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OF THE». •/.* •. .•*•• 

• • 

• • » 

• • • 


. * • ' • • • • . 

OF ENbU-'J^Htl'r 

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VOL. I. 



• a • • • 
• • ,• • • 

• • • 

• • 

• • • 

• •• 



• • ••• 
•• • • 


' f 

..■ :^i^. 

■'0^: ■■' 


K I N G- 


The first step that was made in the reformation 
of this Church was the restoring to your royal ances- 
tors the rights of the crown, and an entire dominion 
over all their subjects ; of which they had.b^eir djiK :' 
seized by the craft and violence ;o{Van\liojust ppe- 
tender : to whom the clergy, though jonrla^e^y'S . 

int)genitors had enriched them by a bbvptjriiQ-i^ '' 

- * i*' I'- - "*- - 
profuse than ill-managed, did not onl^/mlh'efe, but 

drew with them the laity, over whose consciences 

they had gained so absolute an authority, that our 

kings were to expect no obedience from their people, 

but what the popes were pleased to allow. 

It is true, the nobler part of the nation did fre- 
quently in pm'liament assert the regal prerogatives 
against those papal invasions: yet these were but 
faint endeavours ; for an ill-executed law is but an 
unequal match to a principle strongly infused into 
the consciences of the people. 

But how different was this from the teaching of 

Christ and his apostles ! They forbade men to use 

all those arts by which the papacy grew up, and yet 

subsists: they exhorted them to obey magistrates, 

when they knew it would cost them their lives : they 

were for setting up a kingdom, not of this world * 
VOL. I. a 


nor to be attained, but by a holy and peaceable reli- 
gion. If this might every where take place, princes 
would find government both easy and secure: it 
would raise in their subjects the truest courage, and 
unite them with the firmest charity : it would draw 
from them obedience to the laws, and reverence to 
the persons of their kings. If the standards of jus- 
tice and charity, which the gospel gives, of doing 
as we would be done by, and loving our neighbours 
•V^RS.oufselveSj were made the measures of men's ac- 
■ ••^i.U.^ite w^ld «>, be g.ven,«l, ^ 
httfr ^^aiiflj.woum princes be obeyed ! 
Yilji^:^ of the reformation was to restore 
Chnstiikiif^ti) what it was at first, and to purge it 
of those corruptions, with which it was overrun in 
the later and darker ages. 

Great Sir, this work was carried on by a slow 
and unsteady progress under king Henry the Eighth ; 
it advanced in a fuller and freer course under the 
short, but blessed reign of king Edward ; was sealed 
with the blood of many martyrs under queen Mary; 
was brought to a fiiU settlement in the happy and 
glorious days of queen Elizabeth ; was defended by 
the learned pen of king James : but the established 
frame of it, under which it had so long flourished, 
was overthrown with your Majesty's blessed father, 
who fell with it, and honoured it by his unexampled 
suffering for it ; and was again restored to its former 
beauty and order, by your Majesty's happy return. 
What i*emains to complete and perpetuate this 


Uessing, the composing of our differences at home, 
the establishing a closer correspondence with the re- 
formed churches abroad, the securing us from the 
restless and wicked practices of that party, who hoped 
so lately to have been at the end of their designs ; 
and that which can only entitle us to a blessing 
from God, the reforming of our manners and lives, 
as our ancestors did our doctrine and worship ; all 
this is reserved for your Majesty, that it may ap- 
pear, that your royal title of Defender of the Faith 
is no empty sounds but the real strength atid glory of 
your crown. 

For attaining these ends, it will be of great use to 
trace the steps of our first reformers ; for if the land- 
marks they set be observed, we can hardly go out of 
the way. This was my chief design in the follow- 
ing sheets, which I now most humbly offer to your 
Majesty, hoping, that as you were graciously pleased 
to command that I should have free access to all 
records for composing them, so you will not deny 
your royal patronage to the history of that work, 
which God grant your Majesty may live to raise to 
its perfection, and to complete in your reign, the 
gloiy of all your titles. This is a part of the most 
earnest as well as the daily prayers of, 

May it please your sacred Majesty, 
Your Majesty's most loyal, 
most faithful, and most 

devoted subject and servant, 





jL here is no part of history better recdved than the ac- 
count of great changes, and revolutions of states and go- 
yemments, in which the variety of unlooked-for accidents 
and events both entertains the reader and improves him. 

Of all changes, those in religion that have been sudden 
and signal are inquired into with the most searching curiosity: 
where the salvation of souls being concerned, the better sort 
are much affected ; and the credit, honour, and interest of 
churches and parties draw in those, who, though they do 
not much cal^ for the religious part, yet make noise about 
it to serve other ends. The changes that were made in re- 
ligion in the last century have produced such effects every 
where, that it is no wonder if all persons desire to see a clear 
account of the several steps in which they advanced, of the 
counsels that directed them, and the motives, both religious 
and poliucal, that inclined men of all conditions to concur 
in them. Germany produceth a Sleidan, France a Thu- 
anus, and Italy a Friar Paul, who have pven the world as 
full satisfaction in what was done beyond sea, as they could 
desire. And though the two last lived and died in the com- 
munion of the church of Rome, yet they have delivered 
things to posterity with so much candour and evenness, 
that their authority is disputed by none but those of their 
own party. 

But while foreign churches have such historians, ours at 
home have not had the like good fortune : for whether it 
was, that the reformers at first presumed so far on their 
legal and calm proceedings, on the continued succession of 
their clergy, the authority of the law, and the protection of 



the prince, that they judged it needless to write an history, 
and therefore employed their best pens, rather to justify 
what they did, than to deliver how it was done; or whether 
by a mere neglect the thing was omitted ; we cannot deter- 
mine. True it is, that it was not done to any degree of ex- 
actness, when matters were so fi«sh in men^s memories, that 
things might have been opened with greater advantages, and 
vouched by better authority, than it is to be expected at 
this distance. 

They were soon after much provoked by Sanders^s his- 
tory, which he published to the world in Latin : yet, ^ther 
despiang a writer, who did so impudently deliver falsehoods, 
that from his own book many of them may be disproved, or 
expecting a command from authority, they did not then set 
about it. The best account I can give of their silence is, 
that most of Sanders'^s calumnies being levelled at queen 
Elizabeth, whose birth and parents he designed chiefly to 
disgrace, it was thought too tender a point by her wise 
counsellcnrs to be much inquired into: it gave too great 
credit to his lies, to answer them ; an answer would draw 
forth a reply, by which those calumnies would still be kept 
alive ; and therefore it was not without good reason thou^t 
better to let them lie unanswered and despised. From 
whence it is come, that in this age that author is in such 
credit, that now he is quoted with much assurance : most of 
all the writers in the church of Borne rely on his testimony 
as a good authority. The collectors of the general history 
of that age follow his thread closely ; some of them tran- 
scribe his very words. One Pollini, a Dominican, published 
an history of the changes that were made in England, in 
Italian, at Rome, anno 1594, which he should more ingenu- 
ously have called a translation or paraphrase of Sanders^s 
history : and of late more candidly, but no less maliciously, 
one of the best pens of France has been employed to trans- 
late him into their language ; which has created such pre- 
judices in the minds of many there, that our reformation, 
which generally was more modestly spoken of, even by those 
who wrote against it, is now looked on by such as read San- 


den, and believe him, as one of the foulest things that ever 

Fox, fin* all his Toluminous work, had but few things in 
his eye when he made his collection, and designed only to 
discover the corruptions and cruelties of the Roman clergy, 
and the sufferings and constancy of the reformers. But his 
work was written in haste, and there are so many defects in 
it, that it can by no means be called a complete history of 
these times ; though I must add, that, having compared his 
Acts and Moouments with the records, I have never been 
able to discover any errors or prevarications in them, but 
the utmost fiddity and exactness* Parker, archbishop of 
Canterbury, designed only in his account of the British An- 
tquities to do justice and hcmour to his see, and so gives us 
bardy the Life of Cranmer, with scmie few and general hints 
of what he did. Hall was but a superficial writer, and was 
more careful to get full infcmnations of the clothes that were 
worn at the int e r views of princes, justs, tournaments, and 
great solemnities, than about the counsels or secret trans- 
actions of the time he lived in. Holinshed, Speed, and 
Stow, give bare relations of things that were public, and 
commit many faults. Upon their scent most of our later 
writers have gone, and have only collected and repeated 
what they wrote. - 

The lord Herbert judged it unworthy of him to trifle as 
others had done, and therefore made a more narrow search 
into records and original papers than all that had gone be- 
fore him ; and with great fidelity and industry has given 
us the history of king Henry the Eighth. But in the trans- 
actions that concern religion, he dwells not so long as the 
matter required, leaving those to men of another profession, 
and judging it perhaps not so proper for one of his con- 
dition to pursue a full and accurate deduction of those 

Since he wrote, two have undertaken the ecclesiastical his- 
tory ; Fuller and Heylin. The former got into his hands 
some few papers, that were not seen before he published 
them ; but being a man of fancy, and aflecting an odd way of 

a 4 

1 1 


wridng, his work gives no great satisfaction. But doctor 
Heylin wrote smoothly and handsomely, his method and 
style are good, and his work was generally more read than 
any thing that had appeared before him : but either he was 
very ill-informed, or very much led by his passions ; and 
he b^g wrought on by most violent prejudices against 
some that were concerned in that time, delivers many things 
in such a manner, and so strangely, that one would think 
he had been secretly set on to it by those of the church of 
Rome, though I doubt not he was a sincere protestant, but 
violently carried away by some particular conceits. In one 
thing he is not to be excused, that he never vouched any 
authority for what he writ, which is not to be forgiven any 
who write of transactions beyond their own time, and deliver 
new things not known before. So that upon what grounds 
he wrote a great deal of his book we can only conjecture, 
and many in their guesses are not apt to be very favourable 
to him. 

Things being delivered to us with so much alloy and un-i 
certiunty, those of the church of Rome do confidently dis- 
parage our reformation : the short history of it, as it is put 
in their mouths, being, that it was begun by the lusts and 
pasfflons of king Henry the Eighth, carried on by the raven- 
ousness of the duke of Somerset under Edward the Sixth, 
and confirmed by the policy of queen Elizabeth and her 
council to secure her title. These things being generally 
talked and spread abroad in foreign parts, especially in 
France, by the new translation of Sanders, and not being 
yet sufficiently cleared, many have dedred to see a fuller 
and better account of those transactions than has yet been 
given ; so the thing being necessary, I was the more encou- 
raged to set about it by some persons of great worth and 
eminence, who thought I had much leisure and other good 
opportunities to go through with it, and wished me to un- 
dertake it. The person that did engage me chiefly to this 
work, was on many accounts much fitter to have undertaken 
it himself, being the most indefatigable in his industry, and 
the most judicious in his observations, of any I know, and ia 


one of the greatest masters of style now living. But being en- 
gaged in the service of the church, in a station that affords 
him very little leisture, he set me on to it, and furnished me 
with a curious collection of his own observations. And in 
some sort this work may be accounted his, for he corrected 
it with a most critical exactness ; so that the first materials, 
and the last finishing of it, are from him. But after all this, 
I lie under such restraints from his modesty, that I am not 
allowed to publish his name. 

I had two objections to it, besides the knowledge of my 
own unfitness for suich a work. One was, my unacquainted- 
ness with the laws and customs of this nation, not being bom 
in it : the other was, the expense that such a seafch as was 
necessary required, which was not easy for me to bear. My 
acquaintance with the most ingenious master William Petyt, 
counsellor of the Inner Temple, cleared one difficulty ; he 
offering me his assistance and direction, without which I 
must have committed great faults. But I must acknow- 
ledge myself highly obliged by the favour and bounty of 
the honourable master of the rolls, sir Harbottle Grim- 
stone, of whose worth and goodness to me I must make a 
large digression, if I would undertake to say all that the 
subject will bear : the whole nation expressed their value of 
him, upon the most signal occasion, when they made him 
their mouth and speaker in that blessed assembly which 
called home their king ; after which real evidence all little 
commendations may be well forborne. The obligations he 
has laid on me are such, that, as the gratitude and service 
of my whole life is the only equal return I can make for 
them ; so, as a small tribute, I judge myself obliged to 
make my acknowledgments in this manner, for the leisure 
I enjoy under his protection, and the support I receive from 
him : and if this work does the world any service, the best 
part of the thanks is due to him, that furnished me with 
particular opportunities of carrying it on. Nor must I con- 
ceal the nobleness of that renowned promoter of learning 
Mr. Boyle, who contributed liberally to the expense this 
work put me to. 



Upon these encouragements I set about it, and began 
with the search of all public records and oiBces, the parlia- 
ment and treaty rolls, with all the patent rolls, and the re- 
l^ters of the sees of Canterbury and London, and of the 
augmentation 'office. Then I laid out for all the MSS. I 
could hear of, and found things beyond my expectation in 
the famous Cotton library, where there is such a collection 
of ori^nal papers relating to these times, as perhaps the 
world can show nothing like it. I had also the favour of 
some MSS. of great value, both from the famous and emi- 
nently learned doctor Stillingfleet, who gave me great assist- 
ance in this work, and from Mr. Petyt and others. When 
I had looked these over, I then used all the endeavours I 
could to gather together the books that were printed in 
those days, from which I not only got considerable hints of 
matters of fact, but (that which I chiefly looked for) the ar- 
guments upon which they managed the controversies then 
on foot, of which I thought it was the part of an ecclerias- 
tical historian to give an account, as I could recover them, 
that it may appear upon what motives and grounds they 

The three chief periods of Henry the Eighth his reign, in 
which reli^on is concerned, are, first, frt>m the be^nning of 
his reign, till the process of his divorce with queen Katherine 
commenced. The second is frt>m that, till his total breaking 
off from Rome, and setting up his supremacy over all causes 
and persons. The third is from that to his death. 

When I first set about this work, I intended to have car- 
ried on the History of the Reformation to the reign of queen 
Elizabeth, in which it was finished and fully settled ; but I 
was forced to change that resolution. The chief reason, 
among many others, was, that I have not yet been able to 
discover such full informations of what passed under the 
succeeding reigns as were necessary for a history ; and 
though I have searched the public registers of that time, 
yet I am still in the dark myself in many particulars. This 
made me resolve on publishing this volume first, hoping, 
that those, in whose hands any manuscripts or papers 


of that time lie, will, from what is now performed, be en-* 
oouraged to communicate them : or if any have made a con* 
aderahle progress in those collections, I shall be far from 
allying them the honour of such a work, in which it had 
been inexcusable canity in me to have meddled, if the de- 
sires of others, who have great power over me, had not pre* 
vailed with me to set about it; and therefore, though I 
have made a good advance in the following part of the work, 
I shall most willingly resign it up to any who will undertake 
it, and they shall have the free use of all my papers. But 
if none will set about it, who yet can furnish materials to- 
wards it, I hope their zeal for carrying on so desired a work 
will engage them to give all the help to it that is in their 

There is only one passage belonging to the next volume, 
which I shall take notice of here, since frt>m it I must plead 
my excuse for several defects, which may seem to be in this 
work. In the search I made of the rolls and other offices, 
I wondered much to miss several commisuons, patents, and 
other writings, which by clear evidence I knew were granted, 
and yet none of them appeared on record. This I could 
not impute to any thing but the omission of the clerks, who 
failed in the enrolling those commissions, though it was not 
likely that matters of so high concernment should have been 
n^lected, espedally in such a critical dme, and under so se^ 
vere a king. But as I continued down my search to the 
fourth year of queen Mary, I found, in the twelfth roll of 
that year, a commission, which cleared all my former doubts, 
and by which I saw what was become of the things I had 
10 anxiously searched after. We have heard of the expur- 
gation of books practised in the church of Rome ; but it 
might have been imagined, that public registers and records 
wcMild have been safe; yet, lest these should have been 
afterwards confessors, it was resolved they should then be 
martyrs ; for on the 29th of December, in the 4th year of 
her reign, a commission was issued out under the great seal 
to Bonner bishop of London, Cole dean of St. Paurs, and 
Martine a doctor of the civil law, which is of that importance. 


that I shall here insert the material words of it : Wherects 
U is come to our knowledge j that in the time of the late 
schism divers comptSj books, scrolls, instruments, and other 
writings, were practised, devised, and made, concerning 
professions against the pope*s holiness, and the see aposto* 
lie, and also sund/ry infamous scrutinies taJecfi in abbeys 
and other religious houses, tending rather to subvert and 
overthrow aU good religion and religious Jumses, tfianjbr 
any truth contained tlierein : which being in the custody of 
divers registers, cmd we intending to have those writings 
brought to knowledge, whereby they may be considered, and 
ordered according to our wiU and pleasure; thereupon, 
those three, or any two of them, are empowered to cite any 
persons befbre\ them, and examine them upon the premises 
upon oath, and to bring aU such writings before them, and 
certify their diligence about it to cardinal Pool, thatjuriher 
order might be given about them. 

When I saw this, I soon knew which way so many writ- 
ings had gone : and as I could not but wonder at their bold- 
ness, who thus presumed to raze so many records ; so their 
ingenuity in leaving this commission in the rolls, by which 
any who had the curiosity to search for it, might be satis- 
fied how the other commissions were destroyed, was much 
to be commended. Yet in the following work it will ap- 
pear that some few papers escaped their hands. 

I know it is needless to make great protestations of my 
sincerity in this work. These are of course, and are little 
considered ; but I shall take a more effectual way to be be- 
lieved, for I shall vouch my warrants for what I say, and 
tell where they are to be found. And having copied out 
of records and MSS. many papers of great importance, I 
shall not only insert the substance of them in the following 
work, but at the end of it shall give a collection of them at 
their full length, and in the language in which they were 
originally written : from which, as the reader will receive 
full evidence of the truth of this history ; so he will not be 
ill pleased to observe the genius and way of the great men 
in that time, of which he will be better able to judge, by 


iBeeing their letters, and other papers, than by any repre* 
sentation made of them at second hand. They are di» 
gested into that order in which they are referred to in the 

It will surprise some to see a book of this bigness written 
€i the hbtory of our reformation under the reign of king 
Henry the Eighth ; since the true beginnings of it are to 
be reckoned from the reign of king Edward the Sixth, in 
which the articles of our church, and the forms of our wor* 
ship, were first compiled and set forth by authority. And 
indeed in king Henry''s time the reformaUon was rather 
concaved than brought forth; and two parties were in the 
last dghteen years of his reign struggling in the womb, 
having now and then advantages on either side, as the un«- 
ocmstant humour of that king changed, and as his interests, 
and often as his pasaons, swayed him. 

Cardinal Wolsey had so dissolved his mind into plea- 
sures, and puffed him up with flattery and servile com- 
pliances, that it was not an easy thing to serve him ; for 
b^ng bobterous and impatient naturally, which was much 
heightened by his most extravagant vanity, and high con« 
c^t of his own learning and wisdom, he was one of the 
most uncounsellable persons in the world. 

The book which he wrote had engaged him deep in these 
controversies ; and by perpetual flatteries, he was brought 
to fancy it was written with some degrees of inspiration. 
And Luther in his answer had treated him so unmannerly, 
that it was only the necessity of his affturs that forced him 
into any correspondence with that party in Germany. 

And though Cranmer and Cromwell improved every ad* 
vantage, that either the king^s temper or his aflairs offered 
them, as much as could be ; yet they were to be pitied, 
having to do with a prince, who, upon the slightest pre- 
tences^ threw down those whom he had most advanced ; 
which Cromwell felt severely, and Cranmer was sometimes 

Dear it. 

The faults of this-king being so conspicuous, and the se- 
verity of his proceedings so unjustifiable, particularly that 


heinous violation of the most sacred rules of justice and 
government, in condemning men without bringing them to 
make their answers, most of our writers have separated the 
concerns of this church from his reign ; and, imagining that 
all he did was founded only on hb revenge upon the court 
of Aome for denying his divorce, have taken little care to 
examine how matters were transacted in his time. 

But if we oonader the great things that were done by 
him, we must acknowledge that there was a ngnal provi- 
dence of Grod in raising up a king of his temper, for clear- 
ing the way to that blessed work that followed : and that 
could hardly have been done, but by a man of his humour; 
so that I may very fitly apply to him the witty simile of an 
ingenious writer, who compares Luther to a postilion in his 
waxed boots and oiled coat, lashing his horses through 
thick and thin, and bespattering all about him. 

This character befits king Henry better, (saving the 
reverence due to his crown,) who, as the postilion of ref<Mr- 
mation, made way for it through a great deal of mire and 
filth. He abolished the pope's power, by which not only 
that tyranny was destroyed, which had been long an heavy 
burden on this oppressed nation ; but all the opinions, rites, 
and constitutions, for which there was no better authority 
than papal decrees, were to fall to the ground ; the founda- 
tion that supported them being thus sapped. He sup* 
pressed all the monasteries; in which though there were 
some inexcusable faults committed, yet he wanted not rea- 
son to do what he did. For the foundation of those houses 
being laid on the superstitious conceit of redeeming souls 
out of purgatory, by saying masses for them ; they whose 
oflice that was, had, by counterfeiting relics, by forging of 
miracles, and other like impostures, drawn together a vast 
wealth, to the enriching of their saints, of whom some per- 
haps were damned souls, and others were never in being. 
These arts being detected, and withal their great vicious- 
ness in some places, and in all their great abuse of the 
Christian religion, made it seem unfit they should be con- 
tinued. But it was their dependance cm the see of Rome, 


wluch, as the state of things then was, made it necessary 
that they should be suppressed. New foundations might 
have done well ; and the scantness of those, considering the 
number and wealth of those which were suppressed, is one 
of the great blemishes of that reign. But it was in vain to 
endeaTour to amend the old ones. Their numbers were so 
great, their riches and interests in the nation so considerable, 
that a prince of ordinary metal would not have attempted 
such a deagn, much less have completed it in five years 
time. With these fell the superstition of images, reUcs, 
and the redemption of souls out of purgatory. And those 
extravagant addresses to saints that are in the Roman offices 
were thrown out; only an Orapro nobis was kept up, and 
even that was left to the liberty of priests to leave it out of 
the litanies as they saw cause. These were great prepara- 
dons for a lefiurmation. But it went further; and two 
things were done^ upon which a greater change was reason- *" 
aUy to be expected. The scriptures were translated into 
the English tongue, and set up in all churches, and every 
one was admitt^ to read them, and they alone were de- 
clared the rule of faith. This could not but open the eyes 
of the nation ; who, finding a profound silence in these writ- 
ings about many things, and a direct opposition to other 
things that were still retained, must needs conclude, even 
without deep speculations or nice disputing, that many 
things that were sUll in the church had no ground in scrip- 
ture, and some of the rest were directly contrary to it. 
This Cranmer knew well would have such an operation, 
snd therefore made it his chief business to set it forward, 
which in conclusion he happily efiected. 

Another thing was also established, which opened the 
way to all that followed ; that every national church was a 
complete body within itself: so that the church of England, 
with the authority and concurrence of their head and king, 
might examine and reform all errors and corruptions, whe- 
ther in doctrine or worship. All the provincial councils in 
the andent church were so many precedents for this, who 
condemned heresies, and reformed abuses, as the occasion 


required. And yet these being all but parts of one empire, 
there was less reason for their doing it, without staying for 
a general council, which depended upon the pleasure of one 
man, (the Roman emperor,) than could be pretended when 
Europe was divided into so many kingdoms ; by which a 
common concurrence of all these churches was a thing 
scarce to be expected : and therefore this church must be 
in a very ill condition, if there could be no endeavours for 
a reformation till all the rest were brought together. 

The grounds of the new covenant between God and man 
in Christ were also truly stated, and the terms on which sal- 
vation was to be hoped for were faithfully opened according 
to the New Testament And this being, in the strict no- 
tioQ of the word, the gospel, and the glad tidings preached 
through our blessed Lord and Saviour, it must be confessed 
that there was a great progress made, when the nation was 
well instructed about it; though there was still an alloy of 
other corruptions, embasing the purity of the faith. And 
indeed, in the whole progress of these changes, the king^s 
design seemed to have been to terrify the court of Rome, 
and cudgel the pope into a compliance with what he de-* 
sdred : for in his heart he continued addicted to some of the 
most extravagant opinions of that church, such as transub- 
stanUation and the other corruptions in the mass ; so that 
he was to his lifers end more papist than protestant. 

There are two prejudices, which men have generally 
drunk in against that time. The one is, from the king^s 
great enormities, both in his personal deportment and go- 
vernment ; which make many think no good could be done 
by so ill a man, and so cruel a prince. I am not to defend 
him, nor to lessen his faults. The vastncss and irregularity 
of his expense procured many heavy exactions, and twice 
extorted a public discharge of his debts, embased the coin, 
with other irregularities. His proud and impatient spirit 
occasioned many cruel proceedings. The taking so many 
lives, only for denying his supremacy, particularly Fisher^s 
and Morels, the one being extreme old, and the other one 
of the glories of his nation for probity and learning : th^ 


takikig 9dfantBg^ from some imiptioin in the north, (o 
break the indemnity he had befons ptoclaimed^ to those in 
the rebellictfi, even though they could not be proved guilty 
of those second disorders : his extreme severity to all cardi- 
nal PooFs family: his cruel uang, first Cromwell, and 
afterwards the duke of Norfcdk and his son, besides his un- 
escampled proceedings against some of his wives; and that 
which was worst of all, the laying a precedent for the sub- 
version of justice, and oppressing the clearest innocence, by 
attainting men without hearing them : these are such re* 
markable blemidies, that, as no mim of ingenuity can go 
about the whitening them, so the poor refiMtners drunk so 
deep of that Utter cup, that it very ill becomes any of their 
ffdlowers to endeavour to give fair colours to thote red 
and bloody diaracters, with which so much of his reign is 

Yet, after all this sad enumeration, it was no new nor 
unusual thing in the methods of God's providence, to em^ 
jdoy princes who had great mixtures of very gross faults to 
do signal things for his service. Not to mention David and 
Solomon, whose sins were expiated with a severe repent- 
ance ; it was the bloody Cjrrus that sent back the Jews to 
their land, and gave them leave to rebuild their temjde. 
Constantine the Great is by some of his enemies charged 
with many blemishes both in his life and government. Clo* 
vis of France, under whom that nation rec^ved the Christ- 
ian faith, was a monster of cruelty and perfidiousness, as 
even Gregmry of Tours represents him, who lived near his 
time, and nevertheless makes a saint of him. Charles the 
Grreat, whom some also make a saint, both put away his 
wife for a very slight cause, and is said to have lived in 
most umwtural lusts with his own daughter. Irene, whom 
the diurch of Rome magnifies as the restorer of their reli- 
gion in the east, did, both contrary to the impressions of 
nature and of her sex, put out her own son's eyes, of which 
be (tied soon after; with many other execrable things. And 
whatever reproaches those of the church of Rome cast on 

VOL. I. b 

xviii THE iPREFACE. 

the reformation, upon the account of this king's faults, may 
be easily turned back on th&r p(^)es, who have never failed 
to court and extol princes that served ihekr ends, how gross 
and scandalous soever their other faults have been: as 
Fhocas, Brunichild, Irene, Mathildis, Edgar of England, 
and many more. But our church is not near so much con- 
cerned in the persons of those princes, under whom the re- 
formation began, as theirs is in the persons of their popes, 
who are believed to have far higher characters of a divine 
power and Sfint in them, than other princes pretend to. 
And yet if the lives of those popes, who have made the 
greatest advances in their jurisdiction, be examined, par- 
ticularly Gr^ory the Seventh, and Bomtace the Eighth, 
vices more esiinent than any can be charged on king Henry, 
will be found in them. And if a lewd and vricked pope may 
yet have the Holy Ghost dwelling in him, and directing 
him in£Edlibly ; why may not an ill king do so good a work 
as set a reformation forward ? And if it were proper to enter 
into a dissection of four of those popes that sat at Rome 
during this reign, pope Julius will be found beyond him in 
a vast ambition ; whose bloody reign did not only embroil 
Italy, but a great part of Christendom. Pope Leo the 
Tenth was as extravagant and prodigal in his expense, 
which put him on baser shifts, than ever this king used, to 
raise money; not by embasing the coin, or raising new 
and heavy taxes, but by embasing the Christian religion, 
and prostituting the pardon of an in that foul trade of in- 
dulgences. Clement the Seventh was false to the highest 
degree ; a vice which cannot be charged on this king : and 
Paul the Third was a vile and lewd priest, who not only 
kept his whore, but gloried in it, and raised one of his 
bastards to an high dignity, making him prince of Parma 
and Piaeenza ; and himself is said to have lived in incest 
with others of them. And except the short reign of Adrian 
the Sixth, there was no pope at Rome all this while, whose 
example might make any other prince blush for his faults : 
so that Guicciardine, when he calls pope Ckmont a good 



' good fOf€ A&t dUnoi ftwwfJ lJiw, 

Goft wmjs aie a grait deep; who has cAn 

vdom in nniqg up mdikd^and 
tDdagmit leraoet inlhew«y; 
dhniji cnqpioyiaf the belt moi in thcB^ kit geod in- 
AmU dnn too deqi in die pnnei at durt, 
vkidk ie o^ due to die npnmeCmtor and Gtytenior tf 
dievorid: indldiniiroliiviHaftMiJkimd^^afi^bvy, 
^MmtkmgkrpmogmiggkrgmAeLoitd. Jchndid 
■I'noBipnUe eornoe lo God in dertiojriBg die idolntij ef 
fhnqgK nadwr dm way rfdoing it be to be iimtated; 

' vm toe icBsiuMKioD flODunetiL 
WMii|HBng the tnwo calfea was itill hqit op; ind 
it bwylike^lM chkr &^ in it WW to dcrtnjall die 
party that fcfWMwl AhiJft&aMly; jat the diii« was gMid, 
md vm mnnded by Chid* So^ vhatefcr tUa idagf a odier 
finuta vcR^ and bov dgfiidifii soever the change he made 
va% and upon vliat iH molivei loever it majr sem to have 
pnneeded; yet the things dicnMehres bong good^ we oog^ 
not to tinnk the woise of tiicni became of the imtmmenty 
or mann er by wUdi thqr were wiong^; but are toadoni 
and admiie the patha of the divine wisdom, that hnrnght 
about sncb a cbnige in a dinidi, whidi, being sabjected to 
die see of Borne, had been mne than any odier part of En- 
rape OHist tame under its upprvwinnij and was most deeply 
flwwhfd in s upemiu on; and tUabythemeaniof aprinoe, 
who was the OHist devoted to the intereit of Rome of any 
a Christendnmy and seaned to be so npon knowledge^ bang 
very leaiiifdj and cwnfimifd to the last modi leavened with 
wpcrrtition; and was the only king in the world whom 
that see dedaicd dtfomder tf AeJuiO. And diat diis 
dioald have been eirried on so fitf widb lo Httle oppoatioo; 
tome finngi^ tlioaglh nnmefous and fiomiidaMe, being scat- 
tered and qnieled without blood; and that a mighty prince, 
vlio was vrictorions almost in all bis undertakings, Charles 
the Fifth, and was both provoked in point of honour and 



interest^ yet could never find one spare aeaaoD to turn hi 
arms upon England; are great demonstrations of a par 
licular influence of Heaven in these alterations, and of it 
watchful care of thenL 

But the other prejudice touches the reformation in i 
more vital and tender part : and it is, that Cranmer am 
the other bishops, who promoted the reformation in the sue 
ceeding rrign, did in this comply too servilely with kin| 
Henry^s humours, both in carrying on his frequent di 
voroes, and in retaining those corruptions in the worship 
which, by their throwing them off in the be^nning of kin^ 
Edward^s reign, we may conclude were then condemned b; 
them ; so that they seem to have prevaricated against thei 
consciences in that compliance. 

It were too ttant a way of answering so severe a charge 
to turn it back on the church of Home, and to show tb 
base compliances of some, even of the best c^ their popes 
as GregcMry the Great, whose congratulations to the usurpe 
Fhocas are a strain of the meanest and undeoentest flatten 
that ever was put in writing ; and hb compliments to Bru 
nichild, who was one of the greatest monsters both for lus 
and cruelty that ever her sex produced, show that there wa 
no person so wicked that he was ashamed to flatter : bn 
the blemishing them will not (I confess) excuse our reform 
ers; therefore other things are to be considered fo/r theii 
vindication. They did not at once attain the full know 
ledge of divine truth, so that in some particulars, as in tha 
of the corporal presence in the sacrament, both Cranmei 
and Ridley were themselves then in the dark ; Bertram*! 
book first convinced Ridley, and he was the chief instru 
ment in opening Cranmer^s eyes : so if themselves were noi 
then enlightened, they could not instruct others. As fix 
other things, such as the giving the cup to the laity, thi 
worshipping God in a known tongue, and several refmna 
tions about the mass, though they judged them necessar] 
to be done as soon as was possible, yet they had not so ful 
a persuasion of the necessity of these, as to think it a an 
not to do them. The prophets words to Naaman the Sy« 


riaA nught give tbem some colour far that mistake; and the 
practioe of the apoBtleft, who oontiiiued not <»ly to wonship 
at the temple, but to circumcise and to offer sacrifices, 
(whidi must have be^ done by St Paul, when he purified 
himself in the temple,) even after the law was dead by the 
qipearing of the gospd, seemed to excuse their compliance. 
They had also observed, that as the apostles were all Mngt 
to all meny thai 80 they might gain some ; so the primitive 
Christians had brought in many rites of heathenism into 
thdr worship : upon which inducements they were wrought 
on to comply in some uneasy things, in which if these ex- 
cuses do not wholly dear them, yet they very much lessen 
their guilt. 

And, after all this, it must be confessed they were men, 
and had mixtures of fear and human infirmities with their 
other excellent qualities: and indeed Cranmer was in all 
other pcHnts so extraordinary a person, that it was perhaps 
fit there should be some ingredients in his temper to lessen 
the veneration,(which his great worth might have raised too 
high, if it had not been for these feeblenesses, which upon 
some occasions appeared in him. But if we examine the 
failings of some of the greatest of the primitive fathers, as 
Athanasius, Cyril, and others, who were the most zealous 
assertors of the faith, we must conclude them to have been 
nothing inferior to any that can be charged on Cranmer ; 
whom if we consider narrowly, we shall find as eminent vir- 
tues, and as few faults in him, as in any prelate that has 
been in the Christian church for many ages. And if he 
was prevailed on to deny his Master through fear, he did 
wash off that stain by a sincere repentance and a patient 
martyrdom, in which he expressed an eminent resentment of 
his former fndlty, with a pitch of constancy of mind above 
the rate of modem examples. 

But their virtues, as well as their faults, are set before us 
fOT our instruction ; and how frail soever the vessels were, 
they have conveyed to us a treasure of great value, the pure 
Gospel of our Lord and Saviour: which if we follow, and 
govern our lives and hearts by it, we may hope in easier 




and i^iner paths to attain that blessedness, which thej 
could not reach but through scorching flames; and if wc 
do not improve the advantages which this light aiFords, w< 
may either look for some of those trials, which were sent 
for the exercise of their faith and patience, and p^haps foi 
the punishment of their former compliance; or, if w< 
escape these, we have cause to fear worse in the conclu- 











A nmmmry view ffhmg Hemyike EighiVs reigt^ tiU 
Aeprocui qfhU divorce wa$ b^iun ; in wMA Ae ^aie 
^ England^ Me/ljf a$ U rdaUd to religion^ u opened. 

King Henry't suooesnon to 
the crown P. i 

He proceeds against Dudley 
and Empson a 

He holds a parUament 3 

His great expense 4 

AflBurs beyond sea ib. 

A peace, and match with 
fVance 5 

He oflfers his daughter to the 
dauphin 6 

The king of Spain diosen em- 
peror lb. 

He comes to England ib. 

A second war with France 7 

Upon Leo the Tenth's death 
Adrian chosen pope ib. 

He dies, and Clement the Se- 
venth succeeds ib. 

Charles the Fifth at Windsor 
contracted to the king's 
daughter 8 

But breaks his ftuth 9 

The Clementine league ib. 

Rome taken and sacked 1 1 
The pope is mtule a prisoner ib. 
The longs success against 
Scotland ib. 

A faction in his council i a 
Cardmal Wolsey's rising 14 
His preferments 15 

Hie character of the dukes of 
Norfolk and Suffolk 17 

Cardinal Wolsey against par- 
liaments 19 
The king's breeding in learn- 
ing ib. 
He is flattered by scholars a i 
The king's prerogaUve in eccle- 
siastic affiiirs a a 
It was still kept up by him 2^ 
A contest concerning immuni- 
ties a4 
A public debate about them 35 
Hunne murdered in prison 37 
The proceedings upon that a8 
The kmg much courted by 
popes 37 




And declared Defender of the 
Faith 38 

The cardinal absolute in Eng- 
land ib. 

He designed to reform the 
clergy ib. 

And to su|ipres8' mpnaiteriei 


The several kinds of convoca-' 
tions ib. 

The clergy grant a subsidy to 
the king ' 41 

Of the state of inonasteiles 42 
TBe cardinal founds two col- 
lies 4i 

The first beginning of reforma- 
tion in England ^5 

The cruelties of the church oP 

. Rome ^6^ 

The laws made in Bnghmd a- 
gainst heretios 49 

Under Richard the Second 49 

Under Henry the Fourth 50 

And Henry the fifth 52 

Heresy declared by the king's 
judges 54 

W^rbam's proceedings against 
heretics ib. 

The bishop of London's pro- 
ceedings against them 58 

The progress of Luther's doc- 
trine 60 

Mh books were tiimslated into 
English 6a 

The king wrote against him 63 

He replied ib. 

Endeavours to suppress the 
New Testament ib. 

Sir Thomas More writes a- 
ffainst Luth^ 64 

Biuey and others proceeded a- 
gainst for heresy ib. 


Of the process of divorce bettveen king Henry emd quern 
Katharine, and of what passed Jrom the nineteenth to the 
twenty-jyih year of his r^gn, in which he was dedared 
supreme head of the chwrch of England. 


The beginning of the suit of 
divorce 6j 

Prince Arthur married the in- 
fanta 68 

And died soon after ib. 

A marriage proposed between 
Henry and her 69 

It is allowed by the pope lb. 

Henry protested against it Vi 

His fother dissuaded it ib. 

Being come to the crown, he 
marries her ib. 

She bore some children, but 
only the lady Mary lived ib. 

Several matches proposed for 
her ^ yt 

The king's marriage is ques- 
tioned by foreigners 73 

He himself has scruples con- 
cerning it J A 

The grounds of these 75 

All his bishops, except Fisher, 
condemned it 76 

The reasons of state agunst'lt^ 


Wolsey go^ into France 77 



AiRiiments agiioit Aft Ml 72^ 
frfUDiuMi ctft on Aabmi Bck* 
kjn 81 

TbOT. we fihe and OtconitnfMl 

Ar fabth wd dhooiciii 86 
She WH ooatnctfid to the lord 

Tlw ifiporaa mofod for «fc Itone 

Tbo frit dwpttrh ooooomiiiff 

The pope glinted it ^_ 

And gMe e bell of diqpepMtioe 

The pop^ • cieft and poucy ^ 

A nMe method piopoeed W 

thepope .98 

fltuhilem oent fivw Bodeod 

Hie cvdioal'e letteis to m 
pope 100 

AbUer huU U dei^ed by the 
king xoa 

flidincr and Pes are «ent to 
Borne 103 

The bull deured by tbem X04 

Wobey's earaeatness to pro- 
cure it ib. 

Campcgio declared legate X07 

He delays bis Journey ib. 

The pope grants the decretal 
bull 109 

Two letters from Anne Boleyn 
to Wolscy ib. 

Wolsey desires the bull may be 
seen b¥ some of the lung's 
council 112 

The emperor opposes the Idog's 
business 113 

A breve is found in Spain ib. 

It was thought to be foiged 

Campegio comes to England 116 
Aod lets the king see the bull 


Bm loiiiseg to show it IQ oibeia 

Wobey moiea the pope that 

some might see it ib. 

Bminfaei . 116 

OHnpana is sent by t!ha pope 

toBnf^hnd 119 

The U^ idStn the pope a 

geard jag 

The pope inclines to the em* 

pern lai 

Tlieatenings used to him ib. 

]3b repents the sending over a 

bull 199 

Alt feeds the king with pro* 

mises 194 

ThfB pope's sickneis 195 

Wolaey aqpirsa to the papacy 

lastmodon fiir pmmoting him 

New motions for the divorce 

The pope relapses daogerouily 


A new despatch to Rome 131 

Wolsey's bulls for the bidiop- 

ricofWinton 133 

The emperor protests against 

the l^tes 134 

Yet the pope promises not to 

recall it 135 

The Iq;ates write to the pope 

Campegio led an ill life 138 

The emperor moves for an avo- 
cation 139 

The pope's disumulatioo 140 

Great contests about the avo« 
cation 141 

The legates begin the process 

A severe charge against th^ 

queen 144 

The king and queen appear in 

court 145 

The queen's speech 146 



The Idog declares his scru|^es 

The queen appeals to the pope 


Articles framed, and witnesses 

examined 148 

An avocation pressed at Rome 

The pope Joins with the empe- 
ror 150 
Yet is in great perplexities 

The avocation is granted 153 

The proceedings of the legates 


Campc^o adjourns the court 

Which gave great ofience ib. 
Wolsey's dai^er 156 

Anne Boleyn returns to court 

Crannier*s o[Mnion about the 

divorce 159 

Approved bj the king 160 

Caidinal Wdse]r*s M 161 

The meanness of his temper 

1 6a 

He is attadied of treason 163 

He dies. His character 164 

A parliament called ib. 

Complaints if;ainst the clergy 

The kill's debts are disduuged 


The pope and the emperor 

unite 169 

The women's peace 170 


The emperor is crowned at Bo- 
nonia ib. 

The univernties consulted in 
the king's suit of divorce 171 

The answers firom Oxford and 
Cambrid^ 173 

Dr. Crooke employed in Ve- 
nice 175 

Many in Italy wrote for the di- 
vorce . 178 

It was opposed by the pope 
and the emperor 179 

No money given by the king's 
agents 180 

Great rewards given bytheem- 
peror 181 

It is determined for the king 
at Bononia, Fadua, Ferrwa, 
and Orleance 183, 184 

At Fun, Bouigesy and Thokise 

184, 185 

The opinions of some lefoiu i ers 

186, 187 

And of the Lutherans 189 

The long will not appear at 
Rome 191 

Cranmer ottm to defend Uie 
divorce ib* 

The nobility, cleigy, and gentiT 
write to the pope for rae ^ 
voroe ft. 

The pope's answer to diem 199 

A proclamation against bulls 194 

Books written m the cBvuroe 

Reasons out of the Old and 

•New Testament 196. 197 

The authoritieB of popes and 
coundk 197 

And the Greek and Latin fii- 
thers 200 

And canonists 201 

Marrii^ b complete by con- 
sent 203 

Violent presumptions of the 
consummation of the former 
marm^^ 203 

The pope's di^nsation of no 
foroe 204 

Bishops are not to obey his de- 
crees 206 

The authority of tradition ib. 

The reasons against the A- 
voroe 207 

Answers made to these 2 10 

The queen is intractable 213 

A sesskm of parliament ibw 


lit pBBRMlim of illli UoiBi of 
Sndmd in oo doi i ii t iti T tf- 


cHDHinni iiHKio flaniK UMni 


Ihft f€ft cndgifouiod to Mfo 

tibow rqwakd 333 

3at with DO cflbbt aao 


Yi0t tbOT ODDmitf SDCl OdOBOW* 

leikn the king mpione head 
Of thocoiiich 997 

The kiiigpiifdoM them sso 
•And wmi eooie difkohy the 
: hnty 939 

^Jbo stteiiwCo uPr iBOttootott low 
Tlie kott kctei the qoeeo 931 
A diiomr tmoDg the deigjr ib. 
The pope turns to the French 

And oflbrs hit niece to the duke 

of Oriemce . ib. 

The Turic invades the empire 

The parliament complains of 

the qiiritaal courts 935 

They rgect a bill concemira 

wards 936 

An act if;ainst annates 937 
The pope writes to the king 

The king's answer 940 

Sir Edward Kame sent to 

Rome 249 

His negotiation there 943 

He corrupts the cardinal of 

Ravenna 944 

The process against the king 

at Home 945 

A bull for new bishoprics 246 
The pope desires the kinir 

woi£l^bmit to him 947 

It 947 

A sohsidj is voted 949 

The oaths of the dmr swore 

to the pope.and to me king 

ib. 950 
-Ghanonlor Ifofe denven up 

UsoAee 951 

The king meets with the French 

king 959 

Eliot sent to Rome 953 

The king manries Anne Bolejn 

New overtures tot the divofoe 


A session of parfiameiit 956 
An act against appeabtoRome 

AichUshop Warham dies 958 
Cranmer succeeds him m. 

His buUs from Rome 959 
His consecration 960 

The judgment of the convoca- 
tion concerning the divorce 

Endeavoure to make the queen 
submit 963 

But in vain 964 

Cranmer gives Judgment 965 
Censures passed upon it 966 
The pope united to the French 
king 969 

A sentence against the king's 
proceedings ' 970 

Queen Elizabeth is bom 971 
An interview between the pope 
and the Frendi king ib. 
Thekingsubmitsto the pope 973 
The imperialists oppose the a- 
greement 975 

Aikl procure a definitive sen- 
tence ib. 
The king resolves to abolish 
the pope's power in England 

It was long disputed 277 

Arguments against it from scrip- 
ture 978 


And the primitife dmich 281 
Aij^umeots for the Idng s so- 

pteiiiei'y 284 

From ecnptuie, &c and the 

lawsofEngland 285, 286,287 
The rapfemaejr explained 289 
Fnns taken to satiify Fiaher 


A aeniaD of parlianieBt 291 
An act for taldog awaj the 

pope's power 292 

AlK)ut the ancoession to the 

crowu 294 

For puniahing heretics 298 
The suhmisaion of the detgf 

Ahout the dectioD of bishops 

And the maid of Kent 301 
The insolence of some firran 

The nan's speech at her dmuh 

Raher is dealt with gentlj 311 
The oath for the succession 
- taken by manj 313 

More and Fisher refose it 315 
And are proceeded againat 317 
Another session of parlianient 

The king's supremacy is enaoted 


An act for suffiragan bishops 

A subsidy is granted 320 

More and Fisher are attainted 


The progress of the raformt- 
non 322 

Tkidai and others at Antwerp 
send ofer books and the New 
Testament 323 

The Supplication of the B^- 
gw 325 

More answers it» and FMi re- 
plies 326 
Crnd proceedings against rs» 
formers 329 
Bilney's sufferings 330 
The sufierings cl By6eld 333 
And Bainham 334 
Artidea abfured by some 335 
Tracy's Testament 336 
FVith's sufferings 338 
His aigomenta against the oor- 
porsl presence in the sacra- 
ment ib. 
Hia opinion of the sacrament 
and purgatory* for which he 
. was condemned 343 
His constancy at his death 344 
A stop put to cniel proceedings 

The queen fiivourad the reform- 
ers 347 
Granmer promoted it ib. 
And was assbted by Cromwell 

A strong party against it ib. 

Reasons use^d against it 350 

And for it 351 

The judgment of some bishops 

concerning a general council 

A speech of Cranmer's of it 





The rest of the king's reigD 

was troublesome 36 1 

By the practices of the clergy 

Which provoked the king much 

^ . 363 

The bishops BWear to the king's 

supremacy 365 

The Franciscans only refuse it 


A visitation of monasteries 367 

The iDstnicdoiis of the visitors 


Injunctions sent by them 373 

The stale of the r = - ■■■ 

„ , 375.376 

Tb^ were dsMfted, hot igun 

«t iq> bjr Ung E^pr 3^ 
Am «aed bj the mooka $Jf 
The; were genenllj corrupt 3 So 
UpM wfcM gmr iIm friu* 
ne kti^a other reawm for 

•nppreanog monuteriea 3B1 

Cratuner's AaSga in it 363 

Tbe pTOceefit^ of dte viiilom 


Some kottsei lea^ned to the 

Uug 184 


Queen Kuharine dies 385 

A sesBioD of pariiament, in which 

the leawr moDasterica were 

Mif^reaaed 388 

The reasou (or doing it 389 

Tbe trenslation of the Bible in 

Bogliah dcNgned 391 

Tbe reasous for it 39I 

Tbe opposition made to it 391 
Queen Anne's iall driveD on bf 

the popish party 394, 395 
The king became jealous 396 
She 13 put in the Tower 399 
She confessed some indiscreet 

words 40O 



She ia liruught to a trial 
And condemned 
And also divorced 
She prepares for death 
The lieutenant of the Tutver'C 
< '^tter about hv 411 

HcrenoatioH 4it. 

Tba oenaurea made on this 413 
Lsdj Mary ia reconciled to> htf 

^ufaer, and makea a Ml subt' 

misHon 416,417 

Lady Elizabeth is well used I7 

Ae kiiu> 419 

A letter of hera to tbeoMeen ib. 
A new parliament ii called 410 
An act of tbe aucceaKOB 41a 
Tbe pope endeavoun a lecoocib. 

liation 433 

Bat in tmb 434: 

The ^rooeedii^ of tba eonva^ 

cation 4^7 

Aiticleaagreed en about rdigmi 

43 » 

Putnahed by tbe king ■ authe«v 

•ty 436 

But variously censured 437 

The convocation declared a- 

gainat tbe council nimniOD^ 

ed by the pope 439 

Tbe king publiibes hia reaaona 

against It 441 



Cardinal Pool writes against the 

king 44a 

Biany books are written for the 

king 445 

Instructions for the dissolution 

of monasteries ib. 

Great discontents among all 

sorts 447 

Endeavours to qualify these 

The people were disposed to 

rebel 450 

The king's injunctions about 

religion 453 

They were much censured 454 
A risinff in Lincolnshire 456 
Their &n»nds. and the king's 

answer ib. 

It was Quieted by the duke of 

Sufiblk 458 

A great rebellion in the north 

"^ ib. 

The duke of Norfolk was sent 

against them 461 

They advance to Doncaster 

Tbeir demands 464 

Tlie king's answer to them 465 

The rebellion is quieted 468 
New risings, but soon dispersed 

The chief rebels executed 470 
A new visitation of monasteries 

Some great abbots resign 47a 

Confattion of horrid crimes are 
made 475 

Some are attainted* and their 
abbeys suppressed 478 

The superstition and cheats of 
those houses discovered 485 

Some images publicly broken 

Thomas Iiecket*s shrine broken 


New injunctions about religion 

Invectives against the king 
printed at BxMne ib« 

The pope's bulls against Ae 
king 49a 

The clergy in England declared 
against these 498 

The Bible is printed in Engltth 

New injunctions 500 

Prince Edward is bom 50a 

The compliance of the popiali 

I»rty 563 

Lambert appealed to the king 

And IS publicly tried 506 

Many arguments brought 

against him 597 

He is condemned, and burnt 

The popish party gain ground 

A treaty with theGerman princes 

Bonner's dissimulation 511 

A parliament is called 513 
The six articles are proposed 

Arguments against them 515 

An act passed for them 5 1 8 

Which is variously censured 5 ao 

An act about the suppression of 

all monasteries 5a i 

Another for erecting new bi* 

shoprics 5a4 

The king*s design about these 

An act of obedience to the Idng's 

proclamations 5a7 

An act concerning precedence 

Some acts of attainder 539 
The king's care of Cranmer 530 
Who wrote against the six arti- 
cles 53 a 
Proceedings upon that act 533 



Boiuiei's COmitiiasion for hold- 
bg his bitthopric of the king 

The total dinolutioo of abbeys 

Which were sold or given away 

A project for a seminary for 

ministers of state 539 

A proclamation for the use of 

the Bible 540 

The king designs to marry Anne 

ofCleves 541 

Who comes over, but is disliked 

by the king 543^544 


But he marries her, yet could 
never love by 547 

A parliament is called 548 
Where Cromwell speaks as lord 
vio^erent 549 

The suppression of the knights 
of St. John of Jerusalem 55 1 
Cromweli^s M 552 

The king is in love with Kathe- 
rine Howard. 554 

Cranmer's friendship to Crom- 
well 555 
Cromweirs attainder 556 
Censures passed upon it 559 
The king's divorce is propc^ed 

And referred to the convocation 


Reasons pretended for it ib. 
The convocation agree to it 562 
Which was much censured ib. 
It is confirmed in parliament 

The queen consents to it 565 

Ad act about the incontinence 
of priests ib. 

Another act about religion 566 

Another concerning precon- 
tracts 567 

Subsidies granted by clergy and 
laity 568 

Cromweirs death 569 

His character 570 

Designs against Cran mer 571 
SoAie bishops and divines con- 
sult about religion 572 
An explanation of faith 573 
Cranmer's opinion about it 576 
They explain the Apostles* 

Creed 577 

And the seven sacraments, with 

great care 578 

As also the Ten Commandments 

The Lord's Prayer, the Ave- 

Maria, and free-will 583 
And justification, and ^ood 

works 584. 585 

Published by the kibg, but much 

censured 586, 587 

A correction of the missals 589 
The sufferings of Barnes and 

others 590 

They are condemned unheard 

Their speeches at their death 

Bonner*s cruelty 598 

New bishoprics founded 600 

Cranmer's design is defeated 

These foundations are ceiisured 

The state of the court 604 

The Bible is set up in churches 

An order for churchmen's house- 
keeping 607 
The king goes to York 608 
The state of Scotland 609 
The beginning of the reforma- 
tion there ib. 
Patrick Hamiltons sufferings 

A further persecution 616 

The king was wholly guided by 
the clergy 6 1 9 

Some put to death, others es- 
caped 622 
The queen's ill life is discovered 


A puifi—f r qflad 614 

Aa Kt ftboQS the qaea Dnch 
ctBAond 6i6i»627 

A deiiffn to amyy tt m the Emr- 
Mi Bible 629 

The Bible ordered to be revised 
bj the onifcrnties 63 1 

Bonner's injimccioiis ib. 
Tbe wsy of pmcfaing at that 
time ^ 633 

Hijft and interludes then acted 

iVar^Mtireen England and Soot- 
land 637 
The .Hcotn are defeated, and their 
king diea 640, 641 

f.rarifnrr pronioteii a refonna- 

tUm 643 

An Hi-.t trf iiarliiimcnt for it 644 

Afytlht'f MwiiJt the king's pro- 

f\ntnttttoun 646 

A li*n^if«' ht'Awiien the king and 

fli«i I'lfiiMffrhr 647 

A riiMliih JiHiiKriwI ivith ^kx)Uand 


Il«f^ ihM Kriuicli party prevailed 

Hii*f»< 649 

A WHt w'llU Kritnrr 651 

A pitr^m'iiUofi nf i)i« reforiiieri 

MmMim'Ii'n f^nifii IfiKfiniouHncm 

'I liMM JMiriil Nt WiiiilMir 654 
'll«»l» pMi«pi«iiiiini arr |H*rjiiml 

A ilii^lfiii iif)iilii«t I 'niiinirr ib. 

Il l-HIIIM III IllltllillH fi^H 

Mill I liiUiliiii iMiliiiviiiiir ib. 
A iifiv piiilliiiiM>iii f|^(J 

All lll'l hImiIII lliit MllH*|iMioh ill. 

All ml iiuiilnni iMiMii)i|iit««li^fifin 
All lll'l ilii i«t\|MlM|( |||,« (Hinoii 

llIM f»fM 






The Germaoa nedwte a pani 
between England and Pkaaoe 

Some great diaicfa pieftnnaitB 


Wnhart'a sufieringa b Seothnd 

Cardinal Beaton is killed 674 

A new parlianient ^y^ 

Chapeb and chantries given to 
the king ||^ 

The king's q>eech to the par- 
liament ^m 

The kin^ confirms the ruhts of 
theuniversitieB 590 

A peace with France 681 

Designs of a further reformatiov 

Shaxton's apostasy i^. 

The troubles of Anne Askew 

She endures the rack 684 

And is burnt, with some othen 

A desip against Cranmer 685 
llie king takes care of him 686 
A design against the queen 688 
The cause of the duke of Nor- 
folk's disgrace 5qi 

llic earl of Surrey is executed 

The duke of Norfolk's submis- 
sion ib. 
A |Kirltainent meets 695 
Tho duko of Norfolk is attainted 




eath prevented by the 
's 696 

nperor s designs against 
protestants 697 

ng*a sickness 698 

ter will a foigery 699 
ng's severities against the 
sh partv 702 

[Carthusians executed for 
ring the king's supremacy 

priest for treason 705 
DM>nks executed 706 
I trial and death 707 

Hb character 708 

More*s trial and death 709 
His character 711 

Attainders after the rebellion 
was quieted 713 

Censures passed upon it 714 
Friar Forrest's equivocation and 
heresy 715 

The proceeding against cardi- 
nal Fool's fhen(£ 717 
Attainders without hearing the 
parties 719 
The conclusion 724 
Addenda 727 









A summaty vie9 of king Henry the EighiKsreign^ till the 
process qfhis divorce teas begun^ in which the state qf 
England^ chiefly as it related to religion^ is opened. 

CNGLAND had for a whole age felt the miseries book 

of a long and cruel war between the two houses of-^ — '- — 
York and Lancaster; during which time, as the rv^s^aco^s. 
crown had lost g»at dominions beyond sea, so thefz^X. 
nation was much impoverished, many noble families ^^> '^^ 
extinguished, much blood shed, great animosities 
eveiy where raised, with all the other miseries of a 
lasting civil war : but they now saw all these happily 
composed when the two families did unite in king 
Henry the Eighth. In his father's reign they were 
rather cemented and joined than united ; whose 
great partiality to the house of Lancaster, from which 

VOL. I. B 


BOOK he was descended, and severity to the branches of 

'• — the house of York, in which even his own queen had 

a large share, together with the impostors that were 
set up to disturb his reign, kept these heats alive, 
which were now all buried in his grave: and this 
made the succession of his son so universally accept- 
able to the whole nation, who now hoped to revive 
their former pretensions in France, and to have again 
a large share in all the affairs of Europe, from which 
their doinestic broils had so long excluded them. 
ifeproccmu There was another thing, which made his first 

r?iui"<!y Mil coming to the crown no less acceptable, which was, 
KtiipiKiii. ^jj^^ ^jjg g^y^^ j^y j.jj^^ jjjg father died •he ordered 

i\m iisme * Dudley and Empson to be committed to the Tower. 
mr^tert'^ His father, whether out of policy, or inclination, or 
3«y"f»!ioi»r- ^>^^9 was all his life much set on the gathering of 
^"v- treasure, so that those ministers were most accept- 

able, who could fill his coffers best; and though this 
occasioned some tumults, and disposed the people 
to all those commotions which fell out in his reign ; 
yet he lieing successful in them all, continued in his 
course of heaping up money. 

'i\)ward8 the end of his life, he found out those 
two iuHtruments, who outdid all that went before 
them ; and what by vexatious suits upon penal but 
obNoh^te laws, what by unjust imprisonments, and 
other violent and illegal proceedings, raised a gene- 
ral mlium upon the governmeqt; and this grew upon 
him with his years, and was come to so great a height 
towards the end of his life, that he died in good time 
for his j()wu quiet: for as he used all possible endea- 
vours to gi't money, so what he got he as carefully 
kept, and distributed very little of it among those 
mi him ; so that he had many enemies and but 


few friendB. This beiag well considered by his BOn, book 
he began his goretument with the di^;race of 4hoee — — — 
two niinisters, against whom he proceeded according 
to hiw; all the other inferior i^cers whom they had 
made use of were also imprisoned. 

When they had thus fallen, many and great com- 
plaints came in from all parts against them ; they 
also, apprehending the danger they were like to be 
in upon their master's death, had been practising 
with their partners to gather about them all the 
power they could bring tf^ether, whether to secure 
themsdves from popular rage, or to make themselves 
seem considerable, or formidable to the new king. 
This and other crimes being brought in against 
thein, tb^ were found guilty of treason in a legal 
trial. But the king judged this was neither a suf- 
fideot reparation to his oppressed people, nor satis- 
faction to justice : therefore he went further, and 
both ordered restitution to be made by his father's Hdi 
executors of great sums of money, which had been 
unjustly extorted from his subjects ; 'and in his first 
parliament, which he summoned to the twenty-first h«|wW<ii 
of January following, he not only delivered upj«n.ii, 
Empson and Dudley, with their complices, to the'*"*" 
justice of the two houses, who attainted them by act 
of parliament, and a little after gave order for their 
execution; but did also give his royal assent to Aug. 18. 
those other laws, by which the subject was secured 
fi:t>m the like oppressions for the future : and, that 
he might not at all be suspected of any such inclina- 
tions as bis father had to amass treasure, h^ was the 
most magnificent in his expense of any prince in 
Christendom, and very bountiful to all about him ; 
and as one extreme commonly produces another, so 

■ ■ I 

— ♦ 

w,-f iTj» iicutr * r.'yqg.imsiif^g is£ izm b le vnriieal; and 
ju-. /'^'^ *.ui:i I^«<4jC^I«3iiL "v-ifr 31 i Mk m x iuas disEi- 

V-vrt'ujft *ar- vr iwirrpr. sfsarm^Kii^ dake off Xor- 

^^> V. »?j»:^ jy/v cnmiLsizi he vi» id ike hmnouR 
-/ *A^, yr;:^^ -jrLoci be aorrf. s lie had been kfd 
«^*s(»nv/*r V/ tljit father the last serea ¥ean off his 
//*>, vy >!7/#^ CfMiULued in the same office by this 
tf''9^^. <^ ^ d^ztnnaiir oGfcpIr widi bis prodigality, 
*» ^.^ t/;!!^ 4/irj« fr/rmerly with bis firther^s qparing- 

K'it thiat in th«; beginning of the princes reign did 
^/>'i/h t^t^^ar hirri fK>th to the court and nation; 
fh*^f* Mftff a fnri'r circulation of money, by which 
ifM/N' wstH i'UCjpurHgtd ; and the courtierB tasted so 
liUr^illy /;f Um; king's bounty, that he was erery 
f/U^r*' niinh rnagnifieil, though his expense proved 
iitU'twnrtln Ui'styh'r to the subject, than ever his fa- 
IImth iiviiriri; li;ifl been. 
II .*«r«r'#. AnofhiT thing that raised the credit of this king 
/'"" •"' ^^j,^^ 1 1,,, prmif I'HtiM'ni he was in beyond sea, both for 
b)«i wlMilnni anil power; so that in all the treaties of 
lii'iM'i* iMiil war ill* waH always much considered; and 
iw illil (to i«Knr1ly purNUc* that great maxim of princes, 
of /inftliHff IIh* haUinvi\ that still as it grew heavier, 
ivIm'IIiit in the* Nrair of France or Spain, he go- 
vi*rni*cl hIniNcir nitcl tlirni as a wise arbiter. His first 
iii'llnn WMM iigiiinNt. France, which by the accession 
of I ho iliii'hy of llritnin, through his father's over- 
NiKhli WMM inii«h« givntrr and more formidable to the 
llg prihi't^N; therefore the French suc- 
Italy having unitiHl all the princes there 


agauoat thsm* Spain and Kogland willingly jcnned book. 
themadves hi the quarrel. The kingdom of Spain - 

being alao then united, conquered Navarre, which p,^''^ 
set them at great ease, and weakened the king 
ai France on that side. Whose affairs also de- 
' dining in Italy* this king finding him so much less- 
ened, made peace with him, having first managed 
his share of the war with great honour at sea and 
land: for.going over in person, he. did both defeat 
the French army, and take Terwin and Tourney ; 
the former he demolished, the latter he kept: and in ^os- 14- 
theae exploits he hod an unusual honour done him,i5i3. ' 
which though it waa a sli^t Uiing, yet was very 
jdeasant tohim; Maxi mi lian the emperor taking 
pay in his army, amounting to a hundred crowns a 
di^, and upon all public solemnities giving the king 
the precedence. 

The peace between England and France was raadeAu8-7> 
firmer by Lewis the French king's marrying Marype>cc,Mnd> 
the king's sister; but he dying soon after, new.FAnrcT 
counsels were to be taken. Francis, who succeeded, ^^i^'divi 
did in the banning of his reign court this king''"''-'* 
with great offers to renew the peace with him, which 
was accordingly done. Afterward Francis falling in 
with all his force upon the duchy of Milan, all en- 
deavours were used to engage king Henry into the 
war, both by the pope and emperor, this last feed- 
ing him long with hopes of resigning the empire 
to him, which wrought much on him ; insomuch 
that he did give them a great supply in money, 
but he could not be engaged to divert Francis by 
making war upon him: and Francis ending the war 
of Italy by a peace, was so far from resenting what 
the king had done, that he courted him into a 
B 3 


B(iOK Htraiter league, and a match was agreed between 


tlie dolphin and the lady Mary the king^s daiigfa- 
M^Jtb^rl to ter, and Tourney was delivered up to the French 

H. i5i». But now Charles, archduke of Austria by his 

father, and heir to the house of Burgundy by his 
grandmother, and to the crown of Spain by his mo- 
ther, began to make a great figure in the world ; 
KinpiTor H»d his grandfather Maximilian dying, Francis and 
'i!i7jf I*"' **^' w^re corrivals for the empire : but Charles being 
lllvtSi preferred in the competition, there followed, what 
JiiMf jh. through i>er8onal animosities, what through reason 
of state, and a desire of conquest, lasting wars be- 
tween them ; which though they were sometimes 
for a while closed up, yet were never clearly ended. 
And those two great monarchs, as they eclipsed 
nioKt other princes about them, so they raised this 
kingV glory higher, both courting him by turns, and 
that not only by eaniest and warm addresses, but 
oft l)y unuNunI submissions; in which they, knowing 
how great an ingredient vanity was in his temper, 
wcTo never deficient when their affairs required it : 
all which tended to make him' appear greater in the 
1(110, oyoH of his own |>eople. In the year 1520 there was 

5 nil interview agreed on between the French king 

I and him ; hut tlie enii>eror, to prevent the effects he 

^ feiir^Ml fh)ni it. resolved to outdo the French king in 

, the ettmplimont. and without any treaty or previous 

h^tnu nHNuriuteeN came to Dover, and solicited the king's 
iKitnimiii. tViendship against Francis ; and to advance his de- 
' "y*'^ »iign giiiuiHl cartlinal Wolsi^v, who then governed 
mH Uio kings counsels, by the promise of making 

^In which he judged be might for a 
ltii|p» pnunise a thing that seemed 


to be at so great a distance, (pope Leo the Tenth book 

being then but a young man,) and with rich presents, 

whidi he made both to the king, the cardinal, and 
all the court, wrought much on thfem. But that 
which iH*evailed most with the king, was, that he 
saw, though Charles had great domioions, yet they 
lay at such a distance, that France alone was a suf- 
ficient counterpoise 'to him ; but if Francis could 
keep Milaln, recover Naples, Burgundy, and Navarre, 
to all whi<£ he was then preparing, he would be an 
uneasy ndghbour to himself; and if he kept the 
footing he then had in Italy, he would lie so heavy 
on the papaiy, that the popes could no longer carry 
equally in the affairs of Christendom, upon which 
much depended, according to the religion of that 
time. Ther^ore he resolved to take part with the 
emperor, till at least Francis was driven out of Italy, 
and reduced to juster terms: so that the following jdqc 7. 
interview between Francis and him produced nothing 
but a vast expense and high compliments: and from 
a second interview between the king and the em- 
peror, Francis was full of jealousy, in which what 
followed justified his apprehensions; for the war July 10. 
going on between the anperor and Francis, thew»rwitii 
king entered into a league with the former, and''''"°"' 
made war upon France. 

But the pope dying sooner than it seems the em-^^^-^*h 
peror looked for, cardinal Wolsey claimed his' pro-1511.' 
mise for the papacy; but before the messenger raihe 
to him, Adrian the emperor's tutor was chosen pope:AiJ'"i«nri">- 
yet, to feed the cardinal with fresh hopes, a new Jan. g, ' 
promise was made for the next vacancy, and in the 
mean while he was put in hope of the archbishopric 
of Toledo. But two years after, that pope dying, sepL 14, 
B 4 ''^3. 


BOOK the emperor again faroke his word with him ; yet 

'. — - though he was thereby totally alienated from him^ 

he concealed his indignation till the pablic eoncema 
should give him a good opportunity to prosecute it 
upon a better colour ; and by his letters to Rome 
dissembled his resentments so artificially^ that, in a 
cicmcDt congratulation he wrote to pope Clement, he **pro- 

VII. cho- ii-i* i»i*«i 

BCD, Nov. ^* tested his election was matter of sudi joy both to 

'^ '^ the king and himself, that nothing had ever be- 

^ fallen them which pleased them better, and that he 

^^ was the very person whom they had wished to see 

1523. ** raised to that greatness." But while the war went 

on, the emperor did cajole the king with the highest 

compUments possible, which always wrought much 

Emperor on him, and came in person into England to be in* 

Dover, May stalled knight of the garter, where a new league 

The empe- was coucluded, by which, beside mutual assistance, 

tractpd to ^ match was agreed on between the emperor and the 

dau^lter' ^^^y Mary, the king's only child by his queen, of 

June 19. whom he had no hopes of more issue. This was 

sworn to on both hands, and the emperor was oblige 

ed, when she was of age, to marry her, per verba de 

pnesentiy under pain of excommunication and the 

forfeiture of 100,000 pounds. 

The war went on with great success on the em- 
peror's part, especially after the battle of Pavia, in 
which Francis his army was totally defeated, and 
himself taken prisoner and carried into Spain. After 
which the emperor, being much offended with the 
pope for joining with Francis, turned his anns against 
May 6, him, which were so successful, that he besieged and 
'^^^' took Rome, and kept the pope prisoner six months. 
The cardinal, finding the public interests concur 
so happily with his private distastes, engaged the 


Idaag to take part with Fnuooe, and afterward^ with, book 
the pope againgt the emperor, his greatness now be-*— - 

eondng theiterrdr of Christendom ; for the emperor, 
lifted up with his success^ began to think <rf no less 
than an universal empire. ' And first, that he might 
unite aB Spain together, he preferred a matdi with 
Portugal, to that which he had before contracted in 
England : and he thought it not enough to break off 
his sworn alliance with the king, but he did it with 
an heavy imputation on the ladjr Mary; for in his 
council it was said that she was iU^timate, as being 
bom in an unlawftd marriage, so that no advantage 
could be expected from her title to. the succession, as 
will appear more particularly in the second book. 
And the popis having dispensed with the oath, he 
married the infiinta of Portugal. Besides, though 
the king of England had gone deep in the charge,^ 
he would give him no share in the advantages of the 
war; much lese give him that assistance which he 
had promised him to recover his ancient inheritance 
in France. The king, being irritated with his ma^ 
nifold ill usage, and led on by his own interests, and 
by the offended cardinal, joined himself to the in- 
terests of France. Upon which there followed not 
only a firm alliance, but a personal friendship, which 
appeared in all the most obliging expressions that 
could be devised. And upon the king's threatening 
to make war on the emperor, the French king was 
set at liberty, though on very hard terms, if any Mar. i8, 
thing can be hard that sets a king out of prison; 
but he still acknowledged he owed his liberty to 
l^gHemy. ^,^.,. 

Then followed the famous Clementine league be- mcntiuc 

T^ "Til league, 

tween the pope and Francis, the Venetians, the Flo-M«y 22, 



BOOK rentines, and Francis Sforza, duke of Milan, b^ which 

the pope absolved the French king from the oath he 

had aworn at Madrid, and they all united against 
the emperor, and declared the king of England pro- 
tector qf the league. This gave the emperor great 
distaste, who complained of the pope as an ungrate- 
ful and perfidious person. The first beginning of 
the storm fell heavy on the pope; for the French 
king, who had a great mind to have his children 
again into his own hands, that lay hostages in 
Spain, went on but slowly in performing his part. 
And the king of England would not openly break 
with the emperor, but seeined to reserve himself to 
be arbiter between the princes. So that the Ckdon- 
nas, being of the imperial faction, with SOOO men 
ept lo. entered Rome, and sacked a part of it, fon^ng the 
pope to fly into the castle of St. Angelo, and to 
make peace with the emperor, fiut as soon as that 
fear was over, the pope returning to his old arts, 
complained of the cardinal of Colonna, and resolved 
to deprive him of that dignity, and with an army 
entered the kingdom of Naples, taking divera places 
that belonged to that family. But the confederates 
coming slowly to his assistance, and he hearing of 
great forces that were coming from Spain against 
him, submitted himself to the emperor, and made 
a cessation of arms ; but being again encouraged 
1 some hopes from his allies, and (by a creation 
fourteen cardinals for money) having raised 
0,000 ducats, he disowned the treaty, and gave 
i kiugtlom uf Naples to count Vauderaont, whom 
: with forces to subdue it: but the duke of 
. him, and went to Rome; and 
f in which himself received bis 


nKHtal wound, the city was taken 1^ storm, and book 

plundered for Beveral days, about 5000 bdog killed. 

The pope with Beventeen cardinals fled to the caatle||'„7'^'^ 
otSt-Angeio, but' was forced to render his person, ""^'^ , 
and to pay 400,000 ducats to the army. 

TtoB gare great offence to all the princes of Christ- 
endom, except the Lutherans of Germany; but none 
resented it more loudly than this king, who sent 
over cardinal Wolsey to make up a new tr^ty with Joiyii. 
Francis, which was chiefly intended for setting the 
pope at liberty. Nor did the emperor know well 
how to justify an action which seemed so inconsist- 
ent with bis devotion to the see of Rome ; yet the 
pc^ was far some months detained a prisoner, till 
at length the emperor, having brought him - to his 
own tenns, ordered him to be set at liberty : but he, 
being weary of his guards, escaped in a disguise, dk. 9. 
and owned his liberty to have flowed chiefly from 
the king's endeavours to procure it. And thus stood 
the king as to foreign aflairs : he bad infinitely 
obliged both the pope and the French king, and 
was firmly united to them, and engaged in a war 
against the emperor, when he began first to move 
about his divorce. 

As for Scotland, the near alliance between him The king's 
and James the Fourth, king of Scotland, did not take.gaiD(t 
away the standing animosities between the two na- °° 
tions, nor interrupt the alliance between France and 
Scotland. And therefore, when he made the first 
war upon France, in the fourth year of his reign, 
the king of Scotland came with a great army into 
the north of England, but was totally defeated bysepto, 
the earl of Surrey in Floudon Field. The king him- '''^* 
self was either killed in the battle, or soon' after; 


BOOK SO that the kingdom falling under factions, during 
' the minority of the new king, the government was 
but feeble, and scarce able to secure its own quiet. 
And the duke of Albany, the chief instrument of 
the French faction, met with such opposition from 
the parties that were raised against him by king 
Henry's means, that he could give him no disturb- 
ance. And when there came to be a lasting peace 
between England and France, then, as tb^ king 
needed fear no trouble from that warlike nation, so 
he got a great interest in the government there. 
And at thia time money becoming a more effectual 
engine than any the war had ever produced, and 
the discovery of the Indies having brought great 
wealth into Europe, princes b^an to deal more in 
that trade than before; so that both France and 
England had their instruments in Scotland, and 
gave considerable yearly pensions to the chief heads 
of parties and families. In the search I have made, 
I have found several warrants for sums of money, to 
be sent into Scotland, and divided there among the 
favourers of the English interest ; and it is not to be 
doubted but France traded in the same manner; 
which continued till a happier way was found out 
for extiuguisliing these quarrels; both the crowns 
being set on one head. 

li emm- Having thus shewed the state of this king's go- 
vernment as to foreign matters, I shall next give an 
account of the administration of affairs at home, 
both as to civil and spiritual matters. The king, 
upon his first coining to the crown, did choose a wise 
council, partly out of tliose whom his father had 
trusted, i>arUy out of those that were recommended 

his graudinother, the countess c^ Rich- 


mood md Dferby; in wfarai wag the right nf the BoolL 

hoiue at LancMtcr, tboogfa she valliiigly-. deT<dTed '• 

her preteinidiu on her wb, clabnisg nothing to hw- 
selfi, trat'^esatisfeotiOTiof'being niotfaer-to a king. ^ 
She WM a wise and zeligious wcHBan« and died sooD 
after hdr grandMn cotne to the crown* Thets-was 
a ftction in the council between Fox bisht^ of WiiK- 
dieBtffl-, ond-the lord treasurer, which coidd never bfe 
wdl made up, tboai^ t&ey werfoft reconciled: Fox 
always coml^ainiDg of ^'Irad bvoBurCT, far squan~ 
dering awi^ so doon that rast mass of tEeasore,. left 
hy the Im^ father ; in whidj' the- oth«r justified 
himself, that what he did was hy the king's war- 
ranty which he icoflld not ffisobey : but Fox objected, 
that he was too easf^ answer, if not to pn>cure 
these warrants, and that he ought to have given the 
king bettw advice. In the king's first parliament Ju.ii, 
things went as he desired upon his delivering up' 
Empson and Dudley, in which his preventing the 
severity of the houses, and proceeding against them 
at the common law, as it secured his ministers from 
an unwelcome precedent, so the whole honour of it 
fell on the king's justice. 

His next parliament was in the third year of hisi'^i*- 4. 
reign, and there was considered the brief from pope 
Julius the Second to tiie king, complaining of the in- 
dignities and injuries done to the apcffitolic see and 
the pope by the Frendi Icing, and entreating the 
king's assistance with such cajoling words as are 
always to be expected from popes on the like occa- 
sions. It was fir^ read by the master of the rolls in 
the house of lords, and then the lord chancellor (War- 
bam, archbishop of Canterbury) and the ^lord trea- 
surer, with other lords, went down to the house of 


BOOK commons and read it there. Upon this aad othv 

! — reasons they gave the king subsidies towards the 

war with France. At this time Fox, to strengthen 
c>rdiP4] his party against the lord treasurer, finding Thomas 
rahig' Wolsey to be a likely man to get into the king's fa- 
vour, used all his endeavours to raise him, who was 
at that time neither unknown nor inconsiderable, 
being lord almoner ; he was at first made a privy 
counsellor, and frequently admitted to the king's 
presence, and waited on him over to France. The 
king liked him well, which he so managed that he 
quickly engrossed the king's favour to himself, and 
for fifteen years together was the most absolute fa- 
Tourite that had ever been seen in England : all fo- 
reign treaties and places of , trust at home were at 
his ordering ; he did what he pleased, and his as- 
cendant over the king was such, tJbat there never 
appeared any party against htm ell that while. The 
great artifice by which he insinuated himself so 
much on the king, is set down very plainly by one 
c>.rrn- that kflew him well, in these words: In him the 
afVotsc^, hing conceived such a loving Jitney ^ espemtUyJbr 
bl^fflUi" ^^^ ^ ^^"' *^^^ earnest and readiest in all the 
^^^f- council to advance the king's only will and plea- 
sure, having no resjiecl fo iJie case ; and whereas 
the anvirnt counsellors would, according to the qffice 

^^good counsellors, divers times persuade the ting 
/Is have sometime a recourse unto ike counal, there 
t' ' r uliat was done in iccighUf matters, the 
IS uothing at all pleased therewith; Jor he 
ptlmtfr worse than to he constrained to do any 
contrary to his pleasure, and that knew the 
\ tecrei imeimuaHong ^ 
I M Jftsf at the other* 


counseUed the king to leave his pleasures, and to rook 
attend his affairs, so busily did the almoner per- , 

suade him to the contrary, which delighted him 
much, and caused him to have the greater affection 
and love to the almoner. Having got into such 
power, he observed the king's inclinations exactly, 
and followvd bis iotereste ctosely-: for though he 
made other princes retain him with great present! 
and penaioiis, yet he never engaged the king into 
any ^iaooe hut what was for his advantage. Vot 
albirs at btwae, after he was established in bis great- 
ness, he affected to govern without parliameats; 
there being from the seventh year o£ his reign, after 
whidi he got the great seali but one parliament in 
the fourterath^^d fiftemt^ year, and no more tiU 
the one and twentieth, when matters were tmnii^ 
about : but he raued great sums of money by loans 
and benevolences. And indeed if we look on him 
as a minister of state, he was a very extraordi- 
nary person ; but as he was a churchman, he was 
the disgrace of his profession. He not only served 
the king in all his secret pleasures, but was lewd and 
vicious himself; bo that hia having the French pox 
(which in those days was a matter of no small in- 
famy) was so public, that it was brought against 
him in parliament when he fell in disgrace : he was 
a man of most extravagant vanity, as appears by 
the great state be lived in ; and to feed that, bis 
ambition and covetousness were proportionable. 

He was first made bishop of Tourney, when that^'* 'S'S- 
town was taken from the French ; then he was made . h^^ 
bishop of "Liocoln, which was the first bishopric J*^^ 
that fell void in this kingdom ; after that, upon car- s- '^tfi^ 
dinal Bembridge his death, he parted with Lincoln, Rot. p>t. 


BOOK and waa made archbishop of^York; then Hadrian, 
- that waa a cardinal and bishop of Bath and Wells, 

,^J' ■ being deprived, that "^see was given to him ; then 
^ ^ the abbey of ''St. Alban's was given to him m com- 
" Aug. 38. oieTidam : he next parted with Bath and Wells, and 
I. put. ' got the bishopric of "Duresme, which he afterwards 
iDec. 7. exchanged for the bishopric of 'Winchester: but 
if'pl^"'' besides all that he had in his own hands, the king 
B A*"' « granted him a full power of disposing of all the eo- 
<5- nf- clesiastical benefices in England, (which brought him 
iC P. in as much money as all the places he held ;) for 
10. ngt having so vast a power committed to him both from 
^^' the king and the pope as to church preferments, it 
may be easily gathered what advantages a man of 
his temper would draw from it Warham was lead 
chancellor the first seven years of the king's reign, 
but retired to give place to this aspiring favourite, 
who had a mind to the great seal, that there might 
be no interfering between the legantine tud chan- 
cery courts. And perhaps it wrought somewhat on 
his vanity, that even after he was cardinal, Warham 
as lord chancellor took place of him, as appears from 
the entries made in the journals of the house of 
peers in the parliament held the seventh year of the 
king's reign, and afterwards gave him place, as ap< 
I aa many occasions, particularly in the letter 
I to Ibe pope 1530, set down by the lord Her- 
, which the cardinal subscribed before Wariiam. 
Wb have nothing on record to shew what a speaker 
- for bU tlie Journals of parliament from the 
he twonty-fifth year ofthis king are lost ; 
L> Spake UH his predecessor in that office 
I, as they ore entered in 
1 with a text of scrip- 


ture ; wliidi he expounded and applied to the bud- book 
ness thej were to go upon, stuffing them with the '' 

most fulsome flattery of the king that was possible. 

The next in iaTour and power was the lord trea- 
surer, restored to his £Either's honour of duke of Nor- 
folk, to whmn his son succeeded in that office as well 
as in his hereditary honours ; and managed his in- 
terest with the king so dexterously, that he stood in 
all the changes that followed, and continued lord 
treasurer during the reign of this king, till near the 
end of it, when he Ml through jealousy rather than 
guilt: this shewed how dexterous a man he was, 
that could stand so long in that employment under 
such a king. 

But the chief faTOunte in the king's pleasures was 
Charles Brandon, a gallant graceful person, one of 
the strongest men of the age, and so a fit match for 
the king at his justs and tiltings, which was the 
manly diversion of that time ; and the king taking 
much pleasure in it, being of a robust body, and sin- 
gulariy expert at it, he was so able to second him in 
these courses, grew mightily in his favour, so that he 
made him first viscount Lisle, and some months after May 15. 
duke of Suffolk. Nor was he less in the ladies' fa-i'^rt^Rnt. 
vours, than the king's ; for his sister the lady Mary ^*^- 
Uked him, and being but so long married to king 
Lewis of France, as to make her queen dowager of 
France, she resolved to choose her second husband 
herself, and cast her eye on the duke of Suffolk, who 
was then sent over to the court of France. Her bro- 
ther had designed the marriage between them, yet 
would not openly give his consent to it ; but she by 
a strange kind of wooing prefixed him the term of 
four days to gain her consent, in which she told him 

VOL. I. c 


if he did not prevail, he should for ever kxe all his 
- hopes of having her, though after such a dedaratioD 
he was like to meet with no great difficultj from 
her. So they were mairied, and the king was easily 
pacified,. and received them into favour; neither did 
his favour die with her, for it continued all his life : 
but he never meddled much in business, and, by all 
that appears, was a better courtier than statesman. 
Little needs be said of any other person more than 
will afterwards occur. 

The king loved to raise mean persona, and upon 
the least distaste to throw them down : and falling 
into disgrace, he spared not to sacrifice tiiem to pub- 
lic discontents. His court was magnificent, and his 
expense vast ; he indulged himself in his pleasures : 
and the hopes of children (besides the lady Mary) 
foiling by the queen, he, who of all things desired 
issue most, kept one Elizabeth Blunt, by whom he 
had Henry Fitzroy, whom in the seventeenth year 
of his reign he created earl of Nottingham, and tiie 
same day made him duke of Richmond and Scmter- 
set, and intended' afterwards to have put him in the 
succession of the crown after his other children ; but 
his death prevented it. 

L^Al fbr his parliament, he took great care to keep 
[ understanding with them, and chiefly with 
leuse of commons, by which means he seldom 
I to carry matters as he pleased among them: 
D the parliament held in the fourteenth and fif- 
I of his reign, the demand of the subsidy ta^ 
b the war with France lieing so high as 800,0002; 
"k.tijuta^^uaAi and lands, to be paid in four 

Ing much hated, there was 

P"*" "W^^ V'H: ibr which the cardinal 


Uamed sir Thomas More much, who ^as then book 

wpeaker of the house of oommoos ; and finding that 

whidi was offered was not above the half of what 
was Bskeif went himself to the house of commons, 
and deflned to hear the reasons of those who op- 
posed his demands, that he mi^t answer them : but 
he was told the order of their house was to reason 
onlj among themselves, and so went away much 
dissatisfied. It was with great difficulty that they 
obtained a subsidy of three shillings in the Kb. to be 
paid in four years. This disappointment, it seems, 
did so offend the' cmrdinal, that as no parliament had 
been called for seven years before, so there was none 
summoiied for seven years after. And thus stood 
the dvil government of En^nd in the nineteenth 
year of the king^s reign, when the matter of the di- 
vorce was first moved. But I shall next open the 
state of affiurs in reference to religious and spiritual 

King Henry was bred with more care than had He was 
been usuaUy bestowed on the education of princes scholar. 
for many ages, who had been only trained up to 
those exercises that prepared them to war; and if 
diey could read and write, more was not expected 
of them. But learning began now to flourish ; and 
as the house of Medici in Florence had great honour ' 
by the protection it gave to learned men, so other 
princes every where cherished the Muses. King 
Henry the Seventh, though illiterate himself, yet 
took care to have his childi*en instructed in good 
letters. And it generally passes current, that he 
bred his second son a scholar, having designed him 
to be archbishop of Canterbury ; but that has no 
foundation ; 'for the writers of that time tell, that 



BOOK his elder brother prince Arthur was aho bred a sdio- 
|«- And all the instraction kii^ Hemj had in 
learning must have been after his farather was dead* 
when that design had vanished with his life. For 
he being bom the twenty-eighth of June 1491, and 
prince Arthur djing the second of April 1502, he 
was not full eleven jears of age when he became 
prince of Wales ; at which age princes have seldom 
made anj great pn^ress in learning. But king 
Henry the Seventh judging either that it would 
make his sons greater princes, and fitter finr the ma- 
nagement of their affairs, or being jealous of their 
looking too early into business, or their pretending 
to the crown upon their mother's title, which might 
have been a dangerous competition to him, that was 
so little beloved by his subjects, took this method 
for amusing them with other things : thence it was, 
that his son was the most learned prince that had 
been in the world for many ages, and deserved the 
title Beau-clerke^ on a better account than his pre- 
decessor that long before had carried it. The learn- 
ing then in credit was either that of the schools, 
about abstruse questions of divinity, which from the 
days of Lombard were debated and descanted on 
with much subtlety and nicety, and exercised all 
speculative divines ; or the study of the canon law, 
which was the way to business and preferment. To 
the former of these the king was much addictedi and 
delighted to read often in Thomas Aquinas; and 
this made cardinal Wolsey more acceptable to him, 
who was chiefly conversant in that sort of learning. 
He loved the purity of the Latin tongue, which 
be so kind to Erasmus, that was the great 
it, and to Polydore Virgil ; though nei- 



ther of these made their court dexterously with the book 
cardinal, which did much intercept the king's favour .' 
to them ; bo that the one left England, and the other 
was but coarsely used in it, who has suflSciently re- 
venged himself upon the cardinal's memory. The 
philosophy then in £E»hion was so intermixed with 
their divinity, that the king understood it too ; and 
was also a good musician, as appears by two whole 
masses which he composed. He never wrote well, 
but scrawled so that his hand was scarce legible. 

Being thus inclined to learning, he was much court- 
ed by all hungry scholars, who generally over Eu- 
rope dedicated their books to him, with such flatter- 
ing epistles, that it very much lessens him, to see how 
he delisted in such stuff. For if he had not taken 
pleasure in it, and rewarded them, it is not likely 
that others should have been every year writing after 
such ill copies. Of all things in the world flattery 
wrought most on him ; and no sort of flattery pleased 
him better than to have his great learning and wis- 
dom commended. And in this his parliaments, his 
courtiers, his chaplains, foreigners and natives, all 
seemed to vie who should exceed most, and came to 
speak to him in a style which was scarce fit to be 
used to any creature. But he designed to entail 
these praises on his memory, cherishing churchmen 
more than any king in England had ever done ; he 
also courted the pope with a constant submission, 
and upon all occasions made the popes' interests his 
own, and made war and peace as they desired him. 
So that had he died any time before the nineteenth 
year of his reign, he could scarce have escaped being 
canonized, notwithstanding all his faults ; for he 
abounded in those virtues which had given saintship 

c 3 


BOOK to kings for near a thousand years tc^ether, and had 

' done more than thej all did, by writing a botdc for 

the Roman faith. 
TbB kiDg-i Enirland had for above three hundred years been 
inecdoi- the tamest part of Chrutendom to the papal au- 
^ thority, and bad been accordingly dealt with. Bat 
though the parliaments, and two or three high-ajn- 
rited kings, had given some interruption to the cruel 
exactions and other illegal proceedings of the court 
of Rome, yet that court always gained their designs 
in the end. But even in this king's days, the crown 
was not quite stript of all its authority over spiritual 
persons. The investitures of bishops and abbots, 
which had been originally given by the delivery of 
the pastoral ring and staff, by the kings of England, 
were after some opposition wrung out of their bands; 
yet I find they retained another thing, which upon 
the matter was the same. When any see was va- 
cant, a writ was issued out of the chancery for seiz- 
cuttodM ing on all the temporalities of the bishopric, and 
utu. then the king recommended one to the pope, upon 
which his bulls were expeded at Rome, and so by a 
warrant from the pope he was consecrated, and in- 
vested in the spiritualities of the see ; but was to ap- 
^^ pear before the king either in person or by proxy, 
^A and renounce every clause in his letters and bulls, 
^B that were or might be prejudicial to the pren^tive 
^F of the crown, or contrary to the laws of the land, and 
^m was to swear fealty and allegiance to the king. And 
X afler this a new writ was issued out of the chancery, 
bearing that this was done, and that thereupon the 
I should be restored. Of this there are 
dents in the rec(nrds, that every one 
Dched them must needs find them in 


everjr year ; but when this began, I leave to the more book 
learned in the law to discover. And for proof of it_il_ 

the reader will find in the Collection the fullest re-couect 
cord which I met with concerning it in Henry the 
Seventh his reign, of cardinal Adrian's being invested 
m the bishc^iric of Bath and Wells. So that upon 
the matter die kings then diq>osed of all faishopricsf, 
keeping that still in their own hands which made 
them most desired in those ages; and so had the 
bishops much at their devotion. 

But king Henry in a great degree parted with 
this, by the abovementioned power granted to car- 
dinal Wolsey, who being l^ate as well as lord chan- 
cellor, it was thought a great error in government 
to lodge such a trust with him, which might have 
passed into a precedent for other l^ates pretending 
to the same power; since the papal greatness had 
thus risen, and oft upon weaker grounds to the 
height it was then at. Yet the king had no mind Liceme to 
to suffer the laws made against the suing out of peLrt!!^! 
bulls in the court of Rome without his leave to be ^**^«"*»- 3. 

I. part. 5*» 

n^lected ; for I find several licenses granted to sue ^^s* i^^ 
bulls in that court, bearing for their preamble the 
statute of the sixteenth of Richard the Second against 
the pope's pretended power in England. 

But the immunity of ecclesiastical persons was a 
thing that occasioned great complaints. And good 
cause there was for them. For it was ordinary for 
persons after the greatest crimes to get into orders ; 
and then not only what was past must be forgiven 
them, but they were not to be questioned for any 
crime after holy orders given, till they were first de- 
graded ; and till that was done they were the bi- 
shop's prisoners. Whereupon there arose a great 

c 4 


BOOK dispute in the b^oning of this king's reign, o£ 

'. which none of our historians having taken any no* 

tice, I shall give a full account of it. 
Aa»>"«« King Henry the Seventh in his fourth partiameot 
eccieuMti- did & little lessen the privileges of the clergy, enact- 
D>tT.'°K!rii- ing that clerks convicted should be burnt in the 
^j*'^ hand. But this not proving a sufficient restraint, it 
was enacted in parliament, in the fourth year of this 
king, that all murderers and robbers should be de- 
nied the benefit of their clergy. But though this 
seemed a very just law, yet to make it pass through 
the house of lords, they added two provisos to it, the 
one for excepting all such as were within the holy 
orders of bishop, priest, or deacon ; the other that 
the act should only be in force till the next parlia- 
ment. With these provisos it was unanimously as- 
sented to by the lords on the twenty-sixth of Janu- 
ary, 1513, and being agreed to by the commons, the 
royal assent made it a law : pursuant to which, many 
murderers and felons were denied their clergy, end 
the law passed on them to the great satisfaction of 
the whole nation. But this gave great offence to the 
clei^, who had no mind to suffer their immunities 
to be touched or lessened. And judging that if the 
laity made bold with inferior orders, they would pro- 
ceed further even against sacred orders ; therefore as 
their opposition was sucli, that the act not bdng 
cobtiMlBd* did determine at the next parliament* 
(tbM Was ia the fifth year of the king,) so they, not 
' ~\ that, resolved to fix a censure on that 
> the iVanchises of the holy church. 
f Winchelconili bting mote forward 
1 of periiament in the 
. at 


PauFs Cron, said <^ieiily, That that act was ean^ book 

trarjf to the law ofGod, and to the liberties qftke^,.^ 

koly church, and that all who assented to it, as well 
spiritual as temporal persons, had by so doings in- 
curred the censures qfthe church. And for confir- 
mation of his opinion, he published a book to proye, 
that all clerks, whether of the greater or lower or- 
ders, were sacred, and exempted from all temporal 
punishments by the secular 'judge, even in criminal 
cases. This made great noise, and all the temporal 
kurds, with the concurrence of the house of commons^ 
denred the king to suppress the growing insolence 
of the clergy. So there was a hearing of the matter 
before the kii^, with all the judges, and the king's 
temporal council. Doctor Standish, guardian of the 
Mendicant Friars in London, (afterwards bishop of 
Saint AsajA,) the chief of the king's spiritual coun- 
cil, argued, That, by the law, clerks had been still 
convened and judged in the king's court for civil 
crimes, and that there was nothing either in the 
laws of God, or the church, inconsistent with it ; and 
that the public good of the society, which was chiefly 
driven at by all laws, and ought to be preferred to 
all other things, required that crimes should be pu- 
nished. But the abbot of Winchelcomb, being coun- 
sel for the clergy, excepted to this, and said, There 
was a decree made by the church expressly to the 
contrary, to which all ought to pay obedience un- 
der the pain of mortal sin ; and that therefore the 
trying of. clerks in the civil courts was a sin in 
itself. Standish upon this turned to the king, and 
said, God forbid that all the decrees qf the church 
should bind. It seems the bishops think not so ; 
Jbr though there is, a decree that they should reside 


BOOK at their cathedrals aU tie JitMtivalu^ tke ^eoTf yet 

'-^ the greater part <^them do it not; sddiiig, that no 

decree could have aaj force in En^nd till it was 
received there ; and that this decree was never re- 
ceived in England, but that, as well since the mak- 
ing of it, as before, clerks had been tried for crimes 
in the civil courts. To this the abbot made no an- 
swer, but brought a place of scripture to prove this 
exemption to have come from our Saviour's words. 
NoUte tangere ehrittoa meo». Touch not mine 
anointed; and therefore princes ordering derks to 
be arrested, and brought before their courts, was 
contrary to scripture, against which no custom can 
take place. Standish replied, these words wti\: ner^ 
said by our Saviour, but were put by David in his 
Psalter one thousand years before Christ ; and he said 
these words had no relation to the civil judicatories, 
but because the greatest part of the world was then 
wicked, and but a small number believed the law, 
they were a charge to the rest of the world, not to 
do them harm. But though the abbot had been very 
violent, and confident of his being able to confound 
all that held the contrary opinion, yet he made no 
answer to this. The laity that were present, being 
confirmed in their former opinion by hearing the 
matter tlius argued, moved the bishops to order the 
abbot to renounce his former opinion, and recant his 

Pmon at Paul's Cross. But they flatly refused 
do ill and said they were bound by the laws 
MM||^ diufch to maintain the abbot's t^nnion 
^^^ nt of it. Great heats followed upon 
^ sitting of the parliament, of whidi 
^^■rtial e^ti^ made in the journal of 
, the clerk of the 



pariiamentt doctor Tjrlor, doctor of the canon law, book 
being at the same time speaker of the lower hoiise 

of omvocaticm. The entry is in these words: /iioct.99. * 
tkU parliament and canpocaiian there were ^^^^lij^^tj^ 
dangerans contentions between the dergy and the^J^^^^^ 
secular power, about the ecclesiastical liberties, oneFroetmm 7 
Standish^ a minor friar, being the instrument andiZiomtmL 
promoter qfaU that mischitf. But a passage fell^l^f^ 
oot» that made this matter be more fully prosecuted^UJ[f^^ 
in the Michaelmas term. One Richard Hunne, a^^-'^is- 

merchant taylor in London, was questioned by SL7)^,Mit 
derk in Middlesex for a mortuary, pretended to be doct. ck~ 

due for a child of his that died five weeks old. The^IZS!!^ 
derk daimed the beering sheet, and Hunne refusing Jjf^X 
to give it ; upon that he was sued, but his counsel '^^ ^^ 
advised him to sue the derk in a prtemumre, tor ctaore 

bringing the king's subjects before a foreign court i"^^ 
the spiritual court sitting by authority from the le- /H^*^' 
gate. This touched the dergy so in the quick, that^^JJ^^' 
they used all the arts they could to fasten heresy on onepeHeu. 

him ; and understanding that he had WickliflTs Bible, •editumet 
upmi that he was attached of heresy, and put in the te/«rcim(m 
Lollard's tower at Paul's, and examined upon some^J^J^I^^ 
artides objected to him by Fitz-James, then bishop ^^^' 
of London. He denied them as they were chanred cfcrf««^, 
against him, but acknowledged he had said some /re m^More, 
words sounding that way. for which he was sony.Zl^A. 
and asked God's mercy, and submitted himself to^[[|]^^ 
the bbhop's correction; upon which he ought toJJ^^JJ^ 
have been enjoined penance, and set at liberty ; but "^^ ^^ 
he persisting still in his suit in the king's courts, 
they used him most cruelly. On the fourth of De- 
cember he was found hanged in the chamber where Hanne 
he was kept prisoner. And doctor Horsey, chancel- ^^^ '° 

^j siiould appear for him any b 

•e : whereas, on the contrary, it occasioned a great 

cry, the man having lived in very good reputa- 

\ among his neighbours; so that after that day 

dtj of London was never well affected to the 

ish dergy, but indined to follow any body who 

ke against them, and every one looked on it as a 

se of common concern. All exclaimed against 

cruelty of their dergy, that for a man's suing 

ilerk according to law he should be long and 

dly used in a severe imprisonment, and at last 

dly murdered ; and all this laid on himself to de- 

le him, and ruin his family. And then to bum 

t body which they had so handled, was thought 

1 a complication of crudties, as few barbarians 

ever been guilty of. The bishop, finding that 

inquest went on, and the whole matter was dis- 

1^9 used all possible endeavours to stop their 

^^ngs ; and they were often brought before the 

s council, where it was pretended that all pro- 

d from malice and heresy. The cardinal la- 

d to procure an order to forbid thdr going any 

^9 but the thing was both so foul and so evi- 

^at it could not be done ; and thn* /*—'"' 


BOOK commmM was but cmce Kad in the house of lordsy for 
._— the power of the clergy was great there. But the trial 
^"^^' went on, and both the bishop's chancellor and the 
sumner were indicted as principals in the murder. 

The convocation that was then sitting, finding so 
g^at a stir made, and that all their liberties were 
now struck at, resolved to call doctor Standish to an 
account for what he had said and argued in that 
matter; so he being summoned before them, some 
articles were objected to him by word of mouth, 
concerning the judging of clerks in civil courts; 
and the day following, they being put in writing, 
the bill was delivered to him, and a day assigned for 
him to make answer. The doctor, perceiving their 
intention, and judging it would go hard with him if 
he were tried before them, went and claimed the 
king's protection from this trouble that he was now 
brought in, for dischai^ng his duty as the king^s 
spiritual counsel. But the clergy made their excuse 
to the king, that they were not to question him for 
any thing he had said as the king's counsel ; but for 
some lectures he read at St. Paul's and elsewhere, 
contrary to the law of God^ and liberties of the 
holy churchy which they were bound to maintain ; 
and desired the king's assistance according to his 
coronation oath, and as he would not incur the cen- 
sures of the holy church. On the other hand, the 
temporal lords and judges, with the concurrence of 
the house of commons, addressed to the king to mam- 
tain the temporal jurisdiction according to his coro- 
nation oath, and to protect Standish from the malice 
of his enemies. 

This put the king in great perplexity, for he had 
no mind to lose any part of his temporal jurisdic- 


tion» and an tike<oth8^ haad was no lew apprebcnrare boos 

ai the daagenxu effecta .that m^^ follow on a . 

