charles IX. was emancipated from the control of I 
his luother as regent; but her bad influence reigned ' 
with a daily increasing power over his heart, Thou^' | 
still a youth, every feeling of honour and human 
had been sacrificed, and he could meditate irith |~ 
!^ure on the perpetration of crimes almoGt utiparalleL 
ill the history of tyranny. "Come, my father," said 
he to the venerable Coligni on his return to court, 
" Come, and let me press you to my heart. We bold 
you now ; you shall not escape ua any more." So 
perfect even was the young monarch in the arti-of 
deception, that he permitted the pope and the king 
of Spain to look sUEpiciouely on hia conduct rstbM 
than reveal the black deaigna of which his mind wm 
full. 

The maniage of the prince of Beamy, aon ot the 
amiable and virtuous queen of Kavarre, with Mai^aret 
de Valois, wsa proposed as the beat seal which cotUd be 
set to the reconciliation of the catholic and the reformed 
party. Coligni listened to the proposition with joy and 
gratitude^ Equally satisfactory to him was the promise 
of the king, that an army should be put under hia tom- 
mand, and that it should be for bits to ddiver Ae 
unfortunate inhabitants of the Low Countries fratn tlie 
intolerable yoke of the duke of Alba. Every aentinient 
■od mesture of tlie gQten\TOeTv^ tot ^^ ^isae, m 



manity. , 
1 plea-'-] 
-alleled*-.^ 



OOLIGNI. SOS 

gqponded with diese proceedings^ and neither Coligni^ 
nr the other chiefs of the hugonots^ entertained anj 
ispicion of its sincerity. The queen of Navarre alone 
ipears to have felt the misgivings of an intended victim, 
nived in Paris^ she sighed at the spectacle of licen- 
ousness and ambition which on all sides presented 
self to view. Her melancholy was seen and under- 
ood ; and a sudden and mysterious death removed her 
"om the eyes of those who dreaded her scrutinising 
lances. Suspicion still slept^ and the plot grew ripe 
L the hearts of the Idng and his few infamous coad. 
Iters.* 

The marriage of the young king of Navarre with 
[argaret de Valois took place on the 18th of August^ 
57^* Deaths armed at all points^ awaited with im- 
itience the celebration of this ill^mened union. Three 
lys after its cdebration the king desired the attendance 
r Ck>ligni in his closet ; and entered into a long dis- 
)arse respecting the armament to be prepared for the 
fetherlands. On returning to his hotels he was shot 
t by the preceptor of the young duke of Guise^ who 
atched him as he passed his window^ and then fled^ 
scared by the means provided for his escape. The 
oands inflicted were not mortal; and the seeming 
fief and solicitude of the king more than repaid the 
ill unsuspecting Coligni for the pain he sulSered. 
Oh, my father ! " exclaimed Charles, <^ Yours is the 
ound, but mine the pain. I swear to you that I will 
ke such vengeance that it shall never be effaced from 
e memory of man." 

A terrible presentiment of some awful event began to 
press the hugonots of Paris at this moment. They 
eased round the house where their venerated leader 
f ; and the king, his mother, and the rest of his ad- 
lera beheld with dread the rising wrath of their 
Btined victims. It was instinctively discovered that, 
3uld it once break forth, nothing wotdd be able to 
m the onset of the infuriated people. A counfi\I 



I 



306 HmomT of thk mBPORXATiozr. 

uaembltftl in the palace of the Tuileries. Its diwus. 
sions were closed with the hideous announcement of the 
king, *' I consent to the massacre of the hngonota: 
hut take heed that not one is kft alive to reproach me 
for it." 

It was the eve of St. Bartholemew, and the medi. 
tated slaughter was to commence at midnight. The 
whole of the evening was employed in placing the 
troops, and the most desperate zealots of the city, in 
positions favourable for their executing the work surely 
and rapidly. Collected together in one of the apart- 
ments of the Louvre, the king and his associates awaited 
with impatience, and secret horror of soul, the hoar 
appointed for commencing the slaughter. Twdve 
o'clock at length sounded from the tower of the neigh- 
bouring church. The shrill clang of the tocsin 
followed ; and the city woke from its peacefid slumben 
to witness scenes which we dare scarcely contemplate 
even in imagination. Coligni was among the first that 
fell. His blood had been long sought by the duke of 
(fuise, who refused to be convinced that he was not 
concerned in the murder of his father. 

Starting from their beds, the wretched hugonots 
listened for an instant to the shouts of the muderers, 
and then rushed into the streets, where they were 
instantly seized and butchered. Neither age nor sex 
furnished any plea for mercy. The old and young, 
the tenderest females and the boldest men, fell equally 
under the knives of the assassins. No sanctuary ex- 
isted either for the poor or the rich. The most wretched 
hovel had blood upon its threshold ; and even the 
Louvre itself was polluted by all the horrors of murder. 
There perished the count de la Rochefoucault, a com- 
panion of Charles in his most sportive hours, and 
whom he had lodged in the palace from a passing wish 
to save him. There too the king of Navarre and the 
prince of Conde would have perished in a similar 
manner but for the dread which their rank inspired. 
Among the dis\ii\gCL\^\veiixjicaVtoft ^vx^the fate of 



ST. BABTHOLOMIW. 807 

Coligni^ were Clermont de Piles, Soabise^ Mortemart^ 
and others ; nor would one of the protestant chiefs have 
eaesped^ had it not been that several of them lodged in 
more retired parts of the city ; and the assassins sent 
into these quarters loitered on the way to partake in the 
sanguinary feast of sacrifices nearer at hand. Alarmed 
at the cries which rose through the stillness of the 
nighty the inhabitants of the fauxbourgs communicated 
their apprehensions to each other, and^ by break of day^ 
were folly aware of their situation. 

Unwearied and unsatiated with the horrors of the 
nighty the ferocious bands, covered with blood and gore, 
watched the approach of dawn as opening a new scene in 
the awful drama. Still traversing the streets, under the 
guidance of the nobles who had undertaken to be their 
leaders, the day rose broad upon them, and again de- 
clined without witnessing any cessation of the slaughter. 
Evening and night came. The king was almost satisfied 
with the vengeance he had enjoyed. His palace-gates were 
barricaded with heaps of slain, and the avenues leading 
to it ran with blood. One wretch alone boasted that he 
had butchered 400 men, women, and children, with his 
own hand. Charles faintly directed that the work shotdd 
now cease ; but his orders were unheeded. There was 
■till the gleaning to come after the harvest. Deliberate 
aearch could be made for those whose circumstances or 
station had hitherto preserved them from the knife. 
Among the victims of this class was the celebrated 
Ramus, who, from his professor's chair at the Royal 
Collie, had delivered discourses which effected more 
than almost any compositions hitherto known in lessening 
the authority of the schoolmen. He feU, melancholy to 
be said, by the hands of murderers, led to his chamber 
by his rival Charpentier.* 

Another and another day arose, and still the massacre 
continued. Victims then failed the assassins, and the 
king and his infamous cortege were contented with their 

* Thuanufl, lib. liii. p. S3. Lacretelle. 

X 2 



SOS HISTORY OF THE RSFOBKATION. 

work. But no sooner had the excitement of the 
slaughter ceasctl, than the monarch hegan to discover 
that lie had incurred an awful deht, which the justice 
of (Sod and nations would sooner or later compel him to 
discharge. At first, the terrors of conscience filled him 
with the anticipations of despair. The dread of having 
his conduct subjected to the inquiry of the parliament 
occupied his thoughts with objects which demanded in- 
stant attention. ^\'ith the promptitude which charac- 
terises the workings of a weak mind oppressed hy fear^ 
he immediately despatched letters into the provinces, 
declaring to the magistrates that not he^ but the duke of 
Guise, was the author of the massacre. Compelled by 
the liuises to retract this daring falsehood^ in the midrt 
of his assembled council, he ventured to proclaim that 
all had been done by his commands. In saying this, 
however, he asserted, with as bold a violation of trudi 
as in the former case, that the chief of the protestants 
had brought the evil upon themselves by having con- 
spired to slay not only hiniself, but his mother and his 
two brctliron. Palpable as was the falsehood, the dis- 
tinguished men who heard him dare not show any signs 
of increilulity, however strongly convinced they might 
lie that there was not a shadow of truth in the assertion ; 
and more tlian one of them, allowing their fears to get 
the Ix^tter of their honesty as well as humanity, disgraced 
themselves by echoing his sentiments. Among these 
was C'hristoplier de Thou, the father of the historian, 
and the advocate-general, Pibrac ; but the latter, before 
concluiling his spivch, begged the king to renew his 
orders for the cessation of the massacre. His persuasions 
were crowned with success, and the slaughter in the 
capital was discontinued.* 

But this frightful transaction was not like the result 
of a popular tumult, the etlects of which may cease as 
instantaneously as they are produced. Though the 
massacre was for the most part stoppeil at Paris, it was 
now but beginning in the provinces; the magistrates 



n. BJLBTHOLOMEW. $09 

of which had received particular orders from Charles^ 
to attack the Calvinists without mercy. At Meux^ 
Rouen, Orleans, Troyes, Bourges, Lyons, and Toulouse, 
the scenes which had taken place at Paris were repeated 
with every circumstance of horror which could render 
them fit imitations of their original. At the last-men- 
tioned city, the parliament of which had heen always 
celebrated for the bigotry of most of its members, five 
counsellors were hung in their robes of state ; and, from 
one end of the kingdom to another, distrust, revenge, and 
assassination, reigned with unlimited power. When 
Charles conceived that the number of the hugonots had 
been sufficiently diminished in the provinces, as well as 
in the capital, he pursued a line of policy as distinguished 
for its utter contradiction of truth as that which he 
bad employed in addressing his parliament. In the 
eommunications made to the public authorities in the 
several towns where the massacre had been most ter- 
rible, he declared that the duke of Guise and his party 
were the sole authors of the evils which had occurred, 
and that it was owing to his own exertions that tran- 
quillity had been restored in tlie capital. The Guises, 
on discovering this artifice of Charles to place all the 
odinm of the transaction upon them, hastened to the 
palace, and expostulated with him in the strongest terms 
on audi a breach of faith and honesty. Charles, unable 
to reply, was confounded at the situation in which he saw 
himself placed : a powerful family, on the one side, for^ 
bidding him to attempt the only excuse he could make, 
and the principal states of Europe, on the other, ready to 
overwhelm him with reproach and ruin if he avowed his 
share in the infamous transaction.* While he was yet 
pondering on the words of the duke of Guise, his mother 
entered his apartment; and, perceiving his dejection, 
looaed him with the energy characteristic of her mind, 
•a active and politic as her disposition was cruel, to 
pursue a bolder line of policy. <^ How can you be so 
feeble^ my son," said she, *' after having dared so much * 
* Tbuajiiif, Ijh. liL p. SL LacrfiA«i)\e. 

z 3 



310 HISTORY OF THE BBFOBKATIOir. 

To proclaim that the Guises have been able to massacre 
3000 of your subjects^ and many of them persons of 
distinction, with impunity, before your eyes^ is the same 
as to say that Paris belongs to them, and that they reign 
in your place. Nor would such an assertion be credited. 
You will fall into contempt ; and it is much more dan- 
gerous for a king to inspire contempt than fear. You 
wish to render the Guises odious; you will only make them 
more formidable. Acknowledge this terrible justice ex- 
ecuted on the heretics ; acknowledge the massacre at 
Paris ; and, by that means, you will be able to destroy 
all the heretics in the kingdom, instead of leaving those 
who have encountered our resentment an army where- 
with to avenge themselves." 