Ih«mA with the t^srgy. So he called for doctor 
Veysey, tbes dean of hia ch^iel* and afterwardg bi- 
■hop (tf £xeter, and chafed him upon his aflegiaDce 
to declare the trutli to him in that matter : which 
after scnne ttndj he did, and said* upon his &ith, 
coosdeDce, and all ^ ja n c^ he did think that the con- 
vening of derks before the secular judge, which had 
been always practised ia En^aod, mi^t well con^ 
list with the law of God, Mid the frw0 fii«r«w ^<;k 
kofyekurdk. This gave the king great salisfiulioD; 
so be (»mmanded aUtbejadges, and bis coandl both 
spifitnal and temporal, uid some of both hooses, to 
meet at Blacfc*£Viars,'>and to hear the matter ar- 
gued. Hie [nil against doctor Standish was read^ 
which consisted of six articles that were objected to 
him. First, Utat he kadtaid that the lower orders 
were not sacred. Secondly, TTutt the exemption of 
eieris wot notjimnded on a divine right. Thirdly^ 
7%at the laity might coerce clerk* when the pre- 
lates did not their duty. Fourthly, That no posi- 
tive eedesiastieal law binds any but those who re- 
ceive it. Fifthly, That the study (ffthe canon law 
was needless. Sillily, That of the whole volume 
Hfthe Decretum, so much as a man could hold in 
his ,fistt and no morSj did oblige Christians. To 
these doctor Standisb answered. That for those things 
expressed in the third, the fifth, and the sixth arti- 
cles, he had never taught them ; as for his asserting 
them at any time in discourse, as he did not remem- 
ber it, so he did not much care whether he had done 
it or not. To the first he said. Lesser orders in one 
tense are saered,tD.d in another they are not sacred. 

». TEL 

mU0 ^Ji0tUd/04^ iuej 

ai »^4u ^ MiAiiUik^ to tunr a jndge 

»4U4J, 77///^/ i»/e//// lif/// iti//^ jet i 
ImwMI^ kiH; ^; in tli^ ctie id 

Hut iU^upr Wi'ym*y'% argumeiit 
ii/«/li iiii/tii «yii|i mU tlmt were pmeni. He sidLit 
i^m«i4.'Hm)m llitfi l>M' inwNiif thecbuidi dWaif Maif 
////// ///// lhtm$f uhii fftthed them. To {vove dni, 
hi: iiwiili I If Ml \h iilil (hiN*» all secular prierti woe 
i»»MMl»iil » liMl Ifi lliii iliiyN of Ht. Augiudne, the mgo- 
»li»j ol I'lMijhiiiili Ihm'i* wim a decree made to the 
iiiMlMMi'f ivhlih WM« i'cm'HvihI in England, and in 
iMiiiiy oliii:! |»ifiii'«i liy virtue whereof the secular 
IMli'Mn ill MMulfUifl iniiy not marry : but thb law not 
lirlMH mmIvkumIIv runilvniL Iht* Greek church never 
JH^iM*'9f /Ai'ii«4fi7«>«*4 honml Ay it* no that to thb day 
lliii piiiiMn III I hill I'liiiiH'h have wives as well as 
iillim «iti iiliii iiimi. ir I lion tlio churches of the east, 
ii«il liii\ 111(1 ti'«i^v«'«l llio law of the celibate of the 
«1i'V)i>, liii\« iio>oi' Ihvii «'«iiulonuuHt by the church 
\W not «ilii'\ 111(1 M X \\\v\\ I liiM'^mvouiug clerks having 


been always practised in England, was no mn^ noU book 

withstanding the decree to the contrary, which was 1 — 

never received here. Nor is this to be compared to 
those privileges that concern only a private man's 
interest, for the commonwealth of the whole realm 
was chiefly to be looked at, and to be preferred to 
all other things. 

When the matter was thus argued on both sides, 
all the judges delivered their opinions in these words: 
not all those qf the convocation who did award 
the citation against StantUsh, were in the case qf 
u pramumre Jaeias ; and added somewhat about 
the constitution of the parliament, which being 
ftragn to my business, and contrary to a received 
opinion, I need not mention, but refer the reader to 
Keilway for his information, if he desires to know 
more of it : and thus the court broke up. But soon 
after, all the lords spiritual and temporal, with many 
of the house of commons, and all the judges, and the 
king^s council, were called before the king to Bay- 
nard's Castle ; and in all their presence the cardinal 
kneeled down before the king, and in the name of 
the dei^ said, ITuU none of them intended to do 
any thing thai might dentate from his preroga- 
five, and least qfaU himseff^ who owed his advance^ 
ment only to the hin^s favour. But this matter 
of convening if clerks did seem to them cdl to be 
contrary to the laws of God, and the liberties qf 
the church, which they were bound by their oaths 
to maintain according to their power ; therefore in 
their naihe he humbly be^ed. That the king, to 
avoid the censures ff the church, would rrfer the 
matter to the decision qf the pope and his council, 
at the court qf Rome. To which the king answered, 

VOL. I. D 


BOOK It seems to us that iloctar Standish, and others of 
'' our spiritual council^ have answered youJuUy in 
all points. The bishop of Winchester replied. Sir, 
I warrant you doctor Standish will not abide by 
his opinion at his peril. But the doctor said^ 
fVhat should one poor friar do alone, against 
all the bishops and clergy of JEngland ? After a 
short silence the archbishop of Canterbury said, 
That in Jbrmer times divers holy fathers of the 
church had opposed the execution of that law, and 
some qf them suffered martyrdom in the quarreL 
To whom Fineux, lord chief justice, said, T%at 
many holy kings had maintained that law, and 
many holy fathers had given obedience to it, which 
it is not to be presumed they would have done, 
had they known it to be contrary to the law qf 
God : and he desired to know by what law bishqia 
could judge clerks for felony, it being a thing only 
determined by the temporal law; so that either it 
was not at all to be tried, or it was only in the tem- 
poral court ; so that either derks must do as they 
please, or be tried in the dvil courts. To this no 
answer being made, the king said these woids : Sy 
the pennission and ardiimmce if God we are kit^ 
^ JKi^fiand, and the ki^^ if Ei^glmmd m tismes 
past kmd merer any smperioTy but God omfy. Hkere^ 
fMrr kupw you weU that we wiO maimimim the r^gki 
ffomr crowmy mmd^omr ten^iMrmlJmrisdietiam m» 
wtUimtkis^ms in mO other pointSy in msamqJe 
mr #» amy ifomrpn^geiuMrshmMr dome h^mrm 
MM^^ Jmm sfsfmr yomr dttrtes^ my are wewl lunvwf 
tkmt ymf if the spirit mm lit y go espetisJy 
the m^iMrds if 0h€rw9 ifthem$y0Nt imih betem 
yum by xaif ffour emmmeii : mmd yom imterpnetfmmr 


decrees at your pleasure, but we will not agree to book 

tkem mare tkan our progenitors have dame injbr^ .^-J 

mer times. But the archbishop of Canterbury made 
most humble instance, that the matter m^ht be so 
bng respited, till they could get a resolution from 
the court of Rome, which they should procure at 
their own charges; and if it did consist with the law 
of Ckxl, they should conform themselves to the law 
of the land. To this the king made no answer : 
but the warrants being out against doctor Horsey, 
the btthop of London's chancellor, he did abscond in 
the archfaishc^'s house; though it was pretended he 
was a prisoner there, till afterwards a temper was 
fimnid that Horsqr should render himself a prisoner 
in the king^s bench, and be tried. But the bishop 
of London made earnest applications to the cardinal 
that he would move the king to command the at- 
torney general to confess the indictment was not 
true, that it might not be referred to a jury ; since 
he said the citizens of London did so favour heresy, 
that if he were as innocent as Abel, they would find 
any derk guilty. The king, not willing to irritate 
the dergy too much, and judging he had main- 
tained his prerogative by bringing Horsey to the 
bar, ordered the attorney to do so. And accord- 
ingly, when Horsey was brought to the bar, and in- 
dicted of murder, he pleaded Not guilty ; which the 
attorney acknowledging, he was dismissed, and went 
and lived at Exeter, and never again came back to 
London, either out of fear or shame. And for doctor 
Standish, upon the king's command, he was also 
dismissed out of the court of convocation. 

It does not appear that the pope thought fit to 
interpoEie in this matter. For though, upon less 



BOOK pn/woatioa%y popes had p ruceedcd to the hiighest 
— I — censures against princes; yet tUs long was other- 

wise so necessary to the pope at this time^ that be 
was not to be offended. The deigjr suffered mudi 
in this business, besides the kns of their reputation 
with the peoide, who inrolved them all in the guilt 
of Hunne's murder ; f(v now their exemption being 
wdl examined, was found to haTe no foundation at 
all but in their own decrees ; and few were mudi 
convinced by that authority, since upon the matter 
it was but a judgment of their own, in their own 
favours : nor was the dtj of Lcmdon at all satisfied 
with the proceedings in the king^s bench, since 
there was no justice done; and all thought the king 
seemed more careful to maintain his prerogative 
than to do justice. 

This I hare rekted the more full^, because it 
seems to hare had great influence on peojAe's minds, 
and to hare disposed them much to the changes 
that followed afterwards. How these things were 
entered in the books of convocation, cannot be now 
known. For among the other sad losses sustained 
in the late burning of London, this was one, that 
almost all the registers of the spiritual courts were 
burnt, some few of the archbishops of Canterbury 
and bishops of London's rasters being only pre- 
served. But having compared Fox his account of 
this and some other matters, and finding it exactly 
according to the registers that are preserved, I shall 
the more confidently build on what he. published 
fimn tlKMe records that are- now lost. 

the only thing in the first eighteen years 
's reign that seemed to lessen the great- 
defgy, but in all other matters he was a 


most fisuthful son of the see of Rome. Pope Julius, book 
soon after his coming to the crown, sent him a 

golden rose, with a letter to archbishop Warham to th^ ^^ 
deliver it; and though such {nresents might seem ^2^,, 
fitter for young diildren than for men of discietion, 
yet the king was much delighted with it ; and, to 
riiew his gratitude, there was a treaty concluded theTnttj 
year following between the king and Ferdinand of^%. 
Arragon, for the defence of the papacy against the 
French king. And when, in opposition to the coun- 
cil that the French king and some other princes and 
cardinals had called, firat to Pisa, (which was after-^ 
wards translated to Milan, and then to Lyons, that 
summoned the pope to appear before them, and sus- 
pended his authority,) pope Julius called another 19 April, 
council to be held in the Lateran ; the king sent the '^''' 
bishops of Worcester and Rochester, the prior of 
St. John% and the abbot of Winchelcomb, to sit in 
that coundl, in which there was such a representa- 
tive of the catholic church as had not been for se- 
veral of the later ages in the western church : in 
which a few bishops, packed out of several king- 
doms, and many Italian bishops, with a vast number 
of abbots, priors, and other inferior dignified clergy- 
men, were brought to confirm together whatever the 
popes hftd a mind to enact; which passing easily 
among them, was sent over the world with a stamp of 
sacred authority, as the decrees and decisions of the 
holy universal church assembled in a general council. 
Nor was there a worse understanding between 
this king and pope Leo the Tenth, that succeeded Ju- 
lius, who did also compliment him with those papal 
presents of roses, and at his desire made Wolsey a 
cardinal ; and above all other things obliged him by 


BOOK conferring on him the title of JDefenckf of the Faiths 

! (upon the presenting to the pope his book against 

^^' "* Luther,) in a pompous letter signed by the pope, and 
belt."*'' twenty-seven cardinals, in which the king took great 
pleasure; affecting it always beyond all his other 
titles, though several of the former kings of Eng- 
land had carried the same title, as Spelman informs 
us. So easy a thing it was for popes to oblige princes 
in those days, when a title or a rose was thought a 
suflScient recompense for the greatest services. 

The cardinal governing all temporal affairs as he 
did, it is not to be doubted but his authority was 
absolute in ecclesiastical matters, which seemed na- 
turally to lie within his province; yet Warham 
made some opposition to him, and complained to the 
king of his encroaching too much in his legantine 
courts upon his jurisdiction ; and the things being 
clearly made out, the king chid the cardinal sharply 
for it, who ever after that hated Warham in his 
heart, yet he proceeded more warily for the fiiture. 
^fom.S B"^ ^^^ cardinal drew the hatred of the clergy 
the clergy, upon himsclf, chicfly by a bull which he obtained 
15 19. Ld. from Rome, giving him authority to visit all monas* 
aDd article terics, and all the clergy of England, and to dis« 
fm^ach- pense with all the laws of the church for one whole 
■^"^ year after the date of the bull. The power that 
was lodged in him by this bull was not more invi- 
dious than the words in which it was conceived were 
offensive ; for the preamble of it was full of severe 
reflections against the manners and ignorance of the 
J^ifSS$ff9 who are said in it to have been delivered 
reprobate mind. This, as it was a public 
them, so, how true soever it might be, 
ht it did not become the cardinal, whose 


vices were notorious and scandalous, to tax others^ book 
whose ftults weare neither so great nor so eminent '' 
as his were. 

He did also affect a magnificence and greatness, Tbe omfi- 
not only in his habit, (being the first clergyman in Poijdore 
England that wore silks,) but in his &mily, his train, ^''^^ 
and other pieces of state equal to that of kings. 
And even in performing divine offices, and saying 
mass, he did it with the same ceremonies that the 
popes use; who judge themselves so nearly related 
to God, that those humble acts of adoration, which 
are devotions in other persons, would abase them too 
much. He had not only bishops and abbots to 
serve him, but even dukes and earls to give him the 
water and the towel. He had certainly a vast mind; 
and he saw the corruptions of the clergy gave so 
great scandal, and their ignorance was so profound, 
that unless some effectual ways were taken for cor- 
recting these, they must needs fall into great dises- 
teem with the people : for though he took great li^ 
berties himself, and perhaps, according to the maxim 
of the canonists, he judged Cardinals, as princes of 
the church, were not comprehended within ordinai-y 
ecclesiastical laws ; yet he seemed to have designed He ^estgan 

a reforma- 

the reformation of the inferior clergy by all theuon: 
means he could think of, except the giving them a 
good example : therefore he intended to visit all the 
monasteries of England, that so, discovering their 
corruptions, he might the better justify the design 
he had to suppress most of them, and convert them 
into bishoprics, cathedrals, collegiate churches and 
colleges : for which end he procured the bull from 
Borne ; but he was diverted from making any use 
of it by some, who advised him rather to suppress 

D 4 


BOOK monasteries by the pope's authority, Uian pro- 

'. — ceed in a method whidi would raise great hatred 

pi^oq'o^ against himself, cast foul aspersions on religious 
moDMte- orders, and give the enemies of the church great 
advantages against it. Yet he had communicated 
his design to the king ; aud his secretary Cromwell 
understanding it, was thereby instructed how to 
proceed afterwards, when they went about the total 
suppression of the monasteries. 
The oJiiDF The summoning of convocations he assumed by 
J^^"'*"' virtue of his legantine power. Of these there were 
two sorts: the first were called by the king; tar 
with the writs for a parliament there went out al- 
ways a summons to the two archbishops for calling 
a convocation of their provinces ; the style of which 
Collect. ^1 ^ found in the Collection. It differs in no- 
Numb. 3. thing from what is now in use, but that the king 
did not prefix the day ; requiring them only to be 
summoned to meet with all convenient speed ; and 
the archbishops, having the king's pleasure signified 
to them, did in their writs prefix the day. Other 
convocations were called by the archbishops in their 
seveivl provinces, upon great emergencies, to meet 
and treat of things relating to the church, and were 
CoUwt. provincial councils. Of this I find but one, and that 
Nmb. 4. jjgjigd by Warham, in the first year of this king, for 
restoring the ecclesiastical immunities, that had been 
very much impaired, as will appear by the writ of 
summons. But the cardinal did now, as l^ate, is- 
fitgaL >ue out writs for convocations. In the year 152S. 
^*^'°'- I find by the register th^e wja a writ issued from 
the king to ^V^arham to call one, who upon that sum- 
it to meet at St. Paul's the twentieUi of April. 
ardinal prevailed bo far with the king. 


that, on the second of Maj after, he by his legantme book 

authority dissolTed that convocation, and issued out L-- 

a writ to TonstaO, bishop of London, to bring the 
dergj of Canterbury to St. Peter's in Westminster, 
there to meet and reform abuses in the church, and 
consider of other important matters that should be 
proposed to them. What they did towards i^or- 
mation, I know not, the records being lost : but as 
to the king's supply, it was proposed. That they 
should give the king the half of the full value of 
their livings for one year, to be paid in five years. 
The cardinal laid out to them how much the king 
had merited from the church, both by suppressing 
the schism that was like to have been in the papacy 
in pc^ Julius his time, and by protecting the see 
of Rome from the French tyranny ; but most of all, - 
for that excellent book written by him in defence of 
the faith against the heretics : and that therefore, 
since the French king was making war upon him, 
and had sent over the duke of Albany to Scotland 
to make war also on that side, it was fit that on so 
great an occasion it should appear that his clergy 
were sensible of their happiness in having such a 
king; which they ought to express in granting 
somewhat, that was as much beyond all former pre- 
cedents, as the king had merited more from them 
than all former kings had ever done. 

But the bishops of Winchester and Rochester op- 
posed this : for they both hated the cardinal. The 
one thought him ungrateful to him who had raised 
him : the other, being a man of a strict life, hated 
him for his vices. Both these spake against it 
as an unheard-of tax, which would so oppress the 
clergy, that it would not be possible for them to live 


BOOK and pay it ; and that this would become a precedent 
*• for after-times, which would make the condition of 

the clergy most miserable. But the cardinal, who 
intended that the convocation, by a great subsidy, 
should lead the way to the parliament, took much 
' pains for carrying it through ; and got some to be 
absent, and others were prevailed on to consent to 
it : and, for the fear of its being made a precedent, 
a clause was put in the act, that it should he no pre- 
cedent for afier^imes. Others laughed at this, and 
said. It would be a precedent for all that, if it once 
passed. But in the end it was granted, with a most 

Collect, glorious preamble ; and by it all the natives of Eng- 
°" ' ^' land that had any ecclesiastical benefice were to 
pay the full half of the true value of their livings in 
five years ; and all foreigners who were beneficed in 
England were to pay a whole year's rent in the 
same time : out of which number were excepted the 
bishop of Worcester and Landaffe, Pdlydore Virgil, 
Peter the Carmelite, Erasmus of Roterdam, Silves* 
ter Darius, and Peter Vannes, who were to pay 
only as natives did. This increased the hatred that 
the clergy bore the cardinal. But he despised them, 
and in particular was a great enemy to the monks, 
and looked on them as idle mouths that did neither 
the church nor state any service, but were through 
their scandalous lives a reproach to the church, and 
a burden to the state. Therefore he resolved to 
suppress a great number of them, and to change 
them to another institution. 

2f^2^ Prom the days of king Edgar the state of monk- 
still growing in England. For most 
dergy being then married, and refusing 
their wives, were by Dunstan archbishop 


of Cantertmry, and Ethel weld bishop of WiDches- 900K 
ter, and Oswald bishop of Worcester, who were all 

mcmks, turned out of their livings. There is in the^^*^* 
rolls an Intpeximus of king Edgar's, erecting theviii.par. i. 
priory and convent of Worcester, which bears date 
anno 964. Edgari VI^ on St. Innocent's day, signed 
by the king, the queen, two archbishops, five bi« 
shops, six abbots, (but neither bishopric nor fd)bey 
are named,) six dukes, and five knights ; but there 
is no seal to it. It bears, that the king, with the 
counsel and consent of his princes and gentry, did 
confirm and estaUish that priory ; and that he had 
erected forty-seven monasteries, which he intended 
to increase to fifty, the number of jubilee; and that 
the former incumbents should be for ever excluded 
from all pretensions to their benefices, because they 
had rather chosen with the danger of their order, 
and the prejudice of the ecclesiastical benefice, to 
adhere to their wives, than to serve God chastely 
and canonically. 

The monks being thus settled in most cathedrals 
of England, gave themselves up to idleness and 
pleasure, which had been long complained of; but 
now that learning b^an to be restored, they, being 
every where possessed of the best church-benefices, 
were looked upon by all learned men with an evil 
eye, as having in their hands the chief encourage- 
ments of learning, and yet doing nothing towards 
it ; they on the contrary decrying and disparaging 
it all they could, saying, It would bring in heresy, 
and a great deal of mischief. And the restorers of 
learning, such as Erasmus, Vives, and others, did 
not spare them, but did expose their ignorance and 
ill manners to the world. 


BOOK Now the king naturally loved learning, and- tliere- 
' fbre the cardinal, either to do a thing which he knew 

would be acceptable to the king, or that it was also 
agreeable to his own inclinations, resolved to set up 
The cwdi- gome coU^cs, in which there should be both great 
leges. encouragements for eminent scholars to prosecute 
their studies, and good schools for teaching and 
training up of youth. This he knew would be a 
great honour to him, to be looked upon as a patron 
of learning ; and therefore he set his heart much on 
it, to have two colleges (the one at Oxford, the other 
at Ipswich, the place of his birth) well constituted 
and nobly endowed. But towards this, it was ne« 
cessary to suppress some monasteries, .which was 
thought every whit as justifiable and lawful, as it 
had been many ages before to change secular pre- 
bends into canons regular ; the endowed goods being 
still applied to a religious use. And it was thought 
hard to say. That if the pope had the absolute power 
of dispensing the spiritual treasure of the church, 
and to translate the merits of one man, and apply 
them to another ; that he had not a much more ab- 
solute power over the temporal treasure of the 
church, to translate church-lands from one use, and 
apply them to another. And indeed the cardinal 
was then so much considered at Rome as a pope of 
another world, that whatever he desired he easily 
^dbtained. Therefore on the third of April, 15S4, 
'!pope Clement by a bull gave him authority to sup- 
press the monastery of St. Frideswide in Oxford, 
and in the diocese of Lincoln, and to carry the 
monks elsewhere, with a very full non obstante. 
^^ ttlte ifcft k JPg gave his assent the nineteenth of 

After this there followed many 


otlier bulls for other religious houses and rectories book 

that were impropriated. These houses being thus ^— ^ 

suppressed by the law, they belonged to the king ; 
who thereupon made them over to the cardinal by 
new and special grants, which are all enrolled. And 
so he went on with these great foundations, and 
brought them to perfection ; that at Oxford in the 
eighteenth year, and that at Ipswich in the twen- 
tieth year of the king's reign, as appears by the dates 
of the king's patents for founding them. 

In the last place, I come to shew the new opinions 
in religion^ or those that were accounted new then in 
England ; and the state and progress of them till the 
nineteenth year of the king's reign. 

From the days of Wickliffe, there were many that The fint 
disliked most of the received doctrines, in several of ^ofom- 
parts of the nation. The clergy were at that time ^^^^^^ 
very hateful to the people ; for as the pope did exact 
heavily on them, so they, being oppressed, took all 
means possible to make the people repay what the 
popes wrested from them. Wickliffe being much 
encouraged and supported by the duke of Lancaster 
and the lord Piercy, the bishops could not proceed 
against him till the duke of Lancaster was put from 
the king, and then he was condemned at Oxford. 
Many opinions are charged upon him ; but whether 
he held them or not we know not but by the testi- 
monies of his enemies, who writ of him with so 
much passion, that it discredits all they say ; yet he 
died in peace, though his body was afterwards burnt. 
He translated the Bible out of Latin into English, 
with a long preface before it, in which he reflected 
severely on the corruptions of the clergy, and con- 
demned the worshipping of saints and images, and 


BOOR denied the corporal presence of Christ's body in the 
— ! — sacrament, and exhorted all people to the study of 

the scriptures. His Bible, with this preface, was 
well received by a great many, who were led into 
these opinions rather by the impressions which com- 
mon sense and plain reason made on them, than by 
any deep speculation or study. For the followers of 
this doctrine were illiterate and ignorant men : some 
few clerks joined to them, but they formed not them-* 
selves into any body or association ; and were scat* 
tered over the kingdom, holding these opinions in 
private, without making any public profession of 
them : generally they were known \)j their disparag- 
ing the superstitious clergy, whose corruptions were 
then so notorious, and their cruelty so enraged, that 
no wonder the people were deeply prejudiced against 
them. Nor were the methods they used likely to 
prevail much upon them, being severe and cruel. 
S^*onthe ^^ *^^ primitive church, though in their councils 
church of they were not backward to pass anathematisms on 


every thing that they judged heresy, yet all capital 
proceedings against heretics were condemned ; and 
when two bishops did prosecute Priscillian and his 
followers before the emperor Maximus, upon which 
they were put totleath, they were generally so blam- 
ed for it, that many refused to hold communion 
with them. The Roman emperors made many laws 
against heretics, for the fining and banishing of them, 
and secluded them from the privileges of other sub- 
jects ; such as making wills, or« receiving legacies ; 
* only the Manichtes (who were a strange mixture 

heathenism and Christianity) were to soflfer 

•tiieir errors. Yet the bishops in those days^ 

in Afric, doubted much, whether, upon 


the insdencies of heretics or schismatics, th^ m^t book 

desire the emperor to execute those laws for fining, 1— 

banishingy and other restraints. And St. Austin was 
not easily prevailed on to consent to it. But at 
length the Donatists were so intolerable, that, after 
several consultations about it, they were forced to 
consent to those inferior penalties, but still con-* 
demned the taking away of their lives. And even 
in the execution of the imperial laws in those infe- 
rior punishments, they were always interposing, to 
moderate .the severity of the prefects and governors* 
The first instance of severity on men's bodies, that 
was not censured by the diurch, was in the fifth 
cent ur y, under Justin the First, who ordered the 
tmigae of Severus (who had been patriarch of Anti- 
och, but did daily anathematize the council of Chal- 
cedon) to be cut out. In the eighth century, Justi-> 
nian the Second (called Rhinotmetus from his cropt 
nose) burnt all the Manichees in Armenia : and in 
the end of the eleventh century, the Bc^mili were 
condemned to be burnt by the patriarch and council 
of Constantinople.' But in the end of the twelfth, 
and in the b^inning of the thirteenth century, a 
company of simple and innocent persons in the 
sourthem parts of France, being disfgusted with the 
corruptions both of the popish clergy and of the 
public worship, separated from their assemblies ; and 
then Dominic and his brethren-preachers, who came 
among them to convince them, finding their preach- 
ing did not prevail, betook themselves to that way 
that was sore to silence them. They persuaded the 
civil magistrates to bum all such as were judged ob- 
stinate heretics. That they might do this by a law, 
the fourth council of Liateran did decree, that all he? 


BOOK letics should be ddivered to the secular power to be 
«— I — extirpated ; (they thought not fit to speak out, but 
bjr the practice it was known that burning was that 
which they meant ;) and if they did it not, they 
were to be excommunicated ; and after that» if they 
still refused to do their duty, (which was upcm the 
matter to be the inquisitor's hangmen,) they were to 
deny it at their utmost perils. For not only the ec- 
desiastical censures, but anathemas were thought too 
feeble a punishment for this omission. Therefore a 
censure was found out, as severe upon the i»inoe^ as 
burning was to the poor heretic : he was to he de- 
posed by the pope, his subjects to be absohedjram 
their oaths of allegiance^ and hie dominions to be 
given away to any other faithful son f(fihe chmreh^ 
such as pleased the pope best; and all this by the 
authority of a synod, that passed for a ho^ general 
council. This, as it was fatal to the counts of Tho- 
louse, who were great princes in the south of nrance^ 
and first fell under the censures ; so it was terrible 
to all other princes, who thereupon, to save them* 
selves, delivered up their subjects to the mercy of 
the ecclesiastical courts. 
Tits Her- Buming was the death they made choice of, be- 
Nftt. Bre- cause wltches, wizards, and Sodomites had been so 
executed. Therefore, to make heresy appear a ter- 
rible thing, this was thought the most proper punish- 
ment of it. It had also a resemblance of everiasting 
biuming, to which they adjudged their souls, as weU 
as their bodies, were condemned to the fire; but 
with this signal difference, that they could find no 
such effectual way to oblige God to execute their 
sentence, as they contrived against the civil magifr- 
But however, they confidently gave it out, 



that, bjr virtue of that protohie of our Saviour^ book 
fFAaie mm pe himd on earth, they are hound in '' 
heaicem, thdr deof^es were ratified in heaven. And 
it not being eaij to diqvrove what they said, people 
believed the one» as they saw the other sentence ex- 
ecuted. So that whatever they condemned as heresy 
was looked on as the worst thing in the world. 

There was no occasion for the execution of this 
law in England tin the days of Wickliffe. And the 
fiftvour he had from some great men stopped the pro- 


against lum. But in the fifth year of king The ]«wb of 
Bkliard the ScccmmI, a bill paraed in the house of|^^ 
locds, and was' asiented to by the king^ and pub-^**^^ 
lished fiir an act of pariiamenty though the bill was 
never sent to the house of eomoMins. By this pre-Uoder 
tended law it appearsp Wicklifie's foUowers were 
then very numerous ; that they had a certain haUt, 
and did preach in many {daces, both in churches, 
dunrdiyardsy and markets, without license firom the 
ordinary; and did preach several doctrines, both 
against the fidth, and the laws of the land, as had 
been proved \xSore the archbishop of Canterbury, 
the other bishops, prelates, doctors of divinity, and 
of the civil and canon law, and others of the clergy : 
that they would not submit to the admonitions nor 
censures of the churoh ; but by their subtle ingeni- 
ous wQfds did draw the people to follow them, and 
defend them by stnn^ hand, and in great routs. 
Therefinre it was ordained, that, upon the bishop's 
certifying into the chancery the names of such 
preachers and their abettors, the chancellor should 
issue finrth commissions to the sheriffs and other the 
king's ministers, to hold them in arrest and strong 
prison, till they should jMf{^ them according to the 

VOL. I. E 


BOOK law and reason of holy dmrcli. Fiom the gentleness 

! of which law it may ai^iear, that England was not 

then so tame as to bear the severity of those cruel 
laws which were settled and put in execution in 
other kingdoms. 
Coke's In- 'Hie custom at that time was to engross copies of 
'***vmn! ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^ parliament, and to send them with a 
cbsp. 5. of ^irrit under the great seal to the sheriffs, to make 
them be proclaimed within their jurisdictions. And 
Robert Braibrook, bishop of London, then lord chan- 
cellor, sent this, with the other acts of that parlia- 
ment, to be - proclaimed. The writ bears date the 
6^ Rkb. twenty-sixth of May, 5^ r^. But in the next par- 
"^nb^ss'. liament that was held in the sixth year of that king's 
Rat. pui. |iieign, the commons preferred a bill reciting the for- 
mer act, and constantly affirmed that they had never 
assented to it, and therefore desired it might be de- 
clared to be void: for they protested it was never 
their intent to \)e Justified, and to bind thenuehes 
and their successors to the prelates mare than their 
ancestors had done in times past. To which the king 
gave the royal assent, as it is in the records of parlia^ 
ment. But in the proclamation of the acts of that par- 
liament this act was suppressed ; so that the former 
act was still looked on as a good law, and is printed 
in the book of statutes. Such pious frauds were 
always practised by the popish clergy, and were in- 
deed necessary for the supporting the credit of that 
church. When Richard the Second was deposed, and 
Another the CTown usurped by Henry the Fourth, then he, in 
ki»g Hen^ gratitude to the clergy that assisted him in his com- 
'^' ing to the crown, granted them a law to their hearts 

content in the second year of his reign. The pre- 
amble bears, That some had a new faith about the 



saeramenta qftheckurch, and tke autkariiy iff the book 

mhm; and^ preach without authority y gtMerei 1_ 

eamf^entidee^ taught sehaob, wrote hooke agmnet 
the tMhelieJmth ; with mamjf ether heinous aggro- 
vatieme. Upon which theprekUee and eletgy, and 
the commane qfthe realmy prayed the ting to pro^ 
^nde a sufficient remedy to 90 great an etU. There^ 
fore the hing^ hyihe assent qfAe states, and other 
discreet men ^the realm, being in the saidparUa^ 
ment, did ordain, That none should preach without 
license, except per sons privileged : that none should 
preach emy doctrine contrary to the eatiioUc fai&, 
or ike determsnation f^ihe holy church, and that . 
none dkouldjaotmr and abet them, nor heep their 
boois, but deliver Aem to tke iUocesan t^the place, 
wiMn farty days after the proclamation qf that 
statute. And Aat if amy persons were doomed, 
or suspected f^ doing against that ordinance, then 
the ordinary might arrest them, and keep them in 
his prison till they were canonicaUy purged of the 
articles laid agmnet them, or did allure them ae- 
cordi$ig to the laws of the church. Provided always, 
that the proceedings against them were publicly and 
judicially done and ended within three months afUr 
they had been so arrested; and ifAey were con^ 
viet, the diocesan, or his commissaries, might keep 
Aem in prison as long as to his discretion shall 
seem expedient, and might ^ne them as should seem 
con^tent to him, certifying the fine into the hinges 
exckequer : and (fany being convict did refuse to 
allure, or after al^mralion did faU into relapse, 
then he was to be U^ to the secular court, accord^ 
ing to the hdly caitoM. And the mayors, sheriffs, 
or bailiffs were tifbe personally present at the pass- 

E 2 



BOOK ing the sentence when they should be required by 

'^^—ihe diocesan f or his commissaries^ and tifter the 

sentence they were to receive them, and them be- 
fore the "people in a high place do to be brent. By 
this statute the sheriffs, or other officers, were in^ 
mediately to proceed to the burning of heretics with- 
out any writ, or warrant from the king. But it 
seems the king^s learned council advised him to issue 
out a writ, De hteretico comburendo, upon what 
grounds of law I cannot tell. For in the same year, 
when William Sautre (who was the first that was 
put to death upon the account of heresy) was judged 
riu-Her- relapse by Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canter- 
tmBnT bury, in a convocation of his province, and thereupon 
was d^raded from priesthood, and left to secular 
power ; a writ was issued out to bum him, which in 
the writ is called the customary punishment, (relat- 
ing, it is like, to the customs that were beyond sea.) 
But this writ was not necessary by the law, and 
therefore it seems these writs were not enrolled: 
for in the whole reign of king Henry the Eighth J 
have not been able to find any of these writs in the 
rolls. But by Warham's register I see the common 
course of the law was, .to certify into the chancery 
the conviction of an heretic, upon which the writ 
was issued out, if the king did not send a pardon. 
Thus it went on all the reign of Henry the Fourth. 
But in the beginning of his son^s reign, there was a 
conspiracy (as was pretended) by sir John Oldcastle, 
and some others, against the king and the dergy ; 
upon which many were put into prison, and twenty- 
nine were both attainted of treason, and condemned 
of heresy, so they were both hanged and burnt. 
But, as a writer that lived in the following age says. 


Certain.qfirimed tkat these were but^ei^^ book 

eunmued qf the epkituality more tff dUpleanre ^^.1^^ 
than truth. * That contpincjr^ whether real or pre- 
tendedt produced a severe act against those heretics, 
who were then best known by the name of Lollards. 
By which act all officers of state, judges, justices of 
the peace, mayors, sheriffs, and bailiffs, were to be 
sworn, when they took their employments, to use 
their whole power and diligence to destroy all here- 
sies and errors, called Lollardles, and to assist the 
ordinaries and their commissaries in their prooeedp* 
ings against them ; and that the Lollards should fixr<« 
&Et an the lands they held in Jee simple, and their 
goods aikl chatteb to the king. 

The clergy, according to the genius of that reli- 
gion, having their authority fortified with such se- 
vere laws, were now more cruel and insolent than 
ever. And if any man denied them any part of that 
respect, or of those advantages, to which they pre- 
tended, he was presently brought Under the suspicion 
of heresy, and vexed with imprisonments, and arti- 
cles were brought against him. 

Upon which great complaints followed. And the 
judges, to correct this, granted habeas carpus upon 
their imprisonments, and examined the warrants, 
and either bailed or discharged the prisoners as they 
saw cause : for though the decrees of the church had 
made many things heresy, so that the clergy had 
much matter to work upon; yet when offenders 
against them in other things could not be charged 
with any formal heresy, then by consequences they 
studied to fasten it on them, but were sometimes 

vvemikd by the judges. Thus, when one Keyser Fifth year 
(who was excommunicated by Thomas Bourchier,iv. "^^ 

£ S 


BOOK archbishop of Canterbury, at the suit of another) 
— '. — said openly, that That sentence was not to hefoar^ 
ed; for though the archbishop or his commissary had 
excommunicated him, yet he was not excommunl' 
cated before God ; he was upon this committed by 
the archbishop's warrant, as one justly suspected of 
heresy : but the judges, upon his moving for an Ao- 
beas corpus, granted it; and the prisoner being 
brought to the bar, with the warrant for his impri- 
sonment, they found the matter contained in it was 
not within the statute, and first bailed him, and after 
that they discharged him. One Warner of London, 
having said, ITuit he was not bound to pay tithes to 
his curate, was also imprisoned by Edward Vaugham 
at the command of the bishop of London ;' but he 
escaped out of prison, and brought his action of falsei 
imprisonment against Vaughan. Whereupon Vaughan 
pleading the statute of Henry the Fourth, and that 
his opinion was an heresy against the determination 
of the catholic faith, the court of the common pleas 
judged. That the words were fiot within the statute, 
and that his opinion was an error, but no heresy. 
So that the judges, looking on themselves as the in- 
terpreters of the law, thought, that even in the case 
of heresy they had authority to declare what was he- 
resy by the law, and what not : but what opposition' 
the clergy made to this, I do not know. 

I hope the reader will easily excuse this digress 
sion, it being so material to the history that is to 
follow. I shall next set down what I find in the re-' 
cords about the proceedings against heretics in the 
of this reign. 

of May, in the year 1511, six meq 
most of them being of Tenterden, 


appeared before archbishop Warham, in his manor book 
of KnoU, and abjured the following errors. - First, 

That in the sacrament of the altar is not the body j^J^ 
of Christ, but material bread. Secondly, That the^~^^^' 
sacraments of baptism and confirmation are not ne* 
cessarj nor profitable for men's souls. Thirdly, That 
confession of sins ought not to be made to a priest, 
l^durthly. That there is no more power given by 
God to a priest than to a layman. Fifthly, That the 
soleAinization of matrimony is not profitable nor ne- 
cessaiy for the well of man's soul. Sixthly, That 
the sacrament of extreme unction is not profitable 
nor necessary for man's soul. Seventhly, That pil- 
grimi^es to holy and devout places be not profitable, 
neither meritorious for man's soul. Eighthly, That 
images of saints be not to be worshipped. Ninthly, 
That a man should pray to no saint, but only to 
Crod. Tenthly, That holy water and holy bread be 
not the better after the benediction made by the 
priest, than before. And as they abjured these opin- 
ions, so they were made to swear, that they should 
discover all whom they knew to hold these errors, or 
who were suspected of them, or that did keep any 
private conventicles, or were fautors, or comforters 
of them that published such doctrines. Two other 
men of Tenterden did that day in the afternoon ab- 
jure most of these opinions. The court sat again 
the fifth of May, and the archbishop enjoined them 
penance, to wear the badge of a fagot in flames on 
their clothes during their lives, or till they were dis- 
pensed with for it ; and that in the procession, both 
at the cathedral of Canterbury, and at their own pa- 
rbh churches, they should carry a fagot op th^ir 

E 4 


BOOK shoulders : which was looked on as a puUic confess 
L. sion that they deserved burning. 


That same day another of Tenterden abjured the 
same doctrines. On the fifteenth of May the court 
sat at Lambeth, where four men and one wimiaii 
abjured. On the nineteenth four men more ab« 
jured. On the third of June a man and a woman 
abjured. Another woman the twenty-sixth of July. 
Another man the twenty-ninth of July. Two wo- 
men on the second of August. A man on the thirdf 
and a woman on the eighth of August. Three men 
on the sixteenth of August ; and three men and 
a woman on the third of September. In these abju- 
rations some were put to abjure more» some fewer of 
the former doctrines ; and in some of their abjura- 
tions two articles more were added : First, That the 
images of the crucifix, of our Lady, and other saints, 
ought not to be worshipped, because they were made 
with men's hands, and were but stocks and stones. 
Secondly, That money and labours spent in pilgri- 
mages were all in vain. All these persons {whether 
they were unjustly accused, or were overcome with 
fear, or had but crude conceptions of those opinions, 
and so were easily frighted out of them) abjured and 
performed the penance that was enjoined them. 
Others met with harder measure ; for on the twenty^ 
ninth of April, in the same year 1511, one WilUam 
Carder of Tenterden being indicted on the former 
articles, he denied them all but one, T%at he kmd 
said it was enough to pray to Ahmghtff God ahm^ 
and therefore we needed not to pray to saints Jor 
any mediation. Upon which witnesses were brought 
against him, who were all such as were then prison- 




, but intended to abjure, and were now made ute book 
tOL convict others. They swore that he had taught ' 
m these opimoiis. When their depositions were 
blishedy he said he did repent if he had said any 
ng against the fiuth and the sacraments ; but he 
L not remember that he had ever said any such 
ng. Sentence was given upon .him as an obstinate 
petic, and he was delivered up to the secular power. 
I the same day a woman, Agnes GreviU, was ita* 
tad upon the same artkdes. She pleaded Not 
Sty ; but, by a strange kind of proceeding, her 
iband and her two sons were brought in wit- 
■es against her. Her husband deposed, that in the 
1 of the reign of king Edward the Fourth, one 
Im Ive had persuaded her into these opinions, in 
ocfa she had persisted ever since: her sons also 
posed, that she had been still inftising these doc* 
DCS into them. One Robert Harrison was also in- 
ied, and pleading Not guilty, witnesses did prove 
t articles against him. And on the second of May 
itence was given against these two as obstinate 
retics. And the same day the archbishop signed 
i writs for certifying these sentences into the chan* 
7, which conclude in these words : Our holy mo- 
tr ike church having nothing Jurther that ^he 
w do in this matter, we leave the Jorementioned 
reiiee, and every one qfthem, to your royal high- 
u, and to your eecular council. And on the eighth 
May, John Brown and Edward Walker, being 

indicted of heresy on the former points, they 
th fdeaded Not guilty. But the witnesses depos- 

1 against them, they were judged obstinate here- 
8 ; and the former a relapse, for he had abjured 
fore cardinal Morton. And on the nineteenth of 


BOOK May sentence was given. When or how the'sen-^ 

— -^ — tences were executed, I cannot find. Sure I am, 

there are no pardons upon record for any of them ; 

and it was the course of the law, either to send a 

pardon, or to issue out the writ for burning them. 

Fox mentions none of these proceedings; only 
he tells that John Brown was taken for some words 
said in discourse with a priest, about the saying of 
masses for redeeming souls out of purgatory. Upon 
which he was committed for suspicion of heresy: 
but Fox seems to have been misinformed about the 
time of his burning, which he says was anno 1517 ; 
for they would not have kept a condemned heretic 
six years out of the fire. I never find them guilty 
of any such clemency. These severe sentences made 
the rest so apprehensive of their danger, that all the 
others who were indicted abjured. And in the 
year 1512, on the fifth of June, two men and two 
women abjured that article. That in the sacrament 
of the altar there was only material bread, and not 
the body of Christ. And on the fourth and thir- 
teenth of September, two other women abjured the 
former articles : and this is all that is in Warham's 
register aI)out heretics. 
Fitz. In what remains of Fitz-James, bishop of Lon- 

•hJ!J"f ' don's register, there are but three abjurations. In 
\rX' *he year 1509, one Elizabeth Sampson, of Alder- 
••«^|ngi manbury, was indicted for having spoken reproach- 
iwretiw, fully of the imagcs of our lady of Wilsden, Crom, 
and Walsingham, condemning pilgrimages to them, 
and saying. It was better to give alms at home to 
poor people, than to go on pilgrimages; and that 
images were but stocks and stones ; and denying the 
of the sacrament of the altar, when the priest 


was not in clean life, and saying, It was but bread, book 

and that Christ could not be both in heaven and^— ! 

in earth ; and for denying Christ's ascension to hea- 
ven, and saying. That more should not go to heaven 
than were already in it. But she, to be free of fur- , 
ther trouble, confessed herself guilty, and abjured all 
those opinions. It is generally observed, that in the 
proceedings against Lollards, the clergy always mix- 
ed some capital errors, which dl Christians rejected, 
with those for which they accused them ; and some 
particulars being proved, they gave it out that they 
were guilty of them all, to represent them the more 
odious. And in this case the thing is plain : for 
this woman is charged for denying Christ's ascen- 
sion ; and yet another of the articles was, That she 
said Christ's body could not be in the sacrament, 
because it could not be both in heaven and on earth. 
Which two opinions are inconsistent. In the year 
1511 William Potier was indicted for saying. There 
were three Gods, and that he knew not for what 
Christ's passion, or baptism, availed ; and did abjure. 
Whether he only spoke these things impiously, or 
whether he held them in opinion, is not clear ; but 
certainly he was no Lollard. One Joan Baker was 
also made to abjure some words she had said, Th^t 
images were but idols, and not to be worshipped ; 
and that they were set up by the priests out of co- 
vetousness, that they might grow rich by them ; 
and that pilgrimages were not to be made. More 
is not in that register : but Fox gives an account of 
six others, who were burnt in Fitz-James his time. 
On this I have been the longer, that it may appear 
what were the opinions of the Lollards at that time, 
before Luther had published any thing against the 


BOOK indulgences. For these opinions did very mudi dis- 
: — pose people to receive the writings which came af- 

terwards out of Germany. 
^/JT ^^^ ^^^ beginnings and progress of Luther^s 
Luther** doctrine are so well known, that I need not tell how, 
upon the publishing of indulgences in Germany, in 
so gross a manner, that for a little money any man 
might both preserve himself, and deliver his friends 
out of purgatory. Many were offended at this mer- 
chandise, against which Luther wrote. But it con- 
cerning the see of Rome in so main a point of their 
prerogative, which would also have cut off a great 
branch of their revenue, he was proceeded against 
with extreme severity : so small a spark as that colli- 
sion made could never have raised so great a fire^ if 
the world had not been strongly disposed to it by the 
just prejudices they had conceived against the popish 
clergy, whose ignorance and lewd lives had laid 
them so open to contempt and hatred, that any one 
that would set himself against them, could not but be 
kindly looked on by the people. They had engrossed 
the greatest part both of the riches and power of 
Christendom, and lived at their ease and in much 
wealth. And the corruptions of their worship 
and doctrine were such, that a very small proportion 
of common sense, with but an overly looking on the 
New Testament, discovered them. Nor had they any 
other varnish to colour them by, but the authority 
and traditions of the church. But when some studious 
men began to read the ancient fathers and councils, 
(though there was then a great mixtm*e of sophisti- 
cated stuff that went under the ancient names, and 
joined to their true works, which critics have 
iijdiscovered to be spurious,) they found a vast 


difference between the first five ages of the Chris- book 
tian church, in which piety and learning prevailed, ' 
and the last ten ages, in which ignorance had buried 
all their former learning ; onlj a little misguided de- 
votion was retained for six of these ages; and in 
the last four, the restless ambition and usurpation 
of the popes was supported by the seeming holiness 
of the begging friars, and the false counterfeits of 
learning, which were among the canonists, school- 
men, and casuists. So that it was incredible to see 
how men, notwithstanding all the opposition the 
princes every where made to the prepress of these 
reputed new opinions, and the great advantages by 
which the church of Rome both held and drew 
many into their interests, were generally inclined 
to these doctrines. Those of the clergy, who at first 
preached them, were of the begging orders of friars, 
who having fewer engagements on them from their 
interests, were freer to discover and follow the truth : 
and the austere discipline they had been trained 
under, did prepare them to encounter those diffi- 
culties that lay in their way. And the laity, that 
had long looked on their pastors with an evil eye, 
did receive these opinions very easily ; which did 
both discover the- impostures with which the world 
had been abused, and shewed a plain and simple 
way to the kingdom of heaven, by putting the 
scriptures into their hands, and such other instruc- 
tions about religion as were sincerie and genuine. The 
clergy, who at first despised these new preachers, 
were at length much alarmed when they saw all peo- 
ple running after them, and receiving their doctrines. 
As these things did spread much in Germany, 
Switzerland, and the Netheriands, so their books 


BOOK came over into England, where there was modi mat- 
^^r already prepared to be wrought on» not only 

by the prejudices they had conceived agiunrt^the 
corrupt clergy, but by the opinions of. the Lollards, 
which had been now in England since the days of 
Wickliffe, for about one hundred and fiAy years : be- 
tween which opinions, and the doctrines of the re- 
formers, there was great affinity ; and therefore, to 
give the better vent to the books that came out of 
Germany, many of them were translated into the 
English tongue, and were very much read and ajK- 
plauded. This quickened the proceedings against 
the Lollards, and the inquiry became so severe, that 
great numbers were brought into the toils of the bi- 
shops and their commissaries. If a man had spoken 
but a light word against any of the constitutions of 
the church, he was seized on by the bishop's officers; 
and if any taught their children the Lord's Plrayer, 
the Ten Commandments, and the Apostles' Creed, 
in the vulgar tongue, that was crime enough to bring 
them to the stake : as it did six men and a wonian 
FoK. at Coventry, in the Passion week, 1519, being the 
fourth of April. Longland, bishop of Lincoln, was 
very cruel to all that were suspected of heresy in his 
diocese: several of them abjured, and some were 

But all that did not produce what they designed 
by it. The clergy did not correct their own faults ; 
and their cruelty was looked on as an evidence of 
guilt, and of a weak cause ; so that the method they 
took wrought only on people's fears, and made them 
cautious and reserved, but did not at all remove 
cause, nor work either on their reasons or affec- 


Upon all this, the king, to get himself a name, and book 
to have a lasting interest with the clergy, thought 

it not enough to assist them with his authority, but Inte!!'"^ 
would needs turn their champion, and write ^^i^st J^^"'^"" 
Luther in defence of the seven sacraments. This 
book was magnified by the clergy as the most 
learned work that ever the sun saw ; and he was 
compared to king Solomon, and to all the Christian 
emperors that had ever been : and it was the chief 
subject of flattery for many years, besides the glo- 
rious title of Defender of the Faith, which the pope 
bestowed on him for it. And it must be acknow- 
ledged, that, considering the age, and that it was 
the work of a king, it did deserve some commenda^ 
tion. But Luther was not at all daunted at it, but 
rather valued himself upon it, that so great a king 
had entei^ the lists with him, and answered his 
book. And he replied, not without a large mixture 
of acrimony, for which he was generally blamed, as 
foi^getting that great respect that is due to the per- 
sons of sovereign princes. 

But all would not do. These opinions still gained 
more footing ; and William Tindal made a transla- 
tion of the New Testament in English, to which he 
added some short glosses. This was printed in 
Antwerp, and sent over into England in the year 
1526. Against which there was a prohibition pub-octob. 13. 
lished by every bishop in his diocese, bearing thatf^f.'45."' 
some of Luther's followers had erroneously trans- JJ^at in fL 
lated the New Testament, and had corrupted theJ^[J^"**" 
word of God, both by a false translation, and by he- 
retical glosses: therefore they required all incum- 
bents to charge all within their parishes, that had 
any of these, to bring them in to the vicar-general 


BOOK within thirty dajs after that premonition, under the 
paina of excommunication, and incurring the sus- 

picion of heresy. There were also many other books 

prohibited at that time, most of them written by 

Tindal. And sir Thomas More, who was a man 

couect. celebrated for virtue and learning, undertook the 

Numb. D. ^ 

answering of some of those; but, before he went 
about it, he would needs have the bishop's license 
for keeping and reading them. He wrote, according 
to the way of the age, with much bitterness : and 
though he had been no friend to the monks, and a 
great declaimer against the ignorance of the clergf, 
and had been ill used by the cardinal ; yet he was 
one of the bitterest enemies of the new preachers ; 
not without great cruelty when he came into power, 
though he was otherwise a very good-natured man. 
So violently did the Roman clergy hurry all their 
friends into those excesses of fire and sword. 

When the party became so considerable, that it 
was known there were societies of them, not only in 
London, but in both the universities, then the cardi- 
nal was constrained to act. His contempt of the 
clergy was looked on as that which gave encourage- 
ment to the heretics. When reports were brou^t 
to court of a company that were in Cambridge, Bil- 
ney, Latimer, and others, that read and propagated 
Luther's book and opinions; some bishops moved, 
in the year 1523, that there might be a visitation 
appointed to go to Cambridge, for trjring who were 
the fautors of heresy there. But he, as legate, did 
inhibit it, (upon what grounds I cannot imagine,) 
which was brought against him afterwards in par- 
(art. 48. of his impeachment.) Yet when 
were spread every where, he called 


a meetiiig of ill the Ushopa, dnd divines, and ca- book 
nonisU about L(mdon ; where Thomas Bilney and ' 
Thomas Arthmr were brought before them, and ar« 
tides were brought in against them. The whole 
process is set down at length by Fox, in all points 
aocording to Tonstidl's Roister, except one fault in 
the translation. When the cardinal asked Bilney 
whether he had not taken an oath before, not to 
preachy or defend any of Luther's doctrines ; he con- 
fessed he had done it, but not judicially , (JudickUi- 
ter in the Register.) This Fox translates, not law- 
fidig. In all the other particulars there is an ex- 
act agreement between the Register and his Acts. 
The sum of the proceedings of the court was. That 
after examination of witnesses, and several other 
steps in the process, which the cardinal left to 
the bishop of London, and the other bishops, to 
manage, Bilney stood out long, and seemed re- 
solved to suffer for a good conscience. In the end, 
what through human infirmity, what through the 
great importunity of the bishop of London, who set 
all his friends on him, he did abjure on the seventh 
of December, as Arthur had done on the second of 
that month. And though Bilney was relapsed, and 
so was to expect no mercy by the law, yet the bishop 
rf London enjoined him penance, and let him go. 
For Tonstall being a man both of good learning and 
an unblemished lUe, these virtues produced one of 
their ordinary effects in him, great moderation, that 
was so eminent in him, that at no time did he dip 
his hands in blood. Geoffry, Loni, and Thomas 
Gerrard^ also abjured for having had Luther's books, 
and defending his opinions. 
These were the proceedings against heretics in 

VOL. I. F 


BOOK the first haff of this rdgn. And thus £Eur I have 
^' opened the state of affairs, both as to religious and 
civil concerns, for the first eighteen years of this 
king's time, with what observations I could gather 
of the dispositions and tempers of the nation at that 
time, which prepared them for the changes that fol- 
lowed afterwards. 






Of the procesi of divorce betu>een king Henry and queen 
Katharitte, and of what patted Jrom the nineteenth to the 
twenty-_^iflh year ij/* hit reign, in which he was declared 
tupreme head of the- church {^England. 

King Henry hitherto lived at ease, and enjoyed book 
his pleasures ; he made war with much honour, and _ 

that always produced a just and advantageous peace. '^^*^ 
He had no trouUe upon him in all his affairs, except *■" '"it °f 
about the getting of money, and even in that the 
cardinal eased him. But now a domestic trouble 
arose, which poplexed all the rest of his government, 
and drew after it consequences of a higher nature. 

Henry the Seventh, upon wise and good consi' 

derations, resolved to link himself in a close coniede- 

ncy with Ferdinand and Isabella, kings of Casdle 

F a 


BOOK and Arragon, and with the house of Burgundy 
''* against France, which was looked on as the lasting 

1501. and dangerous enemy of England. And therefore 
'^J^ a match was agreed on between his son, prince Ar- 
princeAr- thur, and Katharine, the infanta erf Spain, whose 

thur to the ' r ^ 

infanu of eldcst sistcr Joan was married to Philip, that was 


then duke of Burgundy, and earl of Flanders ; out 
of which arose a triple alliance between England, 
Spain, and Burgundy, against the king of France, 
who was then become formidable to all about him- 
There was given with her 200,000 ducats, the great- 
est portion that had been given for many ages with 
any princess, which made it not the less acceptable 
to king Henry the Seventh. 

The infanta was brought into England, and on 
the fourteenth of November was married at St. Paul's 
to the prince of Wales. They lived together as man 
and wife till the second of April following ; and not 
See the de- only had their bed solemnly blest when they were 
witoeoet in put iu it, ou the night of their marriage, but also 
u!rt."^ were seen publicly in bed for several days after, and 
went down to live at Ludlow Castle in Wales, where 
they still bedded together. But prince Arthur, 
Prince Ar. though a strong and healthful youth when he mar- 
death, Apr. ried her, yet died soon after, which smne thought 
a* »5oa. ^^g hastened by his too early marriage. The l^ian- 
ish ambassador had by his master's orders taken 
proofe of the consummation of the m^uriage, and 
sent them into Spain ; the young prince also him- 
self had by many expressions given his servants 
cause to believe, that his marriage was consum- 
mated the first night, which in a youth of sixteen 
years of age, that was vigorous and healthful, was 
not at all judged strange. It was so constantly be* 



Ueved, that, when he died, his younger brother book 
Heniy duke of York was not caH^ prince of Wales 

for some considerable time : some say for one month,- ^^® ' * 
some for six months. And he was not created prince Henry vii. 
of Wales, till ten months were elapsed, viz. in the 
February following/ when it was apparent that his 
brother's wife was not with cliild by him. These 
things were afterwards looked on as a full demon- 
stratioii (being as much as the thing was capable of) 
that the princess' was not a vii^in after prince Ar- 
thur's death. 
But the reason of state still standing for keepinir contuita. 

tioof about 

up the alliance against France, and king Henry theftteamd 
Seventh having no mind to let so great a revenue ^helnS^to 
as she had in jointure be carried out of the kingdmn, [^ ^"^ 
it was [nroposed. That she should be married to the 
younger brother Henry, now prince of Wales. The 
two prelates that were then in greatest esteem with 
king Henry the Seventh were Warham, archbishop 
of Canterbury, and Fox, bishop of Winchester. 
The former delivered his opinion against it, andwarhMi** 
told the king, that he thought it was neither ho-iaTd!!Her- 
nourable nor well-pleasing to Grod. The bishop of ^'^^ 
Winchester persuaded it; and for the objections 
that were against it, and the murmuring of the peo- 
ple, who did not like a marriage that was disput- 
able, lest out of it new wars should afterwards arise 
about the right of the crown, the pope's dispensation 
was thought sufficient to answer all; and his au- 
thority was then so undisputed that it did it effec- 
tually. So a bull was obtained on the twenty-sixth it u aiiow. 
of December, 1508, to this effect, That the pope, ac- ^^ coi- 
carding to the greatness of his authority, having ^^J^\ 
received a petition Jrom prince Henry and the 



ooK princess Katharine, bearings That whereas the 

_J princess was lawfully married to prince Arthur, 

^^'' {which was perhaps consummated by the carnalis 
copula,) who was dead without any issue, but they,, 
being desirous to marry for preserving the peiaee 
between the crowns of England and Spain^ did 
petition his holiness for his dispensation; ihere-^ 
fore the pope, out (f his care to maintain peace 
among all catholic kings, did absolve them from 
all censures under which they might be, and dis-- 
pensed unth the impediment of their qffinity, not- 
withstanding any apostolical constitutions or ordi- 
nances to the contrary, and gave them leave to 
marry ; or if they were already married, he con- 
firming it, required their confessor to etfjoin them 
some healthful penance for their having married 
before the dispensation was obtained. 
Mnpoii. It was not much to be wondered at, that the 
Bt.'*Ld. POP^ did readily grant this ; for though very many, 
prbert. y^^^y^ Cardinals and divines, did then oppose it, yet 
the interest of the papacy, which was preferred to 
all other considerations, required it. For as that 
pope, being a great enemy to Lewis the Twelfth, 
the French king, would have done any thing to 
make an alliance against him firmer ; so he was a 
warlike pope, who considered religion very little, 
and therefore might be easily persuaded to confirm 
a thing that must needs oblige the succeeding kings 
of England to maintain the papal authority, since 
from it they derived their title to the crown ; little 
thinking that by a secret direction of an overruling 
Providence, that deed of his would occasion the ex- 
tirpation of the papal power in England. So strangely 
doth God make the devices of men become of no 





effiectp and turn them t»a contrary end to that which book 
18 intended. •' 

Upon this bull they were married, the prince of •^^'* 
Wales being yet under age. But Warham had so tJHuI^^ 
possessed the king with an aversion to this marriage, 1505!^ 
that, on the same day that the prince was of age, he 
by his fiither's command, laid^on him in the presence 
of many of the notuUty and others, made a protesta- conect 
tion in the hands of Fox, bishop of Winchester, be-j^^i;; 
fixre a public notary, and read it himself, by which 
be dedaredf **That whereas he, being under age, 
was married to the ^ncess Katharine ; yet now, t 

coming to be 4)f age, he did not confirm that mar- 
riage, but retracted and annulled it, and would 
not proceed in it, but intended in full form of law 
'* to void it and break it ofi*; which he declared he 
did fi'eely and of his own accord." 
Thus it stood during his father's life, who con- His father 
tinned to the last to be against it ; and when he was t^tdit, 
just djring, he charged his son to break it off, though 
it is possible that no consideration of religion might 
work so much on him, as the apprehension he had 
of the troubles that might follow on a controverted 
title to the crown ; of which the wars between the 
houses of York and Lancaster had given a fresh and 
sad demonstration. The king being dead, one ofApr.aa, 
the first things that came under consultation was, He?iV vif. 
that the young king must either break his marriage ^' 
totally, or conclude it. Arguments were brought Henry, be. 
on both hands ; but those for it prevailed most with the ^^^ 
the king : so, six weeks after he came to the crown, jlTiJI^'j.***'' 
he was married again publicly, and soon after they ^^y ^^ 
were both crowned. On the first day of the year June 24! 
she made him a very acceptable new year's gift of a^ j^"'' 


BOOK son, but he died in the Febnuurj thereafter: die 
' miscarried often, and another son died soon after he 

1511. ^ng bom; onlj the ladj Mary lived to a perficct 
aa. age. 

^^i;^^^ In this state was the king's fiEimily what the 
diMNof. queen left bearing more children, and contracted 
lid^Mary somc discascs that made her person unacceptable 
^"|>^^ to him; but was, as to her other qualities, a vir- 
tuous and grave princess, much esteemed and be- 

1518. loved both of the king and the whole tiaticm. The 
'j^^' king, being out of hopes of more children, dedared 
lortg. his daughter princess of Wales, and sent her to 
Ludlow to hold her court there, and projected divers 
Hn dMigh. matches tar her. The first was with the ddlfAin, 
I^Mitn!^ which was agreed to between the king of France 
^i^o^r ^°^ ^^^ ^^^ ninth of November, 1518, as aj^iears by 
"- the treaty yet extant. But this was brc&en after- 


wards upon the king's confederating with the em- 
peror against France, and a new match agreed and 
AftwwMib sworn to between the emperor and the kinir at 

to the cm- '^ ^ 

peror.june Wiudsor the twenty-sccoud of June, 15SS, the em- 
' ' peror bemg present in person. This being after- 
wards n^lected and broken by the emperor, by the 
advice of his cortes and states, as was formerly re- 
oaBRd to lated, there followed some overtures of a marriage 
Sept. 1514- with Scotland. But those also vanished ; and there 
Agaiato was a sccoud treaty b^un with France, the king 
Apni 3^ offering his daughter to Francis himself, which he 
'^'^' gladly accepting, a match was treated : and on the 
last of April it was agreed, that the lady Mary 
Forkmg should bc given in marriage either to Francis him^ 
kuMeif, or self, or to his second son the duke of Qrleance ; and 
tke dakHr ^hat alternative was to be determined by the two 
kings, at an interview that was to be between them 


soon after at Calais, with forieitures on both sides if book 
the match went not on. '. — 

Bat while this was in agitation, the laAop of '^^^'. 
Tarbc^ the Ffoich ambassador, made a great demur muTMst 
^Kmt the princess. Mary's being ill^timate, as be-brbnign- 
gotten in a marriage that was contracted against a*^ 
divine precept, with which no human authority 
could dispense. How far this was secretly concerted 
between the French court and ours, or between the 
cardinal and the ambassador, is not known. It is ' 
surmised that the king or the cardinal set on the 
French to make this exception publicly, that so the 
king might have a tetter colour to justify his suit of 
divorce, since other princes were already question- 
ing it. For if, upon a marriage proposed of such 
infinite advantage to France, as that would be with 
the heir of the crown of England, they nevertheless 
made exceptions, and proceeded but coldly in it ; it 
was very reasonable to expect that, after the king's 
death, other pretenders would have disputed her 
title in another manner. 

To some it seemed strange that the king did offer 
his daughter to such great princes as the emperor 
and the king c^ France, to whom if Enghind had- 
fallen in her right, it must have been a province : 
for though, in the last treaty with France, she was 
offered either to the king, or hb second son; by 
whidi either the children which the king might 
hare by her, or the children of the duke of Orleance, 
should have been heirs to the crown of England, and 
tberebjr it would still have continued divided from 
FVance ; yet this was full of hazard : for if the duke 
of Orleance by his brother's death should become 
king of Frsace, as it afterwards fell out; or if the 


»K king of France had been once possessed of ESngland, 

then, according to the maxim of the French gaven^ 

^* ment, that whatever their king acquires, he hdds it 
in the right of his crown, England was still to be a 
province to France, unless thej freed themselves hy 
arms. Others judged that the king intended to 
marry her to France, the more effectually to seclude 
her from the succession, considering the aversion his 
subjects had to a French government, that so he 
might more easily settle his bastard son, the duke 
of Richmond, in the succession of the crown. 
ii( While this treaty went on, the king^s scruples 
^ it, about his marriage b^an to take vent. It is said 
that the cardinal did first infuse them into him, and 
!• made Longland, bishop of Lincoln, that was the 
*'"* king's confessor, possess the king's mind with them 
in confession. If it was so, the king had, according 
to the religion of that time, very just cause of scruide, 
when his confessor judged his marriage sinful, and 
.the |X)|)e's legate was of the same mind. It is also 
said that the cardinal, being alienated from the em- 
I)cror, that he might irreparably embroil the king 
and him, and unite the king to the French interests, 
designed this out of spite ; and that he was also dis- 
satisfied toward the queen, who hated him for his 
lewd and dissolute life, and had oft admonished and 
chci ked him for it : and that he therefore, designing 
to engage the king to marry the French king's sister, 
the duchess of Alem^^on, did (to make way for that) 
set this matter on foot : but as I see no good au- 
thority for all this, except the queen^s suspicions, who 
did al\er^-ards charge the caHinal as the cause of 
all her trouble : so I am inclined to think the king*s 
pies wore much ancienter ; for the king dedared 




to Simon Grineus, four years after this, that for book 
seven years he had abstained from the queen upon 

these scruples, so that by that it seems they had '^^^* 
been received into the king's mind three years before to Bacer, 
this time. ^^uU 

What were the king^s secret motives, and the true ^^^ 
grounds of his aversion to the queen, is only known Tbe ' 
to God; and till the discovery of all secrets at thcof bu 
day of judgment, most lie hid. But the reasons ^^^^^ 
which he always owned, of which all human judica- 
tories must only take notice, shall be now fiiUy 
opened. He found by the law of Moses, if a man 
took his hrothef^s wife, they should die childless. 
This made him reflect on the death of his children, 
whidi he now looked on as a curse from God for 
that unlawful marriage. Upon this he set himself 
to study the case, and called for the judgments of 
the best divines and canonists. For his own inquiry, 
Thomas Aquinas being the writer in whose works 
he took most pleasure, and to whose judgment he 
submitted most, did decide it clearly against him. 
For he both concluded, that the laws in Leviticus 
about the forbidden degrees of marriage were moral 
and eternal, such as obliged all Christians ; and that 
the pope could only dispense with the laws of the 
church, but could not dispense with the laws of God ; 
upon thb reason, that no law can be dispensed with 
by any authority but that which is equal to the au- 
thority that enacted it. Therefore he infei-s, that 
the pope can indeed dispense with all the laws of 
the church, but not with the laws of God, to whose 
authority he could not pretend to be equal; But as 
the king found this from his own private study ; so 
having commanded the archbishop of Canterbury to 


BOOK require the opinions of the bishops of England, they 
all, in a writing under their hands and seals, de- 

^^^^; Glared they judged it an unlawful marriage. Onlj 
•bopt,'ex. the bishop of Rochester refused to set his hand to it; 
d^hJ^iT" and, though the archbishop pressed him most eam- 
uniiwfui. gg^jy jQ j^^ y^^ jjg persisted in his refusal, sayings 

Cftvendiih that it was against his conscience. Upon which the 
woitey. ^ archbishop made another write down his name, and 
set his seal to the resolution of the rest of the bi- 
shops. But this being afterwards questioned, the 
bishop of Rochester denied it was his hand, and the 
archbishop pretended that he had leave given him 
by the bishop to put his hand to it ; which the other 
denied. Nor was it likely that Fisher, who scrupled 
in conscience to subscribe it himself, would have 
consented to such a weak artifice. But all the other 
bishops did declare against the marriage ; and as the 
king himself said afterwards in the l^antine court, 
ncitlier the cardinal nor the bishop of Lincoln did 
first suggest these scruples; but the king, being 
|X)ssessoil with them, did in confession propose them 
to that bishop ; and added, that the cardinal was so 
far from cherishing them, that he did all he could 
to stifle them. 
Tii< «un. The king was now convinced that his marriage 
mv like to ^as unlawful, l)oth by his own study, and the reso- 
^'^^^ lution of his divines. And as the point of conscience 
wn>ught on him, so the interest of the kingdom re- 
quiivil« that there should be no doubting about the 
succession to the crown : lest, as the long civil war 
lie! ween the houses of York and Lancaster had been 
buried with liis father* so a new one should rise up 
at his death. The king of ScoUand was the next 
heir to the crown after his daughter. And if he 


married his (laughter to any out of France, then he book 

had reason to judge, that the French, upon their '■ — . 

ancient alliance with Scotland, and that they might 
divide and distract England, would be ready to as- 
sist the king of Scotland in his pretensions ; or if he 
married her in France, then all those in England to 
whom the French government was hateful, and the 
emperor, and othei- princes, to whom the French 
power grew formidable, would have been as ready 
to support the pretensions of Scotland : or if he 
should either set up his bastard son, or the children 
which his sister bore to Charles Brandon, there was 
stQl cause to fear a bloody decision of a title that 
was so dcHibtful. And thou^ this may aeem a con- 
nderatioD too ptriidc and foreign to e matter of that 
nature, yet the obligation that lies on a prince to 
- provide for the happiness and quiet of his subjects, 
was so weighty a thing, that it might well come in, 
among other motives, to incline the king much to 
have this matter determined^ At this time the car- woIk; 
dinal went over into France, under colour to con-^"^*" 
dude a league between the two crowns, and to treat ^"!,y> 
about the means of setting the pope at liberty, who 
was then tbe enfperor's prisoner at Rome ; and also 
f<Hr a project of peace between Francis and the em- 
peror. But his chief business was to require Francis 
to declare his resolutions concerning that alternative 
about the lady Mary. To which it was answered, 
that tbe duke of Orleance, as a fitter match in years, 
was the French king's choice ; but this matter fell 
to the ground upon the process that followed soon 
after. • 

Tbe king did much apprehend the opposition thej^^i^t'* 
empenH* was like to make to his designs, either outhap»Bbaut 


BOOK of a principle of nature and honour to protect hid 
aunt, or out of a maxim of state, to raise his en^ny 

^^27. all the trouble he could at home. But on the other 
hand he had some cause to hope well even in that 
particular. For the question of the unlawfulness of 
the match had been first debated in the cortes, or as- 
sembly of the states, at Madrid ; and the emperor 
had then shewed himself so £Eivourable to it, that he 
broke the match (to which he had bound himsdf ) 
with the princess. Therefore the king had reason 
to think that this at least would mitigate his oi^KMd* 
tion. The emperor had also used the pope so hardly, 
that it could not be doubted that the pope hated 
him. And it was believed that he would find the 
protection of the king of England most necessary to 
secure him^either from the greatness of France or 
Spain, who were fighting for the best part of Italy^ 
which must needs fall into one of their hands. 
Therefore the king did not doubt but the pope 
would be compliant to his desires. And in this he 
was much confirmed by the hopes, or rather assure 
ance, which the cardinal gave him of the pope's &- 
vour; who, either calculating what was to be ex- 
pected from that court on the account of their own 
interest, or upon some promises made him, had un- 
dertaken to the king to bring that matter about to 
Lord Her- his heart's content. It is certain that the cardinal 
had carried over with him out of the king's treasure 
240,000/. to be employed about the pope's liberty^ 
But whether he had made a bargain for the divorce, 
or had fancied that nothing could be denied him at 
Rome, it does not appear. It is dear by many of 
his letters, that he had undertaken to the king, that 
business should be done ; and it is not like that 


a man of his wisdom would have adventured to do book 
that without some good warrant. ^^' 

But now that the suit . was to be moved in the ^ ^^^' 
oourt of Rome, they were to devise such arguments m«nt8 
as were like to be well heard there. It would have ^Sl* 
been unacceptable to have insisted on the nullity of 
the bull on this account, because the matter of it was 
imlawftil, and fell not within the pope's power : for 
popes, Uke other princes, do not love to hear the ex- 
tent of their prerogative disputed or defined. And 
to condemn the bull of a former pope as unlaw-* 
fidt was a dangerous precedent at a time when the 
pope's authority was rejected by so many in Ger- 
many. Therefore the canonists, as well as divines, 
were consulted to find such nullities in the bull of 
dispensation, as, according to the canon law, and the 
proceedings of the rota, might serve to invalidate it 
without any dinunution of the papal power. Which 
being once done, the marriage that followed upon it. 
must needs be annulled. When the canonists ex" 
amined the bull, they found much matter to procecfd 
upon. It is a maxim in law. That if the pope be 
surprised in any thing, and bulls be procured upon 
fialse suggestions and untrue premises, they may be 
annulled afterwards. Upon which foundation most 
of all the processes against pope's bulls were ground- 
ed. Now they found by the preamble of this bull 
that it was said. The king had desired that he might 
be dispensed with to marry the princess. This was 
false ; for the king had made no such desire, being 
of an age that was below such considerations, but 
twelve years old. Then it appeared by the pream- 
ble that this bull was desired by the king to preserve 
the peace between the king of England, and Ferdi- 


BOOK nand and Isabella, (called Elizabetha in the bull,) 
the kings of Spain. To which they excepted^ That 

1527. {^ ^113 plain this was false, since the king, being then 
but twelve years old, could not be supposed to have 
such deep speculations, aiid so large a prospect, as to 
desire a match upon a politic account. Then it 
being also in the bull, that the 'pope's dispensation 
was granted to keep peace between the crowns ; if 
there was no hazard of any breach or war between 
them, this was a false suggestion, by which the pqie 
had been made believe, that this match was neces- 
sary for averting some great mischief; and it was 
known that there was no danger at all of that : and 
so this bull was obtained by a surprise. Besides, 
both king Henry of England, and Isabella of Spain, 
were dead before the king married his queen ; so the 
marriage could not be valid by virtue of a bull that 
was granted to maintain amity between princes that 
were dead before the marriage was consummated : 
and they also judged that the protestation, which the 
king made when he came of age, did retract any such 
pretended desire, that might have been preferred to 
the pope in his name ; and that, from that time for- 
ward, the bull could have no further operation, since 
the ground upon which it was granted, which was 
the king's desire, did then cease, any pretended de- 
sire before he was of age being clearly annulled 
and determined by that protestation after he was of 
age ; so that a subsequent marriage, founded upon 
the bull, must needs be void, 
obty*! These were the grounds upon which the canonists 
Jf2n^, advised the process at Rome to be carried on. But 
>w^ '* ^^^ *^ amuse or overreach the Spaniard, the king 

" to his ambassador in Spain to silence the 


noiae.that was made about it in that court. Whe- book 

ther the king had then resdved on the person that "' 

should succeed the queen, when he had obtained i527t 

what he desiredt or not, ia much questioned. Some 

suggest, that from the beginning he was taken with 

the charms of Anne Boleyn, and that all this process 

was moved by the unseen spring of that secret affec- 

ticm. Others will have this amour to have been later 

in the king's thoughts. How early it came there, at 

this distance it is not easy to determine. But before 

I say more of it, she being so considerable a person 

in the following relation, I shall give some account 

of her. Sanders has assured the world, ** That the sudm hb 

^ king had a liking to her mother, who was daugh- adm bo^ 

^ ter to the duke of Norfolk; and to the end that |;;j[|'^; 

^^ he might enjoy her with the less disturbance, he 

** sent her husband, sir Thomas Boleyn, to be ambas- 

*' sador in France : and that, after two years ab- 

'* sence, his wife being with child, he came over, 

^ and sued a divorce against her in the archbishop 

^' of Canterbury's court ; but the king sent the mar- 

** quis of Dorset to let him know, that she was with dtls lus. 

"* child by him, and that therefore the king desired ^*/!^^*^^ 

•* he would pass the matter over, and be reconciled J*ore,» 

' b<»ok that 

^ to his wife : to which he consented. And so Anne wm never 

seen by any 

** Boleyn, though she went under the name of his bo.17 else. 
" daughter, yet was of the king's begetting." As he 
describes her, ^ she was ill-shaped and ugly, had six 
** fingers, a gag tooth, and a tumour under her chin, 
^* with many other unseemly things in her person. 
" At the fifteenth year of her age," he says, " both 
^ her father's butler and chaplain lay with her : 
** afterwards she was sent to France, where she was 
^ at ^nrt kept privately in the house of a person of 

VOL. I. G 


BOOK ^ quality ; then she went to the French court, where 
^ she led such a dissdute life, that she was called the 

1527. « English Hackney. That the French king liked 
*' her, and, from the freedoms he took with ha, she 
** was called the King^s Mule. But returning to 
<* England, she was admitted to the court, where sh^ 
^ quickly perceived how weary the king was of the 
*< queen, and what the cardinal was designing ; and 
*^ having gained the king's affection, she governed it 
^ so, that by all innocent freedoms she drew him int6 
" her toils, and by the appearances of a severe vir- 
tue, with which she disguised herself, so increased 
his affection and esteem, that he resolved to put 
^ her in his queen's place, as soon as tke dhoree 
was granted."^ The same author adds. That tke 
king had Uewiske enjoyed her sister^ with a great 
deal more, to the disgrace of this lady and her fa- 

I know it is not the work of an historian to refute 
the lies of others, but rather to deliver such a plain 
account as will be a more effectual confutation than 
any thing can be that is said by way of argument, 
which I)elongs to other writers. And at the end of 
this king's reign, I intend to set down a collection of 
the most notorious falsehoods of that writer, toge- 
tlier witli the evidences of their being so. But all 
this of Anne Boleyn is so palpable a lie, or rather ti 
c()tni>licated heap of lies, and so much depends on it, 
that i ])resumc it will not offend the reader to be de- 
tained a few minutes in the refutation of it. For if 
it were true, very much might be drawn from it, both 
to disparage king Henry, who pretended conscience 
to annul his marriage for the nearness of affinity, 
• and yet would after that marry his own daughter. 


It leJEives abb a foul and lastii^ stain both on the book 
memory of Anne BolejrA^ and of her incomparable 

daughterqueen Elizabeth. It also derogates so much ^^^^* 
fimn the first reformers^ who had some kind of de« 
pendance cm queen Anne Boleyris that it seems to be 
of great importance^ for directing the reader in the 
jvdgment he is to make of persons and things, to 
bjr open the fidsehood of this account. It were suf- 
ficient ibr Uasting it, that there is no proof pretended 
to be brought for any part of it, but a book of one 
Rastal, a judge, that was never seen by any other 
pinqfa than that writer. The title of the book is. 
The Life of Sir Thomas More. There is great rea- 
SOD to think that Rastal never writ any such book ; 
finr it is most cotnmoii for the lives of great authors 
to be prefixed to their worics. Now this Rastal pub^ 
lished all More's works in queen Mary's reign, to 
which, if he had written his life, it is likely he would 
have prefijced it. No evidence therefore being given 
fin: his relation, eithei^ from records, letters, or the 
testimony of any person who was privy to the matter, 
the whole is to be looked upon as a black forgery^ 
devised on purpose to defome queen Elizabeth. For^ 
upon her mother^s~ deaths who can doubt but that 
some, either to flatter the king, or to defame her, 
would have published these things, which, if they 
had been true, could be no secrets ? For a lady of 
her mother's condition to bear a child two years after 
her husband was sent out of England on such a pub- 
lic employment, and a process thereupon to be en- 
tered in the archbishop's courts, are things that are 
not so soon to be forgotten. And that she herself 
was under eo ill a reputation, both in her father's fa- 
tally, and in France, for Common lewdness, and for 

G 2 


BOOK being the king's concubinei are things that could not 


lie hid. And yet, when the books of the archbishop's 
\ntt^n ^^"^ (which are now burnt) were extant, it was 
denis. published to the world, and satisfaction offered to 
every one that would take the pains to inform them- 
selves, that there was no such thing on record. Nor 
did any of the writers of that time, either of the im- 
perial or papal side, once mention these things, not« 
withstanding their great occasion to do it. But 
eighty years after, this fable was invented, or at 
least it was then first published, when it was safer 
to lie, because none who had lived in the time could 
disprove it. 

But it has not only no fi3undation, but Senders, 
through the vulgar errors of liars, has strained his 
wit to make so ill a story of the lady, that some 
things in his own relation make it plainly appear to 
be impossible. For, to pass by those many improbable 
things that he relates, as namely. That both the king 
of England and the French king could be so taken 
with so ugly and monstrous a woman, of so notori- 
ous and lewd manners ; and that this king, for the 
space of seven years, that is, during the suit of the 
divorce, should continue enamoured of her, and never 
discover this, or having discovered it, should yet re- 
solve at all hazards to make her his wife ; which are 
things that would require no common testimony to 
make them seem credible : there is beside, in that 
story, an heap of things so inconsistent ^ith one 
another, that none but such an one as Sanders could 
have had either blindness or brow enough to have 
OMde or published it. For first, if the king, that 
the more freely enjoy sir Thomas Boleyn's 
him over into France, as Sanders says, I 


shall allow it as soon as may be, that it was in the book 


very b^inning of his reign, 1509. Then the time 

when Anne Bokyn was born, being, according to ^^^^* 
Sanders his account, two years after, that must be 
anno 1511 ; and being, as he says, defloured when 
she was fifteen, that must be anno 1526. Then some 
time must be allowed for her going to France, for 
her living privately there for some time, and after* 
wards for her coming to court, and meriting those 
characters that he says went upon her ; and, after all 
that, for her return into England, and insinuating 
herself into the king's favour : yet, by Sanders his 
own relation^ these things must have happened in 
the same year 1526 ; for in that year he makes the 
king think of putting away his wife, in order to 
marry Anne Boleyn, when, according to his account, 
she could be but fifteen years old, though this king 
had sent sir Thomas Boleyn into France the first 
day of his coming to the crown. But that he was 
not sent so early, appears by several grants that I 
have seen in the rolls, which were made to him in 
the first four years of the king's reign : they suffi- 
ciently shew that he was all that while about the 
king's person, and mention no services beyond sea, 
but about the king's person, as the ground upon 
which they were made. Besides, I find in the 
treaty-rolls no mention of his being ambassador the 
first eight years of the king's reign. In the first March lo, 
year, the bishops of Winchester and Duresme, and 
the earl of Surrey, are named in the treaty between 
the two crowns, as the king's ambassadors in France. 

After this, none could be ambassadors there for twof*^ "» 


years together; for before two years elapsed there is >4. 
was a war proclaimed against France ; and, when 



BOOK overtures were made for a peace, it appears by the 
"' treaty-rolls, that the earl of Worcester was sent 

1527. Qyg|. ambassador. And when the king's sister was 
sent over to Lewis the French king, though sir 
Sept. 23. Thomas Boleyn went over with her, he was not 
^s»>* ^^^ ^ much considered as to be made an ambassa-t 
dor. For in the commission that was given to many 
persons of quality, to deliver her to her husband, 
king Lewis XIL sir Thomas Boleyn is not named. 
The persons in the commission are the duke of Nor- 
folk, the marquis of Dorset, the bishop of Duresme, 
the earls of Surrey and Worcester, the prior of St. 
15 15. John's, and doctor West, dean of Windsor. A year 
after that, sir Thomas Boleyn was made ambassa- 
dor ; but then it was too late for Anne Boleyn to be 
yet unborn, much less could it be, as Sanders says, 
that she was born two years after it. 
cmmb. io But the Icamed Cambden, whose study and pro- 
HUtjsiiz. fession led him to a more particular knowledge of 
'*^' these things, gives us another account of her birth. 

He says, that she was bom in the year 1507, which 
was two years before the king came to the crown. 
And if it be suggested, that then the prince, to enjoy 
her mother, prevailed with his father to send her 
husband beyond sea, that must be done when the 
prince himself was not fourteen years of age : so 
they must make him to have corrupted other men's 
wives at that age, when yet they will not allow his 
brother (no, not when he was two years older) to 
have known his own wife. 
Her birth, But HOW I Icavc tMs foul fiction, and go to deliver 
certain truths. Anne Boleyn's mother was daughter 
to the duke of Norfolk, and sister to the duke that 
was at the time of the divorce lord treasurer. Her 


father^s mother v&s one of the daughters and h^irsi book 
to the earl of Wiltshire and Ormond ; and her great 

graodfatherj sir Geoffiy Boleyn, who had been lord ^^^^* 
mayor of London, married one of the daughters and 
heirs of the lord Hastings ; and their family, as they 
had mixed with so much great Uood, so had married 
their daughters to very noble families. She, being 15 <4- 
but seven years old, was carried over to France with 
the Idng^s sister ; which shews she could have none 
of those deformities in^er person, since such are not 
lirought into the courts and families of queens. And fod breed. 
thou^, upon the French king's death, the queen '°^' 
dowager came soon back to England, yet she was 
so Uked in the French court, that the next king 
Francis's queen kept h» about herself for some 
years; and after her death, the king^s sister, the 
duchess of Alen9on, kept her in her court all the 
while she was in France : which as it shews there 
was somewhat extraordinary in her person, so, those 
princesses being much celebrated for their virtues, it 
is not to be imagined that any person, so notoriously 
defamed as Sanders would represent her, was enter- 
tained in their courts. 

When she came into England is not so clear: it Her coming 
is said, that in the year 1522, when war was made|^„/H^.' 
on France, her father, who was then ambassador, ^[j; ^^ 
was recalled, and brought her over with him, which J^^*^^j^,, 
is not improbable : but, if she came then, she did tay* ^be 
not stay long in England, for Cambden says, that young. 
she served queen Claudia of France till her death, 
(which was in July, 1524 ;) and after that she was 
taken into service by king Francises sister. How 
long she continued in that service, I do not find ; 
but it is probable that she returned out of France 

G 4 


^ with her father from his embassy, in the jeast 1587; 
— when, as Stow says, he brought with him the pic* 
ture of her mistress, who was offered in marriage 
to this king. If she came out of France before, as 
those authors before mentioned say, it appears that 
the king had no design upon her then, because he 
suffered her to return, and when one mistress died, 
to take another in France ; but if she stayed there 
all this while, then it is probable he had not seen 
her till now at last, when she* came out of the prin- 
cess of Alen9on's service : but whensoever it was 
that she came to the court of England, it is certain 
that she was much considered in it. And though 
the queen, who had taken her to be one of her 
maids of honour, had afterwards just cause to be 
displeased with her as her rival; yet she carried 
herself so, that, in the whole pn^ress of the suit, I 
never find the queen herself, or any of her agents, 
fix the least ill character on her ; which would most 
certainly have been done, had there been any just 
cause or good colour for it. 
on- And so far was this lady, at least for some time, 
1 from any thoughts of marrying the king, that she 
had consented to marry the lord Piercy, the earl 
of Northumberland's eldest son, whom his father, by 
a strange compliance with the cardinal's vanity, had 
placed in his court, and made him one of his ser- 
vants. The thing is considerable, and clears many 
things that belong to this history ; and the relate 
of it was an ear-witness of the discourse upon it, as 
lith'i himself informs us. The cardinal, hearing that the 
lord Piercy was making addresses to Anne B<deyn, 
one day as he came from the cotirt called fbr him 
before his servants, {before ns all, says the relator, 



mduding Mmi0^) ^< and chid him Sat it, pretend- book 

" ing at first that it was unworthj of. him to match« 

** so meanly ; but be justified his choice, and reckon- ^'^* 
''ed up her birth and quality, which he said was 
" not infierior to his own. And the cardinal insist- 
^ ing fiercely to make him lay down his pretensions, 
** he told him, he would willingly submit to the king 
** and him ; but, that he had gone so far before many 
^ witnesses, that he could not forsake it, and knew 
^ not how to discharge his conscience ; and there- 
" finre he entreated the cardinal would procure him 
** the king^s fhvour in it Upon that the cardinal 
** in great rage said. Why, thinkest thou that the 
king and I know not what we have to do in so 
weighty a matter? Yes, I warrant you: but I 
^ can see in thee no submission at all to the pur- 
^ pose ; and said, You have matched yourself with 
^* such an one, as neither the king, nor yet your 
^ father, will agree to it ; and therefore I will send 
** for thy father, who at his coming shall either 
^ make thee break this unadvised bargain, or dis- 
•* inherit thee for ever. To which the lord Piercy 
'^ replied. That he would submit himself to him, if 
** his conscience were discharged of the weighty 
** burden that lay upon it : and soon after, his father 
** coming to court, he was diverted another way." 

Had that writer told us in what year this was 
done, it had given a great light to direct us ; but by 
this relation we see that she was so far from think- 
ing of the king at that time, that she had engaged 
herself another way : but how far this went on her 
ride, or whether it was afterwards made use of, 
when she was divorced from the king, shall be con- 
sidered in its proper jdace. It also appears, that 


BOOK there was a design about her then formed betweeii 


the king and the cardinal ; yet how far that went, 

1527. whether to make her queen, or only to corrupt her, 

Lord Her- 15 not evident. It is said, that upon this she ever 

after hated the cardinal, and that he never designed 

the divorce after he saw on whom the king had 

fixed his thoughts : but all that is a mistake, as will 

afterwards appear. 

1527. And now, having made way through these things 

that were previous to the first motion of the divorce, 

my narration leads me next to the motion itself. 

^▼Jd for ^^^ ^^^S* resolving to put the matter home to the 

bis divorce popc, scut doctor Knight, secretary of state, to 

ftt Rome, -r* . 1 . . 

Rome, with some instructions to prepare the pope 
for it, and to observe what might be the best me- 
thod, and who the fittest tools to work by. At that 
time the family of the Cassali, being three brothers, 
were entertained by the king as his agents in Italy, 
both in Rome, Venice, and other places. Sir Gre- 
gory Cassali was then his ordinary ambassador at 
Rome : to him was the first full despatch about this 
business directed by the cardinal, the original where- 
of is yet extant, dated the fifth of December, 1527, 
which the reader will find in the Collection : but 
here I shall give the heads of it. 
The first << After great and high compliments, and assur- 
ft^ot it. *^ ances of rewards, to engage him to follow the bu- 
J^^J^. " siness very vigorously and with great diligence, 
** he writes, that he had before opened the king's 
'' case to him ; and that, partly by his own study, 
partly by the opinion of many divines and other 
1< learned men of all sorts, h^ found that he could 
<' no longer, with a good conscience, continue in 
maniage with the queen, having God. and 


the quiet and salvation of his soul, chiefly before book 
his eyes ; and that he had consulted both the most 

^ learned divines and canonists, as well in his own ^^^* 
^dominions as elsewhere, to know whether the 
* pope's dispensation could make it good ; and that 
'^ many of them thought the pope could not dis- 
^ pense in this case of the first degree of affinity, 
*' which they esteemed forbidden by a divine, moral, 
^ and natural law ; and all the rest concluded, that 
^ the pope could not do it, but upon very weighty 
^ reasons, and they found not any such in the bull. 
^ Then he lays out the reasons for annulling the bull, 
** which were touched before ; upon which they alt 
*^ concluded the dispensation to be of no force ; that 
^ the king looked on the death of his sons as a 
** curse from Gk>d ; and, to avoid further judgments, 
** he now desired help of the apostolic see, to con- 
" sider his case, to reflect on what he had merited 
" by these services he had done the papacy, and to 
" find a way that he, being divorced from his queen, 
•* may marry another wife, of whom, by the blessing 
" of Grod, he might hope for issue male. Therefore 
'* the ambassador was to use all means possible to be 
** admitted to speak to the pope in private, and then 
" to deliver him these letters of credence, in which 
** there was a most earnest clause added with the 
" king's own hand. He was also to make a con- 
" dolence of the miseries the pope and cardinals 
" were in, both in the king's name and the car- 
" dinal's, and to assure the pope, they would use all 
" the most effectual means that were possible for 
setting him at liberty, in which the cardinal 
would employ as much industry as if there were 
" no other way to come to the kingdom of heaven 


V. 4m*i *,^ »UV'* '^anC 'Sift 

f/^<^ ^ t^KU^ nnjpi laut a 
»iui.#4 gv» u*-!.^ A^bjcrgvMd 31 OIK 

" ¥^r^iUu fftii top itid' |^/|^; to feign- A 

w^ii ii)/^/ fei III iM <lii<' f//rrn : and, if these w«r €3 
" p /li 'I, li« MM|/lil utMiin' Um; pope, tfast a» tfe Ud 
" ImmI Hi ui 9t^ir H vif«i Niirn to the Ffeacii kin 
" Int |'N)^hiK lfi« iiMiiy in lUily, so he would spu 
" iiti iMivi'l finr iM'ii^urf, hut make war upon tl 
" iMi|N nil hi KIimiiIki'n, wlili Win whole strength, ti 
*• Imj ImimiI liiiii III Mill ilip |w,|^. at liberty, ai 
•• ii'vImii: Hill nliiiii III iliii rlmrrli to its former pow( 
*' iiiiil illHMllv Ami II' IJir piipo were already atl 
•• liMlVi iMmI liiiil iiiiiiln nil ii|{n*nnent with the ei 
•• |iiiitii, hti wiu III iii|iitiMtiii III liiin how little cau 
•• lu' hiiil III lui«| luiii li III ilio tMU|H>ror, who had 
** \s\\ hiHikv liU iUuh, iimt iIi'^I^uihI to do all he cou 
l^limiMiU I ho «U'|UH'*«iitg \\\\^ (Hvlesiastical stat 



lwBj% piid Us a 
[ AmI to tn 


dl M f iifff Id 
« Bat if the pope 
-mens be 
«fhe catdfaid, 
^dean of the i 
*wai to 
** pope dumoed 
'^ to lepreMnt i 
'^ opoii a dcfaf M a doHBl; sad. if the pope oi- 
<< dined to ooHok vith ar of the cwtinls afaoat 
« it, he was to dircrt Uat Iraa it aB that was poa- 
"sible; bat if the pope woald aec^ do it, then he 
<* was to ad d ieas hiBadf to them, and, partlr br ia- 
<* fiamiBg theaa of the rcaaoas of the king's caase, 
^ partly by le a aidia g the good officei ther should 
« do, he was to enga^ them far the king. And 
«< with tins deqwrtrh letters were sent to cardinal 
« Pood, Sandoram Qnatoor, and the other cardinals. 

** to be made use of as there should be occasion for 

• it. And becaase money was like to be the most 

• pu we t M argament, especially to men impoverished 

• by a captinty, 10,000 ducato were remitted to 


' _ ^ '^ur"^ lOfed iifc w uuffwoud i» Bike Itf^ yi 

~ ^ ^^ 

7V>b MJXi^ Uiir-g* had beea ooHHBfeBd to Ike ae^ 
*:i^jtr}\ ca:.^, sDd they were hoik to }Muij e tii bf 


'^ ''^ u9f^u0Afi xisf: lA^ioess. But hefcre dits i fjch ed Ronei 
%^/7«rl«rr Kxiight vas ocMiie Uiither; lad findiiig it 

^ ''•' '/ 

if/^|//mt/U: t/i Ix- admitted to the pope's | Mumt e , he 
h^vJ, l/Y /y/fTupting some of his piards» sent Um the 
til r/i ^^ t h<r k i nf^> demands. Upoo which the pope sent 
turn wmA, ttiat the dispensatioD should be sent fully 
iAff^^UuL ht9 gracious was a pc^ in capliTitT. But 
Mi f fiAi time the general of the obserrants in Spain 
l/«'ifig Hi f <//me, refjuired a promise of the pc^ not to 
ffjuut twy thing that might prejudice the queen's 
/Mijv, till it were first communicated to th^ irnpe* 
v^ ••'-1 thi\i%i% there* Hut when the pope made his escape, 
iIm' %^'in'iary and the amtiassador went to him to 
OrviHo aUiut the end of December, and first did, in 
th«' king'M and cardinal's name, congratulate his 
in'i'doni. 'J*hen the isecretary discoursed the busi- 
ui'>M. T\\v |K>])e owned that he had received the 
ini'MMigf wliirh he had sent to him at Rome; but in 
i'i»jMTl fii' hirt proniihc, and that yet in a manner he 
wiiN in (ijplivity, he liegged the king would have a 
iitlle paticnre, unci he should l>efore long have not 
finly iliui diN|M*nsation, but any thing else that lay 
in hiN |Niwer. But the secretary not being satisfied 
wilii lliul t'xciise, the pope in the end said, he should 


W it; but with this oonditicm, That he would be- Book 
^^ the king nottopraoeed vpoo it till the pope 

^ Mfy St libertj, and the Germaiis and ^nn- '^^- 
irti were driven out of Italjr. And upon the 
tt^s promising this, the diqiensation was to he 
]iQt in his hands. So the seoetaiy, who had a great 
iiUDd once to have the ball in his possession, made 
bo scruple to engage his promise tat that. The 
pope also told them^ he was not expert in those 
thhigSy but he eanlj apprehended the danger that 
might arise frop any dispute about the succession 
to the crown, and that theiefiire he would commu* 
' nicate the business to the cardinal Sanctorum Qua- 
taior ; upon whidi they resolved to prevent that car- 
dinal's being with the pope, and went and delivered 
the letters they had tar him, and promised him a 
good reward, if he were fiivouraUe to their requests 
in the king^s hehalf. Then they shewed him the 
commissions that were sent firom England ; but he, 
upon the perusal of them, said, they could not pass 
without a perpetual dishonour on the pope and the 
king too ; and excepted to several clauses that were 
in them. So they desired him to draw one that 
might both be sufficient for the king's purpose, and 
such as the pope might with honour grant ; which 
being done, the pope told them. That, though he 
apprehended great danger to himself if the emperor 
should know what he had done, yet he would rather 
expose himself to utter ruin, than give the king or 
the cardinal cause to think him ingrate ; but, with 
many si^s and tears, he begged that the king 
would not precipitate things, or expose him to be 
undone, by beginning any process upon the bull, auiberty"^ 
And so he delivered the commission and dispensa- ^^^ * **"" 


BOOK tion, signed, to Knight. But the means that the 
pope proposed for his publishing and owning what 

^^V' he now granted was, that Lautrech, with the French 
craft^Md' army, should march, and, coming where the pope 
poi"7f ^Qg^ should require him to grant the commission: 
so that the pope should excuse himself to the em- 
peror, that he had refused to grant it upon the de- 
sire of the English ambassador, but that he could 
not deny the general of the French army to do an 
act of public justice : and by this means he would 
save his honour, and not seem guilty of breach of 
promise ; and then he would despatch the commis- 
sion about the time of Lautrech's being near him, 
and therefore he entreated the king to accept of 
what was then granted for the present. The com^ 
mission and dispensation was given to the secretary ; 
and they promised to send the bull after him, of the 
same form that was desired from England, and the 
pope engaged to reform it as should be found need- 
ful. And it seems by these letters that a dispensa- 
tion and commission had been signed by the pope 
when he was a prisoner, but they thought not fit to 
make any use of them, lest they should be thought 
null, as being granted when the pope was in cap- 
And the Thus the pope expressed all the readiness that 
thaTgo? could be expected from him, in the circumstances 
JJ^*^ he was then in ; being overawed by the imperialists, 
who were harassing the country, and taking castles 
very near the place where he was. Lautrech with 
the French army lay still fast about Bononia, and 
^e season of the year was not favourable, so he 
^express any inclinations to enter into action^ 
Sanctorum Quatuor got 4000 croivns 


eward of his pains, and in earnest of what book 

Q expect when the matter should be brought l-_ 

b1 conclusion. In this whole matter the '^^^■ 
iried himself as a wise and politic prince, 
sidered his interest, and provided against 
with great foresight. But as for apostolical 
and the simplicity of the gospel, that was 
! expected from him. For now, though the 
nding names of Christ's vicar, and St. Pe- 
xessor, were still retained to keep up the 
gnity and authority, yet they had for many 
emed themselves as secular princes ; so that 
ims of that court were no more to keep a 
ascience, and to proceed according to the 
the gospel, and the practice of the primitive 
committing the event to God, and subniit- 
118 will in all things ; but the keeping a ba- 
e maintaining their interest in the courts 
tM, the securing their dominions, and the 
beir families, being that which they chiefly 
^ it is not to be wondered at that the pope 
t himself bj these measures, though religion 
le made use of to help him out of straits. 
I set down the more particularly, both be- 
take my information ^m original letters, 
. it may clearly appear how matters went 
ime in the court of Rome, 
ary Knight, being infirm, could not travel Cait«ct. 
t haste that was required in this business, °*''''" 
ifore he sent the proto-notary Gambara with 
mission and dispensation to England, and 
in easy journeys. The cardinals that had 
suited with did all express great readiness 
ng the king's desire. The cardinal Datary 


BOOK had forsaken the courts and betaken himself to 8er?e 
' God and his cure ; and other cardinals wdre host- 

^^^' ages: so that now there were but five about the pope^ 
Monte, Sanctorum Quatuor, Ridolphi, ftavennat^ 
and Perusino. But a motion being made of sending 
over a legate, the pope would by no means hearkeii 
to it, for that would draw new troubles on him firom 
the emperor. That had been desired from England 
bj a despatch of the twenty-seventh of December, 
which pressed a * speedy conclusion of the business; 
upon which the pope, on the twelfth of January, did 
communicate the matter under the seal of confession 
The me. to the cardiuals Sanctorum Quatuor and Simoneta, 

thod pro- / , , 

posed by (who was then come to the court,) and upon confer 
cou^' ence with them he proposed to sir Gr^ory Cassali, 
Numb. 6. ^Yi^i he thought the safer way was, « That, either by 
virtue of the commission that the secretary had 
'^^ obtained, or by the legantine power that was lodged 
with the cardinal of York, he should proceed in 
the business. And if the king found the matter 
** clear in his own conscience, (in which, the pope 
'^ said, no doctor in the whole world could resolve 
*^ the matter better than the king himself,) he should 
without more noise make judgment be given ; and 
presently marry another wife, and then send for a 
legate to confirm the matter. And it would be 
easier to ratify all when it was once done, than to 
go on in a process from Rome. For the queen 
** would protest, that both the place and the judges 
were suspected, and not firee ; upon which, in the 
course of law, the pope must grant an inhibition 
for the king's not marrying another while the suit 
depended, and must avocate the business to be 
" heard in the court of Rome ; which, with other 



** prejudices, were unamdaUie in a public process book 

^ br bidb firom Rome. But if the thing went on in 

- England, and the king had once married another ^^«- 
^ wife, the pope then would find very good reasons 
^ to justify the confirming a thing that was gone so 
* fiuTt and promised to send any cardinal whom they 
^ should name." This the pope desired the ambas- 
sador would signify to the king, as the advice of the 
two cardinals, and take no notice of him in it. But 
the despatch shews he was a more faithful minister 
than to do so. 

The ambassador found all the earnestness in the 
pope that was possible to comfdiy with the king, and 
that he was jealous both of the emperor and Francis, 
and depended wholly on the king ; so that he found, 
if the terror of the imperial forces were over, the 
court of En^and would dispose of the apostolical 
see as they pleased. And indeed this advice, how 
little soever it had of the simplicity of the gospel, 
was certainly prudent and subtle, and that which of 
all things the Spaniards apprehended most. And 
therefore the general of the observants moved cardi- 
nal Campegius, then at Rome, for an inhibition, lest 
the process should be carried on and determined in 
England. But that being signified to the pope, he 
said. It could not be granted, since there was no 
suit depending ; in which case only an inhibition 
can be granted. 

But now I must look over again to England, tostaphutoa 
open the counsels there. At that time Staphileus, Eagund. 
dean of the rota, was there ; and he, either to make 
his court the better, or that he was so persuaded in 
qnnion, seemed fully satisfied about the justice of 
the king^s cause. So they sent him to Rome with 

H 2 


BOOK instructions both public and secret. The public in- 
structions related to the pope's affairs, in which all 

jjjj^^^^ possible assistance was promised by the king. But 

tioot. one proposition in them flowed from the cardinal's 

libr. ^'tei. ambitiou, *' That the kings of England and France 

B. lo. Jao. t( thought it would advance the pope's interests, if 

DapKcates ** hc should commaud the cardinals that were under 

by the ** no restraint, to meet m some secure place, to con- 

oirijD.1'. u gjder of the affairs of the church, that they might 

'* suffer no prejudice by the pope's captivity : and 

^^ for that end, and to conserve the dignity of the 

*^ apostolic see, that they should choose such a vicar 

^^ or president, as, partly by his prudence and cou- 

<< rage, partly by the assistance of the two kings, 

*^ upon whom depended all their hopes, might do 

*^ such services to the apostolic see, as were most 

'* necessary in that distracted time, by which the 

" pope's liberty would be hastened." 

It cannot be imagined but the pope would be of- 
fended with this proposition, and apprehend that the 
cardinal of York was not satisfied to be intriguing 
for the popedom after his death, but was aspiring to 
it while he was alive. For as it was plain, he was 
the person that must be chosen for that trust ; so if 
the pope were used hardly by the emperor, and 
forced to ill conditions, the vicar so chosen and his 
cardinals would disown those conditions, whick might 
end in a schism, or his deposition. But Staphileus 
his secret instructions related wholly to the king's 
business, which were these : ** That the king had 
opened to him the error of his marriage; and 
that the said bishop, out of his great learning, did 
now clearly perceive how invalid and insufficient it 
was: therefore the king recommended it to his 




^ caie» that he would conWnce the pope and the car- book 
** dinab with the arguments that had been laid be- 

<« fore him, and of which a breviate was given him. ^^^^- 
^ He was also to represent the great mischiefs that 
<« might foUoWy if princes got not justice and ease 
Mfirom the apostolic see. Therefore, if the pope 
^ were yet in captivity, he was to propose a meet- 
^ ing <tf the cardinals, for choosing the cardinal of 
** York to be their head during the pope's imprison- 
^ ment, or that a full commission might be sent to 
^ him for the king's matter. And in particular he 
^ was to take care that the business might be tried 
^ in England. And, for his pains in proitnoting the 
''king's concerns, the king promised to procure abi- 
** shopric for him in France, and to help him to a 
^cardinal's hat." By him the king wrote to the 
pope. The rude draught of it remains under the 
cardinal's hand, earnestly desiring a speedy and fa- 
vourable despatch of his business, with a credence to 
the bearer. 

The cardinal also wrote to the pope by him, and. The cardi. 
after a long congratulating his liberty, with many by him. 
diarp reflections on the emperor, he pressed a de- 
spatdi of the king's business, in which he would not 
use many words : this only I will add, says he, *^ That 
that which is desired is holy and just, and very 
much for the safety and quiet of this kingdom, 
^ which is most devoted to the apostolical see. He 
^^ also wrote by the same hand to the ambassador, 
^ that the king would have things so carried, that 
*^ all occasion of discontent or cavilling, whether at 
** home or abroad, might be removed ; and therefore 
'^ desired that another cardinal might be sent legate 
** to England, and joined in commission with him- 




BOOK *' ^^ ^ judgiqg the matter. He named cither 
^^' " Campegius, Tranus, or Famese. Or if that could 
1527. << not be obtained, that a fuller commisBion might be 
*< sent to himself with all possiUe haste, since dda/s 
** might produce great inconveniences. If a legate 
^ were named, then care must be taken that he 
*' should be one who were learned, indifferent, and 
'' tractable ; and if Campegius could be the man, he 
** was the fittest person. And when one was named*, 
he should make him a decent present, attd usure 
him that the king would most liberallj recom- 
pense all his labour and expense. He also re- 
^ quired him to press his speedy despatch, and Hiat 
<' the commission should be full to try and deter- 
^ mine, without any reservation of the sentence to 
^ be given by the pope." This despatch is inteilined, 
and amended with the cardinal's own hand. 
A larger But upon the arrival of the messenger, whom the 
^liff secretary had sent, with the commission and dispen- 
^°*^' sation, and the other packets before mentioned, it 
was debated in the king's council, whether he should 
go on in his process, or continue to solicit new bulls 
from Rome. On the one hand, they saw how tedi- 
ous, dangerous, and expensive a process at Rome 
was like to prove ; and therefore it seemed the easi- 
est and most expedite way to proceed before the 
cardinal in his legantine court, who should ex qfficioy 
and in the summary way of the court, bring it to a 
speedy conclusion. But, on the other hand, if the 
cardinal gave sentence, and the king should marry, 
then they were not sure but before that time the 
pope might either change his mind, or his interest 
might turn him another way. And the pope's power 
was so absolute by the canon law, that no general 


dniMp in conmuMions to legates could bind him to book 
eonfinn thdr arataices: and if, upon the lung's 

nuynying another wife, the pope should refuse to '^^^- 
eonfinn ity then the king would be in a worse case 
than he was now in, and his marriage and issue by 
it should be atiU disputable : therefore they thought 
this was, by no means to be adventured on, but they 
iIioqUL make new addresses to the court of Rome. 
In tho defaate« some sharp words fell either from the 
kii^ or some of his secular counsellors ; intimating, 
that if the pope continued under such fears, the king 
must flnd some other way to set him at ease. So itovdiner 
was resolved, that Stephen Gardiner, commonly Mot to' 
called doctor Stevens, the cardinal's chief secre-^"^' 
tary» and Edward Fox, the king's almoner, should 
be aent to Rome ; the one being esteemed the ablest 
canonist in England, the other one of the best di- 
vines : they were despatched the tenth of February. 
^ By them the king wrote to the pope, thanking him with let- 
^ that he had expressed such forward and earnest the kmg. 
'^ willingness to give him ease, and had so kindly 
^ promised to gratify his desires, of which he ex- 
^ pected now to see the effects. He wrote also to couect. 
^ the cardinals his thanks for the cheerfulness with 
which they had in consistory promised to promote 
his suit ; for which he assured them they should 
^ never have cause to repent." But the cardinal 
wrote in a strain, that shews he was in some fear 
that if he could not bring about the king's desires, 
he was like to lose his favour. ^* He besought the And the 

, cwdiiiAl. 

'* pope as lying at his feet, that if he thought him a coiiect. 
** Christian, a good cardinal, and not unworthy of N""**- ^' 
** that dignity, an useful member of the apostolic 
*' see, a promoter of justice and equity, or thought 

H 4 



^ dispiitable title; upon a full consultation with the book 
** cardinaby haring also heard the opinions of di- 

<* vines and canonistsy deputed ^for his legate to '^^* 

^ concur with the cardinal of York, either together, 
^ or (the one being hindered or unwilling) severallj. 
^ And if thej found those things that were sug- 
^ geated against the bull of pope Julius, or anj of 
^ them, well or sufEcientlj proved, then to declare it 
^ void and null, as surreptitiouslj procured, upon 
^ fidae grounds ; and thereupon to annul the mar- 
^ liage that had followed upon it : and to give both 
<* pnties fidl leave to numy again, notwithstanding 
^ any appdlation or protestation, the pope making 
<* them faia vicars^ with fiill and absolute power and 
** authiMri^ ; empowering them also to declare the 
^ issue begotten in the former marriage good and 
** Iq^itimate, if thej saw cause for it ; the pope bind- 
^ ing himself to confirm whatever they should do 
^ in that process, and never to revoke or repeal 
^ what they should pronounce : declaring also, that 
^ this bull should remain in force till the pro- 
** cess were ended, and that by no revocation or in- 
^ hibition it should be recalled ; and if any such 
^ were obtained, these are all declared void and null, 
** and the legates were to proceed notwithstanding : 
** and all ended with a full non obstante.'' 

This was judged the uttermost force that could 
be in a bull ; though the civilians would scarce allow 
any validity at all in these extravagant clauses : but 
the most material thing in this bull is, that it seems 
the king was not fully resolved to declare his daugh- 
ter ill^timate. Whether he pretended this to mi- 
tigate the queen's or the emperor's opposition, or did 
really intend it, is not clear : but what he did after- 

:* ,J»4 

r ous deep in hn 
e iid soon after 
aeainsl her 
uso join a moit 

Lher were 


X secret instnot 
jordinaL Cm- 
:ixe repatitkiB 
JK ^ns a tncl- 

Jeoiio of Stfin" 

;*j: — ^.:". -'* -"^-C »=^-i icx^n^ n 5ura?c as Rome 

•^' jii- "^ - T4Li-r. ,r^'-"r 1 tJ3t imt ixs h^rs; so 

,,,,;- -zlj: ^'^ ''^ -zsiafc^awnr ? ^rjcitir in which 

^ .rr^ne:^!' .:-. . n^^c iniiiuus ^imd could 

. r - '^^ -^ --^^ T.t^ ::t:r x: 7tr^;;^e the 

—^r -r iu::;r rt-^^r^v. A-n-rc^r other 

:.n. • - *v It ijii i^^iu»i to the 

# '. 

... ■■:- ■-,■ -tct T.->uii ICC itcT 3: That the 
/.'- .'." f ^^^7"^ '^ -- asoKno:. i3»i because 

, ,-./,./'/: -•==■■•- *-- --•=^'^ -*"^ ^- =^"-'^- and, 

,1'.. .f » .- '/'■:''■ --•-^— '^:- -''■ -' "^. P*^^ re- 
1/, »>.' «:rr,>- -'' '-^ ^^ iE«;x:nr^ic. the king 

'' ,1.1 fU""* a^''^'^-'" '■*-^-" ^^" ^^■^'^^ *'-^ **^^ 
■ I'/ ' ,^,,„,„ „i it „pon his own soul, it it were 

" ' .„„, ,„„„Y other particulars in which he is 

, ,, O.iil I uirinot imagine what moved the 

, ','(|.Tl.M. who ««»v thr«e letters, to think that 

„;; I .M n.H. rr..lly intend the divorce. He, 


MWotfHT pqper off tfatir kirtractk— , by book 
H^wcR ardered to vy to the pap^ Thit- 

WmsBot the antiur of the counsel. But '^^- 

vai MteDded hf A>t was only to excnae 

fcr, tfaat he n^^ aot be thought too pntial, 

facpHi prt tnt ju dg e : fiir a> be was far firoa 

fag the jortioe off the kii^i suit, so he would 

M tniited a Mcret of that ii^iortaiice to paper, 

Virhen it Aodd be known to the fcin^ would 

Int tarn hm fimmr. Bat nndmbCedly it was 

Itod bLtwatu the king and luni to remove aa 

fiin, wMA otherwiM the cardinals of the iin- 

4 hcHam would hare niade, to bis bong the 

jtoB that Mrtter. 

WiA thoae letter* aad inatrBctiaas were Gardiner c<>ii«t- 
1 Fox sent to Rone, iriiere both the Caasalis and 
jpUlens were pa-onwting the king's business aU 
!f oould. And being strei^tbened with the ac- 
■ioa of those other two, diey made a greater |Mro> 
MB ; so that in Ajnil the pope did in consistoiy 
dare cardinal Camp^o l^te to go to England, cucprgio 
it he, with the cudinal of York, might try the i '^r. 
idity of the king's marriage : but that carding n^I^ij. 
ide great excuses. He was then l^^ate at Home, 
whicb he had such adrantages, that be had no 
ad to enter into a business which must for ever 
i;i^ either the emperor or the king against him : 
also pretended an inability to travel so great a 
imey, being much subject to the gout. But when 
B was known in England, the cardinal wrote him WoImj 
Dost earnest letter, to basten over, and bring with *"***' 
a all such things as were necessary for making 
•ir sentence firm and ineversible. so that it might 
rer again be questioned. 



But here I shall add a remark, which though it is 
- of no great importauce, yet will be diverting to the 
reader. The draught of the letter is in Wolsey's 
secretary's hand, amended in some places by his own, 
and concluded thus : / hope all things shall be dome 
according to the wiU qf God, the desire qf the Hug, 
the quiet qf the kingdom, and to our honour, with 
a good eonsdenee. But the cardinal dashed out 
this last word, with a good conscience; perhaps 
judging that was a thing fit for meaner persona, but 
that it was below the dignity of two cardinals to 
consider it much. He wrote also to Cassati high 
compliments for his diligence in the step that was 
made ; but desired hiro, with all possible means, to 
get the bull granted and trusted to his Iceepiog, with 
the deepest protestations that no use should be made 
of it, but that the king only should see it ; by which 
hb mind would be at ease, and he, being put in 
good hopes, would employ his power in the service 
of the pope and apostolic see ; but the pope was not 
a man to be cozened so easily. 

When the cardinal heard by the next despatch 
what excuses and delays Campegio made, he wrote 
to him again, and pressed his coming over in haste. 
' For his being legate of Rome, he desired him to 

* name a vice-legate. For his want of money and 

* horses, Gardiner would furnish him as he desired, 

* and he should 6nd an equipage ready for him in 
' France; and he might certainly expect great le- 

* wards from the king. But if he did not make 
" -more haste, the king would incline to believe an 

' adver tJaanien t that was sent him, of his turning 
B party. Therefore if he either 
r kindness, or were grateful for 


* the fimmra he had received from him ; if he va- book 
" loed Ae cardinal's friendship or safety, or if he 

" would hinder the diminuticm of the authority of '^^^* 
« the Roman church, all excuses set aside, he must 
^make what haste in his journey was possible." 
Yet the l^^te made no great haste ; for till October 
Mowing he came not into England. The bull that 
was derired could not be obtained, but another was 
granted, which perhaps was of more, force, because 
it had not those extraordinary clauses in it. There 
K the copy of a bull to this purpose in the Cottonian 
library, which has been printed more than once by 
some that have taken it for a copy of the same bull 
that was sent by Campegio ; but I take it to be ra- 
ther a copy of that bull which the pope signed at 
Rome while he was there a prisoner, and probably 
afterward at Orvieto he might give it the date that 
it bears, 15S79 December 17* But that there was ariie pope 
decretal bull sent by Campegio, will appear evidently d^retaT 
in the sequel of this relation. About this time I Antusan- 
meet with the first evidence of the progress of the ^^'^tr. 
king^s love to Anne Bolejm, in two original letters ^^' 
of hers to the cardinal ; from which it appears, not 
only that the king had then resolved to marry her, 
but that the cardinal was privy to it. They bear no 
date, but the matter of them shews they were written 
after the end of May, when the sweating-sickness 
began, and about the time that the legate was ex- 
pected. They give such a light to the history, that 
I shall not cast them over to the Collection at the 
end, but set them down here. 

My lord, in my most humblest wise that my 


BOOK heart can thinks I desire yM to pardon me thtt I 


^am M bold tn trofMe you with m^^bnple and rude 

>^28. fg^ritingi esteeming it to proceed from her that is 

of Anne much dcsirous to know that your grace doee well, 

woS^* ^ as I perceive by this bearer that you do. The 

which I pray God long to continue, as I am most 

bound to pray; for I do know the great pains and 

troubles that you have taken for me both day and 

night, is never like to be recompensed on my part, 

but alonehf in loving you next unto the kin^s 

grace, above all creatures living. And I do not 

doubt but the daUy proofs qfmy deeds shaU mani^ 

fesUy declare and qffirm my writing to be true ; 

and I do trust you do think the same. My lord, 

I do assure you I do long to hear from you news 

^f the legate : for 1 do hope and they come from 

you they^ shall be very good; and I am sure you 

desire it as much as I, and more and it were pos' 

sible, as I know it is not : and thus remaining in 

a steadfast hope, I make an end of my letter writ* 

ten with the hand qfher that is most bound to be. 

Apoftscript The writer of this letter would not cease till she 
kiQg*8to had caused me likewise to set to my hand ; desiring 
youy though it be short, to take it in good part. I 
ensure you there is neither of us but that greatly 
desireth to see you, and muqh more joyous to hear 
that you have scaped this plague so well, trusting 
the Jury thereof to be passed, specially with them 
that keepeth good diet, as I trust you do. T%e not 
hearing of the legate's arrival in France, causeth 
us somewhat to muse ; notwithstanding we trust by 
your diligence and vigilaney {with the assistance 



^Akmghig CM) tktrtfy to he eated out ^f that book 


inmkie. N4 man to yem mt thu tme; but that /. 
pntjf 6^ Mnd yam as good keabh 0md pray)eriijf ^^^ 
m Ab writier woM. 

Bjrymir loving wkstdf^ and iriend, Henry K. 

Your humble servant, Anne Boleyn. 

My hrdf in my moet humble wise that my poor 
heart eon thinh^ I do thanh your grace Jbr your 
land letter^ and for your rich and goodly present^ 
Ae whidk I shall never be able to describe without 
yomr hdp; tf the which I have hitherto had so 
great plenty^ that all the days of my life lam most 
bound iff all creatures, next the hif^s grace, to 
kioe and serve your grace : of the which I beseech 
you never to doubt thai ever I shall vary from this 
thought as long as any breath is in my body. And 
as touching your grace's trouble with the sweat, I 
ihanh our Lord, that tiicm that I desired and 
prayed for are scaped, and that is the king and 
you ; not doubting but that God has preserved you 
both for great causes known alonely of his high 
wisdom. And as for the coming of the legate, I 
desire that much ; and if it be Gods pleasure, I 
pray him to send this matter shortly to a good end, 
and then I trust, my lord, to recmtpense part of 
your great pains : in the which I must require you 
in the mean time to accept my good-will in the 
stead ff the power, the which must proceed partly 
from you, as our Lord knoweth ; to whom I be- 
seech to send you long life, with continuance in ho- 
nour. Written with the hand of her that is most 
bound to be 

Your humble and obedient servant, Anne Boleyn. 


BOOK The cardinal, hearing that Camp^us had the 
! — decretal bull committed to his trust, to be shewed 

^^^^* only to the king and himself, wrote to the ambassa- 
Namb. 14. dor that it was necessary it should be also shewed 
to some of the king's council ; not to make any use 
of it, but that thereby they might understand how 
to manage the process better by it. This he bagged 
might be trusted to his care and fidelity; and he 
undertook to manage it so, that no kind of danger 
could arise out of it. 
The car- At this time the cardinal, having finished his 
tegct fi^h- foundations at Oxford and Ipswich, and finding they 
^ were very acceptable both to the king and to the 

clergy, resolved to go on and suppress more monas- 
teries, and erect new bishoprics, turning some abbeys 
Octob. 30. to cathedrals. This was proposed in the omsistoffyy 
and granted, as appears by a despatch of CassaU's. 
He also spoke to the pope about a general visitation 
of all monasteries : and on the fourth of November 
the bull for suppressing some was expected ; a copy 
whereof is yet extant, but written in such a hand, 
that I could not read three words together in any 
place of it : and though I tried others that were 
good at reading all hands, yet they could not do it. 
But I find by the despatch, that the pope did it with 
some aversion ; and when Gardiner told him {dainly. 
More mo. // tcos necessoTy, and it mu^t he dame, he paused a 
IH^^be little, and seemed unwilling to give any fiurther of- 
mfpresMd. f^Qc^ iQ religious orders : but since he found it so 
uneasy to gratify the king in so great a point as the 
matter of his divorce, he judged it the 'more neces- 
sary to mollify him by a compliance in all other 
^^^l^^hings. So there was a power given to the two le- 
1^^ w'^''^ ^ examine the state of the monasteries, and 


t0 luppRtB 8uch as they thought fit, and convert book 
them into bishopries and cathedrals. 

While matters went thus between Rome and ^^^' 
En^andf the queen was as active as she could be toperor o^. 
engage her two nephews, the emperor and his bro-ki^« ^it. 
Aer, to appear for her. She complained to them 
modi of the king, but more of the cardinal : she 
abo gave than notice of all the exceptions that were 
made to the bull, and desired both their advice and 
assistance. They^ having a mind to perplex the 
Idog^s affiurs, advised her by no means to yield, nor 
to be induced to enter into a religious life ; and gave 
her aasurance, that, by their interest at Rome^ they 
would support her, and maintain her daughter's 
tide, if it went to extremities. And as they em- 
ployed all their agents at Rome to serve her con- 
cerns, so they consulted with the canonists about 
the force of the exceptions to the bulL The issue 
of which was, that a breve was found out, or forged, 
that supplied some of the most material defects in 
the bulL For whereas in the bull, the preamble 
bore, that the king and queen had desired the pope's 
dispensation to marry, that the peace might continue 
between the two crowns, without any other cause 
given : in the preamble of this breve, mention is a brere 
made of their desire to marry, ** because otherwise m'^s^n, 
" it was not likely that the peace would be con- NumS!\s. 
** tinued between the two crowns : and for that and 
'' divers other reasons they asked the dispensation." 
Which in the body of the breve is granted, bearing 
date the twenty-sixth of December, 1503. Upon 
this they pretended that the dispensation was granted 
upon good reasons ; since by this petition it appear- 
ed, that there were fears of a breach between the 

VOL. I. I 


oetary when it wa* pretended to hive been signed, book 
WIS an exact man, and no such errors were found ^'* 
m breves at that time. But that which shewed it 1^23. 
a manifest foi^gerj was, that it bore date the twenty- 
ncth of December, anno 1503, on the same day 
Ihat the bull was granted. It was not to be ima- 
gfaied^ that in the same day a bull and a breve 
ihould have been expedited in the same business, 
with such material differences in them. And the 
fijle of the court of Rome had this singularity in 
it, that in all their breves they reckon the beginning 
of the year from Christmas-day ; which being the na- 
tivity of our Lord, they count the year to begin thert. 
But in their bulls they reckon the year to begin at 
the feast of the Annunciation. So that a breve dated 
the twenty-sixth of December 1503, was, in the 
vulgar account, in the year 1502, therefore it must 
be false ; for neither was Julius II. who granted it, 
then pope, nor was the treaty of the marriage so far 
advanced at that time, as to admit of a breve so soon. 
But allowing the breve to be true, they had many 
of the same exceptions to it that they had to the 
bull, since it bore, that the king desired the marriage 
to avoid a breach between the crowns ; which was 
£dse. It likewise bore, that the marriage had been 
consummated between the queen and prince Arthur, 
which the queen denied was ever done ; so that the 
suggestion in her name being, as she said, false, it 
could have no force, though it were granted to be a 
true breve: and they said it was plain the impe- 
rialists were convinced the bull was of no force, since 
they betook themselves to such arts to fortify their 
When cardinal Campegio came to England, he 



BOOK was received with the public solemmties ordinaqr iui 
"' such a case ; and, in his speech at his fint aur*^'* 

♦ »[;-i ^ 

^^28. he called the kinjr The deliverer of the pope, 

Campegio mr * * 

comes into o/* the City of Itome^ with the highest com] 
°^ ' ' that the occasion did require. But when he was; 
mitted to a private conference with the king 
the cardinal, he used many ailments to dissuade 
king from prosecuting the matter any further, 
the . king took very ill, as if his errand had 
rather to confirm than annul his maniage; 
complained that the pope had broken his word til 
AndtbewB him. But the legate studied to qualify him, ^\z 
the bull; shcwcd the dccrctal bull, by which he might left 

that, though the pope wished rather that the 
ness might come to a more friendly conduaion, yet 
if the king could not be brought to that, he was em- 
powered to grant him aU that he desired. But he 
could not be brought to part with the decretal bull 
out of his hands, or to leave it for a minute, eithor 
Bui refiues with the kincr or the cardinal, sayinip, that it was 

to let it be - , , ^ . ^ , -^ ®\^ 

MCDtothe demanded on these terms, that no other person 
^"°^ ' should see it ; and that Gardiner and the ambassador 
had only moved to have it expedited, and sent by 
the legate, to let the king see how well the pope 
was affected to him. With all this the king was 
much dissatisfied ; but, to encourage him again, the 
legate told him, he was to speak to the queen in the 
pope's name, to induce her to enter into a religioin 
life, and to make the vows. But when he proposed 
that to her, she answered him modestly, that she 
could not dispose of herself but by the advice of hef 
woiiey'. Of all this the cardinal of York advertised the 


e Cassalis, and ordered them to use all possiUe en- 



deaYours that the bull might be shewn to some of book 
Ihe king's council*, « Upon that (sir Gregory being ''' 

cot of Rome) the proto-notary went to the pope, ^^^^^•^^' 
complained that Camp^o had dissuaded the might be 

shewed * 

The pope justified him in it, and said. He • couei^. 
:4Ui as he had ordered him. He next complained cXct/^' 
tiial the l^ate would not proceed to execute the^"""^''^' 
[Iqgantine commission. The pope denied that he 
kftd any order from him to delay his proceedings, 
kit that by virtue of his commission they might go 
an and pass sentence. Then the proto-notary pressed 
Um for leave to shew the bull to some of the king's 
minciL complaining of Campegio's stiffness in re- 
fining it» and that he would not trust it to the car- 
dinal of York, who was his equal in the commission. 
To this the pope answered in passion, That he 
OQuld shew the cardinal's letter, in which he assures 
Um that the bull should only be shewed to the king 
and himself; and that if it were not granted, he 
was ruined ; therefore to preserve him he had sent 
it, but had ordered it to be burnt when it was once 
shewed. He wished he had never sent it, saying, 
he would gladly lose a finger to recover it again, 
and expressed great grief for granting it ; and said. 
They had got him to send it, and now would have 
f it shewed, to which he would never consent, for 
then he was undone for ever. Upon this, the proto- 
notary laid before him the danger of losing the king, 
and the kingdom of England, of ruining the cardinal 
of York, and of the undoing of their family, whose 
hopes depended on the cardinal ; and that by these 
means heresy would prevail in England, which, if it 
once had got footing there, would not be so easily 
rooted out ; that all persons judged the king's cause 

I 3 


ooK right, but though it were not so, some things 
' were not good must be borne with to avoid 
evils. And at last he fell down at his feet, and 
most passionate expressions begged him to be 
compliant to the king's desires, and at least not 
deny that small favour of shewing the deoretal 
some few counsellors, upon the assurance of 
secrecy. But the pope interrupted him, and 
great signs of an unusual grief told him. These 
effects could not be charged on him ; he had kefVl 
his word, and done what he had promised, but upwi 
no consideration would he do any thing that mi|^ 
wound his conscience, or blemish his integaltji 
therefore, let them proceed as they would in Eng- 
land, he should be free of all blame, but should ooo- 
firm their sentence. And he protested he had given 
Campegio no commands to make any delays, but 
only to give him notice of their proceedings. If the 
king, who had maintained the apostolic see, had 
written for the faith, and was the defender of it, 
would overturn it, it would end in his own disgrace. 
But at last the secret came out : for the pope con- 
fessed there was a league in treaty between the 
emperor and himself; hut denied that he had bound 
hiinst^f up by it, as to the king's business. 

The poi>e ctmsulted with the cardinals Sanctorum 
Quatuor and $imonetta« (not mentioning the decre- 
tal to them, which he had granted without conunu- 
nicating it to any body, or entering it in any regis- 
ter.) and they were of opinion that the process 
should be carried on in England, without demand- 
ing any thing further from Rome. But the impe- 
rial eardinals spake against it. and were moving 
Pt^esently for an inhibition, and an avocation of the 


rilE KEFOmiATIOX. 11!) 

^uasey to be tried at the court of Rome. The pope book 
look notice, that the intercession of England ^^' 

fVoDce had not prevailed with the Venetians to ^^^^' 

Cervia and Ravenna, which they had taken 
him ; and that he could not think that repub- 
darst do so, if these kings were in earnest. It 
been promised, that they should be restored as 
as his legate was sent to England ; but it was 
yet done. The proto-notary told him, it should 
certainly be done. Thus ended that conver- 
But the more earnest the cardinal was to 
live the bull seen by some of the privy-council, the 
pope was the more confirmed in his resolutions 
to consent to it : for he could not imagine the 
of seeing it was a bare curiosity, or only to 
ditect the king's counsellors, since the king and the 
cardinal could inform them of all the material 
dauses that were in it. Therefore he judged the 
desire of seeing it was only that they might have so 
many witnesses to prove that it was once granted, 
whereby they had the pope in their power ; and this 
he judged too dangerous for him to submit to. 

But the pope, finding the king and the cardinal The pope 
so ill satisfied with him, resolved to send Francisco pana to 
Campana, one of his bedchamber, to England, tocon,^.' 
remove all mistakes, and to feed the king with fresh ^'"™^' *^' 
hopes. In England, Campegio found still means, 
by new delays, to put off the business, and amused 
the king with new and subtle motions for ending 
the matter more dexterously. Upon which, in the 
b^nninfiT of December, sir Francis Brian, and Peter New am- 

. n 1 T • bassadors 

Vannes, the king's secretary for the Latm tongue, teot tu 
were sent to Rome. They had it in commission to "*' 
search all the records there for the breve that was 

I 4 


BOOK now so much talked of in Spain. They were to 
"' propose several overtures ; ^ Whether, if the queen 

1528. M vowed religion, the pope would not dispense with 
oTcrtum. ^ the king^s second marriage ? Or, if the qi 

^ would not vow religion unless the king also did 
** it, whether in that case would the pope dispense 
** with his vow ? Or whether, if the queen would 
*^ hear of no such proposition, would pot the pope 
^^ dispense with the king^s having two wives, ftr 
^* which there were divers precedents vouched firom 
** the Old Testament ?"* They were to represent to 
the pope, that the king had laid out much of his 
best treasure in his service, and therefore he ex- 
pected the highest favours out of the deepest trea- 
Collect, sure of the church. And Peter Vannes was oom* 
Namb.19. manded to tell the pope, as of himself, that if he 
did, for partial respects and fears, refuse the kingfs 
desires, he perceived it would not only alienate the 
king from him, but that many other princes, his 
• confederates, with their realms, would withdraw 
their devotion and obedience from the apostolic see. 
A guard of By a despatch that followed them, the cardinal 
ofl^rcd'to tried a new project, which was an offer of 2000 men 
^«pop«* fQf a guard to the pope, to be maintained at the 
cost of the king and his confederates. And also 
proposed an interview of the pope, the emperor, the 
French king, and the ambassadors of other princes, 
to be eitheJr at Nice, Avignon, or in Savoy; and 
that himself would come thither from the king of 
England. But the pope resolved steadfastly to keep 
his ground, and not to engage himself too much to 
JljjMflBHMj prince ; therefore the motion of a guard did not 
^^^^^dl work upon him. To have guards about him 

another prince's pay^ was to be their prisoner; 



and he was so wearj of bis late imprisonment, that book 
he would not put himself in hazard of it a second 


time. Besides, such a guard would give the em- 
peror just cause of jealousy, and yet not secure him 
against his power. He had been also so unsuccess- 
fid in his contests with the emperor, that he had no 
Bind to give him any new provocation ; and though 
the kings of England and France gave him good 
wordsy yet they did nothing; nor did the king 
make war upon the emperor; so that his armies 
lyii^ in Italy, he was still under his power. There- The pope 
Ibre the pope resolved to unite himself firmly to the ^Jbim. 
emperor; and all the use he made of the king's ^^^^'^ 
earnestness in his divorce, was only to bring the em- 
peror to better terms. The Lutherans in Germany 
were like to make great use of any decision he 
might make against any of his predecessor's bulls. 
The cardinal elector of M entz had written to him 
to consider well what he did in the king's di- 
vorce; for if it went on, nothing had ever fallen 
out since the beginning of Luther's sect, that would 
so much strengthen it as that sentence. He was 
also threatened on the other side from Rome, that 
the emperor would have a general council called, 
and whatsoever he did in this process should be ex- 
amined there, and he proceeded against accordingly. 
Nor did they fonret to put him in mind of his birth, Beiug 
that he was a bastard, and so by the canon mcapabie with the 
of that dignity, and that thereupon they would de- thrTmp^, 
pose him. He, having all these things in his pros- "*^"**- 
pect, and being naturally of a fearful temper, which 
was at this time more prevalent in him by reason of 
his late captivity, resolved not to run these hazards, 
which seemed unavoidable, if he proceeded further 


BOOK in the king's business. But his constant maxim 
being to promise and swear deepest when he in- 


1528. tended least, he sent Campana to England^ with tf 
letter of credence to the cardinal, the effects of which 
message will appear afterwards. And thus ended 
this year, in which it was believed, that if the king 
had employed that money, which was spent in a 
fruitless negociation at Rome, on a war in Flanders, 
it had so distracted the emperor's forces, and en- 
couraged the pope, that he had sooner granted that, 
which in a more fruiUess way was sought of him. 
■5^< In the beginning of the next year Cassali wrote 

to the cardinal, that the pope was much inclined to 
unite himself with the emperor, and proposed to ga 
in person to Spain, to solicit a general peace ; but 
intended to go privately, and desired the cardinal 
would go with him thither, as his friend and coun- 
sellor, and that they two should go as legates. But 
Cassali, by Salviati's means, who was in great favour 
with the pope, understood that the pope was never 
in greater fear of the emperor than at that time ; 
for his ambassador had threatened the pope severely, 
if he would not recall the commission that he had 
sent to England ; so that the pope spoke oft to Sal- 
Bcpenu bis viati of the great repentance that he had inwardly 
SJdtealtai.«» his heart for granting the decretal: and said. 
He was undone for ever^ if it came to the empe^ 
ror's knowledge. He also resolved, that, though the 
legates gave sentence in England, it should never 
take effect, for he would not confirm it : of which 
Gregory Cassali gave advertisement by an express 
jjH m essenger, who, as he passed through Paris, met 

Knight and doctor Bennet, whom the king 
itched to Rome to assist his other ambassa-^ 


dors there, and gave them an account of his mes-» book 
81^ ; and that it was the advice of the king's friends ''' 

at Rome, That he and his confederates should fol- l^^^- 
low the war more vigorously, and press the emperor 
harder, without which all their applications to the 
pope would signify nothing. Of this they gave the 
cardioal an account, and went on but faintly in their 
journey, judging that upon these advertisements they 
would be recalled, and other counsels taken. 

At the same time the pope was with his usual arts Jan. 9: 
cajoling the king's agents in Italy: for when sir 
Francis Brian and Peter Vannes came to Bononia, 
the proto-notary Cassali was surprised to hear that 
the business was not already ended in England: 
amce, he said, he knew there were sufficient powers 
sent about it, and that the pope assured him he 
would confirm their sentence ; but that he made a 
great difference between the confirming their judg- 
ment, by which he had the legates between him and 
the envy or odium of it, and the granting a buU, by 
which the judgment should arise immediately from 
himself. This his best friends dissuaded; and he 
seemed apprehensive, that in case he should do it, a 
council would be called, and he should be deposed 
for it. And any such distraction in the papacy, con- 
sidering the footing which heresy had already gotten, 
would ruin the ecclesiastical state, and the church : 
so dexterously did the pope govern himself between 
such contrary tides. But all this dissimulation was 
short of what he acted by Campana in England, 
whose true errand thither was to order Campegio to 
destroy the bull ; but he did so persuade the king 
and the cardinal of the pope's sincerity, that, by a 
despatch to sir Francis Brian, and Peter Vannes, jan. 15. 


the kings of England and France. And for any book 


pretended council or meeting of bishops, which the - 
emperor by the cardinals of his party might call, he '^^^* 
■eeded not fear that » for his towns, they should be 
most certainly restored. Nor was the emperor's of- 
fering to put them in his hand to be much regarded ; 
tat though he restored them, if the pope had not a 
better guarantee for them, it would be easy for him 
to take them from him when he pleased. He was 
dso to propose a firmer league between the pope, 
Siq^nd, and France ; in order to which, he was to 
waave the pope most earnestly to go to Nice : and if 
die pope proposed the king's taking a second wife, 
with a Intimation of the issue which she might 
have, so the queen might be induced to enter into a 
state of religion, to which the pope inclined most, he 
waft not to accept of that ; both because the thing 
would take up much time, and they found the queen 
resolved to do nothing but as she was advised by her 
nephews. Yet if the pope offered a decretal about 
it, he might take it, to be made use of as the occa- 
sion might require. But by a postscript he is re- 
called, and it is signified to him, that Gardiner was 
sent to Rome to negociate these affairs, who had re- 
turned to England with the legate ; and his being 
so successful in his former message made them think 
him the fittest minister they could employ in that 
court ; and to send him with the greater advantage, 
he was made a privy counsellor. 

But an unlooked-for accident put a stop to all The pope 
proceedings in the court of Rome ; for on Epiphany- 
day the pope was taken extreme ill at mass, and a 
great sickness followed, of which it was generally 
believed he could not recover ; and though his dis- 


BOOK temper did soon abate so much, that it was thought 
to be over, yet it returned again upon him, insomuGh 

^^^^' that the physicians did suspect he was poisoned. 
Then followed all the secret caballings and intrigues, 
which are ordinary in that court upon such an oc- 
casion. The Colonnas and the other imperialists 
were very busy, but the cardinal of Mantua opposed 
them; and Farnese, who was then at his house in 
the country, came to Rome and joined with Man« 
tua ; and these of that faction resolved, that, if the 
Spanish army marched from Naples toward them, 
they would dispense with that bull which provides 
that the succeeding pope should be chosen in the 
same place where the former died, and ii^ould retire 
Jan. 37. to some safe place. Some of the cardinals spoke 
highly in favour of cardinal Wolsey, whom (if the 
ambassadors did not flatter and lie grossly in their 
letters, from which I draw these informations) they 
reverenced as a deity. And the cardinal of Man- 
tua, it seems, proposing him as a pattern, woidd 
needs have a particular account of his whole course 
of life, and expressed great esteem for him. When 
Gardiner was come as far as Lyons, he wrote the 
cardinal word, that there went a prophecy that an 
angel should be the next pope, but should die soon 
after. He also gave advice, that, if the pope died, 
the commission for the legates must, needs expire 
with him, unless they made some step in their busi- 
ness, by a citation of parties, which would keep it 
alive ; but whether this was done or not I cannot 
jardiMi find. The cardinal's ambition was now fermenting 
ntrigue. strongly, and he resolved to lay his project for the 
*"' **•• popedom better than he had done before. His letter 

it to Gardiner, and the king's instructions to 


his ambanadorsy are printed by Fox, and the origin- book 
ab fifom which they are taken are yet extant. He ''' 

wrote also another letter to the ambassadors, which '^^^* 
the reader will find in the C!ollection. But, because coiiect. 
the instrucUonff shew what were the methods i^^""***'*^' 
dniosing popes in these days, by which it may be 
easily gathered how such an election must needs re- 
commend a man to infallibility, supremacy, and all 
the other appendages of Chrisfs vicar an earthy I 
ihall give a short summary of them. 

^ By his letter to his confidant Gardiner, he com- 
^ nuts the thing chiefly to his care, and orders him 
^ to employ all his parts to bring it to the desired 
** issue, sparing neither presents nor promises ; and 
^ that as he saw men's inclinations or affections led 
^ them, whether to public or private concerns, so he 
^ should govern himself towards them accordingly. 
" The instructions bear, that the king thought the xiie kings 
"caidinal the fittest person to succeed to the pa- ;";\™f '**"• 
** pacy ; (they being advertised that the pope was *^'<^c*'0"- 
^ dead ;) that the French king did also of his own 
^' motion offer his assistance to him in it, and that, 
'* both for public and private ends, the cardinal was 
^'the fittest. Therefore the ambassadors are re- 
^ quired with all possible earnestness and vigour to 
'^ promote his election. A schedule of the cardinals' 
^ names is sent them, with marks to every one, whe- 
^ ther he was like to be present or absent ; favour- 
" able, indifferent, or opposite to them. It was reck- 
" oned there could be but thirty-nine present, of 
" which twenty-six were necessary to choose the 
^ pope. Of these the two kings thought themselves 
*' sure of twenty. So six was all the number that 
'* the ambassadors were to gain, and to that number 





BOOK '^ they were first to offer them good reaaons to con- 
^'' ** vince them of the cardinal's fitness for the papacy. 
1529. << But because human frailty was such, that rernxm 
^^ did not always take place, they were to promise 
** promotions and sums of money, with other good 
rewards, which the king gave them commission to 
offer, and would certainly make them good : be- 
sides all the great preferments which the cardinal 
had, that should be shared among those who did 
procure his election. The cardinals of their party 
** were first to enter into a firm bond, to exclude all 
** others. They were also to have some creatures of 
'^ theirs to go into the conclave, to manage the bosi- 
^* ness. Sir Gr^ory Cassali was thought fittest for 
that service. And if they saw the adverse party 
too strong in the conclave, so that they could cany 
nothing, then Gardiner was to draw a protestation, 
'^ which should be made in name of the two crowns ; 
^* and that being made, all the cardinals of their fiu> 
** tion were to leave the conclave. And if the fear 
^* of the emperor's forces overawed them, the ambas- 
^^ sadors were to offer a guard of two or three thou- 
^' sand men to secure the cardinals : and the French 
^* king ordered his armies to move, if the Spanish 
troops did move either from Naples or Milan. 
They were also to assure them, that the cardinal 
^' would presently upon his election come and live 
'* at Rome, and were to use all endeavours to gain 
** the cardinal de Medici to their faction ; but at the 
'* same time to assure the Florentines, that Wolsey 
** would assist them to exclude the Medici out of the 
" government of their town and state. They were 
^' also to have a strict eye upon the motions of the 
ch faction, lest, if the cardinal were excluded. 



^ they should consent to any other, and refuse to book 
** make the inrotestation as it was desired. But to ''' 

oblige Camp^io the more, it was added, that if '^^^* 
"they found all hopes of raising the cardinal oT 
" York to vanish, then they should try if Campegio 
" could be elected ; and in that case the cardinals of 
^ their faction were to make no protestation." 

These were the apostolical methods then used for 
dioosiDg a successor to St. Peter ; for though a suc- 
cessor had been chosen to Judas by lot, yet more 
caution was to be used in choosing one for the 
Prince of the apostles. But when the cardinal heard 
that the pope was not dead, and that there was hope 
of his recovery, he wrote another long letter to the 
ambassadors, (the original of which is yet extant,) 
''to keep all their instructions about a new pope 
**very secret, to be gaining 'as many cardinals as 
^they oould, and to take care that the cardinals 
** should not go into the conclave, unless they were 
'' free and safe from any fears of the imperial forces. 
" But if the pope recovered, they were to press him Feb. ao. 
*" to give such orders about the king's business, that ^uioli^' 
" it might be speedily ended : and then the cardinal Jj^^"^*** 
** would come and wait on the pope over to Spain, 
" as he had proposed. And for the apprehensions 
^ the pope had of the emperor's being highly of- 
'^ fended with him if he granted the king's desire, or 
** of his coming into Italy, he needed not fear him. 
** They knew, whatever the emperor pretended about 
** his obligation to protect his aunt, it was only for 
*^ reason of state : but if he were satisfied in other 
"things, that would be soon passed over. They 
'* knew also that his design of going into Italy was 
'* laid aside for that year, because he apprehended 

VOL. I. K 


" that France and England would make war on 
_ " him in other places. There were also many pre- 
" cedents found, of dispensations granted by popes 
" in like cases : and lately there had been one 
" granted by jrape Alexander the Sixth to the king 
" of ' Hungaiy, against the opinion of his cardinals, 
" which had never been questioned ;" and yet he 
could not pretend to such merits as the king had. 
And all that had ever been said in the king's cause 
was summed up in a short breviate by Cassnii, and 
offered to the pope ; a copy whereof, taken from an 
original under his own hand, the reader will find in 
the Collection. 

The king ordered his ambassadors to make as 
many cardinals sure for his cause as they could, who 
might bring the pope to consent to it, if he were 
still avei'sc. But the pope was at this time pos- 
sessed with a new jealousy, of which the French 
king was not free, as if the king had been tamper- 
ing with the emjieror, and had made him great of- 
fers, so he would consent to the divorce ; about 
which Francis wrote an anxious letter to Rome, the 
original of which I have seen. The pope was also 
surprised at it, and questioned the ambassadors 
alwut it ; but they denied it, and said the union be- 
tween England and France was inseparable, and that 
these were only the practices of the emperor's agents 
to create distrust. The pope seemed satisfied with 
what they said, and added, " that in the present 
V onyuncture p. firm union between them was neces- 
Lsir Francis Brian wrote a long 

put a new stop to business ; 
being informed, as he ordered 


the king^s agents to continue their care about his pro- book 

motion, so he charged them to see if it were ^^ possible '• — 

•^ to get access to the pope, and though he were in the ^ |j^^^" 

* very agony of death, to propose two things to him : 

• the one, that he would presently command all the Another 
"princes of Christendom to agree to a cessation of^P*****^** 
^ arms, under pain of the censures of the church, as couect. 

Numb. 32. 

" pope Leo and other popes had done ; and if he 
** should die, he could not do a thing that would be 
"more meritorious, and for the good of his soul, 
^ ** than to make that the last act of his life. The 
^ other thing was concerning the king's business, 
^ which he presseth as a thing necessary to be done 
**i0r the clearing and /ease of the pope's conscience 
** towards God : and withal he orders them to gain 
^ as manylUbout the pope, and as many cardinals 
** and officers in the rota as they could, to promote 
" the king's desires, whether in the pope's sickness 
^ or health. The bishop of Verona had a great in- 
" terest with the pope ; so by that, and another de- 
** spatch of the same date, (sent another way,) they 
f* were ordered to gain him, promising him great re- 
^ wards, pressing him to remain still about the pope's 
^ person ; to balance the ill offices which cardinal 
•* Angel and the archbishop of Capua did, who never 
** stirred from the pope ; and to assure that bishop, 
^ that the king laid this matter more to heart than 
" any thing that ever befell him ; and that it would 
^ trouble him as much to be overcome in this mat- 
'' ter by these two friars, as to lose both his crowns : 
" and for my part, {writes the cardinal^ I would 
"expose any thing to my life, yea life itself, ra- 
'' ther than see the inconveniences that may ensue 
"* upon disappointing of the king's desire." For pro- 

K 2 


BOOK moling the business, the French king sent thebidiop 

— ! of Bayon to assist the English ambassadon in \k 

1529. i^gme, who was first sent over to England to bewdl 
instructed there. They were either to piocine i 
decretal for the king's divorce, or a new Gommimot 
to the two legates, with ampler clauses in it than 
the former had ; ** to judge as if the pope were ia 
** person, and to emit compulsory letters againik 
any, whether emperor, king, or of what degree so- 
ever : to produce all manner of evidences or r^ 
cords which might tend towards the clearing the 
matter, and to bring them before them." Thii 
was sought because the emperor would not send 
over the pretended original breve to England, and 
gave only an attested copy of it to the king^s ambas- 
sadors : lest therefore from that breve « new suit 
might be afterwards raised for annulling any sen- 
tence whidi the legates should give, they thought it 
nei^dful to have tlie original brought before them. 
In the penning of that new commission. Dr. Oar« 
diner was ordered to have special care that it should 
be done by the best advice he could get in Rome. 
It ap{)ears also from this despatch, that the pope's 
lioUicitation to confirm the sentence which the le- 
gates should give, was then in Gardiner's hands; 
for tie was ordered to take care that there might be 
no disagi*eement between the date of it and of the 
new commission. And when that was obtained, 
sir Francis Brian was commanded to bring them 
with tiim to England. Or if neither a decretal nor 
a new commission could be obtained, then, if any 
other ex{)edient were proposed that upon good ad- 
vice sliouUl be found sufficient and effectual, they 
rere to accept of it, and send it away with all pos- 



fllie diligence. And the cardinal conjured them, book 
tfcy the reverence of Almighty Grod, to bring them * 
^mit of their perplexity, that this virtuous prince '^^^• 
'^■lay have this thing sped, which would be the 
^mo6t joyous thing that could befall his heart upon 
^carth. But if all things should be denied, then 
^fbey were to make their protestations, not only to 
^ihe pope, but to the cardinals, of the injustice that 
'was done the king ; and in the cardinal's name to 
' let them know, that not only the king and his 
' realm would be lost, but also the French king and 
'Ida realm, with their other confederates, would 
^abo withdraw their obedience from the see of 
^ Rome, which was more to be regarded than either 
' the emperor^s displeasure, or the recovery of two 
' dties.** They were also to try what might be 
bne in law by the cardinals in a vacancy, and they 
rere to take good counsel upon some chapters of 
he canon law which related to that, and govern 
bemselves accordingly, either to hinder an avocation 
r inhibition, or, if it could be done, to obtain such 
kings as they could grant, towards the conclusion 
f the kind's business. At this time also the cardi- The cardi- 

^ nal's bulb 

aI's bulls for the bishopric of Winchester were ex- for the bi- 
edited ; they were rated high at fifteen thousand whwhes"^ 
lucats; for though the cardinal pleaded his great ^''' 
nerits, to bring the composition lower, yet the car- 
finals at Rome said the apostolic chamber was very 
loor, and other bulls were then coming from France, 
which the favour they should shew the cardinal 
rould be a precedent. But the cardinal sent word, 
hat he would not give past five or six thousand ducats, 
lecause he was exchanging Winchester for Duresme; 
ind by the other they were to get a great composition. 

K S 


KOOK And if thej hekl hb bolb so higti, lie waald iMk have 
them ; for he needed them not, sfaice he enjoyed al- 

^^'^^' TfmAjf \iy the king's gnmt, the temponlides of li^o- 
che^iter ; which it is Teiy likdj was aD that ke consi- 
dered in a Mshopric. Thej were at last espediledy at 
what rates I cannot tell; hot this I set down to shew 
how severe the exactions of the court of Rome were. 
T^r*v^ As the pope recovered his health, so ke inclined 
\hin irith fnonr to join himself to the emperor than ever, and 

f nA Aita#^a 

fM, WAS Tnore alienated than fonnerlj from the king and 
thcr cardinal ; which perhaps were increased hjr the 
distaste he took at the cardinal's aspiring to the 
lioiMulom. Ilie first thing that the emperor did in 
wiw pw^ the king's cause, was to protest in the queen of Eng- 
ffniiitt lilt land's name, that she refused to submit to the le- 
(Xmu. gates : the one was the king's chief minister, and 
May IK. ''^*'' mortal enemy ; the other was also justly sus- 
])ectc(l, since he had a bishopric in England. The 
king's ambassador pressed the pope much not to ad- 
mit tlio protestation ; but it was pretended that it 
(*oul(l not 1)0 denied, either in law or justice. But 
that this might not offend the king, Salviati, that 
was the |>o|)e'H favourite, wrote to Campegio that the 
protestation could not be hindered, but that the 
po|H' did still most earnestly desiro to satisfy the 
king, and that the ambassadors were much mistaken, 
who wore so distnistful of the pope's good mind to 
the king\s cause. But now good words could de- 
ceive tlie king no longer, who clearly discovered the 
|>o]H'V mind ; and being out of all hopes of any thing 
more from Rome, resolved to proceed in England 
l>cfore the legates ; and tlierefore Gardiner was re- 
^^pg|MUed, who w*as thought the fittest person to ma- 
|^^^^\|e the process in England, being esteemed the 


greatest canonist they had; and was so valued by book 
the king, that he would not begin the process till he 


came. Sir Francis Brian was also recalled. And ^ !.^^.^' 


when they took leave of the pope, they were ordered ^^^^- »3. 
to expostulate, in the king's name, '* upon the par- 
^ tiality he expressed for the emperor, notwitbstand- 
" ing the many assurances that both the legates had 
** given the king, that the pope would do all he 
^ could toward his satisfaction ; which was now so 
** ill performed, that he expected no more justice 
from him. They were also to say as much as 
they could devise in the cardinal's name to the 
^ same purpose ; upon which they were to try if it 
*^ were possible to obtain any enlargement of the 
^ commission, with fuller power to the legates ;" 
for they saw it was in vain to move for any new 
bulls or orders from the pope about it. And though xbe pope 
Gardiner had obtained a pollicitation from the pope, S^°to re- 
by which he both bound himself not to recall the^U^^^^^^^ 
cause from the legates, and also to confirm their 
sentence, and had sent it over ; they found it was so 
conceived, that the pope could go back from it when 
he pleased. So there was a new draught of a poUi* 
citation formed, with more binding clauses in it, 
which Grardiner was to try if he could obtain by the 
following pretence : " He was to tell the pope, that 
^ the courier to whom he trusted it, had been so 
** little careful of it, that it was all wet and defaced, 
^* and of no more use; so that he durst not deliver it. 
" And this might turn much to Gardiner's preju- 
^' dice, that a matter of such concern was through 
<* his neglect spoiled ; upon which he was to see if 
*^ the pope would renew it. If that could be ob- 
** tained, he was to use all his industry to get as 

K 4 



ROOK '< many pregnant and material words added, as 
' <' might make it more binding. He was also to as- 
1529. t€ gure ii^^ pope, that though the emperor was gone 
*< to Barcellona to give reputation to his affairs in 
** Italy, yet he had neither army nor fleet ready ; 
so that they needed not fear him. And he was 
to inform the pope of the arts he was using both 
in the English and French courts to make a sepa- 
rate treaty ; but all that was to no purpose, the 
two kings being so firmly linked together." But 
the pope was so great a master in all the arts of dis- 
simulation and policy, that he was not to be over- 
reached easily; and when he understood that his 
pollicitation was defaced, he was in his heart glad 
at it, and could not be prevailed with to renew it. 
So they returned to England, and Dr. Bennet came 
Tht It- in their place. He carried with him one of the 

cttct write 

to Um pope, fullest and most important despatches that I find in 
this whole matter, from the two legates to the pope 
Collect, and the consistory ; who wrote to them, ^' That 
they had in vain endeavoured to persuade either 
party to yield to the other ; that the breve being 
shewed to them by the queen, they found great and 
** evident presumptions of its beiig a mere foi^ery ; 
and, that they thought it was too much for them 
to sit and try the validity or authenticalness of 
the pope's bulls or breves, or to hear his power of 
^ dispensing in such cases disputed : therefore it 
" was more expedient to avocate the cause, to which 
*' the king would consent, if the pope obliged him- 
" self, under his hand, to pass sentence speedily in 
" his favour : but they rather advised the granting 
^* a decretal bull^ which would put an end to the 
matter ; in order to which, the bearer was 

Numb. 34. 



^instructed to shew very good precedents. But, book 
^ in the mean while, they advised the pope to press 

the queen most effectually to enter into a religious ^^^^' 
<< life^ as that which would compose all these differ- 
^ences in the softest and easiest way. It pitied 
** them to see the rack and torments of conscience 
^ under which the king had smarted so many years ; 
** and that the disputes of divines, and the decrees 
^ of &thers, had so disquieted him, that, for clearing 
" a matter thus perplexed, there was not only need 
*^ of learning, but of a more singular piety and iUu- 
^ mination. To this were to be added, the desire 
^ of issue, settlement of the kingdom, with many 
^ other pressing reasons ; that as the matter did ad- 
" mit of no further delays, so there was not any 
^ thing in the opposite scale to balance these consi- 
** derations. There were false suggestions surmised 
^ abroad, as if the hatred of the queen, or the desire 
* of another wife, (who was not perhaps yet known, 
^ much less designed,) were the true causes of this 
^ suit. But though the queen was of a rough tem- 
^ per, and an unpleasant conversation, and was pass- 
** ed all hopes of children ; yet who could imagine 
^ that the king, who had spent his most youthful 
^ days with her so kindly, would now, in the decline 
^ of his age, be at all this trouble to be rid of her, 
•* if he had no other motives ? But they, by search- 
^ ing his sore, found there, was rooted in his heart, 
** both an awe of God, and a respect to law and or- 
'* der ; so that though all his people pressed him to 
'* drive the matter to an issue, yet he would still wait 
** for the decision of the apostolic see. Therefore 
** they most pressin^y desire the pope to grant the 
^* cure which his distemper required, and to consider. 




: " that it was not fit to insist too much on the rigour 
. ** of the law : but since the soul and life of all the 
'' laws of the church was in the pope's breast, in 
" doubtiul cases, where there was great hazard, he 
" ought to mollify the severity of the laws ; which 
'' if it were not done, other remedies would be found 
out, to the vast prejudice of the ecclesiastical au- 
thority, to which many about the king advised 
'' him : there was reason to fear they should not 
only lose a king of England, but a Defender of 
the Faith. The nobility and gentry were already 
enraged at the delay of a matter in which all their 
'' lives and interests were so nearly concerned ; and 
said many things against the pope's proceedings, 
which they could not relate without horror. And 
they plainly complained, that whereas popes had 
'^ made no scruple to make and change divine laws 
" at their pleasure ; yet one pope sticks so much at 
" the repealing what his predecessor did, as if that 
" were more sacred, and not to be meddled with. 
*^ The king betook himself to no ill arts, neither to 
** the charms of magicians, nor the forgeries of im- 
" postors ; therefore they expected such an answer 
^* as should put an end to the whole matter." 
'• But all these things were to no purpose ; the pope 
I. had taken his measures, and was not to be moved 
by all the reasons or remonstrances the ambassador 
could lay before him. The king had absolutely gained 
(Janipcgio to do all he could for him, without losing 
the pofHs's favour. He led at this time a very dis- 
flohitc life in England, hunting and gaming all the 
day long, and following whores all the night ; and 
^amuAi a bastard of his own over to England with 
^^Krbom the king knighted : so that if the king 


sought his pleasure, it was no strange thing, since book 
Ire had such a copy set him by two legates, who re- 

presenting his holiness so lively in their manners, it '^^^' 
was no unusual thing if a king had a slight sense of 
inch disorders. The king wrote to his ambassadors, April 6. 
that he was satisfied of Campegio's love and affec- 
tion to him, and if ever he was gained by the empe- 
lor^s agents, he had said something to him which 
did totally change that inclination. 

The imperialists, being alarmed at the recalling The empe- 
of some of the English ambassadors, and being in-foranaro- 
formed, by the queen's means, that they were form-****^°* 
ing the process in England, put in a memorial for 
an avocation of the cause to Rome. The ambassa- 
dors answered, that there was no colour for asking 
it, since there was nothing yet done by the legates. 
For they had strict orders to deny that there was 
any process forming in England, even to the pope 
himself in private, unless he had a mind it should go 
on ; but were to use all their endeavours to hinder 
an avocation ; and plainly in the king's name to tell 
the pope. That if he granted that, the king would 
look on it as a formal decision against him. And it 
would also be an high affront to the two cardinals : 
and they were thereupon to protest, .that the king which the 
would not obey, nor consider the pope any more, if bi^^' 
he did an act of such high injustice, as, after he had ^^ 
granted a commission, upon no complaint of any il- 
legality or unjust proceedings of the legates, but only 
upon surmises and suspicions, to take it out of their 
hands. But the pope had not yet brought the em- 
peror to his terms in other things; therefore, to 
draw him on the faster, he <rontinued to give the 
English ambassador good words ; and in discourse 


BOOK with Peter Vannes, did insiDuate as if he had founi 

"• a means to bring the whole matter to a good condu 

1529. sion, and spoke it with an artificial smile, adding 

d^p «S- ^» '*« "«"»« ?/" ^ Father, &c. but would no 

'™'*^'^ speak it out, and seemed to keep it up as a secic 

coiket. not yet ripe. But all this did aAerwards appear t 

HB»b. »s. j^ ^^ deepest dissimulation that ever was practised 

And in the whole process, though the cardint 

studied to make tricks pass upon him, yet he wa 

always too hard for them all at it ; and seemed a 

infallible in his arts of ju^Iing, as he pretended t 

Collect, be in his decisions. He wrote a cajoling letter t 

^ the cardinal But words went for nothing. 

The pop« Soon after this, the pope complained much to d 

^!(Uk t\a- Gh:<^;ory Cassali of the ill usage he received from th 

j'diw's^' French ambassador, and that their confederates, th 

Florentines, and the duke of Ferrara, used him s 

ill, that they would force him to throw himself int 

the emperor's hands : and he seemed inclined t 

grant an avocation of the cause, and complaine 

that there was a treaty of peace going on at Can 

bray, in which he had no share. But the ambassi 

dor undertook that nothing should be done to giv 

him just offence ; yet the Florentines continued t 

put great affronts on him and his family; and tb 

■" ,' d)bot of FaHa, their general, made excursions to th 

rg»tes of Rome ; so that the pope, with great sigt 
'J- of fear, said, " That the Florentines would some da 
" seize on him, and carry him, with his hands boun 
" behind his back, in procession to Florence : an 
" that all this while the kings of England an 
L^^**Rwtce did only entertain him with good woid 
W^^^r^ >"*'* so much as restrain the insolencies < 

^^r ^Bfcflderates. And whereas they used 1 


^say, that if he joined himself to the emperor^ he book 

" would treat him as his chaplain ; he said with ! — 

^ great commotion, that he would not only choose ^^^^* 
^father to be his chaplain, but his horse^oom, 
" than suffer such injuries from his own rebellious 
"vassals and subjects." This was perhaps set on 
hy the cardinal's arts, to let the pope feel the weight 
tf offending the king, and to oblige him to use him 
better: but it wrought a contrary effect, for the 
treaty between the emperor and him was the more 
advanced by it. And the pope reckoned that the 
emperor, being (as he was informed) ashamed and 
grieved for the~ taking and sacking of Rome, would 
study to repair that by better usage for the future. 

The motion for the avocation was stUl driven on. Great eon. 
and pressed the more earnestly, because they heard the aro. 
the legates were proceeding in the cause. But the T^^^' 

o x- o June 23. 

ambassadors were instructed, by a despatch from the coiiect. 
king, to obviate that carefully ; for as it would re- 
flect on the legates, and defeat the commission, and 
be a gross violation of the pope's promise, which 
they had in writing ; so it was more for the pope's 
interest to leave it in the legates' hands, than to 
bring it before himself; for then, whatever sentence 
passed, the ill effects of it would lie on the pope 
without any interposition. And as the king had 
very just exceptions to Rome, where the emperor's 
forces lay so near, that no safety could be expected 
there; so they were to tell the pope, that by the 
laws of England, the prerogative of the crown royal 
was sucAf that the pope could do nothing that was 
prejudicial to it; to which the citing the king to 
Rome, to have his cause decided there, was contrary 
in a high degree. And if the pope went on, not- 


withstanding all thie diHgecce thej could use to the 
coTitraiy, th^j wer^. bj anocher de^Mitdi which Gar- 
dmer sent, ordered to protest and appeal from the 
pope as if 0/ M^ ^nriT ricar €^'Ckrut. to a true vicar. 
But the king upon second thoughts judged it not fit 
to proceed to this extremitr so soon. They were 
also ordered to advertise the foipe, that all the nobi- 
lity had assured the king, they would adhere to him, 
in case he were so ill used by the pope, that he were 
constrained to withdraw his obedience from the 
apostolic see ; and that the cardinal^s ruin was un- 
avoidable, if the pope granted the avocaticm. The 
emperor's agents had pretended they could not send 
the original breve into England, and said their 
master would send it to Rome, upon which the am- 
bassadors had solicited for letters compulsory, to re- 
quire him to send it to England ; yet, lest that might 
now Ix: made an argument by the imperialists for 
an avocation, they were ordered to speak no more 
of it, for the legates would proceed to sentence, upon 
the attested copy that was sent from Spain. 

Thi: ambassadors had also orders to take the best 
t'ounsel in Rome about the l^al ways of hindering 
an avocation. But they found it was not fit to rely 
much on the lawyers in that matter. For as, on the 
mv hand, there was no secrecy to be expected from 
liny of them, they having such expectations of pre- 
Uruwuts from the pope, (which were beyond all the 
UrcM that could be given them,) that they 'discovered 
nil nrrri'iH to him ; so none of them would be earnest 
III hifiihr an avocation, it being their interests to 
liring nil matters to Rome, by which they might 
m||Ar much greater fees. And Salviati^ whom 
^^feftMadors had gained, told them, that Cam- 



pna brought word out of England, that the process book 
then in a good forwardness. They with many 

oaths denied there was any such thing ; and Silvester ^^^^* 
Darius, who was sent express to Rome for opposing 
4he avocation, confirmed all that they swore. But 
nothing was believed ; for, by a secret conveyance, 
Campana had letters to the contrary. And when 
they objected to Salviati what was promised by 
Campana, in the pope's name, that he would do 
[ every thing for the king that he could do out of the 
/klmess of hi^ power; he answered, ** that Campana 
"swore he had never said any such thing.'' So 
hard is the case of ministers in such ticklish nego- 
dations, that they must say and unsay, swear and 
forswear, as they are instructed, which goes of course 
as a part of their business. 

But now the legates were proceeding in England : The le- 
of the steps in which they went, though a great dealf^giJId. " 
be already published, yet considerable things are 
passed over. On the thirty-first of May, the king, 
by a warrant under the great seal, gave the legates 
leave to execute their commission, upon which they 
sat that same day. The commission was presented orig.journ. 
by liOngland, bishop of Lincoln, which was given toiibr.vitei. 
the proto-notary of the court, and he read it pub-^* "• 
licly : then the legates took it in their hands, and 
said, they were resolved to execute it : and first gave 
the usual oaths to the clerks of the court, and or- 
dered a peremptory citation of the king and queen 
to appear on the eighteenth of June, between nine 
and ten o'clock ; and so the court adjourned. The 
next session was on the eighteenth of June, where 
the citation being returned duly executed, Richard 
Sampson, dean of the chapel, and Mr. John BeU, ap- 


^ afao in their consci^iioes thought hb life was in book 
f inch danger, that he ought to withdraw himaelf , "' 
^ ftom her company, and not suffer the princes to be 1529. 

* with her. Hiese things were to be told her, to . 

* induce her to enter into a religious order, and to 

* parwiade her -to submit to the king." To which 
pqier the cardinal added in Latin, That she played Qmoi ttmUe 
AeJM, ffske emUended with the king, that her^^t^ 
tUldren had not been blessed; and somewhat of^^^ 
the emdent suspicions that were of the forgery ^^.^*~ 
He hre^e. But she had a constant mind, and was ^^ «e 
Mfc to be threatened to any thing. On the treaty ^/aidimtu. 
fist of June the court sat; the king and queen nw uog 
iren present m person. Uampegio made a long appew in 

speech of die errand they were come about : * " That "^"^^ 
" H was a new, unheard-of, vile, and intolerable terviimfiMi 
« thii^ for the king and queen to live in adultery, or^^j^.'^'' 
'^ rather incest;'* which they must now try, and 
pooeed as they saw just cause. And both the le- 
grtes made deep protestations of the sincerity of 
their minds, and that they would proceed justly and 
fidrly, without any favour or partiality. 

As for the formal speeches which the king and 
qoeen made. Hall, who never failed in trifles, sets 
them dofwn, which I incline to believe they reaUy 
^oke ; for with the journals of the court I find those 
speeches written down, though not as a part of the 

But here the lord Herbert's usual diligence fails 
Idm ; for he fancies the queen never appeared after 
the eighteenth ; upon which, because the journal of 
the next sessions are lost, he infers, against all the his- 
tories of that time, that the king and the queen were 
not in court together. And he seems to conclude, 

VOL. I. L 


BOOK that the twenty-fifth of June was the next session 
after the eighteenth : but in that he was mbtaken; 

^^^^' for by an original letter of the king's to his ambas- 
Numb. 38. sadorsy it is plain that both the king and queen came 
in person into the courts where they both sat^ with 
their council standing about them; the bishops of 
Rochester and St. Asaph, and doctor Ridley, being 
the queen's council. When the king and queen 
were called on, the king answered, Here; but the 
queen left her seat, and went and kneeled down be- 
fore him, and made a speech, that had all the insi- 
nuations in it to raise pity and compassion in the 
The ^ court. She said, '* She was a poor woman, and a 
speech. ** Stranger in his dominions, where she could neither 
** expect good counsel, nor indifferent judges ; she 
'* had been long his wife, and desired to know 
*' wherein she had offended him : she had been his 
*' wife twenty years and more, and had borne him 
** several children, and had ever studied to please 
«^ him ; and protested he had found her a true maid, 
*^ about which she appealed to his own conscience. 
'^ If she had done any thing amiss, she was willing 
" to be put away with shame. Their parents were 
" esteemed very wise princes, and no doubt had 
'' good counsellors, and learned men about them, 
" when the match was agreed : therefore she would 
** not submit to the court ; nor durst her lawyers, 
" who were his subjects, and assigned by liim, speak 
freely for her. So she desired to be excused till 
she heard from Spain." That said, she rose up, 
and made the king a low reverence, and went out 
of the court. And though they called after her, 
she made no answer, but went away, and would 
never again appear in court. 



8lie hasag gone, the king did publicly dedare book 
vlyit a true and obedient wife she had alwajrs been^ 

ad oommended her much for her excell«[it qua- ^^^^* 
iliea. Then the cardinal of York desired the kinggimtht 
«€iild witness whether he had been the iBrst or chief S^^^^ 
■over of that matter to him, since he was suspected 
la haye done it. In which the king did vindicate 
Um, and aaid, that he had always rather opposed it» 
and protested it arose merely out of a scruple in his 
conscience, which was occasioned by the discourse 
of the French ambassador ; who, during the treaty 
of a match between his daughter and the duke of 
Qileanoe^ did except to her being legitimate, as be- 
gottea in an unlawful marriage : upon which he re- 
solved to try t||^ lawfulness of it^ both tor the quiet of 
bis ooDsdence^ and for clearing the succession of the 
crown : and if it were found lawful, he was very 
well satisfied to live still with the queen. But upon 
that, he had first moved it in confession to the 
Ushop of Lincoln ; then he had desired the archbi- 
shop of Canterbury to gather the opinions of the bi- 
flbopa, who did all under their hands and seals de- 
dare against the marriage. This the archbishop 
confirmed, but the bishop of Rochester denied his 
hand was at it. And the archbishop pretended he 
had his consent to make another write his name to 
the judgment of the rest, which he positively do* 

The court adjourned to the twenty-fiflh, ordering 
letters monitory to be issued out for citing the queen 
to appear under pain of contumacy. But on the The 
twenty-fifih was brought in her appeal to the pope, app«a. 
the ori^nal of which is extant, every page being 
both subacribed and superscribed by her. She ex-^ 



:epted both to the place, to the judges, and to her 
x)unsel, in whom she could not conJBde ; and there^ 
Pore appealed, and desired her cause might be heard 
by the pope, with many things out of the auDon 
law, on which she grounded it. This being read; 
and she not appearing, was declared cantmmas. 
Then the l^ates, being to proceed ex qfficiOj drew 
up twelve articles, upon which they were to ex- 
amine witnesses. The substance ofthem was, ''That 
^< prince Arthur and the. king were brothers; that 
'' prince Arthur did marry the queen, and consum- 
** mated the marriage; that upon his death the king, 
<< by virtue of a dispensation, had married her ; that 
'' this marrying his brother's wife was forbidden 
'' both by human and divine law ; ihd that, upon 
'' the complaints which the pope had received, te 
'< had sent ihem now to try ahd judge in it" 
The king's counsel insisted most on prince Arthur^s 
having consummated the marriage, and that led 
them to say many things that seemed incident ; of 
which the bishop of Rochester complained, and said, 
they were things detestable to be heard: but car- 
dinal Wolsey checked him, and there passed some 
sharp words between them. 

The legates proceeded to the examination of wit- 
nesses, of which I shall say little, the substance of 
their depositions being fully set down, with all their 
names, by the lord Herbert. The sum of what was 
most material in them was, that many violent pre- 
sumptions appeared by their testimonies, that prince 
Arthur did carnally know the queen. And it can- 
not be imagined how greater proofs could be made 
twenty-seven years after their marriage. Thus the 
rt went on several days examining witnesses: 


hit as the matter was going oti to a ocmchisioD^ boojk 
came an avocation from Rome : of which I "' 

AaB BOW give an account ^'^* 

The queai wrote most earnestly to her nephews tim pro- 
la pvocure an avocation ; protesting she would suffer st rmm 
mf tim^t and even death itself rather than depart ^;^' 
HMD her marriage: that she expected no justice 
ftom the Iq^ates, and therefore looked for their as- 
rfstamcej tfaat» her appeal being admitted by the 
|8p^ the cause mig^t be taken out of the legates' 
hnda. Gampegio did also give the pope an acccnint au tut is 
sff their fkrogress, and by all means advised an avo- tb^^^nai 
ealkm; for by this he thought to excuse himself toj^^^^. 
the kiiif^ to oblige the emperor much, and to have^^g^*,^ 
the repotatioB of a man of conscience. 9* 

The empetor^ and his brother Ferdinand, sent 
their ambassado^ at Rome orders, to give the pope 
no rest till it were procured ; and the emperor said, 
He would lock on a sentence against his aunt as a 
dishonour to his family, and would lose all his 
kii^pdoms sooner than endure it. And they plied 
the pope so warmly, that between - them and the 
Bngliah ambassadors he had for some days very 
Httie rest. To the one he was kind, and to the 
other he resolved to be dvil. The English ambassa- 
dors met oft with Salviati, and studied to persuade 
him, that the process went not on in England ; but he 
told them, their intelligence was so good, that what- 
ever they said on that head would not be believed. 
They next suggested, that it was visible Campegio's 
advising an avocation was only done to preserve 
himself from the envy of the sentence, and to throw 
it wholly on the pope ; for were the matter once 
called to Rome, the pope must give sentence one 



BOOK W&7 or another, and so bear the whole burden of it t 
Thprp were also secret surmises of deposing the t 
'*29. pope, if he went so far ; for seeing that the emftoror i 
prevailed so much by the terrors of that, the car^ i 
dinal resolved to try what operation such threaten- i 
ings in the king's name might have. But they had '■ 
no armies near the pope, so that big words did only ) 
provoke and alienate him the more. •■ 

The matter was such, that by the canon law it ' 
could not be denied. For to grant an avocation of : 
a cause upon good reason, from the del^ated to the ^ 
supreme court, was a thing which by the course d 
law was very usual: and it was no less apparent 
that the reasons of the queen's appeal were just and 
The pofB good. But the secret and most convincing motives, 
the cm- that wrought more on the pope than all other things, 
were, that the treaty between him and the emperor 
was now concerted : therefore, this being to be pub- 
lished very speedily, the pope thought it necessary 
to avocate the matter to Rome before the puUica- 
tion for the peace, lest, if he did it after, it should 
be thought that it had been one of the secret artU 
cles of the treaty, which would have cast a foul 
blot upon him. Yet, on the other hand, he was 
not a little perplexed with the fears he had of losing 
the king of England ; he knew he was a man of an 
high spirit, and would resent what he did severely. 
" And the cardinal now again ordered Dr. Bennet 
" in his name, and as with tears in his eyes, lying 
" at the pope's feet, to assure him, that the king 
" and kingdom of England were certainly lost if 
1 were avocated: therefore he besought 
i it still in their hands, and assured 
' himself, he should rather be tfflu 


•in piflMi joint bjr joint than do anj thing in that Boor 
V^mailer oontniy to his conscience or to justice." 

tbings had been oft said^ and the pope did ^^^ 
that ill effects would follow: for if thegnnTp^. 
fidi from his obedience to the apostolic see, no^*^*^^^ 
ikmbt all the Lutheran princes, who were already 
hml J ing against the emperor, would join them- 
idvea with bun ; and the interests of France would 
■Mat certainljr engage that king also into the union, 
Vrtdch woiiU distract the church, give encourage- 
•ant to heiesjr, and end in the utter ruin of the 
jopedmn. But in all this the crafty pope comforted 
IjwapH^ that many times threatenings are not in- 
taided ta be made good, but are used to terrify; 
and that the king, who had written for the faith 
sgaiatk Lather, and had been so ill used by him, 
woold never do a thing that would sound so ill, as, 
because he could not obtain what he had a mind to, 
flieiefoie to turn heretic : he also resolved to caress 
flie French king much, and was in hopes of making 
peace between the emperor and him. 

But that which went nearest the pope's heart of 
afl other things, was the setting up of his family at 
IWenqe; and the emperor having given him assur- 
•noe of that, it weighed down all other considera- 
ticnis. Therefore he resolved he would please the 
empetor, but do all he could not to lose the king : 
so on the ninth of July, he sent for the king's am-> 
bassadors, and told them, the process was now so 
&r set cm in England, and the avocation so earnestly 
pressed, that he could deny it no longer ; for all the 
bwyers in Rome had told him, the thing could not be 
denied in the common course of justice. Upon this 
the ambassadors told him what they had in commisn 



BOOK sion to say against it, both from tbe king and the 

___! cardinal, and pressed it with great vehemence : bo 

'*^''' that the pope by many sighs and tears shewed how 
deep an impression that which they said made upon 
him : he wished himself dead, that he might be de- 
livered out of that martyrdom : and added these 
words, which, because of their savouring so much of 
an apostolical spirit, I set down : H^oe is me, mo- 
body apprehendg all those evils better than I do. 
But I am so between the hammer and the Jorge, 
that, when I would comply with the king's desires, 
the whole storm then mustfaU on my head ; and, 
which is worse, on the church of Christ. They, 
did object the many promises he had made them, 
both by word of mouth, and under his hand. He 
answered, He desired to do more for the king than 
he had promised: but it was impossible to rejiue 
what the emperor now demanded, whose forces did 
so surround him, that he could not only force him 
to grant him justice, but could dispose of him and 
all his concerns at his pleasure. 

The ambassadors, seeing the pope was resolved to 
grant the avocation, pressed against it no further, 
but studied to put it off for some time : and there- 
fore proposed, that the pope would himself write 
about it to the king, and not grant it till he received 
hii answer. Of all this -they gave advertisement to 
^ the king, and wrote to him, that he must either 

, drive the matter to a sentence in great haste, or, to 

m .ffW*ft the affront of an avocation, suspend the pro- 
^^^^^^^^Kaptne time. They also advised the search- 
^^^^^ «|packetfi tliflt went or came by the way of 

^^ jk^^M||^up all Campepo's letters, 

^^^^^^**I'6m11 migfet conw to Eng- 


Imd; fiir thej did much aj^yrehend that the avoca- book 
tioo would be granted within very few days. Their 

isxfc deqiatch bore, that the pope had sent for them '^^^* 
to let them know, that he had signed the avocation The 


the dmj befinre. But they understood another way, !^^ 
that the treaty between the emperor and him was 
iniihedj and the peace was to be proclaimed on the 
dig^rteenth of July ; and that the pope did not only 
fiear the emperor more than all other princes, but 
that he also trusted him more now. On the nine- ' 
teenth of July, the pope sent a messenger with the 
Sffocation to England, with a letter to the cardinal, couect. 
To the king he wrote afterwards. ""^ ' ^^' 

All this while Campegio, as he had orders from '<*!>« pn>- 

ceedingi of 

the pi^ to draw out the matter by delays, so he the legatet. 
did it veiy dexterously : and in this he pretended a 
fair excuse, that it would not be for the king's ho- 
nour to precipitate the matter too much, lest great 
advantages might be taken from that by the queen's 
party. That therefore it was fit to proceed slowly, 
that the world might see with what moderation as 
wdl as justice the matter was handled. From the 
twenty-fifth of June, the court adjourned to the 
twenty-eighth, ordering a second citation for the 
qoeen, under the pains of contumacy, and of their 
piooeeding to examine witnesses. And on the 
twenty-eighth they declared the queen contumacious 
a seoood time ; and examined several witnesses upon 
the articles, and adjourned to the fifth of July. On 
that day the bull and breve were read in court, and 
the kiDg^s counsel argued long against the validity 
tf the one, and the truth of the other, upon the 
g ro y pdi that have been already mentioned; in 
whkb CSaiBpegb was much disgusted to hear them 

l»i THE m^roMT OF 

ynling sadi a 
jigaiiiat a diTiiie 
did Dol extend sa 
legates oierraledy and said, that that 
point for dftem to judge bnyorso mudi 
at to hear argued ; and that the pope himself was 
the onlj proper jndge in that : ^ and it was odds 
•^ hot he would judge fiiToiirafalT for himsdf.** Tbe 
ooort adjourned to the twdfth, and firom that to the 
fburteenth. On these dajs the depositions of the 
rest of the witnesses were taken, and some that 
were ancient persons were examined by a commis- 
sion from the legates ; and aU the depositions were 
puUished on the seventeenth ; other instruments re- 
lating to the process were also read and verified in 
court. On the twenty-first the court sat to con- 
clude the matter, as was expected, and the instru- 
ment that the king had signed when he came of 
age, protesting that he would not stand to the con- 
tract made when he was under age, was then read 
and verified. Upon which the king^s counsel (of 
whom Gardiner was the chief) closed their evidence, 
and summed up all that had been brought ; and, in 
mrtrtiidj (.jjg king's uamc, desired sentence might be given. 
unce. But Campegio, pretending that it was fit some in- 
terval should be between that and the sentence, put 
it oflF till the twenty-third, being Friday; and in 
the whole process he presided, both being the an^ 
cienter cardinal, and chiefly to shew great equity; 
since exceptions might have been taken, if the other 
had appeared much in it: so that he only sat by 
fc him for form ; but all the orders of the court were 

still directed by Campegio- On Friday there was a 
groat appearance, and a general ezpecUtion; but 

AU thini^t 


hjr a ifamige surprise Camfefpo acgourned the court hook 
to ike first of October, for which he pretended, that 

tkj sat there as a part of the consistory of Rome, ^^^^* 
and therefiire must follow the rules of that court, adOomSd 
which firqm that time till October was in a vacation,^' ""^^ 
sad heard no causes : and this he averred to be true 
m. the word of a true prelate. 

The king was in a chamber very near, where he 
heard what passed, and was inexpressibly surprised 
at it. The dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk were in 
court, and complained much of this delay; and 
presse d the l^;ates to give sentence. Campegio an- 
swered^ That what they might then pronounce 
would be of no force, as being in vacation-time; 
but gave great hopes of a favourable sentence in the 
beginning of October. Upon which the lords spake 
Toy high. And the duke of Suffolk, with great com- 
motion, swore by the masSj that he saw it was true 
which had been commonly said, That never car- 
dinal yet did good in England; and so all the tem-whicfa 
poral lords went away in a fury, leaving the legates dfenoe. 
(Wolsey especially) in no small perplexity. Wolsey 
knew it would be suspected that he understood this 
beforehand, and that it would be to no purpose for 
him, either to say he did not know, or could not help 
it; all apologies being ill heard by an enraged 
prince. Camp^o had not much to lose in Eng» 
land but his bishopric of Salisbury, and the reward 
he expected from the king, which he knew the em- 
peror and the pope would plentifully make up to 
him. But his colleague was in a worse condition ; 
he had much to fear, because he had much to lose ; 
for as the king had severely chid him for the delays 
of the business, so he was now to expect a heavy 


BOOK storm from him ; and after so long an administration 


of affairs by so insolent a favourite, it was not to be 

^^29. doubted, but as many of his enemies were joinii^ 
danger, agaiust him, so matter must needs be found to work 
his ruin with a prince that was alienated from him: 
therefore he was under all the disorders which a fear, 
that was heightened by ambition and covetousness. 
could produce. 

But the king governed himself upon this occasion 
with more temper than could have been expected 
from a man of his humour : therefore, as he made 
no great shew of disturbance, so, to Avert his uneasy 
thoughts, he went his progress. Soon after, he re- 
ceived his agent's letter from Rome, and made Oar- 
diner (who was then secretary of state) write to the 
cardinal, to put Campegio to his oath, whether he 
had revealed the king's secrets to the pope or not ? 
and if he swore he had not done it, to make him 
swear he should never do it. A little after that, the 
messenger came from Rome with a breve to the le- 
gates, requiring them to proceed no ftirther, and with 
August 4. an avocation of the cause to Rome ; together with 
letters citatory to the king and queen to appear 
there in person, or by their proxies. Of whiclT when 
the king was advertised, Gardiner wrote to the car- 
dinal by his order, That the king would not have 
the letters citatory executed, or the commission dis- 
charged by virtue of them ; but that, upon the pope's 
breve to them, they should declare their commission 
void : for he would not suffer a thing so much to the 
prejudice of his crown, as a citation be made to ap- 
^^^^^jomt in another court, nor would he let his subjects 
j^^HHtattiie that he was to be cited out of his kingdom. 
^^^^^Vpvas the first step that he made for the lessening 


flf tte pope^ power: upon which the two cardinals book 
(far tbef were ]egBtes no longer) went to the king 

MGnfton. It was generally expected that Wolsey ^^^^- 
. Aould have been disgraced then ; for not only the 
kmg was offended with him, but he received new in- 
imiatiQiis of his haying juggled in the business, and 
ttat he secret]^ advised the pope to do what was 
done. This was set about by some of the queen's 
agentiy as if there was certain knowledge had of it 
■t BcHiie ; and it was said, that some letters of his 
to the pope were by a trick found, and brought over 
to Etngiand, The emperor looked on the cardinal 
as his i n vet e r at e enemy, and designed to ruin him if 
k was posnUe; nor was it hard to persuade the 
qoeen to concur with him to pull him down. But 
sH this seems an artifice of theirs only to destroy 
him. .For the earnestness the cardinal expressed in 
this matter was such, that either he was sincere in 
it, or he was the best at dissembling that ever was. 
But these suggestions were easily infused in the 
king^s angry mind : so strangely are men turned by 
tiieir aflfeclions, that sometimes they will believe no- 
thing, and af other times they believe every thing. 
Tet when the cardinal, with his colleague, came to 
court, they were received by the king with very 
hearty expressions of kindness; and Wolsey was 
cften in private with hinf, sometimes in presence of 
the council, and sometimes alone: once he was 
many hours with the king alone, and when they took 
leave, he sent them away very obligingly. But that ^*jP*J3- "* 
which gave cardinal Wolsey the most assurance was, from the 
that all those who were admitted to the king's pri- secrrtar^ to 
raoies did carry themselves towards him as they ''**"*^' ' 
were wont to do ; both the duke of Suffolk, sir Tho- 


BOOK mas Boleyn, then made viscount of Rochford, sir i 
Brian Tuke, and Gardiner: concluding that from ii 

^^^^* the motions of such weathercocks the air of the ] 
prince's affections was best gathered. . i 

Anne Bo- Anne Bolcyn was now brought to the court agaioi i 
t?Muri. out of which she had been dismissed for some time^ : 
for silencing the noise that her being at court, dur- 
ing the process, would have occasioned. It is said, ) 
that she took her dismission so ill, that she resolved j 
never again to return; and that she was verj ^ 
hardly brought to it afterwards, not without threat- 
enings from her father. But of that nothing appears 
to me ; only this I find, that all her former kindness 
to the cardinal was now turned to enmity, so that 
she was not wanting in her endeavours to pull him 

But the king being reconciled to her, and, as it is 
ordinary after some intermission and disorder be- 
tween lovers, his affection increasing, he was casting 
about for overtures, how to compass what he so ear- 
nestly desired. Sometimes he thought of procuring 
a new commission ; but that was not advisable, for 
after a long dependance it might end fts the former 
had done. Then he thought of breaking off with 
the pope : but there was great danger in that : for, 
besides that in his own persuasion he adhered to all 
the most important parts of the Roman religion, his 
n subjects were so addicted to it, that any such a 

change could not but seem full of hazard. Sometime 
he inclined to confederate himself with the pope and 
the emperor, for now there was no dividing of them, 

thereby bring the emperor to yield to 

But that was against the interests of 

mUuI the emperor had already proceeded 



9 fiv ID Ui oppositioD, that he could not be eadly frooK 
Inwgiit about. "' 

While his thoughts were thus divided, a new pi'o-^^^ 
Motkm was made to Iiini, that seemed the most rea^ propotitioo 
wahh and feasible of them all. ^There was one uog*! au 
Ik. Cranmer, who had been a fellow of Jesus college 
m Camlnridge; but having married, forfeited his 
ftOowship; yet continued his studies, and was a 
leader of divinity in Buckingham college. His wife 
d^Fing^ he was again chosen fellow of Jesus coU^e ; 
and was much esteemed in the university for his 
letming, which appeared very eminently on all pub- 
lic OGcaaions. But he was a man that neither courted 
prefennent, nor did willingly accept of it when of- 
ftred. And therefore, though he was invited to be 
a reader of divinity in the cardinal's college at Ox- 
&rd, he declined it. He was at this time forced to 
fly out of Cambridge, from a plague that was there ; 
and having the sons of one Mr. Cressy of Waltham 
Cross committed to his charge, Jie went with his pu- 
pils to their father's house at Waltham. There he 
was when the king returned from his progress, who 
tock Waltham in his way, and lay a night there. 
The harbingers having appointed Gardiner, and Fox, 
the king's secretary and almoner, to lie at Mr. Cres- 
sjr's house, it so happened that.Cranmer was with 
them at supper. The whole discourse of England 
being then about the divorce, these two courtiers, 
knowing Cranmer's learning and solid judgment, en- 
tertained him with it, and desired to hear his opinion 
concerning it. He modestly declined it; but told 
them, that he judged it would be a shorter and safer 
way once to dear it well, if the marriage was unlaw- 
ful in itself by virtue of any divine precept : for if 


BOOR that were proved, then it was certain, that the pope's 
dispensation could be of no force to make that law- 

1529. fui^ which God had declared to be unlawful. There- 
fore he thought, that, instead of a long fruitless ne- 
gociation at Rome, it were better to consult all the 
learned men, and the universities of Christendom ; 
for if they once declared it in the king^s favour, then 
the pope must needs give judgment ; or otherwise, 
the bull being of itself null and void, the marriage 
would be found sinful, notwithstanding the pope's 
dispensation. This seemed a very good motion, 
which they resolved to offer to the king ; so next 
night, when he came to Greenwich, they proposed 
it to him ; but with this difference, that Gardiner 
had a mind to make it pass for their own contriv- 
ance ; but Fox, who was of a more ingenuous na- 
Approved turc, told the king from whom they had it. He 
kin^^f was much affected with it, so soon as he heard it, 
and said, had he known it sooner, it would have 
saved him a vast expense, and much trouble ; and 
would needs have Cranmer sent for to court, saying, 
in his coarse way of speaking. That he had the sow 
by the right ear. So he was sent for to court, and 
being brought l^efore the king, he carried himself so, 
that the king conceived an high opinion of his judg- 
ment and candour, which he preserved to his death, 
and still paid a respect to him, beyond all the other 
churchmen that were about him: and though he 
made more use of Gardiner in his business, whom he 
found a man of great dexterity and cunning ; yet he 
never had any respect for him. But for Cranmer, 
though the king knew that in many things he dif- 
him, yet, for all his being so impatient of 
he always reverenced him. 


He was won looked od as a rising churchman, and book 
tte nidiery because the cardinal was now dedining ; ''' 

ftr in the following Michaelmas-tenn the king sent '^^* 
ftr the great seal, which the cardinal at first wasmiwhef 
Bbfc willing to part with. But the next daj the kingS^"^ 
Wtate to him, and he presently delivered it to the '^7^' 

_ ^ '^ 7 md • fill. 

dokes of Norfolk and Suffolk. It was offered back 
again to Warham, archbbhop of Canterbury ; but 
Iw, being very old, and foreseeing great difficulties 
in the keeping of it^ excused himself. So it was 
given to sir Thomas More, who was not only emi- 
nent in his own profession, but in all other learning : 
and was much esteemed for the strictness of his life, 
and his contempt of money. He was also the more 
fit to be made use of, having been in ill terms with 
tte cardinal. Soon after. Hales, the attorney gene- 
ral, put in an information against the cardinal in the 
king^s bench ; bearing, ihat notwithstanding the sta- 
Me qfBichard the Second^ against^ the procuring 
hnttejrom Some, under the pains o/" praemunire, yet 
he had procured bulls for his legantine power, 
wkiek he had far many years executed ; and some 
partiadarsjfor form, were named out of a great 
wumy more. To this he put in his answer by his 
attorney, and confessed the indictment, but pleaded 
his ignorance of the statute, and submitted himself 
to the king^s mercy. Upon this it was declared, that 
he was out of the king^s protection, and that he had 
forfeited his goods and chattels to the king, and that 
his person might be seiased on. llien was his rich 
palace of York-house, (now Whitehall,) with all that 
vast wealth and royal furniture that he had heaped 
together, (which was beyond any thing that had 
ever been seen in England before,) seized on for the 

VOL. I. M 


BOOK king. But it seems the king had not a mind to de- 
stroy him outright, but only to bring him lower, and 

'^^^- to try if the terror of that would have atiy influence 
Roi. Put. a. on the pope : therefore, on the twenty-^first of No- 
prio.r^'i. vember, the king granted him first his protection, 
Feb. 12. ^^j jjjgjj jjjg pardon, and restored him to the arch- 
bishopric of York, and the bishopric of Winchester, 
and gave him back in money, goods, and plate, that 
which amounted to 6374/. 3^. 7d. and many kind 
messages were sent him, both by the king and Anne 
TiMmean. ' But as he had carried his greatness with moat 
temper. ^ cxtravagant pride, so he was no less basely cast 
down with his misfortune; and having no ballart 
within hiifnself, but being wholly guided by things 
without him, he was lifted up, or cast down, as the 
scales of fortune turned : yet his enemies had gcme 
too far ever to suffer a man of his parts or temper to 
return to favour. And therefore they so ordered it, 
that an high charge of many articles was brought 
against him, into the house of lords, in the parUa- 
ment that sat in November following ; and it passed 
there, where he had but few friends, and many and 
great enemies. But when the charge was sent down 
to the house of commons, it was so managed by the 
industry of Cromwell, who had been his servant, that 
it came to nothing. The heads of it have been oft 
printed, therefore I shall not repeat them ; they re- 
lated chiefly to his legantine power, contrary to law, 
to his insolence and ambition, his lewd life, and other 
things that were brought to defame, as well as de- 
stroy him. 

All these things did so sink his proud mind, that 
a deep melancholy overcame his spirits. The king 


KDt Um frequent aMurances of his favour, which he book 
moeived with extravaguit transports of joj» falling[ 

iora on his knees in the dirt liefore the messenger ^^^^' 
ftift broi^lfat one of them, and holding up his hands •^I'.^^or* 
ftr jogTf wUdi shewed how mean a soul he had, a^d 
Alt, as Uqssdf afterwards acknowledged, he pr^^ 
fihrtd A$ khtf^9 fawmr to God Almighty's. But 
thfli king finrnd they took little notice of hii^ at 
Boine; the emperor hated him, and the pope <}i4 
■ot love him^ looking on him as one that was almost 
equal to himself in power : and though thej did not 
love the precedent to have a cardinal so used, yet 
thqr were not much troubled at Rome to see it fall 
SB him. So in Saster-week he was ordered to go 
■orthp thougli be had a great mind to have stayed 
at Bichmond, which the king had given him in ex- 
change for Hamjrtan-court, that be had also built. 
But that was too near the court ; and his enemies 
had a mind to send him further from it. Accord- 
im^ he went to Cawood in Yorkshire, in which 
journey it appears, that the ruins of his state were 
omsideraUe, for he travelled thither with one bun- 
dfed and sixty horse in' his train, and seventy-two 
carts following him, with his household-stuff. 

To conclude his story all at once, he was in No- He u aftn. 
vember the next year seized on by the earl of North- ^J^i^'r 
umbeiland, who attached him for high treason, and ^'^^^ ' 
committed him to the keeping of the lieutenant of 
the Tower, who was ordered to bring him up to 
London. And even then he had gracious messages 
from the king: but these did not work much on 
him, for whether it was that he knew himself guilty 
of some secret practices with the pope, or with the 
emperor, which yet he denied to the last ; or wbe- 

M 2 


BOOK ther he could no loneer stand under the king's dis^ 


pleasure, and that change of condition ; he was so . 

>529. ^j^t down, that, on his way to London, he sickened 
at Shefl5eld-park, in the earl of Shrewsbury's house, 
from whence by slow journeys he went as far as i 
Leicester, where after some days languishing he , i 
died ; and at the last made great protestations of his, \ 
having served the king JdithJvUy^ and that he had \ 
Utile regarded the service of Chd, to do him jdea^ \ 
sure ; but if he had served God as he had done j 
him^ he would not have given him over so, as he ^ 
did in his gray hairs. And he desired the king 
to reflect on ail his past services, and in particular, 
in his weighty matter, (for by that phrase they 
usually spoke of the king's divorce,) and then he 
would find in his conscience whether he had of- 

And dies, fended him or not He died the twenty-eighth of 
November, 1590, and was the greatest instance that 
several ages had shown of the variety and incon- 
stancy of human things, both in his rise and fall ; 
and by his temper in both, it appears he was 
unworthy of his greatness, and deserved what he 
suffered. But, to conclude all that is to be said of 
him, I shall add what the writer of his life ends it 

Hit cbmc- with : Here is the end and fall of pride and arro^ 
gancy ; for I assure you, in his time he was the 
haughtiest man in all his proceedings alive, having 
more respect to the honour of his person, than he 
had to his spiritual profession, wherein should he 
shewed all meekness and charity. 

Apariit But now, with the change of this great minister, 

ed. there followed a change of counsels, and therefore 

the king resolved to hold a parliament, that he 
might meet his people, and establish such a good 


undentandiog between himself and them» that he book 
mii^t have all secured at home; and then he re- 

nlfed to proceed more confidently abroad. There ^^^^' 
had been no parliament for seven years; but the 
Uame of that, and of every other miscarriage, falling 
■atimlly on the disgraced minister^he did not doubt 
fhaft he dionld be aUe to give his people full satis- 
ftction in that, and in every thing else. So a par- 
Hament was summoned to meet the third of Novem- 
ber. And there, among several other laws that were 
made-fior the public good of the kingdom, there were 
Ub sent up by the house of commons against some 
of the most exorbitant abuses of the dei^ : one 
was against the exactions for the probates of wills ; 
another was for the r^^ating of mortuaries; a 
third was about the plurality of benefices, and non- 
residence, and churchmen's being farmers of lands. 
In the passing of these bills there were severe re- 
flections made on the vices and corruptions of the 
clergy of that time, which were believed to flow 
fifom men that favoured Luther's doctrine in their 

When these bills were brought up to the house of Haii. 
lords, the bishop of Rochester speaking to them, 
did reflect on the house of commons : saying, That 
they were resolved to bring down the church ; and 
he desired they would consider the miserable state 
of the kingdom of Bohemia, to which it was reduced 
by heresy, and ended, T%at all this was for lack of 
faith. But this being afterwards known to the The bouse 
house of commons, they sent their speaker, sirmou^mm. 
Thomas Audley, with thirty of their members, to Pj^°'.,^(^p 
complain to the king of the bishop of Rochester, for j|f Roc»>e«- 
feaying, that their acts flowed from the want of 

M S 


BOOR faith f which was an high imputation on the whole 
nation, when the representative of the commons was 

^^^^' so charged, as if they had been infidels and heathens. 
This was set on by the court, to mortify that bishop, 
Who was unacceptable to them, for his adhering 'so 
firmly to the queen's cause. The king sent for the 
archbishop of Canterbury, and six other bishops, and 
before them told the complaint of the commons. 
But the bishop of Rochester excused himself, and 
said, he only meant of the kingdom of Bohemia, 
when he said, all flowed from the want of faith, and 
did not at all intend the house of commons. This 
explanation the king sent by the treasurer of his 
household, sir William Fitz- Williams. But though 
the matter was passed over, yet they were not at all 
satisfied with it, so that they went on, laying open 
the abuses of the clergy. 
Some bills In the house of peers great opposition was made 
formln'if'the '^ ^^c biUs, and the dergy both within and without 
the cTer*' doors did defame them, and said, these were the or- 
dinary beginnings of heresy, to complain of abuses, 
and pretend reformation, on purpose to disgrace the 
clergy, from which heresy took its chief strength. 
And the spiritual lords did generally oppose them, 
the temporal lords being no less earnest to have them 
passed. The cardinal was admitted to sit in the 
house, where he shewed himself as submissive in his 
fawning, as he had formerly done iii his scorn and 
contempt of all who durst oppose him. But the 
king set the bills forward; and, in the end, they 
were agreed to by the lords, and had the royal as- 

The king intended by this to let the Jwpe see 
what he could do if he went on to ofiend him, and 


how willinglx hb parliameDt would concur with him, book 
i£be went to extremities. He did also endear him* "' 
idf miich to the pec^le, by relieving them from the ^^29. 
oppresrions of the clergy. But the clergy lost much 
kf this means; for these acts did not only lessen 
ibejr present profits, but did open the way for other 
tbiogBy that were more to their detriment afterward. 
Their exposing of thb, and all other motions for re- 
temation, did very much increase the prejudices 
tiiat were conceived against them : whereas if such 
■Mitions had dther risen from themselves, or had at 
least been cherished by them, their adversaries had 
not perhaps been so favourably heard; so fatally 
Hd they Hiistake their true interest, when they 
thought they were concerned to link with it all 
dnuKS and corruptions. 

But there passed another bill in this parliament, ooe act, 
which, because of its singular nature, and Uiat itth^kiD^'°^ 
was not printed with the other statutes, shall be^jf^^' 
found in the Collection of instruments at the end.^"°>^*3i- 
The bill bore in a preamble the highest flattery 
that could be put in paper, of the great things the 
king had done for the church and nation, in which 
he had been at vast charges ; and that divers of the 
subjects had lent great sums of money, which had 
been all well employed in the public service ; and 
irhereas they had security for their payment, the 
parliament did offer all these sums so lent to the 
king, and discharged him of all the obligations or 
assignations made for their payment, and of all suits 
that might arise thereupon. 