The counsels thus given by the queen-mother were 
rendered plausible by the circumstance, that the pro- 
testants still existed in considerable numbers in different 
parts of the kingdom ; and that, among the survivors, 
were several men of rank and ability. On the night 
when the massacre commenced at Paris, an order was 
given to a strong detachment of soldiers to proceed to 
the fauxbourg Saint-Germain, in which many protestants 
resided who had not thought it necessary to remove into 
the immediate vicinity of Coligni's abode. The troop, 
however, met with so much occupation in its progress 
that it was dispersed before it reached its destination. 
This being learnt at the palace, another was sent on the 
same service ; but, in the confusion of the moment, the 
keys of the gate leading to the fauxbourg could not he 
found, and a delay was thus occasioned of the highest 
importance to the hugonots. Warned by the clamour 
which reached their ears, they were not long in disco- 
vering the peril of their situation, or the fate which 
already attended their brethren in the city. But the 
night was spent in doubting what measures ought to be 
pursued. Some proposed to make a desperate effort to 
succour their friends ; others were infatuated enough to 
believe that it was only an unauthorised attack of the 
Guises, and that t\iek\xi^^w]\^Vaim^^\^\j^^^\ii\t 



THB BISHOP OF LI8IEUXE. 311 

.The rest, and they appear to have formed the greater 
number^ advocated instant flight ; and several boats being 
discovered in the morning conveying parties of men along 
the river^ they instantly mounted their horses, and riding 
at full gallops reached Montfort TAmaury in safety.* 

Another cause of uneasiness to the king was the 
evident disinclination of many of his catholic subjects 
to execute his wishes on their being first made known. 
One instance of this kind occurred which ought never 
to be forgotten. Among the magistrates to whom the 
order for attacking the protestants was sent^ was the 
governor of Bayonne^ the vicompte d'Orthe ; and it was 
thus that excellent man dared to answer his royal mas- 
ter, when forgetful of justice and humanity : ^^ Sire, I 
have communicated the commandment of your majesty 
to your faithful subjects and troops of this fortress. 
I have found in it good citizens and brave soldiers, 
but not a single assassin. I have, on this account, very 
humbly to supplicate your majesty, that you would be 
graciously pleased to employ our heads and our lives in 
something that we can perform." The king's answer 
to this epistle was a commission to some abandoned 
wretch to imprison the count ; and, it is melancholy to 
add, that, a few days after writing the above, he fell a 
victim to his high-minded and generous conduct. 

The bishop of Lisieuxe afforded another example of 
humanity, and with less fatal consequences to himself. 
This venerable prelate had been the preceptor of princes, 
and was of the Dominican order. On receiving an 
•intimation from the king's lieutenant at Lisieuxe that 
orders had been sent him for putting the Calvinists to 
die sword, this truly Christian bishop replied, '' You 
shall not execute such orders. Those whom you wish 
to slaughter are my sheep ; sheep gone astray, it is true, 
but I will labour to bring them back into the fold. I 
cannot see in the gospel that the shepherd ought to let 
.the Uood of his sheep be shed ; on the contrary, I read 

• Lacretelle, t 2. liv. vii. p. 34& 
X 4 



t: 



312 niSTORT OF TBI BlftlBMATION. 

there that he ought to pour oat his own for their nfai. 
I will never execute this order lo long at God dill 
preserve my life, which I ought to consecrate entire li h 
the spiritual and temporal good of mj flock." Flevy \i 
remarks, that the hi shop of Lisieuxe conTerted nearly d 
the heretics of his diocese, so deeply were they aftcted 
hy hid tenderness and charity. Reform, in fact, mart 
have made no little progress, if not in name, yet in reality, 
under such a man ; for it woidd he difficult to believe 
that the religion of Charles IX., of Mary de Medids, uA 
the cardinal of Lorraine, was the same as his in whom 
the Spirit of our Saviour was so powerfully manifestBiL 

^\'e may profitably add one more instance of a similar 
kind. Sigognes, tlie governor of Dieppe, on recdTiog 
the order, issued a summons for all the inhabitants of 
the place, of whatever religion they might he, to ss* 
senible in the Hotel de Ville. He thus addressed the 
meeting: — " Messieurs, the order 1 have received ca 
only regard rebellious and seditious Calvinists; but, thanb 
be to the Eternal, there are no longer any such in Dieppe. 
Wi} road ill the gospel that the love of God and of our 
neighbour should he the law and the prophets to 
Christians. Let us make use of this lesson given us by 
Jesus Clirist himself. Children of the same God, let us 
live as brothers, and cherish for each other the charity of 
the Samaritan. Such are my sentiments : I trust you 
will participate in them ; they are the feelings which have 
made me iK'lieve that there is not in this town any 
citizen unworthy of life. 

But notwithstanding the opposition thus shown to the 
sanguinary edict, the slaughter which followed its pub- 
lication was immense. The palace of the Louvre has 
been described as flowing witli blood, and the waters of 
the Rhone were long rendered fetid by the crowds of dead 
that floated on its surface. According to the commonly 
received estimates, the number of persons who perished 
in the slaughter was between 40,000 and 50,000 ; and, 
to add to the horror of this dreadful massacre, many 
of those who fell in it 'wet^ \Xi^ N\t\.\ms^ as much of 



SaOAFB OP 8X7LLY. 81S 

piiTttte bate and regentment as of fanaticism «nd ambition 
in its authcMB. There is^ however^ comparatively little 
to aurpriie us in finding tbat^ often during the massacre^ 
the creditor perished by the hand of his debtor^ the rival 
by the hand of his competitor^ and the ojffender by that 
of the injured^ when we hear of men of science and 
omdition availing themselves of the confusion to murder 
their opponents in a literary dispute.* 

The recital which the celebrated Stdly has left of his 
narrow escape^ amid the horrors which surrounded 
lam on the night of St. Bartholomew^ exhibits a lively 
picture of the terrific scene, by the hand of an eye- 
witness. '^ I went to bed,** says Sully, '' at rather an 
esrly hour, but, about three o'clock in the morning, was 
awoke by the tolling of the bells, and by the confused 
cries of the populace. Saint Julien, my governor, rushed 
oat vrith my valet to learn the cause of the tumult : I 
have never since heard of these two men, but they were 
without doubt sacrificed among the first to the fury of 
die people. I was thus left alone, and was continuing 
to dress myself when my host entered the room pale 
and trembling. He was a protestant; but having heard 
what was likely to happen, he had taken the precaution 
of going to mass to save his life, and keep his house 
from being pillaged. The purpose of his visit to me 
was to persuade me to do the same, and accompany him 
to mass. I did not think proper to do so, and resolved 
upon endeavouring to reach the College de Bourgogne, 
in which I was pursuing my studies, notwithstanding 
its distance from the house in which I lodged, which 
rendered the undertaking in no slight degree perilous. 
I dressed myself in the student's gown, and, taking a 
great pair of books under my arm, descended to the 
door. On entering the street I was seized with horror 

* flueh was th« ftury which excited the spirits of men of every class in 
thtl hour of darkness, that the murder of the learned Peter Ramus was 
tteadid with circumstances which even added to the horror of his assas- 
alnatioo. D« Thou relator that when hia body had been pierced by (the 
daggen of the murderers, it was almost torn to pieces .by the students oC 
tha rival philosapby. 



814 HI8T0BT OP THE BBFOBMATION. 

to see a number of infuriated men returning from all 
parts, and breaking into houses^ while they cried, '' Kill 
the hugonots ! kill, massacre the hugonots !" The blood 
which I saw spilt before my eyes, redoubled my terror, 
and at last I fell in with a corps-de-garde, which 
stopi)ed me. I was questioned, and b^an to experience 
some rough treatment, when the books under my ann 
was perceived, and, fortunately for me, served in the 
place of a passport. I again fell into the same danger, 
and was again happy enough to escape. At length I 
reached the College de Bourgogne, where a danger 
awaited me greater than any I had as yet encountered. 
The porter twice refused to admit me, and I had to 
remain in the middle of the street, at the mercy of the 
infuriated rabble, which was every moment increasing, 
and greedily seeking its prey. At last I conceived the 
idea of inquiring for the principal of the coUege, whose 
name was Lafaye, a man of excellent disposition, and 
who had a great regard for me. Some pieces of money 
induced the porter to comply with my request, and call 
Lafaye to me. That kind-hearted man took me into 
his chamber; but two inhuman priests were there at 
the same time, who appeared to be talking of the Sicilian 
vespers, and who endeavoured to snatch me from his 
hands in order to tear me to pieces, saying that the 
order was to kill even infants at the breast. All that 
Lafaye was able to do^ was to conduct me, with all 
possible secresy, to a remote cabinet, in which he left me 
locked up.** 

The escape of Merlin, one of the officers of the admiral 
Coligni, was still more remarkable. Having got upon 
the roofs of the houses with Teligni, who perished as 
soon as he descended into the street, he found himself, 
being exceedingly infirm and short-sigted, unable to 
follow his young companion. In this situation he let 
himself down into a hayloft, and lay concealed for several 
days between the wall and the manger, his head nearly 
covered with the rubbish which had followed his descent. 
During the time \\e Tem«v.tvfc^ *\w NJciVs* condition, be 



TERRORg OF CHARLES IZ. 315 

ufihred the extreme of hunger^ and was only saved 
rom perishing by a hen^ which^ providentially for bini^ 
ay three eggs within his reach. Many thousands of 
hose who escaped the swords of the assassins were far 
ess fortunate than Merlin : obliged to fly without 
lothes or money^ they perished from cold and hunger ; 
nd it was almost solely owing to the noble benevolence 
if the Montmorencis that any of the fugitive protestants 
vere preserved from the same miserable fate. 

It is not necessary for our purpose to follow the 
Bstory of the persecuted Calvinists^ from this period^ 
¥ith the same minuteness as in the earlier part of 
he narrative. Charles IX.^ it will be sufficient to ob. 
erve^ had little reason to congratulate himself on the 
mccess of his sanguinary plot. His life, from St. Bar- 
holemew's day^ was clouded with ill-concealed re- 
norse ; and^ though endowed with far less sense than 
ninning, he seems now to have been occasionaUy able 
o comprehend^ with perfect correctness, how atrocious 
ind impolitic was the persecution he had instituted, 
[n his last hours he was attended by a protestant nurse^ 
md he is reported to have said to her one day^ in a 
laroxysm of agony, " Oh me^ that I should ever have 
bllowed wicked counsel ! My God^ pardon me ! have 
nercy on me ! I know not where I am. What will 
le the end of all this ? What ought I to do? I see it 
7ell enough^ — I am lost!" 

Had there in fact been no terror of conscience to 
listurb the mind of the dying monarchy the situation 
if his kingdom would have presented a sufficient cause 
or alarm. The protestants, though deprived of their 
renerable chiefs and greatly thinned in numbers^ had 
itill many men among them in whose abihties they 
night safely place reliance; and the reasons for their 
miting in mutual defence were now so much increased^ 
hat those who had resolved upon revenging their 
laughtered brethren were sure of finding an army of 
irave confederates ready at the first signal of war. A des- 
lerate hut partial conflict took place immedcA.\j^^ ^Xissl 



316 



ihenawMw; md^ thwigh peice Ind 
t^thutAf ClMilit itill ftvuid MmMlf 
peril, wad mw dw homn of eirfl ww grthcfing ir 
QBOi^oted n^lditj from onooonier of IriskiigdHi 
■Hidior. JS?«n |]|0 oomftrt wfaidi ha ni|^ h 
ejj pB ftwl to reedfo from Uie apploMO of iIiom oopi 
Ib ospportiiig Uie mmo frith as fatmodf WM deidedU 
TIm only ai&olk priBoe iHw aiipeon to have ecq^ni 
any henty e o ac m oiice in tfie ploi «m the deA-auac 
aftd fffannicaL king of ^pain, a man wheaa dbanc 
aaema to raider it doabtfiil wheAer ligiidrj be 
modier or Uie oflbpring of frrodty. The pope, it 
tne, forgot to mqiport ^ character, or to ezpiani i 
liidiiigi, of a Chiiitian Uahop; and, by appearing 
pniie a deed eo co n tr a ry to humanity and leKgion 
die kte mimacTOy be wm gnilty of a eondtiet wbi 
deeply involtei hie memory in the contempt and odii 
ubidi bdong to tiiat of Chariee. He lit, howei 
aaid to haTe eg p iem ed a frding of donbt as to i 
propriety of the tkughter^ which tends to sapport i 
belief, that he was more imbecile than cruel^ and t1 
it was rather because he supposed himself obliged to 
so, than because he really admired the action, that 
applauded the conduct of the French king. Accord] 
to the report alluded to, a flood of tears burst from ] 
eyes while listening to the anthems with which G 
was praised for the triumph of the Catholics in t 
late massacre ; and deeply agitated he exclaimed, '' W 
can assure me that numbers of innocent people hi 
not perished? " But, notwithstanding this^ the r^oicii 
continued ; and in the yery evening of the day when 
wept at the thought that hundreds of guildess creatn: 
might have fallen victims to an evil policy fostered 
himself, Rome was cheered by the firing of cann 
fhmi the ramparts of St. Angelo, and no means wi 
spared to convince the catholics of £urope that th 
cause had gained an advantage by the devotion 
the French king, which should entitle him to t 
highest honours {be f tiM\ii ciwiQ^ WDi«t« Tbexe^i 



DBAnC OF CHARLES IZ, 317 

gdn^ however, a want of heartiDess in all that was done 
to asflure Charles that he had acted with good policy ; 
and, while his own party was evidently in douht as to 
how far it would he safe to applaud his conduct, the 
protestant princes, and our queen £lizaheth among the 
fbremost^ received intelligence of the massacre in a 
manner which forehoded the most terrible consequences. 
The rapid progress of disease saved the monarch from 
the anticipated evils; and his death, which occurred 
in the twenty-fifth year of his age and the fifteenth of 
his reign, left only his name and memory to suffer 
*he ignominy which had else been heaped upon his 
person.* 

The accession of the duke of Anjou gave addi- 
tional strength to the most enthusiastic and fanatical 
party in the kingdom. His superstition, his love of 
ceremonies, and almost entire forgetfulness of his duty 
as a monarch in his anxiety to perform those of a 
devotee, qualified him, in an eminent manner, to 
direct the motions of men who had sacrificed every 
law of humanity to the impulse of a blind and barba- 
rous zeal. < The difficulty, however, of his situation 
was not to be lessened by these means. It was evident 
to the least skilful in politics that the protestants 
had it still in their power to shake the security of 
tile throne. The king of Navarre, who, together with 
the prince of Conde, had been induced to offer an 
apparent recantation of his principles, had escaped from 
court, and now openly declared that his late conduct 
was entirely owing to the imminent peril in which his 
Hfe was placed immediately after the massacre of St. 
Bartholomew. In every part of the country numerous 
bands were assembled, who only awaited the summons 
of their leaders to march in a body against the common 
enemy, and civil war was aheady, in some quarters, 
raging with the same fury as at the beginning of the 
troubles. Henry, trembling at the storm which he saw 
approaching^ determined to avert it by timely conces- 

* LtcreteUe. 



318 mSTO&T or the BBPOBMATIOZr. 

dons ; and a new edict waa pnUiahed, by whidi the 
hugonott were once more placed in a atate of rdigioai 
freedom. But this was no sooner done than the 
more violent of the catholica pretended to coniidor 
their religion in danger^ and every head was at woik to 
contrive some plan which might serve as an antidote to 
the king's imprudent measure of toleration. Among 
the principal actors on this occasion was the young dvke 
of Guise, and, by his constant attention to the object he 
had in view, he succeeded in forming a league, whidi 
embraced in the list of its members all the nobility, and 
a great proportion of the chief towns and cities. To 
this league the king of Spain and the pope were in 
the highest degree favourable; and Henry allowed a plot 
to be pursued which was far more formidable to his 
own authority than to the safety of the protestants. 
But the intention of the leaguers to interfere with 
his prerogafives was too evident to escape observation 
long, and, by a stroke of policy superior to what was to 
be expected from a man of his character, he placed 
himself at the head of the association, defeating by that 
means the ambitious projects of the duke of Guise, who, 
had he been allowed to remain the chief of the league, 
would have possessed an authority far superior to that 
of the monarch. 

But if the reign of Charles IX. was rendered infamous 
by the slaughter of so many of his subjects, that of 
Henry III., while marked by sanguinary tumults almost 
as terrible, was rendered far more infamous by the 
total corruption of manners which prevailed in every 
class of society. It was during the plague of Athens 
and of Florence^ that the seed was sown whicb produced 
so rank a harvest of licentiousness in those states, and it 
is not difficult to trace the grosser corruption which now 
enveloped, like a black cloud, almost the whole of France 
to the bloody scenes of which it had so lately been 
the theatre. Never, indeed, was guilt more fearfully 
punished than that of France in the sixteenth century. 
Its rulers had fostered a ferocious zeal in their people ; 



STATE OF MANNEBS. 319 

nd when it broke down the barrier of law and hu- 
nanity to reach its victims^ it let in a crowd of the 
rorst demons that ever ravaged the fair fields of civil- 
sation. Fanaticism^ gorged with blood, turned from 
t8 horrible feast to wallow in the grossest sensuality : 
he laws of nature were treated with as great a con- 
empt as those of religion ; and the language of Scripture^ 
rhen describing the vices which brought down destruction 
»n the mighty cities of old, might be applied to France^ 
It this period, without any alteration. Murder, in the 
nean time, not content with the common slaughter which 
nras every day taking place in different quarters of the 
dngdom, was the active minister of private hatred ; and 
the duke of Guise and his brother were both assassinated, 
by order of the king, within a few hours of each other. 
The dagger which Henry had thus impiously un. 
sheathed, was soon after turned against himself. On 
the 1st of August, 1589^ he was informed that a 
young Dominican desired to acquaint him with some 
matter of Importance. Ignorant of his danger, he ad- 
mitted the assassin to a private audience, and was in- 
stantly stabbed. Jacques Clement, by whose hand he 
ieil, was the creature of the duchess de Montpensier, who 
found in him a fit instrument to revenge the murder of 
W brothers. The death of the monarch, who expired 
the day after that on which he was wounded, was regarded 
•8 a signal blessing ; and the populace, taught to regard 
him as the enemy of the church, expressed their satis- 
&ction by bonfires and revelries of every description ; 
Uessing the memory of the regicide, who had been put to 
deaA by the royal guards, as that of a true martyr of 
JesQs Christ. The leaguers tortured their imaginations to 
piomote this expression of popular feeUng. A statue 
of Jacques Clement was placed in the cathedral, bearing 
tile inscription, " Saint Jacques Clement, pray for us ! " 
And his mother, a poor peasant woman, was addressed 
by the priests in the same words as had been used 
isipeeting the mother of our Lord : — '^Blessed he l\\ft 
womb that bore theej and the breaata "Whic^ \!tio\)^ Y^asX 