Thb was brought into the house by the king's 
servants, who enlarged much on the wealth and 
peace of the nation, notwithstanding the wars, the 

M 4 


BOOK king always making his enemies* country the scene 
of them ; and shewed, that for fourteen years the kii^ 

'^^^' had but one subsidy from his people; that now be 
asked nothing for any other purpose, but only to be 
discharged of a debt contracted for the public, the 
accounts whereof were shewn, by which they might 
see to what uses the money so raised had been ap- 
plied. But there were several ends in passing this 
bill : those of the court did not only intend to de- 
liver the king from a charge by it, but also to ruin 
all the cardinal's friends and creatures, whom he 
had caused every where to advance great sums, for 
an example to others. CHhers in the bouse, that 
were convinced that the act was unjust in itself, yet 
did easily give way to it, that they might effectually 
for the future discredit that way of raising money 
by loans, as judging it to be the public interest of 
the kingdom, that no sums of money should be 
raised but by parliament. So this act passed, and 
occasioned great murmuring among all them that 
suffered by it. But, to qualify the general discon- 
tent, the king gave a free pardon to his subjects for 
all offences, some capital ones only excepted, as is 
usual in such cases ; and, to keep the clergy under the 
lash, all transgressions against the statutes of pr(h 
vigors and pnemunire were excepted, in which they 
were all involved, as will afterwards appear. There 
are two other exceptions in this pardon, not fit to 
be omitted: the one is, of the pulling or digging 
down crosses on the highways, which shews what 
a spirit was then stirring among the people; the 
other is, of the forfeitures that accrued to the king by 
the prosecution against cardinal Wolsey, that is, the 
cardinal's college in Oxford, with the lands belong- 


iag to it, which are excepted^ upon which Uie dean BOOk 
jttd canons resigned ■ their lands to the king^the 

eiigiiial of which is yet extant : but the king founded ^^^'* 
the coUiq^e anew soon after. All this was done, 
both to keep the dergy quiet, and to engage them 
to 086 what interest they had in the court of Rome, 
lodispose the pope to use the king better in his great 
.suit. After those acts were passed, on the seven- 
teenth of December the parliament was pronged 
till April following; yet it did not sit till January 
after that, being continued by several prorogations. 
There had been great industry used in canying 
elections for the parliament, and they were so suc- 
oeasfb], that the king was resolved to continue it for 
some time. This great business being happily over, 
the king's thoughts turned next to affairs beyond 
sea. The whole world was now at peace. TheThepop« 
pope and the emperor (as was said before) had made ^^p^^r 
an alliance on terms of such advantage to the pope, ^^^J^ 
that as the emperor did fully repair all past injuries, Jnn« 20. 
so he laid new and great obligations on him : for he 
engaged that he would assist him in the recovery of 
his towns, and that he would restore his family to 
the government of Florence, and invest his nephew 
in it with the title of duke, to whose son he would 
marry his own natural daughter; and that he 
would hold the .kingdom of Naples of the papacy* 
These were the motives that directed the pope's 
conscience so infallibly in the king's business. Not 
long after that, in August, another peace was made 
in Cambray, between the emperor and the French 
king, and lady Margaret, the emperor's aunt, and 
the regent of Flanders : where the king first found 
the hoUowness of the French friendship and alliance t 


BOOK for he was not so much considered in it as he ex- 

pected, and he clearly perceived that Francis would 

•hmm^' ^^' cn^'^^^i^ his own affairs to carry on his divorce. 

men'! . The euiperor went over into Italy, and met the 

Aug. '5. pope at Bononia, where he was crowned with great 

1^,^ magnificence. The pope and he lodged together in 

D^ion at th^ same palace, and there appeared such signs of a 

familiar friendship between them, that the king's 

ambassadors did now clearly perceive that they 

were firmly united. The emperor did also, by a 

rare mixture of generosity and prudence, restore the 

duchy of Milan to Francis Sforza. By this he set- 

FioKDce tied the peace of Italy, nothing holding out but Flo- 

Aogutt 9. rence, which he knew would be soon reduced, when 

j^e^'mi^'e there was no hope of succour fix)m France ; and ac- 

j^Vi7,'^' cordingly, after eleven months siege, it was taken, 

j^'f yj. and within a year after Alexander de Medici was 

eDM ni»ed,tnade duke of it. About the time that the em- 

Octob. t$p 

1529. peror came to Bononia, news was brought that the 
crowo^' Turk was forced to raise the siege of Vienna ; so that 
L^"mbarfy, ^ tMngs concurrcd to raise hb glory very high. At 
Feb. a«, Bouonia he would needs receive the two crowns of 
Rom. rmp. the Romau empire, that of Milan, and that of Rome, 
which was done with all the magnificence possible, 
the pope himself saying mass both in Latin and 
Greek. There is one ceremony of the coronation 
fit to be taken notice of in this work ; that the em- 
peror was first put in the habit of a canon of Sancta 
Maria de la Torre in Rome, and after that in the 
habit of a deacon, to ihake him be looked on as an 
ecclesiastical person. This had risen out of an ex- 
travagant vanity of the court of Rome, who devised 
such rites to raise their reputation so high, that, on 
the greatest solemnity, the emperor should appear 


in the halnt of the lowest of the sacred orders, by book 
which he must know, that priests and bishops ai*e- 

above him. When the pope and he first met, the ^^^^' 
ceremony of kissing the pope's foot was much looked 
for, and the emperor very gently kneeled to pay 
that submission ; but the pope (whether it was that 
he thought it was no more seasonable to expect such 
compliments, or more signally to oblige the emperor) 
did humble himself so far as to draw in his foot, and 
kiss his cheek. 

But now the divorce was to be managed in an- The kiojr 
other method, and therefore Cranmer, after he had ^^nities 
discoursed with the king about that proposition ^^"^** 
which was formerly mentioned, was commanded by 
him to write a book for his opinion, and confirm it 
with as much authority as he could ; and was re- 
commended to the care of the earl of Wiltshire and 
Ormond, (to which honour the king had advanced 
nr Thomas Boleyn in the right of his mother,) and 
in the beginning of the next year he published his 
book about it. Richard Crooke (who was tutor to 
the duke of Richmond) was sent into Italy, and 
others were sent to France and Germany, to consult 
the divines, canonists, and other learned men in the 
universities, about the king's business. How the rest 
managed the matter, I have not yet been able to 
discover ; but from a great number of original letters 
of Dr. Crooke's, I shall give a full account of his ne- 
gotiation. It was thought best to begin at home ; 
and therefore the king wrote to the two universities 
in England, to send him their conclusions about it. 
The matters went at Oxford thus. The bishop of Lord Her- 
Lincoln being sent thither with the king's letters for the record. 
their resolution, it was by the major vote of the con- ij^©.^' 



BOOK vocation of all the doctors and masters, as well r^ents 
^'' as non-regents, committed to thirty-three doctors 

1530. and bachelors of divinity, (who were named by their 
own faculty,) or to the greater number of them, to 
determine the questions that were sent with thie 
king's letters, and to set the common seal of the 
university to their conclusions; and by virtue of 
that warrant, they did on the eighth of April put 
the common seal of the university to an instrument, 
declaring the marriage of the brother's wife to be 
both contrary to the laws of God and nature. The 
vid. Wood, collector of the Antiquities of Oxford informs us of 
the uneasiness that was m the university m this 

p. 225. 

matter, and of the several messages the king sent 
before that instrument could be procured, so that 
from the twelfth of February to the eighth of April 
the matter was in agitation, the masters of arts ge^ 
nerally opposing it, though the doctors and heads 
Lib. I. were, for the greatest part, for it. But after he has 
set down the instrument, he gives some reasons 
(upon what design I cannot easily imagine) to shew 
that this was extorted by force; and being done 
without the consent of the masters of arts, was of 
itself void, and of no force : and, as if it had been 
an ill thing, he takes pains to purge the university 
of it, and lays it upon the fears and coiTuptions of 
some aspiring men of the university : andj without 
any proof, gives credit to a lying story set down by 
Sanders, of an assembly called in the night, in which 
the seal of the university was set to the determina- 
tion. But it appears that he had never seen or con- 
sidered the other instrument, to which the university 
set their seal, that was agreed on in a convbcatibn 
of all the doctors and masters, as well regents as non- 



r^ents; giving power to these doctors and bache- book 
kn of divinity to determine the matter, and to set 

the seal of the university to their conclusion : the '^^^* 
original whereof the lord Herbert saw, upon which 
the persons so deputed had full authority to* set the 
university seal to that conclusion, without a new 
convocation. Perhaps that instrument was not so 
carefully preserved among their records, or was in . 
queen Mary's days taken away, which might occa- 
sion these mistakes in their historian. 

There seems to be also another mistake in the re- 
lation he gives : for he says, those of Paris had deter- 
mined in this matter before it was agreed to at Ox- 
fiyrd. The printed decision of the Sorbonne contra- 
dicts this : for it bears date the second of July, 15S0, 
whereas this was done the eighth of April, 1530. 
But what passed at Cambridge I shall set down 
more folly from an original letter written by Gar- collect. 
diner and Fox to the king in February, (but the "" '^ * 
day is not marked.) When they came to Cam- And at 
bridge, they spake to the vice-chancellor, whom Feb. 
they found very ready to serve the king; so was 
also doctor Edmonds, and several others ; but there 
was a contrary party that met together, and re- 
solved to oppose them. A meeting of the doctors, 
bachelors of divinity, and masters of arts, in all 
about two hundred, was held. There the king's let- 
ters were read, and the vice-chancellor calling upon 
several of them to deliver their opinions about it, 
they answered as their affections led them, and were 
in some disorder. But it being proposed, that the 
answering the king's letter, and the questions in it, 
should be referred to some indifferent men; great 
exceptions were made to doctor Salcot, doctor Reps, 


BOOK and €nMne, and all others who had approved Dr« 
Cranmer's book, as having already declared them* 

^^^^* selves partial. But to that it was answered, that 
after a thing was so much discoursed of, as the 
king's matter had been, it could not be imagined 
that any number of men could be found who had 
not declared their judgment about it one way or 
another. Much time was spent in the debate ; but 
when it grew late, the vice-chancellor commanded 
every man to take his place, and to give his voice^ 
wheth^ they would agree to the motion of referring 
it to a select body of men : but that night they would 
not agree to it. 

The congregation being adjourned till next day, 
the vice-chancellor offered a grace (or order) to 
refer the matter to twenty-nine persons, (himself, 
ten doctors, and sixteen bachelors, and the two 
proctors,) That (the que^ions being publicly dis* 
puted) what two parts of three agreed to, should 
be read in a congregation, and without any further 
debate the common seal of the university should be 
set to it. Yet it was at first denied; then being 
put to the vote, it was carried equally on both sides. 
But being a third time proposed, it was carried for 
the divorce. Of which an account was presently 
sent to the king, with a schedule of their names to 
whom it was committed, and what was to be ex- 
pected from them ; so that it was at length deter- 
mined, though not without opposition. That the 
king's marriage was against the law of Grod. 
Though It is thought strange, that the king, who was 

di'fficuHy^^ otherwise so absolute in England, should have met 
^ with more difficulty in this matter at home than he 
^^ did abroad. But the most reasonable account 1 can 


give <^ it is» that at this time there were many in book 
die universities (particularly at Cambridge) who 

were addicted to Luther's doctrine. And of those • ^^^• 
Cranmer was looked on as the most learned : so 
that Crome, Shaxton, Latimer, and others of that 
society, favoured the king's cause; besides that, 
Aone Boleyn had in the duchess of Alanson's court 
(who inclined to the reformation) received such im- 
pressions as made them fear, that her greatness, and 
Cranmer's preferment, would encourage heresy; to 
which the universities were furiously averse, and 
therefore they did resist all conclusions that might 
promote the divorce. 

But as for Crooke in Italy, he being very learned crooke em. 
in the Greek tongue, was first sent to Venice, tovei^ce.'" 
search the Greek manuscripts that lay in the library ^!^t\^ 
of St. Mark, and to examine the decrees of the an- V^°' ^*^*° 

' _ irom many 

dent councils : he went incognito, without any cha- ^^ J»« o"gi- 

^ -^ nal letters. 

racter from the king ; only he had a letter recom- cott. libr. 
mending him to the care of John Cassali, then am- ' ' '^' 
bassador at Venice, to procure him an admittance 
into the libraries there. But in all his letters he 
complained mightily of his poverty, that he had 
scarce whereby to live and pay the copiers who he 
employed to transcribe passages out of MSS. He 
staved some time at Venice, from whence he went 
to Padua, Bononia, and other towns, where he 
only talked with divines and canonists about these 
question^}: Whether the precepts in Leviticus of 
the degrees of marriage do still oblige Christians? 
And whether the pope's dispensation could have 
any force against the law of God f These he pro- 
posed in discourse, without mentioning the king of 
England, or giving the least intimation that he was 


BOOK sent by him, till he once discovered their opinions. 

.. — '. — But finding them generally inclining to the king's 

1530. i^^yge^ lie (Qok more courage, and went to Rome; 

where he sought to be made a penitentiary priest, 
that he might have the freer acce^ into libraries, 
and be looked on as one of the pope's servants. But 
at this time the earl of Wiltshire, and Stokesley, 
(who was made bishop of London, Tonstall being 
translated to Duresme,) were sent by the king into 
Italy, ambassadors both to the pope and emperor. 
Cranmer went with them to justify his book in both 
these courts. Stokesley brought full instructions to 
Crooke to search the writings of most of the fathers 
on a great many passages of the scripture ; and, in 
particular, to try what they wrote on that law in 
Deuteronomy, which provided, that when one died 
without children, his brother should marry his wife 
to raise up children to him. This was most pressed 
against the king by all that were for the queen, as 
either an abrogation of the other law in Leviticus, 
or at least a dispensation with it in that particular 
case. He was also to consult the Jews about it; 
and was to copy out every thing that he found in 
any manuscript of the Greek or Latin fathers, relat- 
ing to the degrees of marriage. Of this labour he 
complained heavily, and said, that though he had a 
great task laid on him, yet his allowance was so 
small, that he was often in great straits. This I 
take notice of, because it is said by others, that all 
the subscriptions that he procured were bought. At 
this time there were great animosities between the 
ministers whom the king employed in Italy ; the two 
families of the Cassali and the Ghinucci hating one 
another. Of the former family were the ambassa- 


don at Rome and at Venice. Of the other, Hie- book 
rome was bishop of Worcester, and had been in 

sereral embassies into Spain. His brother Peter ''^^^' 
was also employed in some of the little courts of 
Italy, as the king^s agent. Whether the king out 
of pdicy kept this hatred up, to make them spies 
one on another, I know not. To the Ghinucci was 
Crooke gained, so that in all his letters he com- 
plained of the Cadsali, as men that betrayed the 
king's affairs ; and said, that John, then ambassador 
at Venice, not only gave him no assistance, but used 
him ill: and publicly discovered, that he was em- 
ployed by the king; which made many, who had 
finmerly spoken their minds freely, be more reserved 
to him. But as he wrote this to the king, he be^ed 
of him, that it might not be known, otherwise he 
exflected either to be killed, or poisoned by them : 
yet they had their correspondents about the king, 
fay whose means they understood what Crooke had 
informed against them. But they wrote to the king, 
that he was so morose and ill-natured, that nothing 
could please him : and, to lessen his credit, they did 
all they could to stop his bills. All this is more fully 
set down than perhaps was necessary, if it were not 
to shew that he was not in a condition to corrupt so 
many divines, and whole universities, as some have 
given out. He got into the acquaintance of a friar 
at Venice, Franciscus Georgitis, who had lived forty- 
nine years in a religious order, and was esteemed the 
most learned man in the republic, not only in the 
vulgar learning, but in the Greek and Hebrew, and 
was so much accounted of by the pope, that he called 
him the hammer of heretics. He was also of the 
senatorian quality, and his brother was governor of 

VOL. I. N 


BOOK Padua, and paid all the readers there. This firiar. 
1 ^. had a great opinion of the king : and, havii^ studied: 

the case, wrote for the king's cause, and «;«w»w«<^««.i»- ^ 
to satisfy all the other divines of the republic, — — •" 

whom he had much credit. Thomas Omnibonus, a^, 
►r'uir"^*^ Dominican, Philippus de Cremis, a doctor of the lKWi*\ 
luSe* Valerius of Bergamo, and some others, wrote finr the ^^ 
king's cause. Many of the Jewish rabbins ^did gite 
it under their hands in Hebrew, That the laws qf 
Ijevificus and Deuteronomy were thus to he ream- 
cited: That taw of marrying the hrotJief^s wifii 
when he died witJiout children^ did only bind id 
the land ofJudea^ to preserve families^ and wioim^ 
tain their succession in the land^ as it had been 
divided by lot : hut that in all other places of the ' 
worlds the law of Leviticus^ of not marrying the 
brother's wi/Cf was obligatory. He also seardled- 
nil the Greek MSS. of councils, and Nazianzen's and 
Chrysostom's works. After that, he run over Ma- 
carius, Acncius, Ai>ollinaris, Origen, Gregory Nys- 
sen, Cyril, Severian, and Gennadius; and copied out 
of them all that which was i^ertinent to his purpose. 
He procured several hands to the conclusions, before 
it was known that it was the king's business in which 
he was employed. But the government of Venice 
was so strict, that, when it was known whose agent 
he was, he found it not easy to procure subscrip- 
tions: therefore he advised the king to order his 
minister to procure a license from the senate, for 
their divines to declare their opinions in that mat- 
ter. Which being proposed to the senate, all the 
answer he could obtain was, that they would be neu- 
eu. is. trals ; and when the ambassador pressed, as an evi- 
dence of neutrality, that the senate would leave it 


[fae tolheirJdiyuies to declare of either side as their book 
I ' • ' 11 

mmdeoca led them ; he could procure no other an- 

\ the former being again repeated. Yet the se- ^^^^ 

making no prohibition, many of their divines 

their hands to the conclusions. And Crooke 

that success, that he wrote to the king, he had 

rer met with a divine . that did not favour his 

: but the conclusions touching the pope's power Though the 
Lagents did every where discourage, and threaten ^^m 
jifaoae who jubscribed them.* And the emperor's am- J'^^^'**^ 
[kiiador at Venice did threaten Omnibonus for writ-*'°^7 4- 
[iBg.iD prejudice of the pope's authority; and assert-. 
I log condusions, which would make most of the 
fom^es of '. Europe bastards. He answered, he ^did 
aot consider things as a statesman, but as a divine. 
Yet, to take off this fear, Crooke suggested to the 
kin^ to onder his minister at the court of Rome to 
procure a breve, *^ That divines or canonists might 
** without fear or hazard deliver their opinions ac- 
' ^-cording to their consciences, requiring them, under 
^'-the pain of excommunication, that they should 
^ write nothing for gain, or partial affections, but 
^«8ay the pure and simple truth, without any arti- 
^ fioe, as they would answer to God in the great day 
^ of judgment." This seemed so fair, that it might 
liave been expected the successor of St. Peter would 
not deny it ; yet it was not easily obtained, though 
the king wrote a. very earnest letter to the bishop of August 7. 
Verona, to assist his minister in procuring it. And 
I find by another despatch, that the breve was at sept. 16. 
length gained, not without much opposition made 
to it by the emperor's ambassadors : for at Rome, 
though they knew not well how to oppose this me- 
thod, because it seemed so very reasonable ; yet they 

N 2 


BOOK had great apprehensions of it, because they thdu^t 
it was designed to force the pope to determine as 

1530. f.)|g ^],g pleased : and they abhorred the precedent, 
that a company of poor friars should dictate to them 
in matters of this nature. Crooke reports, out of a 
Juij 38. letter of Cranmer's to him from Rome, these words: 
As Jbr our successes kerej they he very little^ nor 
dare we attempt to know any maiCs mind, because 
qf the pope ; nor is he content with what you hoM 
done ; and he says, no friars shall discuss his 
power : and as Jbr any favour in this court, I looh 
Jbr none, but to have the pope with all his cardi* 
Aug. 5. nais declare against us. But Crooke, as he went 
up and down procuring hands, told those he came to, 
he desired they would write their conclusions ac^ 
cording to learning and conscience^ without any 
respect or favour , as they would answer it at the 
No money lost day; and protested he never gave, or promised 
giren for any divinc any thing, till he had JUrst Jreely wril- 
iTo^."^ '^^ ^<^ mind, and that what he then gave was ra- 
ther an honourable present than a reward. And 
septemb. 7. in another letter to tbe king he writ^ : Upon pain 
of my head, if the contrary be proved, I never gave 
any man one halfpenny bejbre I had his conclusion 
to your highness, without former prayer, or pro- 
mise of reward Jbr the same. From whence it ap- 
pears, that he not only had no orders from the king 
to corrupt divines, but that his orders were express 
to the contrary. 

As for the money he gave, the reader will be best 

able to judge, by the following account, whether it 

was such as could work much on any man. There 

Feb. 8. is an original bill of his accoimts yet extant, audited 

and signed by Peter a Ghinucdis, out of which I 


fsltaiol^ these particulan i liem^ to a Seniie book 

tke doctor of the SHervitei^ ^'^oJi^Slle 
TotkeO^Hn^ntJHarM^twotrounu^ T6«^*^ 
qfS^. John and St. PoluP9, who. wr^^ m^uf^ 
ifttJtii^it: eam$e^ fifteen crowns. To that content. 
emtnui Item. Oiven to John Maria Jbr hit 
qf going to Milan Jrom Venice, and^ 
the doctors thire, thiiiy crowns. Itemf 
If iJUW Marino^ miniUer qf tike FVanciixans, who 
ttMpir^ hoohjbr the hinges cause, twenfy crowns. 
mr dKWSIlkat thej must hare had rerf prostitiited 
eonfldBB6p8i if they could be* hired so dieap. It is 
tM^-Ctoeke in many of his letters rays. That. ffheFtb.22. 
Mdmsmtsf enmigh, he did not doubt hut he should 
getihe hands qf all the divines in .Uafy; Jbr he 
Jhmnd the greatest part qf them all mercenary. 
Ban tiie Udiop aS Worcester, in his letters to him, Feb. 9. 
Offered him only to promise rewards to those who 
eaqiected them, and lived by them, that ip, to the 
IsMVUits, who did not use to give their opinion 
wiilidut a fee. 

'But, at the same time, the emperor did reward 
and fee divinies at another rate ; for Crooke inform- ^^ >6- 
ed the king, that one friar Felix having written for 
the vdidity of the marriage again^ the king, there 
WW ir benefice of five htindred ducats a year given 
him in reward. And the emperor's ambassador of- But grmi 
fisred a thousand ducats to the provincial of the Gray- given bj 
friars in Venice, if he would inhibit all within his^**"^ 
province to write or subscribe for the king's cause. 
But the provincial refused it, and said, he neither 
ooidd nor yet would do it.. And another that wrote Sept. 39. 
for the queen had a benefice of six hundred crowns. 

N S 


BOOK So that it was openly said at Ferrara^ that thej who 


wrote for the. king had but a few crowns. a-pieo5,j 
1530. Y^^^ ^ijgy ^jjQ wrote on the other side had good 

benefices. They also tried what- could be done Ji 
Padua, both by threatenings, entreaties, and reward^ 
to induce them to reverse the determination tbef 
had made in the matter ; but with no success. Aei.l 
though Francis Georgius, the Venetian friar^ fid 
greatly promote the king's cause, both by his wiiIh 

Feb. i8. ings and authority ; yet Crooke wrote, that he eoM 
not prevail to make either him or his nephew oe- 
cept one farthing of him. By such fair means it 
was that Crooke procured so many subscriptions. 

First, of particular divines, many Franciscans, Do- 
minicans, and Servites, set their hands to the conclu- 
sions; though even in that there was opposition 
made by the pope's agents. Campegio was now en^. 
gaged in the emperor's faction, and did every where 

March 29. misrepresent the king's cause. Being at Venice, he 
so wrought on the minister of the Franciscans, that, 
though he had declared for the king, and engaged 
to bring the hands of twenty-four doctors and learn- 
ed men of his order for it, and had received a small 
present of ten crowns ; yet, after he had kept the 
money three weeks, he sent it back, and said, he 
would not meddle more in it: but they procured 

May 36. most of thcsc hauds without his help. ' At Milan, a 
suffragan bishop and sixteen divines subscribed. Nine 
doctors subscribed at Vincenza ; but the pope's nun- 
cio took the writing out of his hands that had it, 

June 27. and suppressed it. At Padua all the Franciscans^ 
both Observants and Conventuals, subscribed ; and 
so did the Dominicans, and all the canonists : and 
Jthough the pope's and emperor's emissaries . did 


thrcatfii all that subscribed, yet there were got book 
oghty hands at Padua. Next the universities de- -. 

' teimined. '^30. 

At Bononia, though it was the pope's town, many nwj detcr- 
subscribed. The governor of the town did at first Ihl^u^u 
oppose the granting of any determination; but the^"™"*- 
pope's breve being brought thither, he not without 
great difficulty gave way to it; so on the tenth of June lo. 
June, the matter being publicly debated, and all 
Cajetan's arguments being examined, who was of 
opinion, That the laws of marriage in tieciticus 
did not bind the Christian church ; they deter- 
mined. That these laws are still injiyrce, and that 
they bind all, both Christiana and ii^ldels, being 
jtarts of the low of nature, as well as of the law of 
God; and that there/ore they judged marriage in 
these degrees unlawjid, and that the pope had no 
authority to dispense with them. 

The university of Padua, after some days public ai p«dH«; 
dispute, on the first of July determined to the samecuUcct. 
purpose ; about which Crooke's letter will be found '^™ ' ^'. 
among the instruments at the end of this book. 

At Ferrara, the divines did also confirm the same And fn- 
conclusion, and set their seal to it ; but it was taken !^' ^ ' 
away violently by some of the other faction ; yet the 
dnke made it be restored. The profession of the 
canon law was then in great credit there, and in a 
congregation of seventy-two of that profession, it 
was determined for the king ; but they asked one 
.hundred and fifty crowns for setting the seal to it, 
and Crooke would: not give more' than an hundred : 
Uie next day he came and offered the money ; but 
then it was told him, they would not meddle in it, 
snd be could not afterwards obtain it. 


BOOK 111 all, Crooke sent over by Stokesley an hundred 
several books, papers, and subscriptions, and there 

1530. Yrere many hands subscribed to many of those pa- 
pers. But it seems Crooke* died befidre he could re* 
ceive a reward of this great service he did the king; 
for I do not find him mentioned after this. I hope 
the reader will forgive my insisting so much on tfa&l 
negotiation ; for it seemed necessary to give full 
and convincing evidences of the sincerity of the 
king's proceedings in it, since it is so confidently 
given out that these were but mercenary subscript 
And in What difficulties or opposition those who were 

Apru 7?' employed in France found, does not yet appear to 
me; but the seals of the chief universities there 
were procured. The university of Orleance deter- 
At Paris mined it on the seventh of April. The faculty of 
of the C4. ^Yie canon law at Paris did also conclude, that the 
>i>y 25. pope had no power to dispense in that case, on the 
Of the twenty-fiflh of May. But the great and celebrated 
sorbonne, f^^yj^y ^f ^j^g Sorboone (whose conclusions had been 

looked on for some ages as little inferior to the de- 
crees of councils) made their decision with all possi- 
ble solemnity and decency. They first met at the 
church of St. Mathurin, where there was a mass of 
the Holy Ghost, and every one took an oath to 
study the question, and resolve it according to his 
conscience ; and from the eighth of June, to the se- 
cond of July, they continued searching the matte: 
with all possible diligence, both out of the scriptures, 
the fathers, and the councils ; and had many dis- 
putes about it. After which, the greater part ol 
the faculty did determine. That the king of JSmg- 
lands marriage was unlawfuly and that tiie pope 


had mo power io diapetue in it; and they set their book 
oommoD seal to it at St Mathurin% the second of. 

Jnljr^ 1580. To the same purpose did both the i^-Jl^^ 
odties of law» civil and canon, at Angiers, determine ^^7 7- 
die seventh of Maj. On the tenth of June, the fa-^J^^> 
cal^ of divinity at Bourges made the same deter* 
flriqatioii. And on the first of October the whole And Tho- 
univeEnty of Thdose did aU with one consent give couVct. 
ttieir judgment, agreeing with the former condu-^""^'^^ 
riona. More of the decisions of universities were 
not printed, though many niore were obtained to 
the same effect. In Germany, Spain, and Flanders, 
die emperor's authority was so great, that much 
amid not be expected, except from the Lutherans, 
with whom Cranmer conversed; and chiefly with 
Oriainderj whose niece he then married. Osiander jao. ss. 
upon that wrote a book about incestuous marriages, !:^:,';^t. 
which was published ; but was called in by a prohibi-"^';^^****** 
tion printed at Ausburg, because it determined in 
the king's cause, and on his side. 

But now I find the kinir did likewise deal amonffP«i«noe 
those in Switzerland that had set up the reforma- 
tion. The duke of Suffolk did most set him on to 
this ; (so one who was employed in that time writes ;) 
for he often asked him. How he could so humble 
Umse^f as to submit his cause to such a vHe, vi^ 
doiur, strangers-priest, as Campegio wasf To 
which the king answered. He could give no other 
reason, hut that it seemed to him, spiritual men 
should Judge sjnritual things: yet, he said, he 
would search the matter further ; but he had no 
great mind to seem more curious than other 
princes. But the duke desired him to discuss the 
matter secretly amongst learned men, to which he 



BOOK consented; and wrote to some foreign writers that j 

'• — were then in great estimation. Erasmua was jnuch ^ 

^^^^' in his favour, but he would not appear in it: he jj 

had no mind to provoke the emperor, and live on- ] 

Grineus easily in his own country. But Simon Grineos was 1 

^D^ sent for, whom the king esteemed much for his 

ed* "sX learning. The king informed him about his pio- 

wh^^'iet. ^^^^' ^"^ ^^^^ ^™ ^^^^ *° Basil, to try what Ub 
ten are io frieuds in Germany and Switzerland thoufffat of it- 

ft MS in . o • 

R. Smith's He wrote about it to Bucer, (Ecolampadius, ZuiiH 
^^"^"^^ glius, and Paulus Phrygion. 

The opin- (Ecolampadius, as it appears by three letters, one 
^um- dated the tenth of August 15S1, another the last of 
p^diui ; ^Yie same month, another to Bucer the tenth of Sep- 
tember, was positively of opinion. That the law in 
Leviticus did bind all mankind ; and says, 2%a/ 
law of a brother's marrying^ his sister4n4aw was 
a dispensation ^iven by God to hi^ own law^ which 
belonged only to the Jews; and therefore he 
thought that the king might without any scruple 
Bnoer; put awtty the quccn. But Bucer was of another 
mind, and thought the law in Leviticus did not 
bind, and could not be moral, because God had dis- 
pensed with it in one case, of raising up seed to his 
brother: therefore he thought these laws belonged 
only to that dispensation, and did no more bind 
Christians than the other ceremonial or judiciary 
precepts ; and that to marry in some of tiiese de- 
uces was no more a sin, than it was a sin in the 
disciples to pluck ears of com on the sabbath-day^ 
There are none of Bucer's letters remaining on this 
head; but by the answers that Grineus wrote to 
him, one on the twenty-ninth of August, another on 
the tenth of September, I gather his opinion, and 


^Ibe temem fcnr it. But they all agreed, that tKe booi^ 
'a dispeimatiM was of no force to alter the na- ..' " 

of a^thing: Paulus Phrygion was of <q)inioii, p^^*^'. 
lawa.m Leviticus did Innd all nations, be- 

it is said in the text, I^i the Canamites 
Ipmpi^Ml Jbr doing contrary to them, which 
Wijnot consist with the justice qf God, \f those 
^jjn^Sokibitians hadnof been parts qf the law of no- 
iMTtf. DatM Basil, the tenth of September. In 
fifnew's letter to Bucer, he tells him, that the king 
had ''said to him; I^at now Jbr seven years he had 
perp e tua l trouble upl&n him about this marriage. 
2bra|^iuA's fetter is very fiill« First, he largely zniDgiiiis ; 
pri(»fes,'tliat neither the pope, nor any other power, 
iBBB|itd]8|iense with the law of Gbd : then, that the 
IpoMles had made no new laws about marriage, but 
lEBd! left it as tbey found it : that the marrying 
iftidiiii near degreeis was hated by the Greeks, and 
dtfaer heathen nations. But whereas Grineus seem- 
ed to bt oi opinion, that though the marriage was 
flit made, yet it ought not to be dissolved; and in- 
dined rather to advise, that the king should take 
another wife, keeping the queen still: ZuingUus 
cbnfiit^ that, and says, if the marriage be against 
the law of Crod, it ought to be dissolved ; but con- 
dudes the queen' should be put away honourably, 
add still used as a' queen; and the marriage should 
Ofiily be dissolved for the future, without illegitimat- 
ing the issue begotten in it, since it had gone on in 
a public way, upon a received error : but advises, 
diat the king should proceed in a judiciary way, and 
not establish so ill a precedent, as to put away his 
queen, and take another, without due form of law. 
Dated Basil, the seventeenth of August. There is 


BOOK a second letter of his to the same puipoae from 
Zurich, the first of September. There is abo with 

i5ao. these letters a long paper of Osiander^s^ in the 
form of a direction how the process should be ma- 
iiS^E bt. There is also an epistle of Calvin's, published 
3^4* among the rest of his. Neither the date, nor. the 
person to whom it was directed, are named. Yet I 
fancy it was written to Grineus upon this occasion : 
Calvin was dear in his judgment that the marriage 
was null, and that the king ought to put away the 
queen, upon the law of Leviticus. And whereas it 
was objected, that the law is only meant qf marfy* 
ing the brother^ s wife while he is yet aUve ; he 
shews that could not be admitted ; for all the pro* 
hibited degrees being forbidden in the same style, 
they were all to be understood in one sense : there- 
fore, since it is confessed, that it is unlawful to marry 
in the other degrees, after the death of the father^ 
son, uncle, or nephew, so it must be also a sin to 
marry the brother's wife after his death. And for 
the law in Deuteronomy, of marrying the brather^s 
wife to raise up seed to him ; he thought, that by 
brother there is to be understood a near kinsman^ 
according to the usual phrase of the Hebrew tongue: 
and by that he reconciles the two laws, which otiier* 
wise seem to differ, illustrating his exposition by the 
history of Ruth and Boaz. It is given out that Me« 
lancthon advised the king's taking another wife, jus- 
tifying polygamy from, the Old Testament ; birt I 
cannot believe it. It is true, the lawfulness of poly- 
gamy was much controverted at this time. And as 
in all controversies newly started, many crude things 
are said ; so some of the Helvetian and German ^ 


vioes seem not so fierce against it; though none of book 
them went so far as the poj* did, who did plainly _ 

' Voti Her. 

and it was a motion the imperialists consented to, '>«^'^ 

'^ an artf . M. 

and promoted, though upon what reason, the ambas- Saft. rt, 
sador Cassali, who wrote the account of it to the 
king, could not learo. The pope forhade him to 
write about it to the king, perhaps as whisperers en- 
join silence, as the most effectual way to make a 
thing public. But for Melancthon's being of that 
mind, great evidences appear to the contrary ; for 
there is a letter of Osiander's to him, giving him 
many reasons to persuade him to approve of the 
king's putting away the queen, and marrying an- 
other: the letter also shews he was then of opinion, 
that the law in Leviticus was dispensable, 

And after the thing was done, when the king ^^-"^^^ 
sired the Lutheran divines to approve his second mai'- V?'*'" 
riage, they begged his excuse in a writing, which they 
sent over to him ; so that Melancthon not allowing 
the ttdi^ when it was done, canpot be imagined to 
have adriaed p<dygqmy beforehand. And to open iiutme. 
at ioDce all that may clear the sense of the protes-byDrr 
tants m the question ; when, some y^ra afler this, ^^^h. 
Fox, being made bishop of Hereford* and much in-^^^' 
dined to their doctrine, was sent over to get the di- '$■ 
vines of Germany to approve of the divorce, and the 
mbseqaent marriage of Anne Boleyn ; he found 
that Melancthon and others had no mind to enter 
adch into the dispute about it> both for fear of the 
emperor, and because they judged the king was led 
in it by dishonest affections : they also thought the 
lavs in Leviticus were not moral, and did not oblige 
Christians ; and since there were no rules made 



BOOK about the degrees of marriage in the gospel, they 
'■ — thought princes and states might make what laws 

1530. |.jjgy pleased about it: yet after much disputing 
^ntb^* they were induced to change their minds, but could 
kiQg^g fint not be brought to think that a marriage once made 
but are ' might bc annulled, and therefore demurred upon 
MTO^. * that ; as will appear by the conclusion they passed 

Numb!'3s. "P^° ^^ ^^ ^ found at the end of this volume. All 
this I have set together here, to give a right repre-. 
dentation of the judgments of the several parties of 
Christendom about this matter. 

It cannot be denied, that the protestants did ex* 
press gr^t sincerity in this matter ; such as became 
men of conscience, who were acted by true princi- 
ples, and not by maxims of policy. For if these had 
governed them, they had struck in more compliantly 
with so great a prince, who was then alienated from 
the pope, and in very ill terms with the emperor ; 
so that to have gained him by a full compliance to 
have protected them, was the wisest thing they could 
do : and their being so cold in the matter of his mar- 
riage, in which he had engaged so deeply, was a 
thing which would very much provoke him against 
them. But ^luch measures as these, though they 
very well became the apostolic see, yet they were 
unworthy of men, who designed to restore an apo- 
stolic religion. ' 

Fox. The earl of Wiltshire, with the other ambassa- 

dors, when they had their audience of the pope at 
Bononia, refused to pay him the submission of kiss- 
ing his foot, though he graciously stretched it out to 
them ; but went to their business, and expostulated 
in the king's name, and in high words ; and in con- 
clusion told the pope, that the prerogatme of the 



etimm ^JEk^gbmdwm such, that their mairter Would aoais 
not sttfio^any citation to be mJEide of him to any fi>- 


fog^toqmt; and Uiat therefore the king would notT„i^* 
\mrb fais eause tried at Rome. The pope answered,'re^tu«t to 
that'tiiough ihe queen's solicitor had pressed him to Rome, 
piwcied in . the citation ; both that her marriage, 
betng; further examined, might receive a new con-' 
firoMilioii;. fo silencing the disputes about it, and 
because the king had withdrawn himself from her ; 
yel if tbe:king did not go further, and did not inno- 
vate in religioii, the pope was willing to let the mat^ 
ter re^t^ They, went next to the emperor, to justify 
tbe kmg^s proceedings in the suit of the divorce. 
But he iM them,, he was bound in honour and jus-i 
tioe to;8tt|q|)ort his aunt, and that he would not aban^ 
doD her. Cranmer offered to maintain what he had craDmer 
written in his book; but whether they went so fhrmaiauin 
as to naake their divines enter into any discourse cause!"* * 
with him about it, I do not know. This appears, 
that the pope; to put a compliment on the king, de- 
clared Cranmer his penitentiary in England. He, 
having stayed some months at Rome after the am- 
bassadors were gone, went into Germany ; where he 
became acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, a man 
very famous for great and curious learning, and, so 
satisfied him* in the king^s cause, that he gave it out, 
that the thing was clear and indisputable, for which 
he was afterwards hardly used by the eiiiperor, and 
died in' prison. 

But when the king received the determinations TUenobi- 
and conclusions of the universities, and other learned and'com. 
men beyond sea, he resolved to do two things. First, England 
to-make a new attempt upon the pope, and then toJJJ^**^^^ 
publish those conclusions to the world, with the ar- 


BOOK l^uments upon which they were grounded. But, to 
'^' make his address to the pope carry more terror with 
1530. it, he got a letter to be signed by a great many mem- 
bers of parliament, to the pope. The lord Herbert 
saith, it was done by his parliament ; but in that he 
had not applied his ordinary diligence : the letter 
bears date the thirteenth of July. Now by the re- 
cords of parliament it appears, there could be no ses- 
sion at that time, for there was a prorogation from 
the twenty-first of June till the first of October that 
year : but the letter was sent about to the chief mem- 

In the Life {^ers for their hands ; and Cavendish tells, how it was 

of Woliej* 

brought to the cardinal, and with what cheerfiilness 
he set his hand to it. It was subscribed by the car- 
dinal and the archbishop of Canterbury, four bishops, 
two dukes, two marquises, thirteen earls, two vis- 
counts, twenty-three barons, twenty-two abbots, and 
eleven commoners, most of these being the king's 
This letter The contcnts of the letter were, " that their near 

And the ui' 

fwer are ** relation to the king made them address thus to the 
th*e"iord ^ " pope. The king's cause was now, in the opinion 
Herbert. « ^£ jj^^ Icamed men, and universities both in Eng- 

** land, France, and Italy, found just, which ought 
*^ to prevail so far with the pope, that though none 
** moved in it, and notwithstanding any contradic- 
^^ tion, he ought to confirm their judgment ; espe- 
** cially it touching a king and kingdom, to whom 
he was so much obliged. But since neither the 
justice of the cause, nor the king's most earnest 
** desires, had prevailed with him, th^ were all 
** fi>rced to complain of that strange usage of the 
ffkiDg; who both by his authority, and with his 
hild supported the apostolic see, and the catho- 





^ lie ^tb^ and yet was now denied justice4 From book 

^ which they apprehended great mischief and civil 1— 

•• wars, which could only be prevented by the king^s ^^^^' 
^ manying another wife, of whom he might have 
^ iisue. This could not be done till his present mar- 
^ riage were annulled. And if the pope would still 
** refuse to do this, they must conclude that they 
^ were abandoned by him, and so seek for other re- 
** medies. This they most earnestly prayed him to 
^prevent, since they did not desire to go to ex- 
^ tremities till there was no more to be hoped for at 
«« his hands." 

To this the pope made answer the 27th of Sep- tik pope's 
tember. ^ He took notice of the vehemency of their 
** leCtar, which he forgave them, imputing it to their 
** great affection to their king: they had chained 
** him with ingratitude and injustice ; two grievous 
** imputations. He acknowledged all they wrote of 
^ the obligations he owed to their king, which were 
for greater than they called them, both on the 
apostolic see, and himself in particular. But in 
the king's cause he had been so far from denying 
^ justice, that he was oft charged as having been too 
partial to him. He had granted a commission to 
two legates to hear it, rather out of favour, than in 
rigour of law ; upon which the queen had ap- 
p^ed : he had delayed the admitting of it as long 
as was possible ; but when he saw it could not be 
any longer denied to be heard, it was brought be- 
" fore the consistory, where all the cardinals, with 
** one consent, found that the appeal, and an avoca- 
" tion of the cause, must be granted. That since 
" that time the king had never desired to put it to 
« a trial, but, on the contrary, by his ambassadors at 

VOL. I. o 



*h«t posture 
in a thing 
^0k ao mucji as 
of muTersities 
tl^em firom 
** was true, some 
■™ «iiotIi» way ; 
given, but only 
ke liad abo aeen vay iiB, 
^partanltliiiigsfiDrtbeotlierBde; and therefore he 
•* most not [■tti|HUtff a Knleno^ in a cause of such 
^ high importance, till aU things were fuUy heard 
^ and coosideied* He wialied their king might have 
^ male48sue, but he was not in God's stead to give 
^ it. And f» their threatoungs of seeking othw 
^ remedies, they were neither agreeable to their 
^ wisdom, nor to their rdigion. Therefore he ad- 
^ monished them to abstain firom such counsels ; but 
** minded them, that it is not the physician's fault if 
" the patient will do himself hurt. He knew the 
** king would never like such courses ; and though 
•* he had a just value for their intercession, yet he 
<< considered the king much more, to whom, as he 
" had never denied any thing, that he could grant 
** with his honour, so he was very desirous to ex- 
** amine this matter, and to put it to a speedy issue, 
'* and would do every thing that he could without 
" offending God.'* 

^hu. *^^' t*^^ ^^"K» either seeing the pope resolved to 
grant nothing, or apprehending that some bull m^ht 
be brought into England in behalf of the queoi, m* 
tho disgraced cardinal, did on the nineteenth of Sep- 
ItsoUior {Hit forth a prodamatiou against any '^ who 
"^ |Hincha$ed any thinf^ firom Bome» or d aew h ei i^ con- 


' trary to his royal prerc^ative and auUnri^, or book 
' should publish or divulge any such thiogt requir-_ 

" ing them not to do it, under the pains of iacumng '*™' 
" bis indignation, imprisonment, and other piuUBh- 
" ments on their persons." This was founded oa 
the statute otprovisors and prtemunireft. But that 
being done, he resolved next to publish to the worlds 
and to his subjects, the Justice of his cause : there- 
fore some learned men were appointed to oompare 
all that had been written on it, and out of all the 
transcripts of the manuscripts, of fathers and couu-BMinwrit- 
cils, to gather together whatsoever did rtrengthen id^-, 
it. Several of these manuscripts I have seeo; <Mie'"°^ 
b in Mr. Smith's library, where are the quotations 
of the fathers, councils, schoolmen, and canonists, 
written out at length. There are three other such 
MSB. in the Cotton library, of which one contains aotba.c. 
large vindication of these authorities, from sorae ex- 
ceptions made to them ; another is an answer to the ibidem, 
bishop of Rochester's book for the queen's cause. A veip, b. j. 

, . , ,. , , ■ 1 !_■ . Collect. 

third digests the matter uito twelve articles, wnichNiimb.36. 
the reader wiU find in my Appendix ; and these are 
there enlai^ed on and proved. But all these, and 
many more, were summed up in a short book, and 
printed first in Latin, then in English, with the de- 
terminations of the universities before it. These are 
of such weight and importance, and give bo great a 
light to the whole matter, that I hoiK; the reader 
will not be ill pleased to have a short abstract of 
them laid before him. 

An abstract of those things ivhich were written Jbr 

ike divorce. 

" The law of marriage was originally given by 



BOOK " God to Adam in the state of inijocence, with this 
*' declaration, that man and wife were one flesh ; 

^1^530. €i jjy|. being afterwards corrupted by the incestuous 
grouDds of « commixtures of those which were of kin in the 

it in the . • . , • 

Old Tesu- " nearest degrees, the primitive law was again re- 






Lev. xViii. " vivcd by Moscs. And he gives many rules and pro- 

^* hibitions about the degrees of kindred and afl^nity, 

^' which are not to be looked on as new laws and 

judiciary precepts, but as a restoring of the law of 

nature, originally given by God, but then much 

corrupted. For as the preface which is so oft 

Lev. xTiii. « repeated before these laws, / am the Lard, in- 

21. ' ' ' " sinuates that they were conform to the divine na- 

** ture ; so the consequences of them show they were 

Ver.i7,24,« moral and natural. For the breaches of them are 

*^ called wickedness and abomination, and are said 

ver. 24, 25. " to defile the land ; and the violation of them is 

charged on the Canaanites, by which the land was 

polluted, and for which it did vomit out the in- 

" habitants. From whence it must be concluded, 

" that these were not positive precepts, which did 

." only bind the Jews, but were parts of the law of 

** mankind and nature ; otherwise those nations 

" could ^contract no guilt by their violating them. 

Lev. xviii. « Among the forbidden degrees, one is, T^hou shalt 

" not discover the nakedness of thy brother's wife ; 

** it is thy hrother^s nakedness. And it is again re- 

Uv. XX.2I." peated, If a man shall take his brother^ s wife, it 

" is an unclean thing ; he hath uncovered his bro- 

" therms nakedness : they shall be childless. These 

" are clear and express laws of God, which therefore 

" must needs oblige all persons of what rank soever, 

" without exception. 

" In the New Testament, St. John Baptist said to 


" Herod. It is not lawful for thee to taie thy hro- book 

" ther'a wife ; which shows that these laws Of Moses '. 

'* were still obligatory. St. Paul also, in hifl EpiBtle^,^^*, 

" to the Corinthians, condemns the incestuous per- 

" son for having his father's wife, which is one of 

" the degrees forbidden by the law of Moses, and 

" calls it aJhrnicatioH not so much as named amttHg i Cw. ». i. 

" the Gentiles. Prom whence it is inferred, that 

" these forbidden degrees are excluded by the law 

" of nature, since the Gentiles did not admit them : 

*' St. Paul also calling it by the common name of 

"fornication, within which, according to that place, 

" all undue commixtures of men and women are in- 

" eluded ; therefore those places in the New Testa- 

" ment, that condemn ybr«tcdr/io», do also condemn 

" marriages in forbidden degrees. Our Saviour did 

" also assert the foundation of affinity, by saying, 

" thai man and wij'e are onefiesh. 

" But in all controverted things, the sense of the 
"scriptures must be taken from the tradition of the 
"church, which no good catholic can deny: and 
" that is to be found in the decrees of popes and 
" councils, and in the writings of the fathers and 
" doctors of the church : against which, if any argue 
" from their private understanding of the scriptures, 
" it is the way of heresy,' and savours of Luther- 
" anism. The first of the fathers, who had occasion 
" to write of this matter, was Tertullian, who lived Lib. n. 
"within an age after the apostles. He in express ei<m^ 
" words says, that the law of not marrying the bro- 
" ther's wife did still oblige Christians. 

" The first pope, whose decision was sought inii>«»«"tbor- 
" this matter, was Gregory the Great, to whom Aus-popw. 
" tin, the apostle of England, wrote for his resohition 


BOOK ** of some things, in which he denred direction { and 
"' << one of these is. Whether a man may marry 

1530, « brother's wife 9 (who in the lai^uage ci that tune 
<< was called his kinsweman.) The p(^ answered 
^ negatively, and proved it by the law of Moses> and 
'< therefore defined, that if any (^ihe EngUsknaiien, 
*^ who had married within that degree, were eon^ 
<< verted to the faith, he must be admcnished to oft- 
<* stainfrom his wife, and to look on suchamarriage 
^ as a most grievous sin. From which it appears, 
^ that that good pope did judge it a thing which by 
** no means could be dispensed with, otherwise he 
** had not pressed it so much under such drcum- 
<< stances ; since, in the first conversion of a nation 
to the Christian faith, the insisting too much upon 
it might have kept back many from receiving the 
Christian religion, who were otherwise wdl inclined 
• Ad omnet ^^ to it. 'Calixtus,^Zacarias,and ^Innocent the Third, 
•cop^.*^' ** have plainly asserted the obligation of these pre- 
3?c»p."pi-' " ^P^ ^^ '^^ ^^^ ^^ Moses ; the last particularly, 
l*^"™- " ^^^ treats about it with great vehemency : so 
cap. cum <^ that the apostolic see has already judged the mat- 

injuven. ^ 
tutem. tcr. 

And conn- ** Scvcral provincial councils have also declared 
ca^. 3. ^^ the obligation of the precepts, about the d^rees 
*^ of marriage in Leviticus, by the council at Neo- 
*^ caesarea ; If a woman had been married to two 
'< brothers, she was to be cast out of the communion 
*\qf the church till her death, and the mam that 
^* married his brother^s wife was to be anathema- 
Chap. T.' '^ tisied, which was also confirmed in a council held 
by pqie Gregory the Second. In the council of 
where the .degrees that make a marriage 
lous are reckoned, this of marrying the hto- 


** Hba^B wife is one of them : and there it was de- book 
^cseed, tkat all marriages tmtkin these degrees 

* were nmU: and the parties so contracting were ^^^* 
^tobe east out ^ the comimunMn of the church, 

* and put among Me catechumensy till they sepa- 

^ rated tkemsehes Jirom one another. And in the chip. ▼• 
^ second council of Toledo, the authority of the Mo- 

* saical prohibitions about the degrees of marriage 

* is ackoowledged. It was one of Wickliffe's errors, 
^ that the prohibition of marriage within such de- 
^ grees was without any foundation in the law of 
^ God : for which, and other points, he was con- 
^.demned, first in a convocation at London, then at 
^ Qxfinrd; and last of all, at the general council of 
^Coiurtance, these condemnations were confirmed. 
^So fermally had the church in many provincial 
^ councils, and in one that was general, decided this 

** Next to thcise, the opinions of the fathers were 
^ to be considered. In the Greek church * Oriiren > And the 


^ first had occasion to treat about it, writing on Le-inxz.'Lcvit. 
*viticus; and ^Chrysostom after him; but most^||^*)*^'' 
" ftdly ^ St. Basil the Great, who do expressly assert ^^\^ ^ 
^ the obligations of these precepts. The last parti- niodor. 
^ cularly refuting, at great length, the opinion of 
^ some who thought the marrying two sisters was 
^ not unlawful, lays it down as a foundation, that 
the laws in Leviticus about marriage were still in 
force. Hesychius also, writing upon Leviticus, on Lerit. 
" proves that these prohibitions were universally ob- ^^^ *° 
^ ligatory, because both the Egyptians and Canaan- 
*< ites are taxed for manying within these degrees ; 
•* from whence he infers, they are of moral and eter- 
<' nal obligation. 

o 4 



BOOK '' From the Greek they went to the Latin fkthersi 
^ and alleged, as was already observed, that Tertul- 

Aiid^tffu- " ^^*° ^^^^ *^® same opinion ; and with him agreed 
tin hxhen. w ^iig three great doctors of the Latin church, » Am- 
Ep. li^."' ^* brose, ^ Jerome, and ^ St. Austin, who do plainly 
^Coo^Hei. ,r deliver the tradition of the church about the obli- 
Fw*c. 8 " gation of those laws, and answer the objections 
9> 'o. << that were made, either from Abraham's marrying 
64. in LeT. ** his sister, or from Jacob's marrying two sisters ; 
lib. titc. 4! " or the law in Deuteronomy, for the brother^s mar- 
aTi&J* " ^"fif *^ brother's wife, if he died without chil- 
cxvi. M dren. 

And of the 

iDodcra << They observed, that the same doctrine was also 


In Epift. *' taught by the fathers and doctors in the latter 

finteem^ ^' &g^* ^ Ausclm held it, and pleads much for mar- 

jon xfui it rying in remote degrees, and answers the objection 

*' from the decision in the case of the daughters of 

• Lib. ii. d« << Zelophehad. ^ Hugo Cardinalis, Radulphus Fla- 

a. c iv. ^' ^ viacensis, and Rupertus Tuitieiisis, do agree, that 

*^ ** " these precepts are moral, and of perpetual obliga- 

Epiit. ad *^ tion ; as also Hugo de Sto. Victore. Hildebert, 

^'^^ " bishop of Mans, being consulted in a case of the 

Epit. ^. << same nature with what is now controverted, plainly 

^^ determines, that a fnan may not marry his hro- 

** ther*s tvife ; and by many authorities shows, that 

Epitt.240. ^' by no means it can b^ allowed. And Ivo Car- 

** notensis, being desired to give his opinion jn a 

** case of the same circumstances, of a king's mar- 

" rying his brother's wife^ says. Such a marriage 

** is nuUy as inconsistent with the law of God; 

and that the king was not to be admitted to the 

communion of the church till he put away his 

wife J since there was no dispensing with the 

law of God, and no sacrifice could be qffered 


• • • • 

'^Jhr Hum tkat continued wSUnghf in sin. Pas- book 
^ futgCB (dso to the same purpose are in other places 

ofhisepisUes. i^^^* 

^ From these doctors and fathers the inquiry de- The schooi- 
** aoended to the schoolmen, who had with more nice- ^^^' 
^ ness and subtlety examin^ things. ^ They do all 
** agree in asserting the obligation of these Levitical 
''prohibitions. Thomas Aquinas does it in many a<(*. 2dc, 
''{daces, and confirms it with many arguments. St!^* 'in 
" Altisiodorensis says, they are moral laws, and part ^'^**" 
" of tiie law of nature. Petrus de Palude is of the Quest 54. 
" same mind; and says, that a man's marrying his^dbtT 
" brother's wife was a dispensation granted by God, ^- ^ ^' 
" but could not be now allowed, because it was con- 
trary to the law of nature. St. Antonine of Flo- 
rence, Joannes de Turre Cremata, Joannes de 
" Tabia, Jacobus de Lausania, and Astexanus, were 
^ also dted for the same opinion. And those who 
" wrote against Wickliffe, namely, *Wydeford, **Cot-^^*-^ 
" ten, and ^ Waldensis, charged him with heresy, for ». 
<' denying that those prohibitions did oblige Chris- et uiidtu 
" tians : and asserted, that they were moral laws, Mib^^sa. 
'i which obliged all mankind. And the books of Wal-?^/^^™- 
" densis were approved by pope Martin the First. 
There were also many quotations brought out of 
Petrus de Tarentasia, Durandus, Stephanus Bru- 
" lifer, Richardus de Media Villa, Guido Briancon, 
*' Gerson, Paulus Ritius, and many others, to con- 
<' firm the same opinion, who did all unanimously 
'* assert, that those laws in Leviticus are parts of the 
" law of nature, which oblige all mankind, and that 
*' marriages contracted in these degrees are null and 
«* void. All the canonists were also of the same And ca- 


** mind ; Joannes Andreas, Joannes de Imola, Abbas 


BOOK ^ Panormitanus, Matthaeus Nera^ VincentiuB, Inno- 
*^ centius, and Ostieiids, all conduded that these 


15S0. M ii^^g ^gjg gtiii in forc^ and could not be dispensed 
MMriage " There was also a great deal allied to prove, 
faTo^wDt. ^ that a marriage is completed bf the marriage-con- 
" tract, though it be never consummated. Many 
authorities were brought to prove that Adonijah 
could not marry Abishag, because she was his fa- 
therms wife, though never known by him. And by 
the law of Moses, a woman espoused to a man, if 
" she admitted another to her bed, was to be stoned 
^^ as an adulteress ; from whence it appears, that the 
validity of marriage is from the mutual covenant. 
And though Joseph never knew the Messed Virgin, 
yet he was so much her husband by the espousals, 
" that he could not put her away but by a bill of 
" divorce : and was afterwards called her husband, 
** and Christ's father. Affinity had been also defined 
by all writers, a reloHan arising out of marriage; 
and since marriage was a sacrament qfthe churchy 
its essence could only consist in the contract : and 
" therefore, as a man in orders has the character, 
^^ though he never consecrated any sacrament ; so 
'^ marriage is complete, though its effect never fol- 
*' low. And it was shewed, that the canonists had 
*' only brought in the consummation of marriage as 
^* essential to it by ecclesiastical law : but that, as 
'• Adam and Eve were perfectly married before they 
** knew one another, so marriage was comjdete upon 
^* the contract ; and what followed was only an 
effect done in the right of the marriage. And there 
_..^ was a great deal of filthy stuff brought together, 
iHBk^ of the different opinions of the canonists conoftm- 



* im ttiiitiiiiniiiitkm» to what degree it naiiBt go, to book 

* Atw that it coold not be efuential to the marriage 

^ contioct^ whidi in modesty were suppressed. Both ^^^^* 
^ HEDdebert of Mans> Ivo CamotensiS) and Hugo de 
* Sto. Victore, had delivered this ojnnioni and proved 
^ it out of St. Chrysostom, Ambrose^ Austin^ and 
^ Udinre. Pope Nichdas^ and the council of Tribar, 
^ defined, that marrii^ was completed by the con- 
^ sent and the benediction. From all wliich they 
^ oondudedy that although it could not be proved 
^ that prince Arthur knew the quefen, yet that» she 
** beii^ once lawfiiUy married to him, the king could 
^ not afterwards marry her. 

^ It was also said, that violent presumpticns were vioieiitfiv- 
^ aolEcient in the <^»nion of the canonists to prove^^b!!^. 
^ coBsammation. Formal proofs could not be ex-^'|^|^'^ 
^ pected ; and for persons that were of age, and in ^^^^^^ 
^ good healthy to be in bed together, was, in all trials 
^ about consummation, all that the canonists sought 
^ for. And yet this was not all in this case ; for it 
^ appeared, that, upon her husband's death, she Was 
^ kept with great care by some ladies, who did think 
^ her with child ; and she never said any thing 
^* against it. And in the petition offered to the 
*^ pope in her name, (repeated in the bull that was 
^ procured for the second marriage,) it is said, she 
** was perhaps known hy prince Arthur ; and in 
*' the breve it is i^inly said, she was known by 
^ ^nce Arthur : and though the queen offered to 
" purge herself by oath, that prince Arthur never 
** knew her, it was proved by many authorities out 
** of the canon-law, that a party's oath ought not to 
'< be taken, when there were violent presumptione 
^ to the contrary. 



As for the validity of the pope's dispensation, it 
was said, that though the schoolmen and canonists 
" did generally raise the pope's power very high, 
and stretch it as far as it was possible ; yet they 
^< all agree that it could not reach the king's case ; 
upon this received maxim, that only the laws of 
*^ the church are subject to the pope, and may he 
dispensed with by him, but that the laws qf God 
are above him, and that he cannot dispense with 
^* them in any case. This Aquinas delivers in many 
places of his works. Petrus de Palude says, the 
pope cannot dispense with marriage in these de- 
grees, because it is against nature. But Joannes 
** de Turre Cremata reports a singular case, which 
^^ fell out wl^n he was a cardinal. A king of France 
*^ desired a dispensation to marry his wife's sister. 
'^ The matter was long considered of, and debated 
in the rota, himself being there, and bearing a 
share in the debate ; but it was concluded, that if 
any pope, either out of ignorance, or being cor- 
rupted, had ever granted such a dispensation, 
*^ that could be no precedent or warrant for doing 
^* the like any more, since the church ought to 
be governed by laws, and not by such exam- 
ples. Antonin, and Johannes de Tabia, held the 
*^ same. And one Bacon, an Englishman, who had 
** taught the contrary, was censured for it even at 
*^ Rome ; and he did retract his opinion, and ac- 
" knowledged, that the pope could not dispense with 
" the degrees of marriage forbidden by the law of 

6 canonists agree also to this ; both Joannes 

as, Joannes de Imola, and Abbas Panormi- 

us, assert it, saying, that the precepts in Levi- 




^ ticus oblige for erer^ and therefore cannot be dis- book 
^ pensed with. And Panonnitan says, Tke^e things ^^' 

are to be observed in practice, because great ^^^^* 
^ princes do often destre dispensations Jrom popes, dien. spon. 
^ Pope Alexander the Third would not suffer a citi- 
^ z^ of Pavia to marry his younger son to the wi- 
^* dow of his eldest son, though he had sworn to do 
^ it. For the pope said, it was against the law of 
** God, therefore it might not be done ; and he was 
*^ to repent of his unlawful oath. 

• ^ And for the power of dispensing even with the 
^ laws of the church by popes, it was brought in in 
^ the latter ages. All the fathers with one consent 
^ believed, that the laws of God could not be dis- 
** pensed with by the church, for which many places 
** were cited out of St. Cjrprian, Basil, Ambrose, Isi- 
'* dore, Bernard, and Urban ; Fabian, Marcellus, and 
^' Innocent, that were popes ; besides an infinite num- 
*• ber of later writers. And also the popes Zosimus, 
^ Damascus, Leo, and Hilarius did freely acknow- 
** ledge they could not change the decrees of the 
** church, nor go against the opinions or practices 
** of the fathers. And since the apostles confessed 
** they could do nothing against the truth, but for 
" the truth ; the pope, being Christ's vicar, cannot 

be supposed to have so great a power as to abro- 
gate the law of God : though it is acknowledged, 
that he is vested with 2l fulness of power, yet the 
phrase must be restrained to the matter of it, which 

* is, the pastoral care of souls. And though there 
was no court superior to the pope's, yet as St. Paul 

*' had withstood St. Peter to his face ; so in all ages, 
** upon several occasions, holy bishops have refused 
** to comply with, or submit to orders sent from 


BOOK *' Rom^ when thejr thought the matto* of them ud< 
"• " lawful 

1530. « Laurence, that succeeded Austin the monk in 

iiM>p«TefiiM^* the see of Canterbury^ having excommunicated 

toUMi^'t*^ king Edbald for an incestuous marri9ge» would 

^^^ " not absolve him till he put away his wife ; though 

Mftimesbiir. « the pope pUcd Mm earnestly, both by entreaties 

*^ and threatenings, to let it alone, and absolve him. 

'< Dunstan did the like to count Kdwin^ for another 

'^ incestuous marriage ; nor did all the pope's inter- 

*^ position make him give over. They found many 

** other such instances, which occurred in the ecde- 

^* siastical history, of bishops proceeding by censures, 

*^ and other methods, to stop the course of sin, not- 

'< withstanding any encouragement the parties had 

*♦ from popes. 

** And it is certain that every man, when he finds 
'^ himself engaged in ^ny course which is clearly 
^^ sinful, ought presently to forsake it, according to 
** the opinion of all divines. And therefore the king, 
^^ upon these evidences of the unlawfulness of his 
** marriage, ought to abstain from the queen ; and 
•* the archbishop of Canterbury, with the other bi- 
*^ shops, ought to require him to do it, otherwise 
^* they must proceed to church-censures. Many 
** things were also brought from reason, (or at least 
^ the maxims of the school philosophy, which passed 
** for true reasons in those days,) to prove marriage 
•* in the degrees forbidden by Moses to be contrary 
'^ to the law of nature ; and much was alleged out 
*' of profane authors, to show what an abhorrency 
heathen nations had of incestuous marriages, 
whereas the chief strength of the argu- 
for the contrary opinion rested in this, that 


^ these tow9 of Mofles weie not ootifini^ liy Chi^ 9oaK 


or hi« apostles io the New Testament; to that^ '* 



tbejF answeredy that if the laws about marriage ^^^* 
^ w»e moral, as had been proved^ then there was 
^ no need of a particular confirmation^ since those 
^ words of our Saviour, / came not to deMtrojf the 
^ ktm^hmt tojkyu it, do confirm the whofe moral 
^ law. Qmi9t bad also e^ipressly asserted the relar 
^ tion of aObiily, saying. That man and wtfe are 
em fieek* St. Paul also condemned a match as 
inoastiiouii finr aflEinity. But though it w^re not 
expressly set down in the gospel, yet the traditions 
^ of the church are receiyed with equal authority 
^ to writtm verities. This the court of Rome, and 
<^ aU the learned writers for the catholic faith, lay 
*^ down as a fundamental truth. And without it, 
'< how could the seven sacraments, (some of which 
^ are not mentioned in the New Testament,) with 
many other artides of catholic belief^ be maintain- 
ed against the heretics? The tradition of the 
church being so full and formal in this particular, 
must take place : and if any corruptions have been 
brought in by some popes within an age or two, 
which have never had any other authority from 
the decrees of the church, or the opinions of learn- 
ed men, they are not to be maintained in opposi- 
tion to the evidence that is brought on the other 

•^side." ^ 

Hiis I have summed up in as short and compre- 
hensive words as I could, being the substance of 
what I gathered out of the printed books and ma- 
nuscripts for the king's cause. But the fidelity of 
an historian leads me next to open the arguments 
that were brought against it, by those who wrote on 


BOOK the otha* side for the queen's cause, to prove the 
validity of the marriage, and the pope's power of 

1^^^- dispensing with a marriage in that d^ree of affi- 

I could never, by all the search I have made, see 
either MSS. or printed books that defended their 
cause, except Cajetan's and Victoria's books, that 
are printed in their works. But from an answer 
.that was written to the bishop of Rochester's book, 
and from some other writings on the other side, I 
gather the substance of their arguments to have been 
what follows : 
rh€ Mgu. u Cardinal Cajetan had by many anruments en- 

meoU for ^ ^ j o 

the mar- « deavourcd to prove, that the prohibitions in Levi- 
" ticus were not parts of the moral law. They were 
" not observed before the law, no not by the holy 
** seed. Adam's children married one another, Abra- 
*^ ham married his sister, Jacob maiTied two sisters, 
Judah gave his two sons to Tamar, and promised 
to give her the third for her husband. By the law 
of Moses, a dispensation was granted in one case, 
** for marrying the brother's wife, which shows the 
" law was not moral, otherwise it could not be dis- 
pensed with ; and if Moses dispensed with it, why 
might not the pope as well do it ? Nor was there 
" any force in the places cited from the New Testa- 
" ment. As for that of Herod, both Josephus and 
" Eusebius witness, that his brother Philip was alive 
" when he took his wife, and so his sin was adultery, 
and not incest. We must also think that the in- 
cestuous person in Corinth took his father's wife 
when he was yet living ; otherwise, if he had been 
dead, St. Paul could not say it was a Jbmication 
M/ named among the Gentiles : for we not only 






^ findlf boUi among the Pendaas and other nations, book 
^tlte marriage of step-mothers allowed; but even_l_ 
^ among the Jews, Adonijah desired Aliishag in mar- ^^^ 
** riage, who had been his father^s concubine." 

Frmn all which they concluded, ** That the laws 
^ about the degrees of numriage were only judiciary 
^ precepts, and so there was no other obligation on 
^ Christians to obey them, than what flowed from 
^ the laws of the church, with which the pope, might 
** dispense. They also said, that the law in Leyi- 
^ ticttStOf not taking the brother's wife, must be^ 
^ understood of not taking her while he was alire ; 
^ for after he was dead, by another law, a man might 
^ many his Inrother's wife. 

^ They also pleaded, that the pope's power of dis- 
^ pensing did reach • further than the laws of the 
^ diurch, even to the law of God ; for he daily dis- 
^ pensed with the breaking of oaths and vows, 
^* though that was expressly contrary to the second 
^ oonamandment : and though the fifth command- 
"^ ment, 7%otf shalt do na murder^ be against kill- 
^ ii^f y^ the pope dispensed with the putting thieves 
** to death ; and in some cases, where the reason of 
^ the commandment does not at all times hold, he 
^ 18 thf only judge according to Summa Angelica. 
^ They concluded the pope's power of dispensing 
^ was a9 necessary as his power of expounding the 
SGriptuf^ ; and since there was a question made 
concerning the obligation of these Levitical prohi- 
bitions, whether they were moral, and did oblige 
^ Christians or not, the pope must be the only judge. 
^ There were also some late precedents found, one 
*^af P. Martin, who, in the case of a man's having' 
** married his own sister, who had lived long with 

VOL. I. P 




BOOK " her* upon a consultation with divines and Uwyen* 

'. " coDfiroied it, to prevent the scandal which the dis- 

1531. tt solving of it would have given. Upon wbidi St. 
" Antonin of Florence says, that since the thing was 
*< dispensed with, it was to be referred to the judg- 
" tnent of Gk>d, and not to be condemned. 

" The pope had granted this dispensation, upon a 
" very weighty consideration, to keep peace between 
" two great crowns : it had now stood above ivi&Aj 
" years : it would therefore raise an high scandal to 
" bring it under debate ; besides that it would do 
" much hurt, and bring the titles to most crowns 
" into controversy. 
>« u- " But they concluded, that, whatever informali- 
tbcM. " ties or nullities were pretended to- be in the bulls 
" or breves, the pope was the only competent judge 
" of it ; and that it was too high a presumption for 
" inferior prelates to take upon them to examine or 
" discuss it." 

But to these arguments it was answered by the 
writers for the king's cause, " that it was strange to 
" see men, who pretended to be such enemies to all 
" heretical novelties, yet be guilty of that which ca- 
" tholic doctors hold to be the foundation of all he- 
" resy ; which was, the setting up of private senses 
" of scripture, and reasonings from them, against 
'* the doctrine and tradition of the church. It was 
'* fully made out, that the fathers and doctors of the 
** chnrch did univerBally agree in this, that the Le- 
** vitical prohibitions of the d^rees of marriage are 
\ and do oblige all Christians. Against this 
tiiy, Cajetan was the first that presumed to 
^opposing his ]vivBte conceits to the tradi- 
\ the church : which is the same thing for 


** which Lather and his fidlowren are so sererdr book 


^ doodemiied; . May it not then be justly said of. 

** sack OMD^ihat they plead much for tradition when ^^^' 
«< it oiakes for them, but ngect it when it is against 
^tliem? Theiefore all these exceptions are over- 
" thrown with this one maxim of catholic doctrine, 
'* I%ai they are novelties against the constant tra- 
^* dMm qf the Christian church in aU ages. But 
^* if the force of them be also examined, they will be 
<< found as weak as they are new. That before the 
^ law these d^prees were not observed, jNroTes only, 
« that tiiey are not evidently contrary to the com- 
** num sense of all men : but as there are some moral 
^ precepts^ which have that natural evidence in them, 
^ that all men must discern it ; so there are others, 
^^ that are drawn from public inconvenience and dis- 
^^ honesty, which are also parts of the law of nature: 
^ these {NTohibitions are not of the first, but of the 
<^ second sort, since the immorality of them appears 
<^ in this, that the familiarities and freedoms amongst 
<< near relations are such, that if an horror were not 
^ struck in men at conjunctures in these degrees, 
^ fomilies would be much defiled. This is the foun- 
*^ dation of the prohibitions of marriages in these 
d^prees : therefore it is not strange if men did not 
appreh^id it, before Ood made a law concerning 
^ it. Therefore all^ examples before the law, show 
^ only the thing is not so evident, as to be. easily 
** collected by the light of nature. And for the story 
*f of Judah and Tamar, there is so much wickedness 
<< in all the parts of it, that it will be very hard to 
*f make a. precedent, out of any part of it. As for 
^^ the provision about marrying the brother*^ wife, 
'^ that only proves the ground of the .law. is not of 



BOOK ** its own nature immutable, but may be dispensed 
^^ with by God in some cases. And all these moral 




1531. «( laws, that are founded on public convenienqr and 
** honesty, are dispensable by Grod in some cases ; 
** but because Moses did it by divine revelation, it 
^* does not follow that the pope can do it by his or- 
dinary authority. 

^* For that about Herod, it is not dear from Jose- 
phus that Philip was alive when Herod married 
^^ his wife. For all that Josephus says is, that she 
** separated from her husband when he was yet alive, 
^^ and divorced herself from him. But he does not 
say, that he lived still after she married his bro- 
ther. And by the law . of divorce, marriage was 
at an end, and broken by it as much as if the* 
*^ party had been dead, so that in that case she 
** might have married any other: therefore. Herod's 
^* sin in taking her was from the relation of having 
" been his brother's wife. And for the incestuous 
person in Corinth, it is as certain, that though 
some few instances of a king of Syria, and some 
" others, may be brought of sons marrying their 
*' step-mothers, yet these things were generally ill 
" looked on, even where they were practised by some 
** princes, who made their pleasure their law. Nor 
** could the laws of Leviticus be understood of not 
" marrying the brother's . wife when he was alive; 
** for it was not lawful to take any man's wife from 
** him living : therefore that cannot be the meaning. 
*^ And all those prohibitions of marriage in other 
degrees, excluding those marriages simply, whe- 
ther during the Ufe, or after the d^th of the la- 
son, uncle, and other such relations, there is 
ind to disjoint this so much from the rest. 


i^M'to mike dt' only^ extend to a marriage before book 
.^ tbe hosbaiid's death. And for any precedents that 

wete bhnight, they were all in the latter ages, ^^^*- 
t^ ttnd were never confirmed by any public authority. 
' ^ Mor must the practices of latter popes be laid in 
^tiie balance against the decisions of former popes, 
^ and the doctrine of the whole church; and* as to 
^ ibe power that was ascribed to the pope, that be- 
** gan now to hi inquired, into with great freedom, 
^ aa diafl appear afterwards.'' 

ISieie reasons on both sides beinir thus opened, tim queen 
the censures of thiem^ it is like, will be as different uue. 
ndw, as they were then : for they prevailed very 
i&tle' o» the queen, who still persisted to justify her 
marriage; and to stand to her appeal. And though Haii. 
the king carried it very kindly to her in all outward 
appearance, and employed every body that had cre- 
dit with her to bring her to submit to him, and to 
pass from her appeal, remitting the decision of the 
matter to any four prelates, and four secular men 
in England, she was still unmoveable, and would 
hearken to no proposition. In the judgments that 
pec^Ie passed, the sexes were divided; the men ge- 
neraUy approved the king's cause, and the women 
favoured the queen. But now the session of parlia- a letiion of 
ment came on the sixteenth of January, and there ^ 
the king first brought into the hous^ of lords the 
determination ofjthe universities, and the books that 
were written for his cause by foreigners. After they 
were read and considered there, the lord chancellor 
did on the twentieth of March, with twelve lords More. 
both of the spirituality and temporality, go down to 
the house of commons, and shewed them what the 
universities and learned men beyond sea had writ- 


•:. TIC nMrooT OP 

^. >^ ii^ nv.rt-riv. m pmduced twelve original 
l^^r • fii li^ »<iu ir- the universities to them 
^'•u:. >•' /^«i Tiki* rook out of his hand, and 
f.A*\ »y^ih/ rt rJift hniifie. translating the Latin into 
^^,i/j;-i. Th«*rn ahoiit an hundred books, written 
Wf r-.Vi-ijrA /tivin»T« for the divorce, were also shewed 
Ml' iM , fi'»ri#- ^if wrhtrh were read, but put off to ao- 
fiHi# • run*-, It liftin({ late. When that was done, the 
lifiil ihAiifHIor dinired they would report in their 
I <.iiiihii:« uhut tkey had heard and seem^ and Hen 
hII Mt'H nhunM vieurfy perceice^ that tie Um^ kati 
siitf u/hmf^ii-ii this matter of will ami piemMmrr om 
%liiti4/i%>'iJi Jiiiff, hut Qtdy for the dijtckur^ j/ iu 
iuHMU'HiW unit the 'iecurity of' tie ^mceejt^wum ro " 
six»{%a. t lav tug Nuitl that, bt; lell ihe huuae. ^ 
iiMiui v»ii* .iInu brought Ix^tbre the convotaM^nn . ^ 
ih, > . Imv iiig ^iciglKti all that wa{> 5aid on imcit ^j,.^ 
..^auAi >,uiMKxl iliai the luaiTiage was unrnwiia. ami 
.K., .!v »uii \vd* >i 'luimxe, iiui-e lut }eiriir -i^ 

•:,. V % «. L -ii:«iifti<r iiittt tiiib iiiauei' went 5*j4-£j^y^y. 
.. iv •..*»^'v.^tJ«*ii, vi!tji LuuiUei' Mi iiir ^ttfiitej- ■ -m-. 

.„ ..v- vti'Uiii. nuilfju 'Voisty. 'V eXt:ici&4Uic 'lb 

... uifci-Lf, t'Ulu: >-i.f!acu .14. . ?it: ^iuuuil 
111, lUu IC vIIltC> .'CULU \j:axkkst%, i*i :iit t..r&^ 

\ • 




It is to be considered, that the idngs of Ei^laod book 
having claimed in all ages a power in ecdesiastical ' 
autters/ equal to what the Roman emperors had in^^^^'- 

*^ The prero- 

liiat empire, they exercised this authority both over ^^'^''^ <>' 
the clergy and laity ; and did at first erect bishop- of Eogiaod 
lies, grant in vestures in them, call synods, make laws, l^iod ar.' 
idioot sacred as well as ci?il concerns ; and, in a word, ^^' 
Ihey governed their whole kingdom. Yet when the 
Inshqps of Rome did stretch their power beyond 
tither the limits of it in the primitive church, or 
what was afterward granted them by the Roman 
emperors, and came to assume an authority in all 
die diurches of Europe ; as they found some resist- 
ance every where, so they met with a great deal in 
this kingdom ; and it was with much difficulty that 
tihey gained the power of giving investures, receiv- 
ing appeals to Rome, and of sending legates to Eng^ 
land, with several other things, which were long 
contested, but were delivered up at length, either 
by feeble princes, or when kings were so engaged 
at home or abroad, that it was not safe for them to 
i^end the clergy. For in the first contest between 
the kings and the popes, the clergy were generally 
on the pope's side, because of the immunity and pro- 
tection they enjoyed from that see ; but when popes 
became ambitious and warlike princes, then new The en* 
projects and taxes were every where set on foot to of the pa- 
raise a great treasure. The pall, with many bulls '***^^' 
and high compositions for them, annates, or first* 
firuits and tenths, were the standing taxes of the 
ciCTgy^ besides many new ones upon emergent occa- 
sions. So that they, finding themselves thus op- 
pressed by the popes, fled again back to the crown 



BOOK for protection, which their predecesscNrs had aban- 
— ! doned. 

1^31. From the days of Edward the First, maiij statotes 
were made to restrain the exactions of Rome. For 
then the popes, not satisfied with their other ojqpres- 
ifit. piurit. sions, (which a monk of that time lays open fullj, 
Tb« lawB and from a deep sense of them,) did by proyisions, 
•gainft bulls, and other arts of that see, dispose of lnshq>- 
rics, abbeys, and lesser benefices, to foreigners, car- 
dinals, and others that did not live in En^Uind. 
Upon which the commonalty of the realm did repre- 
ss Edw. I. sent to the king in parliament, T^hat the biskoprieSf 
^tS^Ju abbeys, and other benefices were founded hy the 
^^T^l^'hings and people of England, to inform ike people 
^' of the law of God, and to make hoepitaUiy, alms, 

and otker works of charity, for which end they 
were endowed by the king and people of England; 
and that the king, and his other sulyects who en- 
dowed them, had upon voidances the presentment 
and collations of them, which tiow the pope had 
usurped and given to aliens, by which the crown 
would be disinherited, and the ends of their endow- 
ments destroyed, with other great inconveniences. 
Therefore it was ordained, That these oppressions 
should not be steered in any 7nanner. But, not- 
withstanding this, the abuse went on, and there was 
no effectual way laid down in the act to punish these 
transgressions. The court of Rome was not so easily 
driven out of any thing that either increased their 
35 Kd. III. power or their profits ; therefore, by another act in 
prov?Mn. his grandchild Edward the Third's time, the com- 
mons complained, that these abuses did abound, 
}td that the pope did daily reserve to his coUa- 



turn church^eferments in England^ and raised book 
Ae firH^frwUy with other great prqfits, hy which "* 
ikfi ^risamure qf ihe realm woe carried out qfit^ and ^^^ ^ * 
wumy derhey advanced in the realm, were put out 
tf their benefices by those provisors ; therefore the 
Ut^9 being bound by oath to see the laws kept, did, 
with the assent qfaU the great men and the com^ 
wuf^flUy^the realm, ordain. That the free dec- 
Uome^ presentments, and collations qf benefices, 
^komld stand in the right of the crown, or ^any 
^ksM esAgeds, as they had formerly enjoyed them, 
notmUhstemding any provisions from Bome. And 
jf any did disturb the incumbents by virtue qfsuch 
provisions, those provisors, or others employed by 
th^m^ were to be put in prison till they made fine 
and ransom to the king at his will; or if they could 
not he apprehended, writs were to be issued out 
to eei$e them; tmd all benefices possessed by them 
mm:^ to fall into the hinges hands, except they were 
aUeys.or priories, that fell to the canons or col- 
leges. B7 another act, the provisors were put out 
of the hinges protection; and if any man qffended 
against them, in person or goods, he was excused, 
and was never to be impeached for it. And two 37 Edwani 
jean after that, upon another complaint of their '^^''* 
suing the king's subjects in other courts, or beyond 
sea, it was ordained, TT^at any who sued, either be^ 
yond sea, or in any other court, for things that 
had been sued, and about which judgment had been 
given informer times in the kin^s courts, were to 
be cited to answer for it in the king's courts within 
two months ;, and if they came not, they were to be 
put out qf the king's protection, and to forfeit their 
lands, goods, and chattels to the king, and to be 


BOOK imprisomed and rammmed at Ae Mmgfs wUL Both 
these statates reoeiTed a new euufiniiatioo deirai 

jt^iuhil^ y^^ ^^'^ ^^^' ^^ ^'^^^^ statutes proved inefieo- 
III. taf. t, tual ; and in the beginniiig of the ve^ of Ridiaid 
Il^^Tj. ^^ Second^ the former acts were coofimied faj an- 
other statute, and appointed to be executed: and 
not only the provisors themsdves, but all such as 
took procuratories, letters of attorney, or fiurms fiom 
them, were involved in the same guik. And in the 
seventh year of that king, provisions were made 
against aliens having benefices without the king^s 
license, and the king promised to abstain fiom 
granting them licenses: for this was another arti- 
fice of the Roman court, to get the king of their 
side, by accepting his license, which by this act was 
restrained. This failing, they betook themsdves to 
another course, which was, to prevail with the in- 
cumbents that were presented in England according 
to law, to take provisions for their benefices firom 
13 Richard Romc, to confirm their titles. This was also forbid- 
• «»p»5- ^^^ under the former pains. As for the rights of 
presentations, by the law they were tried and judged 
in the king's courts, and the bishops were to give 
institution according to the title declared in these 
judgments : this the popes had a mind to draw to 
themselves, and to have all titles to advowsons tried 
in their courts ; and bishops were excommunicated, 
who proceeded in this matter according to the law. 
i6 Richard Of wliich great complaint was made in the sixteenth 
^^ \ yco^ of ^h^ ''cign of Richard the Second. And it 
was added to that, that the pope intended to make 
many translations of bishops, some to be within, and 
out of the realm, which, among other inconve- 
reckoned in the statute, would produce this 


«ffi9ct: Tkat tike eroum qf England^ whieh had bom: 
iitii wjree ut off times, shauM be sulffe^d 1o 


Ae imhopi^ Borne, and the laws and statutes ^ ^^'- 
tike realm by him defeated and destroyed at his 
m9. nkey also found those things to be against 
tim iin^s crown and regaUty, used and4ipproved 
im iSite time qf his progenitors : therefore aU the 
esmmons resohed to tive and die with him and his 
ermm ; and they required him, by way of justice, 
to emamine all the lords, ^ritual and temporal, 
^dkat they thought of those things, and whether 
they would be with the crown to typhoid the rega^ 
Bty qf U^ To whieh aU the temporal lords an^ 
swered, Aey would be with the crown. Sut the 
spiritual lords, being ashed, said, they would nei^ 
ther deny nor affi/rm that the bishop of Borne might, 
or might not, excommunicate bishops, or make trans^ 
lotions of prelates : but upon that protestation, they 
said, ^at if such things were done, they thought it 
was against the crown ; and said, they would be 
with the king, as ^ey were bound by their legeance. 
Whareupon it was ordained, that if any did pur^ 
those translations, sentences of excommunication, 
bulls, or other instruments from the court of Borne, 
against the king or his crown ; or whosoever brought 
them to England, or did receive or execute them ; 
they were out of the hinges protection, and that 
they should forfeit their goods and chattels to the 
king, and their persons should be imprisoned. And 
because the proceedings were to be upon a writ, 
called fironi the most material words of it, praemu- 
nire fades, this was called the statute of pnemu- 

When Henry the Fourth had treasonably usurped 


;ooK the crown, all the bishops (Carlisle only excepted) 
"' did assist him in it, and he did very gratefully oUige 
^^** them again in other things ; yet he kept up the force 
of the former statutes. For the Cistercianr order 
having procured bulls, discharging them of paying 
tithes, and forbidding them to let their farms to any, 
but to possess them themselves : this was complained 
ien. IV. of in parliament in the second year of his reign, and 
**'*' those bulls were declared to he of no force ;• and if 
any did put them in execution^ or procured other 
such bulls, they were to be proceeded against upon 
the statutes made in the thirteen A year qftheJoT' 
mer king's reign against promisors. But all this 
while, though they made laws for the future, yet 
they had not the courage to put them in execution : 
and this feebleness in the government made them so 
much despised, and so oft broken ; whereas the se- 
vere execution of one law, ' in one instance, would 
more effectually have prevented the mischief, than 
ien. IV. all these laws did without execution. In the sixth 
year of his reign, complaints being made of the ex- 
cessive rates of compositions for archbishoprics and 
bishoprics in the pope's chamber, which were raised 
to the treble of what had been formerly paid; it 
was enacted, that they should pay no more than 
ieD. IV. had been formerly wont to be paid. In the seventh 
year of his reign, the statute made in the second 
year was confirmed ; and by another act, the licenses 
which the king had granted for the executing any 
of the pope's bulls are declared of no force to pre- 
judice any incumbent in his right. Yet the abuses 
j^Qcroachments of the court of Rome still in- 
all former statutes against provisors were 
r again, and all elections declared free, and 



t' to be.intemipted^ either by the pope or the book 
wgi' bat, at the same time, the king pardoned aU 

i fiormer transgressions against these statutes. By ^^^^* 
Jte pardons the court of Rome was more enoou* 
jped than terrified by the laws; therefore there 
IS a necessity of making another law, in the reign 
-Henry the Fifth, against provisors, that the fii-4Heiiryv. 
wihents lawJuUy invested in their livings shauld^^' 
t be molested by them, tiumgh they had the hinges 
rdom; arid both bulls and licenses were de^ 
wed void and of no value ; and those who did 
\on such grounds molest them, should ii^cur the 
ins qfthe statutes against provisors. . 
Our kings took the best opportunity that ever 
nil! have been found to depress the papal power; 
r firom the beginning of Richard the Second's reign, 
1 the fourth year of Henry the Fifth, the popedom 
18 broken by a long and great schism ; and the 
Dgdoms of Europe were divided in their obedi- 
loe ; some holding for those that sat at Rome, and 
hers for the popes of Avignon : England, in op* 
idtion to France, that chiefly supported the Avig- 
m popes, did adhere to the Roman popes. The 
ipacy being thus divided, the popes were as much 

the mercy of kings for their protection, as kings 
id formerly been at theirs ; so that they durst not 
lunder as they were wont to do ; otherwise this 
ngdom had certainly been put under excommuni- 
itions and interdicts for these statutes, as had been 
>ne formerly upon less provocations. 

But now that the schism was healed, pope Martin 
\e Fifth began to reassume the spirit of his prede- 
»sors, and sent over threatening messages to Eng- 
nd^ in the beginning of Henry the Sixth's reign. 


BOOK None of our books have taken any notice of this 


piece of our history ; the manuscript out of whidi 
Ex M^ ' I draw it has been written near that time, and con- 
D. PMyt. tains many of the letters that passed between Rome 

and England upon this occasion. 
Reg. Chi- The first letter is to Henry Chichely, then archbi- 

dicl. fol. 

30. shop of Canterbury, who had been promoted to that 

see by the pope, but had made no opposition to the 
statute against provisions in the fourth year ci 
Henry the Fifth ; and afterwards, in the eighth year 
of his reign, when the pope had granted a provision 
of the archbishopric of York to the bishop of Lin- 
coln, the chapter of York rejected it, and, pursuant 
to the former statute, made a canonical election. 
Henry the Fifth being then the greatest king in 
Christendom, the pope durst not offend him : so the 
law took place, without any further contradiction, 
till the sixth year of his son's reign, that England 
was both under an . infant king, and had fallen from 
its former greatness : therefore the pope, who waited 
for a good conjuncture, laid hold on this, and first 
expostulated severely with the archbishop for his 
remissness, that he had not stood up more for the 
right of St. Peter and the see of Rome, that had be- 
stowed on him the primacy of England ; and then 
says many things against the statute of prttmunire^ 
and exhorts him to imitate the example of his prede- 
cessor, St. Thomas of Canterbury the martyr, in as- 
serting the rights of the church ; requiring him, un- 
der the pain of excommunication, to declare at the 
1% parliament to both houses the unlawftilness of 
»te, and that all were under excommunica- 
obeyed it. But, to make sure work among 
lie, he also commands him to give orders, 


under the same pains, that aU the clerg7 of Englaiid book 
dMNild preach the same doctrine to the people. 

bean date the fifUi day of December 1486, and will ^^^^* 
be found in th^ Collection of papers. 

Bat it seems the pope was not satisfied with his 
answer; for the next letter in that MS. is yet^'^* 

Numb. 37" 

more severe, and in it his legantine power is sus- 
pended. It has no date added to it ; but the paper 
that fcdiows, bearing date the sixth of April 1427, 
leads us pretty near the date of it. It contains an 
appeal of the archbishop's, from the pope's sentence, 
to the next general council ; or, if none met, to the 
tribunal of God and Jesus Christ. 

Ther^ is also another letter, dated the sixth of 
May, directed to the archbishop, and makes mention 
of letters written . to the whole clergy to the same 
porpoae, requiring him to use all his endeavours for 
iqiealing the statute, and chides him severely be- 
cause he had said, that the pope's xeal in this mat- 
ter was atdy that he might raise much money out 
tf England; which he resents as an high injury, 
and protests that he designed only to maintain those 
; rights that Christ himself had granted to his see, 
[ which the holy &thers, the councils, and the ca- 
tholic church has always acknowledged. If this 
does not look like teaching ex cathedra^ it is left to 
the reader's judgment. 

But the next letter is of an higher strain. It is 
directed to the two archbishops only ; and, it seems, 
m despite to Chichely, the archbishop of York is 
named before Canterbury. By it the pope annuls 
the statutes made by Edward the Third and Richard 
the Second, and commands them to do no act 
m pursuance of them : and declares, if they, or any 


(00 K Other, gave obedience to them^ they were wptofado 
"' excommunicated, and not to be relaxed, unless at 

1531. the point of death, by any but the pope.. He 
charges them also to intimate that his monitory let- 
ter to the whole nation, and cause it to be affixed 
in the several places, where there might be occasion 
for it. This is dated the eighth of December, the 
tenth year of his popedom. Then follow letters, 
from the university of Oxford, the archbishop of 
York, the bishops of London, Duresme, and Lincoln, 
to the pope ; all to mitigate his displeasure against 
the archbishop of Canterbury, in which they gave 
him the highest testimony possible, bearing date the 
tenth and the twenty-fifth day of July. These the 
archbishop sent by an express to Rome, and wrote 
the humblest submission possible to the pope ; pro- 
testing that he had done, and would do, aU that was 
in his power for repealing these statutes. One thing 
in this letter is remarkable : he says, He hears the 
pope had proceeded to a sentence against him, 
which had never been done from the days of St. 
Austin to that time : but he knew that only by re- 
port, for he had not opened, much less read, the 
bulls in which it was contained ; being commanded 
by the king to bring them, with the seals entire, 
and lay them up in the paper-qffice, till the par- 
liament was brought together, 

d to the There are two other letters to the king, and one 

C Mid 

liM&eat. to the parliament, for the repeal of the statute. In 

^^g. those to the king the pope writes, that he had often 

pressed both king and parliament to it; and that 

^^^^^pg had answered, that he could not repeal it 

^^^Hl|tiie parliament : but he excepts to that, as 

^Bpg the business, and shews it is of itself un- 


lawful, and that the king was under excommunica- book 
don as long as he kept it; therefore he expects. 

that, at the furthest, in the next parliament it should ^^^'* 
be repealed. It bears date the thirteenth of Octo- coUect. 
ber, in the tenth year of his popedom. In his letter "™ '^^' 
to the parliament, he tells them, that no man can be 
saved who is for the observation of that statute: 
therefore he requires them under pain of damnation 
to repeal it, and offers to secure them from any 
abuses which might have crept in formerly with these 
provisions. This is dated the third of October, de^ 
cimo pontfficat. But I believe it is an error of the 
transcriber, and that its true date was the thirteenth 
of October. 

The parliament sat in January 1427, being the 
3ixth year of king Henry the Sixth ; during which, 
pn the thirtieth of January, the archbishop of Can- 
terbury, accompanied by the archbishop of York, 
the bishops of London, St. David's, Ely, and Nor- 
wich, and the abbots of Westminster and Reading, 
went from the house of lords to the place where the 
house of commons ordinarily sat, which was the re- 
fectory of the abbey of Westminster, where the arch- 
bishop made a long speech, in the form of a sermon, 
upon that text. Render to Caesar the things which 
are CtBsafSy and to God the things that are Gtods. 
He began with a protestation, that he and his bre- 
thren intended not to say any thing that might de- 
rogate from the king, the crown, or the people of 
England. Then he alleged many things for the 
pope's power in granting provisions, to prove it was 
of divine right, and admonished and required them 
to give the pope satisfaction in it, otherwise he laid 
put to them with tears, what mischiefs might follow, 

VOL. I. Q 


•\o i-n v.'i-yjt'. *-frir.r irrm? 1^ 

V/m// / va=t fslr'ri^dj hroc^iJt vsder the fash fcr it, 
//# »* *,;»* /,//%' rfta<Jf: o-se of: pwrtlv to gtre the CtNDt 
f4 iUtfUi ii*ffn^\if-:r\WiTs^ of what th^y were to expect 
tff,th fh' Ho/, if thw w€Bt on to vse him iD; and 
tfhiUy, u, i,tf,4tif\ n4rv(:re\Y against all those of the 
minify, v/ho tuUitral oljotinatelr to the interests of 
iliiif tnuil,iifi(i to makr; the rest compound the mat- 
iM, h/rfh hy ;i full submission and a .consideraUe 
«»iil»«!iily ff wfiH in vain to pretend, it was a puUic 
iifiil iill/iwffl nior, iind that the king had not cMily 
roiinivHl III. Uir raniinnrs proceedings, but had made 
him fill Ihiil whil(* his chief minister: that therefore 
llii'V UTiT ixciiiiiahic in submitting to an authmty 
<M whlih ilir king gave so great encouragement; 
mnl lliMt ir llu»y IiimI demo otherwise^ they had been 
unnvtiididily nihird. For to all this it was an- 
"wnvd. lliiif ilir hii\N wore still in force, and that 


fl»cir ignonunce could not excuse them, sinoe they book 
inght to have known the law; yet smce the vio- 

•liftion of it was so public, though the court proceeded ^^^' 
to a sentence, that they were all out of the king^s 
'protection, and were liable to the pains in the sta- 
tutes ; the king was willing, upon a reasonable coub- Tet they 
peedtioD, and a full submission, to pardon them. <»mpoao ) 
So, in the convocation of Canterbury, a petition 
brought in to be offered to the king. In the 

king^s title, he was called. The Protector and Su^ ^^^^ 
preme Head of the Church and Clergy of JEng^^^^^^g 
kmd. To this some opposition was made, and itheanf* 
was put off to another day ; but, by the interposition of Eog^lS. 
of Cromwell, and others of the king's council, whoj^^""' 
cane to the convocation, and used arguments to 
persuade them to it, they were prevailed with to 
pass it with that title, at least none speaking against 
it: for when Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, 
said. That silence was to be taken for consent^ they 
cried out, they were then all silent: yet it wasAotiqmt. 

, BritaDiiis 

moved by some to add these words to the title, in in vita 
so far as is lawful by the taw of Christ. But Par-^***"' 
ker says, the king disliked that clause, since it left 
his power still disputable ; therefore it was cast out, 
asd the petition passed simply as it was first brought 
in. Yet in that he was certainly misinformed ; for 
when the convocation of the {»t)vince of York de- 
murred about the same petition, and sent their rea- 
sons to the king, why they could not acknowledge 
him supreme head^ which (as appears by the king's Pn"***' in 
answer to them) were chiefly founded on this, that 
the term head was improper, and did not agree to 
any under Christ; the king wrote a long and sharp 
answer to them, and showed them, that words were 

Q 2 

/^ * ' 

^•^ "Mil 

• •• '* i!*^. /tcr t-r ret* I 

/I I*/ r«i- 5€f.ijslj«rc It liavt n 1 

i ■'•/. *•//«;». f, V, 11V Hint UlSilOni. 
«*«-C •-!«< ii'i.-^vr ;Airt U? lilt IDlFCr 

ifii'j ^*J'^ «?,;,.». tf^ir iiifig would IlCC BTSQC llf 
!/*« ^l*$'/J Oih'fi^ij uiA*:ht tbtT" 

->^////v/r/' ///'////. i,# U'ifjg then <kam itf 
ol li*/ J';w*i li'/iiM: of c(/rjvocatiaD: 

fHj'l vtln f « hun }> j;ir^ imcntb he had. if br kid le- 
ht»uil fi/ i-j^ii ii^fit |>«'iiijori and submissioo. Brh 
Hi* y innyn\ iUi kiri(( Vt accept of 100,000/. in lieu 
ol iiH |iiiiiia|iiiii fiU wlijrii Ujey had incurred brgoii)^ 
mnihiixi iIji' hi III III ih of proviJtarSf and did promise 
tni ilii liiiiiH , iiriihir ill make nor execute any con- 
Mil iiiiuii willifiiii ihr kiiif;*H license; upon which he 
)i.<iiiilnl iliiiii II ^nirnil pardon: and the convoca- 
liiMi III llir |iinviiin' i if York oflTcring 18,840/. with 
iniiiiliii miliiiiiti.iiiiii (if tho miwc nature afterwards, 
tli«Mi|^li lliiil 1111*1 ^^iiii inoiv opposition, they were also 


ii»v,Hu, Wlhu (||,i liixir'a imnlon lor the clergy was 
1., lit nioii^hi tiihi ||||« liouM* of I'tuumons^ thoy were much 
l^'L!*^ IiomUUhI (ii iiiul ihrm.Mlvcs not included within it; 
r h,Y tho !«(<ilulr!» \\( f^vriiBur^ many of them were 


iso liable ; and they apprehended, that either they book 

night be brought in trouble, or at least it might be '• — 

Bade use of to draw a subsidy from them : so they ^^^^' 
ent their speaker, with some of thdr members, to 
epresent to the king the great grief of his commons 
find themselves out of his favour, which they con- 
luded from the pardon of the pains of pr€Bfnunire 

his spiritual subjects, in which they were not in- 
luded; and therefore prayed the king that they 
aigfat be comprehended within it. But the king 
iiiswered them, that they must not restrain his 
nercy, nor yet force it ; it was free to him either to 
Xiecute, or mitigate the severity of the law : that he 
night well grant his pardon by his great seal with- 
ittt their assent, but he would be well advised before 
le pardoned them, because he would not seem to be 
xmipelled to it. So they went away, and the house 
jvas in some trouble : many blamed Cromwell, who 
pvas growing in favour, for this rough answer ; yet 
;he king's pardon was passed. 

But his other concerns made him judge it very which the 
unfit to send away his parliament discontented ; and JTrdi 
rince he was so easy to them as to ask no subsidy, he ^"**" 
liad no mind to offend them ; and therefore, when 
the thing was over, and they out of hopes of it, he 
)f his own accord sent another pardon to all his 
temporal subjects of their transgressions of the sta- 
tutes of provisars and pr€emunire ; which they re- 
:eived with great joy, and acknowledged there was 

1 just temperature of majesty and clemency in the 
dng's proceedings. 

During this session of parliament, an unheard-of oneattaint- 
:rime was committed by one Richard Rouse, a cook, soningf***" 
ivho on the sixteenth of February poisoned a vessel 

Q 3 


BOOK of jest, that Was to be used in porridge in the bishofi 
of Rochester's kitchen, with whidi seventeen persons 

^^^'- of his family were mortally infected, and one of the 
gefntlemen died of it ; and some poor people, that 
were charitably fed with the remainder of it, were 
also infected, one woman dying. The person was 

32 HeD. apprehended, and by act of parliament poisoning 

Act. 16. was declared treason, and Rouse was attainted, and 
sentenced to be boiled to death, which was to be the 
punishment of poisoning fbr all times to come, that 
the terror of this unheard-of punishment might 
strike a horror in all persons at such an unexampled 

Hall. crime. And the sentence was executed in 8mith«« 
field soon after. 

Of this I take notice the rather because of Sio^ 
ders's malice, who says, this Rouse was set on by 
Anne Bolejm, to make away the bishop of Rochester^ 
of which there is nothing on record, nor does any 
writer of that time so much as insinuate it. But 
persons that are set on to commit such crimes, are 
usually either conveyed out of the way, or secretly 
despatched; that they may not be brought to an 
open trial. And it is not to be imagined, that a 
man that was employed by them that might have 
preferred him, and found himself given up and ad- 
judged to such a death, would not have published 
their names who set him on, to have lessened his 
own guilt, by casting the load upon them that had 
both employed and deserted him. But this must 
pass among the many other vile calumnies, of which 
Sanders has been the inventor, or publisher, and for 
which he had already answered to his Judge. 

Lord Her- When the session of parliament was over, the 


king continued to ply the queen with all the appli- 



cations he could think of^ to depart from her appeal, book 
H^.grew very melancholy, and used no sort of di- 

vfoc^QUf but was observed to be very pensive. Yet^^^^J' 
nothing could prevail with the queen. She answered ^^^^ ^^^ 
the lords of the council, when they pressed her much 
to it, that she prayed God to send the king a quiet 
eomsdence, but that she was his latvful wife, and 
wmld abide by it till the court qf Borne declared 
fhe contrary. Upon which the king forbore to see 
her, or to receive any tokens from her, and sent her 
word, to choose where she had a mind to live, in 
•ay of hb manors. She answered, that to which 
place soever she were removed, nothing could remove 
her from being his wife. Upon this answer the king 
left her at Windsor the fourteenth of July, and never 
saw her more. She removed first to Moor, then to 
fUttthamstead, and at last to Amptliill, where she 
stayed longer. 