■Mkad.* Thb «m m OUakHf if filij^ ; t#^il 
ooBdnet 9t Hm pope wm fill mon mw la MMH 
riiloryj he placed Jeequee Gknent mmn^ 4I« erfifcif 
lheclmidi» gifing Umenak itefe JudHii flBdHeHfj 
end pphliddy otdeicd tfaet Ihe Meet megnHlwiifl^^ 
litae dMNild be pcifoi'Bied !■ hewnr of faie ftMitf^ 
dedering, t tiie eeme tfane, that die Hag w e e iia <wi i >y 
of aBjChriedaa bmiaL The eaidfaul de LeBOMw; 
wke wae ambaeitdor ftom Fnaee, oonld aoC e afti tt 
outrage ^pon tlik eommon feeiinge of liaieMitfe nwa if 
paM umotieed, and» riaing indignaridy from hie isa^U 
ezdiimed, '' What do I hear ? Can it be poeriUe IM 
the head of the diurdi applanda the iwierinitioa ci t 
monarch! I depart^ oireroome with horror." Hie 
pope, it ia said, though violeiit in hie temper, cut ]i 
look at his bold reprorer which seemed to oonfeas tiiat 
die rebuke wss Jnst 

The accession of the king of Navarre, ^tma^ 
at first afibrding bnt a doubtfol promiae of peace, 
was soon after productiye of blessiDgB which will ever 
render the name of Henri Quartre dear to France. His 
abjuration of the protestant faith would be difficult to 
justify; but, if a recantation of principles ever admitted of 
a palliating excuse, it was in the case of this benevolent 
and excellent monarch. The course he pursued seemed 
to offisr the only possible means of saving his people from 
the horrors of famine and a protracted civil war ; and it 
should ever be remembered, that his history affords an 
instance, rarely to be met with, of a man's changing his 
principles on becoming possessed of power, but con- 
tinuing to watch over the interests of the party he has 
left with the deepest anxiety and affection. 

By his publication of the celebrated Edict of Nantes, 
Henry placed the safety of the protestants on a found- 
ation that could only be removed by a violation of 
public justice ; which, it was to be hoped, no monarch 
of France would henceforth have the temerity to commit. 
For nearly a century this hope was fulfilled ; and the 
Jbogonots continued to ei^o^ \)^ x^^^cfOiSi ^xn^Aaci thus 



JPBENOH PBOTE8TANTB. 321 

aflbrded them^ till Louis XIV.^ by revoking the edicts 
perpetrated an act^ the infamy of which casts a shade over 
aU that waa splendid in his reign. But a degree of 
improTement had by that time taken place in the middle 
and lower ranks of society; and persecution^ though 
adil sufficiently barbarous in its spirit^ . was rendered 
leas sanguinary and ferocious in its effects. On the one 
ddej it found the instruments of popular fiiry less ready 
to its hand ; and, on the other, the victims of its rage 
had a resource in their knowledge of arts and manu- 
factures which opened to them a safe asylum in other 
countries. 



VOT* I/. 



or VMS BivoBiunov jir ibb 

CHVBOH or OSVBVA. — OALriM.— tXASB OT ^ffVAlia 

oimMAirff.— roiucjkacioif or nn xncsmiKi— oosvobef 
TEBMX» — ooirci«n«ioir. 



DuBiKO the progren of the refonnatimi in Ae Ivser 
Euzopetn ststeSy the ipirit to which it owed iti origbi 
WM working with equal fbree in litnations of k« po- 
litical importance. In the Low Countiiea, a noble eflbrt 
had been made^ from the firat, to throw off the bondap 
of anperatition ; and many were the witneaaea to die 
tmthj who did not refnae to ahed their blood in iti 
defence.* The power of the Roman clergy waa wafSLaaA, 
for a time, to secure the infliction of the highest penalties 
on those who ventured to resist their authority. Bat, 
as in other countries^ the flame which burnt in tbe 
hearts of the reformers only shone the brighter as at- 
tempts were made to extinguish it. By degrees^ the 
sympathy of the people and the magistrates was awa- 
kened; and tbe love of freedom, an old and deeply 
rooted principle in the natives of the United Provinces, 
lent its aid to the grander and more solemn inspiratioBS 
of religion. The influence of Charles V. willingly ac- 
knowledged and obeyed, alone prevented the rapid triumph 
of the new system. In no part of his dominions was 
the rule of that monarch more gladly supported than in 
the Netherlands; and though to the few, — to the clear- 
sighted and deeply devoted believers in simple evangelical 
religion, — political appeals were vain, on the hearts of 
the many, the policy and the fame of the emperor exercised 
an influence which subdued every higher feeling. 

' * Seckendorf, libb i. sec. ex. The martyrdom of Vols and his companioD, 
Johannes Esch, was celebrated Y>^ LuX\vet Yvvavselftwch in prose and poetry. 
SleidMD. Ffeiiet, Luthei*a lic^tuu 1&G^i^AJi»^^^'a^«<^'^^>^Y^'l^l^ 



THE LOW OOUNTBIES. 823 

The accession of Philip II. gave a different character 
to the struggle. With no claims to the love or admir. 
ation of the people^ he demanded a submission to 
his authority which could only have been rendered by 
the most abject fear^ or the most devoted loyalty. 
Charles had permitted^ or encouraged^ the renewal of 
the persecutions from time to time. The Belgian 
priests were appeased by sacrifices whenever the voice 
of protestantism rose too loud for their tranquillity.* To 
these violations of truth and justice the world at large 
had been so long accustomed^ that, when repeated only 
at long intervals, and with some attention to the capa. 
bihties of human patience^ no great danger could arise 
from them to a monarch like Charles V. But Philip 
was not content with this occasional assertion of Romish 
supremacy. He resolved to clear the country of heresy^ 
by some few efforts of zeal, or to pursue those who op- 
posed him till the slower workings of oppression had 
done what was not to be effected by fire and sword. 

The first measures of the new sovereign afforded a 
sufficient indication of his policy. Every decree which 
had been published by his father was renewed with ad- 
ditional expressions of severity. This was especially 
the case in respect to those obnoxious proclamations, 
ivhich contained allusions to the establishment of the 
inquisition in the United Provinces, on the same plan as 
in Spain. The duchess of Parma, who had been in- 
trusted with the government shortly after the accession 
of her brother, found every attempt to stop the rising 
jpirit of discontent abortive. Fierce, indiscriminating 
persecution could alone give a momentary hope of silenc. 
\ng the voice of inquiry. In the year 1562 twenty-two 
>ersons were put to death in the province of FJanderffy. 
md a proportionable number in other parts of the country. 
But amidst all this, the reformers continued to pursue 
;heir onward course, and were now so far advanced in 
iistinctness of doctrinal views as to be able to put forth 
I confession of faith — " The rule of believers dispersed 

• This was especiaUj the case in \SBA and 1M6. 'BtviAX. ^SoaAask 

Y 2 



fhnaijtuiut Hie Low Coatrin, vbo doind «• fiw.w- 
covding to die pniitj of die Holy Go^ of our iW 
JcMU Chritt" 

On die wnAnl of oiden fnm flpeiii *«"<»*^^ dii 
deeraciof die connca of Tient; die deigj ae vdl jh 
die peopk were divided oq many of its moot imp orti C 
pnnHUone. Bat every eante of diipale qpeedHy rmM 
itidlf into die grand qnertioiiy wliedMr the inginHdia 
dioDld be allowed lo csurciae dbe tame andiority- in dMB 
prorinoei as in l^ain. The dread of die holy oOob wm 
miversal; and die proqpeet of iti eataUiahnient in Ai 
oonntry levdled many of dioae dirtinctioiia of temfOTj 
opinion, and intereaty wfaidi had fdmerly pnved of ibA 
important advantage to die daima of Roooe. lianDmi 
aroae on all aides; and die wealthy mcrdianta of Antworf^ 
die nobility of Bnuseli, the intelligent artiaana dirai^ 
out die ccmntry, began to nnite together;, and asMflt 
an atdtode of defiance which indicated die near appnai 
of dvil war. 

At the bead of diis formidable array was the prince 
of Orange, whose personal influence and enlightcDed 
views would have rendered him^ at any period, highly 
serviceable to the party which acknowledged him as its 
leader. Under his guidance^ the powerful confederacy 
of nobles and others proclaimed its resolution to with' 
stand the establishment of the inquisition. The duches^ 
of Parma^ terrified at the aspect of affairs, summoned ^ 
council. In this dignified meeting, the prince of Oran^^ 
urged every argument that could convince the govern 
ment of its folly as well as cruelty in persisting in i 
present course. To the demand of the confederates^^ 
that the decrees respecting the inquisition should b^^ 
formally annulled, the duchess replied, that she had not^ 
die power of stopping the proceedings of the holy office, 
but that she would use her influence in endeavouring to 
satisfy the other demands of the reformers. 

In conformity with this promise, the pains and 

ralties inflicted on heresy were somewhat lessened. 
• BTKHdl, NOW Yto. N. ^\«L 



STRUGGLES FOB BEFORIT. S25 

Death by torture was converted into simple execution; 
and imprisonment for life into captivity for a certain 
term of years. These were considered vast instances of 
mercy; but from all participation in such provisions of 
temporary clemency the anabaptists were rigidly ex- 
cluded. The government thus virtually retained its 
whole authority over the persons and property of the 
reformers. Both Holland and Belgium abounded in ana- 
baptists ; and their creed varied from the highest degrees 
of wild enthusiasm down to that of simple protestantism^ 
characterised by only one peculiarity. Nothing, there- 
fore, could be easier than to involve the reformers of any 
class in the ruin reserved for this once wild and danger- 
ous, but now much sobered and cruelly persecuted, sect. 
But the daily increasing zeal of the people at large 
overcame the petty distinctions and measures of the 
court. They began to sigh for the comfort to be 
derived from the regular preaching of the Gospel; to 
discover the necessity of knowledge, tlie value of a 
faith built upon the foundations of divine truth. At 
first, the danger of satisfying such desires obliged them 
to seek the recesses of gloomy forests before the 
preacher dare open his Bible, or the people gather round 
him to hear the words of life. By degrees their con- 
fidence increased, and they began to assemble in the 
retired suburbs of towns and villages. There, however, 
&ey soon found themselves surrounded by a nume- 
rous rabble, set on by the Roman clergy, and glad to 
exercise their own wretched malice under the pretence, 
of proving their zeal for piety. The reformers, to 
^fend themselves against the barbarities to which they 
^ere thus exposed, were obliged to carry arms to their 
places of assembly ; and hence every day increased the 
^Hances of civil war, and enlarged the ranks of those 
^ho were ready to partake in the struggle. A mighty 
^vantage was gained by the reformers in the appoint- 
**ent of the prince of Orange to the command of 
Antwerp. It was a concession on the pari of ^^^vcw Xj^ 
^^e necessity of the times; and had tiie i^ToXie&VKQXa y*^' 

Y 3 



:)'J(| HISTORY OP TnE REFORM ATIOX. 

Kiioil this advantago M-ith moderation^ they might haie 
saved tluMiisrlvi^ irom many of the evils which their 
party bail shortly aftorwards to endure. 

It is, perhaps, the sad necessity of every revolutioD, 
in opinion or system, that the rougher part of the wqiIe 
must 1k' (Ume hy the pp^antic power and rapid move- 
ments t>f the muhitude. Hut, when once called into die 
field, their implements in hand, their spirits nerved fat 
tlie IalH)ur. who is to bow them to the voice of rule, or 
oblige them to work only according to the line whid 
marks the form and l)oun(larie8 of the wise design? 
'I*he reformers of tlie Netherlands were peculiirlf 
ex])osefl to dangers of this kind. They had been 
]»reoiMle(l by hordes of anabaptists, who, under John 
van (Jeelen and David Ueorge, difiused through the 
country most of the errors of Munser and John of 
Ley den. As the jn^ople in general began to favour the 
reformers, thoy naturally yielded to the invitations of 
that party which oflered the strongest allurements to un- 
cultivated minds and heated imaginations. Hence the 
toniper i>r tho early anabaptists, their wild enthusiasm, 
and nokloss disrejjjard of laws and institutions, spread 
through the increasing ranks of reformers with fearfu* 
rapidity. The consequence might be easily foreseen- 
In the month of August, 1. )()(), the people rose, asattb^ 
instigation of some maddening influence, and rushing t^ 
the churches, tore down the images, and left even tl>^ 
buildings themsi^lves in a state of ruin.* 

The better instructed portion of protestants behel 
this spectacle with dismay. It was at once discovers 
how terrible an advantage it would afford their eve ^ \ 
watchful enemies, and how impossible it was to defenC^""^ 
such conduct on any fair principle of reason or religion 
But remonstrance was vain. The spirit of the natioi 
was in arms, and though it might remain quiet for u^^ 
brief season after this first encounter, it was plain ihtit^^^ 
a general and decisive struggle was at hand. A fresh 
demonstration of popular feeling took place shortly after 

♦ Brandt, -voA. \. Vto. n\\. '^"^SV. 



ALVA. 327 

at Valenciennes ; and the duchess of Panna found her- 
self every day involved in some new perplexity. Per- 
secution lent its aid^ in 1567^ to redouble the fury of 
the people ; and the court of Spain, seeing that it only 
k)st ground by thus rousing a spirit which it had not 
power to resist^ determined on striking a blow which 
should at once bow the strength of the nation to the 
dust. The instrument which Philip selected to effect 
his purpose was the duke of Alva. This bold and 
daring man possessed abilities which might properly 
recommend him to a king^ who had neither wisdom 
enough to govern by justice and humanity^ nor hardi- 
hood sufficient to carry his designs into execution by 
the vigour of his own arm. Experienced in the horrors 
of war, familiar with the councils of the most arbitrary 
of princes, Alva received his commission with a delight 
which seemed to indicate, that he regarded it as afford- 
ing him the sure means of glory and salvation; of 
securing the favour of his sovereign, and the pardon of 
his offences from the church. The advice which he 
gave corresponded with the general tone of his cha- 
racter. ^' Lose no more time," said he ; '' but fall upon 
them while they are napping. Take them in their first 
sleep; let the budding weeds be plucked up by the roots, 
before they shoot forth into strong branches." * 

Alva entered upon his office in 1567* The duchess 
of Parma regarded his appointment with jealousy and 
disdain. Though assured that he was not to interfere 
with the civil affairs of the provinces, she clearly fore- 
saw that his ambition would not suffer him to remain 
long conten^d with the command of the army. These 
fears were fully realised. The support of her authority 
and influence was incompatible with the presence of a 
military dictator : her resignation, therefore, speedily 
foUowed the arrival of Alva, and he had the satisfaction 
of finding himself acknowledged by his sovereign as sole 
governor of the Netherlands, t 

. • Brandt, toL L lib. ix. pi SSa f Id. ibid, p.861. 

Y 4 



SS8 HUTOBT OF THE REFORMATION. 



i 



Among the first acts of his power was the execatioD 
of the counts Egmont and Hom^ two of the protestant 
leaders who had greatly distinguished themselTes bj 
the defence of their persecuted brethren. But par- 
ticular instances of severity were judged insufficient 
for the necessities of the times ; and a court was esta- 
blished^ under the title of the Council of Tumults^ bat 
which^ not long after^ received the more significant ap- 
pellation of the Council of Blood. Alva was seconded 
in all his proceedings by the inquisition of Spain ; which, 
in 1568^ published a manifesto^ declaring that having 
received the reports of the sub-inquisition^ it had come 
to the resolution of pronouncing all the Netherlanders 
heretics^ or abettors of heresy, and therefore guilty of 
high treason, except such as were particularly excepted 
on the recommendation of the holy brothers. 

One of the bloodiest scenes in the long series of per- 
secutions was now enacted. Neither age nor rank, 
neither piety nor learning, retained its distinctions un- 
der the fierce leveller. Consternation and death held 
common sway over the country. '^ The gallows," says 
Ileer Hooft, in a passage quoted by Brandt, '' the 
wheels, stakes, and trees in the highways, were loaded 
with carcasses or limbs of such as had been hanged, be- 
headed, or roasted ; so that the air, which God had made 
for respiration of the living, was now become the com- 
mon grave and habitation of the dead." 

The barbarities of the soldiery ; the injustice of the 
tribunals ; the dark designs of the inquisition ; the ad- 
dition made to the number of the bishops, and thereby 
to the number of domestic oppressors, formed altogeth^"^ 
such a vast and complicated machine for breaking tJ*^ 
heart of a nation, as has rarely been seen in any country^^ 
ancient or modern. But the spirit of the people seem^^ 
to become more buoyant the heavier the burden in:^^ 
posed; and the prince of Orange possessed all tli^ 
virtues and qualities fitted to secure confidence, and lea<^ 
on a body of free and devoted men to the victorious 
assertion of their ligYkts. 1\\& «SKst\& ^^xfe ^t lengtk^ 



CALYjor. 329 

rowned with success; and^ in the year 1573^ the power 
f the king of Spain^ of Alva^ and the inquisition^ were 
humhled^ that^ in the United Provinces^ the doctrines 
f the reformation were acknowledged as the religion of 
lie country. 

Alva, on his recall to Spain^ viewed with complacency 
ie devastations which he had caused during the period 
f his residence in the Netherlands. No fewer than 
00,000 houses were deserted hy their inhabitants ; who 
ither escaped from his toils, and enriched other coun- 
ries hy their industry, or finally fell victims to his 
ersevering rage. " I have caused," said he, " 18,000 
eretics and rebels to pass through the hands of the 
xecutioner, without counting those who perished in 
iie war." Yet, astonishing as is this instance of san- 
uinary fury, the times afforded another yet fiercer 
ealot ; for Vargas accused both Alva, and all the other 
linisters of Spain, of having lost the Netherlands by 
foolish compassion.* 

We turn from the contemplation of these terrific 
truggles, to that of a church which rose into authority 
mder the guidance of a man who, for power of mind 
nd vigour of character, may be ranked in the highest 
:las8 to which intellectual endowments, chastened by 
loliness, can exalt their possessor. Calvin was born in 
he year 1509, at Noyon, a town of Picardy. Educated 
it first for the church, but afterwards as a lawyer, his 
expansive mind, and intense sensibility to the grandeur 
>f divine truth, speedily drew him back from the studies 
>f the jurist to those of the theologian. But he lived 
n an age when learning had ceased to be theoretical. 
Ie soon became involved in the disputes which began 
^th the dawn of the reformation; joined himself to the 
irst little band of French reformers ; and, after sharing 
^ their struggles and dangers, prepared his Institutes 
f Christianity, and dedicated the work to Francis I. 

•Allusion has already been made to Calvin's brief 
^oum in Italy. Neither that country nor France was 

« Brandt, vol. L lib. x. p.306. 



^*n 



in > itau la roeourage sQch > mui u C^Tin to mtk 
Uk temp «r bin permanent labonrt. Hr required ti 
W unfold kii virwi ; maierial* ou( of which to nit 
■ractUR ; and the proipect of finding a spot whoe ill 
foondtlioa mighl be sirely laid. Having reluniei' 
Vnaet, he hutil; an-an^ nuh private biuinen m 
ileinaiHM hia attmlion, and then proceeded Umttit 
Biraaburg. In his way lo that city he airiied at G«De*V 
whtrn- tile piooa and ieamed U'illiain Farel had «tfb 
bllahed a con^;regalioli, the saperintendence of wbick 
already exceeded his powers of exertion. The arrivd 
of Caltin ftUwi the venersWe reformer with joy. '• Stay 
with UN," he «aid, " and ihare my labours." And, wbea 
Calrin intimated his determination to pursue his origiiul 
plan, anil proceed farther, be empbatically exolaimed, 
" lichnid, i declare to you, in the name of Almi^ty 
God. that, unless you will here become my fellow- 
Ubnurcr in the work of the Lord, hie curse will be upon ] 
you fur Ecekinf; yourself rather than Christ." ' 

Moved by the enlreides of Farel, and strongly im- 
prt&icd viiili the coiiviclian that divine piutidiiiicu val 
iunrumental to hia arrival at a time when hia labaiin 
■eemed ao much required, Calvin conKnted to remain 
at Geneva ; and waa elected by the autboriliea of ibc 
town, not only to the office of preacher, but to that of 
professor of divinity. His eleclioD took place io An- 
" gust, 1,536; and the following year he began tbote 
vigorous measures which at first involved him in many 
troubles, but finally led to the establiabment of his system, 
both of doctrine and discipline, throughout a large portiaD 
of the reformed church. Finding the people of Geneva 
unwilling to cease their disputes, or to MHiform to ^ 
confession of faith which their ministers proposed, hi 
took the bold step of declaring, that the sacrament ahoold 
not be administered till tliey manifested a temper mot 
becoming the spirit of Christ's followers. Enraged al 
ttiia proceeding, the magistrates immediately expdled 



• RuchU, Hilt, de k Bc[ 
Seta, VUa Cdvint. t. 3(6. 