The clergy went now about the raising of the a disorder 
hundred thousand pounds, which they were to payd^^g°y^of 
in five years ; and, to make it easier to themselves, Jl^uiJ'Sie 
the prelates had a great mind to draw in the inferior ^^^l^^' 
clergy to bear a part of the burden. The bishop of 
London called a meeting of some priests about Lon- 
don, on the first of September, to the chapter-house 
At St. Paul's : he designed to have had at first only 
ft small number, among whom he hoped it would 
easily pass, and that being done by a few, others 
would more willingly follow. But the matter was 
not so secretly carried, but that all the clergy about 
the city hearing of it, went tliither. They were not 
a little encouraged by many of the laity, who thought 
it no unpleasant diversion to see the clergy fall out 
among themselves. So when they came to the chap< 

Q 4 


BOOK ter-house on the day appointed, the bishop's officers 
'^' would only admit some few to enter ; but the rest 

^^31- forced the door» and rushed in, and the bishop's ser- 
vants were beaten and ill used. But the bishop, 
seeing the tumult was such that it could not be easily 
quieted, told them all. That as the state of men in 
this life was Jrail, so the clergy, through JraUty 
and want qf wisdom, had misdemeaned themselves 
towards the king, and had fallen in a pramunire, 
for which the king of his great clemency was 
pleased to pardon them, and to accept qf a little, 
instead of the whole, of their benefices, which by 
the law had fallen into his hand: therefore he de^ 
sired they would patiently bear their share in this 
burden. But they answered, they had never med* 
died with any of the cardinal's faculties, and so had 
not fallen in the pnemunire ; and that their livings 
were so small, that they could hardly subsist by 
them. Therefore, since the bishops and abbots were 
only guilty, and had good preferments, they only 
ought to be punished, and pay the tax ; but that for 
themselves, they needed not the king's pardon, and 
so would pay nothing for it. Upon which the bi- 
shop's officers threatened them; but they, on the 
other hand, (being encouraged by some laymen that 
came along with them,) persisted in their denial to 
pay any thing ; so that from high words the matter 
came to blows, and several of the bishop's servants 
were ill handled by them. But he, to prevent a 
further tumult, apprehending it might end upon 
himself, gave them good words ; and dismissed the 
meeting with his blessing, and promised that nothing 
should be brought in question that was then done. 
Yet he was not so good as his word ; for he com- 

•U _ _. 

I haT€ IMC twen able 

«f aaEnrs bereod set duu:^\} ^^ f"^^ 
Tke pope eiqKctied not oohr to xkt r^^^^ 
to Ub fraflr bj the enpetw^ii 
to vieft llodena and Bcjigio inwi 
to vlncli he pieceDdeiL m$ heiiig 
7; aid the emperor having t'tigai^xl 
to lestove them to him« Bui 
now that the pope s pRCenskms wei^ aji^f^ntcd to 
be na mi nwl hj wome judges delegated by the om« 
perar, tfaejr detenaioed against the pope for tho duke 
of Fcffiara: wfakfa so disgusted the pc^* thai ho 
fen totaDjr fiom the emperor, and did unite with 
the Idi^ of Franoe, a match being abo projected 
bctir e cn the doke erf" Orieance* (aftemards Henry 
the SeocMMl,) and his niece Catharina do Modici: 
which did watk much on the (dope's ambition« to 
have his &milj alUed to so mighty a monarch. S.) 
that DOW he became wholiv French. 

The Frendi kin^ was also, on account of this -^ "**'** 
marriage, to resign all the pretensions he had to anv M>»«<ni^ 
temtorj m Italy to his younger son ; whuiu as it mi.) iii» 
would give less umbrage to the other princes of lt4Uy«^^||.|]^Y. 
who liked rather to have a king^s younger son among 
them, than either the emperor, or the French king ; 
so the pope ivas wonderfully pleased to raise another 
great prince in Italy out of his own family. On 
these grounds was the match at this time dcsignciK 
which afterwards took effect ; but with tliis differ- 


BOOK ence, that by the dolphin's death the duke of Or* 
kance became king of France, and his queen made 

l^^l* the greatest figure that any queen of Franoe had 
done for many ages. 

This change in the pope's mind might have pro- 
duced another in the king's affairs, if he had not al- 
ready gone so far, that he was less in fear of the 
pope than formerly. He found the credit of ik 
clergy was. so low, that, to preserve themselves from 
the contempt and fury of the people, they were 
forced to depend wholly on the crown. For Luther- 
anism was then making a great progress in Eng- 
land, of which I shall say nothing here, beiug le? 
solved at the end of this book to give an account of 
the whole course of it in those years that fall within 
this time. But what by the means of the new 
preachers, what by the scandals cast on the d&rgfj 
they were all at the king's mercy ; so he did not fear 
much from them, especially in the southern parts, 
which were the richest and best people : therefore 
the king went on resolutely. The pope, on the other 
hand, was in great perplexity ; he saw England 
ready to be lost, and knew not what to do to rescue 
or preserve it. If he gave way to what was lately 
done in the business of the prteviunire^ he must 
thereby lose the greatest advantages he drew from 
that nation ; and it was not likely, that, after the 
.king had gone so far, he would undo what was done. 
The emperor was more remiss in prosecuting the 

i^ipieen's appeal at Rome ; for at that time the Turk, 
^with a most numerous and poweiful army, was mak- 

jing an .impression on Hungary, (which, to the great 

most Christian king, was imputed to 
presents at the Port ;) and all the 


emperor ' s thoogfats were taken up with this. Thare- book 
fivey as he gave the protestant prinoes of Germany 

sme present satuf action in religion and other mat- ^^^" 
ters ; so he sent over to England, and desired the 
king^s assistance against that vast armj of 300^000 
Hien that was falling in upon Christendom. To this 
the king made a general answer, that gave some hopes 
•f assisting him. But at the same time the protest- 
ant princes, resolving to draw some advantage from 
that conjuncture of affairs, and being courted by the 
French king, entered into a lei^e with him, for the 
defence of the rights of the empire. And, to make 
tin firmer, the king was invited by the French king 
to join in it ; to which he consented, and sent over 
to France a sum of money, to be employed for the 
safety of the empire. And this provoked the empe*' 
ror to renew his endeavours in the court of Rome 
for prosecuting the queen's appeal. 

The French king encouraged the king to go on 
with his divorce, that he might totally alienate him 
from the emperor. The French writers also had 
another consideration, which seems unworthy of so 
great a king, that he himself, being at that time so 
public a courtier of ladies, was not ill pleased to set 
forward a thing of that nature. ^^ But though princes 
** allow themselves their pleasures, yet they seldom 
** govern their affairs by such maxims.*' 

In the beginning of the next year a new session of 1532. 
parliament was held, in which the house of commons ^^^^^^^ 
went on to complain of many other grievances they "p^^ ®/ 
lay under from the clergy, which they put in a writ- siwticai 
ing, and presented it to the king. In it they com- ^ 
{dained of the proceedings in the spiritual courts, 
and especially their calling men before them, ex of- 


HOOK ficio^ and laying articles to their chai^, without any 
accuser; and then admitting no purgafcioiiy but 

J 532. causing the partj accused, either to abjure, or to be 
H«». Ijumt ; which thej found very grievous and intoler- 
able. This was occasioned bj some vicdent proceed* 
ing against some reputed heretics, of which an ac- 
count shall be given afterwards. But those com- 
plaints were stifled, and great misunderstandings 
arose lx;tween the king and the house of commons 
upon this following occasion. 
Biit rfjMt There was a common practice in England of men's 
wardt. '^ making such settlements of their estates by tbdr 
last wills, or other deeds, that the king and some 
great lords were thereby defrauded of the advantages 
they mode by wards^ marriages^ and primer sea- 
sin. For regulating which, a bill was brought into 
the house of peers, and assented to there ; but when 
it was sent down to the house of commons, it was 
rejected by them, and they would neither pass the 
bill, nor any other qualification of that abuse. This 
gave the king great offence ; and the house, when 
they addressed to him about the proceedings of the 
Tht com- clergy, also prayed, T/tat he would consider what 
tion ihAt cosfi charge^ and paipis they had been at since the 
bi'di^lr- hcginniptg of the parliament, and that it would 
^' f}lease his grace of his princely benignity to dis- 

solve his court qfparliamenty and that his subjects 
might return into their countries. To which the 
Tjje^jttg'* king answered, " That for their complaints of the 
clergy, he must hear them ako before he could 
give judgment, since in justice he ought to hear 
both {Kirties ; but that they desiring the redress of 
such abuses, was contrary to the other part of 
petition ; for if the parliament were dbsolved. 

THE llEFOR:\rATIO\. ^>37 

^^ how could those things thej complained of be book 

^ amended ? And as they complained of their long . 
^ attendance, so the king had stayed as long as they ^^^^' 
** had done, and yet he had still patience, and so 
^ they must have, otherwise their grievances would 
^ be without redress. But he did expostulate se- 
•* verely upon their rejecting the bill about deeds, in 
** prejudice of the rights of the crown. He said, he 
<« had offered them a great mitigation of what by 
^ the rigour of the law he might pretend to ; and,* 
•* if they would not accept of it, he would try the 
^ utmost severity that the law allowed, and would 
*' not offer them such a favour again." Yet all this 
did not prevail ; for the act was rejected, and their 
complaint against the clergy was also laid aside, and 
the parliament was prorogued till April next. 

In this parliament the foundation of the breach 
that afterwards followed with Rome was laid, by an 
act for restraining the payment of annates to that 
court ; which, since it is not printed with the other 
statutes, shall be found in the end of this volume. 
The substance of it is as follows : 

** That fireat sums of money had been conveyed An act 
" out of the kinfi^dom, under the title o{ annates or naif, 

• Collect. 

" first-fruits to the court of Rome, which they ex- Numb. '41. 
" torted by restraint of bulls, and other writs ; that 
it happened often, by the frequent deaths of arch- 
bishops and bishops, to turn to the utter undoing 
** of their friends^ who had advanced those sums for 
*^ them. These annates were founded on no law ; 
'^ fcHT they had no other way of obliging the incum- 
'^ bents of sees to pay them, but by restraining their 
" bulls. The parliament therefore, considering that 
" these were first begun to be paid to defend Christ- 



BOOK ^ endom against infidels, but were now turned to a 1 1 
_i!l_" duty claimed by that court, against all right and 1 1 



1532. ^ conscience, and that vast sums were carried awaj 1 1 
upon that account, which, from the second year | \ 
of king Henry the Seventh to that present time, 
amounted to 800,000 ducats, besides many other 
^ heavy exactions of that court ; did declare, that 
^ the king was bound by his duty to Almighty .God, 
'^ as a good Christian prince, to 'hinder these oj^res- 
^' sions* And that the rather, because many of the 
^ .prelates were then very aged, and like to die in a 
^ diort time, whereby vast sums of money should be 
'^ carried out of England, to the great impoveridiing 
^ of the kingdom. And therefore all payments of 
^ first-fruits to the court of Rome were put down, 
^^ and for ever restrained, under the pains of the for* 
'^ feiture of the lands, goods, and chattels of him 
^* that should pay them any more, together with the 
^ profits of his see, during the time that he was 
** vested with it. And in case bulls were restrained 
** in the court of Rome, any person presented to a 
" bishopric should be notwithstanding consecrated 
" by ihe archbishop of the province ; or if he were 
presented to an archbishopric, by any two bishops 
in the kingdom, whom the king should appoint 
" for that end ; and that, being so consecrated, they 
** should be invested, and enjoy all the rights of their 
^ sees in full and ample manner ; yet, that the pope 
^ and court of Rome might have no just cause of 
** complaint, the persons presented to bbhoprics are 
" allowed to pay them five lib. for the hundred, of 
^^tejdear profits and revenues of their several sees, 
psriiament, not willing to go to extremi- 
the final ordering of that act to the 


** ftiii|^, tbat if the pope would «ther cbaritabljr and book 


Ij put down the payment cf annates^ or 


so moderate them that they might be a tolerable ^^^^• 
^ burdeii, the king might at any time before Easter 
** 1588, or before the next session of parliament, de- 
^ clare by his letters patents, whether the premisses, 
* or any part of them^ should be observed or not, 
'^ which should give them the fiiU force and author- 
^ ity of a law. And that if upon this act the pope 
^ should vex the king, or any of his subjects, by ex- 
^ communications or other censures, these notwith- 
^ standing, the king should cause the sacraments, 
^ and other rites of the church, to be administered, 
^ and that none of these censures might be pub- 
•* lished or executed.** 

This 1^ began in the house of lords ; from them 

it was sent to the commons, and being agreed to 

by them, received the royal assent, but had not 

that final confirmation mentioned in the act before 

the ninth of July 1533; and then by letters pa- Pari, noiit. 

tents (in which the act is at length recited) it was 


But now I come to open the final conclusion of The pope 

the king's suit at Rome. On the twenty-fifth of Peking .. 



January ** the pope wrote to the king, that he heard ^n»^ap. 
^ reports, which he very unwillingly believed, thatP**** 
he had put away his queen, and kept one Anne 
aibout him as his wife; which as it gave much 
scanda^ so it was an high contempt of the aposto- 
^* lie see, to do such a thing while his suit was still 
^* depending, notwithstanding a prohibition to the 
*^ contrary. Therefore the pope, remembering his 
** former merits, which were now like to be clouded 
'* with his present carriage, di4 exhort him to takl^ 


BOOK *' home his queen, and to put Anne away ; and not 


■ " to continue to provoke the emperor and his bro- 

1532. « ther by so high an indignity, nor to break the ge- 
'' neral peace of Christendom, which was its only se- 
*^ curity against the power of the Turk." What an- 
swer the king made to this, I do not find ; but, in- 
stead of that, I shall set down the substance of a de- 
spatch, which the king sent to Rome about this 
time, drawn from a copy of it ; to which the date is 
not added. But it being an answer to a letter be 
received from the pope the seventh of October, it 
seems to have been written about this time ; and it 
concluding with a credence to an ambassadcn*, I 

Loni Her. ludfi^e it was scut bv doctor Bennet, who was de- 
spatched to Rome m January 1532, to shew the 
pope the opinions of learned men, and of the univer- 

coiiect. sities, with their reasons. The letter will be found 

Numb. 42. 

in the end of this volume ; the contents of it are to 
this purpose : 
A despatch <« The pope had writ to the king, in order to the 
to the pope. '^ clearing all his scruples, and to give him quiet in 
" his conscience ; of which the king takes notice, 
" and is sorry that both the pope and himself were 
" so deceived in that matter ; the pope, by trusting 
to the judgments of others, and writing whatever 
they suggested; and the king, by depending so 
" much on the pope, and in vain expecting remedy 
from him so long. He imputes the mistakes that 
were in the pope's letters (which, he says, had 
things in them contrary both to God's law, and 
man's law) to the ignorance and rashness of his 
<^ counsellors : for which himself was much to be 
'^ blamed, since he rested on their advice ; and that 
^< he had not carried himself as became Christ's 



V bat had dealt both unbonstaiitlj and deceit- qqok 

^. fidfy : finr when the king^s cause was first opened 1- 

^ to him^ and all things that rekited to it were ex- ^^^^\ 
^ pfainedy he had granted a commission, with a pro*- 
^ nriae not to recall it, but to confirm the sentence 
^ which the l^ates should give : and a decretal was 
^ sent orer, defining the cause. If these were justly 
^ granted, it was injustice to revoke them ; but if 
^ they were justly revoked, it was unjust to grant 
^ them. Sq he presses the pope, that either he could 
^ grant these things, or he could not ; if he could 
^ do it, where was the faith which became a friend, 
^ much more a pope, since he bad broke these pro- 
^ mises ? But if he said, he could not do them, had 
^ he not- then just cause to distrust all that came 
^ ftom him, when at one time he condemned what 
'* he ^ad allowed at another ? So that the king saw 
^ clearly he did not consider the ease of his con- 
*^ science, but other worldly respects ; that had put 
him on consulting so many learned men, whose 
judgments differed much from those few that were 
^ about the pope, who thought the prohibition of 
^ such marriages was only positive, and might be 
^ dispensed with by the pope : whereas all other 
learned men thought the law was moral and in- 
'* dispensable. He perceived the apostolic see^ was 
destitute of that learning, by which it should be 
directed : and the pope had oft professed his own 
ignorance, and that he spake by other men's 
mouths: but many universities in England, France, 
^ and Italy, had declared the marriage unlawfiil, and 
^' the dispensation null. None honoured the ^)osto- ^ 
*' lie see more than he had done, and therefore he 
<< was sorry to write such things, if he could have 

VOL. I. R 



BOO K << been silent. If he should obey the pope*s letters, 
!_x ** he would offend God and his own conscience^ and 

1532. ((give scandal to those who condemned his mar« 
** liage : he did not willingly dissent from him with- 
** out a very urgent cause, that he might not seem' 
*^ to despise the apostolic see; therefore he desired' 
** the pope would forgive the freedom that he used,* 
'V since it was the truth that drew it from him. And 
« he added, that he intended not to impugn the- 
'< ix>pe's authority further, except he compelled him; 
'< and what he did was only to bring it within its 
^' first and ancient limits, to which it was better to- 
<< reduce it, than to let it always run on headlong 
<< and do amiss ; therefore he desired the pope would 
'' conform himself to the opinions of so many learned 
'< men, and do his duty and office. The letter ends 
*^ with a credence to the ambassador." 

The pope, seeing his authority w^s declining in 
England, resolved now to do all he could to recover 
it, either by force or treaty : and so ordered a cita- 
tion to be made of the king to appear in person, 
or by proxy, at Rome, to answer to the queen's* 
ir Edward appeal : upon which sir Edward Kame was sent to 
l^mT."* Kome, with a new character of excusator. " Hi» 
** instructions were, to take the best counsel for 
'^ pleading an excuse of the king's appearance at 
" Rome. First, upon the grounds that might be 
*^ found in the canon law ; and those being not 
" sufficient, he was to insist on the prerogative of 
" the crown of England." Doctor Bonner went 
with him, who had expressed much zeal in the 
king's cause, though his great zeal was for prefer- 
MM|Mnty which by the most servile ways he always 
^^^^■pited.. He was a forward bold man ; and since 


there were tnany threatenings to be used to the pope book 
lUDd cvdinals, he was thought fittest for the employ- 

fnent, but was neither learned nor discreet. '^^^* 

They caihe to Rome in March^ where they found Hit nego^ • 
great heats m the consistory about the king's busi-tbcn, taken 
ness. The imperialists pressed the popie to proceed, oii^i»i let. 
but all the wise and indifferent cardinals were of ^ u^r. 
another mind. And when they understood what an ViteUB. 13. 
act was passed about annates, they saw clearly, that 
the' parliament was resolved to adhere to the king in 
everything he intended to do against their interests. 
The pdpe expostulated with the ambassadors about 
it s but they told him, the act was still in the king^s 
pcmer ; and except he provoked him, he did not in- 
tend to put it in execution. The ambassadors, 
finding the cardinal of Ravenna of so great reputa- 
tion, both for learning and virtue, that in all matters 
of that kind his opinion was heard as an oracle, and 
gave law to the whole consistory ; they resolved to 
gain him by all means possible; And doctor Bennet 
made a secret address to hiin9 and offered him what 
bishopric either in France or England he would 
desire, if he would bring the king's matter to a good 
issue. He was at first very shy : at length hie said, 
he had been oft deceived by many princes, who had 
made him great promises, but, when their business 
was ended, never thought of performing them; 
therefore he would be sure : and so drove a bargain, 
and got under doctor Rennet's hand a promise, (of 
which a copy being sent to the king, written by 
Bennet himself, will be found at the end of this vo- 
lume,) bearing, that he, having powers from the 
king for that effect, dated the twenty-ninth of De- 
cember last, did promise the cardinal, for his help in 

R 2 


^ the king*8 affair^ 

-. France, to the vitfue of six 

. and the first bishopifc that ftB ^MOM !■ 

- and if it were not Ely, that 
vacant, upon his resigning the otlMtvlie 
provided with the bishopric of Eljr : diMed «t Ikit j 
the seventh of February, 158S. TVt I ifeiJiJIj 
as one of the most considefalile 
could be used to satisfy the cuniSmatU 
about the justice of the king^s 
was the fittest to work secretly Ibr the U^^ tvlf 
had appeared visibly against him. I find ilVfr^ 
other letters, that both the cardioals 
Monte (afterwards pope Julius the TUfd) 
vailed with by arguments of the mm 
though I cannot find out what the bugafaw 
Providellus, that was accounted the greetert 
ist in Italy, was brought from Boaonia, mmi 
tained by the ambassadors, to give eomael in Hi 
king^s cause, and to plead his excuse from mpptairi^ 
at Rome. The plea was summed up in t i Ku iy 
eight articles, which were offered to the pope ; aid 
he admitted them to be examined in the oonsistiifyi 
appointing three of them to be opened at a aessisa. 
But the imperialists opposed that, and, after fiAeca 
of them had been heard, procured a new order, thlt 

^' they should be heard in a congregation of mndinaln 
before the pope ; pretending that a consistory aitliag 
but once a week, and having a great deal of 4ther 
business, it would be long before the iimttAr caald 
be brought to any issue. So Kame was served #ith 
a new order to appear in the congregation the thiid 
of April, with this certification, that if he appeared 
not, they would proceed. Upon which he protested, 


he irould adheie to llie fonner order : fet being book 

the seoMid time, he went first and protested 1— 

it, which he got entered in the datary. Thb ^^^^' 
considered in the congregation, they renewed 
order of hearing it in the consistory on the tenth 
and then Providellus opened three condu- 
Two of them related to Kame's powers ; the 
was concerning the safety of the place to hoth 
But the imperialists, and the queen's coun- 
Ibmg dissatisfied with this order, frovid not ap^ 
Upon which Kame complained of their con- 
^ktncf^ And said, by that it was visible they were 
fc Umtfu l of thenr cause. On the fourterath of April 
¥:mffw intimation was made to Kame, to appear on 
he seventeenth with his advocates, to opesa all the 
Bit at the condusiims ; but he, aiocofding to the first 
ivdert would only jdead to three of them, and se- 
Itded the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first: 
fvhat these related to I find not) Upon which ^o^i^c^- 

. , Numb. 45. 

Aovidelhis appealed, and answered the objections 
that did seem to militate again^ them ; but neither 
Nrould the imperialists appear that session. 

Jn June, news were brought to Rome, which 
|ive the pope great offence ; a priest had preadied 
Bnt the pope's authority in England, and was for 
klMil; cast into jNrison. And another priest, being 
put in prison by the archbishop of Canterbury, upon 
vspidon of heresy, had appealed to the king as the 
nq[>reme head : upon which he was taken out of the 
srdibishop's hands, and being examined in the king's 
courts, was set at liberty. This the pope resented 
much; but the ambassadors said, all such things 
might have been prevented, if the king had got 
justice at the pope's hands. 



BOOK The king also at this time desired a bull for a 
commission to erect six new bishoprics, to be eo- 

A M?for ^^w^ ^y monasteries that were to be suppressed, 
erecting This was expedited and sent away at this time: 

new o^ - 

iboprict. aiid the old cardinal of Ravenna was so jealous, that 
the ambassadors were forced to promise him the U- 
shdpric of Chester, (one of the new bishopric^) 
with which he was well satisfied, having seen^ hf 
a particular state of the endowment that Was de- 
signed for it, what advantage it would jrield hmi. 
But he had declared himself so openly before agtdnst 
the reasons for the excuse, that he could not serve 
the king in that matter ; but in the tnain causei he 
undertook to do great service, and so did the caidi« 
nals de Monte and Ancona. - 

Upon the twenty-seventh of June the debate was 
brought to a conclusion about the plea excusatory ; 
and, when it was expected that the pope should 
have given sentence against the articles, he admit*- 
ted them all, si etprout dejure. Upon which the 
imperialists made great complaints: the cardinal^ 
grew weary of the length of the debate, since it 
took up all their time; but it was told them, the 
matter was of great importance, and it had been 
better for them not to have proceeded so precipi^ 
tately at first, which had now brought them into 
this trouble, and that the king had been at much 
pains and trouble on their account ; therefore it was 
unreasonable for them to complain, who were put 
to no other trouble, but to sit in their chairs two or 
three hours in a week to hear the king's defences. 
l^tejAie imperialists, had also occasioned the delays, 
^^^flnqgh they comjdained of them, by their cavils, and 
■Igations of laws, and decisions that never were 


fnade»'by which much time w^ ^tit. But it was book 
dbgected, that the king's excuse for not coming to 

-Rome^ because it was too remote from his kingdom, '^^* 
and not safe, was of no force, since the place was safe 
to his proxy. And the cardinal of Ravenna pressed 
ihe ambassadors much to move the king, instead of 
the excusatory process, to send a proxy for examining 
and discussing the merits of the cause, in which it 
would be much easier to advance the king^s matter ; 
^and that he, having appeared against the king in this 
•prooess, would be tl^ less suspected in the other. 

The business being further consider^ in three ^p<^ ' 
-sessions of the consistory, it was resolved, that, since idog would 
the vacation was coming on, they would neither al-bLT 
low o^ nor reject the king^s excusatory plea; but^'^'^^ 
the pope and coll^;e of cardinals would write to the 
idng, entreating him to send a proxy for judging the 
cause against the winter. And with this, Bonner 
was sent over, with instructions from the cardinals 
that were gained to the king, to represent to him, 
that his excusatory plea could not be admitted ; for 
since the debate was to be, whether the pope could 
grant the dispensation or not, it could not be com- 
mitted to legates, but must be judged by the pope 
and the consistory. He was also ordered to assure 
the king, that the pope did now lean so much to the 
Prench faction, that he needed not fear to refer the 
matter to him. 

But while these things were in debate at Rome, a Mt«on of 
there was another session of parliament in April ; 
and then the king sent for the speaker of the house 
of commons, and gave him the answer which the 
clergy had drawn to the addresses they made in the 
former session about their courts. The king him^ 

R 4r 


' well; ftnd thought it convraitlit to give the book 
p Bomt aid^ for the charges df so detieifai^ a 

ki and theMfore desired the comlnoiis to coDsult ^^^^* 
it it. Upon Which the house YtfteA a subsidjr a subsidy u 
fifkcenth : but, before the biU could be finished/''^*''' 
plagne broke out in London, and the parliament 
nrorcffued till February foUowinir^ On theTbeUog 

remits the 

etitfa of May (three days before the jproroga^onths which 
) the king sent for the speaker t£ the house ^twJntShe 
mom, tad tM him, <' That he found, upon ii^-^'Slf^ 
dfji that all the prdates, whom he hiUl tooked"^'^- 
I m wholly his subjects, were but half Subjects; 
r m their conaecration they swore an oath quite 
ntiary to the oath they vwore to the crown ; so 
■t ii seemed they were the pope^ subjects mAer 
an his. Which he referred to their care, that 
dk order might be taken in it> that the king 
ight not be deluded." Upon whidi the two 
IS that the clergy swore to the king and the 
t were read in the house of commons ; but the 
sequence of them will be bettei^ understood by 
ing them down. 

The oath to the pope. 

1 John, bishop or abbot of A. from this hour for- Their oath 
srd shall be faithful and obedient to St. Peter, *^****^'* 
id to the holy church of Rome, and to my lord 
e pope, and his successors, canonically entering, 
shall not be of counsel nor consent, that they 
lall lose either life or member, or shall be taken, 
' suffer any violence, or any wrong by any means, 
heir counsel to me credited by th^m, their mes- 
ngers or letters, I diall not willingly discover to 
ly person. The papacy itf Rome, the rules of 


DK << the holy fathers, and the reality of St. FMer, I 

1 ^ shall help and maintain, and defend aganut d 

'^- << men. The legate of the see ^KKtolic going and 
** coming, I shall honourably entreat. The li^il^ 
^ honours, privil^es, authcnrities of the chuidi flf 
** Rome, and of the pope and his successors, I did 
^ cause to be conserved, defended, augmented, ml 
^ promoted. I shall not be in coundl* treaty, cr 
^' any act, in the which any thing shall be inii|piied 
^ against him, or the church of Rome, their ri^il% 
^ seats, honours, or powers. And if I knowLanj 
*' such to be moved or oNnpasaed, I shall resist it to 
*^ my power, and, as soon as I can, I shall advertise 
him, or such as may give him knowledge. The 
rules of the holy fathers, the decrees, ordfmmnm 
** sentences, dispositions, reservations, provaaionsband 
commandments apostolic, to my power I shall Jseep^ 
and cause to be kept of others. Heretics, adiis- 
matics, and rebek to our holy father and his suc- 
eymar « ccssors, I shdU resist and * persecute to my power. 
»ng. ** I shall come to the synod when I ^am called, ex- 
cept I be letted by a canonical impediment. The 
thresholds of the apostles I shall visit yearly per- 
sonally, or by my deputy. I shall not alienate or 
sell my possessions without the pope^s counsd. So 
God me help and the holy evangelists.^ 

The oath to the tinff. 

Mtb « J John, bishop of A. utterly renounce, and dear- 
^' ly forsake all such clauses, words, sentences and 
grants, which I have, or shall have hereafter of 
the pope's holiness, of and for the bishopric of A. 
that in any wise hath been, is, or hereafter may 
*' be hurtful or prejudicial to your highness, your 







^' heinly 8UC<:;essors, dignitjr^ privilege^-or estlite foyal. book 
^ And also I do swear, that I shall be faithful and 

i^tru^ and faith and truth I shall bear to you my ^^^^* 
i^^iovereign lord, and to your heirs, kings of the 
1^ same, of life and limb, and earthly worship above 
''all creatures, for to live and die with you and 
9 yours against all people. And diligently I shall 

* be attendant to all your needs and business, after 

* my wit and power, and your counsel I shall keep 

* ttid hold, acknowledging myself to hold my bishop- 
f fie of you only, beseeching you of restitution of 
^ the temporalities of the same, promising as before, 
^. that I shall be a faithful, true, and obedient sub*- 
' ject to your said highness, heirs, and successors, 

* during my life ; and the services and other things 

* due to your highness for the restitution of the 
f temporalities of the same bishopric, I shall truly 
f do, and obediently perform. So God me help and 

' all saints.'' In the original, it is only, So help me cieop. e. 6. 
Gkid, and these holy evangelists. foi/54. 

Xhe contradiction that was in these was so visible, 
ihat it had soon produced a severe censure from the 
Mmse, if the plague had not hindered both that, and 
lie bill of subsidy. So on the fourteenth of May 
he parliament was prorogued. Two days after, sir More lud 
rhomas More, lord chancellor, having oft desired ofi^. '* 
eave to deliver- up the great seal, and be discharged 
)f his office, obtained it; and sir Thomas Audley was 
nade lord chancellor. More had carried that dig- 
lity with great temper, and lost it with much joy. 
Ele saw now how far the king's designs went ; and 
;hough he was for cutting off the illegal jurisdiction 
;frhich the popes exercised in England, and therefore 
Rrent cheerfully along with the suit of pnemunire ; 

wmfm w» cr/octTUd whom, dB their mtma. Thef 
fmiAi^heA a les^ae that they Bade* io nae a aiil^ 
uffftf f9trxt jear against the Toik: int this was aot 
$fiuit$ '//n^jrj^rfrdy it bdi^ genefalj believed that 
Mm' Kri-ri/;h king and the Turk vere in a good con 
f^«|ir#fMl« ri/^;. Afi for the matter of the kmjfs di- 
i^^rr/i. Kmndu enrouraged him to go on in it, and 
Uf Iii4 iriUm<li;d marriage with Anne Boleyn; pro- 
MiU)ff|r, if it wizra r|ue8tioDed, to assist him in it: and 
H« ln$ Iii4 iip|K!nriuH;c at Rome, as it was certain he 
I *Mili| uni no ihiihcr in person, so it was not fit to 

• •••Ml I III. mtrvin of his conscience to a proxy. The 
•'••••iili hiiiif NfTHird also resolved to stop the pay- 
••iMiU f,| fni99nivsi, and other exactions of the court 
••' lltMiir. mill Niiid^ )|(. would send an ambassador 
••• Ihii |Mi|N., Ill „Rk rrdress of these, and to protest, 

• ••••I II H ivi«ir not grunted, they would seek other 
HiMiKilliiM hy iiriivincial councils : and since there wis 


9m interview designed between the pope and the book 

eiBperar at Boncnna in Beoember, the French king ! — 

to send two cardinals tbitlier to procure jodgen ^^^' 

ending the business in England. There was also 

' an intenriew ptaposed between the pope aiid the 

L Vrench king at Nice or Avignon. To this the king 

\ af En^nd had some inclinations to go for ending 

sll differences, if the pqpe were well dkposed to it. ' 

Upon this sir Thomas Eliot was sent to Borne Eiiotwiii 
wilii answer to a message'the pope had sent to Aewith ia- 
kdng^ from vrhose instructions both the substance of ^^^^ 
the messi^ and of the answer may be gathered ^'^ ^' '^- 
** The pope had offered to the king» diat, if he woidd 
^ name any indifferent place out of his own Jdngdom, 
^ he would send a legate and two auditors of the 
^ rota thither, to form the process, reserving only 
^ the sentaace to himself. The pc^ also proposed 
*^ a truce of three or four years, and promised that 
^ in that time he would call a general counciL For 
¥ this message the king sent the pope thanicB ; but 
^for the peace, he could receive no propositions 
^ about it, without the concurrence of the French 
** king ; and though he did not doubt the justice of 
^ a general council, yet, considering the state of the 
^ emperor's afiairs at that time with the Lutherans, 
^ be did not think it was seasonable to call one. 
^ That^as for sending- a proxy to Rome, if he were 
*' a private person, he could do it ; but it was a part 
^ of the prerogative of his crown, and of the privi- 
^* legeg of ids subjects, that all matrimonial causes 
^ should be originally judged within his kingdom 
^ by the English church, which was conscmant to 
^ the general councils and customs of the ancient 
*< church, whereunto he hoped the pope would have 


BOOK ** rpgarcl : and that for keqnng up Ui 
"' *' ity, to wliirh he was bound by 



153*2. « without the consent of the realm, 

*' to tt foreign jurisdiction ; hopiiq^ the 
not desin* any violation of the 
reaUn, or to bring these into public 
*' which had been hitherto enjoyed withoot 
^* or molestation. The pope had coi 
** without an urgi*nt cause, the dispenntiaa 
'' not Ir} granted. This the king laid hold 
** ordered his aniliassador to shew him that Aoe 
was no war, nor api)earance of any, between tag: 
land and K|uihi| when it was granted. To vcril^ 
** tliat, he sent an attested copy of the treaty be- 
** tween liis father and the crown of Spain at tiat 
time : liy tlie worck of which it appearedl, that it 
was then taken for granted that prince Artinu* had 
consummated the nnirriage, which was also proved 
by gooil witnesses. In fine, since the thing did 
** so much concern the |K^ace of the realm^ it was 
^' fitter to judge it within the kingdom than any 
" where else; theivftire he desired the pope would 
** remit the discussing of it to the church of £i^- 
" land, and then confirm the sentence they should 
give. To the obtaining of this, the ambassador 
was to use all iHKssiblc diligence ; yet if he found 
'' real intentions in the |h>ih^ to satisfy the king, be 
'* was not to insist on that as the king's final resolu- 
" tion : and to let the cardinal of Ravenna see that 
'' the king intendeil to moke good what was pro- 
** mised in his name, the bishopric of Coventry and 
'' Litchfield falling vacant, he sent him the offer oi 
** it, with a promise of the bisho{iric of Ely when it 
*' should be void.** 




^Soon after this, he married Anne Bcdeyn, on the book 

nth of November, upcm hicr landing in £ng« 

but Stow says, that it was on the twenty-fiftli '^f ^* 
anuary. Rowland Lee (who afterwards got the mani^ 
ipric of C!oventry and Litchfield) did officiate in t^^vw. 
I.mamage. It was done secretly, in the presence J>^,_jr^ 
;ihe duke of Norfolk, and her father, her mother, Hoiimtiet, 

^" Mid Saq* 

IHid brother. The grounds on which the king did den, 
itbiM. were, that hb former marriage being of itself- 
:tHill9 there was no need of a declarative sentence, 
jifter so many universities and doctors had given 
llMnr judgments against it. Soon aft;er the marriage^ 
dus was with child, which. was looked on as a signal 
Qfidence of her chastity, and that she had till then 
ktpt the king at a due distance- 
But when the pope and the emperor met at Bo- ad inter. 
Bonia, the pope expressed great inclinations to fa- tw^^ tii« 
▼our the French king, from which the emperor could J^^^^ 
not remove him, nor engage him to accept of a 
match for his niece, Katherine de Medici, with 
Francis Sforza, duke of Milan. But the pope pro- 
mised him all that he desired as to the king of 
England ; and so that matter was still carried on. 
Dr. Bennet made several propositions to end the some orer. 
matter ; either that it should be judged in England, the diforoe. 
according to the decree of the council of Nice,, and ^^ ***'' 
that the archbishop of Cantei*bury, with the whole 
clergy of his province, should determine it ; or, that 
the king should name one, either sir Thomas More 
or the bishop of London ; the queen should name 
another, the French king should name a third, and 
the archbishop of Canterbury to be the fourth ; or, 
that the cause should be heard in England ; and if th6^ 
queen did appeal, it should be referred to three dele- 


BOOK parliament about the king's marriage did clearly ap- 
pear ; but in the convocation, the business was more 

1533. fyjjy ^jebated. The convocation of the province of 
Canterbury was at this time destitute of its head 
warbam's ^nj principal member : for Warham, archbishop of 
Aug.aa. Canterbury, was dead since August last year. He 
was a great canonist, an able statesman, a dexterous 
courtier, and a favourer of learned men. He always 
hated cardinal Wolsey, and would never stoop to 
him, esteeming it below the dignity of his see. He 
was not so peevishly engaged to the learning of the 
schools as others were, but set up' and encouraged a 
more generous way of knowledge ; yet he was a se- 
vere persecutor of them whom he thought heretics, 
and inclined to believe idle and fanatical people, as 
will afterwards appear, when the impostures of the 
Maid of Kent shall be related. 
The king The kiuff saw well of how great importance it 

resolves to ° . . ^ '^ 

promote was to the dcsigns he was then forming, to fill that 
see with a learned, prudent, and resolute man ; but 
finding none in the episcopal order that was quali- 
fied to his niind, and having observed a native sim- 
plicity, joined with much courage, and tempered 
with a great deal of wisdom, in Dr. Cranmer, who 
was then negociating his business among the learned 
men of Germany, he of his own accord, without any 
addresses from Cranmer, designed to raise him to 
that dignity, and gave him notice of it, that he 
might make haste, and come home to enjoy that re^ 

Fox. ward which the king had appointed for him. But 
Cranmer, having received this, did all he could to 
excuse himself from the burden which was coming 
upon him ; and therefore he returned very slowly to 
England, hoping that the king's thoughts cooling. 


some other person might step in between him and a book 

dignity, of which having a just and primitive sense^ '■ — 

he did look on it with fear and apprehension, rather •^^^* 
than joy and desire. This was so far from setting 
him back, that the king (who had known well what 
it was to be importuned by ambitious and aspiring 
churchmen, but had not found it usual that they 
should decline and fly from preferment) was thereby 
confirmed in his high opinion of him ; and neither 
the delays of his journey, nor his entreaties to be de- 
livi^red from a burden, which his humility made him 
imagine himself unable to bear, could divert the 
king. So that, though six months elapsed before 
the thing was setUed, yet the king persisted in his 
opinion, and the other was forced to yield. 

In the end of January the king sent to the pope cranmer's 

^ • 111 bulls from 

for the bulls for Cranmer s promotion ; and though Rome. 
the statutes were passed against procuring more 
bulls from Rome, yet the king resolved not to begin 
the breach till he was forced to it by the pope. It 
may easily be imagined, that the pope was not hearty 
in his promotion, and that he apprehended ill con- 
sequences from the advancement of a man, who had 
gone over many courts of Christendom, disputing 
against his power of dispensing, and had lived in 
much familiarity with Osiander, and the Lutherans 
in Grermany: yet, on the other hand, he had no 
mind to precipitate a rupture with England ; there- 
fore he consented to it, and the bulls were expedited, 
though, instead of annates, there was only nine hun- 
dred ducats paid for them. 

They were the last bulls that were received in 
England in this king's reign ; and therefore I shall 
give an account of them, as they are set down in the 

s 2 


BOOK beginning of Cranmer's Register. By one bull he is, 
-upon the king's nomination, promoted to be archbi- 

1533. gjjQp of Canterbury, which is directed to the king. 
By a second, directed to himself, he is made archbi- 
shop. By a third, he is absolved from all censures. 
A fourth is to the suffragans. A fifth to the dean 
and chapter. A sixth to the clergy of Canterbury. 
A seventh to all the laity in his see. An dgbtb to 
all that held lands of it, requiring them to receive 
and acknowledge him as archbishop. All these bear 
date the twenty-first of February 1583. By a ninth 
bull, dated the twenty-second of February, he was 
ordained to be consecrated, taking the oath that was 
in the pontifical. By a tenth bull, dated the se- 
cond of March, the pall was sent him. And by an 
eleventh, of the same datei the archbishop of York 
and the bishop of London were required to put it on 
him. These were the several artifices to make com- 
positions high, and to enrich the apostolical cham- 
ber ; for now that, about which St. Peter gloried 
that he had none of it, {neither silver nor g<dd,) 
was the thing in the world for which his successes 
were most careful. 

When these bulls were brought into England, 
Thomas Cranmer was on the thirtieth of Mwch 
consecrated by the bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and 
St. Asaph. But here a great scruple was moved by 
him concerning the oath that he was to swear to 
the pope, which he had no mind to take ; and writ- 
ers near that time say, the dislike of that oath was 
one of the motives that made him so unwillingly ac- 
cept of that dignity. He declared, that he thought 
: were many things settled by the laws of the 
hX to be reformed ; and that the 


obligation which that oath brought upon him, would 300 K 
bind him up from doing his duty, both to God, the 

king, and the church. Bui this being communicated ^^^- 
to some of the canonists and casuists, they found a 
temper that agreed better with their maxims than 
Cranmer^s sincerity; which was, that, before he 
should take the oath, he should make a good and 
formal protestation, that he did not intend thereby 
to restrain himself from any thing that he was bound 
to, either by his duty to God, or the king, or the 
country ; and that he renounced every thing in it 
that was contrary to any of these. This protestation 
he made in St. Stephen's chapel at Westminster, in 
the hands of some doctors of -the canon law, before 
he was consecrated, and he afterwards repeated it 
when he took the oath to the pope ; by which, if 
he did not wholly save his integrity, yet it was plain 
he intended no cheat, but to act fairly and above- 

As soon as he was consecrated, and had performed AnUquit. 
every thing that was necessary for his investiture, in yiu 
he came and sat in the upper house of convocation. ^'•'"™*'^- 
There were there at that time hot and earnest de- 
bates upon these two questions; whether it was 
against the law of God, and indispensable by the 
pope, for a man to marry his brother's wife, he 
being dead without issue, but having consummated 
the marriage ? And whether prince Arthur had con- 
summated his marriage with the queen ? As for the 
first, it was brought first into the lower house of 
convocation, and when it was put to the vote, four* 
teen were. for the affirmative, seven for the negative ; 
one was not dear, and another voted the prohibition 
to 'be moral, but yet dispensable by the pope. In 


BOOK the upper house it was long debated, Stokesly, bi- 
' shop of London, aiding for the aflBrmative ; and 

1533. i^isher, bishop of Rochester, for the negative. The 
opinions of nineteen universities were read for it; 
and the one house being as full as the other was 
empty, two hundred and sixteen being present, ei- 
ther in person or bj proxy, it was carried in the af- 
firmative, nemine cantradicente ; those few of the 
queen's party that were there, it seems, going out 
For the other question about the matter of fact, it 
was remitted to the faculty of the canon law, (it 
being a matter that lay within their studies,) whe- 
ther the presumptions were violent, and such as, 
in the course of law, must be looked on as good evi- 
dences of a thing that was secret, and was not ca- 
pable of formal proof? They all, except five or six, 
were for the affirmative; and all the upper house 
confirmed this, the bishop of Bath and Wells only 

In this account it may seem strange, that there 
were but twenty-three persons in the lower house 
of convocation, and two hundred and sixteen in the 
upper house. It is taken from an unquestioned au- 
thority ; so the matter of fact is not to be doubted. 
The most learned sir Henry Spelman has in no 
place of his Collection of our Councils considered the 
constitution of the two houses of convocation ; and 
in none of our records have I been able to discover 
of what persons they were made up in the times of 
popery : and therefore, since we are left to conjec- 
ture, I shall ofier mine to the learned reader. It is, 
that none sat in the lower house, but those who 
were deputed by the inferior clergy ; and that bi- 
■k|^riiops, abbots, mitred and not mitred, and priors. 


deans and archdeacons sat then in the upper house book 
of convocation* To which I am induced by these 

two reasons: it is probable that all who were de* ^^^* 
dared prelates by the pope^ and had their writ to 
sit in a general council, had likewise a right to come 
to the upper house of convocation, and sit with the 
other prelates. And we find in the tomes of the 
councils, that not only abbots and priors, but deans 
and archdeacons, were summoned to the fourth 
council in the Lateran, and to that at Vienna. An- 
other reason is, that their sitting in two houses (for 
in all other nations they sit together) looks as if it 
had been taken from the constitution of our par- 
liament ; in which all that have writs personally sit 
in the lords' house, and those who come upon an 
election sit in the lower house. So it is not improba- 
ble, that all who were summoned personally sat in the 
tipper house, and those who were returned with an 
election sat in the lower house of convocation. 

This account of that convocation I take from that 
collection of the' British antiquities, which is be- 
lieved to have been made by Matthew Parker, who 
lived at that time, and was afterwards archbishop of 
Canterbury. But the convocation-books being burnt, 
there are no records to be appealed to ; yet it is not 
to be supposed, that, in a matter of fact that was so 
public and well known, any man (especially one of 
that high rank) would have delivered falsehoods, 
wliile the books were yet extant that would have 
disproved them. 

The church of England having in her rcpresenta- New en- 
tive made such a tuU decision, nothing remained make the 
but to give judgment, and to declare the marriage ^"^"^ 
null. The thing was already determined ; only the 



BOOK formality of a sentence declarative was waotu^. 

— '. — But, before they proceeded to that, a new meange 

^^^' was sent to the queen, to lay all that had passed be- 
fore her, and to desire her to acquiesce in the apoh 
ions of so many universities and learned men. But 
she still persisted in her resolution to own bet mar- 
riage, and to adhere to her appeal till the pope 
should judge in it. And when it was tdd her, tbit 
the king would settle the jointure that she was to 
have by his brother, and that the honour of prinooi 
of Wales should still be paid her, she rejected it But 

lutMimn.the new queen was now with child, and brought 
forth queen Elizabeth the seventh of September this 
year : from which, looking backwards nine montfaSi 
to the beginning of December, it shews that she 
must have been married at or before that time : ftr 
all the writers of both sides agree, that she wtt 
married before she conceived with child. The Idog 
therefore thought not fit to conceal it much longer ; 
so on Easter-eve she was declared queen of Eng- 
land. It seems it was not thought needful at that 
time to proceed to any further sentence about the 
former marriage ; otherwise I cannot see what made 
it be so long delayed, since the thing was in their 
power now, as well as after. And it was certainly 
a preposterous method to judge the first marriage 
null after the second was published. So that it 
seems more probable, they did not intend any sen- 
tence at all, till afterwards, perhaps upon advertise- 
ments from beyond sea, they went on to a formal 
process. Nor is it unlikely that the king, remem- 
bering the old advice that the pope sent him, once 
to marry a second wife, and then to send for a com- 
mission to try the matter, which the pope was will- 


ing to confirm, though he would not seem to allow book 
it origmally» resolved to follow this method ; tor the 

pope was now closing with Francis, from which '^^' 
union the king had reason to expect great advan- 

Whatsoever were the reasons of the delay, the 
process- was framed in this method. First, CranmercntDmer 
wrote to the king, that the world had been long a tentence^ 
scandalized with his marriage, and that it lay onT^n^*^^' 
him, as his duty, to see it tried and determined ; o^"iD^id!. 
therefore craved his royal leave to proceed in it. cott. ubr. 

^ '^ 

Which being obtained, both the king and queen 
were dted to appear before the archbishop, at Dun- 
stable, the twentieth of May ; ^ and the archbishop 
went thither, with the bishops of London, Winches- 
ter, (Gardiner,) Bath and Wells, and Lincoln, and 
many divines and canonists. That place was chosen 
because the queen lay then very near it at Ampthill, 
and so she could not pretend ignorance of what was 
done; and they needed not put many days in the 
citation, but might end the process so much the 
sooner. On the tenth of May the archbishop sat in 
court, and the king appeared by proxy, but the 
queen appeared not. Upon which she was declared 
cantumax; and a second citation was issued out, 
and after that a third : but she intended not to ap- 
pear, and so she was finally declared contufnaxJ 
Then the evidences that had been brought before 
the legates, of the consummation of the marriage 
with prince Arthur, were read. After that, the 
determinations of the iiniversities, and divines, and 
canonists, were also produced and read. Then 
the judgments of the convocations of both provinces 
were also read, with many other instruments, and the 


BOOK whole merits of the cause were opened. Uponwhich, 
after many sessions, on the twenty-third of May, 

coiiert^' sentence was given, with the advice of all that were 
Numb. 47. there present, declaring it only to have been a mar* 
riage dejiictoj but not dejure^ pronouncing it null 
from the beginning. One thing is to be observed, 
that the archbishop in the sentence is called, the le^ 
gate of the apostolic see. Whether this went of 
course as one of his titles, or was put in to make the 
sentence firmer, the reader may judge. Sentence 
being given, the archbishop, with all the rest, re^ 
turned to London ; and five days after, on the 
twenty-eighth of May, at Lambeth, by another judg- 
ment he in general words (no reasons being given in 
the sentence) confirmed the king's marriage with 
the new queen Anne ; and the first of June she was 
crowned queen. 
The cen- When this great business, which had been so long 
at that in agitation, was thus concluded, it was variously 
censured, as men stood affected. Some approved 
the king's proceedings as canonical and just, since so 
many authorities, which, in the interval of a general 
council, were all that could be had, (except the pope 
be believed infallible,) had concurred to strengthen 
the cause ; and his own clergy had, upon a full and 
long examination, judged it on his side. Others, 
who in the main agreed to the divorce, did very 
much dislike the king's second marriage before the 
fii'st was dissolved ; for they thought it against the 
common course of law, to break a marriage without 
any public sentence : and since one of the chief po- 
litic reasons that was made use of in this suit was to 
settle the succession of the crown, this did embroil it 
more, since there was a fair colour given to except 



to the validity of the second marriage, because it book 
was contracted before the first was annulled. But - 
to this others answered, that the first marriage being 
judged bj the interpreters of the doctrine of the 
church to have been null from the beginning, there 
was no need of any sentence, but only for form. And 
aD concluded, it had been better there had been no 
sentence at all, than one so late. Some excepted to 
the archbishop of Canterbury's being judge, who, by 
his former writings and disputes, had declared him- 
self partial. But to this it was answered, that, when 
a man changes his character, all that he did in an- 
other figure is no just exception : so judges decide 
causes in which they formerly gave counsel; and 
popes are not bound to the opinions they held when 
they were divines or canonists. It was also said, that 
the archbishop did only declare, in legal form, that 
which was already judged by the whole convocation 
of both provinces. Some wondered at the pope's 
stiffness, that would put so much to hazard, when 
there wanted not as good colours to justify a bull, as 
they had made use of to excuse many other things. 
But the emperor's greatness, and the fear of giving 
the Lutherans advantages in disputing the pope's 
authority, were, on the other hand, so prevalent 
considerations, that no wonder they wrought much 
on a pope, who pretended to no other knowledge 
but that of policy ; for he had often said, He un^ 
derstood not the matter^ and therefore left it in 
other men's hands. All persons excused queen Ka- 
tharine for standing so stiffly to her ground ; only 
her denjring so confidently that prince Arthur con- 
summated the marriage, seems not capable of an ex- 
cuse. Every body admired queen Anne's conduct. 


BOOK who had managed such a king's spirit so long, and 
^^' had neither surfeited him with great freedom, nm 

1533. provoked him by the other extreme : for the king, 
who was extremely nice in these matters, conceived 
still an higher opinion of her ; and her being so soon 
with child after the marriage, as it made people con- 
clude she had .been chaste till then, so they hoped 
for a blessing upon it, since there were such eariy 
appearances of issue. Those that favoured the re- 
formation expected better days under her protecti<Hi, 
for they knew she favoured them : but those who 
were in their hearts for the established religion did 
much dislike it ; and many of the clergy, especially 
the orders of monks and friars, condemned it, ^both 
in their sermons and discourses. 

But the king, little regarding the censures of the 
vulgar^ sent ambassadors to all the courts of Europe, 
to give notice of his new marriage, and to justify it 
by some of those reasons, which have been opened 
in the former parts of this history. He also sent 
the lord Mountjoy to the divorced queen, to let her 
know what was done, and that she was no more to 
be treated as queen, but as princess dowager. He 
was to mix promises with threatenings, particularly 
concerning her daughter's being put next to the 
queen's issue in the succession. But the afflicted 
queen would not yield ; and said, she would not 
damn her soul, nor submit to such an infamy : that 
she was his wife, and would never call herself by 
any other name, whatever might follow on it ; since 
Colt. lib. the process still depended at Rome. That lord hav- 
ing written a relation of what had passed between 
him and her, shewed it to her ; but she dashed with 
a pen all those places in which she was called prin- 

Otho. C. 


oess dowager, and would receive no service at any book 
one's hands, but of those who called her queen ; and 

she continued to be still served as queen by all about '^^^ 
her. Against which, though the king used all the 
endeavours he could, not without both threatening 
and violence to some of the servants, yet he could 
never drive her from it : and what he did in that 
was thought far below that height of mind which 
appeared in his other actings; for since he had 
stript her of the real greatness of a queen, it seem- 
ed too much to vex her for keeping up the pageantry 
of it. 

Bat the news of this made great impressions else- 
where. The emperor received the king's justifica- 
tion very coldly, and said he would consider what 
he was to do upon it; which was looked on as a 
declaration of war. The French king, though heTii«popc 
expressed still great friendship to the king, yet was self to th« 
now resolved to link himself to the pope ; for the kiag.^ 
crafty pope, apprehending that nothing made the 
king of England so confident, as that he knew his 
friendship was necessary to the French king, and 
fearing they had resolved to proceed at once to the 
putting down the papal authority in their kingdoms, 
(which it appears they had once agreed to do,) re- 
solved by all means to make sure of the French 
king ; which, as it would preserve that kingdom in 
his obedience, so would perhaps frighten the king of 
England from proceeding to such extremities ; since 
that prince, in whose conjunction he trusted so much, 
had forsakep him : therefore the pope did so vigor- 
ously pursue the treaty with Francis, that it was as 
good as ended at this time, and an interview was 
projected between them at Marseilles. The pope 


BOOK did also grant him so great power over his own 


- clergy, that he could scarce have expected more, if 
^^^^' he had set up a patriarch in France ; so that Francis 
did resolve to go on in the designs, which had 
been concerted between him and the king of Eng- 
land, no further : but still he considered his alliance 
so much, that he promised to use his most effectual 
intercession with the pope to prevent all censures 
and bulls against the king; and, if it were possible, 
to bring the matter to an amicable c9nclusion. And 
the emperor was not ill pleased to see France and 
England divided. Therefore, though he had at first 
opposed the treaty between the pope and Francis, 
yet afterwards he was not troubled that it took ef- 
fect; hoping that it would disunite those two 
kings, whose conjunction had been so troublesome 
to him. 
Aad coo- But when the news was brought to Rome of what 
kfn^pro. w^ done in England, with which it was also re- 
EngiaS/" J^i^^d, that books were coming out against the pope's 
supremacy, all the cardinals of the imperial faction 
pressed the pope to give a definitive sentence, and 
to proceed to censures against the king. But the 
more moderate cardinals thought, England was not 
to be thrown away with such precipitation : and 
therefore a temper was found, that a sentence should 
be given upon what had been attempted in Eng- 
land by the archbishop of Canterbury, (which, in 
the style of the canon-law, were called the atten^ 
totes;) for it was pretended, that the matter de- 
pending in the court of Rome, by the queen's ap- 
peal, and the other steps that had been made, H 
was not in the archbishop's power to proceed to any 
sentence. Therefore in general it was declared. 


that all that had been attempted or done in England book 

about the king's suit of divorce was nuU, and that L^ 

the king by such attempts was liable to excommu- *^^^' 
nication, unless he put things again in the state they 
were in, and that before September next, and that 
then they would proceed further; and this sentence 
was affixed in Dunkirk soon after. 

The king, resolving to follow the thing as far as 
it was possible^ sent a great embassy to Francis, who 
was then on hi3 journey to Marseilles, to dissuade 
the interview and marriage till the pope gave the 
king satisfaction. But the French king was en- 
gaged in honour to go forward; yet he protested 
he would do all that lay in his power to compose 
the matter, and that he would take any injury that 
were done to the king as highly as if it were done 
to himself; and he desired the king would send some 
to Marseilles, who thereupon sent Gardiner and sir 
Francis Brian. 

But at this time the queen brought forth a daufl:h-Q"««n Eii- 

^ ° ^ zabeth born 

ter, who was christened Elizabeth ; (the renowned sept. 7. 
queen of England ;) the archbishop of Canterbury 
being her godfather. She was soon after declared 
princess of Wales; though lawyers thought that 
against law, for she was only heir presumptive^ but 
not apparent^ to the crown, since a son coming after, 
he must be preferred. Yet the king would jus- 
tify what he had done in his marriage with all pos- 
sible respect; and having before declared the lady 
Mary princess of Wales, he did now the same in fa- 
vour of the lady Elizabeth. 

The interview between the pope and the French An inter- 

V10W Ufi« 

king was at Marseilles in October, where the mar- tween the 
riage was made up between the duke of Orleance J^^*""* 


BOOK and Katharine de Medici ; to whom, besides 100,000 
' crowns portion, the principality of many towns in 

kin^rt^' Italy, as Milan, Reggio, Pisa, Legorn, Parma^ and 

Marseilles. Piaccnza, and the duchy of Urbino, were given. To 

the former the pope pretended in the right of the 

popedom, and to the last in the right of the house 

of Medici. But the French king was to clear all 

those titles by his sword. As for the king's busi- 

The pope uoss, the popc referred it to the consistory. But it 

tT^^n- seems there was a secret transaction between him 

the*kin**'of ^°^ Francis, that if the king would in all other 

England's thinfi^ rctum to his wonted obedience to the apo- 


stolic see, and submit the matter to the judgment 
of the consistory, (excepting only to the cardinals 
of the imperial faction, as partial and incompetent 
judges ;) the decision should be made to his heart's 
content. This I collect from what will afterwards 
appear. The king, upon the sentence that was 
Fidel. seiT. passed against him, sent Bonner to Marseilles ; who, 
du^.'^^lj^n- procuring an audience of the pope, delivered to him 
the authentic instrument of the king's appeal from 
him to the next general council lawfully called. At 
this the pope was much incensed, but said he would 
consider of it in consistory ; and, having consulted 
about it there, he answered, that the appeal was un- 
lawful, and therefore he rejected it ; and for a gene- 
ral council^ the calling of it belonged to him, and not 
to the king. About the same time the archbishop 
of Canterbury, being threatened with a process from 
Rome, put in also his appeal to the next general 
council. Upon which Bonner delivered the threat- 
enings which he was ordered to make, with so much 
^ehemency and fury, that the pope talked of throw- 
ing him in a caldron of melted lead, or of burning 



him alive ; and he, apprehending some duiger, made book 
his esci^ie. About the middle of November the in- 

terview ended, the pope returning to Rome, and the '^^' 
French, king to Paris ; a firm alliance being esta<- 
bliahed between them. But upon the duke of Or- 
leance his marrying the pope's niece, I shall add one 
observation, that will neither be unpleasant or im- 
pertinent. The duke of Orleance was then but four- 
teen years and nine months old, being bom on the 
last of March 1518, and yet was believed to have Bxoirias. 
consummated his marriage the very first night after: 
so the pope's historians tell us with much triumph ; 
though they represented that improbable, if not im- 
posaiUey in prince Arthur, who was nine months elder 
when he died. i 

Upon the French kinir's return from Marseilles, The French 
the bishop of Paris was sent over to the king ; which mis with 
(as may be reasonably collected) followed upon some Engiilnd to 
agreement made at Marseilles; and he prevailed JU^^JJ^p^. 
with the king to submit the whole matter to the 
pope and the consistory, on such terms that the im- 
perialists should not be allowed a voice, because they 
were parties, being in the emperor's power. None, 
that has observed the genius of this king, can think, 
that, after he had proceeded so far, he would have 
made this submission without very good assurances ; 
and if there had not been great grounds to expect 
good effects from it, the bishop of Paris would not 
in the middle of winter have undertaken a journey 
from England to Rome. But the king, it seems, 
would not abase himself so far as to send any sub- 
mission in writing, till he had fuller assurances. The 
lord Herbert has published a letter, (which he trans- 
cribed firom the original^ written by the archbishop 

VOL. I. T 


jiooK tji Yatk and the bishop of Duresme to the king, the 

*^ eleventh of May 1534,) giving an account of a con* 

^^^' ference they had with queen Katharine ; in which, 
among other motives they used, this was one; to 
persuade her to comply with what the king had 
done : That the pope had said at Marseilles, that 
jfthe king would send a proxy to Rome, he would 
give the cause for him against the queen, because 
he knew his cause was good and Just Which is a 
great presumption, that the pope did really give 
some engagements to the French king about the 
king's business, 
wbidi WM When the bishop of Paris came to Rome, the mo- 

well reociT* * 

cd at Rome, tion was Ukcd, and it was promised, that if the kii^ 
H sent a promise of that under his hand, with an order 

to his proxies to appear in court, there should be 
HietCouK judges scut to Cambnty to form the process, and 
byPMira then the matter should be determined for him at 
***"'*' Rome. This was sent to the king, with the notice 
of the dfjr that was prefixed for the return of his 
answer ; and with other motives, which must have 
been very great, since they prevailed so much. For 
in answer there was a courier despatched from the 
king, with a formal promise under his hand. And 
now the matter seemed at a point, the French inter- 
est was great in the court of Rome ; four new car- 
dinals had been made at Marseilles, and there were 
six of that faction before, which, with the pope's 
creatures, and the indifferent or venal voices, ba^ 
lanced the imperial faction ; so that a wound, that 
was looked on as fatal, was now almost healed. But 
God, in his wise and unsearchable providence, had 
designed to draw other great ends out of this rup- 
ture; and therefore suffered them that were the 


niOBt ooocened to hinder it, to be the chief instni- book 

ments of drivhig it otk. For the cardinals of the — 

imperial faction were now very active; they liked ^J^^; 
Mt the precedent of exdudinir the cardinals of the p«ri^«J«. 
nation concerned out of any business. But above 
an things they were to hinder a conjunction between 
the pope and the king of England ; for the pope 
bemg then allied to France, there was nothing the 
emperor feared more than the closing the breach 
with England ; which would make the union against 
him 80 much stronger. Therefore, when the day 
that had been prefixed for the return of the courier 
fiiom England was elapsed, they all pressed the pope 
to proceed to a sentence definitive, and to censures. 
Bellay, the bishop of Paris, represented the injus- 
tice of proceeding with so much precipitation, since, 
where there were seas to cross, in such a season, 
many accidents might occasion the delay of the ex- 
press. The king of England had followed this suit 
six years, and had patience so long : therefore he 
desired the delay of six days ; and if in that time no 
return came, they might proceed. But the impe- 
rialists represented, that those were only delays to 
gain time ; and that the king of England was still 
ivoceeding in his contempt of the apostolic see, and 
of the cardinals, and publishing books and libels 
against them. This so wrought on the angry pope, 
that, without consulting his ordinary prudence, he 
brought the business into the consistoiy, where the 
plurality of voices carried it to proceed to a sen- 
tence. And though the process had been canied ^nd with 
on all that winter in their usual forms, yet it was mtioD pra 
not so ripe, but, by the rules of the consistory, there tei^\^° 
ought to have been three sessions before sentence f|^^ ^^* 



BOOK was given. But they concluded all in one day; 

- • and so, on the twenty-third of March, the marriage 

1533. between the king and queen Katharine was deidared 

good, and the king required to take her as his wife ; 

otherwise censures were to be denounced against 


Two days after that, the courier arriyed from 
England, with the king's submission under his hand 
in due form ; and' earnest letters from the French 
king to have it accepted, that so the business might 
be composed. When this was known at Rome» all 
the indifferent and wise cardinals (among whom was 
Famese, that was afterwards pope Paul the Third) 
came to the pope, and desired that it might be again 
considered, before it went further. So it was brought 
again into the consistory. But the secret reason of 
the imperialists opposing it was now more pressing; 
since there was such an appearance of a settlement, 
if the former sentence were once recalled. There- 
fore they so managed the matter, that it was con- 
firmed anew by the pope and the consistory ; and 
they ordered the emperor to execute the sentence. 

The king was now in so good hope of his busi- 
ness, that he sent sir Edward Kame to Rome to 
prosecute his suit ; who, on his way thither, met the 
bishop of Paris coming back with his melancholic 
The king account of his unprospcrous negociation. When the 
Ib^iiITtbe king heard it, and understood that he was used with 
^^|^.Q so much scorn and contempt at Rome, being also 
England, the morc vexed because he had come to such a sub- 
mission, he resolved then to break totally fit)m Rome. 
And in this he was beforehand with that court : for, 
judging it the best way to procure a peace, to ma- 
nage the war vigorously, he had held a seision of 


pflriiajnent from the fifteenth of January till the thir- book 
tieth of March ; in which he had procured a great 

change of the whole constitution of the government ^^^* 
of the church. But, before I give an account of 
that^ I shall first open all the arguments and rea- 
so(DE, upon which I find they proceeded in this 

The pope's power had been then for four years which had 
together much examined and disputed in England ; ditpatod 
in which they went by these steps^ one leading to^*^' 
another. They first controverted his -power of dis- 
pensing with the law of God. From that they went 
to examine what jurisdiction he had in England ; 
upon which followed the convicting the clergy of a 
pr^trnmnire, with their submission to the king. And 
that led them to controvert the pope's right to an^ 
nates, and other exactions, which they also con- 
demned. The condemning all appeals to Rome fol- 
lowed that naturally. And now so many branches 
of that power were cut off, the root was next struck 
at, and the foundations of the papal authority were 
examined. For near a year together there had been 
many public debates about it ; and both in the par- 
liament and convocation the thing was long disputed, 
and all that could be alleged on both sides was con- 
sidered. . The reader will be best able to judge ofPe>«"ncin. 


their reasons (and thereby of the ripeness of their 
judgments, when they enacted the laws that passed h&ii. 
in this parliament) when he sees a full account of 
them ; which I shall next set down : not drawn from 
the writings and apologies that have been published 
since, but from these that came out about that time. 
For then were written The Institution Jar the ne^ 
eessary Erudition of a Christian Man, concluded 



BOOK in the conyocation, and published by auth(»ity ; and 
another book^ De Differentia Regi€B et JScclesias-- 

1533. ^^ Patestatis. The former of these was called the 
tnshops', and the latter the king's book. Gardiner 
~ also wrote, a book, De vera Obediential to which 
Bonner prefixed a preface upon the same subject* 
Stokesly bishop of London^ and Tonstal bishop of 
Duresme, wrote a long letter in defence of the king^s 
proceedings in this matter to Reginald (soon after 
cardinal) Pool: from these writings, and the ser- 
mons preached by some bishops at this time, with 
other lauthentic pieces, I have extracted the sub- 
stance of the arguments upon which they grounded 
their laws, which I shall divide in two heads. ThQ 
one, of the reasons for rejecting the pope's pretended 
power: the other, for setting up the king^s su- 
premacy, with the explanations and limitations of it 
Th€ urgQ. « First, of the pope's power, they declared that 

menu upon x^ ^ x^ 

which it ** they found no ground for it in the scripture. All 
WM reject- ,, ^y^^ apostlcs wcrc made equal by Christ, when he 

** committed the church to their care in conunon. 
** And he did often declare, there was no superiority 
<' of one above another. St. Paul claimed an equal- 
ity with the chief apostles, both Peter, James, and 
John; and when he thought St. Peter blame- 
worthy^ he withstood Aim to hiejhce. But what- 
soever preeminence St. Peter might have, that was 
only personal, and there was nO reason to affix it 
*' to his chair at Rome, more than at Antioch. But 
** if any see be to be preferred ttefore another, it 
** should be Jerusalem, where Christ died^ and out 
" of which the faith was propagated over jeiU na- 
tions, Christ commanding his disci jdes to begin 
their preaching in it ; so that it was truly the mo- 




** iher ekurek, and is so called by St. Paul : whereas book 


^ in the scriptiire, Rome is called Babylon, according 

•* to TertuUian and 8t Jerome. '5^- 

^ For the places brought from scripture in fiivour 
** of the papacy, they judged that they did not prove 
^any tldng for it. That Thau art Peter, and 
^ jC^MMi tUe rock I wiU build my churchy if it 
^ prove any thing in this matter^ would prove too 
^ much ; even that the church was founded on St. 
^ Petar, as he was a private person, and so on the 
^ popes in their personal capacity. But both St. 
^ Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St. Austin think, that 
^ by the nKk, the confession he had made was only 
^ to be meant. Others of the fiithers thought, by 
^ the roeA, Christ himself was meant, who is the 
^ only true foundation of the church ; though in an^ 
^ other sense all the apostles are also called founda- 
^ tions by St. Paul. That, Tell the church, is 
^ thought by Gerson and .^neas Silvius (after- 
^ wards pope Pius the Second) rather to make 
«< against the pope and for a general council. And 
^ the fathers have generally followed St. Chrysostom 
'* and St. Austin, who thought, that the giping 
*' {if the keye qf the kingdom of heaven, and the 
'^ charge. Feed my sheep, were addressed to St. 
Peter, in behalf of all the rest of the. apostles. 
And that, / have prayed for thee, that thy faith 
fail not, was only personal, and related to his fall, 
^< which was then imminent. It is also clear by St. 
'* Paul, that every apostle had his peculiar province, 
'* beyond which he was not to stretch himself; and 
<* St. Peter's province was the circumcision, and his 
^ the uncircumcision ; in which he plainly declares 
<< his equality with him. 

T 4 


BOOK ** This was also clear from the oonstant tradition 
"' *^ of the church. St. C3rpriaii was against appeals to 
isas. ii Rome, and would not submit to pope Stephen's 
** definition in the point of rebaptizing of heretics ; 
^ and expressly says. That all ^ apostles were 
^ equal in power, and that all the bUhops were 
** abo equal, since the whole qfflee and epiecopMte 
<^ was one entire thing, of which every bishop had 
** a comjdete and equal share. And though sonie 
'* places are brought out of him concerning the umty 
^ of the Roman church, and of other churches with 
^ it ; yet those places have no relation to any au- 
*' thority that the Roman church had over other 
^ churches, but were occasioned by a schism that 
^* Novatian had made there at Rome, being elected 
<< in opposition to the bishop that was rightly chosen ; 
^* and of that unity only St. Cyprian writes in those 
'* places. But from all his epistles to the bishopa of 
>^ Rome, it is visible be looked on himself as their 
<^ equal, since he calls them brother, coUeague^ atnd 
\fellowJfishop. And whatsoever is said by any 
ancient writer of St. Peter's chair, iis to be nnder- 
** stood of the pure gospel which he delivered ; as 
St. Austin observes, that by Moses^ chair is to be 
understood, the delivering of Moses" law. But 
though St. Peter sat there, the succeeding popes 
have no more right to pretend to such authority, 
than the kings of Spain to claim the Roman em- 
'* pire, because he that is now their king is emperor. 
" When Constantine turned Christian, the dignity 
" of the chief city of the empire made Rome to be 
" accounted the first see ; but by the general coun- 
'^ cil of Nice it was declared, that the patriarchs of 
'^ Alexandria and Antioch had the same authority 



<< orer-4he ooantries round about theoi, that he of book 

^ Rome had over those that lay about that city. It 1 — 

^ 18 true^ at that time the Arian •ha:«sy having spread ^^^* 
^ generally over the eastern churches, from which 
^ the western were free, the oppressed catholic bi- 
^ rfiopa of the east made appeals to Rome, and ex- 
*' tailed that see by a natural maxim in all men, 
^ who magnify that from which they have protec- 
^ tion. But the second general council took care 
^ that that should not grow a precedent ; for they 
^ decreed, that every province should be governed 
^ by its own synod ; and that bishops, when they 
^ were accused, must first be judged by the bishops 
^ of their own province, and from them they might 
^ aj^ieal to the bishops of the diocese, but no higher 
^' appeal was allowed : and by that council it ap- 
^ pears, what was the foundation of the greatness of 
^ the bishop of Rome ; for when Constantinople was 
^* made the seat of the empire and new Rome, it had 
^* the same privil^es that old Rome had, and was 
^ set next to it in order and dignity. In a council 
^' at Milevi, in which St. Austin sat, they appointed, 
^< that every derk that should appeal to any bishop 
'* bejTond the sea, should be excommunicated. And 
'* when Faustianus was sent by the pope to the 
^ African churches, to claim the right of receiving 
<< appeals, and pretended a canon of the council of 
** Nice for it ; the pretension was rejected by the 
** African fathers, who acknowledged no such right, 
** and had never heard of that canon. Upon which 
^^ th^ sent to the eastern churches, and search was 
^ every where made for the copies of the canons of 
^ that council ; but it was found that it was a for- 
'* gery. From whence two things were observable : 


BOOK << the one» that the church in that age had do tradi- 



^ tion of any divine institution for the ieuithority of 
i533. M iiin^ g^^ since as the popes, who claimed it, never 
pretended to any such thing ; so the African bi- 
shops, by their rejecting that power, shew that 
they knew nothing of any divine warrant ; all the 
contest being only about the canon of the diurdi. 
<< It also appeared, how early the church of Rome 
« aspired to power, and did not stick at making use 
of forged writings to support it. But pope Agatho, 
more modestly writing to the emperor in his own 
name, and in the name of all the synods that were 
^* subject to his see, calls them, a Jew bishops in the 
*^ northern and western parts. When afterwards 
'* the patriarch of Constantinople was declared by 
the eniperor Mauritius the universal bishop^ Gre- 
gory the Grreat did exclaim against the ambition 
'< of that title, as being equal to the pride of Lu- 
'* cifer ; and declared, that he who assumed it was 
the forerunner of Antichrist ; sajring, that none of 
his predecessors had ever claimed such a power. 
'< And this was the more observable, since the Eng- 
** lish were converted by those whom he sent over ; 
^< so that this was the doctrine of that see, when this 
" church received the faith from it. 

*^ But it did not continue long within those li- 

*^ mits ; for Boniface the Third assumed that title, 

upon the grant of Phocas. And as that BonifieM^e 

got the spiritual sword put in his hand, so the 

** eighth of that name pretended also to the tempo* 

" ral sword ; but they owe these powers to the in- 

*^ dustry of those popes, and not to any donation of 

" Christ's. The popes, when they are consecrated, 

promise to obey the canons of the eight first ge- 




^ nenl oooncilsy which if they observe, they will re- book 
^ cdve no appeals, nor pretend to any higher juris- —ill— 
** diction than these give to them, and the other ^^^' 
M patriarchs equally. 

^ As finr the decrees of latter councils, they are 
^ cf less authority. For those councils consisted of 
« monks and friars in great part, whose exemptions, 
^ obtained from Home, ohh'ged them to support the 
^ authority of that court ; and those who sat in 
^ them knew little of the scriptures, fathers, or the 
^* tradition of the church, being only conversant in 
^ the disputes and learning of the schools. And for 
^ tlie Florentine council, the eastern churches, who 
^ sent the Greek bishops that sat there, never re- 
^ ceived their determination ; neither then, nor at 
any time since. 

Many places were also brought out of the fa- 
^ thers, to show that they did not look on the bishops 
** of Rome as superior to other bishops ; and that 
^ they understood not those places of scripture, which 
"were afterwards brought for the pope's supremacy, 
** in that sense ; so that if tradition be the best ex- 
^ pounder of scripture, those latter glosses must give 
" place to the more ancient. But that passage of 
St. Jerome, in which he equals the bishops of £u- 
gubium and Constantinople to the bishop of Rome, 
** was much made use of, since he was a presbyter 
<' of Rome, and so likely to understand the dignity 
of his own church best. There were many things 
brought from the contests that other sees had with 
Rome, to show, that all the privileges of that and 
other sees were only founded on the practice and 
** canons of the church, but not upon any divine 
*' warrant Constantinople pretended to equal pri- 



BOOK ^ vileges. Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia pretended 
^^ to a patriarchal dignity and exemption. Some 

1638. u archbishops of Canterbury contended, that popes 
<^ could do nothing against the laws of the church ; 
^ 80 Laurence and Dunstan. Robert Grostest, bi- 
^ shop of Lincoln, asserted the same, and many popes 
*^ confessed it. And to this day no constitution of 
^^ the pope's is binding in any church, except it be 
^ received by it ; and in the daily practice of the 
^ canon law, the customs of churches are pleaded 
^ against papal constitutions ; which shows their 
^ authority cannot be from God, otherwise all must 
^^ submit to their laws. And from the latter con- 
*' tests up and down Europe, about giving investi- 
^ tures, receiving appeals, admitting of l^ates, and 
<^ papal constitutions, it was apparent, that the pa- 
'< pal authority was a tyranny, which had been ma- 
^ naged by cruel and fraudulent arts, but was never 
'< otherwise received in the church than as a con- 
'^ quest, to which they were constrained to yield. 
*^ And this was more fully made out In England, 
^ from what passed in William the Conqueror, and 
** Henry the Second's time, and by the statutes of 
** promsors in many kings' reigns, which were still 
** renewed, till within an hundred years of the pre- 
** sent time." 

Upon these grounds they concluded, that the pope's 

power in England had no foundation, neither in the 

law of God, nor in the laws of the church, or of the 


The argu- « As for the king's power over spiritual persons, 

the king's ^^ and in spiritual causes, they proved it from the 

]Zm"ih7 " scriptures. In the Old Testament they found the 

Old Testa- « kings of Jsrad intermeddled in all matters ecde- 

ment. ° 


*' iiaiiti € « l , Samuel, though he bad been judge, yet book 
" admowledged Saul's authority : so also did Abi- ^^ 

melech the high priest, and appeared before him *^^- 
*^ when cited to an^er upon an accusation. And 
^ Samuel (l^Sam. xv. 18.) says, he was made the 
^ head of aU the tribes. Aaron, in that, was an 
<< example to all the following high priests, who sub- 
'* mitted to Moses. David made many laws about 
'' sacred things, such as, the order of the courses of 
'' the priests, and their worship ; and when he was 
« dying, he declared to Solomon how far his au- 
<< thority extended. He told him, (1 Chron. xxviii. 
<^ 21.) That the courses of the priests and all the 
^ people were to be whoUy at his commandment : 
pursuant to which^ Solomon (2 Chron. viii. 14, 15.) 
did appoint them their charges in the service of 
** €h)d, and both the priests and Levites departed 
** not from his commandment in any matter: and 
though he had turned out Abiathar from the high 
priesthood, yet they made no opposition. Jeho- 
saphat, Hezekiah, and Josias made likewise laws 
« about ecclesiastical matters. 

'* In the New Testament, Christ himself was obe- And the 
*^ dient ; he paid taxes, he declared that he pretend- ^^^' 
ed to no earthly kingdom, he charged the people 
to render to Ccesar the things that were Gesar's, 
** and his disciples not to affect temporal dominion, 
** as the lords of the nations did. And though the 
^ magbtrates were then heathens^ yet the apostles 
<^ wrote to the churches to obey magistrates, to sub- 
^ mit to them, to pay taxes ; they call the king su- 
^* preme, and say he is God's minister to encourage 
<< them that do well, and to punish the evil-doers, 
^^ which is said of all persons without exception, and 


BOOK ^ every soul is chained to be subject to the higher 


•• power. 

1^33. a Many passages were cited out of the writu^ 
^ of the fathers, to shew, that they thought church- 
^ men were included in these places as well as other 
^^ persons ; so that the tradition of the church was 
^^ for the king's supremacy : and by one place of 
^ scripture, the king is called supreme ; by another, 
<< he is called head; and by a third, Every wul 
*' must be sul^ect to him ; which laid together, make 
^^ up this conclusion, that the king is the supreme 
<' head. over all persons. In the primitive church, 
** the bishops in their councils made rules for order- 
*' ing their dioceses, which they only called canons 
^ or rules ; nor had they any compulsive authority, 
** but what was derived from the dvil sanctions. 
And the « After the emperors were Christians, they made 

ife c arc . ^^ ^^ codcs ; and when Justinian digested the Ro- 
** man law, he added many novel constitutions about 
^ ecclesiastical persons and causes. The emperors 
** called general councils, presided in them, and con- 
^' firmed them. And many letters were cited of 
*^ popes to emperors, to call councils, and of the 
" councils to them to confirm their decrees. The 
^ election of the popes themselves was sometimes 
made by the emperors, and sometimes confirmed 
by them. Pope Hadrian in a synod decreed, that 
*^ the emperor should choose the pope : and it was 
a late and unheard-of thing, before the days of 
Gregory the Seventh, for popes to pretend to de- 
** pose princes, and give away their dominions. This 
" they compared to the pride of Antichrist and Lu- 
" cifer. 


^ Tbey also argued from reason, that there must book 
^ be but one supreme ; and that the king being 8u« "' 

preme over all his subjects, clergymen must be in- aJJ.^' 
*' dttded, for thej are still subjects. Nor can their nMon. 
^ bdng in orders change that former relation, found- 
^ ed upon the law of nature and nations, no more 
*^ than. wives or servants, by becoming Christians, 
^' were not, according to the doctrine of the apostles, 
<< discharged from the duties of their former rela- 
'^ tions. 

** For the great objection from those offices that 
'^ are peculiar to their functions, it was answered, 
^ that these notwithstanding the king might well 
^ be supreme head ; for in the natural body there 
^ were many vital motions that proceeded not from 
*^ the head, but from the heart, and the other inward 
^ parts and vessels ; and yet the head was still the 
*^ chief seat and root of life : so, though there be 

peculiar functions appropriated to churchmen, yet 

the king is still head ; having authority over them, 
*^ and a power to direct and coerce them in these. 

** From that they proceeded to show, that in Eng- And from 
^' land the kings have always assumed a supremacy EogiMid. 
*' in ecclesiastical matters. They began with the 
^^ most ancient writing that relates to the Christian 
** religion in England then extant, pope Eleuthe- 
^ rius's letter to king Lucius, in which he is twice 
*< called by him, God's vicar in his kingdom; and 
" he writ in it, that it belonged to his office to bring 
** his suljjects to the holy churchy and to maintain, 
" protect, and govern them in it. Many laws were 
^ dted, which Canutus, Ethehred, Edgar, Edinond, 
^ Athelstan and Ina had enacted concerning church- 
" men ; many more laws since the conquest were 

UL ^ 

^ capfied Oasmstbrnrr. mmi Ofa St. AMmm\ from 

^catfe dMn c£ VnaSam xht Cmmfaemri Ibr Iie^to 
^ pcrpccsate l^ itami of tbe rktonr be obUioed 
"^ ofTcr HaiakL sad to eMieor himself to the deigj, 
" fouDded an abber in the field vheie the battle was 
^ fiwgfat. and caDed it Battle Abbev ; and in the 
** charter be granted tbem these words are to be 
^ found : // skaH be also Jree and qmietjar ever 
**frcm all smhjeciiom to iUiifps, or the domimum oj 
^ any other persons, as Christ s chnrch in Canter- 
*^ bury is. Many other things were brought out of 
^* king Alfred's laws, and a speech of king Eklgar's, 
^' with several letters written to the popes from the 
kings, the parliaments, and the cleigy of England, 
to show, that their kings did always make laws 
afK)Ut sacred matters, and that their power reached 
'* to that, and to the persons of churchmen as well 
" as to their other subjects." 



But at the same time that thqr pleaded so much book 
for the king's supremacy, and power of making laws 

for restraining and coercing his subjects, it appeared ^.^^^\ 
that thejr were far from vesting him with such anicstiooof 
abaolute power as the popes had pretended to ; for bimtT^ 
thej thus defined the extent of the king's power : 
7b tkem specially and prineipaUy it pertaineth N i cM w ry 
to drfend ikefaitk &f Christ and his reUgian, /Dopontbt 
eamserve and maintain the true doctrine qf Christ, ^T^t^ 
and aU such as be true preachers and setters forth 
Aere^; and to abolish abuses, heresies. And ido- 
iairies, and to punish with corporal pains such as 
^malice be the occasion qfthe same. And finally, 
to oversee and cause that the said bishops and 
priests do execute their pastoral qffice truly and 
Jmi^fuOy, and specially in these points, which by 
CSkHst and his apostles was given and committed 
to them; and in case they shall be negligent in any 
part thereof, or would not diligently execute the 
same, to cause them to redouble and sujoply their 
loch : and if they obstinately withstand their princess 
. kind monition, and will not amend their faults, then 
amd in such case to put others in their rooms and 
places. And God hath also commanded the said 
bishops and priests to obey with all humbleness 
and reverence, both tings, and princes, and govern- 
ore, and all their laws, not being contrary to the 
laws qf God, whatsoever they be : and that not only 
propter iram, but also propter conscientiam, that is 
to say, not only for fear qf punishment, but also for 
discharge qf conscience. 

Thus it' appears, that they both limited obedience 
to the king's laws, with the due caution of their not 
being contrary to the law of Grod, and acknowledged 

VOL. I. u 


BOOK the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the discharge of the 
pastoral c^ce, committed to the pastors of the church 

1834. Ijj ciaign^ fokd his apostles ; and that the supremacy 

then pretended to was no such extravagant power as 

some imagine. 

'SrShat^ ** Upon the whole matter, it was concluded, that 

<< the pope's power in England had no good founda- 

^ tion, and had been managed with as much tjrranny, 
<' as it had b^un with usurpation ; the exactions of 
** their courts were every where heavy, but in no 
place so intolerable as in England: and though 
many complaints were made of them in these last 
'* three hundred years, yet they got no ease, and all 
^ the laws about provisors were still defeated and 
^ made ineffectual ; therefore they saw it was im- 
^ possible to moderate their proceedings^ so that 
^ there was no other remedy but to extirpate thdr 
'^ pretended authority, and thenceforth to acknow- 
ledge the pope only bishop of Rome, with the ju- 
risdictioii about it, defined by the ancient canons : 
and for the king to reassume his own authority, 
^' and the prerogatives of his crown, from which the 
kings of England had never formally departed, 
though they had for this last hundred years con- 
** nived at an invasion and usurpation upon them, 
" which was no longer to be endured." 
Pftins token Thcsc wcre the grounds of casting off the pope's 
Fiiber power^ that had been for two or three years studied 
*^ ' and inquired into by all the learned men in England, 
and had been debated both in convocation and par- 
liament ; and, except Fisher bishop of Rochester, I 
do not find that any bishop appeared for the pope's 
power : and for the abbots and priors, as they were 
generally very ignorant, so what the cardinal had 



done in sujipressing some monasteries, and what book 
they now heard, that the conrt had an eye on their "• 

landsj made them to be as complknt as eouM be. i^^^ 
But Usher was a man of great reputation, and very 
ancient, so that much pains was taken to satisfy 
him. A week before the parliament sat down, the 
archbish<^ of Canterbury proposed to him, that he 
and any five doctors, such as he should choose, and 
the faish<^ of London, and five doctors with him, 
mig^t confer about it, and examine the authorities 
of both sides, that so there might be an agreement 
amoi^ them, by which the scandal might be re-* 
BKyved, which otherwise would be taken from their 
jai^fii^ and contests among themselves. Fisher 
aoeepted of this, and Stokesley wrote to him on the 
e^th of January, that he was ready whenever the The ongi. 
otter pleased, and desired him to name time and^t^ub! ^ 
iritace ; and if they could not agree the matter among ^^"^ ^* *®* 
themsdves, he moved to refer it to two learned men 
whom they should choose, in whose determination 
ihey would both acquiesce. How far this overture 
went, I cannot discover ; and perhaps Fisher's sick-' 
ness hindered the progress of it. But now, on the 
fifteenth of January, the parliament sat down ; by 
the Journals I find no other bishops present but the 
archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London, 
Winchester, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, Landafie, and 
Carlisle. There were also twelve abbots present; 
but upon what pretences the rest excused their at- 
tendance, I do not know : perhaps some made a dif- 
ference between submitting to what was done, and 
being active and concurring to make the change. 
During the session, a bishop preached every Sunday 
at PauPs Cross, and declared to the people, that the 

u 2 


BOOK poJ)e had no authority at all in England. In the 
two former sessions the bishops had preached> that 

1^*<- the general council waa above the pope; but now 
tfaejr struck a note higher. This was done to letthe 
people see what justice and reason was in the acts 
that ware then passing, to which I now turn; and 
shall next give an account of this great session of 
parliament, which L shall put rather in the natural 
method according to the matter of the acts, than in 
the order of time as they passed. 
[;^>^ On the ninth of March a bill came up from the 
commons for discharging the subjects of all depend- 
race on the court of Rome :' it was read the-first 
time in the house of lords the thirteenth of March, 
and on the fourteenth was read the second time, 
and committed. The committee reported it on the 
. iiineteenth, by which it appears, there was no stiff 
nor long opposition ; and he that was likeliest 4o 
make it was both obnoxious and absent, as will 
afterwards appear. On the nineteenth it was read 
the third time, and on the twentieth the fourth time, 
and then passed without any protestation. Some 
provisos were added to it by the lords, to which the 
commons agreed ; and so it was made ready for the 
royal assent, 
lie act for *^ In the preamble the intolerable exactions for 
lie pope?^ *' Peter-pence, provisions, pensions, and bulls of all 
sorts, are complained of, which were contrary to 
all laws; and grounded only on the pope's power 
of dispensing, which was usurped. But the king, 
^ and the lords and commons within his own realm, 
^* had only power to consider how any of the laws 
<< were to be dispensed with or abrogated ; and ^ce 
^* the king was acknowledged the supreme head of 

ower. t( 




^ tbe church of England hj the prelates and clei^ book 
*< in iheir convocations, therefore it was enacted, that "' 

•* an pajrments made to the apostolic chamber, andj^]^^^;^ 

^ lull' provisions, bulls, or dispensations, should from^'^^c 

^ thenceforth cease. But that all dispensations or Book, a; in 

^''licenses for things that were not contrarjr to the^s^""' 

" law of God, but only to the law of the land, should ^^"^ 

^be granted within the kingdom, by and under the 

^seals of the two archbishops in their several pro- 

*^' vinces ; who should not presume to grant any con- 

^'trary to the laws of Almighty Grod, and should only 

^ giant such licenses as had been formerly in use to 

^ be granted, but give no license for any new thing 

(^'tfllit were first examined by the king and his 

^ comicil, whether such things might be dispensed 

^ with ; and that all dispensations, which were for- 

^ merly taxed at or above 4/. should be also con- 

*' finned under the great seal. Then many clauses 

** follow about the rates of licenses, and the ways of 

^procuring them. It was also declared, that they 

^ did not hereby intend to vary from Christ's church 

^ about the articles of the catholic faith of Christen- 

*^ dom, or in any other things declared by the scrip- 

•* tures, and the word of God, necessary for their 

^ salvation ; confirming withal the exemptions of 

^ monasteries formerly granted by the bishop of 

^ Rome, exempting them still from the archbishops' 

'^ visitations ; declaring that such abbeys, whose elec- 

^ tions were formerly confirmed by the pope, shall 

^ be now confirmed by the king; who likewise shall 

« give commission under his great seal for visiting 

** them ; providing also, that licenses and other writs 

^ obtained from Rome before the twelfth of March 

^ in that year should be valid and in force, except 

u 3 


BOOK " they were contrary to the laWB frf* the Tealin ; gir- 

'. — " ing also to the king and his council power to of> 

I53'i. „ jg^ j^j,^ i-eform all indulgences and privflegei (or 
" the abuses of them) which had been granted by 
" the see of Kome. The ofTenden against this act 
" were to be punished according to the statutes of 
" provisorg and pramunire" 

This act, as it gave great ease to the subject, so 
it cut off that base trade of iodulgenoes about divine 
laws, which had been so gainful to the churdl of 
^^^- R«ne, but was of late fatal to it. All in the rdi> 
Bdonibu ipous bouses saw their prinl^;eg now struck at, 
HDce they were to be reformed as the king saw 
cause, which put them in no small confusion. Tboae 
that favoured the reformation rejoiced at this act» 
not CHily because the pope's power was rooted out, 
but becuise the &ith that was to be adhered to was 
to be taken from those things, which the scriptures 
declared necessary to salvation; so that all their 
ffears were now much qualified, since the scripture 
was to be the standard of the catholic foith. On the 
same day that this bill passed in the house of lords, 
another bill was read for confirming the succession 
to the crown in the issue of the king's present mar- 
riage with queen Anne. It was read the second 
time on the twenty-first of March, and committed. 
It was reported on the twenty-third, and read the 
third time and passed, and sent down to the com- 
mons, who sent it back again to them on the twen- 
ty-sixth ; so speedily did this bUl go through both 
houses without any opposition. 
*^^^ The preamble of it was : " The distractions that 
* had been in Bngland about the succession to the 
' crown, which had occasioned the effusion of much 


^Uood^wiihjniuqr<^tlier mis^^ book 

^ fi«mi the want itf* a dear dedskm of the true title, ^ 

firam wfaich the popes had usurped a power of in*^ ]^sL 
^▼esting sudh as pleased them m other princes* tote-Book, 
^ kfagdmns, and princes had often maintained suchalooid, 
<" donafcions for their other ends; therefore, to BToidioi^ 
^ the lilEe inconveniences, the Idng^s former marriage 
^ widi the princess Katharine is judged contrary to 
^ the hiws of God, and void and of no effect ; and 
the sentence passed by the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, annulling it, is confirmed, and the lady Ka- 
tharine is thenceforth to be reputed only princess 
dowager, and not queen, and the marriage with 
qaeea Anne is estaUished and confirmed: and 
marriages within the degrees prohibited by Moses 
(wfaidi are enumerated in the statute) are declared 
to be unlawful, according to the judgment of the 
convocations of this realm, and of the most famous 
** universities and learned men abroad, any dispen- 
sations to the contrary notwithstanding, which 
are also declared null, since contrary to the laws 
^ of God ; and all that were married within these 
degrees are appointed to be divorced, and the 
dbildren begotten in such marriages were declared 
illegitimate : and all the issue that should be be- 
tween the king and the present queen is declared 
** lawful, and the crown was to descend on his issue 
male by her, or any other wife ; or in default of 
issue male, to the issue female by the queen ; and 
in default of any sudi, to the right heirs of the 
king's highness for ever : and any that after the 
first of May should maliciously divulge any thing 
to the slander of the king's marriage, or ci the 
issue batten in it, were to be a4judged for mis- 








BOOK ** prisicm of treason, and to suffer impruJonmeiit'at 
^' << the king's will, and forfeit all their goods and diat- 

J5d4. €f f^ to him ; and if the queen outlived the king, 
** she is declared r^ent till the issue by her were of 
<* age, if a son eighteen, and if a daughter sixteen 
^ years of age ; and all the king's subjects were to 
** swear that they would maintain the contents of 
^^ this act ; and whoever, being required, did refuse 
'* it, was to be judged guilty of misprision of treason, 
** and punished accordingly." The oath, it seems, 
was likewise agreed on in the house of lords ; for 
the form of it is set down in their Journal as follows. 
riM oath « Ye shall swear to bear faith, truth, and obedience 
** alonely to the king's majesty, and to his heirs of 


« his body of .his most dear and entirely beloved 
** lawful wife queen Anne, begotten and to be be- 
gotten. And further, to the heirs of /)ur said sove- 
reign lord according to the limitation in the sta- 
** tute made for surety of his succession in the crown 
** of this realm mentioned and contained, and not to 
any other within this realm, nor foreign authority 
or potentate. And in case any oath be made, or 
hath been made by you, to any person or persons, 
** that then ye to repute the same as vain and anni- 
** hilate. And that to your cunning, wit, and utter- 
" most of your power, without guile, fraud, or other 
^^ undue means, ye shall observe, keep, maintain, 
** and defend the said act of succession, and all the 
** whole effects and contents thereof, and all other 
^ << acts and statutes made in confirmation, or for ex- 

** ecution of the same, or of any thing therein con- 
** tained. And this ye shall do against all manner 
" of persons, of what estate, dignity, degree, or con- 
•* dition soever they be ; and in no wise to do or at- 


** temptj nor to jour power suffer to be done or at- book 

f uint)t\.t 

directly or indirectlj^ any thing or things, - 
** pmrily or apartly, to the le^ hinderance, damage, ^^^• 
*' or derogation thereof, or of any part of the same, 
^ by any manner of means, or for any manner of 
^ pretence. So help you God, and all saints, and 
^ tihe holy evangelists." 

Aad thus was the king^s niarriage confirmed. 
Bat' when the commons returned this bill to the 
kwdi^ they sent them another with it, concerning 
the proceedings against heretics. There had been 
complaints made formerly, as was told before, of the 
aerjeie ' and intolerable proceedings in the ecclesias- 
tical courts against heretics: and on the fourth of 
FdJimary the commons sent up a complaint made by 
one Thomas Philips against the bishop of London, 
i» finr using hin^ cruelly in prison, upon the suspicion 
of heresy ; but the lords doing nothing in it, on the 
first ci March the house of commons sent some of 
their number to the bishop, requiring him to make Journal 
answer to the complaints exhibited against him, who 
acquainted the house of lords with it the next day : 
but as they had formerly laid aside the complaint as 
not worthy of their time, so they all with one con- 
sent answered, that it was not fit for any of the peers 
to appear or answer at the bar of the house of com- 
mons. Upon this the house of commons, finding 
they could do nothing in that particular case, re- 
solved to provide an effectual remedy for such abuses 
for the future : and therefore sent up a bill about 
the punishment of heretics, which was read that 
day for the first time, and the second and third time 
on the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth, in wbiclr 
it passed. 


ROOK " The act was a repeal of the statute of the second 

: — " of Henry the Fourth, by which tdsfaops, upm sm- 

Acl »wi't " P>*=io" of haesy, mi^t commit any to finaim, as 

puniibing " was before told ; but in that act there waa no de- 

in tu> Ma- " claration made, what was heresy, except in the 

33 tn lue ' " general words of what was contrary to scriptures, 

^I'^'ki'liie " °^ canonical sanctions. This was liable to great 

ji>urn.t. » ambiguity, 1^ which men were in much danger, 

" and not suflSdently instructed what was heresy. 