531 



at Sirmbmi^ wkoe ke oafafiriied a coBgRgvioo^ ant 
va oMMu t d iSL fbt ftm 1541. wkn tbe oifben wpmoed 
soikitatHDs of the tcapie of Geneva indBceii him to 



Gadnn ihi iih i1 the nwithnuirr of die <&ordRS 
had, for to long a penodr famiaed the firce coune of 
the Goipel in die cfaorefa, over which he was &os called 
to pRsde. His attentioo, dieRfbre, was again caUcd 
to the instituting of sodi rales of discipliiie as might 
ptcaerre it from fntnre conToIaons, and gi^e its mi* 
nisten that doe andioritj wfaidi was necessarr to the 
effidencj of dieir lahoim. The administratioQ of the 
new sjitem was intrusted to a consistory; and this body 
leeeived andiority to ponidi offences against doctrine> cor 
manners, with the hi^Kst ecdesiastical penalties. Calvin 
next pot forth a liturgy, and a form for die communion 
service ; and, some time after, succeeded in the import* 
ant measure of establishing an academy, whicli became 
the resort of the most learned men in the protestant 
church. 

The polity which Calvin and his associates had in« 
ttituted, gave firmness and consistency to all the f\iture 
proceedings of the Genevese reformers ; and made their 
church a praise in Christendom, when a large portion 
of the protestant community was torn by all the cvila 
which schism can inflict on the one hand, and bigotry 
on the other. It was in the bosom of the church at 
Creneva that many of our own persecuted refonneri 
found themselves solaced amid their afHiotions; and 
thence it was that they derived those stern notions ra« 
apecting forms, and that system of doctrine^ which wore 
idiortly after adopted by the Scotch reformers as the 
rule of their church ; and by the puritans, to tlie gruat 
disturbance of the religion already established in this 
country. Calvin had the satisfaction of ovorcoming th« 
enemies of his own repose and of the church ; tndi al 
die time of his death, which happened in I5(i4i, Im 
enjoyed a reputation and an audiority c^tattc thiA thaw 



' 99Z HISTORY OP THM RErORHATIOir. " 

possessed by any olber ecclesiutic of the age. Unfar> 
tunaiely for hia fame lie exerciseil, in the case of Set' 
vetus, a degree of fierce severity which admila of M 
apology, except such u serves W render hit complete *D- 
thority in the buainess a matter of doubt *nd hesitaCiaD. 

^Vhile the churches of the reformation were tha 
growing up, triumphing over the power of the enemy, 
or only lising to afford liim fresh occasion lo rejoice il 
the follies and wickedness of mankind, events occurred 
which daily leuded to the final settlemeol of the grat 
controversy itself. The emperor had beheld with indig- 
nation the removal of the council from Trent to Bo- 
logna ; and, at the beginning of l5iS, sent the two 
lawyers, Francis de Vargas Mexia, and Martin Soria de 
Velasco, to requiri! its immediate return to the originll 
Beat of its deliberations. His ambassador at Romemtdc 
the same demand of the pope, assembled with his car- 
dinals in full consistory. But no attention was paid to 
these appeals ; and the emperor, despairing of ever 
seeing peace restoreil to hie ttaies by tlic counsels 
of the pope, resolved on taking measures himself for 
the pacifying of his people. At the diet of Augsburg 
therefore, he proposed that a confession of faith should 
be drawn up, to which both catholics and protestasB 
might set their hands, till such time as the council should 
definitively settle the dispute. Three learned theologians, 
— Julius Phlug, Michael, bishop of Sidon, and John 
.^picola of Isleben, were appointed to prepare the con- 
fession. The two former were catholics, but men of 
character, temper, and experience ; the latter vai a 
Lutheran, who had been associated with Melanclhon, 
and other diatinguished men, in drawing up the famous 
Confession of Augsburg. 

It was not till after long and earnest dehberatioD, 
that die divines intrusted with this difficult and im- 
portant duty completed the proposed summary of doc- 
trine. When finished, it received the title of the 
Interim, an appellation which signified the temporary 
cbsracter intended W \>c ^p.^«ii il^s^ ■&» ~" 



THE INTERIM. SS8 

pope's nuncio transmitted a copy of the instrument to 
Rome and Bologna^ and Paul immediately convened 
an assembly of his principal advisers to consider its 
contents. This was almost a work of supererogation. 
The very attempt of the emperor to restore peace by 
the publication of the Interim was regarded as unlawful ; 
and of the articles which it contained^ two were point- 
edly declared heretical ; namely^ that which permitted 
the administration of the communion in both kinds^ 
and the marriage of priests. But Charles had taken 
his resolution ; the pope appealed in vain to his fears 
or his affections, and the Interim was made the law of 
the empire by a decree of the diet.* 

This bold and decisive proceeding did little more 
than create a new subject for dispute. The pope and 
hk partizans continued to protest against it as sub- 
versive of the truth, and of every species of ecclesias- 
tical authority. As little acceptable was it to the pro- 
testants. Neither Calvin nor Bucer would acknow- 
ledge it. The venerable elector of Saxony refused to 
purchase the friendship of the emperor by receiving it ; 
and both parties agreed in reprobating the Interim as 
similar in origin and spirit to the Type, the Ecthesis, 
or Heuoticon, those instruments of imperial pride and 
tyranny in the earlier days of the Gospel. 

The quarrel between die two great powers, the civil 
and ecclesiastical, was just at its height when the sudden 
death of Paul III. relieved the emperor from the perils 
attending a struggle with such a potentate. Cardinal 
del Monte, so distinguished for his exertions in the 
council, was elevated to the vacant chair, by the title of 
Julius III., and he had the good sense and policy to 
reassemble the council at Trent. The emperor ac- 
knowledged this act as an instance of respect too valu- 
able to be passed unnoticed, and forthwith proved his 
willingness to show a corresponding reverence for the 
churchy by issuing a decree which forbade the profes- 

• 

* Sleidan, torn. it. p^ 475. 



334 BISTORT OP THE MBFOBSATION. 

■ion of any doctrine, or the practioe of any rite, wfaid 
should contradict the canons of the church of Rome. 

On the Ist of May, 1551, the council resumed id 
deliberations in the city of Trent ; and the menben 
took their places in the seats which they had occupied 
so many years before at the opening of the ooundL* 
It does not fall within our plan to trace its proceed- 
ings with the same particularity as when endeayonr- 
ing to show the spirit which gave it its original chi- 
racter. The council recommenced with the eieventh 
session, and pursued its consultations to the fifteenth. 
But the business of almost every meeting was distuiM 
by the impossibility under which it laboured, of eidier 
satisfying, or opeidy refusing, the claims of the pro- 
testants to a safe conduct, and a patient hearing at its 
tribunal. War then began to threaten again the peace 
of Germany. Maurice, elector of Saxony, still less 
willing to bear the imperial yoke than his venerable 
relative, had raised an army to defend his rights, and 
in the course of a few months gave the emperor reason 
to tremble at the success of his arms, and the increase of 
his party. His approach to the neighbourhood of 
Trent convinced the members of the council that they 
could no longer continue their sittings with safety^ or^ 
at least with the tranquillity necessary to the dignity of 
their situation. The council, therefore, resolved on 
suspending its proceedings till the return of peace ; and, 
with the exception of some of the Spanish bishops, not 
a prelate, after a few days, was to be seen in Trent. 

The successes of Maurice and the confederates, at 
length obliged the emperor to submit to a conference 
at Passau, for the settlement of their dispute. In this 
meeting it was agre^, that the principal demands of 
the elector should be granted, on condition that he laid 
down his arms, and exercised his best influence for 
the restoration of tranquillity. The terms proposed 
by Maurice were, that the landgrave of Hesse should 
be set at liberty, and that whatever measures had been 

• Paul SarpL Pallavicini. 



„ "= "" a,,., 

. '^'o tad' „ - 
!"=«», i ■ 

'"''"of 4e 




'""■"».£■"; "■■■ 

' ''"'■■tr(/„. .,' '*^ '■*'H.T /^ 



986 mammr op tmm aBMnuunov. 

Ibnned the next giett oljeet of die oomieil^s Mbev^ 
•tkHU. No form of ooiift«ioii or arddet had m |tt 
determined the preciw nde of lUth in die Bmm 
dmrdi. By die dme tli«t die twentj-fifdi wjoncf 
the eoondl of Trent grew to e eloe^ it powencd a bodf 
of eanoni which left acarcdy a qneation of doetiini^ tf 
a principle of discipline^ nnnodoed or nndetermined. ' 
Thii celebrated aiaemfalj met ftor the laat time oi 
the 4th of December, 1563. The decnea hanng htA 
lead and confirmed^ die preaident gave hia benedictioa; 
and took a idemn farewell of the namerona iUnatrimi , 
personages by whom he was sarronnded. Deep eno^ 
don was exhibited by die fadiers at thia moment, tfid 
teara and acdamationa Mlowed the annooneement flul 



pUih their obfect, for they trantfbrm tbemidvM into various ib^^ 
fanni, they wilibe pesantf amoog athdats, aAtUtt ; Jtewt amoaf Jtvij 




however, be no wiser ftom their introduetioo ; they wiU tnflitDate dMBM ' 
for ai to induce them to reveal the greatett lecreti of thdr hearts : tbef 
will be in no way aware of them. This will lie the consequence of tbeir 
advisers neglecting to observe the laws of God and of his gospel, and coo* 
niving at the sins of princes. Notwithstanding, God will, in the end, in 
order to avenge his law, cut off* this society, even bv those who have most 
supported and employed it} so that, at last, they will become odious to sll 
nations." 

** Eodem anno vigesimo^primo, adultA jam nequitiA, paldm Ecclesise beU 
lum indixit Lutherus : Isesus in Pampdonensi arce Ignatius, alius ex vol- 
nere, fortiorque quasi defendendae religionis signum sustulit" 

** Lutherus Petri sedem probris, convitiisque lacesscre aggreditur : Ig- 
natius, quasi ad suscipiendam causam, d S. Petro prodigiosi curatur." 

** Lutherus ir&, ambitione. libidine victus, k religiosft vitA desdscit : 
Ignatius Deo vocante impigre obsecutus, d profanA ad religiosam transit" 

** Lutherus cum sacrA Deo virgine incestas nuptias init sacrilegus : per- 
petuae continentiae voto se adstringit Ignatius.** 

** Lutherus omnem superiorum contemnit auctoritatem : prima Igostii 
monita sunt, plena christians? demissionis, subesse et parere.** 

" In sedem apostolicam, furentis In morem, decUunat Lutherus : iniD 
ubique tuetur Ignatius.** 

** Ab ek quotquot potest Lutherus avertit ; quotquot potest conciliat, IC' 
ducitque Ignatius.*' 

** Adversus illam nitentur omnia Lutheri studia atque omatus : Ignatitti 
suos, suorumque labores peculiari voto illi consecrat** 

" Lutherus sacris Ecclesiae ritibus venerationem, cultumque detnuutt 
Ignatius omnem illis reverentiam asserit" 

*' Missaeque sacrificio, Eucharistiae, Deiparae, Tutelaribus Divis, et ilKi> 
tanto Lutheri Airore impugnatis, Pontificum indulgentiis : in quibus novo 
semper inventocelebrandis Ignatii sociorumque desudat industria.** 

*'Lutheroillo Germanise probro, Epicuri porco, Europse exitio^orbisia* 
felici portento, Dei atque horainum odio, etc., setemo cousUio I^us opgo- 
iuit Ignatium.'* Synopsis, &c.,\v\>\. d&sa.^ ^"VS^ 



CONCLUSION. 337 

their labours had been well completed. The 254 mem- 
bers of the council then^ one by one, signed the decrees^ 
which thus received the sanction of twenty-five arch, 
bishops^ a hundred and sixty-eight bishops, two car- 
dinals^ three patriarchs^ and four legates. On the 26th 
of January, 1564, Pius IV, confirmed the decrees in 
full consistory ; and forthwith began a series of oper- 
ations to secure their reception in the various countries 
over which the authority of his church might still be 
expected to prevail. In Spain and Portugal ; by the 
catholics of Germany and Flanders ; in the various 
Italian states, and in Poland, the dictates of the council 
were accordingly acknowledged with little opposition or 
inquiry. France only, notwithstanding the horrors of 
its persecutions, resisted and supported its liberty and 
independence against the continued efforts of successive 
pontiffs. 

Protestants beheld, with mingled sorrow and indig- 
nation, the authority assigned to the decisions of a 
tribunal conducted with so little regard to the rights 
of universal Christendom. But they had triumphed 
fiofficiently to leave them little to fear for the future sue 
cess of their cause. They might still have to struggle 
against powerful adversaries ; but all the grand prin- 
ciples of protestantism were known and cherished by 
men in whose hearts the seed of nothing that is good 
could remain without bringing forth fruit unto life. 

We have now pursued the history of the Christian 
church from its establishment by the Divine Sanctifier, 
to the partial termination of its most eventful struggle 
with the enemies of its peace and purity. Alternate 
Hght and darkness diversify the prospect. Passions the 
most inconsistent with Christian holiness, and corrup- 
tions the most opposite to Christian truth, are seen pre- 
dominating from age to age. The gloom of lengthened 
periods is only broken by the unexpected appearance of 
some preacher of the truth, or some witness to its 
power amid darkness and suffering. Then come days 

VOL. II. z 



iB wbieii llie ftr^^th of evil teems yielilicg to ibe 
eKTgctie bne ud vue (WttfminaLionH of God's ptopk. 
n» *kc> of the world «» openljr reproved. Metbodi 
■r« lakdi foi the belter pubtiutioD of the GoapeL 
ftntitioa own* the power of ^dng intelligence, ud 
dUconl the ineflable might md iweetneKs of the ew- 
gcUual blcuing. Joj fiUs ihe Christian's heart k he 
eaniempUlOT iheK ligtis of Goil's idvancing kingdom, 
of tbc erei aedx^ though oflen hidden, virtue of hii 
gnoe. Bat igaiB ihe ilukness prevails ; the children 
if bght P** a«ay with their boraing lamps ; the Divine 
* li delivered b; etothful ntcssengerB ; and thewwld 
k 'nuo its UDCon«ciouaneu of God and of hii 
Melancbuly would be the reflections of die 
bdiem were there not something permanent on wh ' 
to fix his eye in the mid&t of tlteae changes- The te 
porary telum of light, the occaiiunsl conquests of good 
sver evil, maj be sufflcient to illumtne the page of po. 
Uljcal history, and utisfy the reader ansious only to 
cacape tVom the nrug^es of an uncertain, to tlie 
triumplls of s nialure, civilisaCiOLi. But the Cllrialiau 
look^ for the existence of the same vital principles i" 
every age, and for the certain advancement of the 
Idngdom of God in the midst of every opposing circoin- 
■tance* To lose sight of these life-giving prindplo, 
or to suppose that the power of the Gospel is not ptv- 
gressivfly on the increase, woiUd be the ruin of hii 
hopes, and almost the upseltii^g of his creed. Howerd 
changeable, therefore, the scenes around him, hoire»et 
uncertain the operations of the most plausible of ixuauB 
counsels, and the promises of the brightest events, be 
diacovers amid the thick and floating shadows iFhicb 
envelope it, the continual progress of the sun of rigbt- 
eouanesE towards its meridian glory. 

In the bosom of the Christian church, and no wbeic 
else, righteousness and peace olfer to mankind a remedy 
for all the evils which materially or permanently a£ct 
their happiness. Happy, therefore, will be that geiiff- 



CONCLUSION. 33i) 

I in which the labours of the wise, the love of the 
[, and the united prayers of all classes of believers^ 
i be seen to clear away the stumbling blocks and 
barriers which have been piled up before its por- 
in old times by the corruption, in later ages by the 
Bct, of truth : in the Roman church by pride, in 
church of the reformation by disunion of purpose, 
worldliness of spirit. 



z 2 



INDEX. 



pe, his letter to Fre- 
he subject of the diet 
)erg, i/119. His death, 
mber, 1523, 137. 
cphcn, ii. 220. 
Df, i. 304. 

andenburg, archbishop 
burg and Mentz, L 25. 
a cardinal, M. 
i of Saxony, installed 
russia in 1525, i. 157. 
tiayence, death of, ii. 

/I., pope, his character 

, i, 4. 

legate of the pope, his 

a meeting preparatory 

t of Worms, L 79. 

of, governor of the Ne- 

, ii. 327. 

jnspiracy of, ii. 292. 

election and consecra- 

1 the bishopric of Nu- 
ll 152. 

, i. 110. Settlement of, 
halia, iL 52. General 
f, at Munster, ii. 104. 
ancisco de, i. 290. 
erre, the chief inquisi. 
sination of, L 284. 
rcia de, (or doctor 
his case, L 297. 
126. 
ine, her martyrdom, ii. 

the diet of, i. 34. lU 
B. Re.assembllng of, 256. 
eting of, 269. various 
^'assembly, 270. Close of, 
3 Confession of, ii. 332L 
, the, reforms in their 
i. 97. 

5, description of, i. 291. 
of thirty -one persons at, 
sequent accounts of, 305. 
i. 292. 

2 de, a celebrated preach- 



Z 



B. 



Bade, controversial meeting at, i. 
184. 

Bainham, James, a lawyer in the 
Temple, his martyrdom, ii. 67. 

Bari, Jean de, one of the conspir- 
atorsof Amboise, ii. 292. His 
death, 294. 

Barnes, martyrdom of, ii. 250l 

Bartoccio, Bartolomeo, his letter to 
his wife during his imprisfmment, 
L S2a Martyrdom of, U. 294. 

Beamy, prince of, his marriage 
with Margaret of Yalois, ii. 304. 

Bellay, u. 97. 

Bembo, cardinal, i. 313. 

Berne, an assembly held at, 
L197. 

Bemhardi, Bartholomew, parish 
priest of Kemburg in Saxony, 
violates the law of celibacy bv 
entering the married state, i. lOS. 
Justified by Melanctbon, 103. 

Berquin, Louis, a Flemish gentle- 
man, and an officer in the royal 
council of Paris, bis martyrdom, 
L329. 

Beyer, Christopher, chancellor, 
reads the Protestant Cmifession 
of Futh at the diet of Augsburg, 
i.244. 

Besa, the representative of Calvin 
at the meeting of Poissi, iL 297. 

Bible, the, publication of, in En. 

Klish,iL246. 
Buney summoned befbre tbe 
bishop of London on a cluurge of 
heresv; bis acquittal, iL 6S. He 
preaches the reformed fldtb In 
Norfolk ; his martyrdom, 76. 
Bitonte, bishop of; IL 1G6L 
Bohorques, Maria d^ her maityr- 

dom, L 300. 
Bohorques, Joana, lifter of tiM 
above, horrible crudtiai pnc- 
tised on her, L dOl Her imuKOMA 

Bologna, Vncxeaift cA"? wM>teKD««» 

at, 1. 315. 

3 




Tumult*, ILSiS. 

Cavcrdlle, M lies, conMcnMd bUl- 



Obulni 



liui Han," iSl. Hit pletr. 256. 



" The K»li4bt," 135. Hii Com. 
mmouT on Ihe EiihlT-foui^ 



Fitwr.Johii. I. ITO. 



m.eis. HiicinHU 



IMdrmii), Gibriel. ), SI. 
DoHKh.jDhn, i.97. 
DomLDiduta, the, L 13, 
DonduL Hiitln, bli con 
Willi Enmiiii, Let. Ij 

to tbo HDmaiu, 65. 



IbrdKl an UTlum lo leieMl of thf 

Perdinan'd eltcleil king atOie Ro. 

lug h^ F<ectiDn, ^, 
F^nuud >n:hduke of Aiutrin, i. 

Ferdinuid III. Ung arCutUeind 

Flitia'biihofi or hwheiMr, 11. X. 
Foi bLihor of Hereford, ti. 99. 
FrampKm. John, demindi Ibe tm. 
„...., "■""""^^'^'ii 

KaTDnnen. I. 
1 in, SO, Cot- 






^r£r"i„3;^"i:'K. 