" They also complained of their proceedings without 

" presentment or accusation, contrary to what was 

*' practised in all other cases, even of treason itsdf ; 

" and many canonical sanctions had been establiahed 

/ ** only by popes, without any divine precept : there- 

" fore they repealed the act (^ Henry the Fourtl^ 

" but left the statutes of Richard the Second and 

** Henry the Fifth sdll in force, with .the following 

" r^ulatim : That heretics should be proceeded 

" f^^ainst upon presentments by two witnesses at 

" least, and then be committed, but brought to an- 

" swer to their indictments in open court; and if 

'" they were found guilty, and would not abjure, or 

** were relapse, to be adjudged to death ; the king's 

" writ de hetretieo comhurendo being first obtained- 

" It was also declared, that none should be troubled 

" upon any of the pope's canons or laws, or for 

" speaking or doing against them. It was likewise 

" provided, that men committed for heresy might be 

" bailed," 

It may easily be imagined how acceptable this 
act was to the whole nation, since it was such an 
effectual limitation of the ecclesiastical power, in one 
of the uneasiest parts of it ; and this regulation of 
the arbitrary proceedings of the spiritual courts was 



t partacular Messing to all that favoured reformation, book 
Suty 88 the parliament was going on with these good "* 

aw8, there came a submission from the clergy^ then 1^34. 
itting in convocation, to be passed in parliament. 
iVith what opposition it went through the two houses 
f convocation^ and the house of commons, is not 
mown ; for as the registers of the convocation are 
nautf so it does not appear that there were any 
ournab kept in the house of commons at that time. 
)ii the twenty-seventh of March it was sent up to 
he lords ; and since the spiritual lords had already 
soDsented to. it, there was no reason to apprehend 
my opposition fi^m the temporal lords. The ses- 
ion was now near an end ; so they made haste, and 
ead it twice that day, and the third time the next 
lay* and passed it. The contents of it were : ^* The The sub. 
clergy acknowledged that all convocations had^^by 
been and ought to be assembled by the king's |J*,J;'*^'^. 
writ ; and promised, in verbo sacerclotii, that they ^^ jn^« 
would never make nor execute any new canons or Book, 35 in 
constitutions, without the royal assent to them; 
and since many canons had been received that 
were found prejudicial to the king's prerogative, 
contrary to the laws of the land, and heavy to the 
subjects; that therefore there should be a com- 
mittee of thirty-two persons, sixteen of the two 
houses of parliament, and as many of the clergy, 
to be named by the king, who should have full 
power to abrogate or confirm canons as they found 
it expedient; the king's assent being obtained. 
This was confirmed by act of parliament ; and by 
the same act all appeals to Rome were again con- 
demned. If any party found themselves aggiieved 
in the archbishops' courts, an appeal might be 





BOOK << made to the king in the court of chancery ; and 
— -I — ^* the lord chancellor was to grant a commissioti un- 
1-534. « ^^j. the great seal for some delegates, in whose de- 
*^ termination all must acquiesce. All exempted ab- 
^ hots were also to appeal to the king : and it con- 
*' eluded with a proviso, that till such correction of 
*^ the canons was made, all those which were then 
received should still retnain in force, except such 
as were contrary to the laws and customs of the 
realms, or were to the damage or hurt of the 
king^s prerogative.** 
This proviso seemed to have a fair colour, that 
there might still be some canons in force to go- 
vern the church hj ; but since there was no day 
jNTefixed to the determination of the commission, 
this proviso made that the act never took effect ; 
for now it lay in the prerogative, and* in the judge's 
breast, to declare what canons were contrary to 
the laws, or the rights of the crown : and it was 
judged more for the king's greatness to keep the 
matter undetermined, than to make such a col- 
lection of ecclesiastical laws as should be fixed 
and unmoveable. The last of the public acts of 
. this session, that related to the church, was about 
the election and consecration of bishops. On the 
fourth of February the commons sent up a bill to 
the lords about the consecration of bishops ; it lay 
on the table till the twenty-seventh of February, 
jotirnfti and was then cast out, and a new one drawn. On 
what reason it was cast out, is not mentioned ; and 
the Journal does not so much as say that it was 
once read. The new bill had its second reading the 
third of March, and on the fifth it was ordered to be 
engrossed ; and on the ninth it was read the third 


time, and agreed to, and sent down to the commons, book 
i^o returned it to the lords on the sixteenth of — 

Blarch. " The first part of it is a confirmation of ^^^^^ 
** their former act against annates ; to which they election of 

« • bUboM ; 

^ added, that bishops should not be any more pre- 20 m tbe 
^ sented to the bishop of Rome, or sue out any bulls Book, Ve in 

* there, but that all bishops should be presented to^*** ^~"*- 
^ the archbishop, and archbishops to any archbishop 

^ in the king^s dominions, or to any four bishops 
^ whom the king should name ; and that, when any 
'^ see was vacant, the king was to grant , a license 
'* for a new election, with a letter missive, bearing 
^ the name of the person that was to be chosen : 

* and twelve days aflter these were delivered, an 
^ election was to be returned by the dean and chap- 
•^ ter, or prior and convent, under their seals. Then 
^ the person elected was to swear fealty to the king, 
'^ upon which a commission was to be issued out for 
^ consecrating and investing him with the usual ce- 

* remonies ; after which, lie was to do homage to 
'* the king, and be restored both to the spiritualities 
'^ and temporalities of his see, for which the king 
'^ granted commissions during the vacancy : and 
•^ whosoever refused to obey the contents of the act, 
'* or acted contrary to it, were declared within the 

^ statute of pnemunire" There passed a private coiiect. 
act for depriving the bishops of Salisbury and Wor- 
cester ; who were, cardinal Campegio and Jerome de 
Qhinuccii : the former deserved greater severities 
it the king's hand; but the latter seems to have 
served him faithfully, and was recommended both 
by the king and the French king, about a year 
[)efore, to a cardinal's hat. ^* The preamble of the 
'* act bears, that persons pi^moted to ecclesiastical 



BOOK €€ benefices ought to reside within the kingdom, for 
** preaching the laws of Almighty God, and for 
** keeping hospitality ; and since these prelates did 
*' not that, but lived at the court of Rome, and 
n^lected their dioceses, and made the revenues 
^ of them be carried out of the kingdoms, contrary 
to the intentions of the founders, and to the pre- 
judice of the realm, 8000/. being at least carried 
'* yearly out of the kingdom ; therefore their die- 
" ceses were declared vacant.** 
Tbe act But now I come to the act of the attainder of 
^of ^ Elizabeth Barton, and her complices, which I shall 



f^l^ open fully, since it was the first step that was made 
piioet. fQ rebellion, and the first occasion of putting any to 
isinSte- death upon this quarrel; and from it one may 
JJ^^'^ dearly see the genius of that part of the clergy that 
T^^cotd, adhered to the interests of the court of Rome. On 

7 in the 

Journal, the tweuty-first of February the bill was sent up to 
the lords, and read the first time ; on the twenty- 
sixth it was read the second time, and committed ; 
then the witnesses and other evidences were brought 
before them, but chiefly she with all her complices, 
who confessed the crimes charged on her. It was 
reported and read the sixth of March the third 
time, and then the lords addressed to the king to 
know his pleasure, whether sir Thomas More, and 
others, mentioned in the act as complices, or at least 
concealers, might not be heard to speak for them- 
selves in the star-chamber : as for the bishop of Ro« 
Chester, he was sick, but he had written to the house 
all that he had to say for his own excuse. What 
presumptions lay against sir Thomas More, I have 
s^ hi, not been able to find out, only that he wrote a let- 
workt, ter to the Nun, at which the king took great excep- 

pag. 1435* 


tioDS ; yet it appears he had a mean opinion of her, ^^p*^ 
fixr in > discourse with his beloved daughter mirtress 

Bopcty he called her commonly the silly Nun« Bttt^ ^^^ 
toir justifying himself, he wrote a full account of all 
the intercourse he had with the Nun and her com-* 
pficea to Cromwell : but though, by his other printed 
ktterSf both to Cromwell and the king, it seems 
some ill impressions remained in the king^s mind 
about it» he still continued to justify, not only his 
int^itiims, but his actions in that particular. One 
thing is not unworthy of observation, that Rastal, 
who published his works in queen Mary's time, 
printed the second letter he wrote to Cromwell, yet 
did not publish that account which he sent first to 
hka concerning it, to which More refers himself in 
aU his following letters; though it is more like a 
o^y of that would have been preserved, than of 
those other letters that refer to it. But perhaps it 
was kept up on design ; for in queen Mary's time 
they had a mind to magnify that story of the Nun's, 
since she was thought to have suffered on her mo- 
therms account: and among the other things she 
talked, one was, that the lady Mary should one day 
reign in England, for which Sanders has since 
thought fit to make a prophetess of her. And it is 
certain More had a low opinion of her, which ap- 
pears in many places of his printed letters ; but that 
would have been much plainer, if that full account he 
wrote of that affair had been published : and there- 
fore^ that one of their martjnrs might not lessen the 
esteem of another, it was fit to suppress it. Whether 
my conjectures in this be well grounded or not, is 
left to the reader's judgment. In conclusion, More's 
justifications, seconded with the good offices that the 


BOOK lord chancellor Audley and Cromwell did him^ (who, , 
as appears hj his letters, stood his friends in that 


^^^^* matter,) did sa work on the king, that his name was 
put out of the bill, and so the act was agreed on by 
both houses, and the royal assent followed. The 
matter was this : '^ Elizabeth Barton of Kent, in 
^' the parish of Aldington, being sick and distem- 
'* pered in her brain, fell in some trances, (it seems 
by the symptoms they were hysterical fits,) and 
spoke many words that made great impressions on 
some about her, who thought her inspired of God ; 
'^ and Richard Master, parson of the parish, hoping 
'^ to draw great advantages from this, went to War- 
*' ham, archbishop of Canterbury, and gave him a 
'^ large account of her speeches, who ordered him to 
^* attend her carefully, and bring him a further re- 
*' port of any new trances she might afterwards fall 
*^ in. But she had forgot all she had said in her 
fits ; yet the crafty priest would not let it go so, 
but persuaded her, that what she had said was by 
^* the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and that she 
" ought to own that it was so. Upon which he 
*^ taught her to counterfeit such trances, and to 
" utter such speeches as she had done before ; so 
" that, after a whiles practice, she became very 
ready at it. The thing was much noised abroad, 
and many came to see her ; but the priest had a 
*^ mind to raise the reputation of an image of the 
'^ blessed Virgin, that was in a chapel within his pa- 
'^ rish, that so, pilgrimages being made to it, he 
*^ might draw these advantages from it, that others 
*^ made from their famed images ; but chose for his 
*^ associate one doctor Bocking, a canon of Christ 
" Church in Canterbury: upon which they instruct- 




' «d her to saj in her counterfeited trances, ^at the book 
* blessed Virgin had appeared to her, and toldi her _ 

'' she could nerer recover, till she went and vinted '^3^* 
" her image in that chapel. They had also tau^t 
" her in her fits to make strange motions with her 
" body, by which she was much disfigured, and to 
'* apeak many godly words against sin, and the new 
" doctrines, which were called heresies ; as also a^ 
" gainst the king's suit of divorce. It was also noised 
" abroad, on what day she intended to go and visit 
'* the image of the Virgin, so that about two faun- 
" dred people were gathered together; and she, being 
" tavught to the chapel, fell into her fits, and made 
" many strange grimaces and alterations of her bocty, 
" and ^loke many words of great piety, saying, that 
" by the inspiration of Crod she was called to be a 
'* religious woman, and that Becking was to be her 
'■' ghostly father. And within a little while she 
■* seemed, by the intercession of our Lady, to be per- 
'•* fectly recovered of her former distempers, and she 
'' afterwards professed a religious life. There were 
'* also violent suspicions of her incontinency, and 
'* that Bocking was a carnal, as well as a spiritual 
' father. She fell in many raptures, and pretended 

< she saw strange visions, heard heavenly melody, 
' and had the revelation of many things that were 
' to come ; so that great credit was given to what 
' she said, and people generally looked on her as a 

* prophetess, and among those the late archbishop of 

* Canterbury was led away with the rest. A book 

< was writ of her revelations and prophecies by one 

* Deering, another monk, who was taken into the 
' conspiracy, with many others. It was also given 

* out, that Mary Magdalen gave her a letter that 

VOL. 1. X 


BOOK ^ was writ in heaven, which was shewed to many^ 

— -^ — ^ being all writ in golden letters. She pretended, 

1534. u ^hen the king was last at Calais, that he beii^ at 

<« mass, an angel brought away the sacrament and 

^* gave it to her, being then invisibly present, and 

*^ that she was presently brought over the sea to her 

monastery, again. But the design of all these 

trances was to alienate the people from their duty 

to the king ; for the Maid gave it out, that God 

revealed to her, that if the king went on in the 

*' divorce, and married another wife, he should not 

be king a month longer , and in the reputation of 

Abnighttf Crod not one hour longer ^ but should 

*' die a villain's death. This, she said, was revealed 

to her in answer to the prayers she had put up to 

God, to know whether he approved of the king^s 

^ proceedings, or not ? Which coming to the know- 

'* ledge of the bishop of Rochester, and some others, 

" who adhered to the queen's interests, they had 

'^ frequent meetings wiCh the Maid, and concealed 

** what she spake concerning the king ; and some of 

** them gave such credit to what she said, that they 

" practised on many others to draw them from their 

" allegiance, and prevailed with several of the fa- 

** thers and nuns of Sion, of the charter-house in 

<^ London, and Shene, and of the Observants of Rich- 

** mont, Greenwich, and Canterbury, with a great 

" many other persons." 

Hie iiMo- This appeared most signally at Greenwiclr, where 

lome of the king lived most in summer ; for one Peto, being 

*"* to preach in the king's chapel, denounced heavy 

^tow. judgments upon him to his face, and told him, that 

many lying prophets had deceived him ; hut he, as 

a true Micaiah, warned him, that the dogs should 




Uek M^ hlood as they had done Ahab's ; {far that book 

prophecy about Ahab was his text;) with many 1— 

other Utter words : and concluded, that it was the *^^^- 
greaieH misery of princes^ to he daily so abused 
by/UMerers as they were. The king bore it pa- 
tientihir^ and expressed no signs of any commotion ; 
but, to undeceive the people, he took care that Dr. 
Corren, or Curwin, should preach next Sunday, who 
justified the king^s proceedings, and condemned Peto 
as a rebel, a slanderer, a dog, and a traitor. Peto 
was gone to Canterbury ; but another Observant friar 
of the same house, ELston, interrupted him, and said, 
he was one of the lying prophets, that sought by 
adultery' to establish the succession to the crown, 
and that he would justify all that Peto had said, 
and spake many other things with great vehe- 
mency ; nor could they silence him, till the king 
himself commanded him to hold his peace. And 
yet an that was done either to him or Peto was, 
that, being called before the privy-council, they were 
rebuked for their insolence; by which it appears, 
that king Henry was not very easily inflamed 
against them, when a crime of so high a nature was 
so slightly passed over. 

*< Nor was this all ; but the fathers that were in 
*^ the conspiracy had confederated to publish these 
*^ revelations in their sermons up and down the king- 
'^ dom. They had also given notice of them to the 
** pope's ambassadors, and had brought the Maid to 
<< declare her revelations to them ; they had also 
<< sent an account to queen Katharine, for encourag- 
** ing her to stand out and not submit to the laws ; 
** of which confederacy Thomas Abel was likewise 
" one.'* The thing that was in so many hands could stow. 

X 2 


BOOK not be a secret ; Uierefore the king, who had despised 
it long, ordered that in November the former year 

^^^' the Maid and her complices, Richard Master, doctor 
Boddng, Richard Deering, Henry Gold, a parson in 
London ; Hugh Rich, an Observant friar ; Richaid 
Risby, Thomas Gold, and Edward Twaites, gentle* 
men ; and Thomas Laurence ; should be brought 
into the star-chamber, where there was a great ap^ 
pearanoe of many lords : they were examined upon 
the premises, and did all, without any rack or tor- 
turCf confess the whole conspiracy, and were ad- 
judged to stand in Paul's all the sermon-time; and 
after sermon the king's officers were to give every 
one of them his bill of confession to be openly, read 
before the people ; which was done next Sunday, 
the bishop of Bangor preaching, they being all set 
in a scaffold before him. ' This public manner was 
thought, upon good grounds, to be the best way to 
satisfy the people of the imposture of the whole 
matter, and it did very much convince them, that 
the cause must needs be bad, where such methods 
were used to support it From thence they were 
carried to the Tower, where they lay till the session 
of parliament ; but when they lay there, some of 
their complices sent messages to the Nun, to encou- 
rage her to deny all that she had said; and it is 
very probable, that the reports that went abroad of 
her being forced or cheated into a confession, made 
the king think it necessary to proceed more severely 
against hen The thing being considered in parlia- 
ment, it was judged a conspiracy against the king's 
life and crown. So the Nun, and Master, Booking, 
Deering, Rich, Risby^ and Henry Gold, were at- 
tainted of high treason. And the bishop of Ro-<* 


•dbester, Thomas Gold, Thomas Laurence. Edward book 

Twaites, John Adeson, and Thomas Abel, were 

judged guilty of misprision of treason, and to forfeit ^^^* 
their goods, and chattels to the king, and to be im- 
prisoned during his pleasure : and all the books that 
were written of her revelations were ordered to be 
sent in to some of the chief officers of state, under 
the pains of fine and imprisonment. It had been also 
found, that the letter, which she pretended to have 
got firom Mary Magdalen, was written by one Hank- 
herst of Canterbury ; and that the door of the dor- 
mitory, which was given out to be made open by 
miracle, that she might go into the chapdi for con- 
verse with Ood, was opened by some of her com- 
pHces for beastly and carnal ends. But, in the con- 
clusion of the act, all others who had been corrupted 
in their alliance by these impostures, except the 
persons before named, were, at the earnest interces- 
sion of queen Anne, pardoned. 

The two houses of parliament (having ended their 
business) were prorogued on the twenty-ninth of 
March to the third of November ; and before they 
broke up, all the members of both houses, that they 
might give a good example to the king's other sub- 
jects, swore the oath of succession, as appears from 
the act made about it in the next session of parlia- ' 
ment. The execution of these persons was delayed 
for some time ; it is like, till the king had a return 
from Rome of the messenger he had sent thither 
with his submission. 

Soon after that, on the twentieth of April, the 
Nun, and Bocking,. Master, Deering, Risby, and 
Gold, (Rich is not named, being perhaps either dead 
or pardoned,) were brought to Tyburn. The Nun 



BOOK spake these words : Hither I am came to die ; amt I 
^'' have not been only the cause of mine own death, 

^^H^'. which most justly I have deserved, hut also I, am 

The Nun't !.,,,>.»., »•» 

•pMcb •! iAe cause (f the death of all those persims, whseh 
^J^ at this time here suffer. And yet, to say the 
truth, lam not so much to be blamed, considering 
that it was well known to these learned men that I 
was a poor wench, without learning; and there^ 
Jore they might easily have perceived, that the 
tilings that were done by me, could not proved 
in no such sort ; but their capacities and learning 
could right well judge Jrom whence they proceeded^ 
and that they were altogether feigned : but be^ 
cause the thing which I feigned was prqfitable to 
them, therefore they much praised me ; and b&re 
me in hand, that it was the Holy Ghost, and not 
I, that did them: and then I, being p^ffedup with 
their praises, fell into a certain pride and foolish 
fantasy with myself, and thought I might feign 
what I would; which thing hath brought me to 
this case : and far the which now I cry God and 
the king's highness mast heartily mercy, and de- 
sire you all, good people, to pray to Crod to have 
mercy an me, and an aU them that here suffer with 

On all this I have dwelt the longer, both because 
these are all called martyrs by Sanders, and that 
this did first provoke the king against the r^ular 
clergy, and drew after it all the severities that were 
done in the rest of his reign. The foulness and the 
wicked designs of this imposture did mucK alienate 
people from the interest of Rome, and made the 
other acts both pass more easily, and the better re- 
ceived by the people. It was also generally believed, 



that iduit was now discovered was no new practice^ book 
but that many of the visions and miracles, by wUcfa 

rd^bus orders bad raised their credit so high, were ^^^* 
oC Uie same nature : and it made way for the de- 
stroying of all the monasteries in England, though stow. 
aiD the severity firhich at this time followed on it 
was, that the Observant friars of Richmont, Green- 
Unidky Canterbury, Newark, and Newcastle, were re^ 
moved out of their houses, and put with the other 
Gny friars ; and Augustin friars were put in their 

But because of the great name of Fisher, bishop 
c^ Rochester, and since this was the first step to his 
mill, it is necessary to give a fuller account of his 
caRiaiEe in this matter. When the cheat was first ^^^'^^^ 

^ gently dealt 

discovered, CromweU, then secretary of state, sent with; 
the bishop's brother to him, with a sharp reproof 
for his carriage in that business ; but withal advised 
him to write to the king, and acknowledge his of- 
fence, and desire his pardon, which he knew the 
king, considering his age and sickness, would grant. 
But he wrote back, excusing himseU; that all he did But u ob. 
was only to try whether her revelations were true : i^lJUllliSSe. 
he confessed, he conceived a great opinion of her 
holiness, both from common fame, and her entering 
into religion ; from the report of her ghostly father, 
whom he esteemed learned and religious, and of 
many other learned and virtuous priests ; from the 
good opinion the late archbishop of Canterbury had 
of her ; and from what is in the prophet Amos, that 
God will do nothing without revealing it to his ^ 
servants. That, upon these grounds, he was in- 
duced to have a good opinion of her ; and that, to 
tij the truth about her, he had sometimes spoken 



BOOK with her, Eind sent bJs chaplains to her, but nerer 

'- — discovered any falsehood in her. And for his coo- 

' ^^'^' cealing what she had told him about the king, whidi 
was laid to his chaige, he thought it needless for 
him to speak of it to the king, since she had said to 
him, that she had told it to the king herself: she 
had named no person who should kill the king, 
which, by being known, might have been prevented. 
And as in spiritual things every churchman was not 
t>ound to denounce judgments against those that 
could not bear it; so in temporal things the case 
may be the same ; and the king had, on other occa- 
sions, spoken so sharply to him, that he had reasoo 
to think the king would have been offended with 
him for speaking of it, and would have suspected 
that be had a hand in it ; therefore he deaired» fat 
the passion of Christ, to be no more trouUed about 
that matter; otherwise be would speak his con- 
science freely. To all which Cromwell wrote a 
CoUect. long letter, which the reader will find in the Col- 
co^ iib^' lection, copied from the rude draught of it, written 
^^ with bis own hand. In which he charges the mat- 
ter upon him heavily, and shews him, that he had 
not proceeded as a grave prelate ought to have 
done ; for he bad taken all that he had heard of her 
upon trust, and had examined nothing: that if every 
person that pretends to revelations were believed on 
their own words, all government would be thereby 
destroyed. He had no reason to conclude, from the 
prophecy of Amos, that every thing that is to fall 
* out must be revealed to some prophet, since many 
potable things had fallen out, of which there was no 
revelation made beforehand. But he told him, the 
true reason that made him give credit to her was, 


the matter of her prophecies: to which he was so book 
addicted, as he was to every other thing in wluch 

he once entered, that nothing could come amiss that ^^^^' 
served to that end* And he appealed to his con- 
science, whether, if she had prophesied for the king, 
he would have given such easy credit to her, and 
not have examined the matter further. Then he 
shows how guilty he was in not revealing what con- 
cerned the king's life, and how frivolous all his ex- 
cuses were: and, after all, tells him, that though 
his excusing the matter had provoked the king, and 
that, if it came to a trial, he would certainly be found 
guilty ; yet again he advises him to beg the king^s 
pardon for his negligence and offence in that matter, 
and undertakes that the king would receive him into 
his fiivour, and that all matters of displeasure^ passed 
befcne that time, should be forgiven and forgotten. 
This shews, that though Fisher had, in the progress of 
the king's cause, given him great offence, yet he was 
ready to pass it aU over, and not to take the ad- 
vantage which he now had against him. But Fisher 
was still obstinate, and made no submission, and so 
was included within the act for misprision of trea- 
son ; and yet I do not find that the king proceeded 
against him upon this act, till by new provocations 
he drew a heavier storm of indignation upon him- 

When the session of parliament was at an end. The oath 
commissioners were sent every where to offer the .uccewion 
oath of the succession to the crown to all, according f^°^"^ 
to the act of parliament, which was universally {^^»-^^- 
taken by all sorts of persons. Gardiner wrote from c. lo. 
Winchester, the sixth of May, to CromwelJ, that, in 
the presence of the lord chamberlain, the lord Audley, 


BOOK and Maigr oIlMr gentleBMn, all abbots, prioriB^ war- 
■ ^ dens» wilb tke cwatesof all p a ri s hes and duqpds 
'^^ within the shure» had appeared and taken the oath 
Terj ohedkndj ; and had gsrea in a list of all the 
nl^gmis petsoss in their hoiises of fo^^ 
I|PN «sd ahQMre» fiir takinff whose oaths soase com- 
wissioMffs weie i y painl <d > The fismis in which 
thejr took the oaA aie not known; and it is no 
wonder; fcrthoaghtfMywereenroilBd^yctinqnBen 
liaix'^ tisae tt«e wk a rniii^winn giren to Bon- 
ner and othetsy to esssaiae the records, and raae oat 
of iheos nU dMHBS Asft were done^ cither in oonftenmt 
of the see of Boinc^ ar to the debsBstkn of rdi^ons 
hon«»; pnnnanit to whi^ there are snaj things 
token ant of the Sols^ whkh I stoB 
SHpTe occassaa anerwaros sa taBe nonce or I ycs 

SMna» hnt two of the sntasa^tioBs of le B gio ns or- 
derss both bearing dito d« fbnrth of Uaj 15S4. 
Chaie k br the prior and convent of Laasglef Regis, 
that weie I>oflainkans : Aefranciscnns of Ailesfaniy, 
fiMTd,. the Canaelite^ «f Heckiiic;* a^ 
de Mare. The other b bp d« prioress and conrent 
of the I>oaaittican nans at DeptfiwL 
cattKC "^ I^ these» besides d« renewiai^ their aDegianoe 
^^ ^ to the king. theT swear the kwlUness of his aar- 
^ riage wiih i|neen Aaw^ and that they doll be 
*^ true to the issne begotten in it ; that tfKj shsD 
^ alvars nckwyniedge tkt king Ixnd of the chnrdi 
^ofEaglaad: and thtt d« fa^hop of Roase has ao 
- sure power than mar other bsdup hK in Us om 
*^ diocese; and that ther shonU snbaik to dU the 
s bws^ nolaiihilHnlng d« pope s 



to tbe coDtrary. That in their qermons they book 



<< should not pervert the scriptures, but preach - 

" Christ and his gospel sincerely, accordii^ to the.p^^ 

'* scriptures, and the tradition of orthodox and ca- ci«iMt m 

\ not io Hht 

** tholic doctors; and in their prayers, that they other 
^ should pray first for the king, as supreme head"^^"^' 
*' of the church of England, then for the queen and 
her issue, and then for the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and the other ranks of the clergy." To this 
these six priors set Cheir hands, with the seals of 
their convents ; and in their subscriptions declared, 
that they did it freely and uncompelled, and in the 
name of all the brethren in the convent. 

But sir Thomas More and the bishop of Roches- mo» •»> 

Fblier re- 

ter refused to take the oath as it was conceived : foae the ^ 
whose fall being so remarkable, I shall shew the 
steps of it. There was a meeting of the privy-coun- 
dl at Lambeth, to which many were cited to appear, 
and take the oath. Sir Thomas More was first see bis 
called, and the oath was tendered to him under the p. 1438. 
great seal : then he called for the act of succession, 
to which it related, which was also shewed him. 
Having considered of them, he said, he would neither 
blame these that made the act, nor those that swore 
the oath ; but, for his part, though he was willing to 
swear to the succession, if he might be suffered to 
draw an oath concerning it ; yet for the oath that 
was offered him, his conscience so moved him, that 
he could not without hazarding his soul take it. 
Upon this the lord chancellor told him, that he was 
the first who had refused to swear it, and that the 
king would be highly offended with him for den}dng 
it ; and so he was desired to withdraw and consider 
better of it. Several others were called upon, and 


■BOOR did aU take the oath, except the bishop of Roches- 
-t^*, who aDSwered upon the matter as More had 

^**^- done. When the lords had despatched all the rest, 
More was again brought before them : they shewed 
him how many had taken it: he answered, he 
judged DO man for doing it> only he could not do it 
himself. Then they asked the reasons why he re- 
fiisedit: he answered, he feared it might provoke 
the king more against him, if he should offer rea- 
sons, which would be called a 'disputing against law: 
bat when he was further pressed to give his reasons, 
he ^id* if the king would command him to do it, he 
would put them in writing. 

The archbishop of Canterbury urged him with 
this argument, That since he said he blamed no 
other person for taking it, it seemed lie was not per- 
suaded it was a sin, but was doubtful in the matter : 
but he did certainly know, he ought to obey the 
king and the law ; so there was a certainty on the 
one hand, and only a doubt on the other ; therefore 
be was obliged to do that about which he was cer- 
tain, notwithstanding these his douhtings. This did 
shake him a little, especially (as himself writes) com- 
ings out of so noble a prelate's mouth : but he an- 
swered, that though he had examined the matter 
very carefully, yet his conscience leaned positively 
to the other side ; and he offered to purge himself 
by his oath, that it was purely out of a principle of 
conscience, and out of no light fantasy or obstinacy, 
that he thus refused it. The abbot of Westminster 
pressed him, that however the matter appeared to 
him, he might see his conscience was erroneous, 
since the great council of the realm was of another 
mind; and therefore he ought to change his con- 


science. (A reasoning very fit for so rich an abbot, book 
which discovers of what temper his conscience was.) 

But to this More answered, that if he were alone *^^'*' 
against the whole parliament, he had reason to sus- 
pect his own understanding ; but he thought he had 
the whole council of Christendom on his side, as 
well as the great council of England was against 
him. Secretary Cromwell, who (as More writes) 
tenderly Juvoured him, seeing his ruin was now ui- 
evitable, was much affected at it, and protested with 
an oath, he had rat«i€|j^ his own only son had lost his 
head, than that he should have refused the oath. 
Thus both he and the bishop of Rochester refused 
it; but both offered to swear another oath for the 
succession of the crown to the issue of the king's 
present marriage, because that was in the power of 
the parliament to determine it. Cranmer, who was 
a moderate and wise man, and foresaw well the ill 
effects that would follow on contending so much 
with persons so highly esteemed over the world, and 
of such a temper, that severity would bend them to 
nothing, did, by an earnest letter to Cromwell, dated weaTer*t 
the twenty-seventh of April, move, that what they menu] 
offered might be aipcepted ; for if they once swore to ^' ^^' ^^' 
the succession, it would quiet the kingdom : for they 
acknowledging it, all other persons would acquiesce 
and submit to their judgments. But this sage ad- 
vice was iiot accepted. 

The king was much irritated against them, and And »« 
resolved to proceed with them according to law ;•§«"•<• 
and therefore they were both indicted upon the sta- 
tute, and committed prisoners to the Tower. And it 
being apprehended, that if they had books and paper 
given them, they would write against the king's 


BOOK marriage or his supremacy, these were denied them. 
The old bishop was hardly used ; his bishopric was 

1534. seized on, and all his goods taken from him, only 
some old rags were left to cover him ; and he was 
neither supplied well in diet nor other necessaries, of 
which he made sad complaints to CromweU. But 
the remainder of this tragical business, whidi left 
one of the greatest blots on this king's proceed- 
ings, falling within the limits of the next book, I 
haste on to the conclusion of this. 
Another The Separation from Rome^;iiF^ made in the for- 
^^ribLeot. nier session of parliament, but the king's supremacy 
was not yet fully settled. This was reserved for the 
next session^ that sat in November from the third of 
that month to the eighteenth of December, about 
which we can have no light from the Journals, they 
being lost. The first act confirmed what had been 
TheHng't already acknowledged by the clergy, •'That the 
deciai«d. *^ king was the supreme head in earth of the church 
** of England, which was to be annexed to his other 
'• titles. It was also enacted, that the king, and 
•• his heirs and successors, should have power to 
'• visit and reform all heresies, errors, and other 
'' abuses, which in the spiritual jurisdiction ought 
" to be reformed." 
The oath By the sccoud act they confirmed the oath about 
•acMttion the succession, concerning which some doubts had 
confinned. jj^^^ made, bccausc there was no oath specified in 
the former act, though both houses had taken it : 
it was now enacted, that all the subjects were obliged 
to take it when offered to them, under the pains con- 
Thefirat- taiucd in the act passed in the former session. By 

fruits of - • . J . 

benefices thc third act, the first-fruits and tenths of all eccle- 
fhridng. siastical benefices were given to the king, as the su- 


preme headof the church. The derey were easily book 


prevailed on to consent to the putting down of the 

amuUes, paid to the court of Rome; for all men '^^^' 
readily concur to take off any imposition: but at 
that time it had perhaps abated much of their hearti- 
nesa^ if they had imagined that these duties should 
have been still paid ; therefore that was kept up till 
t)iey had done all that was to be done against Rome. 
And DOWy as the commons and the secular lords 
wonld no doubt .easily agree to lay a tax on the 
clergy; so the others, having no foreign support, 
were not in a comSit|{^ to wrestle against it. 

In the, thirteenth act, among other things thatsundrj 
were made treason, one was, the denying the kingdeduU^ 
the dignity, title, or name, of his estate royal; or^"^^°' 
the calling the king heretic, schismatic, tyrant, in- 
fidel, or usurper of the crown. This was done to 
restrain the insolencies of some friars : and all such 
offimders were to be denied the privilege of sanctu- 
aries. By the fourteenth act, provision was made An act for 
for suffragan bishops, which, as is said, had been*^!^^ 
accustomed to he had within this realm, for the 
mare speedy administration of the sacraments^ and 
other good^ wholesome, and devout things, and laud- 
able ceremonies, to the increase of God's honour, 
and for the commodity of good and devout people : 
therefore they appointed for suffragans' sees, the 
towns of Thetford, Ipswich, Colchester, Dover, Gil- 
tard, Southampton, Taunton, Shaftsbury, Molton, 
Marlborough, Bedford, Leicester, Gloucester, Shrews- 
bury, Bristol, Penrethi Bridgwater, Nottingham, 
Grantham, Hull, Huntiilgton, Cambridge ; and the 
towns of Pereth and Berwick, St. Germans in Corn- 
wall, and the Isle of Wight. For these sees, the 


BOOK bishop of the diocese was to present two to the lda|^ 

1 — who might choose either of them^ and preaent the 

^^'^' person so named to the archbishop of the province 
to be consecrated : after which, they might exercise 
such jurisdiction as the bishop of the diocese should 
give to them, or as suffragans had been fiMiiieiljr 
used to do ; but their authority was to last no longer' 
than the bishop continued his commission to then. 
But, that the reader may more clearly see how this 
couect act was executed, he shall find in the Collection a 
' writ for making a suffragan bishop. These were 
believed to be the same witK the Chorepiscopi in 
the primitive church; which, as they were hegOM 
before the first council of Nice, so they continued in 
the western church till the ninth century, and then 
a decretal of Damasus being forged, that condemned 
them, they were put down every where by degrees, 
Act. 36. and now revived in England. Then followed the 
A lubaidy grant of a subsidy to the king. It was now twelve 
granted, yg^rs siuce there was any subsidy granted. A fif- 
teenth and a tenth were given, to be paid in three 
years, the final payment being to be at Allhallontide, 
in the year 1537- The bill began with a most glo- 
rious preamble *^ of the king's high wisdom and po- 
licy in the government of the kingdom these twen- 
ty-four years in great wealth and quietness, and 
the great charges he had been at in the last war 
*^ with Scotland, in fortifying Calais, and in the war 
'^ of Ireland, and that he intended to bring the wil- 
*^ ful, wild, and unreasonable and savage people of 
** Ireland, to order and obedience ; and intended to 
'' build forts on the marches of Scotland for the se- 
'' curity of the nation, to amend the haven of Calais, 
^^ and make a new one at Dover. By all which they 


^'did peiteive the entire love aiid zeal which the book 
^ king bore to his people, and that he sought not ''' 

^ their wealth and quietness only for his own time, ^^^^^ 
^ being a mortal man^ but did provide for it in all 
** time coming : therefore they thought that of very 
** equity reason, and good conscience, they were 
^* bound to shew like correspondence of zeal, grati- 
*' tude, and kindness." Upon this the king sent a 
general pardon, with some exceptions ordinary in 
such cases. But Fisher and More were not only ex- More and 
duded from this pardon by general clauses, but by^^H^^ 
two particular acts they were attainted of misprision ^.^'^i. 
of treason. By the third act, according to the re- 
cofrdf J<din bishop of Rochester, Christopher Plum- 
mer, Nichcdas Wilson, Edward Powel, Richard Fe^ 
therstone^ and Miles WyUir, clerks, were attainted 
for refusing the oath of succession ; and the bishop- 
ric of Rochester, with the benefices of the other 
derks, were declared void from the second of Janu- 
iuy next : yet it seems few were fond of succeeding 
him in that see ; for John Hilsey, the next bishop of 
Rochester, was not consecrated before the year 1537. 
By the fourth act, sir Thomas More is by an in- 
vidious preamble charged with ingratitude for the 
great favours he had received from the king, and 
for studying to sow and make sedition among the 
king^s subjects, and refusing to take the oath of suc- 
cession : therefore they declared the king's grants to 
him to be void, and attaint him of misprision of 

This severity, though it was blamed by many, yet The pro. 

, , • • • , ceeding* 

others thought it was necessary m so great a change; agiUntt 
since the authority of these two men was such, that, ooti^ ^*.' 
if aome signal notice had not been taken of them, '"^*'' 

VOL. I. Y 

L - 


BOOK many might by their endeavours^ especially encou- 
raged by that impunity, have been corrupted in their 

1^3^- affections to the king. Others thought the pnte- 
cuting them in such a manner did rathar raise their 
reputation higher, and give them more credit with 
the people, who are naturally inclined to pity those 
that suffer, and to think well of those opinions, finr 
which they see men resolved to endure all extremi- 
ties. But others observed the justice of God iq 
retaliating thus upon them their own severities to 
others : for as Fisher did grievously prosecute the 
preachers of Luther^s doctrine ; so More's hand had 
been very heavy on them as long as he had power, 
and he had shewed them no mercy, but the extre- 
mity of the law, which himself now felt to be very 
heavy. Thus ended the session of parliament^ wiA 
which this book is also to conclude ; for now I comi 
to a third period of the king's reign, in which he did 
govern his subjects without any competitor : but I 
am to stop a little, and give an account of the pro- 
gress of the reformation in these years that I have 
passed through. 
^iiL^l^Tthe ^^^ cardinal was no great persecutor of heretics, 
reforma- which was generally thought to flow from his hatred 
of the clergy, and that he was not ill pleased to have 
them depressed. During the agitation of the king's 
process, there was no prosecution of the preadimi 
of Luther's doctrine. Whether this flowed from aaj 
intimation of the king's pleasure to the bishop, or 
not, I cannot tell; but it is very probable it must 
have been so, for these opinions were received by 
many, and the popish clergy were so inclined to 
severity, that as they wanted not occasions, so they 
had a good mind to use those preachers cruelly ; so 



that it 18 likely the king restrained them, and that 
was always mixed with the other thieatenings to. 
work upon the pope^ that heresy would jvevail in 
England^ if the king got not justice done him ; so 
that, till the cardinal fell, they were put to no fur- 
ther trouble. 

But as soon as More came into ftvour, he pressed 
the king much to put the laws against heretics in 
execution ; and su^^ested, that the court of Rome 
would be more wrought upon by the king*s support- 
ing the churchy and defending the faith vigorously, 
than by threatenings : and therefore a long jHxxJa- 
mation was issued out against the heretics, many off 
their bod^s were prohibited, and all the laws against 
them were appointed to be put in execution, and 
great care was taken to seize them as they came 
into England : but many escaped their diligence. 

There were some at Antwerp, Tindal, Joye, Con- t 
stantine, with a few more, that were every year a 
writing and printing new books, chiefly against the 
corruptions of the clergy, the superstition of pil- 
grimages, of worshipping images, saints, and relics, 
and against relying on these things, which were then 
called, in the common style, good works ; in oppo- 
sition to which they wrote much about faith in 
Christy with a true evangelical obedience, as the 
only means by which men could be saved. The 
book that had the greatest authority and influence 
was TindaFs translation of the New Testament, of 
which the bishops made great complaints, and said, 
it was full of errors. But Tonstal, then bishop of 
London, being a man of invincible moderation, would 
do nobody hurt, yet endeavoured as he could to get 
their books into his hands : so, being at Antwerp in n, 



BOOK the year 1529> as he returned from his embassy at 
the treaty of Cambray, he sent for one Paddogton, 

^^^' an English merchant there, and desired him to see 
how many New Testaments of Tindal's translation 
he might have for money. Packington, who was a 
secret favourer of Tindal, told him what the bishop 
proposed. Tindal was very glad of it ; fbr, being 
convinced of some faults in his work, he was de* 
signing a new and more correct edition; but he 
was poor, and the former impression not being scdd 
off, he could not go about it : so he gave Packing- 
ton all the copies that lay in his hands, for which 
the bishop paid the price, and brought them over, 
TbtNew and burnt them publicly in Cheapside. This had 
burnt. such au hatcful appearance in it, being generally 
called a burning of the word of God, that people 
from thence concluded there must be a visible con- 
trariety between that book and the doctrines of those 
who so handled it ; by which both their prejudice 
against the clergy, and their desire of reading the 
New Testament, was increased. So that next year, 
when the second edition was finished, many more 
were brought over, and Constantine being taken in 
England, the lord chancellor in a private examina- 
tion promised him, that no hurt should be done 
him, if he would reveal who encouraged and sup- 
ported them at Antwerp; which he accepted of, 
and told, that the greatest encouragement they had 
was from the bishop of London, who had bought up 
half the impression. This made all that heard of it 
laugh heartily, though more judicious persons dis- 
cerned the great temper of that learned bishop in it 
When the clergy condemned TindaPs translation of 
the New Testament, they declared they intended to 


set out a true translation of it ; which many thought book 
was never truly designed by them, but only pretend- 

ed» that they might restrain the curiosity of seeing '^^^* 
Tindal's work, with the hopes of one that should be 
anthcnrized : and as they made no progress in it, so 
at length, on the twenty-fourth of May, anno 15S0, 
tJiere was a paper drawn and agreed to by arch- 
bishop Warham, chancellor More, bishop Tonstal, 
and many canonists and divines, which every in- 
cumbent was commanded to read to his parish, as a 
warning to prevent the contagion of heresy. The 
contents of which were, ^' That the king having The lart 
"^ called together many of the prelates, with other ^'si!d. 
^ learned men out* of both universities, to examine "T,''"!' 
^ some books lately set out in the English tongue, 
^f they had agreed to condemn them, as containing 
^ several points of heresy in them ; and it being pro- 
^* posed to them, whether it was necessary to set 
^ forth the scriptures in the vulgar tongue, they 
^ were of opinion, that though it had been some- 
^ times done, yet it was not necessary, and that the 
^ king did well not to set it out at that time in the 
M Einglish tongue." So by this all the hopes of a 
translation of the scriptures vanished. 

There came out another book, which took might- suppiica- 
ily ; it was entitled. The SuppUcatian of the Beg-^^^. ^ 
gars, written by one Simon Fish, of Gray's-Inn. In 
it the beggars complained to the king, that they 
were reduced to great misery, the alms of the people 
being intercepted by companies of strong and idle 
friars ; for, supposing that each of the five mendi- 
cant orders had but a penny a quarter from every 
household, it did rise to a vast sum, of which the in- 
digent and truly necessitous b^gars were defrauded, 



[ Their being unprofitable to the connonweaMi, wifk 
_ several cyther things, were abo oomphincd of. He 
also taxed the pc^ for cmeHy and oovctamneak 
that did not deliver aU persons out of p uigatoj ; 
and that none but the rich, who paid wcfl fiir it, 
could be dischai^ed out of that prison, liiis ws 
written in a witty and taking strie, and the ^i^ 
had it put in his hands by Anne Bdejm, and fiked 
it well, and would not suffer any thing to be done 
to the author. 

Chancellor More was the most sealous cfaaaqpioa 
the clei^ had ; for I do not find that any of thoa 
wrote much, only the bishop of Rodiester wrote fir 
purgatory ; but the rest left it wholly to luun, either 
because few of them could write well, or that he 
being much esteemed, and a disinterested pemn, 
things would be better received from him than from 
them, who were looked on as parties. So he an- 
swered this Supplication by another, in the name of 
the souls that were in purgatory, representing the 
miseries they were in, and the great relief they 
found by the masses the friars said for them, and 
brought in every man*s ancestors calling earnestly 
upon him to befriend those poor friars now, when 
they had so many enemies. He confidently asserted 
it had been the doctrine of the church for many agei, 
and brought many places out of the scriptures to 
prove it, besides several reasons that seemed to con« 
firm it. This, being writ of a subject that would allow 
of a great deal of popular and moving eloquence, 
in which he was very eminent, took with many. 

But it discovered to others what was the founda- 
tion of those religious orders ; and that, if the belief 
of purgatory were once rooted out, all that was built 


on that foundation must needs fall with it. So John book 

Frith wrote an answer to More's Supplication, to '. 

ahew, that there was no ground for purgatory in ^^^'^* 
acripture, and that it was not believed in the pri- 
mitive diurch. He also answered the bishop of Ro- 
chester's book, and some dialogues that were writ- 
ten on the same subject, by Rastal, a printer, and 
kinsman of More's: he discovered the fallacy of 
their reasonings, which were built on the weakness 
or defects of our repentance in this life ; and that 
therefinre there must be another state ; in which we 
must be further purified. To this he answered. 
That our sins were not pardoned for our repentance, 
or the perfection of it, but only for the merits and 
suffarings of Christ ; and that, if our repentance is 
sincere, God accepts of it ; and sin being once par- 
doned, it could not be further punished. He shewed 
the difference between the punishments we may 
suffer in this life, and those in purgatory : the one are 
either medicinal corrections for reforming us more 
and more, at for giving warning to others; the 
other are terrible punishments, without any of these 
ends in them : therefore the one might well consist 
with the free pardon of sin, the other could not. 
So he argued from all these places of scripture, in 
which we are said to be freely pardoned our sins by 
the blood of Christ, that no punishment in another 
state could consist with it : he also argued, from all 
those places in which it is said that we shall, at the 
day of judgment, receive according to what we have 
done in the body, that there was no state of purga- 
tory beyond this life. For the places brought out 
of the Old Testament, he shewed they could not be 
meant of purgatory, since, according to the doctrine 

Y 4 


BOOK of the schoolmen, there was no going to purglfltti^* 
_i!l_ before Christ. For the places in the New Testa-' 

^^^^- ment he appealed to More's great fiiend ErBsaras, 
whose exposition of these places differed much from 
his glosses. That place in the Epistle to the Corin- 
thians about the fire^ that was to try every man's 
work, he said, was plainly allegorical ; and siivoe ^ 
foundation, the building of gold, sy)rer, atid ffrtedous 
stones, of wood, hay, and stubble, were figuralivdy 
taken, there was no reason to take the^r^ in a li- 
teral sense : therefore hjjire was to be understood 
the persecution then near at hand, called in other 
places, the fiery trials 

For the ancient doctors, he shewed, that in the 
fourth century, St. Ambrose, Jerome, and St. Austin; 
the three great doctors of that age, did not believe 
it ; and cited several passages out of their writings. 
It is true, St. Austin went further than the rest; 
for though in some passages he delivered his opinion 
against it, yet in other places he spake of it more 
doubtfully, as a thing thdt might be inquired into, 
but that it could not be certainly known : and in- 
deed before Gregory the Great's time it was not re- 
ceived in the church, and then the Benedictine 
monks were beginning to spread and grow numer- 
ous, and they, to draw advantages from it, told 
many stories of visions and dreams, to possess the 
worid with a belief of it ; then the trade grew so 
profitable, that ever since it was kept up, and im- 
proved : and what succeeded so well with one society 
and order, to enrich themselves much by it, was an 
encouragement to others to follow their track in the 
same way of traffick. This book was generally well 
received; and the clergy were so offended at the 


author, that they resolved to make him feel a real book 

fire, whenever he was catched, for endeavouring to 

put out their imaginary one. ^^^'*' 

That from which More and others took greatest 
advantage, was, that the new preachers prevailed 
only on simple tradesmen, and women, and other 
illiterate persons: but to this the others answered, 
that the Pharilies made the same objection to the 
followers of Christ, who were fishermen, women,- 
and rude mechanics ; but Christ told them, that to 
the poor the gospel was preached : and when the 
philosophers and Jews objected that to the apostles, 
they said, Grod's glory did the more appear, since 
not many rich, wise, or noble, were called, but the 
poor and despised were chosen : that men who had 
much to lose had not that simplicity of mind, nor 
that disengagement from worldly things, that was a 
necessary disposition to fit them for a doctrine, 
which was like to bring much trouble and persecu- 
tion on them. 

Thus I have opened some of these things, which The cniei 
were at that time disputed by the pen, in which op-^nstTbe 
position new things w^te still started and examined. '^^^"°®"* 
But this was too feeble a weapon for the defence of 
the clergy ; therefore they sought out sharper tools. 
So there were many brought into the bishops' courts, 
some for teaching their children the Lord's Prayer 
in English, some for reading the forbidden books, 
some for harbouring the preachers, some for speaking 
against pilgrimages, or the worshipping and adorn- 
ing of images, some for not observing the church- 
fasts, some for not coming to confession and the sa- 
crament, and some for speaking against the vices of 
the clergy. Most of these were simple and illiterate 


BOOK men ; and the terror of the bishops* courts and pri- 

_-J sons, and of a fagot in the end^ wrought so much on 

^^^^* their fears and weakness, that thej generally ab- 
jured and were dismissed. But in the end of the 
More. year 15S0, one Thomas Hitton, who had been curate 
of Maidstone, and had left that place, going oft to 
Antwerp, he bringing over some of the books that 
rindai. were printed there, was taken at Gravesend^ wd 
brought before Warham and Fisher, who, after be 
had suffered much by a long and cruel imprison- 
ment, condemned him to be burnt. 
9iiiiej*t The most eminent person that suffered about this 
"^' time was Thomas Bilnej, of whose abjuratioii an 
account was given in the first book : he after that 
went to Cambridge, and was much troubled in his 
conscience for what he had done, so that the rest of 
that society at Cambridge were in great appreben- 
' sion of some violent effect, which that desperation 
might produce, and sometimes watched him whole 
Lfttimer't nights. This continued about a year ; but at length 
his mind was more quieted, and he resolved to ex- 
piate his abjuration by as public and solemn a con- 
fession of the truth: and, to prepare himself the 
better, both to defend and suffer for the doctrines 
which he had formerly through fear denied, he fol- 
lowed his studies for two years. And when he 
found himself well fortified in this resolution, he took 
leave of his friends at Cambridge, and went to his 
own country of Norfolk, to whom he thought he 
owed his first endeavours. 
JJ^J2jjj°S ^^ preached up and down the country, confessing 
him. his former sin of denying the faith, and taught the 
people to beware of idolatry, or trusting to pilgrim- 
ages, to the cowl of St. Francis, to the prayers (rf* 


saiHti, w to images; but exhorted them to stay at book 
home, to give much alms^ to believe in Jesus Christ, 

and to offer up their hearts, wills, and mii^ to him p ^^^^ 
in the sacrament. This being noised about, he was^ 
seised on by the bishop's officers, and put in prison 
at Norwich, and the writ was sent for to bum him 
as a relapse, he being first condemned and de* 
graded from his priesthood. While he was in pri-* 
son, the friars came oft about him to persuade him 
to recant again, and it was given out that he did 
read a bill of abjuration. 

More, not being satisfied to have sent the writ for it u pvcn 
his burning, studied also to defame him, publishing abjund. 
this to the world; yet in that he was certainly 
abused, for if he had signed any such paper, it had 
been put in the bishop's roister, as all things of that 
nature were: but no such writing was ever shewn; 
only some said they heard him read it ; and others, 
who denied there was any such thing, being ques- 
ti<med for it, submitted and confessed their fault. 
But, at such a time, it was no strange thing if a lie 
of that nature was vented with so much authority, 
that men were afraid to contradict it ; and when a 
nmn is a dose prisoner, those who only have access 
to him may spread what report of him they please ; 
and when once such a thing is said, they never want 
officious vouchers to lie and swear for it. But since 
nothing was ever shewed under his hand, it is dear 
there was no truth in these reports, which were 
spread about to take away the honour of martyrdom 
from the new doctrines. It is true, he had never 
inquired into all the other tenets of the church of 
Rome, and so did not differ from them about the 
presence of Christ in the sacrament, and some other 


BOOK things. But when men durst speak freely^ there 
w^n* several persons that witnessed the constancj 
rhlfebel ^^^ sincerity of Bihiey in these his last conflicts; 
Mod of and, among the rest, Matthew Parker, afterwards 
tftwwaidt archbishop of Canterbury, was an eyewitness of his 
pSSr**^ sufferings, which from his relation were puUished 
afterwards: he took his death patiently and con-* 
stantly, and in the little time that was allowed him 
to live after his sentence, he was observed to be 
cheerful ; and the poor victuals that were brought 
him, bread and ale, he eat up heartily ; of whidi 
when one took notice, he said he must keep up that 
ruinous cottage till it fell ; and often repeated that 
passage in Isaiah, When thou waUtest through the 
fire^ thou shalt not be burnt; and, putting his finger 
in the flame of the candle, he told those about him» 
that he well knew what a pain burning was, but 
that it should only consume the stubble of his body» 
and that his soul should be purged by it. 
ine man- When the day of execution came, being the tenth 
"lUferiDg? of November, as he was led out, he said to one that 
exhorted him to be patient and constant, that as the 
mariners endured the tossing of the waves, hoping 
to arrive at their desired port, so, though he was now 
entering into a storm, yet he hoped he should soon 
arrive at the haven; and desired their prayers* 
When he came to the stake, he repeated the creed, 
to shew the people that he died in the faith of the 
apostles ; then he put up his prayers to Grod with 
great shews of inward devotion ; which ended, he 
repeated the hundred and forty-third Psalm, and 
paused on these words of it. Enter not into judg- 
ment with thy servant^ for in thy sight shall no 
man Uving be justified^ with deep recollection : and 


when doctor Warner, that accompanied him to the rook 
stake, took leave of him with manj tears^ "^^ 

a cheerful countenance exhorted him to feed '^^* 
his flock, that at his Lord's coming he might find 
him 80 doing. Many of the begging firiaw desiml 
him to declare to the people, that they had not pro- 
cured his death ; for that was got among them, and 
they feared the people would give them no more 
alms: so he desired the spectators not to be the 
worse to these men for his sake, for thej had not 
procured his death. Then the fire was set to, and 
his bodj consumed to ashes. 

Thus it appears, both what opinion the people 
had of him, and^n what charity he died, even to* 
words his enemies, doing them good for evil. But 
this, though it perhaps struck terror in weaker 
nainds, yet it no less encouraged others to endure 
patiently all the severities that were used to draw 
them from his doctrine. Soon after, one Richard 
Byfield suffered : he was a monk of St. Edmunds- ByBeid't 
bury, and had been instructed by doctor Barnes,*" *"°^' 
Who gave him some books ; which being discovered, 
he was put in prison, but through fear abjured : yet 
afterward he left the monastery, and came to London. 
He went oft over to Antwerp, and brought in for- 
bidden books, which being smelled out, he was seized 
on, and examined about these books: he justified 
them, and said, he thought they were good and pro- 
fitable, and did openly exclaim against the dissolute 
lives of the clergy : so being judged an heretic, he 
was burnt in Smithfield the eleventh of November. 

In December, one John Tewksbury, a shopkeeper And Tewki. 
in London, who had formerly abjured, was also taken "^^ '* 
and tried in sir Thomas More's house at C!helsey, 


BOOK where aaitedce was given against him by SMketiny^ 

! lHshq> of London^ (for Tonstal was translated the 

^^^* fiarmer year to Duresme,) and was burnt in Smith* 
field. There were also three burnt at York this 
year, two men and one woman. 

These proceedings were complained of in the fol- 
lowing session of parliament, as was formerly UAd ; 
and the ecclesiastical courts being found both arbi- 
trary and cruel, the house of commons desired a re- 
dress of that from the king : but nothing was done 
about it till, three years after that, the new act 
against heretics was made, as was already told. The 
dergy were not much moved at the address which 
the house of commons made, and therefore went on 
in their extreme courses ; and, to strike a terror in 
the gentry, they reserved to make an examfde of one 
Bainbam't James Bainham, a ijeutleman of the Temple : he was 


carried to the lord chancellor's house, where much 
pains was taken to persuade him to discover such as 
he knew in the Temple, who favoured the new opin- 
i^<"- ions ; but fair means not prevailing. More made him 
be whipt in his own presence, and, after that, sent 
him to the Tower, where he looked on and saw him 
put to the rack. Yet it seems nothing could be 
drawn from him, that might be made use of to any 
other person's hurt ; yet he himself afterwards, over- 
come with fear, abjured and did penance, but had 
no quiet in his conscience till he went publicly to 
church, with a New Testament in his hand, and con- 
fessed, with many tears, that he had denied God, 
and prayed the people not to do as he had done; 
and said, that he felt an hell in his own conscience 
for what he had done. So he was soon after carried 
to the Tower ; (for now the bishops, to avoid the 


ioipittatiqpi of vsiiig men cntdly in their' plisonB, did boos 
pat heretics in the king's prisons.) He was chained ^ 

for hftYiBg said, ^^ That Thomas Becket was a mur- ^^^- 
^^ derer, and damned in hell if he did not repentt 
<< and fbr speaking contemptuously of prajong to 
^ saints, and saying, that the sacrament of the altar 
^^ was only Christ's mystical body, and that his bo^ 
** was not chewed with the teeth, but received fay 
^' fiuth. So he was judged an dbstinate and rebqps^ 
^ heietic and was burnt in Smithfi'dd about the end 
^ of April 15S2.*' There were also some others burnt 
a little befi3re this time, of whom a particular account 
could not be recovered by Fox, with all hb industry. 
But with Bainfaam, Morie's persecution ended ; for 
800O after he Udd down the great seal, whidi set t&e Resist. 
poor preachers at ease. 

Crome and Latimer were brought before the con- 
vocation, and accused of hereqr. They both sub- Articles 
scribed the articles offered to them, '^That there ^me at. 
** was a purgatory : that the souls in it were pro*^**^* 
<' fited by masses said for them : that the saints are 
^^ now in heaven, and as mediators pray for us : 
^ that men ought to pray to them, and honour 
*< them : that pilgrimages were pious and merito- 
^ rious : that men who vowed chastity might not 
^ marry without the pope's dispensation : that the 
^^ keys of binding and loosing were given to ^. 
** Peter, and to his successors, though their lives 
^* were bad ; and not at all to the laity : thai meti 
^ merited by prayers, fasting, and other good woiics : 
^^ that priests prohibited by the bishop should not 
*^ preach till they were purged and restored : that 
*^ the seven sacraments conferred grace : that con- 
^ secvations and benedictions used by the church 


BOOK ^ were good : that it was good and proStable to set 

' ^ up the images of Christ and the saints in the 

1534. €i churches, and to adorn them and bum candles be- 
fore them ; and that kings were not obliged to give 
their people the scriptures in a vulgar tongue." 
Bj these articles it may be easily collected, what 
were the doctrines then preached by the reformers. 
There was yet no dispute about the presence of 
Christ in the sacrament, which was first called in 
question by Frith ; for the books of Zuinglius and 
(Ecolampadius came later into England, and hitherto 
they had only seen Luther's works, with those writ- 
ten by his followers, 
j,^,^.. But in the year 158S, there was another memor- 

T^'^^B^^ aUe instance of the clergy's cruelty against the dead 
bodies of those whom they suspected of heresy. The 
common style of all wills and testaments at that time 
lugist. ^as, first, '* I bequeathe my soul to Almighty God, 
Piu^amet. « ^^ ^^ ^^^ j^^^y g^ Mary, and to all the saints in 

heaven: but one William Tracy of Gloucester 
dying, left a will of a far different strain ; for he 
bequeathed his soul only to God through Jesus 
^' Christ, to whose intercession alone he trusted, 
'' without the help of any other saint ; therefore he 
" left no part of his goods to have any pray for his 
[Ugut. " soul." This being brought to the bishop of Lon- 
>tokef . o . ^j^)g court, he was condemned as an heretic, and an 
order was sent to Parker, chancellor of Worcester, 
to raise his body. The officious chancellor went be- 
yond his order, and burnt the body ; but the record 
bears, that though he might by the warrant he had 
raise the body according to the law of the church, 
yet he had no authority to bum it. So, two years 
after, Tracy's heirs sued him for it, and he was 


tturned out of his office of chancellor, and fined in book 
four hundred pound. 

There is another instance of the cruelty of the„l5?^' 

"^ riArding t 

dei^ Uiis year. One Thomas Harding of Buck- •uffsriugt. 
inghamahire, an ancient man, who had abjured in 
the year 1506, was now observed to go often into 
woods, and was seen sometimes reading. Upon 
which his house was searched, and some parcels of 
the New Testament in English were found in it. 
So he was carried before Longland, bishop of Lin- 
coId ; who, as he was a cruel persecutor, so, being 
the king's confessor, acted with the more authority. 
This aged man was judged a relapse, and sent to 
Chesham^ where he livedo to be burnt ; which was 
executed on Corpus Christi eve. At this time there 
was an indulgence of forty days pardon proclaimed 
to all that carried a fagot to the burning of an here- 
tic ; so dexterously did the clergy endeavour to in- 
fect the laity with their own cruel spirit : and that 
wrought upon this occasion a signal cfiect ; for, as 
the &re was kindled, one flung a fagot at the old fux. 
man's head, which dashed out his brains. 

In the year 15SS, it was thought fit by some sig- i^^j. 
nal evidence to convince the world, that the king 
did not design to change the established religion, 
though he had then proceeded far in his breach with 
Rome ; and the crafty bishop of Winchester, Gardi- 
ner, as he complied with the king in his second mar- 
riage and separation from Rome, so, being an in- 
veterate enemy to the reformation, and in his heart 
addicted to the court of Rome, did by this argument 
often prevail with the king to punish the heretics ; 
That it would most effectually justify his other pro- 
ceedings, and convince the world that he was still a 

VOL. I. z 


BOOK good cathdic king : which at several times drew the 
''* king to what he desired. And at this time the steps 

1634« fn^ iJQg hgii made in his separation from the pope^ 
had given such heart to the new prAchers^ that 
they grew bdder and ioiore public in theur assem- 
Frith*! Jdbn Frith) as he was an excellent schdar^ whidi 

was so taken notice of, some years befiHre, that he 
was put in the list of those whom the cardinal in^ 
tended to bring flrom Cambridge, and put in his col- 
lege at Oxford ; so he had offended them by several 
writings, and, by a discourse which he wrote against 
the corporal presence of Christ in the sacrament, had 
provoked the king, who continued to hb death to 
Hit Mgii- believe that firmly. ** The substance cl£ his argu- 
•giiMttiie '* ments was. That Christ in the sacrament gave 
^^!SmSt. ^* eternal life, but the receiving the bare sacrament 
*' did not give eternal life, since many took it to 
" their damnation ; therefore Christ's presence there 
" was only felt by faith. This he further proved by 
** the fathers before Christ, who did eat the same 
spiritual food, and drink of the Rock, which was 
Christ, according to St. Paul. Since then, they and 
we communicate in the same thing, and it was 
certain that they did not eat Christ's flesh corpo- 
'^ rally, but fed by faith on a Messias to come, as 
** Christians do on a Messias already come ; there^ 
" fore we now do only communicate by faith. He 
*' also insisted much on the signification of the word 
" sacramentj from whence he concluded, thai the 
'^ elements must be the mystical signs of Christ's 
" body and bk>od ; for if they were truly the flesh 
** and blood of Christ, they should not be sacra^ 
'* ments. He concluded, that the ends of the saora- 



^ ment were these three; by a vvible •ction to knit book 


'^ the sodetjr of ChriBtians together in one bodjr, to - 
be a means of conveying grace upcm our due par<- '^^^' 
ticipating of them^ and to be remembrances to 
^* stir up men to bless God for that unspeakaUe 
'* love^ which in the death of Christ appeared to man- 
^' kind. To all these ends the corporal presence of 
^ Christ availed nothing, they being sufficiently ao- 
** swered by a mystical presence : yet he diew no 
*^ other conclusion from these premises, but that be- 
^ lief of the corporal presence in the sacrament was 
'^ no necessary article of our faith." This either 
flowed from his not having yet arrived at a sure 
persuasbn in the matter^ or that he chose in that 
modest style to encounter an opinion, of which the 
world was so fond, that to have opposed it in down- 
right words would have given prejudices against all 
that he could say. 

Frith, upon a long conversation with one upon 
this subject, was desired to set down the heads of it 
in writing, which he did. The paper went about, 
and was by a false brother conveyed to sir Thomas 
More's hands, who set himself to answer it in his 
ordinary style, treating Frith with great contempt, 
calling him always the young man. Frith was in 
prison before he saw More's book ; yet he wrote a 
reply to it, which I do not find was then published ; 
but a copy of it was brought afterwards to Cranmer, 
who acknowledged, when he wrote his apology 
against Gardiner, that he had received great light 
in that matter from Frith's bode, and drew most of 
his arguments out of it. It was afterwards printed 
with his works, anno 1578 : and by it may appear, 
how nmch truth is stronger than error : for though 



BOOK More wrote with as much wit and eloqiienoe itt any 
man in that age did, and Frith wrote plainly, with- 

1^^* oat any art; yet there is so great a difference be- 
tween their books, that whoever compares thenii 
will dearly perceite the one to be the ingauoua de- 
-fender of an ill cause, and the other a simple as* 
sertor of truth. Frith wrote with all the disadvan* 
tage that was possible, being then in the gad, where 
he could have no books, but some notes he wigjbA 
have collected fbrmerly ; he was also . so loaded 
^th irons, that he could scarce sit with any ease. 
He b^;an with confirming what he had ddivered 
-about the fiithers before Christ, their feeding on fasi 
body in the same manner that Christians do since 
his death: this he proved from scripture, and se- 
'veral places of St. Austin's works ; he {Mroved also 
from scripture, that, after the consecration, the de» 
ments were still bread and wine, and were so called 
both by our Saviour and his apostles; that our 
senses show they are not changed in their natures, 
and that they are still subject to corruption, which 
can no way be said of the body of Christ. He 
proved that the eating of Christ's flesh in the sixth 
of St. John cannot be applied to the sacrament ; 
since the wicked receive it, who yet do not eat the 
flesh of Christ, otherwise they should have eternal 
life. He ^owed also, that the sacrament coming 
in the room of the Jewish paschal lamb, we must 
understand Christ's words. This is my body, in the 
same sense in which it was said, that the lamb was 
the Ldfrets passaver. He confirmed Uiis by many 
passages cited out of Tertullian, Athanasius, Chrys- 
ostome, Ambrose, Jerome,^ Austin, Fulgentius, Eu- 
sebius, and some later writers, as Beda, Bertram, 


and Druthmar» who did all assert, that the elements book 

retained their former natures, and were only the mjs^ ^ 

teries, signs, and %ures of the body and blood of ^^^* 
Christ. But Gelasius's words seemed so remaricaUe 
that they could not but determine the controversy^ 
especially considering he was bishop of Rome: 
he therefore^ writing against the Eutychians, who 
thought the human nature of Christ was changed 
into the divine, says^ l%atasthe elements qf bread 
and tnnej being consecrated to be the sacraments 
i^ihe body and blood qf Christy did notecase to be 
bread and wine in stthstancCy but continued in their 
aum proper natures ; so the human nature of Christ 
continued still, though it was united to the divine 
nature : this was a manifest indication of the belief 
of the church in that age, and ought to weigh more 
than a hundred high rhetorical expressions. He 
brought likewise several testimonies out of the 
&thers, to show, that they knew nothing of the con* 
sequences that foUow transubstantiation ; of a body 
being in more places at once, or being in a place 
after the manner of a spirit ; or of the worship to 
be given to the sacrament. Upon this he digresses, 
and says, that the German divines believed a cor- 
poral presence ; yet since that was only an opinion 
that rested in their minds, and did not carry along 
with it any corruption of the worship, or idolatrous 
practice, it was to be borne with, and the peace of 
the church was not to be broken for it : but the case 
of the church of Rome was very different, which 
had set up gross idolatry, building it upon this doc» 

Thus I have given a short abstract of Frith's 
book, which I thought fit the rather to do^ because 



looit it was the firit book that was written on this 
^ ' . ject in Bngtand by any of the refinmien. And tram 

'^'^* hence it may appear^ upon what solid «id weighty 
reasons they then began to shake the*teoeived ofiin^ 
ion of transnbstantiation ; isind with how much leiin^ 
hfig this controversy was managed by Urn who fat 
undertook it. 

One thing was singular in Frith's opauoD, that 
he thought there should be no ccmtest made aboat 
the manner of Christ's presence in the sacraoMnl; 
fi>r whatever opinion men held in speculatidiii if il 
Went not to a practical error, (which was, the addra- 
tion of it, for that was idolatry in his opinioi^) then 
were no disputes to be made about it : therefbi^ he 
was much against all heats between the Lutheraai 
and Zuinglians; for he thought in such a matter, 
that was wholly speculative, every man migfat held 
his own opinion without making a breach in the 
unity of the church about it. 

He was apprehended in May 15SS, and kept in 
prison till the twentieth of June ; and then he was 
brought before the bishop of London, Gardiner, and 
Stok^foi ^^Sl^nd Batting with him. They objected to him his 
71. and R opinions about the sacrament and purgaUnry. He 
in Ftoz. answered, that, for the first, he did not find tran- 
substantiation in the scriptures, nor in any approved 
authors; and therefore he would not admit any 
thing as an article of faith, without clear and cer- 
tain grounds : for he did not think the authority of 
the churph reached so far. They argued with him 
upon some passages out of St Austin and St Chrys- 
ostome: to which he answered, by opposing other 
places of the same fathers, and shov^ how they 
were to be reconciled to themselves : when it came 



to a coeduflioii, these words a» set down in the re* book 
gister as bis confession. 

** Frith thinketh and judgeth, that the natural J^^!^: 

•^ ^^ Hit opinion 

*^ hod J of Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar, of the aa. 
^ but in one place only at once. Item^ he saith, 
^ that neither part is a necessary article of our £Eiith, 
^ whether the natural body be there in the sacra- 
^* inent> or not." 

As for puigatory^ he said srman consisted of two 
partly his body and soul; his body was purged by 
sickness and other pains, and at last by death, and 
waa not by their own doctrine sent to purgatory. 
And for the soul, it was pui^ed through the word 
of God receiTod by fidth. So his confession was 
written down in these words. ** Item^ Frith think- And of pur. 
^^ etb and judgeth, that there is no purgatory for 
^* the soul, after that it is departed from the body ; 
« and as he thinketh herein, so hath he said, writ- 
** ten, and defended : howbeit he thinketh neither 
^* part to be an article of faith, necessarily to be be- 
<< lieved under pain of damnation.'' 

The bishops, with the doctors that stood about 
them, took much pains to make him change ; but 
he told them, that he could not be induced to be- 
lieve that these were articles of faith. And when 
they threatened to proceed to a fiqal sentence, he 
seemed not moved with it, but said. Let judgment 
h^ dime in righteousness. The bishops, though 
none of them were guilty of great tenderness, yet 
seemed to pity him much ; and the bishop of Lon- 
don professed, he gave sentence with great grief of 
heart. In the end, he was judged an obstinate here- He is 
tic, and was delivered to the secular power. There is ^^ *""* * 

z 4 


BOOK one clause in this sentence^ which is not in manj 
_!!l— others ; therefore I shall set it down. 

J 634. « Most earnestly requiring, in the bowels of our 
^ Lord Jesus Christ, that this execution and punish- 
<< ment, worthily to be done upon thee, may be so 
'* moderate, that the rigour thereof be not too ex- 
** treme, nor yet the gentleness too much mitigated, 
** but that it may be to the salvation of thy soul, to 
*< the extirpation, terinr, and conversion of hereticfl^ 
** and to the unity of th6 catholic faith." This was 
thought a scorning of God and men, when thbse^ 
who knew that he was to be burnt, and intended it 
should be so, yet used such an obtestation by the 
bowels of Jesus Christ, that the rigour might not be 
extreme. This being certified, the writ was issued 
out; and, as the register bears, he was burnt in 
Smithfield the fourth of July, and one Andrew 
. Hewet with him, who also denied the presence of 
Christ in the sacrament of the altar. This Hewet 
was an apprentice, and went to the meetings of these 
preachers, and was twice betrayed by some spies, 
whom the bishops' officers had among them, who 
discovered many. When he was examined, he would 
not acknowledge the corporal presence, biit was il- 
literate, and resolved to do as Frith did ; so he was 
also condemned, and burnt with him. 

Hit con- When they were brought to the stake, Frith ex- 

hulSfcr- pressed great joy at his approaching martyrdom; 

■ns^ and, in a transport of it, hugged the fagots in his 
arms, as the instruments that were to send him to 
his eternal re^t. One doctor Cook, a parson of Lon- 
don, called to the people, that they should not pray 
for them any more than they would do for a d(^. At 


which Frith smiled, and prayed Grod to forgive him; book 

so the fire was set to, and they were consumed to 1— « 

ashes. ^^34. 

This was the last act of the dergy^s cruelty against 
men's lives, and was much condemned: it was 
thou^t an unheard-of barbarity, thus to bum a 
moderate and learned young man, only because he 
would not acknowledge some of their doctrines to 
be articles of faith ; and though his private judg- 
ment was against their tenet, yet he was not positive • 
in it any further, than that he could not believe the 
contrary to be necessary to salvation. But the clergy 
were now so bathed in blood, that they seemed to 
have stript themselves of those impressions of pity 
and compassion which are natural to mankind ; they 
therefore held on in their severe courses, till the act 
of parliament did effectually restrain them. 

In the account that was given of that act, men- pi»»»'p»'» 
tion was made of one Thomas Philips, who put in 
his complaint to the house of commons against the 
bishop of London. The proceedings against him 
had been both extreme and illegal : he was first ap- 
prehended, and put in the Tower upon suspicion of 
heresy ; and when they searched him, a copy of 
Tracy's testament was found about him, and butter 
and cheese were found in his chamber, it being in 
the time of Lent. There was also another letter 
found about him, exhorting him to be ready to suffer 
constantly for the truth. Upon these presumptions 
the bishop of London proceeded against him, and 
required him to abjure. But he said, he would will- 
ingly swear to be obedient, as a Christian man 
ought, and that he would never hold any heresy 
during his life> nor favour heretics : but the bishop 


( would not accept of thatt aiiioe then wSffbt la 
. biguitiei in it : therefiNre he nqnmeA him to 

the al^juration in common form; 
to do, and appealed to the king m ttt 
of tlio church. Yet the bidiop 
tumoM, and did excommunicate 
he wai released on his appeal, or noC 1 4» MiMt 
yrt |)erhap8 this was the man of whon the |W|iiMi 
idained to the English ambassadenw UHMIL 
iierctici having appealed to the kiiig as the 
head of the church, was taken bat of the 
hands, and Judged and acquitted in the 
It is iirobable this was the man; onlj the 
Informed, that it was firom the archbiabop of 
hury that he appealed, in whidi there ni|^ be s 
mistake for the bishop of London. B«t w halc w 
ground there may be for that coqjectuv^ WSf^ 
got Ills lilierty, and put in a complaint to the ham 
of iHitumons. which produced the act about ho^ 

And now that act being passed, together with the 
^ DXlirimtton of the po)>e*s authority, and the power 
lM*itig ImigtHi in the king to correct and reform he- 
ivn\vn% idolatries, and abuses ; the standard of the ca- 
tliollc faith lieing also declared to be the scriptures; 
tht* in'mfcuted preachers had ease and encourage* 
ment every where. They also saw that the neoes* 
sity of the king^s affairs would constrain him to be 
gentle to them; for the sentence which the pope 
gavo against the king was committed to the emperor 
to Im^ executed by him, who was then aspiring to an 
universal monarchy ; and therefore, as soon as his 
other wars gave him leisure to look over to England 
and Ireland, he had now a good colour to justify an 


ai invasion, both from the pope's sentence, and the in- book 

terests and honour of his family, in protecting his 

jimt and her daughter: therefore the king was to ^^^'^« 

Ifite him work elsewhere; in order to which, his 

interest obliged him to join himself to the princes 

B! if Germany, who had at Smalcald entered into a 

^ lei^e offensive and defensive, for the liberty of re- 

B Ugion, and the rights of the empire. This was a 

y thorn in the emperor's side, which the king^s interest 

r would oblige him by all means to maintain. Upon 

which the reformers in England concluded, that 

either the king, to recommend himself to these 

fNrinces, would relax the severities of the law against 

them ; or otherwise, that their friends in Germany 

would see to it : for in these first fervours of reforma- 

timis, the princes made that always a condition in 

their treaties, that those who favoured their doctrine 

might be no more persecuted. 

But their chief encouragement was from the The queen 
queen, who reigned m the king s heart as absolutely the reform. 
as he did over his subjects; and was a known fa-*"' 
vourer of them. She took Shaxton and Latimer to 
be her chaplains, and soon after promoted them to 
the bishoprics of Salisbury and Worcester, then va- 
cant by the deprivation of Campegio and Ghinuccii ; 
and in all other things cherished and protected them; 
and used her most effectual endeavours with the 
king to promote the reformation. Next to her, 
Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, was a professed cranmer 
favourer of it ; who, besides the authority of his cha^ JJ^'IJ^!''* 
racter and see, was well fitted for carrying it on, '^'"^•**"' 
being a very learned and industrious man. He 
was at great pains to collect the sense of ancient 
writers upon all the heads of religion, by which he 


BOOK might be well directed it such an important nuittff. 

! — I have seen two volumes in folio, written with Ui 

' ^^'^' own hand, containing, upon all the heads of rd^po^i 
a vast heap both of places of scripture, and quolih 
tions out of ancient fathers, and later doctors and 
schoolmen ; by which he governed himself in tint 
work. There is also an original letter of the kri 
Burghley's extant, which I have seen, in whidi W 
writes, that he had six or seven volumes of his writ 
ings ; all which, except two other that I have seeoi 
are lost, for aught I can understand. From whidi 
it will appear, in the sequel of this work, that he 
neither copied from foreign writers, nor proceeded 
rashly in the* reformation. He was a man of grett 
temper ; and, as I have seen in some of his letttiv to 
Osiander, and some of Osiander^s answers to him, 
he very much disliked the violence of the German 
divines. He was gentle in his whole behaviour; 
and though he was a man of too great candour and 
simplicity to be refined in the arts of policy, yet he 
managed his affairs with great prudence : which did 
so much recommend him to the king, that no ill 
offices were ever able to hurt him. It is true, he 
had some singular opinions about ecclesiastical func- 
tions and offices, which he seemed to make wholly 
dependent on the magistrate, as much as the dvil 
were : but as he never studied to get his opinion in 
that made a part of the doctrine of the churchy re- 
serving only to himself the freedom of his own 
thoughts, which I have reason to think he did after- 
wards either change, or at least was content to be 
overruled in it ; so it is clear, that he held not that 
opinion to get the king's favour by it ; for in many 
other things, as in the business of the six articles, he 



boldlj and freelj argued, both in the convocation book 
and the house of peers, against that which he knew 

was the king's mind, aiid took his life in his hands, ^^^^' 
which had certainly been offered at a stake, if the 
king's esteem of him had not been proof against all 
attempts. . 

. Next him, or rather above him, was Cromwell, Mnstod by 
who was made the king's vicegerent in ecclesiastical ^"''^^'^* 
matters. A man of mean birth, but noble qualities ; 
as appeared in two signal instances : the one being, 
his pleading in parliament so zealously and success- 
fully for the £Edlen and disgraced cardinal, whose se- 
cretary he was when Gardiner, though more obliged 
by him, had basely fcnrsaken him. This was thought 
so just and generous in him, that it did not at all 
hinder his preferment, but raised his credit higher : 
such a demonstration of gratitude and friendship in 
misfortune being so rare a thing in a court. The 
other was, his remembering the merchant of Lucca, 
that had pitied and relieved him when he was a 
poor stranger there, and expressing most extraordi- 
nary acknowledgments and gratitude, when he was 
afterwards, in the top of his greatness ; and the 
other did not so much as know him, much less pre- 
tend to any returns for past favours, which show- 
ed that he had a noble and generous temper : only 
he made too much haste to be great and rich. He 
joined himself in a firm friendship to Cranmer, and 
did promote the reformation very vigorously. 

But there was another ^arty in the court that The uuke 
wrestled much against it; the head of it was theaodGa^i. 
duke of Norfolk, who, though he was the queen's |;*' '^'^p'*^ 
uncle, yet was her mortal enemy. He was a dexter- 
ous courtier, and complied with the king both in his 


dinmvt md wepuwtkm ftoM Rmm^ jct dU 
oocnioDi pemiade the kiag to 
idigioii. His great fiiend, tlmt 
with hini id tiioK imiHUflis wi 
Winchater, wbo was a crafty and politic 
midentood the kii^ wdl, and oomplied wilk lii 
temper in ererj thing : he des pis ed Onamicr, asd 
hated aD lefiinnatioD. Longjland, that had 
the Idng^s coofessoTy was also managed bj 
and thej had a great party in tiie comrt, and 
all the cfaorchmen were on their side. 

That wUcfa prendled most with the king 
that himself had writ a boA in defience of the&ilh; 
and they said, would he now retract that, whidk si 
learned men admired so much ? or woold he 
rage Luther and his party, who had treated 
with so little respect? If he went to dumge the 
doctrines that were formeriy received, all the world 
would say he did it in qnte to the pope, which 
would cast a great dishonour on him, as if his pas* 
sion governed his religion. Foreign princes, who in 
their hearts did not much blame him for what he 
had hitherto done, but rather wished for a good <^ 
portunity to do the like, would now condemn him if 
he meddled with the religion : and his own snbjects, 
who complied with that which he had done, and 
were glad to be delivered from foreign jurisdiction, 
and the exactions of the court of Rome, would not 
bear a change of the faith, but might be th^^y 
easily set on, by the emissaries of the pope or empe- 
ror, to break out in rebeUion. These things bebg 
managed skilfully, and agreeing with his own pri* 
vate opinion, wrought much on him : and particu- 
larly, what was said about- his own book, which had 



been w much commended to him, that he was al* book 
moat made believe it was written by a special in- 

qnration of the H0I7 Ghost. ^ ^^'^- 

But» on the other side, Cranmer represented to Heasont for 
him, that since he had put down the pope's author* 
itj^ it was not fit to let those doctrines be still 
tauj^t, which had no other foundation but the de- 
crees of popes: and he offered upon the greatest 
hasard to prove, that many things, then received as 
articles of fidth, were no better grounded; there- 
fore he pressed the king to give order, to hear and 
examine things freely, that, when the pope's power 
was rejected, the people migfat not be obliged to be^ 
lieve doctrines, which had no better warrant. And 
for political councils, he was to do Hie duty of a 
good Christian prince, and leave the event to Gfod ; 
and things might be carried on with that due care, 
that the justice and reasonableness of the king's 
proceedings should appear to all the world* And 
whereas it was objected, that the doctrines of the 
catholic church ought not to be examined by any 
particular diurch ; it was answered, that when all 
Christendom were under one emperor, it was easy 
for him to call general councils, and in such circum- 
stances it was fit to stay for one; and yet, even then, 
paTticukur churches did in their national synods con- 
demn heresies, and reform abuses. But the state of 
Christendom was now altered ; it was under many 
princes, who had different interests, and therefore 
they thought it a vain expectation to look for any 
such council. The protestants of Germany had now 
for above ten years desired the emperor to procure 
one, but to no effect ; for sometimes the pope would 
not grsffft it, and at other times the French king 


BOOK protested against it. The former year. tiiepq».liad 
sent to the king to offer a geqeral council to be tdd 

jj^^* at Mantua this year ; but the king found that was 
but: an illusion ; for the marquis of Mantua pratest- 
ed, he would not admit such a number of. atraagen^ 
as a council would draw together, into his tow^: 
yet the king promised to send his ambasaajott 
thither, when the council met. . But now; the king 
consulting his prelates whether the emperor. migU 
by his authority summon a general amncil, aa tbe 
A nMiii. Bonum emperors had done ; some of than gave ihe 
•oMt bu fi)Ilowinff answer, copied from the original that is 

trJSSj^eJ^ which ^. h..e hee-TZo -, 

•|[||y*^tinie between the year 15S4, in which Tlimnas 

Goodridc . was made bishop of Ely, . and the year 

1540, in which John Clark, bishop of Bath and 

WeUs, died : but I incline to think, from other cir» 

cumstances, that it was written about the end of the 

year 15S4. 

Far the General Council. 

Ex Mss. ** lliough that in the old time, when the empire 
liogiieet.' *V of Rome had his ample dominion over the most 
*^ part of the world, the first four general councib 
^* (the which at all times have been of most esUma- 
** tion in the church of Christ) were called. and ga- 
*^ thered by the emperor^s commandment, and for a 
*^ godly intent : that heresies might be exjtinct, 
'V schisms put away, good order and manners in the 
*V ministers of the church and the people of the same 
^* established. Like as many councils more were 
*\ called : till now of late, by the negligence, as w^ 
<'of the emperor, as other princes, the bishop of 
'^ Rome hath been suffered to usurp this power ; yet 
*^ now for so much that the empiro, of Rome, and 


tiie mmarehy of the same, hath no such general book 

but many princes have absohite power 

I L I 1 1 1 m , I ; 1 

in thenr own realms, and a whole «nd entire mo- ^^^^* 
narcfay, na one prince may by his authority call 
any general council ; but if that any eae or more 
<if these princes, for the establishing of the fidth, 
ftr.the extirpation of schisms, &c. lovingly, cha- 
ritaUf ^ with a good sincere intent, to a sure {dace, 
lequfae any other prince, or the rest of the great 
pcinces, to be content to agree, that for the wealth, 
ipdetness, and trapquillity of all Christian people, 
by his or their free consent, a general councfl 
mig^t be assembled: that prince, or those princes 
ao required, are bound by the order of charily, for 
the good fruit that may come of it, to condescend 
and agree thereunto, having no lawful impedi- 
ment, nor just cause moving to the contrary. The 
chief causes of the general councils are before ex- 

^ In all the ancient coundUs of the church, in 
matters of the faith and interpretation of the scrip- 
ture, no man made definitive subscription, but bi- 
shops and priests, for so much as the declaration 
of the word of Grod pertaineth unto thenu 
** T. Cantuarien. 

** Cuthbertus Dunelmen. 

" Jo. Bath. Wellen. 

" Tho.Elien." 
But, besides this resolution, I have seen a long a tpewh of 

' • Cnunner'i 

leech of Cranmer's, written by one of his secreta^ about a ge- 
es. It was spoken soon after the parliament had cii. 
issed the acts formerly mentioned, for it relates to 
lem as lately done : it was delivered either in the 
Mise of lords, the upper house of convocation, or at 

VOL. I. A a 


BOi[>K the council' board; bdt I nther think til wm-.lmtk^ 

..^ii_ bouse of lords, for it begins, J^^ TIrt <Mtlir 

>5S4. ^{f ^1^^^ g^ nrach concern the bosineni^^ of -illinii' 

tioo, that I know the reader will expeok X^ 
set down the beedi of it. It ^ypeers lir hnd 
ordered to inform the house about tlieae 4biipr 
The pfeamble of his speech runs upon Aim 
Ex 1^ (« Th^t as rich men, flyinff firom their 


liogflect. ** away all they can with them, and what: tlieycsi'^ 

niort; take away, they either hide or detHnf,3tiM 

the court ot Rome had destroyed Mmaafimtiilk0 

writingis, and hid the rest, having c ag e f uJ ^ griir 

^ served evary thing Uiat was of advanti^Jto^Anii^ 

^ that it was not easy to discover wfaait tiMfr^haAiV 

*• artificially cbnceakdi- therefore^ in^the oamMi htfV 

^ soqie honest truths^ were yet to be jTound^ btt sv 

mislaid, that they are not placed whefe. OM 

expect them ; but are to be met with <ia 

other chapters, where one would least. look ftr 

them. And many more things, said by the so- 

** cients of the see of Rome, and against their antho^ 

ity, were lost, as appears by the fragments yet fe^ 

maining. He showed, that many of the andertf 

** called every thing which they thought wdU doac^ \i 

of divine institution^ by a large extent of tiie h 

phrase, in which sense the passages of many fit- ri 

^* thers, that magnified the see of Rome, were to be \\ 

** understood. f ^ 

** Then he shewed, for what end general cooacOs f n 

** were called ; to declare the faith, and refomr «^K 

*' rors : not that ever any council was truly genentf I 

for even at Nice there were no bishops almost'W 

out of Egypt, Asia, and Greece; but thej wetftji 

** called general, because the emperor sumnMrn'ra 





' tliem^ and all ChriBtendom did agree to their de- book 
« fimtiom^ which he proved bj several authorities : 

* tfiereSbre, though there were many more bishops in 

* the council of Arimini, than at Nice or Constanti- 
' Mple, yet the one was not received as a general 

* ooiincil» and the others were : so that it was not 

* the number, nor authority of the bishops, but the 

* matter of their decisions, which made them be re- 

* oeived with so general a submission. 

^' As for the head of the council : St Peter and 

* BL James had the chief direction of the council of 

* the apostles, but there were no contests then 

* about headship. Christ named no head ; which 

* ooold be no more called a defect in him, than it 

* was one in God, that had named no head to govern 
*' the world. Yet the church found it convenient to 

* have one over them, so archbishops were set over 

* provinces. And though St. Peter had been head 

* of the apostles, yet as it is not certain that he was 

* ever in Rome, so it does not appear, that he had 

* his headship for Rome's sake, or that he left it 
*' there ; but he was made head for his faith, and 
« not for the dignity of any see : therefore the hi- 
^ shops of Rome could pretend to nothing from him, 

* but as tiiey foUowed his faith ; and Liberius, and 
'* some other bishops there, had been condemned for 

* heresy ; and if, according to St. James, foith be to 
'^ be tried by works, the lives of the popes for seve- 
'^ ral ages gave shrewd presumptions, that their 

* £Edth was not good. And though it were granted 
^ that such a power was given to the see of Rome, 
^ yet by many instances he showed, that positive 
^ precepts, in a matter of that nature, were not for 
^ ever obligatory. And therefore Gerson wrote a 

A a 2 



BOOK ^ hM\i, De AufsfihiUtate'Papa. So that if a po 
- ^< with the cardinals be corrupted, they ought ta 
^ tried bj a general council, and submit to it. I 
** Peter gare an account of his baptizing Comdi 
^ when he was questioned about it. So Damas 
'< Sixtus, and Leo, purged themselves of some ta 

*' Then he shewed how corrupt the present pc 

^^ was, both in his person and govemmenty finr whi 

^ he was abhorred, even by some of his cardinaby 

^* himself had heard and seen at Rome. It k tr 

^* there was no law to proceed against a vicii 

^* pope, for it was a thing not foreseen, and thoiq 

** scarcely possible ; but new diseases required n 

^^ remedies : and if a pope that is an heretic may 

^* judged in a council, the same reason would b 

*^ against a simoniacal, covetous, and impious pa 

^* who was salt that had lost its savour. And 

*^ several authorities he proved, that every man w 

^* lives so is thereby out of the communion of 1 

" church ; and that, as the preeminence of the \ 

" of Rome flowed only from the laws of men, 

^^ there was now good cause to repeal these, for t 

pope, as was said in the council of Basil, was oi 

vicar of the church, and not of Christ ; so he n 

^* accountable to the church. The council of Cc 

^* stance, and the divines of Paris, had, according 

^^ the doctrine of the ancient church, declared t 

*^ pope to be subject to a general council, which mai 

^^ popes in former ages had confessed. And all tli 

the pope can claim, even by the canon law, 

only to call and preside in a general council ; b 

not to overrule it, or have a negative vote in it 

The power of councils did not extend to prina 




^< dominions, or secular matters, but only to points book 
•* of faithy which they were to declare; and to can^ "' 

^ demn heretics: nor were their decrees laws, till i^^"^* 
^ ihey were enacted by princes. Upon this he en- 
larged much, to show, that though a council did 
proceed against a king, (with which they then 
^ threatened the king,) that their sentence was of 
^ no finrce, as being without their sphere. The de- 
' ^ termination of councils ought to be well considered 
^ ^ and examined by the scriptures ; and in matters 
^ '^ indifferent, men ought to be left to their freedom. 
■ » He taxed the severity of Victor's proceedings 

* ^ against the churches of the East, about the day of 

* ^ Easter : and concluded, that, as a member of the 
^ ** body is not cut off, except a gangrene comes in it ; 
> 'c so no part of the church ought to be cut off, but 

** upon a great and inevitable cause. And he very 
^ lurgely showed, with what moderation and charity 
** the church should proceed even against those that 
^ h'dd errors. And the standard of the council's de- 
'* finitions should only be taken from the scriptures, 
*' aAd not from men's traditions. 

^ He said, sokne general councils had been re- 
^ jected by others ; and it was a tender point, how 
** much ought to be deferred to a council : some de- 
** crees of councils were not at all obeyed. The di- 
** vines of Paris held, that a council could not make 
** a new article of faith, that was not in the scrip- 
^ tures. And as all God's promises to the people of 
'*' Israel had this condition implied within them. If 
^ they kept his commandments ; so he thought the 
** promises to the Christian church had this condi- 
" tion in them, J^ they kept the faith. Therefore 
** he had much doubting in himself as to general 

A aS 


BOOK ^ coundfc; and he thought that onljr tiie word cfj 
"' ^ God was the rule of fiuth, which ouf^t to lakti 
i<^« ^ place in all controvetides of religion. The 8cri^| 
^ tures were called canonical, as hdngthe onlyrakr] 
^' of the faith of Christians ; and these, bjr kpp 
^* ment of the ancient council, wei^ onty t6 be f0it] 
»in the churches. The fathers SS. Ambrdae, Jd^l 
^ rome, and Austin, did in many thinga diffiei* ttatt 
^ (Hie another; but always appealed to the weAf^ 
^ tures^ as the common and certain standard. And' 
** he dted some remarkable passage out of 6t Awj 
** tin, to show, what difference he put betwten 
^ scriptures, and all the other writings even of 1M] 
'* best and holiest fathers. But when all the fiitbttlj 
- ^ agreed in the exposition of anj place of acriptar^ 
^ he acknowledged he looked on that as flowing 
^^ from the Spirit of God; and it wai a moat daii& 
^^ gerous thing to be wise in our own conceit : there^ 
^^ fore he thought councils ought to ibund their de» 
*' cisions on the word of God, and those en^KMsitioDS 
<* of it that had been agreed on by the doctors of the 
" church. • 

" Then he discoursed very largely what a person 
** a judge ought to be ; he must not be partial, nor 
*' a judge in his own cause^ nor so much as sit on 
*^ the bench when it is tried, lest his presence should 
** overawe others. Things also done upon a cooi- 
^' mon error cannot bind, when the error upon which 
*^ they were done comes to be discovered ; and all 
'' human laws ought to be changed, when a public 
" visible inconvenience follows them. Prom which 
'' he concluded, that the pope, being a party, and 
having already passed his sentence, in things which 
ought to be examined by a general council, could 


t be a ji>4B^ ^^ A m iu Rriaoes aln» vIkil bck^il 

t hialiiig the pope bead 

the cjuirdi, bad §mmm to bni, fiodm^ thai this '^^^ 
IB done iipoB a fidK gnnnid, mar poD their neck 
A of bis 7ofce» as evcTf Baa Bttj make his escape 
ft nf the baads of a robber. And the court of 
ome was ao oomqit, thai a pope, thoogh he 
emt welly as Hadrian did, jet coold nerer hrii^ 
lyr good deaign to an isne; the cardinals and 
te rest of that comt being so a^i^ed to main- 
in their carmptions.* These were the heads of 
; diaoomRse^ whidi it seems he gave them in writ- 
after be had ddirered it; bat he {xomised to 
stain them with another discoiirse, cf the power 
bishops of the Christian drardi hare in their 
9 and of the power (tf a Christian prince to make 
n do their duty : bat that I could never see, and 
a afiraid it is lost. 

H this I thought necessary to open^ to show the 
e of the court, and the principles that the seve- 
parties in it went upon, when the reformation 
first brought under consideration io the third 
od of this king^s reign ; to which I am now ad- 


A a 4 






or ras 




Cff the other transactions about reUgion and re/brfnation^ 
during the rest of the reign of king Henry the Eighth. 

JLHE Idngy having passed through the traverses 
and tossings of his suit of divorce, and having, with 
the concurrence both of his clergy and parliament, 1535. 
brought about what he had projected, seemed now ^^^f 
at ease in his own dominions. But thouffh matters ^^fP^ srowi 

^ trouble- 

were carried in public assemblies smoothly and sue- some. 
cessfully, yet there were many secret discontents, 
which, being fomented both by the pope and the 
emperor's agents, wrought him great trouble; so 
that the rest of his life was full of vexation and dis- 
quiet. « 

. . All that were zealously addicted to that which 
they called the old religion, did conclude, that what- 


BOOK ever firmness the Idng expressed to it now, was 
either pretended out of policy, for avoiding the in- 

^^^* conveniences which the fears of a change might 
produce ; or, though he really intended to perfinrm 
what he professed^ yet the interests in which he 
Skust embark with the princes of Germany, against 
the pope and the emperor, together with the power 
that the queen had over him, and the credit Cran- 
mer and Cromwell had with him^ would prevail on 
him to change some things in religion. And they 
looked on these things as so complicated together, 
that the change of any one must needs make way 
* for change in more; since that struck at the au- 

thority of the church, and left people at liberty 
to dispute the articles of faith. This they thouj^t 
was a gate opened to heresy; and therefore they 
were every where meeting together, and consulting 
what should be done for suppressing heresy, and 
preserving the catholic faith. 
BjthepiM- That zeal was much inflamed by the mcnks and 
B^i^'ud friars, who clearly saw the acts of parliament were 
fritrt. ^ levelled at their exemptions and immunities, that 
they were now like to be at the king's mercy. They 
were no more to plead their bulls, or claim any pri- 
vil^^, further than it pleased the king to allow 
tiiem. No new saints from Rome could draw more 
riches or honour to their orders. Privileges and in- 
dulgences were out of doors; so that the arts of 
drawing in the people, to enrich their churches and 
houses, were at an end. And they had also secret 
intimations, that the king and the courtiers had an 
eye on their lands; and they gave themselves tor 
lost, if they could not so embroil the king's affairs, 
that he should not adventure on so invidious a 


thing: therefore, both in confessions and confer- boor 
ences, they infused into the people a dislike of the ^"' 
king^s proceedings ; which though for some time it ^^^* 
did not break out into an open rebellion, yet the 
humour still fermented, and people only waited for 
an opportunity : so that if the emperor had not been 
otherwise distracted, he might have made war upon 
the king with great advantages; for many df his 
discontented subjects would have joined with the 
enemy. But the king did so dexterously manage 
his leagues with the French king, and the princes of 
the empire, that the emperor could never make any 
impressions on his dominions. 

But those factious spirits, seeing nothing was to wiiich pio- 
be expected from any foreign power, could not con-uo^to** 
tmn themselves, but broke out into open rebellion. ^|^"*^ 
And this ptovoked the king to great severities : his 
spirit was so fretted by the tricks the court of Rome 
had put on him, and by the ingratitude and sedi- 
tious practices of Reginald Pool, that he thereby 
lost much, of his former temper and patience ; and 
was too ready, upon slight grounds, to bring his 
subjects to the bar. Where though the matter was 
always so ordered, that according to law they were 
indicted and judged ; yet the severity of the law bor- 
dering sometimes on rigour and cruelty, he came to ^ 
be called a cruel tyrant. Nor did his severity lie 
only on one side : but, being addicted to some tenets 
of the old religion, and impatient of contradiction ; 
or perhaps blown up, either with the vanity of his 
new title of head of the church, or with the praises 
which flatterers bestowed on him; he thought all 
persons were bound to regulate their belief by his 
dictates, which made him prosecute protestants, as 


BOOK well as proceed against papists. Yet it does not ap* 
— — pear that cruelty was natural to him ; for in twen^- 

1^»35. g^^ years reign, none had suffered for any cRme 
against the state, but Pool earl of Suffolk, and Staf- 
ford duke of Buckingham. The former he pro- 
secuted in obedience to his father^s last commands 
at his death. His severity to the other was im- 
puted to the cardinal's malice. The proceedings 
were also legal. And the duke of Buckingham had, 
by the knavery of a priest, to whom he gave great 
credit, been made believe he had a right to the 
crown; and practices of that nature touch princes 
so nearly, that no wonder the law was executed in 
such a case. Thb shews that the king was not 
very jealous, nor desirous of the Uood of his subjects. 
But though he always proceeded upon law, yet, in 
the last ten years of his life, many instances of se- 
verity occurred, for which he is rather to be pitied, 
than either imitated or sharply censured. 

The former book was full of intrigues and foreign 
transactions; the greatest part of it being an ac- 
count of a tedious negotiation with the subtlest and 
most refined court in Christendom, in all the arts of 
human policy. But now my work is confined to 
this nation ; and, except in short touches by the way, 
I shall meddle no further with the mysteries of state ; 
but shall give as clear an account of those things 
that relate to religion and reformation, as I could 
possibly recover. The suppression of monasteries, 
the advance and declension of reformation, and the 
proceedings against those who adhered to the interest 
of the court of Rome, must be the chief subjects of 
this book. The two former shall be opened in 
the series of time as they were transacted : but the 


last shall be left to the end of the book, that it may book 
be presented in one full view. 

After the parliament had ended their business, ^^*^^ 
the bbhops did all renew their allegiance to thes^^^^bc 
king, and swore also to maintain his supremacy in premacy. 
ecclesiastical matters; acknowledging that he was 
the supreme head of the church of England, though 
there was yet no law for the requiring of any such 
oath. The first act of the king's supremacy was 
his naming Cromwell vicar-general, and general- 
visitor of all the monasteries, and oth^r privileged 
places. This is commonly confounded with his fol- 
lowing dignity of lord vicegerent in ecclesiastical 
matters; but they were two different places, and 
held by different commissions. By the one he had 
no authority over the bishops, nor had he any prece- 
dence ; but the other, as it gave him the precedence 
next the royal family, so it clothed him with a com- 
plete delegation of the king's whole power in eccle- 
siastical affairs. For two years he was only vicar- 
general : but the tenor of his commissions, and the 
nature of the power devolved on him by them, can- 
not be fully known : for neither the one nor the other 
are in the rolls, though there can be no doubt made, 
but commissions of such importance were enrolled ; 
therefore the loss of them can only be charged on 
that search and rasure of records made by Bonner, 
upon the commission granted to him by queen Mary, 
of which I have spoken in the preface of this work. 
In the prerogative office there is a subaltern com- 
mission granted to doctor (afterwards secretary) 
Petre, on the thirteenth of January, in the twenty- 
seventh year of the king's reign ; by which it ap- 
pears, that Cromwell's commission was at first con- 


BOOK oeiTed in.Terjr general words ; fbr he is diB ed ^ Huf 
^'' king's vicegerent in ecclesiastical causes^ liia 

IJ'*** genenlfUndofficial-principaL But because he eoiM 
not himself attend upon all these affairst thettfiHe 
doctor Petre is deputed under him, for leeeiviiig^^ Aa 
probates of wiUs : fifom thence likewise it mppam^ 
that aU willst where the estate was 900 Hb.ot Bbofn^ 
wene no more to be tried or proved in the bishops' 
courts, but in the vicar-general*s court Yet, thoa^ 
he was called vicegerent in that commission, lie w4a 
spoken of, and writ to, by the name of vic«r<f(e(M* 
r«l; but after the second commissioni seen aai 
m^tiotied by the lord Herbert, in July 1586^ he 
was always designed lord vic^^erent. 
AativiH. The next thing, that was every where labounsd 
jh^^* with great industry, was, to engage all the rest ct 
ml tettSb the clergy, chiefly the regulars, to own the kingi'a 
iacoti. gupremacy ; to which they generally submitted I» 
|^]^P-^-^- Oxford the question being put, Whether the pc^ 
had any other jurisdiction in England than any other 
foreign bishop? it was referred to thirty doctors 
and bachelors, who were empowered to set the uni- 
versityrseal to their conclusion. They all agreed in 
the negative ; and the whole university, being ex- 
amined about it man by man, assented to their de- 
termination. All the difficulty that I find made 
rbe Fran- was at Richmoud, by the Franciscan friars, where 
^^i^ the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, (Rowland 
Lee,) and Thomas Bedyl, tendered some conclusions 
to them ; among which this was one, I%at the pope 
of Borne has no greater jurisdiction in this kingdom 
qf England, by the law of God, than any other^ 
reign bishop. This, they told them, was already sub- 
scribed by the two archbishops, the bishops of London, 



Winchester, Duresme, Bath, mA all the other nre- »ook 
lates and heads of houses^ and all the fatuous derfcs 

of 'the realm. And therefore they desired that the ^^^* 
fiiaiB would refer the matter to the four seniors cX 
the house, and acquiesce in what they should do^ 
But the friars said, it ccmcemed their consciences ; 
and therefore they would not submit it to a small 
part of their house; they added, that they had 
swicnm to follow the rule of St. Francis^ and in that 
they would live and die; and cited a chapter of 
their rule, ^* That their order should have a cardinal 
for their protector, by whose directions they mi^t 
be governed in their obedience to the hoty see.^ 
But to this the bishop answered. That St. FratKria 
lived in Italy, where the monks and other regulars, 
that had exemptions, were subject to the pope, as 
they were in England to the archbishop of Canter- 
bury. Aqd for the chapter which they dted, it 
was showed them, that it was not written by St. 
Francis, but made since his time ; and though it 
were truly a part of his rule, it was told them, that 
no particular rule ought to be preferred to the laws 
of the land, to which all subjects were bound to give 
obedience, and could not be excused from it, by 
any vcduntary obligation under which they brought 
themselves. Yet all this could not prevail on them ; 
but they said to the bishop, they had professed St. 
Francis's rule, and would still continue in the ob- 
servance of it. 