Hii^nl 






LuthM.«. 




tcr tn Cni^b 




S 


icre«n,'iiiJ*l 
<^ Submlu 


;h"'dwJ' 




n nf (he dlip 


cnts^de. 




AuKuittna U 


jHitla 


17 HepLjof 


hedep>n!« 




queriei. 10^ 


HU chb 


■redBHe 




openaUw 






1, S4a 




John tiatiT 


f Sixonjr, 


li. S 


HliohH«<n; 


hllUMMT 


Wth. 


Hidn«oru»p<>iM-ii>inf 


cia,» 






■u«i.b 


HOBito.tHimBriw.'WMu 



f^s 



HP 



niHViiiW Benj VI I L 



nllKl dT, to Utf Town, 276. 
OMIlMn, chuncaUnr, hii iiwdi 

<n lb(iub)iBI«r ii(atnlc«ia- 

di, I «Bi. 
Owbn, JoHb *«a, U. 331. 

" uS P '** '"'"^ bidiopor Bun. 




Hedrr 11. kSn^ of Fiann, ^ 



HtnnVlll. Ud|< 
leu tfbr ibr diur 






GmnuiT, n<l(GUDiu<Ki the lUU 

of, 11^ 
Oartrud, BuitjTdDiii ef, U. ESOl 
Olsncen, Iho nmp of, neetlni ol 



S&.V 



BOliCf, 9a. -HIl UUWB 



themeeiiiigor Snulcilde, U. Ui 
> Bella, I mi. 

Hearr iaite gf Bruninlsk,' \ 






IndulMnca, nalure and onglii of, 
t, la Ptelei.™. for tcMWIng 
the b)c o(. i4 DiminuclM m 

luquumoD.ibit.autillihmnitiif.i. 

BtibuDui Domlurt of, lowir* 
Sina Crui'iHd. 9&i. Unequil 

InElilutloni, monullc, 

lUl7,>icioui«KidiiM'o 
i. 3G9. RevnlllDE baibuiUa 



Jimoc, [he bUMe or, II. »S. 



FiSm'amni »f Hicaiidoli. L £16. 
Idhn of Lcfden, h[i IkiuCiini ind 

ifi. 

Inhn Fredcitc elBctoc of Saioay, 






Litfaje, prinCLHl oT the go11«^ of 

Bourgogne, 11. 311 
Lambert, John, hii trial and na- 

Tenitfofl^^^g.i 60. 
IMK!, Philip ie. ti. 199. 
mtimet, Wihop, IL £56. 
Laloniui, JacWi IL J46. 



I.'H(cilUl elevated to the dlgnlt; 

orSaneelloI, 11, SSSl 
Ldprig. debate betiraen Luthet 

and%cklui at. i. 56. 
Lea X,. papa, his charu^ier and 

earl; ii^, L 5. His lere oT li. 






o, &te of theProteitinU at. 



tjaiu, 65. Hlfl appHl to the 
■rchtiiihop of Meniz, B7- A pa- 



plf 1 hi« dignified coi 



o :Ualanclhoni S6. 
If hb girgduction). 



. IIIipoUcy,K 



lulniuanlbe umetuhlac*, m 
lia Hi> letter toI^eS*^ 

WOTlhip. IflT- Reiectft the gaib 
and title or monk. HO. Rii J 

ttoveiiT with 'Cari^rtad. UB, 
A Khinn betwaen him and tb» , 
alht.rRefiirmen,lT& Hiitetta 3 
ta Henry VIll. In hii juiUfl. 
cation, 177. Publiihei a work 
entitled " A Defence of tba 
Worda at Jam Chrtit, ' ThU «k 




M«li<eUI,aHinI.LI4lt 
Uvburg, cdnltHiu at. t. tma 



ma. 
tor ' 



unltenlt) of Wiuetnberg, 

5. SuKwiti tlie auta of 
nharJi ti J • powfrtU! ipolugT. 



, 1 1^ HHuIuiii 



m/Im id Luther for nippoft, 

K;ul. .Khbl-hopof hLrepljH, 
lae lllglll of SL Bu-tbalgmgu, 

Id, L 315. ^ \ 



HnilUin. t^(«, i. as. 

Muaan, Thonat hli snegaAgfi, 
i. IW. Hl>l^uH.a Hid Jlnifill 
bUbsW. HUfcinilitiipMi* 

(Don MSie pTinae 0«t|i d 
SaxKBj uirl [lie lindKnrc el 

Mun>Icr, gnenl mEcHng of Ulc 



OdilDn, Bemirdli 
(EcDlnDipadiiu d( 

P. 

Pocclut, chaarfUor o( 
SMonyl. SOI. Hi. 



IMD£Z. 



347 



Paul III., pope, acdN«ion of, iL 
93. His address to the emperor 
at the diet of Spire, 135^ His 
policT, I53w His anxiety about 
the decrees of the council of 
Trent, 179. Remarks on his 
conduct, 195. 
Paul IV., l 320. 
Petrarch, L 6. 

Pfeifer, a priest, takes the field in 
the war with the peasants; his 
success and cruelty, i. 149. His 
execution, 153. 
Pflug, Julius von, ii. 152. 
Philip landgrave of Hesse, i. S05u 
Philip II. of Spain, his accession, 

L291. 
Phlug, Caesar, i. 54. 
Pibrac, advocate-general, iL 308. 
Piles, Clermont de, iL 307. 
Pistorius, ii. 127. 
Pius III., pope, i. 4. 
Pius IV., pope, iL 135. 
Pousi, conference of, iL 297. 
Pole, Reginald, cardinal, ii. 118. 
Election of, to the see of Canter- 
bury, 283. His death, 284. 
Poltrot, ii. 303. 
Pomeranus, cardinal, ii. 94. 
Pontanus, chancellor, L S05. 
Pleads the cause of the Protest- 
ants at the diet of Augsburg, 
243. Persists in declaring the 
pope to be Antichrist, 262. 
Prague, the council of, iL 210. 
Prierius, Sylvester, L 33. 
Protestant, origin of the term, i, 

218. 
Protestant Confession of Faith, L 

248. 
Prussia accedes to the doctrines 

of Luther, i. 155. 
Pucci, cardinal, L 23. 



R. 



Ramus, his murder, iL 307. 
Ratisbonne, the diet of, iL 26. 

Colloquy of, 169. 
Reformation, the, commencement 

of, i. 107. 
Regie, bishop of, his address to 

the elector of Saxony, iL 33. 
lUcetto, Antonio, martyrdom of, 

i. 317. 
Ridley, bishop, death of, ii. 283. 
Roman Reformers, ii. 119. 
Rome, the house of the inquisition 

burned at, i. 320. 
Romorastin, the edict of, ii. 295^ 
Rotman, Bernard, ii. 101. 
Rouen, the siege of, ii. 302. 
Roussel, Gerhard, i. 326. Blshq> 

of Oleron, 327. 



Saeramentarians, L 218. 
Sadolet, James, cardinal, ii. 118. 
St Butholomew, massacre of the 

Protestants, ii. 306. 
St Denis, battle of, iL 303. 
St Francis, the order of, L IS. 
Sanchez, Antonio, L 296. 
Sassari, archbishop of, ii. 165. 
Schertelin, Sebastian, ii. 198. 
Schurff, Jerome, i. 82. 
Schweinfurt, conference of, ii. 25. 
Sega, and Francisco Spinola,^ mar- 
tyrdom of, i. 318. 
Seguier, president, iL 288. 
Seville, an auto da fe at, i. 297. 

Another auto da fe, 3()2. 
Sigognes, governor of Dieppe, ii. 

31^ 
Smalcalde, meeting of, i. 225. An. 
other meeting at ; the league of, 
ii. 8. General meeting of the 
Protestant deputies at, 13. An- 
other meeting at, 35. Meeting 
of the princes, 113b 
Solyman, sultan, his victorious pro- 
gress, L 216. 
Soto, ii. 225. 
Soubise, iL 307. 

Spain, introduction of the inqui- 
sition in, L 275. 800,000 Jews 
expelled from, 287. Introduction 
of (he Reformation, 289. 
Spire, the diet of, i. 180. Pro- 
rogued ^ reassembling of, 182. . 
Stainez, il 335. 

Stand ish, doctor, his case, ii. 59. 
Staupitz, his letter to Luther, L 35. 
Storch, Nicholas, L 108. 
Strasburg, proceedings of the 
senate, i. 209. Treaty of, ii. 21. ; 
Stubner, Mark, an anabaptist, his 

interview with Luther, L 124. 
Sturma, Lopez, ii. 146. 
Sully, his account of bis escape 
and the horrors that surrounded 
him on the night of St Bartholo- 
mew, iL 313. 
Switzerland, moral and religious 
condition of, i. 165. Unsettled 
state of aflbirs in, 184. 

T. 

Teligni, ii. 314. 4 

Tetzel, John, L 25. 1 

Thou, Christopher, iL 306. ] 

Tindal, 'William, his New Test**' 

ment, ii. 63. 
Toledo, Spanish ambassador at tb0< 

council of Trent, iL 180. 
Torquemada, the grand inquisitor, 

i. 286. 
Trent, council of, opening q£^ ^ 

156. A.^LdT««%QlV2Cw^V£^«^3«»«'^5* 



m 



«p 






VilUdalM.iMlhlhil iwuda of 

■ti*uu<uau.i,a»J 

VMni.ll.3S. 

vmImb rdUT. I n. 

Vwiie* aMctiiiRiduoMl li» (ha 

virJSrTKul ft*". IL. o*. * 
V*niuii1l. PMra MvUn, U »t I 



WlelilliR, iCftl. 
Wuqpen, L eSi. 
Wincnbiiih.Tli 

WUtBataTR, 

WoKtug, L Ivi. 

WqIkt, ardlA^ hii cluncis, 
U.^. RUKteBDdecUnUiinit 
BafMcd CuOe, SI. Hii jn- 
plnlt; en Ibe mt^cct of Hmn'i 
•tiTHw. TO. Hl> (Ul, TS. H>i 
dciUi, ;s. 

Wijnm,dl«or.La2ia. IM. Be. 
UKnAang or, U. 1». 



hechoplerofSt. FcUi 

mid SL tlcsului In Che citji cl 
XiatitAi,\e^ ADCuuSon brou^ 
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