But though I do not find such resistance made a general 
elsewhere, yet it appears that some secret practices ™nK>.**" 
of many of those orders against the state were dis-J^?*^"* 
covered : therefore it was resolved, that some effectual 


BOOK means must be taken for lessening their credit and 
authority with the people; and so a general Tisit- 

^^^^JL ation of all monasteries and other religibua houies 

Ong. Cott. ^^ 

libr. s. 4. ^as resolved on. This was chiefly advised by doc- 
tor Leighton, who had been in the cardinal's service 
with Cromwell, and was then taken notice of fay 
him as a dexterous and diligent man ; and thereCbie 
was now made use of on this occasion. He by a 
letter to Cromwell advertised him, that upon a laog 
conference with the dean of the arches, he finind the 
dean was of opinion, that it was not fit to make any 
visitation in the king's name yet for two or three 
years, till his supremacy were better received ; and 
that he apprehended a severe visitation so eeattf 
would make the clergy more averse to the king's 
power. But Leighton, on the other hand, thought 
nothing would 'so much recommend the supremacy^ 
as to see such good effects of it, as might follow upon 
a strict and exact visitation. And the abuses of re- 
ligious persons were now so great and visible, even to 
the laity, that the correcting and reforming these 
would be a very popular thing. He writ ftirther, 
that there had been no visitation in the northern 
parts since the cardinal ordered it ; therefore he ad- 
vised one, and desired to be employed in Yorkshire. 
And by another letter, dated the fourth of June, he 
wrote to Cromwell, desiring that doctor Lee and he 
might be employed in visiting all the monasteries, 
from the diocese of Lincoln northwards : which they 
could manage better than any body else, having 
great kindred, and a large acquaintance in those 
parts : so that they would be able to discover all the 
disorders or seditious practices in these houses. He 


I ' «« 'r I 

that former visitatunis had been diefat book 

and insignificant, and pronuaed great faithfulness 

and diligence both from himself and doctor Jje^. ^^^^* 

The archbishop of Canterbury was nour making crmomer 
his metropolitical visitation, having obtained them^p^luu 
king^s license for it ; which says, that he having de- ^S,^**" 
sired, that, according to the custom, and the prero* 
giltive of his metropolitical see, he might make his 
visitation, the king granted him license to do it, 
and recpured all to assist and obey him : dated theRat.Pftt. 
twenty-eighth of April. Things were not yet ripe ^' ,* 
for doing great matters ; so that which he now 
lo(4^ to was, to see that all should submit to the 
king^s supremacy, and renounce any dependance on 
the pope, whose name was to be struck out of all 
the public offices of the church. This was begun in 
May 15S5. Stokesley bishop of London submitted Reg»t. 
not to this visitation, till he had entered three pro- foi. 44. 
testations for keeping up of privileges. 

In October b^an the great visitation of monaste- The kiog't 
ries, which was committed to several commissioners, began. ^ 
Leighton, Lee, and London, were most employed. 
But many others were also empowered to visit. For 
I find letters from Robert SouthweU, Ellice Price, 
John Ap-price, Richard SouthweU, John Gage, Rich^ 
ard Bellasis, Walter Hendle, and several others, to 
Cromwdl, giving him an account of the progress 
they made in their several provinces. Their com- 
missions, if they were passed under the great seal, 
and enrolled, have been taken out of the rolls ; for 
there are none of them to be found there. Yet I in- 
cline to think, they were not under the great seal. 
For I have seen an original commission for the vi- lo mss. 
sitation, that was next year, which was only under pierpoint. 

VOL. I. B b 


BOOK the king^g hand and signet. From which H inaj far 
"'* inferred; that the commissions this year were of the 

1535. gmne nature: yet whether such commissions could 
authorize them to grant dispensations, and disdiaige 
men out of the houses they were in, I am not skiUed 
enough in law to determine. And by their letters 
to Cromwell I find, they did assume authori^ for 
these things. So what their power was, I am not' 
able to discover. But, besides their power andcom* 
missions, they got instructions to direct them in 
their visitations, and injunctions to be' left in 
every house ; of which, though I could not recover 
coH. liN". the originals, yet copies of very good authority I 
have seen, which the reader will find in the Gdlec- 
tion at the end of this book. The instructions con- 
tain eighty-six articles. The substance of them was 
to try, 
lottnic- *^ Whether divine service was kept up, day and 
Titttation. " i^ight, in the right hours ? And how many were 
" commonly present, and who were frequently ab- 
« sent ? 
See Collect. " Whether the full number, according to the 
Numb. I. "foundation, was in every house? Who were the 
*^ founders ? What additions have been made since 
^^ the foundations ? And what were their revenues ? 
" Whether it was ever changed from one order to 
" another ? By whom ? And for what cause ? 

" What mortmains they had ? And whether their 
*^ founders were sufiiciently authorized to make such 
" donations ? 

Upon what suggestions, and for what causes, 
they were exempted from their diocesans ? 
^* Their local statutes were also to be seen and 
" examined. 


^ The election of their head was to be inquired book 
** into. The rule of every house was to be consi- 




"dered. How many professed? And how many ^^^^^ 

** novices were in it ? And at what time the novices 

" professed ? 

Whether they knew their rule, and observed it? 
Chiefly the three vows of poverty, chastity, and 

** obedience ? Whether any of them kept any tfio- 
ney. without the master's knowledge ? Whether 

** they kept company with women, within or with- 
out the monastery? Or if there were any back- 
doors, by which women came within the precinct? 
Whether they had any boys lying by them ? 
" Whether they observed the rules of silence, 
fasting, abstinence, and hair-shirts? Or by what 

** warrant they were dispensed with in any of these? 
" Whether they did eat, sleep, wear their habit, 

^* and stay within the monastery, according to their 

** rules ? 

" Whether the master was too cruel, or too re- 

" miss ? And whether he used the brethren without 

" partiality or malice ? 

" Whether any of the brethren were incorrigible? 
^^ Whether the master made his accompts faith- 

" fully once a year ? 

" Whether all the other officers made their ac- 

" compts truly ? And whether the whole revenues 

** of the house were employed according to the in- 

" tention of the founders ? 

" Whether the fabric was kept up, and the plate 

" and furniture were carefully preserved ? 

** Whether the covent-seal, and the writings of 

" the house, were well kept? and whether leases 

" were made by the master to his kindred and 

B b 2 



BOOK << fnends, to the damage of the hone? Wbeliicr 
^^ hospitality was kept ? And whethert at the raeoh^ 
^ ing of novices, any money er ravrafd wm de» 
^ manded or promised? What care was taken ts 
^' instruct the novices ? 

^' Whether any had entered into the houae^ in 
** hope to be once the master of it? 

** Whether, in giving presentations to lifmga» the 
'< master had reserved a pension out of them? Or 
** what sort of bargains he made concerning them? 

** An account was to be taken of all the ponon^ 
<< ages and vicarages belonging to every houac^ and 
<< how these benefices were disposed of, and haw the 
« cure was served.** 

All these things were to be inquired after im the 
houses of monks or friars. And in the viailiMioii ef 
nunneries, they were to search, 

** Whether the house had a good endosiiK ; and 
^^ if the doors and windows were kept shut, ao that 
*' no man could enter at inconvenient hours ? 

** Whether any man conversed with the aisten 
^* alone, without the abbess's leave ? 

^* Whether any sister was forced to professy either 
^' by her kindred, or by the abbess ? 

" Whether they went out of their precinct withoot 
<< leave ? And whether they wore their haUt then? 

'^ What emplojrment they had out of the times of 
*' divine service? What familiarity they had wiA 
*^ religious men ? Whether they wrote love4fitten ? 
«< Or sent and received tokens or presents ? 

** Whether the confessor was a disoreet and 
*^ learned man, and of good reputation ? Aaid how 
'^ oft a year the sisters did confess and commnrn* 
" cate ?'' 



They were also to visit all coll^ate churches, book 
Ikispitab, and cathedrals; and the order of the — 

knights of Jerusalem. But, if this copy be complete, ^^^' 
thej were only to view their writings and papers, 
to see what could be gathered out of them about 
the reformation of monastical orders. And as thej 
were to visit according to these instructions, so 
fbey were to give some injunctions in the king^s 

^ That thej should endeavour, all that in them injuoctioot 
^ lay, that the act of the king's succession should be i^'^igiom 
« observed;" (where it is said, that they had under^'''^ 
iheir handa and seals cofffirmed it This shows see coiiect. 
that an the religious houses of England had acknow-^*^^' '* 
k^^ed it r) ^^ and they should teach the people, that 
^ the king^s poWer was supreme on earth, under 
^ God, and that the bishop of Rome's power was 
^ usurped by craft and policy, and by his ill canons 
^ and decretals, which had been long tolerated by 
^ the prince, but was now justly taken away. 

'' The abbot and brethren were declared to be ab- 
^ solved from any oath they had sworn to the pope, 
or to any foreign potentate ; and the statutes of 
any order, that did Innd them to a foreign sub- 
^ jection, were abrogated, and ordered to be razed 
*' out of their books. 

'* That no monk should go out of the precinct, 

nor any woman enter within it, without leave 

from the king or the visitor; and that there 

should be no entry to it, but one. 

^ Some rules were given about their meals ; and 

^ a chapter of the Old or New Testament was or- 

" dered to be read at every one. The abbot's table 

^ was to be served with common meats, and not 



BOOK << with delicate and strange dishes; and either M 

1 — ^ or one of the seniors, were to be always theie to 

1535. «« entertain strangers. 

^ Somie other rules foUow about the distributiQB 
^' of their altns, their accommodation in health and 
^ sickness. One or two of every house was to be 
'* kept at the university, that, when they were wdl 
^ instructed^ they might come and teach others: 
'< and everyday there was to be a lecture of divinilj 
^ for a whole hour : the brethren must all be wdl 

** The abbot or head was every day tx> .ezpfada 
^ some part of the rule, and apply it aoponling to 
'< Christ's law ; and to show them, that their cer&* 
^ monies were but elements, introductory to tnie 
^ Christianity; and that religion consisted not in 
^ habits, or in such like rites, but in deani^ess of 
'* heart, pureness of living, unfeigned fidth, bro- 
*^ therly charity, and true honouring of God in spirit 
^' and truth : that therefore they must not rest in 
** their ceremonies, but ascend by them to true re- 
'* ligion. 

^' Other rules are added about the revenue^ of 
'* the house, and against wastes ; and that none be 
*^ entered into their house, nor admitted, under 
twenty-four years of age. 

Every priest in the house was to say mass daily; 
** and in it to pray for the king and queen. 

*^ If any break any of these injunctions, he was to 
*' be denounced to the king, or his visitor«generaL 
** The visitor had also authority to punish any 
** whom he should find guilty of any crime, and to 
** bring the visitor-general such of their books and 
** writings as he thought fit."^ 




But, before I give an account of this visitation, I book 
presume it will not be ingrateful to the reader to 

offer him some short view of the rise and prc^^ress of^^j^^^ 
monastic orders in England, . and of the state they o^ ^^^ p^ 
were in at this time. What the ancient British monasticai 
m^onks were, or by what rule they were governed^ Engii!^. 
whether it was from the eastern churches that this 
^constitution was brought into Britain, and was ei- 
ther . suited to the rule of St. Anthony, St. Pa- 
chom, or St. Basil; or whether they had it from 
France, where, Sulpitius tells us, St. Martin set up 
monasteries ; must be left to conjecture. But, from 
the little that remains of them, we find they were 
▼ery numerous, and were obedient to the bishop of 
Caerfeon, as all the monks of the primitive times 
were to their bishops, according to the canons of the 
council of Chalcedon. '* 

But, upon the confusions which the Gothic wars 
brought into Italy, Benedict and others set up reli- 
gious houses : and more artificial rules and methods 
were found out for their government. Not long 
after that, Austin the monk came into England ; 
and having baptized Ethelbert, he persuaded him to 
found a monastery at Canterbury, which the king. The ex- 
by his charter, exempted from the jurisdiction of the of'Lc^"'' 
archbishop and his successors. This was not only ^ j^^^' 
done by Austin's consent, but he, by another writ- «"*»«>»• 
ing, confirms this foundation ; and exempted both 
the monastery, and all the churches belonging to it, 
from his or his successors' jurisdictions ; and most 
earnestly conjures his successors never to give any 
trouble to the monks, who were only to be subject 
to their own abbot. And this was granted, that they 
might have no disturbance in the .service of God. 

B b 4 



BOOK (Bttt whether this, withmmy other madmA fmmfl i 
tioii8» were not hitter finrgeriei, which I v ehcinwl^ f 

15S5. gygpecty I leave to critics to discnss.) The next cft* 
empdon that I iSnd, was granted in the year 680, to 
the abbey of Peterborough, by pope Agatho, oi 
was signed by Theodore, archbishop of Canterbny^ 
called the pope's legate. (This I donbt was fttgei 
afterwards.) In the year 785| king Ina's chatter to 
the abbey of Olassenbury rekites to their ancMSt 
charters, and exempts them from the laAaffs j«BS» 
diction. King Offa founded and exempted the ■m» 
nastery of St. Alban% in the year 798f which pops 
Honorius the Third confirmed, anno 1S18. Kennlpfci 
king of Merda, founded and exempted AfaingtoB, hi 
the year 8B1. Knut founded and exempted 8k. BiU 
mundsboiy, in the year lOSO. 
MooiM- About the end of the eighth century, the Danea be» 
^^^ gan to make their descents into England, «nd made 
warted and evcry whcrc great depredations ; and, finding the 
Antiqnit. uionks had possessed themselves of the greatest part 
Brituni*. Qf tijg riches of the nation, they made theur most 
fVequent inroads upon those places where they knew 
the richest spoil was to be found. And they did so 
waste and ruin these houses, that they were gene- 
rally abandoned by the monks ; who, as they loved 
' the ease and wealth they had enjoyed formerly ia 
their houses, so had no mind to expose themselves to 
the persecutions of those heathenish invaders. But 
when they had deserted their seats, the secular deigy 
came and possessed them ; so that, in king Edgar^ 
time, there was scarce a monk in all England. He 
But an was a most dissolute and lewd prince ; but, beiag 
^bj"*^ persuaded by Dunstan, and other monks, that what 
^s ^' he did towards the restoring of that decayed state 


would be a matter of great merits became the great booic 
promoter of the monastical state in England ; for he . 

converted most of the chapters into monasteries : ^^^^* 
and hy his foundation of the priory of Worcester, it 
appears; he had then founded no fewer than forty- 
seven, which he intended to increase to fifty, the 
number qf pardon. Yet in his foundations he only 
exempted the monasteries from all exactions or dues 
which the bishops claimed. There are exemptions 
c^ several rates and sizes : some houses were only 
exempted from all exactions ; others from all juris- 
diction or visitations : others had only an exemption 
for their precinct ; others for all the churches that 
belonged to them. Edward the Confessor exempted 
many of these houses which Edgar had founded, as 
Ramsey, &c. He also founded and exempted Coven- 
try and Westminster, and the exemption of the last 
was likewise confirmed by pope Nicolas, in a bull to 
king Edward. William the Conqueror founded and 
exempted the abbey of Battel from all episcopal ju- 

But after that time I do not find that our kings 
exempted abbeys from any thing but episcopal ex- 
actions ; for though formerly kings had made laws, 
and given orders about ecclesiastical matters, yet 
now the claim to an immunity from the civil juris- 
diction, and also the papal authority, were grown to 
that height, that princes were to meddle no more 
with sacred things. And henceforth all exemptions 
were granted by the popes, who claimed a juris- 
diction over the whole church; and assumed that 
power to themselves, with many other usurpations. 

All the ancient foundations were subscribed by Arts mcd 
the king, the queen, and prince, with many bishops nfonk! for 



BOOK and abbots, and dukes and eaSM conunitii^ Hi; 
—J — abbeys, being exempted from all jurisdictiop, bo& 
^j^ civil and spiritual, and from all impontioiMf, and 
having generally the privil^e of sanctuary ftr aU 
that fled to them, were at ease, and aoooimtafaie tp 
none ; so they might do what they pleased. Th^ 
found also means to enrich themselves, firsts .by tix 
belief of pui^tory : for they persuaded allpeopkb 
Jthat the souls departed went generally thither.; fiiir 
were so holy, as to go straight to heaven ; and tern 
so bad, as to be cast to hell. Then people wei9 
made believe, that the saying: of masses for thor 
souls gave them great relief in their torments^ and 
did at length deliver them out of them. This bemg 
generally received, it was thought by all a piece jof 
piely to their parents, and of necessary care lor 
Ihemselves and their fomilies, to give some part cf 
their estates towards the enriching of the«e houses^ 
for having a mass said every day for the souls of 
their ancestors, and for their own, after their death. 
And this did so spread, that if some laws had not 
restrained their profuseness, the greater part of aU 
the estates in England had been given to thos^ 
houses. But the statutes of mortmain were not 
very effectual restraints ; for what king soever had 
refused to grant a mortmain, was sure to have an 
uneasy reign ever after. 

Yet this did not satisfy the monks ; but they fe& 
upon other contrivances to get the best of aU men*s 
jewels, plate, and furniture. For they persuaded 
them, .that the protection and intercession of saints 
were of mighty use to them ; so that, whatsoever re- 
spect they put on the shrines and images, but chi^y 
on the relics of saints, they would find their account 



in it, and the saints would take it kindly at their book 
hands, and intercede the more earnestly for them. ™' 

And people, who saw courtiers much wrought on by ^^^^• 
presents, imagined the saints were of the same tem- 
per ; only with this difference, that courtiers love to 
have presents put in their own hands, but the saints 
were satisfied if they were given to others. And as 
in the courts of princes, the new favourite commonly 
hfid greatest credit, so every new saint was believed 
to have a greater force in liis addresses ; and there- 
fore every body was to run to their shrines, and 
make great presents to them. This being infused 
into the credulous multitude, they brought the rich- 
est things they had to the places where the bodies 
or relics of those saints were laid. Some images 
were also believed to have a peculiar excellency in 
them ; and pilgrimages and presents to these were 
much magnified. But, to quicken all this, the monks 
found the means, either by dreams or visions, and 
strange miraculous, stories, to feed the devotion of the 
people. Relics without number were every where 
discovered; and most wonderful relations of the 
martyrdom, and other miracles of the saints, were 
made and read in all places to the people ; and new 
improvements were daily made in a trade, that, 
thtough the craft of the monks, and the simplicity 
of the people, brought in great advantages. And 
though there was enough got to enrich them all, yet 
there was strange rivalling, not only among the se- 
veral orders, but the houses of the same order. The 
monks, especially of Glassenbury, St. Albanls, and 
St. Edmundsbury, vied one with another who could 
tell the most extravagant stories for the honour of 
their house, and of the relics in it. 


BOOK The m<mki in these houses abouodifig itt ^usihlb 
and living at ease and in idleness, did so 

j^J^^ that, from the twelfth centurf downward^ tMr » 
putation abated much ; and the jMrivilegei df ^^^^ 

;^ .1. • ► -> ) 

com^tad. tuaries were a general grievance, and oft edttpiakfei 

of in parliament: for ihejr received all thttt fled If 

them, which put a gteat stop to justice, and did mh 

courage the most criminal offenders. Tbejr becikM 

lewd and dissolute, and so impudent in it, tlist soMs 

of their farms were let for bringing in a jeaAf iA* 

hate to their lusts ; nor did they keep hoa|ihdil f ^ 

and relieve the poor, but rather enooumged tigl^ 

bonds and beggars, against whom laws winner iiiid% 

both in Edward the Third, king Hemrjr the SeMnfl^ 

and this king^s reign. 

ng« ^ But, from the twelfth century, the ordera ofll^ 

bagging ging friars were set up; and they, by the apfltMMWi 

S^ST^ of severity and mortification, gained great 

•■^^ At first they would have nothing, no real 

but the ground on which their house stood. But 
afterwards distinctions were found for s atis fy la g 
their consciences in larger possessions. They wert 
not so idle and lazy as the monks ; but went about 
and preached, and heard confessions, and Garried 
about indulgences, with many other pretty Mtd^ 
things, j4gnus Defs, Bosaries, and Pebbles ; wIogIi 
they made the world believe had great virtne Itt 
them. And they had the esteem of the peOfls 
wholly engrossed to themselves. They were idM 
more formidable to princes than the monks, becatt^ 
they were poorer, and, by consequence, more luodf 
and bdd. There was also a firmer union of thsir 
whole order, they having a general at Ronae, aal 
being divided into many provinces, subject to Hktk 


IMroTinciab. They had likewise the schooUearning book 
whoUj in their haDds, and were great preachers, so « ^"' 

that many things concurred to raise their esteem ^^S^- 
with the people very high; yet great complaints 
lay against them, for they went more abroad than 
the moi{ks did, and were believed guilty of corrupt- 
ing families. The scandals that went on them, upon 
their relaxing the primitive strictness of their orders, 
were a little rectified by somd reformations of these 
orders. But that lasted not long ; for they became 
liable to much censure, and many visitations had 
been made, but to little purpose. This concurring 
with their secret practices against the king, both in 
the matter of his divorce and supremacy, made him 
more willing to examine the truth of these reports ; 
that, if they were found guilty of such scandals, they 
might lose their credit with the people, and occa^ 
Ams be ministered to the king to justify the sup- 
pression of them. 

There were also two other motives, that inclined The kin^r* 
the king to this counsel. The one was, that he ap- tivet for 
prehended a war from the emperor, who was then tb^^^"^ 
the only prince in the world that had any consider- ****"^- 
able force at sea; having both great fleets in the 
Indies, and being prince of the Netherlands, where 
the greatest trade of these parts was driven. There- 
fore the king judged it necessary to fortify his ports; 
and, seeing the great advantages of trade, which be- 
gan then to rise much, was resolved to encourage it: 
fi>r which end he intended to build many havens 
and harbours. This was a matter of great charge ; 
and, as his own revenue could not defray it, so he 
had no mind to lay heavy taxes on his subjects: 


BOOK therefim the suppresricm of monasteri 
the easiest way of raising mooej. 

1535. n^ ojg^ intended to erect many more faishopricp, 
to which Cranmer advised him much ; that the rait- 
ness of some dioceses being reduced to a njarrower 
compass, bishops might better discharge the^ dutieib 
and oversee their flocks, according to the acriptuics 
and the primitive rules. 
Cfioiner'a But Oanmcr did on another reason press the ia»- 

iUnigl ID , 

it. pression of monasteries. He found that their firan- 

dations, and whole state, was inconsistent wi£h a 
fill! and true reformation. For among the things to 
be reformed were these abuses, which were essential 
to their constitution ; (such as, the belief of puiga- 
toiy, of redeeming souls by masses, the wmibip of 
saints and images, and pilgrimages, and the Ukei) 
- And therefore those societies, whose intere^ it was 
to oppose the reformation, were onc^ to be sup- 
pressed : and then he hoped, upon new endowinents 
and foundations, new houses should have been erected 
at every cathedral, to be nurseries for that whole 
diocese; which he thought would be more suitable 
to the primitive use of monasteries, and more profit- 
able to the church. This was his scheme, as will 
afterwards appear ; which was in some measure ef- 
fected, though not so fully as he projected, for rea- 
sons to be told in their proper place. 
FintmoDM. There had been a bull sent from Rome for dissdl?- 
wu dis. iiig some monasteries, and erecting bishoprics out of 
'^^''^' them, as was related in the former book, in the year 
1532. And it seems it was upon that authority, 
that, in the year 1533, the priory of Christ C!hindi, 
near Algate in London, was dissolved, aiid given to 


the lord chancellor, sir Thomas Audley; (not to book 
make hini speak shriller for his master in the house ' 
of commons, as Fuller mistakes it; for he had been ^^^^- 
lord chancellor a year before this was given him.) 
The pope's authority not being at that time put 
down, nor the king's supremacy set up, I conjecture 
it was done pursuant to the bull for the dissolution 
of some religious houses ; but I never saw the disso- 
lution, and so can only guess on what ground it was 
made. But in the parliament held the former year. Act. lo. 
in which the king's grant of that house to the lord, ego. 35/ 
chancellor was confirmed, it is said, in the preamble, 
^* that the prior and convent had rested that house 
to the king the twenty-fourth of February, 23 
regni, and had left their house ;" but no mention 
is made upon what reason they did it. 

But now I come to consider how the visitors car- The pro. 
ried on their visitations. Many severe things are ^the^ 
said of their proceedings ; nor is it any wonder that ^**'^"' 
ihen, who had traded so long in lies as the monks 
had done, should load those, whom they esteemed 
the instruments of their ruin, with many calumnies. 
By their letters to Cromwell it appears, that in most cott. lib. 
houses they found monstrous disorders. That many ^'***^' ^' ^' 
fell down on their knees, and prayed they might be 
discharged, since they had been forced to make vows 
against their wills : with these the visitors dispensed, 
and set them at liberty. They found great factions 
in the houses, and barbarous cruelties exercised by 
one faction against another, as either of them pre- 
vailed. In many places, when they gave them the 
king's injunctions, many cried out that the severity 
of them was intolerable, and they desired rather to 
be suppressed than so reformed. ' They were all ex- 


BOOK tremely addicted to idolatrj and supentitioii. Ii 

some they found the instruments, and other todi» 

1535. gjj. multiplying and coining. 

But for the lewdness of the confessors of nunneiia» 
and the great corruption of that state, whole houei I i 
being found almost all with child ; for the dissolute- 1 c 
ness of abbots, and the other monks and friars, not 1 1 
only with whores, but married women ; and for their 
unnatural lusts, and other brutal practices ; these sie 
not fit to be spoken of, much less enlai^ed on, in a 
work of this nature. The full report of this vista- 
cott. ub. tion is lost ; yet I have seen an extract of a part of 
it, concerning one hundred and forty-four hoives, 
that contains abominations in it equal to any that 
were in Sodom. 

One passage, that is more remarkable, I shall onlj 
set down ; because upon it followed the first resigoa- 
tion of any religious house, that I could ever find. 
Some Doctor Lcighton beset the abbot of Langden's houses 
signed up and brokc open his door of a sudden, and found his 
Un^.* whore with him ; and in the abbot's coffer there wtf 
an habit for her, for she went for a young brother. 
Whether the shame of this discovery, or any other 
consideration, prevailed with him, I know not ; but, 
on the thirteenth of November, he and ten monks 
signed a resignation, which hath an odd kind of pre- 
coiiect. amble, to be found in the Collection. *^ It says, that 
s^ i/' ^^ the revenue of the house was so much endanuiged» 
and engaged in so much debt, that they, consider- 
ing this, and what remedies might be found for it, 
saw, that except the king, of whose foundation the 
" house was, did speedily relieve them, it must be 
very quickly ruined, both as to its spiritual and 
temporal concerns; therefore they surrender up 


•^ their house to the king.** They were of the order book 
of Premonstre, and their house was dedicated to the 1— 

honour of the blessed Virgin, and St, Thomas *^^' 
Becket. This precedent was followed by the like The orici. 
gurrender, with the same preamble, on the fifteenth mig^aatioiis 
a£ November, by the prior of Folkeston, a Benedic- Jl^gi^entL 
tine ; and on the sixteenth, by the prior of Dover, ^^ ■^^®*** 
with eiirbt monks. These were all of them in the^ued. 

^^ . Rot. CImis. 

county of Kent. But neither among the original part. r. 
surrenders, nor in the clause-rolls, are there any "^°' *^' 
other deeds in this year of our Lord. There are in- 
deed, in the same year of the king, (which runs till 
April 15S6,) four other surrenders, with the same 
preambles : of Merton in Yorkshire, a convent of 
Augustinians, signed by the prior and five monks, 
the ninth of February: of Bilsingtoun in Kent, 
sighed by the prior and two monks, the twenty-first 
rf February ; of Tilty in Essex, a convent of Cister- 
cians, signed by the prior and five monks ; and of 
Hornby in Yorkshire, a convent of the Premonstre, 
signed by the prior and two monks, the twenty-third 
of March. These were all the surrenders that I 
can discover to have been made before the act of 
parliament for suppressing the lesser monasteries, 
passed in the next session that was assembled in 

But before that the afflicted and unfortunate 1536. 
queen Katharine died at Kimbolton ; she had been J|f*^jjJ^ 
much disquieted, because she would not lay down J^*i»»"n«- 
her title as queen. Many of her servants were put 
from her on that account ; but she would accept of 
no service from any that did not use her as a queen, 
and call her so. The king sent oft to her to per- 
suade her to more compliance : but she stood her 

VOL. 1. c c 


ilooK ground) and said, since the pope had judged her 
_1_ marriage good, she woidd lose her life before she 
ori ^^* did any thing in prejudice of it. She became more cheerful than she had wont to be; and the couotiy 
people came much to her, whom she received, and 
used very obligingly. The idng had a mind she 
should go to Fotheringhay*castle : but when it was 
proposed to her, she plainly said, she would never 
go thither, unless she were carried as a priscHi^, 
bound with ropes. She desired leave to come nearer 
London ; but that was not granted. She had the 
jointure that was assigned her as princess dowager, 
and was treated with the respect due to that dig- 
nity ; but all the women about her still called ber 
queen. I do not find she had any thoughts of goii^ 
out of England ; though her life in it was but melaii- 
choly. Yet her care to support her daughter's title 
made her bear all the disgraces she lay under. The 
officious and practising clergy, that were for the 
court of Rome, looked on her as the head of thdr 
party, and asserted her interest much. Yet she was 
so watched, that she could not hold any great cor- 
respondence with them ; though in the matter of 
the Maid of Kent she had some meddling. 

When she sickened, she made her will ; and ap- 
pointed her body to be buried in a convent of Obser- 
vant friars, (who had done and suffered most for 
her,) and ordered five hundred masses to be said fisr 
her soul ; and that one should go a pilgrimage to 
our Lady of Walsingham, and give twenty noUes 
by the way to the poor. Some other small legacies 
she left to her servants. When the king heard she 
was sick, he sent a kind message to her ; and the 
emperor's ambassador went to see her, and to cheer | 


her up; but when she found her sickness like to book 

prove mortal, she made one about her write a letter L- 

in her name to the king. In the title she called ^^^^' 
him, ^ Her good lord^ king, and husband. She 
^ advised him to look to the health of his soul. She 
^' forgave him all the troubles he had cast her into, 
*^ She recommended their daughter Mary to him, 
** and desired he would be a loving father to her. 
^^ She also desired, that he would provide matches 
^ for her maids, who were but three; and that he 
'* would give her servants one year's wages more 
** than was due to them. And concluded lastly, / 
*^ make this vow. That mine eyes desire you above 
** all things.'^ By another letter, she recommended 
her daughter to the emperor's care. On the eighth 
of January she died, in the fiftieth year of her age, 
thirty-three years after she came to England. She 
was a devout and pious princess, and led a severe 
and mortified life. In her greatness she wrought 
much with her own hands, and kept her women 
well employed about her; as appeared when the 
two legates came once to speak with her. She came 
out to them with a skein of silk about her neck, and 
told them, she had been within at work with her 
women. She was most passionately devoted to the 
interests of the court of Rome, they being so inter- 
woven with her own : and, in a word, she is repre- 
sented as a most wonderful good woman ; only I find, 
on many occasions, that the king complained much 
of her uneasiness and peevishness. But whether the 
fault was in her humour, or in the provocations she 
met with, the reader may conjecture. The king re- 
ceived the news of her death with some regret : but 
he would not -give leave to bury her, as she had of- 

c c 2 


K dered; but made her body be laid in the abbey 

church of Peterborough, which he afterwards om- 

^' verted to an episcoi)al cathedral. But queen Anne 
did not carry her death so decently; for she ex- 
pressed too much joy at it, both in her carriage and 

On the fourth of February the parliament sat, 
eot. upon a prorogation of fourteen months, (for in the 
record there is no mention of any intermedial proro- 
gation,) where a great many laws, relating to civil 
concerns, were passed. By the fift;eenth act, the 
power that had been given by a former act to the 
king, for naming thirty-two persons, to make a col- 
lection of ecclesiastical laws, was again confirmed : 
for nothing had been done upon the former act 
But there was no limitation of time in this act, and 
so there was nothing done in pursuance of it. 
ler The great business of this session of parliament 
was, the suppressing the lesser monasteries. How 
this went through the two houses, we cannot know 
from the Journals, for they are lost : but all the his- 
torians of that time tell us, that the report which 
the visitors made to the king was read in parUa- 
ment; which represented the manners of these 
houses so odiously, that the act was easily carried. 
The preamble bears, ** That small religious houses, 
" under the number of twelve persons, had been 
long and notoriously guilty of vicious and abomin- 
able living; and did much consume and waste 
*^ their church's lands, and other things belonging to 
" them ; and that for above two hundred years there 
" had been many visitations for reforming these 
** abuses, but with no success, their vicious living 
** increasing daily : so that, except small houses were 


^ dissolved, and the religious put into greater mp- book 
'^ nasteries, there could no reformation be expected 


in that matter. Whereupon the king, having re- *^^^* 
^' ceived a full information of these abuses, both by 
his visitors, and other, credible ways; and consi- 
dering that there were divers great iponasteries in 
which religion was well kept and observed, which 
f* had not the full number in them that they might 
^^ and ought to receive, had made a full declaration 
^ of the premises in parliament. . Whereupon it was 
^ enacted^ that all houses which might spend yearly 
*' SOO/. or witlun it, should be suppressed, and their 
^ revenues converted to better uses, and they com- 
'^ pelled to reform their lives." The lord Herbert 
thinks it strange that the statute in the printed book 
:has no preamble, but begins bluntly. Fuller ,tells us, 
that he wonders that lord did not see the record ; 
and he sets down the preamble, and says. The rest 
ybSow as in the printed statute^ chap. 9!7th ; by a 
mistake for the 28th. This shows, that neither the 
one nor the other ever looked on the record: for 
there is a particular statute of dissolution, distinct 
from the 28th chapter; and the preamble which 
FuUer sets down belongs not to the 28th chapter, 
as he says, but to the 18th chapter, which was never 
printed : and the 28th relates in the preamble to 
that other statute, which . had given these monas- 
teries to the king. 

The reasons that were pretended for dissolving Rcasow for 

1 doing it, 

these houses, were ; that whereas there was but a 
: small number, of persons in them, they entered into 

confederacies together, and their poverty set them 
*on to. use many ill arts to grow rich. They were 

also much abroad, and kept no manner of discipline 

c c 3 


BOOK in their houses. But those houses were genentty 
'"' much richer than they seemed to be : for the afalNit8» 

1536. raising great fines out of them, held the leases stiD 
low ; and by that means they were not obliged to 
entertain a great number in their house, and so en- 
riched themselves and their brethren by the fines 
that were raised : for many houses, then rated at 
two hundred pounds, were worth many thousands, 
as will appear to any that compares what they were 
then valued at, (which is collected by Speed,) with 
what their estates are truly worth. When this was 
passing in parliament, Stokesley, bishop of Liondon, 
said, '^ These lesser houses were, as thomsy soon 
^* plucked up ; but the great abbots were like putre- 
** fied old oaks : yet they must needs follow^ and so 
** would others do in Christendom, before many yean 
^* were passed." 

By another act, all these houses, their churches, 
lands, and all their goods, were given to the king, 
and his heirs and successors, together with all other 
houses, which within a year before the making of 
the act had been dissolved or suppressed : and, for 
the gathering the revenues that belonged to them, a 
new court was erected, called the court of the aug- 
mentations of the king's revenue ; which was to con- 
sist of a chancellor, a treasurer, an attorney and so- 
licitor, and ten auditors, seventeen receivers, a clerk, 
an usher, and a messenger. This court was to bring 
in the revenues of such houses as were now dissolved, 
excepting only such as the king, by his letters-pa- 
tents, continued in their former state ; appointing a 
seal for the court, with full power and authority to 
dispose of these lands so as might be most for the 
king's service. 


Thus fell the lesser abbeys, to the number of three book 

hundred and seventy-six ; and soon after^ this par-. 

liamait) which had done the king such eminent ser- ^^^^* 
▼ice^ and had now sat six years, was dissolved on 
the fourteenth of April. 

In the convocation, a motion was made of great The tnuit- 
consequence ; that there should be a translation of the^Bibie 
the Bible in English, to be set up in all the churches ^'L^^'' 
of England. The clergy, when they procured Tin- - 
dal's translation to be condemned, ^nd suppressed it, 
giBve out that they intended to make a translation 
into the vul^ur tongue : yet it was afterwards, upon 
a long consultation, resolved, that it was free for the 
church to give the Bible in a vulgar tongue, or not, 
as they pleased ; and that the king was not obliged 
to it, and that at that time it was not at all ex- 
pedient to do it. Upon which, those that promoted 
the reformation made great complaints, and said, it 
was visible the clergy knew there was an opposition 
between the scriptures and their doctrine : that they 
bad first condemned Wickliffe's translation, and then 
Tindal's ; and though they ought to teach men the 
word of God, yet they did all they could to suppress 

In the times of the Old Testament, the scriptures The rea. 
were writ in the vulgar tongue, and all were charged 
to read and remember the law. The apostles wrote 
in Greek, which was then the most common lan- 
guage in the world. Christ did also appeal to the 
scriptures, and sent the people to them. And by 
what St. Paul says of Timothy, it appears, that chil- 
dren were then early trained up in that study. In 
the primitive church, as nations were converted to 
the faith, the Bible was translated into their tongue. 

c c 4 


BOOK The Latin translation was very ancient: the Bible 
'^^' was afterwards put into the Scythian, Dalinatiaii» 

1536. ^qJ Gothic tongues. It continued thus for several 
ages^ till the state of monkery rose ; and then, when 
they engrossed the riches, and the popes assumed 
the dominion, of the world, it was not consistent 
with these designs, nor with the arts used to pro- 
mote them, to let the scriptures be much known : 
therefore legends and strange stories of visions, 
with other devices, were thought more proper fiir 
keeping up their credit, and carrying on their 

It was now generally desired, that if there were 
just exceptions against what Tindal had done^ these 
might be amended in a new translation. This was 
a plausible thing, and wrought much on all that 
heard it ; who plainly concluded, that those who de- 
nied the people the use of the scriptures in their 
vulgar tongues, must needs know their own doc- 
trine and practices to be inconsistent with it. Upon 
these grounds Cranmer, who was projecting the 
most effectual means for promoting a reforma- 
tion of doctrine, moved in convocation, that they 
should petition the king for leave to make a trans- 
lation of the Bible. But Gardiner and all his party 
oi)posed it, both in convocation, and in secret with 
the king. It was said, that all the heresies and ex- 
travagant opinions, which were then in Germany, 
and from thence coming over to England, sprang 
The oppo- from the free use of the scriptures. And whereas 

»ilion made • mjr . , . tt n i 

to it. m May the last year, nineteen Hollanders were ac- 
cused of some heretical opinions ; " denying Christ 
" to be both God and man, or that he took flesh 
" and blood of the Virgin Mary, or that the sacra- 


** ments had any effect on those that received them ;" book 

in which opinions fourteen of them remained obsti- — 

nate, and were burnt by pairs in several places: it ^^^^' 
was complained, that all those drew their damnable 
errors from the indiscreet use of the scriptures. And 
to offer the Bible in the English tongue to the 
whole nation, during these distractions, would prove, 
as they pretended, the greatest snare that could be. 
.Therefore they proposed, that there should be a 
short exposition of the most useful and necessary 
doctrines of the Christian faith given to the people 
in the English tongue, for the instruction of the 
nation, which would keep them in a certain sub- 
jection to the king, and the church, in matters of 

The other party, though they liked well the pub- 
lishing such a treatise in the vulgar tongue, yet by 
no means thought that sufficient ; but said, the peo- 
ple must be allowed to search the scripture, by 
which they might be convinced that such treatises 
were according to it. These arguments prevailed 
with the two houses of convocation : so they peti- 
tioned the king, that he would give order to some 
to set about it. To this, great opposition was tnade 
at court. Some, on the one hand, told the king, 
that a diversity of opinions would arise out of it ; 
and that he could no more govern his subjects 
if he gave way to that : but, on the other hand, it 
was represented, that nothing would make his su- 
premacy so acceptable to the nation, and make the 
pope more hateful, than to let them see, that 
whereas the popes had governed them by a blind 
obedience, and kept them in darkness, the king 
brought them into the light, and gave them the free 


BOOK use of the word of God. And nothing would moie 
'^^' effectually extirpate the pope's authcnity, and dm- 

] 536. ^Qver the impostures of the monks, than the BiUe 
in English ; in which all people would dearij db- 
cem, there was no foundation for those things. 
These arguments, joined with the power that die 
queen had in his affections, were so much considered 
by the king, that he gave order for setting about it 
immediately. To whom that work was committed, 
or how they proceeded in it, I know not : tor tbe 
account of these things has not been preserved nor 
conveyed to us with that care that the importance 
of the thing required. Yet it appears, that the 
work was carried on at a good rate ; for^ three years 
after this, it was printed at Paris; which shows 
they made all convenient haste in a thing that re- 
quired so much deliberation. 
The fall Q^t this was the last public c^ood act of this un- 

of queen *-' 

Anne. fortunatc queen ; who, the nearer she drew to her 
end, grew more full of good works. She had dis- 
tributed in the last nine months of her life between 
fourteen and fifteen thousand pounds to the po(V, 
and was designing great and public good things. 
And by all appearance, if she had lived, the money 
that was raised by the suppression of religious 
houses had been better employed than it was. In 
January, she brought forth a dead son. This was 
thought to have made ill impressions on the king; 
and that, as he concluded from the death of his sons 
by the former queen, that the marriage was dis- 
pleasing to God ; so he might, upon this misfortune, 
begin to make the like judgment of this marriage. 
Sure enough the jxjpish party were earnestly set 
against the queen, looking on her as a great sup- 


NTter of heresr. And at that time Fox, then bir book 


lop of Hereford, was in Germany, at Smalcald, 

eating a league with the protestant princes, who ^^^^' 
OBted much, on the Ausburg CSonfession. There i^e ^boie 
ere many conferences between Fox and doctor party drove 


ames, and some others, with the Lutheran divines, * ^°' 
r accommodating the differences between them; 
id the thing was in a good forwardness : all which 
as imputed to the queen. Gardiner was then am- 
lasador in France, and wrote earnestly to the king, 
I dissuade him from entering into any religious 
ague with these princes; for that would aUenate 
i the world from him, and dispose his own subjects 
» rebel. The king thought the German princes 
id divines should have submitted all things to his 
idgment; and had such an opinion of his own 
aming, and was so puffed up with the flattering 
raises that he daily heard, that he grew impatient 
f any opposition, and thought that his dictates 
lould pass for oracles. And because the Germans 
ould not receive them so, his mind was alienated 
wn them. 

But the duke of Norfolk at court, and Gardiner 
3yond sea, thought there might easily be found a 
lean to accommodate the king, both with the em- 
sror and the pope, if the queen were once out of 
le way ; for then he might freely marry any one 
hom he pleased, and that marriage, with the male 
sue of it, could not be disputed : whereas, as long 
I the queen lived, her marriage, as being judged 
all from the beginning, could never be allowed by 
le court of Rome, or any of that party. With 
lese reasons of state, others of affection concur- 
)d. The queen had been his wife three years : but 


BOOK at this time he entertained a secret love for Jane 
Seimour, who had all the charms both of beautj 

*^^^- and youth in her person ; and her humour was ton- 
pered between the severe gravity of- queen Katfat- 
rine, and the gay pleasantness of queen Anne. The 
queen, perceiving this alienation of the king^s heart, 
used all possible arts to recover that affection, of 
whose decay she was sadly sensible. But the w> 
cess was quite contrary to what she designed: fo 
the king saw her no more with those eyes, wliidi 
she had formerly captivated ; but grew jealous, and 
ascribed these caresses to some other criminal affec- 
tions, of which he began to suspect her. This bang 
one of the most memorable passages of this reign, I 
was at more than ordinary pains to learn all I coaU 
concerning it ; and have not only seen a great manj 
letters that were writ by those that were set about 
the queen, and catched every thing that fell froni 
her, and sent it to court, but have also seen an ac- 
count of it, which the learned Spelman, who was 
a judge at that time, writ with his own hand ii 
his common-place hook ; and another account of it, 
writ by one Anthony Anthony, a surveyor of the 
ordnance of the Tower. From all which I shall givf 
a just and faithful relation of it, without concealing 
the least circumstance, that may either seem favoiff- 
able or unfavourable to her. 
The king's She was of a very cheerful temper, which was not 
ifer.**"'*^ "' always limited within the bounds of exact decencf 
and discretion. She had rallied some of the king^s 
servants more than became her. Her brother, tte 
lord Rochford, was her friend, as well as brother; 
but his spiteful wife was jealous of him : and, beiflf 
a woman of no sort of virtue, (as will appear afto* 


wards, hy her serving queen Katharine Howard in book 
her beastly practices, for which she was attainted 

and executed,) she carried many stories to the king, *^^^* 
or some about him, to persuade, that there was a 
fiuniliarity between the queen and her brother, be- 
jrond what, so near a relation could justify. All that 
Dould be said for it was only this ; that he was once 
Been leaning upon her bed, which bred great sus- 
picion. Henry Norris, that was groom of the stole; 
Weston and Brereton, that wereW the king's privy- 
dhamber ; and one Mark Smeton, a musician ; Were 
all observed to have much of her favour. And their 
seal in serving her was thought too warm and dili- 
gent to flow from a less active principle than love. 
Many circumstances were brought to the king, 
arbich, working upon his aversion to the queen, to- 
ipetber with his affection to mistress Seimour, made 
bim conclude her guilty. Yet somewhat which him- 
self observed, or fancied, at a tilting at Greenwich, 
is believed to have given the crisis to her ruin. It 
is said, that he spied her let her handkerchief fall to 
one of her gallants to wipe his face, being hot after 
i course. Whether she dropped it carelessly, or of 
design ; or whether there be any truth in that story, 
the letters concerning her fall making no mention 
of it, I cannot deterinine; for Spelman makes no 
mention of it, and gives a very different account of 
the discovery in these words : As for the evidence 
^this matter^ it was discovered hy the lady Wing" 
Held, who had been a servant to the queen^ and, . 
becoming on a sudden infirm some time before her 

^kath, did swear this matter to one of her 

md here unluckily the rest of the page is torn off* 
By this it 9eems, there was no legal evidence against 


BOOK the queen, and that it was but a witness at seoosd 
- hand, who deposed what they heard the lady Wing- 

1536. ggjj swear. Who this person was, we know ml, 
nor in what temper of mind the lady Wingfield m%hl 
be, when she swore it. The safest sort of fbrgoj, 
to one whose conscience can swallow it, is, to I17 1 
thing on a dead person's name, where there is no 
fear of discovery before the great day. And who 
it was understood that the queen had lost the king^ 
heart, many, either out of their zeal to popeiy, cr 
design to make their fortune, might be easily in- 
duced to carry a story of this nature. And this, H 
seems, was that which was brought to the king it 
Greenwich ; who did thereupon immediately reton 
to Whiteliall, it being the first of May. The queei 
was immediately restrained to her chamber< the 
The letters Other five wcre also seized on. But none of thett 
c^t! Hb .** wo"W confess any thing but Mark Smeton, oi • 
otho.c. 10. ^92y actual things so Cromwel writ. Upon thb 
they were carried to the Tower. The poor quecB 
was in a sad condition ; she must not only fall under 
the king's displeasure, but be both defamed and (k- 
stroyed at once. At first she smiled, and carried it 
cheerfully ; and said, she believed the king did tl0 
only to prove her. But when she saw it was in ea^ 
nest, she desired to have the sacrament in her closed 
and expressed great devotion, and seemed to he prfr 
pared for death. 

The surprise and confusion she was in raised ftf 
of the mother, which those about her did not seem 
to understand : but three or four letters, which wert 
writ by sir William Kingston to secretary Cromwdl) 
concerning her, to court, say, that she was at some 
times very devout, and cried much ; and of a sud- 


den would hurst out in laughter : which are evident h o 

signs of vapours. When she heard that those, who 

were accused with her, were sent to the Tower, she '^' 
then concluded herself lost ; and said, she should be 
sent thither next ; and talked idly, saying, ** that if 
her bishops were about the king, they would all 
speak for her. She also said, that she would |je a 
saint in heaven, for she had done many good 
'* deeds ; and that there should be no rain, but heavy 
judgments on the land, for what they were now 
doing to her." Her enemies had now gone too 
fjEur not to destroy her. Next day she was carried si.e a 
to the Tower, and some lords, that met her on the^'^^^^. 
river, declared to her what her offences were. Upon P'*"*^* 
which she made deep protestations of her innocence, 
and begged leave to see the king ; but that was not 
to be expected. When she was carried into the 
Tower, ^she fell down on her knees, and prayed 
^ God to help her, as she was not guilty of the thing 
** for which she was accused.'' That same day the 
king wrote to* Cranmer to come to LamlK'th ; but 
ordered him not to come into his presence : which 
was procured by the queen's enemies, who trxik care, 
that one who had such credit with the king should 
not come at him till they had fully persuaded liirn 
that she was guilty. Her uncle's lady, the lady H/i- 
lejm, was appointed to lie in the chamlx^r with hrrr, 
which she took very ill ; for, upon what nravm f 
know not, she had been in very ill terms with inTs 
She engaged her into much discourse, and .studii.-rl 
to draw confessions from her. Whatsoever she laid 
was presently sent to the court : and a wom;jii full 
of vapours was like enough to tell every thing that 
was true, with a great deal more ; frir [MrnuiriH in 


BOOK that condition not only have no command of thein- 

'. — selves, but are apt to say any thing that comes in 

^^^^' their fancy. 

The duke of Norfolk^ and some of the king^s 
council, v(^ere with her; but could draw nothing 
from her, though they made her believe, that Norris 
and Mark had accused her. But when they were 
gone^ she fell down on her knees and wept, and 
prayed often, Jesu, have mercy an me ; and then 
fell a laughing : when that fit was over, she desired 
to have the sacrament still by her, that she might 
cry for mercy. And she said to the lieutenant of 
the Tower, she was as clear of the company of all 
men, as to sin, as she was clear jQrom him ; and 
that she was the king's true wedded wife. And 
she cried out, ^^ O Norris, hast thou accused me ? 
" Thou art in the Tower with me, arid thou and I 
^^ shall die together; and Mark, so shalt thou too." 
She apprehended they were to put her in a dun- 
geon; and sadly bemoaned her own, and her mo- 
thers misery ; and asked them, whether she must 
die without justice. But they told her, the poorest 
sul)jects had justice ; much more would she have it 
The same letter says, that Norris had not accused 
her ; and that he said to her almoner, that he could 
swear for her, she icas a good woman. But she, 
l>eing made believe that he had accused her, and not 
being then so free in her thoughts as to consider 
that ordinary artifice for drawing out confessions, 
told all she knew, both of him and Mark : whidi 
though it was not enough to destroy her, yet cer- 
tainly wrought much on the jealous and alienated 

But con* 
fesseU so 

words. ' " why he did not go on with his marriage? who an- 

fesseu some king. She told them, " that she once asked Noriisy 



" swered her. That he would yet tarry some time, book 
'* To which she replied, You look for dead men's 

^' shoes ; for if aught come to the king but good, *^^^' 
l^ you would look to have me. He answered. If he 
^^ had any such thought, he would his head were cut 
** off. Upon which she said, She could undo him if 
^^ she pleased ; and thereupon she fell out with him." 
As for Mark, who was then laid in irons, she said he 
was never in her chamber but when the king was 
last at Winchester, and then he came in to play on 
the virginals: she said, ^Hhat she never spoke to 
^^ him after that, but on Saturday before May-day, 
'' when she saw him standing in the window, and then 
** she asked him. Why he was so sad ? he said, It 
was no matter : she answered. You may not look 
to have me speak to you, as if you were a noble- 
man, since you are an inferior person. No, no, 
^ madam, said he ; a look sufficeth me." She seem- 
ed more apprehensive of Weston than of any body. 
For on Whitsun-Monday last he said to her, ^^ That 
•* Norris came more to her chamber upon her ac- 
"** count, than for any body else that was there. 
^* She had observed, that he loved a kinswoman of 
'* hers, and challenged him for it, and for not loving 
*• his wife. But he answered her, That there were 
•* women in the house whom he loved better than 
** them both : she asked. Who is that ? Yourself, 
** said he ; upon which, she said, she defied him." 

This misery of the queen's drew after it the com- 
mon effects that follow persons under such a dis- 
grace ; for now all the court was against her, and 
every one was courting the rising queen. But 
Cranmer had not learned these arts ; and had a bet- 
ter soul in him than to be capable of such baseness 
VOL. I. D d 


BOOK and ingratitude. He had been much obliged bj her, 
and had conceived an high opinion of her, and so could 

Cott. lib. 

1536. QQi; easily receive ill impressions of her ; yet he kneir 
the king's temper, and that a downright justifica- 
tion of her would provoke him : th^efbre he wrote 
the following letter on the third of May, with aD 
the softness that so tender a point required; io 
which he justified her as &r as was consistent witk 
prudence and charity. The letter shows of what a 
constitution he was that wrote it ; and oontaios so 
many things that tend highly to her honour, that I 
shall insert it here, as I copied it from the origniaL 

cnnner't '^ PleMCth it youT most Hobk gTOce to be adveN 
^'£wt ^ tisedj that at your grace's commandment, by Ifr. 
** Secretary his letters, written in your grace's name^ 
^ I came to Lambeth yesterday, and do there le- 
** main to know your grace's further pleasure. And 
** forsomuch as without your grace's commandment 
" I dare not, contrary to the contents of the said 
<* letters, presume to come unto your grace's presence; 
** nevertheless, of my most bounden duty, I can do 
no less than most humbly to desire your grace, bf 
your great wisdom, and by the assistance of God*8 
help, somewhat to suppress the deep sorrows of 
*^ your grace's heart, and to take all adversities of 
God's hands both patiently and thankfully. I 
cannot deny but your grace hath great causes^ 
many ways, of lamentable heaviness : and also, 
that, in the wrongful estimation of the world, your 
grace's honour of every part is so highly touched, 
(whether the things that commonly be spoken of be 
true, or not,) that I remember not that ever Al- 
mighty God sent unto your grace any like 









" to try your grace's constancy throughout, whether book 
^ your highness can be content to take of God's— — ^ 
" hand, as well things displeasant, as pleasant. And '^^^' 
*' if he find in your most noble heart such an obe- 
** dience unto his will, that your grace, without mur- 
muration and overmuch heaviness, do accept all 
adversities, not less thanking him than when all 
things succeeded after your grace's will and plea- 
sure, nor less procuring his glory and honour; 
then I suppose your grace did never thing more 
acceptable unto him, since your first governance 
of this your realm. And moreover, your grace 
shall give unto him occasion to multiply and in- 
crease his graces and benefits unto your highness, 
*' as be did unto his most faithful servant Job ; unto 
^ whom, after his great calamities and heaviness, for 
^* his obedient heart, and willing acceptation of 
^ Grod's scourge and rod, addidit ei Dominus cuncta 
•* dupUcia. And if it be true, that is openly re- 
ported of the queen's grace, if men had a right es- 
timation of things, they should not esteem any 
part of your grace's honour to be touched thereby, 
'* but her honour only to be clearly disparaged. 
** And I am in such a perplexity, that my mind is 
•* clean amazed : for I never had better opinion in 
<^ woman,, than I had in her ; which maketh me to 
^* think, that she should not be culpable. And 
** again, I think your highness would not have gone 
** so far, except she had surely been culpable. Now 
^ I think that your grace best knoweth, that, next 
*' unto your grace, I was most bound unto her of 
" all creatures living. Wherefore I most humbly 
** beseech your grace to suffer me in that, which 
*^ both God's law, nature, and also her kindness 




BOOK << bindeth me unto;, that is, that I may with your 
« grace's favour wish and pray for her^ that she msj 





15S6. (( declare herself inculpaUe and innocent. And if 
she be found culpable, considering your gnoe*s 
goodness towards her^ and fix>m what conditjc 
<< your grace of your only mere goodness took hA 
<< and set the crown upon her head ; I repute Urn 
not your grace's faithful servant and sutgect^ nor 
*' true unto the realm, that would not desire the A 
fence without mercy to be punished, to the ffr 
ample of all other. And as I loved her nots 
little, for the love which I judged her to bear bv 
ff wards Ood and his gospel ; so, if she be proved cut 
** pable, there is not one that loveth God and Us 
** gospel that ever will favour her, but must hsti 
** her above all other ; and the more they &Tour tin 
^' gospel, the more they will hate her : £»> then then 
** was never creature in our time that so much sbiw 
dered the gospel. And God hath sent her thii 
" punishment, for that she feignedly hath pro&sMd 
his gospel in her mouth, and not in heart and 
deed. And though she have offended so, that sba 
" hath deserved never to be reconciled unto yov 
*' grace's favour ; yet Almighty God hath manifeldlf 
declared his goodness towards your gprace^ and 
never offended you. But your grace, I am siii% 
^^ knowledgeth, that you have offended him. Whe» 
" fore I trust that your grace will bear no less eo* 
** tire favour unto the truth of the gospel, than 70s 
*^ did before: forsomuch as your grace's favour to 
the gospel was not led by affection unto her^ M 
by zeal unto the truth. And thus I beseech Al- 
mighty God, whose gospel he hath ordained jatVi 
grace to be defender of, ever to preserve joff'i 



'' grace from all evil, and give you at the end the book 

•* promise of his gospel. From Lambeth, the third — 

" day of May. ^^3^- 

*• After I had written this letter unto your grace, 
*• my lord chancellor, my lord of Oxford, my lord of 
^ Sussex, and my lord chamberlain of your grace's 
^ house, sent for me to come unto the star-chamber ; 
^ md there ' declared unto me such things as your 
^ grace's pleasure was they should make me privy 
*' unto. For the which I am most bounden unto 
^ your grace. And what communication we had 
^ together, I doubt not but they will make the true 
" report thereof unto your grace. I am exceedingly 
*' sorry that such faults can be proved by the queen, 
^ as I heard of their relation. But I am, and ever 
*" shall be, your faithful subject. 

*^ Your grace's most humble subject, and chaplain, 

" T. Cantuariensis." 

But jealousy, and the king's new affection, had 
quite defaced all the remainders of esteem for his 
late beloved queen. Yet the ministers continued 
practising, to get further evidence for the trial; 
which was not brought on till the twelfth of May ; 
and then Norris, Weston, Brereton, and Smeton, 
were tried by a commission of Oyer and Terminer 
in Westminster-hall. They were twice indicted, 
and the indictments were found by two grand juries, 
in the counties of Kent and Middlesex : the crimes 
with which -they were charged being said to be done 
in both these counties. Mark Smeton confessed he 
had known the queen carnally three times; the 
other three pleaded, Not guilty : but the jury, upon 
the evidence formerly mentioned, found them all 



; and judgment' was giren, that they ahouU 
be drawn to the place of execution, and some of 
them to be hanged, others to be beheaded, and aU 
to be quartered, as guilty of high treason. On the 
fifteenth of May, the queen, and her brother the kid 
Rochford, (who was a peer, having been made ^ 
viscount when his fiEither was created eail of W3t> 
shire,) were Jbrought to be tried by their peers : the 
duke of Norfolk being lord high steward for that 
occasion. With him sat the duke of Suffolk, the 
marquis of Exeter, the earl of Arundel, and twenty- 
five more peers, of whom their father, the earl of 
Wiltshire, was one. Whether this unnatural 000^ 
pliance was imposed on him by the imperious kiii^ 
or officiously submitted to by himself, that he might 
thereby be preserved from the ruin that fell on his 
family, is not known. Here the queen of England, 
by an unheard-of precedent, was brought to the bar, 
and indicted of high treason. The crimes charged 
on her were, That she had procured her brother, 
and the other four , to lie with her^ which they had 
done often; that she had said to them, that the 
king never had her heart, and had said to every 
one of them by themselves, that she loved them bet- 
ter than any person whatsoever : which was to the 
slander (jfthe issue that was begotten between the 
king and her. And this was treason, according to 
the statute made in the twenty-sixth year of this 
reign, (so that the law that was made for her, and 
the issue of her marriage, is now made use of to de- 
stroy her.) It was also added in the indictment, 
that she and her complices had consjnred the king's 
death : but this, it seems, was only put in to swell 
the charge ; for if there had been any evidence for 



t, there was no need of stretching the other statute ; book 


r if they could have proved the violating of the- 
iieen, the known statute of the twenty-fifth year '^^^• 
f the reign of Edward the Third had been suffi- 
lent. When the indictment was read, she held up 
ler hand, and pleaded Not guilty ^ and so did her 
irother ; and did answer the evidence was brought 
gainst her discreetly. One thing is remarkable, 
bat Mark S'meton, who was the only person that 
onfessed any thing, was never confronted with the 
ueen, nor was kept to be an evidence against her, 
nr he had received his sentence three days before, 
nd so could be no witness in law; but perhaps, 
bough he was wrought on to confess, yet they did 
ot think he had confidence enough to aver it to the 
ueen's face ; therefore the evidence they brought, 
s Spelman says, was the oath of a woman that was 
ead : yet this, or rather the terror of offending the 
ing, so wrought on the lords, that they found her 
nd her brother guilty ; and judgment was ^ven, 
liat she should be humt or beheaded at the king's 
leasure. Upon which Spelman observes, that 
rhereas burning is the death which the law ap- 
oints for a woman that is attainted of treason ; yet, 
ince she had been queen of England, they left it to 
lie king to determine, whether she should die so in- 
imous a death, or be beheaded: but the judges 
omplained of this way of proceeding, and said, such 
disjunctive, in a judgment of treason, had never 
een seen. The lord Rochford was also condemned 
) be beheaded and quartered. Yet all this did not 
itisfy the enraged king ; but the marriage between 
im and her must be annulled, and the issue illegiti- 
lated. The king remembered an intrigue that had 

D d 4 


BOOK been between her and the earl of NorihiiinfaeilaDdy 
_-l_ which was mentioned in the former book ; and that 

^^^^* he, then lord Piercy» had said to the cardiiial, ''Tiiat 
^ he had gone so fiur befinre witnesaest that it I17 
^ upon his conscience, so that he could not go badc^ 
this, it is like, might be some promise he made ts 
marry her, per verba de Jnturo^ which though it 
was no precontract in itself, yet it seema the poor 
queen was either so ignorant, or so ilLadviaed, as to 
be persuaded afterwards it was one ; though it is 
certain that nothing but a contract per verba ie 
praeenH could be of any force to annul the subse- 
quent marriage. The king and his councilf reflect- 
ing upon what it seems the cardinal had told Ub, 
resolved to try what could be made of it,and preased 
the earl of Northumberland to confess a contract be- 
tween him and her. But he took his oath befise 
the two archbishops, that there was no contract, nor 
promise of marriage, ever between them ; and re- 
ceived the sacrament upon it, before the duke of 
Norfolk, and others of the king's learned council in 
the law spiritual, wishing it might be to his damna- 
tion, if there were any such thing: (concerning 
which I have seen the original declaration under his 
own hand.) Nor could they draw any confession 
from the queen, before the sentence : for certainly if 
they could have done that, the divorce had gone be- 
fore the trial ; and then she must have been tried 
only as marchioness of Pembroke. But now, she 
Ijring under so terrible a sentence, it is most probable 
that either some hopes of life were given her, or at 
least she was wrought on by the assurances of miti- 
gating that cruel part of her judgment, of being 
burnt, into the milder part of the sentence of having 


r head cut aff; so that she confessed a preoon- book 
ict, and on the seventeenth of May was brought 

Lambeth: and in court, the afflicted archbishop '^^^* 
^i)g judge, some persons of quality being present, 
e confessed some just and lawful impediments ; upon an 
which it was evident, that her marriage with the confession 
Dg was not valid. Upon which confession, the " *'''^"**^ 
UTiage between the king and her was judged to 
ve been null and void. The record of the sen- 
Qce is burnt : * but these particulars are repeated in 
e act that passed in the next parliament, touching 
e succession to the crown. It seems this was se- 
etly done, for Spelman writes of it thus ; It was 
id, there was a divorce made between the king 
id her, upon her confessing a precontract with an- 
her before her marriage with the king ; so that it 
IS then only talked of, but not generally known. 
The two sentences that were passed upon the 
leen, the one of attainder for adultery, the other of 
vorce, because of a precontract, did so contradict 
le another, that it was apparent one, if not both of 
em, must be unjust ; for if the marriage between 
e king and her was null from the banning, then, 
ice she was not the king's wedded wife, there 
uld be no adultery : and her marriage to the king 
Eis either a true marriage, or not : if it was true, 
en the annulling of it was unjust ; and if it was 
> true maiiiage, then the attainder was unjust ; for 
lere could be no breach of that faith which was 
^ver given: so that it is plain, the king was re- 
ived to be rid of her, and to illegitimate her 
lughter, and in that transport of his fury did not 
insider that the very method he took discovered 
te injustice of his proceedings against her. Two 


BOOK days after this, she was ordered to be executed xA 
"'' the green on Tower-bill. How sbe reoeiTed tbese 

15S^« tidings, and how stead&st sbe continued in the pro- 
testations of her innocence, will best appear bjr the. 
Her pff^ following circumstances. The day befinre she sof- 
death. fered, upon a strict search of her past life, she called 
to mind, that she bad played the step-mother too 
severely to lady Mary, and had done her many in- 
juries. Upon which, she made the lieutenant of the 
Tower's lady sit down in the chair of state ; whidi 
the other, after some ceremony, doing, she fell down 
on her knees, and with many tears charged the lady, 
as she would answer it to God, to go in her name» 
and do, as she bad done, to the lady Mary, and ask 
her forgiveness for the wrongs she had done her. 
And she said, she had no quiet in her conscience till 
she had done that, but th9Ught she did in this what 
became a Christian. The lady Mary could not so 
easily pardon these injuries ; but retained the resent- 
ments of them her whole life. 

This ingenuity and tenderness of conscience about 
lesser matters, is a great presumption, that if she 
had been guilty of more eminent faults, she had not 
continued to the last denying them, and making 
protestations of her innocency. For that same 
night she sent her last message to the king, and ac- 
knowledged herself much obliged to him, that had 
continued still to advance her. She said^ he had, 
from a private gentlewoman, first made her a mar- 
chioness, and then a queen ; and now, since he could 
raise her no higher, was sending her to be a saint in 
heaven : she protested her innocence, and recom- 
mended her daughter to his care. And her carriage 
that day she died will appear from the following let* 


ter^ writ by the lieutenant of the Tower, copied from book 
the original, which I insert, because the copier em- 

ployed by the lord Herbert has not writ it out faith- *^^^* 
fully ; jTor I cannot think that any part of it was left 
out on design. 

"Sir, These should be to advertise you, I have The neu- 
" received your letter, wherein you would have the Tower's 
" strangers conveyed out of the Tower; and so^**^*'* 
*' they be by the means of Richard Gressum and 
" William Loke, and WythspoU. But the number 
*' of strangers passed not thirty, and not many of 
" those armed ; and the ambassador of the emperor 
" had a servant there, and honestly put out. Sir, if 
" we have not an hour certain, as it may be known 
^ in London, I think here will be but few, and I 
^* think a reasonable number were best ; for I sup- 
" pose she will declare herself to be a good woman, 
** for all men but for the king, at the hour of her 
** death. For this morning she sent for me, that I 
" might be with her at such time as she received 
** the good Lord, to the intent I should hear her 
" speak as touching her innocency always to be 
** clear. And in the writing of this she sent for 
** me, and at my coming she said : Mr. Kingston, I 
" hear say I shall not die aforenoon, and I am very 
" sorry therefore, for I thought to be dead by this 
*^ time, and past my pain. I told her, it should be 
^^ no pain, it was so sottle. And then she said, I 
" heard say the executioner was very good, and I 
^^ have a little neck ; and put her hands about it, 
" laughing heartily. I have seen many men, and 
•* also women, executed, and that they have been in 
^^ great sorrow ; and to my knowledge ttiis lady has 


BOOK «< much joy and pleasure in death. Sir, her altiHimr 

'"' ^ is continually with her, and had been once two- 

1536. €i a^ock after midnight. This is the effect aiwttf 

^ thing that is here at this time, and thus five jou 

•• well. 

** Yours, 

'' William Kingston." 


Her ezecD- A Uttie before noon, being the nineteenth of May, 
she was brought to the scaffold, where she mtide t 
short speech to a great company that came to hA 
on the last scene of this fatal tn^;edy : the ddef rf 
whom were, the dukes of Suffolk and lUdimond, the 
lord chancellor, and secretary Cromwell, with the 
lord mayor, the sheriffs, and aldermen of Londoo. 
^* She said, she was come to die, as she Was judged 
^ by the law ; she would accuse none, nor aay any 
thing of the ground upon which she was judged 
She prayed heartily for the king, and called him a 
*^ most merciful and gentle prince, and that he had 
** been always to her a good, gentle, sovereign lord ; 
^^ and if any would meddle with her cause, she re- 
quired them to judge the best. And so she took 
her leave of them, and of the world, and heartily 
" desired they would pray for her." After she had 
been some time in her devotions, her last words 
being, To Christ I commend my soul^ her head was 
cut off by the hangman of Calais, who was brought 
over as more expert at beheading than any in Eng- 
land : her eyes and lips were observed to move after 
her head was cut off, as Spelman writes ; but her 
body was thrown into a common chest of elm-tree, 
that was made to put arrows in, and was buried in 
the chapel within the Tower, before twelve o'clock. 



Her brother, with the other four, did also suffei* : book 

none <^ them were quartered^ but they were all be^ . 

headed, except SmetoD, who was hanged. It was ^^^^' 
generally said, that he was corrupted into that con- 
fession, and had his life promised him ; but it was 
not fit to let him live to tell tales. Norris had been 
much in the king's favour, and an offer was made 
him of his life, if he would confess his guilt, and 
accuse the queen. But he generously rejected that 
unhandsome proposition, and said, ^^ That in his con* 

sidence he thought her innocent of these things 

laid to her charge : but whether she was or not, 
** he would not accuse iier of any thing; and he 
'* would die a thousand time^, rather than ruin an 
^* innocent person." 

These proceedings occasioned as great variety of The several 
censures, as there were diversity of interests. The that were 
popish party said. The justice of God was visible, *n*°h^J^ 
that she^ who had supplanted queen Katharine, met f^^^^*'^^^ 
with the like, and harder measure, by the same 
means. Some took notice of her faint justifjring 
herself on the scaffold, as if her conscience had then 
prevailed so far, that she could no longer deny a 
thing, for which she was so soon to answer at an* 
other tribunaL But others thought her care of her 
daughter made her speak so tenderly ; for she had 
observed, that queen Katharine's obstinacy had 
drawn the king's indignation on her daughter ; and 
therefore, that she alone might bear her misfortunes, 
and derive no share of them on her daughter, she 
spake in a style that could give the king no just 
offence : and as she said enough to justify herself, so 
she said as much for the king's honour as could be 
expected. Yet, in a letter that she wrote to the 



booK king from the Tower, (whidi will be fiiiiBd in the 
Collection,) she pleaded her innooenoe in a stniB of 

^J^^* go much wit, and moving passionate eloqiieiioe^ m 
Vvmh. 4. perhaps can scarce be paralleled : certainly her spt 
rits were much exalted when she wrote it, ftr il 
is a pitch above her ordinary style. Yet the copf I 
take it from, lying among CromweU's other pqwr^ 
makes me believe it was truly written by her. 

Her carriage seemed too free; and all peopfe 
thought that some freedoms and levities in her bad 
encouraged those unfortunate persons to speak rach 
bold things to her, since few attempt upon the dias- 
tity, or make declarations of love, to persons of so 
exalted a quality, except they see some invitationsi 
at least in their carriage. Others thought that t 
free and jovial temper might, with great intiooenoe^ 
though with no discretion, -lead one to all those 
things that were proved against her ; and therefore 
they concluded her chaste, though indiscreet. Others 
blamed the king, and taxed his cruelty in proceeding 
so severely against a person whose chastity he had 
reason to be assured of, since she had resisted his 
addresses near five years, till he legitimated them 
by marriage. But others excused him. It is cer- 
tain her carriage had given just cause of some jea- 
lousy, and that being the rage of a man, it was no 
wonder if a king of his temper, conceiving it against 
one whom he had so signally obliged, was trans- 
ported into unjustifiable excesses. 

Others condemned Cranmer, as a man that obse- 
quiously followed all the king's appetites ; and that 
he had now divorced the king a second time, which 
showed that his conscience was governed by the 
king's pleasure^ as his supreme law. But what he 




did was unavoidable. For whatever motives drew book 
from her the confession of that precontract, he was _^1_ 
obliged to give sentence upon it ; and that which she ^^^^* 
confessed being such as made her incapable to con- 
tract marriage with the king, he could not decline 
the giving of sentence upon so formal a confession. 
Some loaded all that favoured the reformation ; and 
said, it now appeared what a woman their great 
patroness and supporter had been. But to those it 
was answered, that her faults, if true, being secret, 
could cast no reflection on those, who, beingJ^orant 
of them, made use of her protection. And the 
church of Rome thought not their cause suffered by 
the enraged cruelty and ambition of the cursed Irene, 
who had convened the second council of Niq^, and 
set up the worship of images again in the ^ east; 
whom the popes continued to court and magnify, 
after her barbarous murder of her son, with other 
acts of unsatiated spite and ambition. Therefore 
they had no reason to think the worse of persons for 
claiming the protection of a queen, whose faults (if 
she was at all criminal) were unknown to them when 
they made use of her. 

Some have, since that time, concluded it a great 
evidence of her guilt, that, during her daughter's 
long and glorious reign, there was no full nor com- 
plete vindication of her published. For the writers 
of that time thought it enough to speak honourably 
of her, and, in general, to call her innocent: but 
none of them ever attempted a clear discussion of 
the particulars laid to her charge. This had been 
much to her daughter's honour ; and therefore, since 
it was not done, others concluded it could not be 
done, and that their knowledge of her guilt re- 


BOOK Strained their pens. But others do not aft aB aHonr itf 

that inference, and think rather^ that it was At 

^^^* great wisdom of that time not to sttffer mch tUap 
to be called in question, smce no wise goTamiaeni 
will admit of a debate about the dearaeaa of thr 
prince's title. For the very attempting to piofe iti 
weakens it more than any of the proofii that un 
brought can confirm it ; therefine it was priodeBtlp 
done of that queen, and her great ministersy nefcf 
to suffer any vindication or apdogy to be wiittask 
Some indiscretions could not be denied; and these 
.would all have been catched hold of» and impnwed 
by the busy emissaries of Rome and Spain. 

But nothing did more evidently discover tfaie ss« 

cret cause of this queen's ruin, than the king^s mas^ 

rying Jane Seimour the day after her execntioii. 

She, of all king Henry's wives, gained mort; on Ui 

esteem and affectioa: but she was happy in one 

thing, that she did not outlive his love ; otherwise 

she might have fallen as signally as her predecessor 

had done. Upon this turn of affairs a great change 

of counsels followed. 

The lady There was nothing now that kept the emperor 

dea^an'a and the king at a distance, but the iUegitimation of 

j^^^th" ^hc Iftdy Mary ; and if that matter had been adjusted, 

her father. |.j^^ j^^^g ^^g jyj ^^ luorc hazard of trouble fiom 

him : therefore it was proposed, that she might be 
again restored to the king's favour. She found this 
was the best opportunity she could ever look for, 
and therefore laid hold on it, and wrote an humUe 
submission to the king, and desired again to be ad- 
mitted to his presence. But her submissions had 
some reserves in them; therefore she was pressed 
to be more express in her acknowledgments. At 



this ^* stuck Ixmft, and luid almost embroiled her-* book 


self again with her fiither. She freely oflfered to 

submit to the laws of the land about the succession, ^^^^* 
and confessed the fault of her former obstinacy. 
But the king would have her acknowledge, that his 
marriage to her mother was incestuous and unlaw- 
ful; and to renounce the pope's authority, and to 
accept him as supreme head of the church of Eng- 
land. These things were of hard digestion with 
her, and she could not easily swallow them ; so she 
wrote to Cromwell to befriend her at the king's 
hands. Upon which many letters passed between 
them. He wrote to her, that it was impossible to 
recover her father's favour, without a full and clear 
submission in all points. So in the end she yielded ; 
and sent the following paper, all written with her 
own hand, which is set down as it was copied from 
the original yet extant. 

** The confession of me, the lady Mary, made Her tub- 
^ upon certain points and articles under-written : in d^The" o^wi 
^ the which, as I do now plainly, and with all mine ^^' ,1^,. 
" heart, confess and declare mine inward sentence, ^'*°' ^* 


** belief, and judgment, with a due conformity of 
'< obedience to the laws of the realm ; so, minding 
^^ for ever to persist and continue in this determina- 
tion, without change, alteration, or variance, I do 
most humbly beseech the king's highness, my fa- 
•* ther, whom I have obstinately and inobediently 
^* offended in the denial of the same heretofore, to 
** forgive mine offences therein, and to take me to 
*^ his most gracious mercy. 

First, I confess and knowledge the king's ma- 
jesty to be my sovereign lord and king in the im- 
perial crown of this realm of England ; and do 




" submit mjself to his highness, and to all and sin- 
" gular laws and statutes of this realia, w beconeth 
"a true and faithful sutgect to do; whkA I duA 
" also obey, keep, obserre, advancei and mamtibi. 
" according to my bounden duty* with all the power* 
*' force, and qualities, that God hath endued me 
** with, during my life. 

" Item, I do reo^nise, accept* take, »|Mite, and 
'* knowledge, the king's highness to be tupreme 
" head in earthy under Christ, <if the cAairal ^ 
" England; and do utterly refuse (he bu^K^ of 
" Rome's pretended authority, power, and juriadic-: 
" .tion, within this realm heretofore usurped, accords 
** ing to the laws and statutes made in that bdalA 
** and of all the king's true subjects humbly receiYed, 
" admitted, obeyed, kept, and observed ; and alsa 
*' do utterly renounce and forsake all mamm o£ 
" remedy, interest, and advantage which I may bj 
" any means claim by the bishop of Bome's laws, 
" process, jurisdiction, or sentence, at this present 
" time, or in any wise hereafter, by any manner of 
" title, colour, mean, or case, that is, shall, fir can 
" be devised for that purpose. „ « 

" Item, I do freely, frankly, and for the dischaige 

" of my duty towards God, the king's highness, and 

" his laws, without other respect, recognise and knov- 

" ledge, that the marriage heretofore had between 

" bis majesty, and my mother, the late princess 

" dowager, was, by God's law, and man's law, ince»- 

" tuous and unlawful. ,, ., . „ 

" Mary. 

Upon this she was again received into favour. 


One circumstance I shall add» that shows the fhi« book 

gailty of that time. In the establishment that was i 

made for her family, there was only 40/. a quarter ^^^^' 

assigned for her privy-purse. I have seen a letter 

of hers to Cromwell, at the Christmas-quarter, de- 

airing him to let the king know, that she must be at 

some extraordinary expense that season, that so he 

might increase her allowance, since the 40/. would 

not defray the charge of that quarter. 

For the lady Elizabeth, though the king divested The udj 
her of the title of princess of Wales, yet he con-weiimed 
tinned still to breed her up in the court with all theunyud 
care and tenderness of a father. And the new^°^"* 
queen, what from the sweetness of her disposition, - 
and what out of compliance with the king, who 
loved her much, was as kind to her as if she had 
been her mother. Of which I shall add one pretty 
evidence, though the childishness of it may be 
thought below the gravity of a history ; yet by it 
the reader will see both the kindness that the king 
^nd queen had for her, and that they allowed her to 
subscribe, daughter. There are two original letters 
of hers yet remaining, writ to the queen when she 
was with child of king Edward ; the one in Italian, 
the other in English ; both writ in a fair hand, the 
same that she wrote all the rest of her life. But 
the conceits in that writ in English are so pretty, 
that it will not be unacceptable to the reader to see 
this first blossom of so great a princess, when she 
was not full four years of age, she being bom in 
September 1533, and this writ in July 1537. 

" Although your highness' letters be most joyful Her letter 
'^ to me in absepce^ yet, considering what pain it isqaeen 
" to you to writ^ your grace being so great withj^"*** 


E e 2 "»'•«•• 


900K ^^chiUjlf and so sickly, yotir commeodtttkm were 
III. "^ ^ 

/^enough in my lord's letter* I much rejoice at 
1636. u y^jp health, with th« well liidng 0f tha countiy; 
*^ with my humble thanks that your grace wished 
*^ me with you till J were weary oi that country. 
<< Your highness were like to be cumbered if I should 
not depart till I were weary being with you ; alf> 
though it were in the worst soil in the world, yoor 
** presence wouki make it pleasant. I cannot reprove 
^ my lord fbr not doing your commendatieiia in his 
letter, for he did it ; and although he had not, yet 
I will not complain of him, for that he shall be di- 
*^ ligent to give me knowledge from time to tune^ 
<* how his busy child doth ; and if I were at his Inrthi 
^^ no doubt I would see him beaten, for the trouble he 
^' has put you to. Mr. Denny, and my lady, widi 
^^ humble thanks prayeth most entirdy fair your 
grace, praying the almighty Grod to send you a 
most lucky deliverance. And my mistress wisheth 
^^ no less, giving your highness most humble thanks 
** for her commendations. Writ with very little leir 
^^ sure, this last day of July. 

" Your humble daughter, 
*' Elizabeth.'* 

A new But to proceed to more serious matters. A par- 

^?^*°* liament was summoned to meet the eighth of June. 
If full forty days be necessary for a summons, then 
the writs must have been issued forth the day be- 
fore the late queen's disgrace; so that it was de- 
signed before the justs at Greenwich, and did not 
flow from any thing that then appeared. When 
Journal thc parliament met, the lord chancellor Audley, in 
"* *"' his speech, told them, ** That when the former par- 

1" '-? 


liament was dissolved, the king had no thoughts book 
of summoning a new one so soo^. But for two 

^* reasons he had now called them. The one Was, *^^^* 
^< that he, finding himself subject to so many infirm- 
^^ ities, and considering that he was mortal, (a rare 
^ thought in a prince,) he desired to settle ah ap-< 
^f parent heir to the crown, in case he should die 
^ without children lawfully begotten. The other was, 
^* to repeal an act of the former parliament, concem- 
^'* ing the succession of the crown to the issue of the 
king by queen Anne Boleyn. He desired them 
to reflect on the great troubles and vexation the 
king was involved in by his first unlawful mar- 
riage, and the dangers he was in by his second ; 
which might well have frighted any body from ai 
^/ third marriage. But Anne, and her conspirators, 
being put to death, as they well deserved ; the 
king, at the humble request of the nobility, and 
not out of any carnal concupiscence, was pleas^ to 
** marry again a queen, by whom there were very 
^* probable hopes of his having children : therefore 
^ he recommended to them, to provide ah heir to 
the crown by the king's direction, who, if the 
king died without children lawfully begotten, 
might rule over them. He desired they would 
pray God earnestly, that he would grant the king 
issue of his own body ; and return thanks to al- 
mighty God, that preserved such a king to them 
out of so many imminent dangers, who employed 
all his care and endeavours, that he might keep 
his whole people in quiet, peace, and perfect cha- 
rity, and leave them so to those that should suc- 
*^ ceed him." 

But though this whs the chief cause of cdUng the 

E e 8 








BOOK parliament, it seems the ministers met with great 

difficulties, and therefore spent much time in pre- 

•^^nt P»"*'g men's minds. For tlie bill about the succes- 
»««"i»n' sion to the crown was not brought into the house of 
lords before the thirtieth day of June, that the lord 
chancellor offered it to the house. It went through 
both houses without any opposition. It contained, 
first, " A repeal of the former act of succession, and 
" a confirmation of the two sentences of di%'orce; 
** the issue of both the king's former marriages be- 
" ing declared illegitimate, and for ever extended 
" from claiming the inheritance of the crown, as 
" the king's lawful heirs by lineal descent. The at- 
«« tunder of queen Anne and her complices is con- 
** firmed. Queen Anne is said to have been in- 
" fiamed with pride and carnal desires of her body; 
*' and, having confederated herself with her com- 
" plices, to hare committed divers treasons, to the 
" danger of the king's royal person ; (with other ag- 
" gravating words ;) for which she had justly suffered 
** death, and is now attainted by act of parliament 
" And all things that had been said or done against 
" her, or her daughter, being contrary to an act of 
" parliament then in force, and pardoned ; and the in- 
" heritance of the crown is established on the issue 
" of queen Jane, whether male or female, or the 
" king's issue by any other wife whom he mi^t 
*' marry afterwards. 

" But since it was not fit to declare to whom the 
" succession of the crown belonged after the king's 
" death, lest the person so designed might be thereby 
*' enabled to raise trouble and commotions ; there- 
" fore they, considering the king's wise and excel- 
" lent government, and confiding in the love and af- 


** fection which he bore to his subjects, did give him book 
^' full power to declare the succession to the crown 

^* either by his letters patents under the great seal> ^^^' 
^' or by his last will, ngned with his hand ; and pro- 
^^ mised all faithful obedience to the persons named 
^ by him. And if any^ so designed to succeed iti 
^^ default of others, should endeavour to usurp upon 
^^ those before them, or to exclude them, they are 
<< declared traitors, and were to forfeit all the right 
** they might thereafter claim to the crown. And 
^ if any should maintain the lawfulness of the for- 
^ mer marriages, or that the issue by them was le- 
** gitimate, or refused to swear to the king's issue 
** by queen Jane, they were also declared traitors.'* 

By this act it may appear how absolutely this 
king reigned in England. Many questioned much 
the validity of it ; and (as shall afterwards appear) 
the Scots said, That the succession to the crown was 
not within the parliament's power to determine 
dbout it, but must go by inheritance to their king, 
in default of issue by this king. Yet by this the 
king was enabled to settle the crown on his children, 
whom he had now declared illegitimate, by which 
he brought them more absolutely to depend upon 
himself. He neither made them desperate, nor gave 
them any further right than what they were to de- 
rive purely from his own good pleasure. This did 
also much pacify the emperor, since his kinswoman 
was, though not restored in blood, yet put in a ca- 
pacity to succeed to the crown. 

At this time there came a new proposition from The pope 
Rome, to try if the king would accommodate mat-^^^^^n' 
ters with the pope. Pope Qement the Seventh died ^||^*;*;^"^ 
two years before this, in the year 1584, and cardi-i"«s; 

E e 4 


BOOK nal Funcse succeeded him, called pope Paul the 
- Third. He had before this made one unsuccessful 

1636. attempt upon, the king ; but, upon the beheading of 
the hishop (and declared cardinal) of Rochester, he 
had thundered a most terrible sentence of deposition 
^[ainst the king, and designed to commit the exe- 
cution of it to the emperor : yet now, when queen 
Katharuie and queen Anne, who were the occasioos 
of the rupture, were both out of the way, he 
thought it was a proper conjuncture to try if a re- 
conciliation could be effected. This he proposed to 
nr Gregory Cnssnii, who was no more the king's 
ambassador at Bome, but was still his correspondent 
there. The pope desired he would move the king 
in it, and let him know, that he had ever favoured 
his cause in the former pope's time, and though be 
was forced to give out a sentence against him, yet 
he had never any intention to proceed upon it to 
further extremities. 
Sutionia. Qyj- ].),g j^j^g ^^as HOW SO entirely alienated firom 
the court of Rome, that, to cut (^ all b<^>es of re* 
conciliation, he procured two acts to be passed in 
this parliament. The one was for the utter extin- 
guishing the authority of the bishop of Rome. It 
was brought into the house of lords on the fourth d" 
July ; and was read the first time the fifth, and the 
second time on. the sixth of July, and lay at the 
committee till the twelfth. And on the fourteenth, 
it was sent down to the commons, who, if there he 
no mistake in the Journals, sent it up that same 
day : they certainly made great haste, for the par- 
liament was dissolved within four days. 

** The preamble of this first act contains severe 
" reflections on the bishop of Rome, (whom some 


** called the pope,) who had btig darkened God^ book 
words that it might serve his pomp, glory, arcrice; 

ambitiOD, and tyranny, both upon the soids, bodies; ^^^^ 
and goods of all Christians ; excluding Christ out 
** of the rule of man's soul, and princes out of their 
^'dominions: and had exacted in England great 
'< sums, by dreams, and vanities, and other super- 
^ stitious ways. Upon these reasons his usurpations 
^* had been by law put down in thb nation ; yet 
<< many of his emissaries were still practising up and 
** down the kingdom, and persuading people to ac« 
*^ knowledge his pretended authority. Therefore 
every person so offending, after the last of July 
next to come, was to incur the pains of a prte-' 
^^ munire ; and all officers, both civil and ecdesias-* 
*' tical, were commanded to make inquiry about such 
^ offences, under several penalties." 

On the twelfth of July a bill was brought in con- 
cerning privileges obtained from the see of Rome, 
and was read the first time : and on the seventeenth 
it was agreed to, and sent down to the commons, 
who sent it up again the next day. It bears, that 
the popes had, during their usurpation, '* granted 
** many, immunities to several bodies and societies 
in England, which upon that grant had been how 
long in use : therefore all these bulls, breves, and 
^^ every thing depending on, or flowing from them, 
" were declared void and of no force. Yet all mar- 
riages celebrated by virtue of them, that were not 
otherwise contrary to the law of Gk)d, were de- 
clared good in law ; and all consecrations of bi- 
shops by virtue of them were confirmed. And for 
^^ the future, all who enjoyed any privil^es by bulls, 
« were to brii^ them into the chancery, or to snch 



** persons as ttie king should appoint for that end. 
_**And the archbishop of Canterbury was lawfully 
f* to grant anew the effects contained in them, which 
** grant was to pass under the great seal, and to be 
" of full force in law." 

This struck at the abbots' rights : but they were 
^lad to bear a diminution of their greatness, so tbt^ 
might save the whole, which now lay at stake* Bf 
the thirteenth act, they corrected an abuse wbaA 
had come in, to evade the force o£a staiate made ill 
the twenty-first year of this king, about the resi- 
dence of all ecclesiastical persons in their Urti^ 
One qualification, that did excuse from Teatdeno^ 
was the staying at the unirersity for t^e competing 
of their studies. Now it was fbund, that 'many dis- 
solute cletgymen went and lived at the 
not for their studies, but to be excused from 
their cures. So it was enacted, that none above the 
age of forty, that were not either heads of houses, 
or public readers, should have any exemption from 
their residence, by virtue of that clause in the for- 
mer act. And those under that age should not hare 
the benefit of it, except they were present at the lec- 
tures, and performed their exercises in the schools. 

By another act, there was provision made against 
the prejudice the king's heirs might receive, before 
they, were of age, by parliaments held in the non- 
age: that whatsoever acts were made before they 
were twenty-four years of age, they might, at any 
time of their lives after that, repeal and annul by 
their letters patents, which should have equal force 
with a repeal by act of parliament. From these acts 
it appears, that the king was absolute master both 
of the affections and fears of his subjects, when, in & 


new parliament called on a sudden, and in a ses-^ book 
sion of six weeks, from the eighth of June to the 

eighteenth of July, acts of this importance were . ^*3^» 
passed without any protest or public opposition. 

But, having now opened the business of the par- The pro- 
liament, as it relates to the state, I must next give the mq^ ^ 
an account of the convocation, which sat at this^^^^^'^°' 
time, and was very busy, as appears by the Journals 
of the house of lords ; in which this is given for a 
reason of many adjournments, because the spiritual 
lords were busy in the convocation. It sat down 
on the ninth of June, according to FuUer's extract ; 
it being the custom of all this reign for that court 
to meet two or three days after the parliament. Hi* 
ther Cromwell came as the king's vicar-general : 
but he was not yet vicegerent. For he sat next the 
archbishop ; but when he had that dignity, he sat 
above him. Nor do I find him styled in any writ- 
ing vicegerent for some time after this ; though the 
lord Herbert says, he was made vicegerent the 
eighteenth of July this year, the same day in which 
the parliament was dissolved. 

Latimer, bishop of Worcester, preached the Latin 
sermon on these words : TTie children of this world 
are wiser in their generation than the children of 
light. He was the most celebrated preacher of that 
time: the simpUcity and plainness of his matter, 
with a serious and fervent action that accompanied 
it, being preferred to more learned and elaborate 
composures. On the twenty-first of June, Cromwell 
moved, that they would confirm the sentence of the 
invalidity of the king's marriage with queen Anne^ 
which was accordingly done by both houses of con- 
vocation* But certainly Fuller was asleep when he 


JOK. wrote, 7%aA te» days he/are tkat, the archbisk&p 
— — had pasted the sentence of divorce, on the day he- 
^** ,fi>re the queen was beheaded. Whereas, if he had 
considered this more fully, he must have seen that 
the queen was put to death a month before this, and 
waa divorced two days before she died. Yet, with 
this animadversion, I must give him my thanks fur 
his pains in copying out of the Journals of convo- 
cation many remarkable things, which had been 
otherwise irrecoverably lost. - . 

On the twenty-third of June the lower honae U 
convocation sent to the upper honae ■ adlectka ot 
many opinions, that were then in the realm ; wIih^ 
as they thought, were abuses and errors wovtiiy of 
special rdbrmation. But they b^an this reprtaea- 
tt. iation with a protestation, " That they intended not 
" to do or speak any thing which mif^t be unide»- 
" sant to the king ; whom they acknowledged their 
" supreme head, and were resolved to obey his com- 
" mands, renouncing the pope's usurped authority, 
" with all his laws and inventions, now extinguished 
" and abolished ; and did addict themselves to al' 
" mighty God and his laws, and unto the king and 
" the laws made within this kingdom." 

There are sixty-seven opinions set down, and are 
either the tenets of the old Lollards, or the new re- 
formers, together with the anabaptists' opinions. 
Besides all which, they complained of many unsa- 
voury and indiscreet expressions, which were either 
feigned on design to disgrace the new preachers, or 
were perhaps the extravagant reflections of some il- 
literate and injudicious persons ; who are apt upon 
all occasions, by their heat and folly, rather to pre- 
judice than advance their party ; and afiect some 


nt jeers, which they think witty, and aire per* book 

irell entertained by some others, who, though 1— 

ure more judicious themselves, yet, imagining '^^^' 
uch jests on the contrary opinions will take 
he people, do give them too much encourage^ 
Many of these jests about confession, pray- 
* saints, holy-water, and the other ceremonies 
I church, were complained of* And the last 
s contained sharp reflections on some of the 
«, as if they had been wanting in their duty 
^press such things. This was clearly levelled 
tnmer, Latimer, and Shaxton, who were noted 
great promoters of these opinions. The first 
prudently and solidly: the second zealously 
imply: and the third with much indiscreet 
and vanity. But now that the queen was 
who had either raised or supported them, 
enemies hoped to have advantages against 
and to lay the growth of these opinions to 
charge. But this whole project failed, and 
tier had as much of the king's favour as ever ; 
istead of that which they had projected, Crom* 
by the king's order, coming to the convocation, 
ed to them, that it was the king's pleasure 
he rites and ceremonies of the church should 
formed by the rules of scripture, and that no- 
was to be maintained which did not rest on 
tuthority ; for it was absurd, since that was ac- 
ledged to contain the laws of religion, that re- 
3 should rather be had to glosses, or the de- 
of popes, than to these. There was at that 
one Alexander Alesse, a Scotchman, much es- 
d for his learning and piety, whom Cranmer 
rained at Lambeth. Him Cromwell brought 


9K mth him to the convocation, and desired him to 6t- 

1 liver his opinion about the sacratnents. He en- 

'^^ laired himself much to convince them, that onlj 
1 haptiflD and the Lord's supper were instituted hj 

Stokesl^f bisliop of London, answered him m a 
long discourse, in which he showed he was hetur 
acquainted with the learning of the schools, aD<! 
the canon law, than with the gospel : he was se- 
conded by the archbishop of York, and others of that 

But Cranmer, in a long and learned speech, 
showed how useless these niceties of the schoob 
were, and of how little authority they ought to be; 
and discoursed largely of the authority of the scrip- 
tures, of the use of the sacraments, of the uncer- 
tainty of tradition, and of the corruption which the 
monks and friars had t>rought into the Christian 
doctrine. He was vigorously seconded by the bi- 
shop of Hereford, who told them, the .worid would 
be no longer deceived with such sophisticated stuff as 
the clei^ had formerly vented : the laity were now 
in all nations studying tiie scriptures, and that not 
only in the vulgar translations, hut in the original 
tongues ; and therefore it was a vain imagination to 
think they would he any longer governed by those 
arts, which in the former ages of ignorance had been 
BO effectual. Not many days atler this, there were 
several articles brought into the upper house of con- 
vocation, devised by the king himself, about which 
there were great debates among them ; the two arch- 
bishops heading two parties : Cranmer was for a re- 
formation, and with him joined Thomas Goodrich, bi- 
shop of Ely, Shaxton of Sarum, Latimer of Worces- 


ter> Fox of Hereford, Hilsey c^Rochester^ and Bar^ BOOic 
low of St. David's. . 

But Lee, ^chbishop of York, was a known ia- * * 
Tourer of the pope's interests : which as it first ap^ 
peared in his scrupling so much, with the whole con-. 
Tocation of York, the acknowledging the king to be 
supreme head of the church of England ; so he had 
since discovered it on all occasions, in which he 
durst do it without the fear of losing the king's fa-« 
your : so he, and Stokesley, bishop of London, Ton- 
stall of Duresm, Grardiner of Winchester, Longland 
of Lincoln, Sherburh of Chichester, Nix of Norwich, 
and Kite of Carlisle, had been still against all 
chimges. But the king discovered, that those did 
in their hearts love the papal authority, though Gar- 
diner dissemUed it most artificially. Sherbum, bi- 
shop of Chichester, upon what inducement I cannot 
understand, resigned his bishopric, which was given 
to Richard Sampson^ dean of the chapel ; a pension 
of 400/. being reserved to Sherbum for his life, 
which was confirmed by an act of this parliament. 
Nix of Norwich had also ofiended the king signally, 
by some correspondence with Rome, and was kept 
long in the Marshalsea, and was convicted and found 
in a praemunire: the king, considering his great 
age, .had upon his humble submission dischai^ed 
him out of prison, and pardoned him. But he died 
the former year, though Fuller, in his slight way, , 
makes him sit in this convocation ; for by the seven- 
teenth act of the last parliament, it appears that the Act 17. 
bishopric of Norwich being vacant, the king had re-* ^^' 
commended William Abbot of St. Bennet's to it ; 
but took into his own hands all the lands and ma- 
pors of the bishopric, and gave the bishop several 


BOOK of the priories in Norfolk in exdiange, which «'35 

. '. — confirmed in parliament. 

153C. I gjigii ngjjj gj^.g g short abstract of the articles 

about religion, which were, after much consultation 

and long debating, agreed to. 

«iciM " Fii-st, All bishops and preachers must instruct 

ontreii- " the tJCoplc to believe the whole Bible and the 

"5 Fni'" " t'lree Creeds ; that made hy the Apostles, the Ni- 

'■ " cene, and the Athanasian ; and interpret all things 

" according to them, and in the very same words, 

*" and condemn all heresies contrary to them, parti- 

" cularly those condemned by the first four general 

" councils. 

" Secondly, of baptism. The people must be in- 
" structed, that it is a sacrament instituted by Christ 
" for the remission of sins, without which none coiild 
" attain everlasting life : and that, not only those of 
" full age, but infants, may and must be baptized 
" for the pardon of original sin, and obtaining the 
" gift of the Holy Ghost, byi which they became tlie 
" sons of Grod. That none baptized ought to be 
** baptized again. That the opinions of the Ana- 
" liaptists and Pelagians were detestable heresin 
*' and that those of ripe age, who desired baptisin, 
'* must with it join repentance and contritioD 'fiir 
" their sins, with a firm belief of the articles trf the 
" faith. 

" Thirdly, concerning penance. They were to 
" instruct the people, that it was instituted by Christ, 
" and was absolutely necessary to salvation. That 
" it consisted of contrition, confession, end amend* 
" ment of life ; with exterior works of charity, whkb 
*' were the worthy fruits of penance. For contri* 
" tion, it was an inward shame and sorrow fi»- sin, 




^ became it is an cfience to Ood, which prorokes book 
** his displeasure. To this must be Joined a faith of ^^ 


the mercj and goodness of God, Whereby the pe- ^^^* 
nitent must hope, that God will forgive him, and 
repute him justified, and of the number of his elect 
^ children, not for the worthiness of any merit or 
^ work done by him, but for the only merits of 
^ the blood and passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ. 
^ That this faith is got and confirmed by the appli<- 
I f' cation of the promises of the gospel, and the use 
I '^ of the sacraments : and for that end, confesaion to » 
^^ a priest is necessary, if it may be had, whose ab- 
** solution was instituted by Christ, to apply the 
^ promises of Gh>d's grace to the penitent ; therdEbre 
^ the people were to be taught, that the absolution 
^' is spdLen by an authority given by Christ in the 
^ gospel to the priest, and must be believed, as if it 
^ were spoken by God himself, acccmling- to our Sa- 
*^ viour's words ; and therefore none were to con« 
'< demn auricular confession, but use it for the com* 
** fort of their consciences. The peo^de were also to 
be instructed, that though God pardoned sin only 
for the satisfiEtction of Christ ; yet they must bring 
^ forth the iruits of penance, prayer, fasting, alms^ 
^ deeds, with restitotion and satis&ction for wrongs 
^ done to others, with other wcnrks of mercy and 
charity, and obedience to God's commandments, 
else they could not be saved ; and that, by doing 
** these, they should both obtain everlasting life, and 
mitigation of their aflOictions in this present life, 
according to the scriptures. 
*< Fourthly, as touching the sactament of the altar, 
<< people were to be instructed, that under the forms 
<« of bread and wine, there was truly and substan- 
VOL. I. F f 


HOOK « tiaUy gi^en the very same body of Clnrfat thtt was 

! — ^ bom of the Virgin Mary ; and therefiire it wat to 

1536. u (^ received with aU reverence, every one dnly ex- 
^ amining himself, according to the words of St 
« Paul. 

** Fifthly, the people were to be inatmcted, tint 
<' justification signifieth the remission of ains^ and 
^* acceptation into the favour of Ood; that is to 817, 
'* a perfect renovation in Christ. To the attainiif 
^ which, they were to have contritioo^ fiuih» cfavitf, 
^ which were both to concur in it, and fiiOow it; 
^ and that the good works necessary to salvation 
^ were not only outward dvil works, but the inward 
^ motions and graces of God's holy l^pirit» to dread, 
*^ fear, and love him, to have firm confidence in God^ 
^^ to call upon him, and to have patience in aU ad- 
^ versities, to hate sin, and have purposes and wiDs 
** not to sin again ; with such other motions and 
** virtues, consenting and agreeable to the law of 

" The other articles were about the ceremonies of 
^ the church. First, of images. The people were 
to be instructed, that the use of them was war- 
ranted by the scriptures, and that they served to 
represent to them good examples, and to stir up 
•• devotion ; and therefore it was meet that they 
" should stand in the churches. But, that the people 
might not fall into such superstition as it was 
thought they had done in time past, they were to 
be taught to reform such abuses, lest iddatrj 
might ensue ; and that in censing, kneeling, oflfer- 
ing, or worshipping them, the people were to be 
^ instructed not to do it to the image, but to God 
*^ and his honour. 




' ^ Secondly, for the honouring of saints. They book 
^ were not to think to attain these things at their '"' 

^ hands, which were only obtained of God ; but '^^^* 
that they were to honour them as persons now in 
glory, to praise God for them, and imitate their 
.^ Tirtues, and not fear to die for the truth, as many 
f* of them had done. 

. " Thirdly, for prajing to saints. The people 
^ were to be tau^t, that it was good to pray to 
f* them, to pray for and with us. And, to correct 
f* all superstitious abuses in this matter, they were 
*Vto keep the days appointed by the church for 
f* their memories, unless the king should lessen the 
^ number of them, which if he did, it was to be 
^ obeyed. 

•* Fourthly, of ceremonies. The people were to 
^ be taught, that they were not to be condemned 
^ and cast away, but to be kept as good and laudable, 
^ having mystical significations in them, and being 
f* useftd to lift up our minds to God. Such were, 
^ the vestments in the worship of Grod ; the sprink- 
f* ling holy water, to put us in mind of our baptism 
f^ and the blood of Christ ; giving holy bread, in sign 
^ of our union in Christ, and to remember us of the 
^ sacrament ; bearing candles on Candlemas-day, in 
*^ remembrance that Christ was the spiritual light ; 
giving ashes on Ash-Wednesday, to put us in mind 
of penance and of our mortality ; bearing palms 
^< on Palm-8unday, to show our desire to receive 
f^ Christ in out hearts, as he entered into Jerusalem ; 
•* creeping to the cross on Good-Friday, and kissing 
** it in memory of his death, with the setting up the 
f^ sepulchre on that day ; the hallowing the font, 
f* and other exorcisms and benedictions. 



»O0K " And lastly, as to purgatory, they were to declare 

" It good and charitable to pray for the souls de- 

IMq. i< parted, which was said to have continued in the 
" church from the beginning ; and therefore tlie 
" people were to be instructed, that it consisted well 
" with the due order of charity to pray for tbein, 
" and to make others pray for them, in masses and 
" exefjuies, and to give alms to them for that end. 
" But since the place they were in, and the pains 
" they suffered, were uncertain by the scripture, we 
" ought to remit them wholly to God's mercy: 
" therefore all these abuses were to be put away, 
" which, under the pretence of purgatory, had been 
*' advanced, as if the {wpe's pardons did deliver sou); 
" out of it, or masses said in certain places, or before 
" certain images, had such efficiency ; with other 
" such-like abuses." ' 

These articles, being thus conceived, and in sere- 

ral places corrected and tempered by the king's own 

hand, were signed by Cromwell and the archbishop 

of Canterbury, and seventeen other bishops, forty 

abbots and priors, and fifty archdeacons and proctors 

of the lower bouse of convocation. Among whom, 

Pdydore Vii^ and Peter Vaanes signed with tte 

sm AjUtn- rest ; aa appears by the originid yet extant. Hi^ 

pubiuiMd ^°K tendered to the king, he confirmed them, md 

ud^* ordered them to be published with a pre&ce m bk 

tbority; name. " It is said in the preface, that be^ acooiat 

** ing it the chief part of his charge that the ward 

'* and oommandments of God should be bdiered and 

" observed, and to maintain unity and oonoonl in 

** opinion; and understanding, to hia great ngret^ 

" that there was great diversity of opinion anaoi 

" among his subjects, both about articles (^ ftuth 


^ and oereniomes, had in his own person taken great booij 

^ pains and study about these things, and had or- L 

^ dered also the bishops, and other learned men of '^^^' 
^ the cteigy, to examine them ; who, after long de- 
^ liberation, had concluded on the most special 
^ points, which the king thought proceeded firom a 
^ good, right, and true judgment^ according to the 
^ laws of God ; these would also be profitable fw 
^ estaUishing unity in the church of England : 
^ therefore he had ordered them to be published, re- 
^ quiring all to accept i£ them, praying Grod so to 
^ illuminate their hearts, that they might have no 
^ less zeal and love to unity and concord in reading 
^ them, than he had in making them to be devised, 
^ set forth, and published ; which good acceptance 
^ should encourage him to take iurther pains for 
^ the future, as should be most for the honour of 
^^ God, and the profit and the quietness of his sub^ 
** jects.** 

This being published, occasioned great variety of And vnn. 
cpnsures. Those that desired reformation were glad g^d.^"' 
to see so great a step once made, and did not doubt 
but this would make way for further changes. They 
rtgoiced to see the scriptures and the ancient creeds 
made the standards of the faith, without mentioning 
tradition or the decrees of the church. Then the 
foundation of Christian faith was truly stated, and 
the terms of the covenant between God and man in 
Christ were rightly opened, without the niceties of 
the schools of either side. Immediate worship of 
images and saints was also removed, and purgatory 
was declared uncertain by the scripture. These 
were great advantages to them ; but the establishing 
t(ie necessity ^ auricular confession, the corporal 




tooK presence Sn the sacrament, the keeping up and daof^ 
reverence to images, and the praying to aaintiidid 
allay their joy ; yet they still counted it a Tidtoiy td 
have things brought under debate, and to have sone 
grosser abuses taken away. 

The other party were unsfpeakaUy troubled. Foirf 
sacraments were passed over, which would enocraiagi 
ill-affected people to neglect them. The gainfol 
trade by the belief of purgatory was put down ; §Bi 
though it was said to be good to give alma fior pr^^^ 
ing for the dead, yet since both the dreadlbl stories 
of the miseries of purgatory, and the certainty of re^ 
deeming souls out of them by masses, were made 
doubtful, the people^s charity and bounty that way 
would soon abate. And, in a word, the faringiiig 
matters under dispute was a great mortification to 
them ; for all concluded, that this was but a pnttOh 
ble to what they might expect afterwards. 

When these things were seen beyond sea, the pa* 
pal party made every where great use of it, to show 
the necessity of adhering to the pope ; since the king 
of England, though, when he broke off from his obe- 
dience to the apostolic see, he pretended he would 
maintain the catholic faith entire, yet was now mak- 
ing great changes in it. But others, that were more 
moderate, acknowledged that there was great tem- 
per and prudence in contriving these articles. And 
it seems the emperor, and the more learned divines 
about him, both approved of the precedent, and liked 
the particulars so well, that, not many years after, 
the emperor published a work not unlike this, called 
The Interim ; because it was to be in force in that 
interim, till all things were more fully debated and 
determined by a. general council, which in many 


particulars agreed with these articles. Yetsomcf book 

itricter persons censured this work much^ as being a 1— . 

[political daulnng, in which^ they stdd, there was ^^^^* 
nore pains taken to gratify persons, and senre par^ 
dcular ends, than to assert truth in a free and un- 
Inassed way, such as became divines* He was again 
excused ; and it was said, that all things could not 
be attained on a sudden : that some of the bishops 
md divines, who afterwards arrived at a clearer un« 
lerstanding of some matters, were not then so fully 
ixmvinced about them ; and so it was their ignorance^ 
md not their cowardice or policy, that made them 
compliant in some things. Besides, it was said, that 
te oiir Saviour did not reveal all things to his disd-^ 
pies till they were aUe to bear them; and as the 
Eipostles did not of a sudden abolish all the rites of 
Judaism, but for some time, to gain the Jews, com* 
plied with them, and went to the temple, and offered 
sacrifices ; so the people were not to be over-driven 
in this change. The clergy must be brought out of 
their ignorance by d^rees, and then the people were 
to be better instructed : but to drive furiously, and 
ilo all at once, might have spoiled the whole design^ 
and totally alienated those who were to be drawn on 
by degrees; it might have also much endangered 
the peace of the nation, the people being much dis- 
posed, by the practices of the friars^ to rise in arms : 
therefore these slow steps were thought the surer 
and better method. 

On the last day of the convocation, there was an- The conro. 
Dther writing brought in by Fox, bishop of Hereford, ci J^" 
occasioned by the summcms for a general council to ^^ *^' 
»it at Mantua, to which the pope had cited the kitig^^^' 
ta appear. The king had made his appeal from the 




BOOK pope td a general oouncfl ; but then vm bo 

1— to expect any justioe in an anemfaljF ao coostitatod 

'^^- as this wa8 like to be. Therefore it WM Aongfak ft 
to publith eoniewhat pf the leaioaa wlij ih« Idag 
eoiild not sabmit his matter to the deciski of socfa 
a Goundlt as was then intended. And it wn* iMfed, 
that the convocation should give their seme of it 
The substance of their answer (which the 

Collect, will find in the Collection) was, ''That aa nMhiag 
^ was better instituted I^ the ancient fiiUciij fe 
'' the establishment of the faith, the extirpation sf 
** heresies, the healing of schisms, and the ointj sf 
^ the Christian church, than general ca u n c i h gih 
^ thered in the Holy Ghost, duly called to aa inlSt 
^ ftrent place, with other necessary requadtes ; so^ 
'^ on the other hand, nothing could prodaoe mm 
'' pestiferous effects, than a general council called 
^ upon private malice, or ambition, or other camal 
** respects : which Ghr^ory Nazianzen so well ob- 
** served in his time, that he thought all assemUiei 
'' of bishops were to be eschewed; for he never sas 
** good some of any qfthem, and they had enereased^ 
** rather than healed^ the distempers qftke ehurdk. 
^ For the appetite qf tain-glory , and a coaloi* 
'< iious humour^ bore down reason ; therefixre they 
<' thought Christian princes ought to employ all 
*< their endeavours to prevent so great a miachied 
'^ And it was to be considered, first. Who had au- 
thority to call one. Secondly, If the reascms for 
calling one were weighty. Thirdly, Who should 
'' be the judges. Fourthly, What should be the man- 
*^ ner of proceeding. Fifthly, What things should 
'^ be treated of in it. And as to the first of these, 
** they thought neither the pope, nor any one prince^ 


^ of irfiat dignity sdever, had authorily to ball one, book 
^ -without the consent of all other CSuriskian princes, 


^ eqiedallj such as had entire and supreme govcrn- 
^ ment over aU their subjects.'' This was signed, 
on the twentieth of July, by Cromwell, and the 
archbidiop of Canterbury, with fourteen bishops, and 
finty abbots, priors, and clerks of the convocation of 
Omterbury. Whether this and the former articles 
were also signed by the convocation of the province 
of York, does not appear by any record ; but that I 
think is not to be doubted. This being obtained. The uog 
the king published a long and sharp protestation hu i««o!is 
against the council now summoned to Mantua. In ^^^ '^' 
which he shows, that the pope had no power to call 
one ; ^ For as it was done by the emperors of old ; 
^^ so it pertained to Christian princes now. That Fox. 
^* the pope had no jurisdiction in England, and so 
^ could summon none of this nation to come to any 
^ such meeting. That the place was neither safb 
^ nor proper. That nothing could be done in a 
^ council to any purpose, if the pope sat judge in 
^ chief in it ; since one of the true ends, why a 
** council was to be desired, was to reduce his power 
f* within its old limits. A free general council was 
^ that which he much desired ; but he was sure this 
** could not be such : and the present distractions of 
^ Christendom, and the wars between the emperor 
** and the French king, showed this was no proper 
^^ time for one. The pope, who had long refused or 
ddayed to call one, did now choose this conjunc- 
ture of affairs, knowing that few would come to 
(^ it ; and so they might carry things as they pleased. 
^ But the world was now awake ; the scriptmres 
f^ were again in men's hapds, and peofde would not 


BOOK ^ be 80 tamely cozened as thqr had been. Ttim hH 

L. ^ shows how unsafe it was for any Bngliahmm to 

ISS6. «( go to Mantua ; how little regard was to be had to 
« the pope's safe-conduct, they having so oft faiokeii 
^ their oaths and promises. * He also shows how 
^ little reason he had to trust, himself to the pope^ 
^* how kind he had been to that see fomieilyr md 
how basely they had requited it : and that now. 
these three years past, they had been stiniiig 
** up all Christian princes against him» and using aD 
^* possible means to create him trouUe. Tlierefne 
** he dedaredy he would not go to any council caDsd 
** by the bishop of Rome ; but when there was a 
^ general peace among Christian princes, he would 
^^ most gladly hearken to the motion of a true gene* 
*^ tel council : and the mean while, he would pse* 
** serve all the articles of the faith in his fcriii|p|^^ 
*^ and sooner lose his life and his crown, than suffer 
<< any of them to be put down. And so he protested 
** against any council to be held at Mantua, or any 
^* where else, by the bishop of Rome's authority: 
*^ that he would not acknowledge it, nor receive any 
** of their decrees." 
iTdinai At this time Reginald Pool, who was of the royal 
Met the blood, being by his mother descended from the duke 
^1^7 of Clarence, brother to king Edward the Fourth, 
and in the same degree of kindred with the king by 
his father's side, was in great esteem for his learning, 
and other excellent virtues. It seems the king had 
determined to breed him up to the greatest dignity 
in the church ; and to make him as eminent in learn- 
ing, and other acquired parts, as he was for quality, 
and a natural sweetness and nobleness of temper. 
Therefore the king had given him the deanery of 



Exeter/ with several other digoities^ towards his Booic 
maintenance beyond sea; and sent him to PiEuis, 

where he stayed several years. There he first in- *^^ 
curred the king's displeasure : for, being desired by 
him to concur with his- agents in procuring the sub* 
scriptions and seals of the French universities, he 
excused himself; yet it was in such terms, that he 
did not openly declare himself against the king. 
After that, he came over to England, and (as he 
writes himself) was present when the clergy made 
their submission, and acknowledged the king su- 
{ureme head : in which, since he was then dean of 
Exeter, and kept his deanery several years after 
that, it is not to be doubted, but that, as he was by 
his idace obliged to sit in the convocation, so he con- 
curred with the rest in making that submission. 
From thence he went to Padua, where he lived 
long, and was received into the friendship and so- 
ciety of some celebrated persons, who gave them- 
selves much to the study of eloquence, and of the 
Roman authors. These were Centareno, Bembo, 
Caraffa, Sadoletti, irith a great many more, that be- 
came afterwards well known over the world: but 
all those gave Pool the preeminence; and that 
justly tooy for he was accounted one of the most elo- 
quent men of his time. 

The king (called him oft home to assist him in his 
affairs, but he still declined it: at length, finding 
delays could prevail no Icmger, he wrote the king 
word, that he did not approve of what he had done, 
neither in the matter of his divorce, nor his separa- 
tion from the apostolic see. To this the king an- 
swered, desiring his reasons why he disagreed from 
him, and sent him over a book which doctor Samp- 


c BOD had writ in defence of the proooedii^ in Bq^ Upon which he wrote hii book De Unitate 
:^ Ecclesiastica, and sent it over to the king ; and aoon 
after printed it this year. In which book he con* 
demned the king's actions, and praned hnn to re- 
turn to the obedience he owed the lee of ILomft, 
with many sharp reflections; but the book was man 
considered for the author, and the wit and eloquence 
of it, than for any great learning, or deep reasoning 
in it He did also very much depress the rojal, aad 
exalt the papal authority : he compared the king to 
Nebuchadonosor, and addressed himself in the con* 
dusion to the emperor, whom he ponjuved to tun 
his arms rather against the king than die Turk. Aod 
indeed the indecencies of his expressions against the 
king, not to mention the scurrilous language hebe- 
stows on Sampson, whose book he undertakea to an> 
swer, are such, that it appears how mudi the Itafiaa 
air had changed him; and that his convarse at 
Padua had for some time defaced that generous 
temper of mind, which was otherwise so natural to 

Upon this, the king desired him at flrst to come 
over, and explain some passages in his bo<4L: but 
when he could not thus draw him into his toils, be 
proceeded severely against him, and divested him of 
all his dignities ; but these were plentifiilly made up 
to him by the pope's bounty, and the emperor's. 
He was afterwards rewarded with a cardinal's hat, 
but he did not rise above the degree o£ a deacon. 
Some believe, that the spring of this (^position be 
made to the king, was a secret affection he had for 
the lady Mary. The publishing of this book made 
the king set the bishops on work to write vindica- 


tkNi8 of bis actkms ; which Stokedey and Toattai boos 
did in a bng atid karned letter that thef wrote to 

Pool And Gardiner pufaUflfaed his book of True ^^^^ J{^^, 
CM)edience ; to which Bonnen who was liot on the ^^ "'^'^^^ 

' for the 

scent of preferment) added a preface. Bui the Ipng king. 
designed sharper tods for Pool's punishment; jet 
an attainder in absence was all he could do against ~ 
himself. But his family and kindred felt the weight 
of the king's displeasure rerj sensiUj. 

But now I must give an account ci the dissolu- 
tion of the monasteries, pursuant to the act of parlia- 
ment, though r cannot fix the exact time in which 
it was done. I ha?e seen the original instructions, 
with the commission gimen to those who m^ite to 
visit the monasteries in ted dbout Bristol. All the 
reat were of the same kind: they bare date the 
twenty-e^hth of April, after the session oi parlia- 
ment was over ; and the report was to be made in 
the octaves of 8t. Michael the archangel. But I am 
inclined to think, that the great concussion and dis^ 
order things were in by the queai's death, made 
the commissioners unwilling to proceed in so invi- 
dious a matter till they saw the issue of the new 
parliament. Therefore I have delayed giving any 
account of the proceedings in that matter till this 
place. The instructions will be found in the Col- 
lection. The substance of them was as follows. 

^ The auditors of the court of augmentaJtaons were coiiect. 
^* the persons that were employed* Foui^, or any iDitroc- ' 
^< three of them, were commissioned to execute ^e f^e°!iu^i!f. 
•* instructions in every particular visitation. One^*^"^^^^^ 
'^ auditor or receiver, and one of the derks of the ^^' 
^' Former visitation, were to call for three discreet 
^^ persons in the county, who were also named by 


^ the tdi^. Thqr were to ngoify to everj house 
^ the statute of dissolutioOy and shoir than their 
^ oommiarion. Then they were to put the goveni- 
or, or any other officer of the houae^ to dedare 
upon oath the true state of it; and to require him 
^ speedily to appear before the court of augmenta- 
** tions, and in the mean time not to meddle with 
^ any thing belonging to the house. Then to ex* 
^ amine how many religious persona were in the 
^* house, and what lives they led ; how many of them 
'< were priests ; how many of than woidd go to 
^ other religious houses ; and how many of them 
^ would take capacities, and go into the world. 
^* They were to estimate the state and fiEdnric of the 
^ house, and the number oi the servants they kqpt; 
^ and to caU for the covent-aeal, and writingSt nd 
^ put them in some sure place, and take an inven* 
** tory of all their plate, and their moveable goodly 
** and to know the value of all that, before the first 
^^ of March last, belonged to the house, and what 
" debts they owed. They were to put the covent- 
^' seal, with the jewels and plate, in safe keeping, 
^* and to leave the rest (an inventory being first 
** taken) in the governors' hands, to be kept by them 
** till further order. And the governors were to 
<< meddle with none of the rents of the house, except 
'* for necessary sustenance, till they were another way 
<^ disposed of. They were to try what leases and 
** deeds had been made for a whole year, before the 
^^ fourth of February last. Such as would still live in 
** monasteries were to be recommended to some of 
** the great monasteries that lay next : and such as 
*^ would live in the world must confie to the archbi- 
'^ shop of Canterbury, or the lord chancellor, to re- 

-»- -- ■ 



'* ceive capacities.'' (From which it appears, that book 
Cromwell was not at this time lord vicegerent, for he 

granted these capacities when he was in that power.) 1^^* 
^> And the commissioners were to give them a rea^ 
f* sonable allowance for their journey, according to 
*^ the distance they lived at. The governor was to 
*^ be sent to the court of augmentations, who were 
^ to assign him a yearly pension for his life.'' 

What report those commissioners made, or how 
they obeyed their instructions, we know not; for 
the account of it is razed out of the records. The 
writers that lived near that time represent the mat* 
ter very odiously, and say, about ten thousand per- 
sons were set to seek for their livings ; only forty 
shillings in money, and a crown, being given to 
every religious man. The rents of them all rose to 
about thirty-two thousand pounds : and the goods, 
plate, jewels, and other moveables, were valued at an 
hundred thousand pound : and it is generally said, 
and not improbably, that the commissioners were as 
careful to enrich themselves, as to increase the king's 
revenue. The churches and cloisters were for the 
most part pulled down ; and the lead, bells, and 
other materials, were sold; and this must needs 
have raised great discontents every where. 

Th6 religious persons that were undone went^"»*^"»- 

^ , , * contents 

about complaining of the sacrilege and injustice of among aii 
the suppression ; that what the piety of their an- people. 
cestors had dedicated to God and his saints, was now 
invaded and converted to secular ends. They said, 
the king's severity fell first upon some particular per- 
sons of their orders, who were found delinquents ; 
but now, upon the pretended miscarriages of some 
individual persons, to proceed against their houses. 


looK ftnd fluppren them, was an utikeidcd^ pcaolice. 
*"* The nobflity aad gentry, vhofle anoeitan had fisud* 

1M6. ed or enriched these houses, and who pnnded ftr 
their younger children, or imporefkhed frSfndt^ by 
' putting them into these sanctuaries, complained 
much of the prejudice they sustained by it. The 
people, that had been well entertained at the abbotf 
tables, were sensible of their loss; tat generally, m 
they travelled over the country, the abbeys were 
their stages, and were houses of receptum to travd- 
krs and steangers. The devouter sort of. people sf 
their persuasion thought their fiiends must now lie 
in purgatory without rdief, except they were.afc (he 
chai^ to keep a priest, who should daily aay na« 
for their souls. The poor, that fed on their dsl^ 
alms, were deprived of that supply. 

^ft^i^rmsn But, to composc thcsc discoutents, firsts mai^ 

let tbeM. books wcrc published, to show what dimes, chesty 
and impostures those religious persons were guiltf 
of. Yet that wrought not much on the people ; fiv 
they said, why were not these abuses severely pu- 
nished and reformed ? But must whole houses, and 
the succeeding generations, be punished for the faults 
of a few? Most of these reports were also denied; 
and even those^ who before envied the ease and 
plenty in which the abbots and monks lived, began 
now to pity them, and condemned the proceedii^ 
against them. But, to allay this general discontent, 
Cromwell advised the king to sell their lands, at 
very easy rates, to the gentry in the several countieSi 
obliging them, since they had them upon such terms, 
to keep up the wonted hospitality. This drew in 
the gentry apace both to be satisfied with what was 
done, and to assist the crown for ever in the defence 


of these laws; their own interest being so inter- book 

woven with the rights of the crown. The com- 1— 

moner sort, who, Uke those of old that followed ^^^^* 
Christ for the loaves, were most concerned for the 
loss of a good dinner on a holyday, or when they 
went over the country about their business, were 
now also in a great measure satisfied, when they 
heard that all, to whom these lands werp given, , 
were obliged, under heavy forfeitures, to keep up 
the hospitality; and when they saw that put in 
practice, their discontent, which lay chiefly in their 

And, to quiet other people, who could not be sa- 
tisfied with such things, the king made use of a clause 
in the act that gave him the lesser monasteries, 
which empowered him to continue such as he should 
think fit. Therefore, on the seventeenth of Au- 
gust, he by his letters patents did of new give back, 
in perpetuam eleemosynam^ for perpetual alms, five 
abbeys. The first of these was the abbey of St. 
Mary of Betlesden, of the Cistercian order, in Buck- 
inghamshire. Ten more were afterwards confirmed. Collect. 
Sixteen nunneries were also confirmed ; in all thirty- sect. 2. 
one houses. The patents (in most of which some 
manors are excepted, that had been otherwise dis- 
posed of) are all enrolled, and yet none of our writ- 
ers have taken any notice of this. It seems these 
houses had been more regular than the rest: so 
that, in a general calamity, they were rather re- 
prieved than excepted ; for two years after this, in 
the suppression of the rest of the monasteries, they 
feU under the common fate of other houses. By 
these new endowments they were obliged to pay 
tenths and first-fruits, and to obey all the statutes 

VOL. 1. G g 


BOOK and rules that should be sent to them from the kiiur, 

— '- — as supreme head of the church. But it is not mi- 

1536. jjj^g^ ^i^^^ some presents to the commissioners, or to 
Cromwell, made these houses outlive this ruin ; for 
I find great trading in bribes at this time, which is 
not to be wondered at, when there was so much to 
be shared. 
!t people But great disorders followed upon the dissolution 
dine to of the other houses. People were still generally 
discontented. The suppression of religious houses 
occasioned much outoying, and the articles theo 
lately published about religion increased the distaste 
they had conceived at the government. The old 
clergy were also very watchful to improve all oppor* 
tunities, and to blow upon every spark. And the 
pope's power of deposing kings had been for almost 
five hundred years received as an article of fidtAu 
The same council that established transubstantiatioB 
had asserted it; and there were many precedents, 
not only in Germany, France, Spain, and Italy, but 
also in England, of kings that were deposed by 
popes, whose dominions were given to other princes. 
This had begun in the eighth century, in two fa- 
mous deprivations. The one in France, of Chil- 
deric the Third, who was deprived, and the crown 
given to Pepin : and, about the same time, those 
dominions in Italy, which were under the east- 
em emperors, renounced their allegiance to them. 
In both these the popes had a great hand; yet 
they rather confirmed and approved of those trea* 
sonable mutations, than gave the first rise to them. 
But after pope Gregory the Seventh's time^ it was 
clearly assumed as a right and prerogative of th6 
papal crown to depose princes, and absolve sub- 


jects from the oaths of allegiance, and set up others book 
in their stead. And all those emperors or kings. 

that contested anj thing with popes, sat very uneasy ^^^^* 
and unsafe in their thrones ever after that. But if 
they were tractable to the demands of the court of 
Rome, then they might oppress their subjects, and 
govern as unjustly as they pleased ; for they had a 
mighty support from that court. This made princes 
more easily bear the pope's usurpations, because they 
were assisted by them in all their other proceedings. 
And the friars, having the consciences of people ge- 
nerally ip their hands, as they had the word given 
by their general at Rome, so they disposed people 
either to be obedient or seditious, as they pleased. 

Now, not only their own interests, mixed with 
their zeal for the ancient religion, but the pope's au- 
thority, gave them as good a warrant to incline the 
peofde to rebel, as any had in former times, of whom 
some were canonized for the like practices. For in 
August the former year, the pope had summoned 
the king to appear within ninety days, and to an- 
swer for putting away his queen, and taking another 
wife; and for the laws he had made against the 
church, and putting the bishop of Rochester and 
others to death, for not obeying these laws : and if 
he did not reform these faults, or did not appear to 
answer for them, the pope excommunicated him, 
and all that favoured him ; deprived the king, put 
the kingdom under an interdict, forbade all his sub- 
..Jects to obey, and other states to hold commerce 
^with Min; dissolved all his leagues with foreign 
princes, commanded all the clergy to depart out of 
England, and his nobility to rise in arms against 
llkn. But now, the force of those thunders, which 



BOOK had formerly produced great earthquake and oom^ 
motions, was mtich abated : yet some storms were 

^^^^' raised by this, (hough not so violent as had been in 
former times, 
rbe king's The people were quiet till they had reaped their 
lUa^ re^ harvest : and though some injunctions were pub- 
^'^°' Kshed a little before, to help it the better forward, 
most of the holydays of harvest being abolished bjr 
the king's authority, yet that rather inflamed them 
the more. Other injunctions were also published in 
the king's name by Cromwell, his vicegerent, which 
was the first act of pure supremacy done by the 
king : for in all that went before, he had the concur- 
rence of the two convocations. But these» it is like^ 
were penned by Cranmer. The reader is referred 
to the Collection of Papers for them, as I transcribed 
them out of the Register. 
Collect. << The substance of them was, that, first, all eede^ 
" siastical incumbents were for a quarter' of a year 
" after that, once every Sunday, and ever after that 
" twice every quarter, to publish to the people, that 
" the bishop of Rome's usurped power had no ground 
" in the law of God ; and therefore was on good 
" reasons abolished in this kingdom : and that the 
king's power was by the laws of God supreme over 
all persons in his dominions. And they were to 
do their uttermost endeavour to extirpate the 
pope's authority, and to establish the king's. 

Secondly, They were to declare the articles 
lately published, and agreed to by the convoca* 
tion ; and to make the people know which of them 
were articles of faith, and which of them rules for 
the decent and politic order of the church. 
'* Thirdly, They were to declare the articles lately 

^nmb. 7. 





set forth for the abrogation of some superfluous book 

holydays, particularly in harvest-time. 1- 

" Fourthly, They were no more to extol images ^^^^' 
or relics, for superstition or gain ; nor to exhort 
people to make pilgrimages, as if blessings and 
good things were to be obtained of this or that 
saint or image. But, instead of that, the people 
were to be instructed to apply themselves to the 
keeping of God's commandments, and doing works 

^^ of charity ; and to believe, that God * was better 
served by them when they stayed at home, and pro- 
vided for their families, than when they went pil- 
grimages^ and that the monies laid out on these 
were better given to the poor. 

Fifthly, They were to exhort the people to 

^* teach their children the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, 
and the Ten Commandments in English: and 

^* every incumbent was to explain these, one article 
a day, till the people were instructed in them. 

^' And to take great care that all children were bred 

^* up to some trade or way of living. 

Sixthly, They must take* care that the sacra- 
ments and sacramentals be reverently administered 

^* in their parishes ; from which when at any time 

^* they were absent, they were to commit the cure 
to the learned and expert curate, who might in- 
struct the people in wholesome doctrine ; that they 
might also see their pastors did not pursue their 
own profits or interests so much as the glory of God, 
and the good of the souls under their ciure. 

Seventhly, They should not, except on urgent 
occasion, go to taverns or alehouses ; nor sit. too 
long at any sort of games after their meals, but 
give themselves to the study of the scripture, or 












BOOK «< some other honest exercise; and rememijer that 
<^ they must excel others in purity of life, and be 
1^36. « examples to all others to liire well and chris- 

Eighthly, Because the goods of the chureh were 
the goods of the poor, every beneficed person that 
** had twenty pound or above, and did not reside 
^^ was yearly to distribute the fortieth part of bis 
benefice to the poor of the parish. 
^^ Ninthly, Every incumbent that had a liundred 
pounds a year, must give an exhibition for one 
^* scholar at some grammar-school, or university; 
** who, after he had completed his studies, was to | 
^^ be partner of the cure and charge, both in preadi- 
*^ ing, and other duties: and so many hundred 
pounds as any had, so many students he was to 
breed up. 

Tenthly, Where parsonage or vicarage-houses 

** were in great decay, the incumbent was every 

year to give a fifth part of his profits to the repair- 

*^ ing of them, till they were finished ; and then to 

maintain them in the state they were in. 

Eleventhly, All these injunctions were to be 
observed, under pain of suspension and seques- 
tration of the mean profits till they were ob- 
" served." 
hich These were equally ungrateful to the corrupt 

n7u"d'** clergy, and to the laity that adhered to the old doc- 
trine. The very same opinions about pilgrimages, 
images, and saints departed, and instructing the 
people in the principles of Christian religion in the 
vulgar tongue, for which the Lollards were, not 
long ago, either burnt or forced to abjure them, 
were now set up by the king's authority. From 





whence they concluded, that whatsoever the king book 

said of his maintaining the old doctrine^ yet he was ! 

DOW changing it. The clergy also were much troubled ^^^^' 
at this precedent^ of the king's giving such injunc- 
tions to them, without the consent of the convoca- 
tion: from which they concluded, they were now 
to be slaves to the lord vicegerent. The matter of 
these injunctions was also very uneasy to them. 
The great profits they made by their images and re- 
lics, and the pilgrimages to them, were now taken 
away ; and yet severe impositions and heavy taxes 
were laid on them ; a fifth part for repairs, a tenth 
at least for an exhibitioner, and a fortieth for cha- 
rity, which were cried out on as intolerable burdens. 
Their labour was also increased, and they were 
bound up to many severities of life : all these things 
touched the secular clergy to the quick, and made 
them concur with the regular clergy in disposing 
the people to rebel. 

This was secretly fomented by the great abbots. 
For though they were not yet struck at, yet the 
way was prepared to it ; and their houses were op- 
pressed with crowds of those who were sent to them 
£rom the suppressed houses. There was some pains 
taken to remove their fears : for a letter was sent to 
them all in the king's name, to silence the reports 
that were spread abroad, as if all monasteries were 
to be quite suppressed. This they were required 
not to believe, but to serve God according to their 
order, to obey the king's injunctions, to keep hospi- 
tality, and make no wastes nor dilapidations. Yet 
this gave them small comfort ; and, as all such things 
do, rather increased than quieted their jealousies 
and fears. So many secret causes concurring, no 




BOOK wonder the people fell into mutinous and seditiout 

III. .. 

^f^..^- The first risincr was in Lincolnshire, in the be- 
Liocoio. ginning of October ; where a churchman, disguised 
into a cobbler^ and directed by a monk, drew a great 
body of men after him. About twenty thousand 
were gathered together. They swore to be true to 
Grod, the king, and the commonwealth, and digested 
their grievances into a few articles, which they sent 
to the king, desiring a redress of them. 
beir dc- '« They complained of some thingis that related to 
*^ secular concerns, and some acts of parliament that 
were uneasy to them : they also complained of the 
suppression of so many religious houses ; that the 
*^ king had mean persons in high places about him, 
** who were ill counsellors : they also complained of 
some bishops, who had subverted the faith ; ' and 
they apprehended the jewels and plate of their 
churclies should be taken away. Therefore they 
desired the king would call to him the nobility of 
" the realm, and by their advice redress their griev- 
" ances : concluding with an acknowledgment of tiie 
" king's being their supreme head, and that the 
" tenths and first-fruits of all livings l>elonged to 
" him of right." 

When the king heard of this insurrection, he pre- 
sently sent the duke of Suffolk with a commission to 
raise forces for dispersing thjem : but with him he 
he king's scut an answcr to their petition. " He began with 
^^ that about his counsellors, and said, it was never 
" before heard t)f, that the rabble presumed to dic- 
" tate to their prince what counsellors he should 
" choose : that was the prince's work, and not theirs. 
The suppression of religious houses was done pur* 






'* suant to an act of parliament, and was not set book 

forth by any of his counsellors. The heads of. 

tbese Yeligious houses had under their own hands ^^^^' 
*^ confessed those horrid scandals, which made them 
'^ a reproach to the nation. And in many houses 
** there were not above four or five religious persons. 
*' So it seemed they were better pleased that such 
^'dissolute persons should consume their rents in 
^' riotous and idle living, than that their prince 
'^ should have them, for the common good of the 
'^ whole kingdoDb. He also answered their other 
^ demands in the same high and commanding strain ; 
^' and required them to submit themselves to his 
^' mercy, and to deliver their captains and lieute- 
^' nants into the hands of his lieutenants ; and to 
^' disperse, and carry themselves as became good 
^* and obedient subjects, and to put an hundred of 
^ their number into the hands of his lieutenants, to 
^* be ordered as they had deserved." 

When this answer was brought to them, it raised 
their spirits higher. The practising clergymen con-* 
tinned to inflame them. They persuaded them, 
that the Christian religion would be very soon de- 
faced, and taken away quite, if they did not vigor- 
ously defend it: that it would come to that, that 
no man should marry a wife, receive any of the sa- 
craments, nor eat a piece of roast meat, but he 
should pay for it : that it were better to live under 
the Turk, than under such oppression. Therefore 
there was no cause in which they could with more 
honour and a better conscience hazard their lives, 
than for the holy faith. This encouraged and kept 
them together a little longer. They had forced 
many of the gentry of the country to go along with 

-K lTt*iiMtt I 


looK them. These sent a secret message to the dake of 

— ! Suffolk, letting him know what ill effects the kmg^s 

1536. fough answer had produced : that they had joined 

with the people only to moderate them a little, and 

they knew nothing that would be so effectual as the 

it quieted offer of a general pardon. So the duke of Suffolk, 

ke of as he moved towards them with the forces which he 

^'^' had drawn together, sent to the king to know his 

pleasure, and earnestly advised a gentle composing 

new re- of the matter without blood. At that same time 

II* * 

i nOTth. the king was advertised from the north, that there 
was a general and formidable rising there. Of 
which he had the greater apprehensions, because of 
their neighbourhood to Scotland ; whose king, beii^ 
the king*s nephew, was the heir presumptive of the 
crown, since the king had illegitimated both his 
daughters. And though the king^s firm alliance 
with France made him less apprehensive of tiouUe 
from Scotland, and their king was at this time in 
France, to marry the daughter of Francis ; yet he 
did not know how far a general rising might invite 
that king to send orders to head and assist the re* 
l)els in the north. Therefore he resolved first to 
quiet Lincolnshire. And as he had raised a great 
force about London, with which he was marching 
in person against them ; so he sent a new procla- 
mation, requiring them to return to their obedience, 
with secret assurances of mercy. By these means 
they were melted away. Those who had been 
carried in the stream submitted to the king's mercy, 
and promised all obedience for the future: others, 
that were obstinate, and knew themselves unpar- 
donable, fled northward, and joined themselves to 
the rebels there ; some of their other leaders were 



«|ipreheDded, in particular the cobbler, and were book 
executed. ' 

But for the northern rebellion, as the parties con- '^^^- 
oerned, being at a greater distance from the court, 
liad hu^er opportunities to gather themselv^ into a 
huge body ; so the whole contrivance of it was bet- 
ter laid. One Ask commanded in chief. He was a 
gentleman of an ordinary condition, but understood 
well how to draw on and govern a multitude. Their 
inarch was called the pilgrimage of grace : and, to 
inveigle the people, some priests marched before 
them with crosses in their hands. In their banners 
they had a crucifix with the five wounds, and a cha- 
lice ; and every one wore on his sleeve, as the badge 
of the party, an emblem of the five wounds of Christ, 
with the name Jesus wrought in the midst. All 
that joined to them took an oath, *^ that they entered 
into this pilgrimage qf grace for the love of God, 
the preservation of the king^s person and issue, the 
purifjring the nobility, and driving away all base- 
** bom and ill counsellors ; and for no particular pro* 
** fit of their own, nor to do displeasure to any, nor 
^' to kill any for envy ; but to take before them the 
«< cross of Christ, liis faith, the restitution of the 
** church, and the suppression of heretics, and their 
*^ opinions." These were specious pretences, and 
very apt to work upon a giddy and discontented 
multitude. So people flocked about their crosses which 
and standards in great numbers; and they grew |Jj^^j J][^^ 
to be forty thousand strong. They went over the 
country without any great opposition. The arch- 
bishop of York and the lord Darcy were in Pomfret 
cBstle ; Which they yielded to them, and were made 
to swear their covenant. They were both suspected 



I of being secret promoters of the rebeUion. The Iat> 
. ter suffered for it ; but how the former excused him- 
self, I cannot give any account. Thej also took 
.York and Hull; but though they summoned the 
castle of Skipton« yet the earl of Cumberland, who 
would not degenerate from his noble ancestors, held 
it out against all their force : and though many of 
the gentlemen, whom he had entertained at his own 
cost, deserted him, yet he made a brave resistance 
Scarborough castle was also long besieged; but 
there sir Ralph Evers, that commanded it, gave an 
unexampled instance of his fidelity and courage; 
for though his provisions fell short, so that for 
twenty days he and his men had nothing but bread 
and water, yet they stood it out tiU they were re* 

This rising in Yorkshire encouraged those of Lan* 
cashire, the bishopric of Duresm and Westmorland, 
to arm. Against these the earl of Shrewsbury, that 
he might not fall short of the gallantry and loyalty 
of his renowned ancestors, made head ; though he 
had no commission from the king. But he knew 
his zeal and fidelity would easily procure him a par- 
don, which he modestly asked for the service he had 
done. The king sent him, not only that, but a com- 
mission to command in chief all his forces in the 
north. To his assistance he ordered the earl of 
Derby to march ; and sent Courtney, marquis of 
Exeter, and the earls of Huntington and Rutland, 
to join him. He also ordered the duke of Suffolk, 
with the force that he had led into Lincolnshire, to 
lie still there; lest they, being but newly quieted, 
should break out again, and fall upon his armies be- 
hind, when the Yorkshire men met them before. 



Oft the twentieth of October he sent the duke of book 
Norfolk with more forces to join the earl of Shrews- 

bury : but the rebels were very numerous and despe-^^**^ 
rate. When the duke of Norfolk understood their Norfolk and 
strength^ he saw great reason to proceed with much against 
caution : for if they had got the least advantage of ^^^°'' 
the king's troops, all the discontents in England 
would, upon the report of that, have broken out; 
He saw their numbers were now such, that the gain- 
ing some time was their ruin : for such a great body 
could not subsist long together without much provi- . 
aons, and that must be very hard for them to bring 
in : so he set forward a treaty. It was both honour- 
aUe fw the king to offer mercy to his distracted sub- 
jects, and of great advantage to his affairs ; for as 
their numbers did every day lessen, so the king's^ 
forces were still increasing. He wrote to the king, 
that, considering the season of the year, he thought 
the offering some fair conditions, might persuade 
them to lay down their arms, and. disperse them- 
selves : yet when the earl of Shrewsbury sent a he- 
rald with a proclamation, ordering them to lay down 
their arms, and submit to the king's mercy ; Ask re- 
ceived him sitting in state, with the archbishop on 
the one hand, and the lord Darcy on the other ; but 
would not suffer any proclamation to be made, till 
he knew the contents of it. And when the herald 
told what they were, he sent him away without 
suffering him to publish it. And then the priests 
used all their endeavours to engage the people to a 
firm resolution of not dispersing themselves, till all 
matters about religion were fully settled. 

As they went forward, they every where repos- 
sessed the ejected monks of their houses ; and this 


BOOK encoun^;ed the rest, who had a great mind to be in 

'- — their old nests again. They published also manj 

^^^^' stories among them, of the many growing burdens 
of the king's government ; and made them beliere, 
that impositions would be laid on every thing that 
was either bought or sold. But the king, heaiii^ 
how strong they were, sent out a general summom 
to all the nobility to meet him at Northampton the 
seventh of November. And the forces sent against 
^«y ^- the rebels advanced to Doncaster, to hinder then 

woet to 

HNicastcr. from coming further southward; and took the 
bridge, which they fortified, and laid their forces 
along the river to maintain that pass. 

The writers of that time say, that the day of bat* 
tie was agreed on ; but that, the night before, ex- 
cessive rains falling, the river swelled so, that it was 
unpassable next day, and they could not force the 
bridge. Yet it is not likely the earl of Shrewsbury, 
having in all but five thousand men about him, 
would agree to a pitched battle with those who were 
six times his number, being then thirty thousand. 
Therefore it is more likely, that the rebels only in- 
tended to pass the river the next day, which the rain 
that fell hindered : but the duke of Norfolk conti- 
nued to press a treaty, which was hearkened to by 
the other side, who were reduced to great straits; 
for their captain would not suffer them to spoil the 
country, and they were no longer able to subsist 
without doing that. The duke of Norfolk directed 
some that were secretly gained, or had been sent 
over to them as deserters, to spread reports among 
them, that their leaders were making terms for them- 
selves, and would leave the rest to be undone. This, 
joined to their necessities, made many fall off every 


ay. The duke of Norfolk, finding his arts had no book 

ood an operation^ offered to go to court with anj 

^hom they would send with their demands, and to^^^^^j^^^ 
itercede for them. This he knew would take up Norfolk 

breaks tiMM 

>nie time, and most of them would be dispersed be-b^deiayt. 
we he could return. So they sent two gentlemen, 
rhom they had forced to go with them, to the king 
> Windsor. Upon this, the king discharged the 
sndezTous at Northampton, and delayed the send- 
ig an answer as much as could be: but at last, 
earing that though most of them were dispersed, 
et they had engaged to return upon warnings and 
liat they took it ill that no answer came ; he sent 
tie duke of Norfolk to them with a general pardon, 
ix only excepted by name, and four others, that 
^ere not named. But in this the king's counsels 
rere generally censured ; for every one was now in 
nsr, and so the rebels rejected the proposition. The 
ing also sent them word by their own messenger. 
That he took it very ill at their hands, that they 
had chosen rather to rise in arms against him, than 
to petition him about those things which were un- 
easy to them." And, to appease them a little, the 
ing, by new injunctions, commanded the clergy to 
imtinue the use of all the ceremonies of the church. 
*his, it is like, was intended for keeping up the four 
icraments, which had not been mentioned in the 
nrmer articles. The clergy, that were with the re- 
ek, met at Pomfret to draw up articles to be offered 
t the treaty that was to be at Doncaster; where 
iree hundred were ordered to come from the rebels 
I treat with the king's commissioners. So great a 
limber was called, in hopes that they would dis- . 
I^ree about their demands, and so fkll out among 


BOOK themselves. On the sixth of December they met to 

III ^ 

' treat ; and» it seems, had so laid their matter before, 
1536. ^i^Q^ (ji^y agreed upon these foUowiDg demands. 
Their de- <« A general pardon to be granted : a parliament 
** to be held at York, and courts of justice to be 
V there ; that none on the north of Trent might be 
** brought to London upon any lawsuit. They de- 
** sired a repeal of some acts of parliament : those 
*^ for the last subsidy, for uses, for making wards 
'^ misprision of treason, and for the clergy's paying 
*^ their tenths and first-fruits to the king. Tbey 
** desired the princess Mary might be restored to 
** her right of succession, the pope to his wonted 
*' jurisdiction, and the monks to their houses again: 
** that the Lutherans might be punished ; that Aud- 
** ley, the lord chancellor, and Cromwell, the lord 
^^ privy-seal, might be excluded from the next par- 
** liament ; and Lee and Leighton, that had visited 
** the monasteries, might be imprisoned for bribery 
" and extortion." 

But the lords, who knew that the king would by 
no means agree to these propositions, rejected them. 
Upon which the rebels took heart again, and were 
growing more enraged and desperate; so that the 
duke of Norfolk wrote to the king, that if some con- 
tent were not given them, it might end very iU, ftr 
they were much stronger than his forces were : and 
both he, and the other commanders of the kings 
forces, in their hearts wished, that most of their de- 
mands were granted; being persons, who, though 
they complied with the king, and were against that 
rebellion, yet were great enemies to Lutheranism* 
and wished a reconciliation with Rome; of which 
the duke of Norfolk was afterwards accused by the 


lord Darcjr, as if he had secretly encouraged them book 
to insist on these demands. The king, seeing the 

humour was so obstinate, resolved to use gentler re- ^^^^' 
medies ; and so sent to the duke of Norfolk a gene- 
ral pardon, with a promise of a parliament, ordering 
him not to make use of these except in extremity. 

That was no easy thing to that duke ; since he 
might be afterwards made to answer for it, whether 
the extremity was really such as to justify his grant- 
ing these things. But the rebels were become again 
as numerous as ever, and had resolved to cross the 
river, and to force the king's camp, which was still 
mudi inferior to theirs in number : but rains falling 
the second time, made the fords again unpassable. 
This was spoken of by the king's party as little less 
than a miracle ; that Grod's providence had twice so 
opportunely interposed for the stopping of the pro- 
gress of the rebels : and it is very probable, that, on 
the other side, it made great impression on the su- 
perstitious multitude; and both discouraged and 
disposed them to accept of the offer of pardon, and 
a parliament to be soon called, for considering their 
other demands. The king signed the pardon at 
Richmond the ninth of December: by which all 
their treasons and rebellion to that day were par- 
cloned, provided they made their submission to the 
duke of Norfolk and the earl of Shrewsbury, and 
lived in all due obedience for the future. 

The king sent likewise a long answer to their de- The king's 

_ . 1.11 1 answer to 

jnands. '^As to what they complamed about the them. 
^ subversion of the faith : he protested his zeal for 
^^ the true Christian faith, and that he would live 
'^ and die in the defence and preservation of it ; but 
^^ the ignorant multitude were not to instruct him 
VOL. I. H h 


BOOK << what the true fidth was, nor to pcesmne toeonDect 
^* what he and the whole convocation had degreed 
1536. M^^ That as he had preserved the dHiEcfa of ibqr- 
^* knd in her true liberties^ so he would do itfll; 
^ and that he had done nothing that was 00 opprti* 
^ sive, as many of his progenitors had done upon 
*' lesser grounds. But that he took it veaf HI cf 
'' them, who had rather one churl or two should es- 
^joy the profits of their nuHiasterieSy to siqiport 
^ them in their dissolute and abominaUe comae cf 
** living, than that their king should have them fir 
^ defraying the great charge he was at finr tlieir de- 
^ fence against foreign aiemies. For the lawa; it 
** was high presumption in a rude nndtitude to take 
^ on them to judge what laws were good» and whst 
^ not : they had more reason to think, that he^ after 
twenty-eight years reign, should know it better 
than they could. And for his govenunent; he 
had so long preserved his subjects in peace aod 
justice, had so defended them firom their enemies^ 
had so secured his firontier, had granted so maoy 
** general pardons, had been so unwilling to punish 
** his subjects, and so ready to receive them into 
*^ mercy ; that they could show no parallel to bis 
government among all their former kings. And 
whereas it was said, that he had many of the no- 
bility of his council in the beginning of his reign^ 
** and few now ; he showed them, in that one in- 
** stance, bow they were abused by the lying dan- 
** ders of some disafiected persons : for when be 
** came to the crown, there were none that were 
bom noble of his council, but only the earl of Sur- 
rey and the earl of Shrewsbury; whereas aoWi 
^^ the dukes of Norfolk and Sufiblk, the marquis of 








Exeter, the lord Steward, the earls of Oxford and book 

Sunex, and the lord Sands, were of the priry- 1— 

'^ council : and for the spiritualtyv the ardU)tshop of ^^^'* 
'^ Canterbuiy, the bishops of Winchester, Hereford, 
^^ and Chichester were also of it. ^And he and his 
^ whole council, judgpung it necessary to have some 
** at the board who understood the law of Eng^d^ 
*^ and the treaties with foreign princes; he had^ bgr 
^* their unanimous advice, brought in his chancellor, 
'< and the lord pdvy-seal. He thought it* strange^ 
^ that they, who were but Inxites, should think they 
^' could better judge who should be his counsellors 
^ than himself and his whole. council: therefinre he 
'* would bear no such thing at their hands ; lit being 
^ inconsistent witfa the duty of good subjects to medr 
*^ die. in «uch matters. But if they, or any of his 
^ other mbjects, could bring any just complaint 
« against any about him, he was ready to hear it ; 
** and if it were proved, he would punish it aocordi* 
** ing to law. As for the complaints against some 
^ oC the prelates for preaching against the faith, 
^ they could know none of these things but by the 
** report of others ; since they Uved at such a dis- 
^ tancev that they themselves had not heard ai^y of 
^ them preach. Therefore he required them not to 
** give credit to lies, nor be misled by those who 
^ spread such calumnies and ill reports : and he 
^ concluded all with a severe expostulation ; adding, 
** that such was his love to his subjects, that, im- 
^ puting this insurrection rather to their folly anji 
** lightness, than to any malice or rancour, Jie Was 
** willing to pass it over more gently, as they would 
*• perceive by his proclamation." 

Now the people were come to themselves again^ 1537. 

H h 2 


3K and glad to get off so easily ; and thqr all cheerftillf 
-I — accepted the king^s offers, and went home again to 
^',. their several dwellings. Yet the clergy were no 
^ way satisfied, but continued still to practiae amongst 
them, and kept the rebellion still on foot ; ao that it 
broke out soon after. The duke of Norfolk and the 
earl of Shrewsbury were ordered to lie still in the 
country with their forces, till all things were more 
fuUy composed. They made them all come to a foil 
submission : and, first, to revoke all oaths and pro- 
mises made during the rebellion, for which ibej 
asked the king's pavdon on their knees; secondly, 
to swear to be true to the king, and his heirs and 
successors; thirdly, to obey and maintain all the 
acts of parliament made during the king^s leign; 
fourthly, not to take arms again, but by the king^s 
authority; fifthly, to apprehend all seditious parsons; 
sixthly, to remove all the monks, nuns, and friars, 
whom they had placed again in the dissolved monas- 
teries. There were also orders given to send Ask, 
their captain, and the lord Darcy, to court. Ask 
was kindly received, and well used by the king. He 
had shewed great conduct in commanding fiie re^ 
bels ; and it seems the king had a mind, either to 
gain him to his service, or, which I suspect was the 
true cause, to draw from him a discovery of all 
those, who, in the other parts of the kingdom, had 
favoured or relieved them. For he suspected, not 
without cause, that some of the great abbots had 
given secret supplies of money to the rebeb : for 
which many of them were afterwards tried -and at- 
tainted. The lord Darcy was under great appre- 
hensions, and studied to purge himself, that he was 
forced to a compliance with thetn ; but pleaded, that 


the long and important services he had done the book 
crown for fifty years, he being then fourscore, to* 

gether with his great age and infirmity, might miti- ^^^^' 
gate the king's displeasure. But he was made pri- 
soner. Whether this gave those who had been in 
arms new jealousies, that the king^s pardon would 
not be inviolably observed ; or whether the clergy 
had of new prevailed on them to rise in arms ; I New ^s. 
cannot determine: but it broke out again, though l^'du- 
not so dangerously as before. Two gentlemen of ^"**'* 
the north, Musgrave and Tilby, raised a body of 
8000 men, and thought to have surprised Carlisle ; 
but were repulsed by those within. And in their 
return, the duke of Norfolk fell upon them, and 
routed them. He took many prisoners; and, by 
martial law, hanged up all their captains, and se- 
venty other prisoners, on the walls of Carlisle. 
Others, at that same time, thought to have sur- 
prised Hull ; but it was prevented, and the leaders 
of that party were also taken and executed. 

Many other risings were in several places of the 
<x>untry, which were all soon repressed : the ground 
of them all was. That the parliament which was 
promised was not called : but the king said. They 
had not kept conditions with him, nor would he call 
a parliament till all things wero quieted. But the 
duke of Norfolk's vigilance every where prevented 
their gathering together in any great body: and, 
after several unsuccessful attempts, at length the 
country was absolutely quieted in January following. 
And then the duke of Norfolk proceeded according 
to the martial law against many whom he had 
taken. Ask had also left the court without le^tve, 
and had gone amongst them, but was quickly ta^en 



BOOK So he and many othdrs were ient to aetnendi phoo^ 

— I to be made puUic examples. He sufibred at Yeifc; 

'^^* cithen at Hull> and in other townee fa^ YorUifae 
Bot the lord Darcy, and the lord iiuaaj^ were v^ 
raigned at Westminster, and attainted of traasn; 
the former for the northern, and the other fiir.'the 
be cfaier Lincolnshire insurrection. The lordDarcf was fce» 
beit«». headed at Tower-hill; and was: nrach famlentsi 
''^ ETevy body thought, that, considering Ira uKriH 
his age, and former services, he had hard mcmifia 
The lord Hussy was beheaded at lancoln. The loid 
Darcy, in his trial, accused the duke of Noilblk 
that, in the treaty at Doncaster, he had enooun^ 
the rebels to continue in their demands. This tiM 
dtike denied, land desired a trial by oombet;.aad 
gave some presumptions to show, that the: had 
Darcy bore him ill-will, and said this out of > mdioa 
The king either did not believe this, or would iiol 
seem to believe it : and the duke's great diligence 
in the suppression of these commotions set him be* 
yond all jealousies. But, after those executions, the 
king wrote to the duke, in July following, to pni^ 
daim an absolute amnesty over all the north ; which 
was received with great joy, every body being is 
fear of himself: and so this threatening storm was 
dissipated without the effusion of much blood, save 
what the sword of justice drew. At the same time, 
the king of Scotland returning from France with 
his queen, and touching on the coast of England, 
many of the people fell down at his feet, jnraying 
him to assist them, and he should have all. But he 
was, it seems, bound up by the French king ; aad 
so went home, without giving them any encourage- 
ment. And thus ended this rebellion, which was 


diieflj. carried on hy the deigy, under the pretence book 
Lon. — - — 

And now the king was delivered of all his appre- ^ ^^^^: 
hensions, that he had been in for some years, in fear>itatioaof 
of stirs at home. But, they being now happily tenet, 
composed, as he knew it would so overawe the rest 
of his discontented subjects, that he needed fear no- 
thing firom them for a great while ; so it encouraged 
him to go on in his other designs of suppressing the 
rest of the monasteries^ and reforming some other 
points of religion. Therefore there was a new vi- 
sitation appouited for all the mmiasteries of Eng« 
land. And the visitors were ordered to examine all 
things that related either to their conversation, to 
their affection to the king and the supremacy, or 
to their superstition, in their several houses; to 
discover what cheats and impostures there were, 
either in their imi^es, relics, or other miraculous 
things, by which they had drawn people to their 
houses on pilgrimages, and gotten from them any 
great presents. Also to try how they were affected 
during the late commotions ; and to discover every 
thing that was amiss in them, and report it to the 
lord vicegerent. In the records of the whole twenty- 
eighth year of the king's reign, I find but one ori- 
ginal surrender of any religious house : the abbot of 
Fnmese in Lancashire, valued at 960 Ub. with thirty 
mociks, resigning up that house to the king on the 
moth of April, which was very near the end of the 
year of the king's reign ; for it commenced on the 
twentyrsecond of Aprfl. Two other surrenders are 
enrolled that year. The one was of Bermondsey in 
Surrey, the first of June, in the twenty-eighth of the 
king's reign. The preamble was, that theysurrendered 

H h 4 


BOOK in hopes of greater benevdende fipom the Iring. 'B«t 
this was the effect of some secret practice^ aid not 

1537. ^ ^i^^ n^ Qf parUament : fin* it was vahwd at 548 
Ub. and so fell not within the act The other was 
of BushUsham, or Bishtam, in Berkriiire^ mad^ bf 
Barlow, bishop of St. David's, that was oomiiiendate 
of it, and a great promoter of the refimnfitioii; It 
was valued at S27 ^* But in the fiiUowing jesr 
they made a quicker progress ; and fimnd stnuqe 
enormities in Hie greater houses. It aeema all the 
houses under 200 Ub. of rent weare not yet sup- 
pressed : for I find many within that value after- 
wards resigning their houses. So that I am in- 
clined to believe, that the first visitation benag made 
towards the suppression of the lesser monaateriefi 
and that (as appears by their instructions) being not 
to be finished till ihey had made a report of what 
they had done to the court of augmentatioii8» who 
were, after the report made, to determine what 
pensions were to be reserved to the abbot and other 
officers ; (which report was to be made in the oc- 
taves of St. Michael ; and, after that, a new conunis- 
sion was to be given for their suppression ;) whea 
that was done, they went no further at that time. 
So that I cannot think there were many houses sup- 
pressed when these stirs began : and, after their first 
rising, it is not lil&ely that great pn^ress would be 
made in a business that was like to inflame the 
people more, and increase the number of the rebels. 
Neither do I find any houses suppressed by virtue of 
the former act of parliament till the twenty-ninth 
year of the king's reign, 
sonw of And yet they made no great haste this year. For 
abbots sur- thei'c are but twenty-one surrenders all this year. 


either in the rolls, or augmentatioh-ofllce. And book 
now, not only small abbeys, but greater oims, were 

surrendered to the king. The abbots were brought ^Jj^^^ 
to do it upon several motives. Some had beeniM»>Mf 
&ulty during the late rebellion, and were liaUe td 
the king's displeasure ; and these, to redeem them- 
selves, compounded the matter by a resignation of 
their house. Others began to like the rdbrmation, 
and that made them the more willing to surrender 
their houses ; such as Barlow, bishop of St. David^s, 
who not only surrendered up his own house of Bush- 
lisham, but prevailed on many others to do the like. 
Others were convicted of great disorders in their 
conversation ; and these, not daring to stand a trial, 
were glad to accept of a pension for life, and deliver 
up their house. Others were guilty of making 
great wastes and dilapidations. For they all saw 
the dissolution of their houses approaching, and so 
every one was induced to take all the care he could 
to provide for himself and his kindred ; so that the 
visitors found, in some of the richest abbeys of Eng- 
land, as St. Alban's and Battel, such depredations 
made, that at St. Alban's an abbot could not subsist 
any longer, the rents were so low ; and in Battel, 
as all their furniture was old and torn, not worth an 
100 Ub. so both in house and chapel they had not 
four hundred marks-worth of plate. In other houses 
they found not above twelve or fifteen ounces of 
plate, and no fiimiture at all, but only such things 
as they could not embezzle, as the walls and win- 
dows, bells and lead. In other houses the abbot 
and monks were glad to accept of a pension for 
themselves during life ; and so, being only concerned 
for their own particular interest, resigned their house 

«r4 THE HI8T0R7 OF 

>K to the king. OenenUyt the moiiki^ had tight mnfei 
I-^a year pension, till they/w^re |krovided fiar. His 
'^* abbots* pensions were proportioned to the vafaie ef 
their house, and to their innocence. The dbhots of 
St. Alban's and Tewksbury had four hundred maiki 
a year a-piece. The abbot of St. Edmutklafaiiifj wis 
more innocent ; for the visitors inrote from theno^ 
that they could find no acandab in that house: so 
he, it seems, was not easily brought to rerign Ui 
house ; and had five hundred marks penaion naci t fd 
to him. And for their inferior oflloer8» acme had 
thirty, some ten, or eight, and the lowest al^ £&. pen* 

In other places, upon a vacancy either by deaUi or 
deprivation, they did put in an abbot only to resiga 
up the house. For, after the king^s. supremacy wm 
established, all those abbots that had been Ibrmerif 
confirmed by the pope, were placed in thia manners 
the king granted a conge (fSUre to the jnior and 
convent, with a missive letter, declaring the name 
of the person whom they should choose ; then they 
returned an election to the king, who, upon that, 
gave his assent to it by a warrant under the gresft 
seal, which was certified to the lord vic^erent ; who 
thereupon confirmed the election, and returned him 
back to the king, to take the oaths : upon whidi 
the temporalities were restored. Thus all the ab- 
hots were now placed by the king, and were gene* 
rally picked out to serve this turn. Others, in hope 
of advancement to bishoprics, or to be suffhigan 
bishops, as the inferior sort of them were* 
nerally, were glad to recommend themselves to the 
king's favour by a quick and cheerful surrender of 
their monastery. Upon some of these inducements 


it was, tibat ^the (greatest number of the religious booe 

houses were resigned to the king, before there was 1- 

any act o£ parliament made for their suppression; ^^^ 
In several houses the visitors, who were generally 
either masters of chancery, or auditors of the court 
of augmentations, studied not only to bring them to 
resign their houses, but to sign confessions of their 
past lewd and dissolute lives. • Of these there is 
only one now extant ; which, it is like, escaped the 
general raisure and destruction of all papers of that 
kind, in queen Mary's time. But, from the letters 
that I have seen, J perceive there were such confeSf- 
sions made by many other houses. That confession confet- 
of the prior and Benedictines of St. Andrew's iubomd 
Northampton, is to be seen in the rec(»ti of the^^i^ 
court of augmentations: in which, with the niost^^ 
sggraEfatiDg expressions that could be devised, they 
acknowledged their past ill Ufe, *^ for which the pit 
^ of hell was ready to swallow them lip. They 
^ confessed that they had neglected the worship of 
<^ Ood, lived in idleness, gluttony, and sensuality ; 
^* with many other woeful expressions to that piir- 

Other houses, as the monastery of Betlesdien, re- coiiect. 
a^ed with this preamble; ^ That they did pro-sea?4l^* 
fbundly consider, that the manner and trade of liv* 
ing, which they, and others of their pretended re^ 
Itgion, had for a long time followed, consisted in 
** some dumb ceremonies, and other constitutions of 
the bishops of Rome, and other foreign potentates, 
as the abbot of Cisteaux ; by which they were 
Uindly led, having no true knowledge of God's 
laws ; procuring exemptions from their ordinary 
^^ and diocesan, by the power of the bishop of Rome ; 



BOOK ** and sulmiitting thenuielves whoUy^ to A tangi 
"'* << power, who never came Mther to refimn their 

1538. M abuses, which were now found among them. But 
<< that now, knowing the most perfiect way of fifing 

is sufficiently declared bjr Christ and his apostki; 

and that it was most fit for them to be gorened 
^ by the king, who was theur supreme head on 
** earth, they submitted themsdves to Ida mercyi 
^ and surrendered up theur monastery to him on the 
^ twenty-fifth of September in the thirtieth yenrnf 
*^ his reign." This writing was signed by tiie ab- 
bot, the sub-prior, and nine monks. There are fif6 
other surrenders to the same purpose ; by the Qaj 
and White friars of Stamfinrd, the Gray fnan of Go- 
Tentry, Bedford, and Ailesbury, yet to be seen. 
Some are resigned upon this preamble, ^ That thej 
'* hoped the king would of new found their hoose; 
'' which was otherwise like to be ruined, both in 
^ spirituals and temporals.'' So did the abbot rf 
Chertsey in Surrey, with fourteen monks, on the 
fourteenth of July, in the twenty-ninth year of this 
reign ; whose house was valued at 744 Kb. I have 
some reason to think that this abbot was for the re- 
formation, and intended to have had his house new 
founded, to be a house of true and well regulated 
devotion. And so I find the prior of Oreat Malve- 
rine in Worcestershire offered such a resignation: 
he was recommended by bishop Latimer to Crom- 
well, with an earnest desire that his house might 
stand, not in monkery ^ but so as to be converted to 
preachings study, and prayer. And the good prior 
was willing to compound for his house by a present 
of five hundred marks to the king, and of two hun- 
dred to Cromwell. He is commended for being an 


I worthy man, a good housekeeper, and one thai book 

ily fed many poor people. To this Latimer adds : '- — 

kis, my good lord! Shall we not see two or three ^^^^" 
every shire changed to such remedy. 
But the resolution was taken once to extirpate 
• And therefore, though the visitors interceded 
rnestly for one nunnery in Oxfordshire, Godstow, 
lere there was great strictness of life, and to which 
nat of the young gentlewomen of the country were 
it to be bred ; so that the gentry of the country 
sired the king would spare the house ; yet all was 

The general form in which most of these resigna-Tbe form 
ms begins, is, ^ That the abbot and brethren, upon tamndm. 
full deliberation, certain knowledge, of their own ^^3, 
proper motion, for certain just and reasonable^ 
causes, specially moving them in their souls and 
cxHDsciences, did freely, and of their own accord, give 
and grant their houses to the king.'* Others, it 
?ms, did not so well like this preamble ; and there- 
re did, without any reason or preamble, give away 
eir houses to the visitors, as feoffees in trust for 
e king's use. And thus they went on, procuring 
ily more surrenders. 80 that, in the thirtieth 
iar of the king's reign, there were one hundred 
id fifty-nine resignations enrolled, of which the 
iginab of one hundred and fifty-five do yet re- 
ain. And for the reader's ftirther satisfaction, he 
all find, in the Collection at the end of this book, ^oiiect. 

' ^ Numb. 3. 

e names of all those houses so surrendered, with ^ct. 3. 
her particulars relating to them, which would too 
uch weary him, if inserted in the thread of this 
Drk. But there was no law to force any to make 
ch resignation^ : so that many of the great abbots 


iooK would not comply with the king in this matter, and 
™* flood it out till after the fbllowii^ p«rKament> tint 

1^^* was in the thirfy-firat year ci\aB rdgn. 

if«n It was questioned by numy, whether tfaeae snr- 

MMit renders could be good m law, since Ihe abbots were 
'^' but trustees and tenants for li& It was thought 
they could not absolutely alienate and pve aw^ 
their house for ever. But the pariiament aftck^- 
wards declared the resignations were good in hnr: 
for, by their foundations, sU was trusted to the ab- 
bot and the seniw brethren of the houae ; wlui pat- 
ting the covent-seal to any deed, it was of fiMceia 
law. It was also said, that they, thus surrenderiDg, 
had forfeited their charters and foundationa ; matk so 
the king might sei^e and possess them with a good 
title, if not upon the resignation, yet upon forfia i iue 
But others thought, that, whrtsoerer the nkefyiof 
law might give the king, yet there was no sofftcf 
equity in it, that a few trustees, who were either 
Uibed, or frighted, should pass away that which was 
none of theirs, but only given them in trust, and far 
life. Other abbots were more roughly handkd. 
Dme ftb- The prior of Wooburn was suspected of favouring 
iinted of the rebels ; of being against the king's supremacy. 
^^"' and for the pope's ; and of being for the general 
council, then summoned to Mantua. And he was 
dealt with to make a submission and admowle^ 
ment. In an account of a long conference which he 
had with a privy counsellor, under his own hand, 
I find that the great thing which he took offence 
at was, that Latimer, and some other bishops, 
preached against the veneration of the blessed Vir- 
gin, and the other saints ; and that the English Bi* 
ble, then set out, differed in manjT things from the 



Latin: with several lesser matters.. 80 that they book 

looked on their religion as changed ; and wondered L. 

that the judgments of God upon queen Anne had ^^^' 
not terrified others from going on to subvert the 
faith : yet he was prevailed with^ and did agiiin 
submit to the king, and acknowledged his supre- 
macy ; but he afterwards joined himself to the re* 
b^ls, and was taken with them, t(^ether with the 
abbot of Whaley, and jtwo monks of his house ; and 
the abbot of Gfervaux, with a monk of his house; 
and the abbot of Sawley, in Lancashire^ with the 
prior of that house ; and the prior of Burlington ; 
who were all attainted of high treason, and exe- 
cuted. The abbots of Glastanbury and Readmg 
were men of great power and wealth : the one was 
rated at 8508 Ub. and the other at 2116 lUf. They, 
seeing the storm like to break out on themselves, 
sent a great deal of the plate and money that they 
had in their house to the rebels in the north ; which 
being afterwards discovered, they were attainted of 
high treason a year after this : but I mention it here 
for the affinity of the matter. Further particulars 
about the abbot of Reading I have not yet disco- 
vered. But there is an account given to Cromwell 
of the proceedings against the abbot of Gkstenbury 
in two letters which I have seen : the one was writ 
by the sheriff of the county ; the other by sir John 
Russel, who was present at his trial, and was re- 
puted a man of as great int^rity and virtue as any 
in that time ; which he seems to have left as an in- 
heritance to that noble family that has descended 
from him. These inform, that he was indicted of 
burglary, as well as treason, for having broken the 
house in his monastery where the plate was kept. 


BOOK and taken it out; which, as or WilUam Tbom 

III ' —w 

'' — says, was sent to the rebels. The evidenoe bong 

^^^' brought to the jury, who (as sir John Ruasel wrfts) 
were as good and worthy men as had ever been a 
any jury in that county, they found hinoi guikf. 
He was carried to the place of execation, near In 
own monastery; where (as the sheriff writes) he 
acknowledged his guilt, and bqgged God and die 
king pardon for it The abbot of Colchester wai 
also attainted of high treason. What the paiticnlsn 
were, I cannot tell : fiir the record of Uieir attain* 
ders is lost. But some of our own writers deserve 
a severe censure, who write. It was for denying the 
king^s supremacy : whereas, if they had not ludv- 
taken to write the history without any infbnnatka 
at all, they must have seen that the whole deigf, 
but most particularly the abbots, had over and ofcr 
again acknowledged the king's guptemacy. 

For clearing which, and discovering the impu- 
dence of Sanders's relation of this matter, I shall \kj 
before the reader the evidences that I find of the 
submission of these, and all the other abbots, to the 
king's supremacy. First, in the convocation, in the 
twenty-second year of this reign, they all acknow- 
ledged the king supreme head of the church of Eng- 
land. They did all also swear to maintain the act 
of the succession of the crown, made in the twentjr- 
fifth year of his reign, in which the pope's power wss 
plainly condemned : for, in the proceedings against 
More and Fisher, it was frequently repeated to 
them, that all the clergy had sworn it. It is also 
entered in the Journal of the house of lords, that sU 
the members of both houses swore it at their break- 
ing up : and the same Journals inform us, that the 


ItlE AEFORMA'f tON. 181 

abbots of* Oilcliester and Readiiig sdt in thM {mr- ^^p^ 
fiament; and as there was no protestation made 

against any of the acts passed in that session, so it id '^^* 
often entered, that the acts were agreed to by thd 
linanimous^ consent of the lords. It appears also, bjr 
sereral original letters, that the heads Of all the reli^ 
gious houses in England had signed that pontion, 
T%at the pope had no more Jurisdiction in this 
kingdom than anyfot^eigh tnshop whMoef>er. And 
it was rejected by none but some Carthilsiaiis^ and 
Franciscans of tlie Observance, who were proceeded 
against for refusing to acknowledge it. Wheti they 
were so pressed in it, none can ithagine that a par- 
liamentary abbot would have been dispensed With; 
And in the last parUaittent, in whieh the second 
oath about the succession to the crown was enacted, 
it was added. That tiiey should also s^eai" the king 
to be the supreme head of the church. The abbots 
of Olastenbury and Beading ware then present, as 
appeals by the Journals, and consented to it t so lit* 
tie reason there is for imagining that they reiilsed 
that, or atiy other compliance that might seihire 
them their abbejrs. 

In particular, the abbot of Reading had so got 
into Cromwell's good opitnon, that, in some differ- 
ences between him and Shaxton, liishop of Salis- 
bury, that was Cromwell's creature, he had the bet- 
ter of the bishop. Upon which Shaxton, who was a 
proud ill-natured man, wrote an high expostulating 
letter to Cromwell, ^ complaining of an mjunetiM 
^ he had granted against him at the abbot's desire. 
*' He also shewed, that, in some contests between 
^ him and his re^dentiaries, and between him and 
**the mayor of Salisbury, Cromwell Was always 

VOL. I. I i 


BOOK «< againM him : he likewise diaUengedfaiiii fiiriioiaB- 
•< swering his letters. He tells hiiii» God wiH jii48e 

1538. M iijin fQp abusing his power as he did: he pnji 
«< God to have pity on him, and to turn his heart; 
<< with a great deal more provoking kngoage." Be 
also adds many insolent praises of himself; and hii 
whole letter is as extravagant a piece of vanity and 
insolence as ever I saw. To this Cromwdl wrole 
an answer^ that shows him to have been indeed i 
coUMt. great man. The readar will find it in the CoDeo* 
^^"^^' tion, and see from it how modestly and diacreetfy 
he carried his greatness. 

But how justly soever these abbots wero «ttainte4 
the seLdng on their abbey4andi^ pursuant to thosQ 
attainders, was thought a great stretch of kw; 
since the offence of an ecclesiastical incumbent isa 
personal thing, and cannot pi^udice the cfauich; ns 
more than a secular man, who is in an office^ doe% 
by being attainted, bring any diminution of the 
rights of his office on his successors. It is tnie^ 
there were some words cast into the thirteenth act 
<tf the parliament, in the twenty-sixth year of tUs 
reign, by which divers offences were made treasom 
that seemed to have been designed for such a pur- 
pose. The words are, that whatsoever lands any 
traitor had qf any estate of inheritance m tue or 
pMsesstan, hy any rights title^ or mean^^ should be 
forfeited to the king. By which, as it is certain, 
estates in tail were comprehended, so the lands that 
any traitor had in possession or use seem to be in- 
cluded ; and that the rather, because, by some fid- 
lowing words, their heirs and successors are for ever 
excluded. This either was not thought on when the 
bishop of Rochester was attainted, or perhaps was 


not claimed ; since the king intended not to lessen book 

the number of bishoprics, but rather to increase 1— 

them. Besidesythe words of the statute seem only ^^^' 
to belong to an estate qf inheritance ; within which 
<church benefices could not be included without a 
great force put on them. It is true, tha word 
successor favoured these seizures ; except that be 
thought an expletoiy word, put in out of form, but 
still to be limited to an estate of inheritance. That 
word does also import, that such criminals might 
have successors. But if the whole abbey was for- 
feited, these abbots could have no successors. Yet, 
it seems, the seizures of these abbeys were founded 
on that statute ; and this stretch of the law occa- 
sioned that explanation, which was added, of the 
words estate of inheritance, in the statute made in 
Edward the Sixth's reign about treasons : where it 
is expressed, that traitors should forfeit to the crown 
what lands they had of any estate of inheritance : 
to which is added, in their own right; it seems, 
pn design to cut off all pretence for such proceeding 
for the future, as had been in this reign. But if 
there were any illegality in these seizures, the fol- 
lowing parliament did at least tacitly justify them : 
for they excepted out of the provisos made concern- 
ing the abbeys that were suppressed, such as had 
been forfeited and seized on by any attainders qf 

Another surrender is not unlike these, but rather 
less justifiable. Many of the Carthusian monks of 
X^ondon were executed for their open denying of the 
Jnng^s supremacy, and for receiving books from fo- 
^ reign parts against his marriage, and other proceed- 
ings : divers also of the same house, that favoured 



t them, but so secretly, that clear proof could not be 
=. found to convict them, were kept prisoners in their 
cells till they died. But the prior was a worthy 
man, of whom Thomas Bedyl, one of the visitors, 
writes, (hat he icas a man of such charity that he 
had not seen the like, a?id that the eyes of the peo- 
ple were muck on that house; and therejhre head' 
■ msed, that the house might be converted to some 
good use. But the prior was made to resign, with 
this preamble, " That many of that house had of- 
" fended the king, so that t)ieir goods might be 
" justly confiscated, and themselves adjudged to a 
" severe death : which they desired to avoid, by an 
" humble submission and surrender of their house 
" to the king." But there were great coniplaints 
made of the visitors, as if they had practised with 
the abbots and priors to make these surrenders ; and 
that they had conspired with them to cheat the king, 
and had privately embezzled most of the plate and 
fiirniture. The abbess of Gbrapstov complafaied ai 
particular of doctor London, one oS the visitam» thtt 
he had been corrupting her nuns ; and l^drUly it 
viu cried out on, that underhand and ill pncNtttt 
were used. Therefore, to quiet these reportsi tioA 
to ^ve some colour to justify what they were riMri^ 
all the foul stories that could be found out w«n^{lMb^ 
Ushed to defame these houses. Battd abb^ ^tm 
represented to be a little Sodom ; so was Christ 
Church in Canterhnry, with several other 
But far whoredom and adulteiy they fbund 
without number ; and of many other unDataMd^prK- 
tiees and secret lusts* with turts to hinder cattte^tiota 
and make abortions. But no stoiy became to ptiUBc^ 
as a discovery made of the prior of the Crossed SMt 



A London; who, on a Friday, at eleven o'clock iii book 
be day, was found in bed with a whore. He fiell 

i>wn on his knees, and prayed those who surprised ^^^ 
lim not to publish his shame : but they had a mind 
make some advantage by it, and asked him money, 
le gave them 30 Ub. which he protested was all he 
tad ; but he promised them 30 lib. more : yet, faiU 
Qg in the payment, a suit followed on it : and in a 
ill which I have seen, given to Cromwell, then mas- 
er of the rolls, the case is related. 

But all the stories of this kind served only to dis-The tu- 

;raee those abbots or monks that were so faulty. ^dcheMt 

^nd the people generally said, these were personal ho^^du- 

rimes, which ought to be punished : but they were ^^^^'^^ 

10 way satisfied with the justice of the king^s pro- 

eedings against whole houses for the &ults of a few. 

rherefore another way was thought on, which in* 

ieed proved more effectual, both for recovering the 

leople out of the superstitious fondness they had for 

heir images and relics, and for discovering the se- 

ret impostures that had been long practised in these 

lOUses. And this was, to order the visitors to exa- 

nine well all the relics and feigned images, to which 

ilgrimages were wont to be made. In this, doctor 

tfOndon did great service. From Reading he writes, 

' That the chief relics of idolatry in the nation were 

' there : an angel with one wing, that brought over 

the spear's head that pierced our Saviour's side. 

To which he adds, a long inventory of their other 

relics; and says, there were as many more as 

would fill four sheets of paper. He also writes 

from other places, that he had every where taken 

down their images and trinkets." At St. Edmunds- 

«ry, as John ap Rice informed, they found some of 


486 THE HtSTOEt Otf ■' 

BOOK tbe coals that roasted 8t. Lawienoe^ the parii^ ^ 
^"' St. Edmund's toe«, St llionias Btdcei's peakniK 

1638. ^j boots, with as'ttai^ piecies of the dmi vimi 
Sbviour as would make a large whole craaa. Tkigp 
had also rdics against raiiit and tat famdenng weedi 
to spring. But to pursue this fiirther weve eodkai 
the relics were so innumerable. And the Take 
which the people had of them inaj be gatfijeRd frosi 
this ; that a piece of St Andrew's fii^ger^ act in aa 
ounce of silver, was laid to pledge bj the house d 
Wastacre for 40 Ub. but the yisiton» when thqr sap- 
pressed that house, did not think fit to ledeem it i< 
so high a rate. 
iMH« ^^^ ^^^ images, some of them were hro ughi l0 
^^ London, and were there, at St. Paul's Croaa, in fbe 
right of all the people, broken ; that thej in^ht be 
fully convinced of the juggling impostures of ttie 
monks. And in particular, the crucifix of Boxl^ is 
Kent, commonly called the rood qf grace ; to whkh 
many pilgrimages had been made, because it was ob^ 
served sometimes to bow, and to lift itself up; to 
shake, and to stir head, bands, and feet ; to rcdl tbe 
eyes, move the lips, and bend the brows : all whidi 
were looked on by the abused multitude as tbe 
effects of a divine power. These were now puUicfy 
discovered to have been cheats : for the springs were 
showed, by which all these motions were made. 
Upon which John Hilsey, then bishop of Rochesttf» 
made a sermon, and broke the rood in pieces. Tliere 
was also another famous imposture discovered at 
Hales in Gloucestershire ; where the blood of Christ 
was showed in a vial of crystal, which the jpeojk 
sometimes saw, but sometimes they could not see it : 
so they were made believe, that they were not capa- 



ble of so signal a favour, as long as they were in boor 
tnortal sin ; and so they continued to make presents, ' 

till they bribed Heaven to give them the sight of so ' ^.^^• 
[dessed a relic. This was now discovered to haveingiese. 
)een the blood of a duck, which they renewed every 
tveek : and the one side of the vial was so thick that 
there was no seeing through it, but the other was 
dear and transparent; and it was so placed, near 
:Iie altar, that one in a secret place behind could 
;um either side of it outward. So when they had 
Irained the pilgrims that came thither of all they 
lad brought with them, then they afforded them the 
Bvour of turning the clear side outward ; who upon 
;liat went home very well satisfied with their journey^ 
ind the expense they had been at. There was 
irought out of Wales a huge image of wood, called 
Oarvel Gatheren, of which one Ellis Price, visitor of 
lie diocese of St. Asaph, gave this account, on the 
dxth of April, 1587 ; " That the people of the coun- 

* try had a great superstition for it, and many pil- 

* grimages were made to it : so that, the day before 

* he wrote, there were reckoned to be above five or 

* six hundred pilgrims there : some brought oxen 
' and cattle, and some brought money ; and it was 
^ generally believed, that, if any offered to that 
^ image, he had power to deliver his soul from heU.*^ 
3o it was ordered to be brought to London, where it 
larved for fuel to bum friar Forrest. There was 
m huge image of our Lady at Worcester, that was 
lad in great reverence ; which, when it was stript of 
iome veils that covered it, was found to be the sta- 
ne of a bishop. 

Barlow, bishop of St. David% did also give many 
idvolisements of the superstition of his country, 

I i 4 


ooK and of tlie dei^ and monks of tha$ diocese, who 
"'' were guilty of heathenish idohitry, gross impiety 
I ^^- and ignorance, and of abusing the people wHh maiif 
evident forgeries : about which, he said, he had good 
evidence when it should be called for. But that 
which drew most pilgrims and presents in tboie 
parts, was, an image of our Lady with a taper in 
her hand ; which was believed to have burnt nine 
years, till one forswearing himself ujion it, it went 
out ; and was then much reverenced and warshipped. 
He found all about the cathedral so full of supersti- 
tious conceits, that there was no hope of woridng 
on them ; therefore he proposed the translating the 
episcopal seat from St. David's to Caermaerden; 
which he pressed by many arguments, and in seve- 
ral letters, but with no success. Then many rich 
shrines of our Lady of Wakingham, of Ipswich, and 
Islington, with a great many more, were brought up 
to London, and burnt by Cromwell's orders. 
lomas But the richest shrine in Enfi^land was that of 


rine Thomas Becket, called St. Thomas of CanterbuiT 
^ *°* the Martyr : who being raised up by king Henrj 
the Second to the archbishopric of Canterbury, did 
afterwards give that king much trouble, by opposing 
his authority, and exalting the pope's. And though 
he once consented to the articles agreed on at Cla* 
rendon, for bearing down the papal, and securing 
the regal power ; yet he soon after repented of that 
only piece of loyalty of which he was guilty all the 
while he was archbishop. He fled to the pope, who 
received him as a confessor for the dearest article of 
the Roman belief: the king and kingdom were ex« 
communicated, and put under an interdict upon his 
account. But afterwards, upon the intercession of 



p Freqcb king* king Henry and he waf€ recoo-^ book 

^ and the interdict wa^ taken off. YeT his un-* L- 

Liet spirit could take no rest ; for he was no sooner ^^^^* 
Canterbury, than he began to embroil the king* 
«n again ; and was proceeding by censures against 
e archbishop of York^ and some other bishops, for 
pwning the king's son in his absence. Upon the 
^ws of that, the king bemg then in Normandy, said, 
^ he had faithful servants^ he would not he eo 
mMed with euch a priest ; whereupon some 2eal-« 
» or o^dous courtiers came over and killed him : 
r which, as the king was made to undergo a severe 
(nance, so the monks were not wanting in their or- 
nary arts to give out many miraculous stories con-* 
ming his blood. This soon drew a canonizaticxi 
3m Rome ; and he, being a martyr for the papacy, 
ss more extoUed than all the apostles or primitive 
iqts had ever been. 80 that, for three hundred 
iars, he was accounted one of the greatest saints in 
iayen, as may appear from the accounts in the 
dger-books of the offerings made to the three great* 
t altars in Christ's Church in Canterbury. The 
le was to Christ, the other to the Virgin, and the 
ird to St. Thomas. In one year there was offered 
Christ's altar, 3l. is. 6d; to the Virgin's altar, 
U. 5s. 6d ; but to St. Thomas's altar, 882/. l%s. Sd. 
ut the next year the odds grew greater ; for there 
as not a penny offered at Christ's altar, and at the 
iigin's only 4/. 1^. Sd; but at St. Thomas's, 954/. 
K Sd. By such offerings it came, that his shrine 
as of inestimable value. There was one stone of- 
red there by Lewis the Seventh of France, who 
me over to visit it in a pilgrimage, that was he- 
aved the richest in Europe. Nor did they think it 


ooK enough to give him one day in the calendar, the 
''^' twenty-ninth of December; but unusual honours were 

1538. devised for this martyr of the liberties of the churdi, 
greater than any that had been given to the mar- 
tyrs for Christianity. The day of raising his bodj, 
or, as they called it, of his translation, being the 
seventh of July, was not only a holyday» but eveij 
fiftieth year there was a jubilee for fifteen days to- 
gether, and indulgence was granted to all that came 
to visit his shrine ; as appears from the recxird of the 
«»«![*• sixth jubilee aft;er his translation, anno 1420 ; wfaidi 
Canter- bcars, that there were then about afl hundred tboo- 
^' sand strangers come to visit his tomb. The jubilee 
began at twelve o'clock on the vigil of the feast, and 
lasted fifteen days. By such arts they drew an in- 
credible deal of wealth to his shrine. The riches of 
that, together with his disloyal practices, made the 
king resolve both to unshrine and iinsaint him tt 
once. And then his skull, which had been much 
worshipped, was found an imposture : for the true 
skull was lying with the rest of his bones in his 
grave. The shrine was broken down, and carried 
away ; the gold that was about it filling two chests, 
which were so heavy, that they were a load to eight 
strong men to carry them out of the church. And 
his bones were, as some say, burnt ; so it was under- 
stood at Rome : but others say, they were so mixed 
with other dead bones, that it would have been a 
miracle indeed to have distinguished them afto"- 
wards. The king also ordered his name to be struck 
out of the calendar, and the office for his festivity 
to be dashed out of all breviaries. And thus was 
the superstition of England to images and relics ex- 


Yet the king took ciare to qualify the distaste book 
bich the articles published the former year had 

ven. And though there was no parliament in the j^^J^f 2?!. 
lar 1687f yet there was a convocation; upon the«>*»*^«* 

, , • religion 

Delusion of which, there was printed an explana^ pubiidied. 
m of the chief points of religion, signed by both 
e archbishops, and seventeen bishops, eight arch- 
aeons, and seventeen doctors of divinity and law. 
I which there was an exposition of the Creed, thcf 
ren Sacraments, the Ten Commandments^ the 
>rd's Prayer, and the salutation of the Virgin^ 
ith an account of justification and pui^tory. But 
is work was put in a better form afterwards, 
liere the reader will find a more particular account 
it. When all these proceedings of the king^s 
sre known at Rome, all the satirical pens there 
sre employed to paint him out as the most infa- 
ous sacrilegious tyrant that ever was. They re-ioTectiTet 
esented him as one that made war with heaven, ^ pnnt! 
id the saints that were there : that committed but-*^ atRome. 
ges on the bodies of the saints, which the heathen- 
I Romans would have punished severely upon any 
at committed the like on those that were dead, 
>w mean or bad soever they had been. All his 
oceedings against the priests or monks that were 
tainted and executed for high treason^ were re- 
esented as the effects of savage and barbarous cru- 
y. His suppressing the monasteries, and deyour- 
g what the devotion of former ages had conse- 
ated to Grod and his saints, was called ravenous 
d impious sacrilege; nor was there any thing 
litted that could make him appear to posterity 
e blackest tyrant that ever wore a crown. They 
mpared him to Pharaoh, Nebuchadonosor, Bel- 


BOOK shazgar, Nero, Domitiap, and Dioctesian ; bwtduefly 
'"' to Julian the Apostate. This last parallel liked tfaem 

^^^^' best ; and his learning, his apostasy, and pretence of 
reforming, were all thought copied irom Jafian; 
only they said, his manners were woirse. Theie 
things were every day printed at Borne; and the 
informations that were brought out of England wm 
generally addressed to cardinal Pool, whose s^ 
was also known in some of them. All which pos- 
sessed the king with the deepest and most implac- 
able hatred to him that ever he bore to any penoo; 
and did provoke him to all those severities that fid- 
lowed on his kindred and family. 
Collect. But the malice of the court of Rome did not sKf 
' ^' there. For now the pope published all those tbon- 
ders which he had threatened three years befiire. 
The bull of deposition is printed in Cherubin's Bulh 
Rerum Romanarum; which, since many have the 
confidence to deny matters of fact, though most pub- 
licly acted, shall be found in the Collection papers. 
rhe pope's The substance of it is as follows ; " The pope, being 
niinsube '^ God's vlcar on earth, and, according to Jeremy's 
"ng- a prophecy, set over nations and kingdoms, to root 
out and destroy ; and having the supreme power 
over all the kings i?i the whole world; was 
" bound to proceed to due correction when milder 
" courses were ineffectual : therefore, since king 
" Henry, who had been formerly a defender ((fthe 
^^ faiths had fallen from it ; had, contrary to an in- 
'^ hibition made, put away his queen, and married 
^* one Anne Boleyn, and had made impious and 
^^ hurtful laws, denying the pope to be the supreme 
'* head of the church, but assuming that title to 
'' himself; and had required all his subjects, under 


*' pain of death, to swear k; and had put the ttd-- Book 
<^ dinal of Rochester to death> because he would not ' * 

consent to these heresies ; and by all these thfai^ '^^^* 
had rendered himself unworthy of his regal dig- 
nity ; and had hardened his heart (as Pharaoh did) 
^ against all the admonitions of pope Clement the 
^ Seventh : therefore, since these his crimes were s6 
notorious, he, in imitation of what the apdStle did 
to Elymas the magician, proceeds to sndi cenfllure& 
^ as he had deserved ; and, with the advice of his 
** cardinals, does first exhort him and Idl his com- 
plices to return from their errors, to annul the acts 
lately made, and to in*OGeed no further upon thetn^ 
^ which he requires him and them to do^ under the 
pains of excommunication and rebdlion, and of 
the king^s losing his kingdom, whom he l«quil^ 
within ninety days to appear at Rome, by himsielf 
or proxy, and his compH^s within siity days, to 
give an account of their actions; otherwise he 
^ would then proceed to a further sentence against 
them. And declares, that i£ the king and his com- 
plices do not appear, he has fallen from the right 
•^ to his crown, and they from the right to their es- 
** tates ; and when they die, they were to be denied 
^* Christian burial. He puts the whole kingdom 
^ under an interdict ; and declares all the king's 
^ children by the said Aniie, and the children 
^^ of all his complices, to be under the saiiie pains, 
though they be now under age, and incapacitates 
them for all honours or employments; and de- 
clares all the subjects or vassals of the king's, or 
his complices, absolved from all oaths or obliga- 
tions to them, and requires them to acknowledge 
^ them no more. And declares him and them in- 






jPOOK ^ 0uiioii8» flo that thqr waif^ mStbftB ht 
, ^' ^nor make wills. Hereqwrei aDolihtrpBMMtti 
IMS. M imye no deaUngs with him or then, aeitibar Igr 
^ trading, nor any other way, uodor the pani of cx- 
^ cpmmunication ; the annuffing tfwir jDontaadiy 
^ and the exposing goods so traded in, tQ ail |Ait 
^ should catch them. And that |dl clqqgjQMli dwii 
^ within five days after the eaqpbatiQa at Ijbe timt 
^ prefixed^ go out of the kiiigdom» Qnenog odfm 
^ many iniests as would be nooeamrf fiir Iwmliiin 
^ infants, apd giving the sacrament to tfBtth^ mAi 
f* in penitence,) under the pains of 
M tion and deprivation. And diai|^ A 
^ and others in his dominions, under the 
^ to rise up in arms against him, jmd to dim Ini 
^ out of his kingdom ; bibiIL that none .dioiiUl tahe 
^ arms for him, or any wojr assist him^ jmd dtfdsm 
^ all other princes absolved from any confederaeis 
'' made, or to be made, with him ; and eamestff 
<< obtests the emperor and all kings, and requires 
'* other princes, under the former pains, to trade no 
'* more with him ; and in case of their disobedience, 
'' he puts their kingdoms under an interdict. And 
'* requires all princes and military persons, in the 
*^ virtue of holy obedience, to make war upon hin, 
** and to force him to return to the obedience of the 
apostolic see; and to seize on all goods or mer- 
^^ chandizes belonging to the king or his comidices> 
wherever they could find them ; and that such of 
his subjects that were seized on, should be made 
'' slaves. And requires all bishops, three days after 
'^ the time that was set down was elapsed, to inti- 
^' mate this sentence in all their churches witlt. pot- 
'* ting out of candles, and other ceremonies that 


<^ ought to be usedy in the most solemn and publio book 

<< manner that might be. And all who hindered 1— 

*• the publication of this sentence are put under the *^^^* 
f* same pains. He ordained this sentence to be af- 
^' fixed at Rome, Toumay, and Dunkirkj which 
^ should stand for a sufficient publication ; and con- 
^ eludes, that if any should endeavour to oppose, or 
^ enervate any of the premises, he should incur 
f' the indignation of Almighty God, and the holy 
*' apostles St. Peter and Paul. Dated at Rome the 
^ thirtieth of August 1535." But the pope found 
the princes of Christendom liked the precedent of 
using a king in that matter so ill, that he suspended 
the execution of this bull till this time, that the sup- 
pression of abbeys, and the burning of Thomas 
Becket's bones, (for it was so represented at Rome^ 
though our writers say they were buried,) did so 
inflame the pope, that he could forbear no longer ; 
and therefore, by a new sentence, he did all he 
could to shake him in his throne. 

The preamble of it was, ** That as our Saviour * 
^* had pity on St. Peter after his fall, so it became , 

^ SL Peter's successors to imitate our Saviour in his 
^' clemency ; and that therefore, though he, having 
^ heard of king Henry's crimes, and had proceeded 
*' to a sentence against him, (here the former bull 
^ was recited,) yet some other princes, who hoped 
*^ he might be reclaimed by gentler methods, had in- 
^ terposed for a suspension of the sentence ; and he, 
'* being easy to believe what he so earnestly desired, 
^* had upon their intercession suspended it. But 
'' now he found they had been deceived in their 
<< hop^, and that he grew worse and worse ; and 
** had done such dishonour to the saints, as to raise 

40ft THfe tiistoitir a» ^ 

BOOK "" HtTbMiias tf GaiitetlNii^s MT^ <o %ldl^|tlLli« 
"* *^ of high treftsim, flEnd to IMM hi* UOfi dn 

1538. << legkmsly to rob the riches that htA htKtk 

« to his shrine: as alsotoiUpp«i Stb AdMiiAi sll- 
'* bej in Canterbury; and that» hattfalg tkniit «if 
^ the monks, he had put ib wild beam liilii tk^ 
" grounds, baring transfinrttied hilnai^ into a bsirt. 
^ Therefore he takes off the su sp e n ilw ^ «iid pth 
« lishes the bull, comitiaodiBg it to be tttooMed t ds- 
^ daring, that the affixing it At IKepe Hr JMUlBI 
^m France, at St.Andrew's or Qi^aMeli (dM i^ 
^ CaDstream, a town near the botder of fii^hli^ 
« in Scotland, or Tuam or AMiftrt in iMlind^ wt 
^ any two of these, should be a staAdieal paUba^ 
^ tion. Dated the seventeenth eC Heeendbar^ aMs 
'' Dom. ISSSr 

No man can read these bolls, but lie Mmft Mh 
elude, that if the pope be the infiiHible and nainai 
pastor of the church, whom all are bound to obef, 
he has a full authority over all kings to proceed to 
the highest censures possible : and since the matteis 
of fact, enumerated in the sentence as the grounds 
of it, were certainly true, then the pope h eitiier 
clothed with the powers of deposing jninces ; or, if 
otherwise, he lied to the world when he preteuded 
to it thus, and taught false doptrine. Which caniMi 
stand with infallibility : and the pretended grounds 
of the sentence, as to matter of feet, being evidenOy 
true, this must be a just sentence ; and therefore all 
that acknowledged the infallibility of that see were 
bound to obey it, and all the rebdlions that followed, 
during the reign of the king or his chUdren, were 
founded on this sentence, and must be justified by 
it ; otherwise the pope's infallibility must ftll to tk 


ground. But this was to be said for the pope, that boor 
though he had raised the several btenches of this 

sentence higher thtti any of his predecessors had '^^- 
ever done, yet, as to the main, he had very good and 
authentic precedents for what he did, from the de- 
positions of emperors or kings, that were made by 
former popes, for about five hundred years together. 
This I thou^t needful to be more fully opened, be- 
cause of the present circumstances we are now in ; 
since hereby every one, that will consider things, 
must needs see, that the belief of the pope's itifalli- 
biUty does necessarily infet* the acknowledgment of 
their power of deposing heretical kings. For it is 
plain the pope did this ex cathedra^ and as a pas- 
tor feeding and correcting his flock. 

But, not content with this, he also wrote to other 
princes, inflaming them against the king ; particu- 
larly to the kings of France and Scotland. To the Lesiej, 
last of these he sent a breve, declaring king Henry ""^* ^***' 
an heretic, a schismatic, a manifest adulterer, a pub* 
lie murderer, a rebel, and convict of high treason 
against him, the pope his lord ; for which crimes he 
had deposed him, and offered his dominions to him, 
if he would go and invade them. And thus the 
breach between him and the pope was past recon- 
ciling ; and at Rome it was declared equally merito- 
rious to fight against him, as against the Turk. But 
cardinal Pool made it more meritorious in his book. 
Yet the thunders of the Vatican had now lost their 
force ; so that these had no other effect but to en- 
rage the king more against all such as were sus- 
pected to favour their interests, or to hold any cor- 
respondence with cardinal Pool. Theriefore he first 
procured a declaration against the pope's pretensions^ 

VOL. I. K k 


BOOK to be signed bjr all the biahcyps of Shug^aiid :iii 
"^ wiiichy after they had dedared against tbe pop^ 

''^^ ecdesiastical jarisdictioiiy upon Ae grounds ftr^ 
Th«ei«g7 touched, they concluded, **That the people ought to 
dMimd ^ be instructed, that Christ did exprenly forbid Ik 

tCiar ^ apostles or their successors to take to themadfes 
^ the power of the sword, or the antfaorify of Idiigii 
^ And that, if the bishop of Rome, or any other B- 
^ shop, assumed any such power, he was a tjrnot 
^ and usurper of other men*s rights, andla siibvertar 
"^ of the kingdom of Christ'' This was sobscribel 
by nineteen bishops, (all that were then in SSngiaiMl) 
and twenty-five doctors of divinity and law. It irm 
at some time before May 15S8 : for Edwaid Foa^ 
bishop of Hereford, w1k> was one that fl%ned itydtel 
the eighth of May that year. There was no confo- 
catnm caHed by writ for doing this; for as there is 
no mention of any such writ in the r^^iaters^ so^ if 
it had been done by convocation, Cromwell had 
signed it first ; but his hand not being at it, it is 
more probable that a meeting of the clergy was 
called by the king^s missive letters ; or that, as was 
once done before, the paper was drawn at Londoo, 
and sent over the kingdom to the episcopal sees, ibr 
the bishops' hands to it. 
couect. There is another original paper extant, signed at 
Numb. 10. iiiig tiujg by eight bishops ; from which I conjecture 
those were all that were then about London. It 
was to show, ** That, by the commission which Chnt 
gave to churchmen, they were only ministers of 
his gospel, to instruct the people in the pniity of 
the faith ; but that, by other places of scripture^ 
the authority of Christian princes over aU their 
subjects, as well bishops and priests, as others, was 




** also dear. And that the bishops and priests hare book 
<< charge of souls within their cures ; power to- ad- 

*• minister sacraments^ and to teach the word of ^^^' 
** God : to the which word of God, Christian princes 
acknowledge themselves subject ; and that, in case 
the bishops be negligent, it is the Christian prince's 
** office to see them do their duty." This being 
signed by John Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, must 
be after the year 1537» in which he was contecrated; 
and Latimer and Shaxton also signing, it must be 
before the year 1539) in which they resigned. But 
I belieye it was signed at the same time that the 
other was : and the design of it was, to refute those 
calumnies spread at Rome, as if the king had wholly 
suppressed all ecclesiastical officers, and denied them 
any divine authority, making them wholly depend- 
ent on the dvil power, and acting by commission 
only from him. And therefore they explained the 
limits of both these powers in so dear and moderate 
a way, that it must have stopped the mouths of all 
opposers. But whether there was afiy public use see Adden. 
niade of this paper, I can by no means discover. 

The king did also set forward the printing of the The sibie 
English Bible, which was finished this year at Lon-En^utb!" 
don by Grafton the printer, who printed one thou* 
sand five hundred of them at his own charge. This 
Bible Cromwell presented to the king, and procured 
his warrant, allowing all his subjects, in all his do- 
minions, to read it» without control or hazard. 
For which the archbishop wrote Cromwell a letter 
pf most hearty thanks, dated the thirteenth of Au 
gust : ** who did now rejoice that he saw this day of 
^* reformation, which he concluded was now risen in 
f< England, since the light of God's word did shine 

K k 2 


BOOK ^ over it without any doad.** The tnnaMlcNi M 

been sent over to France to be prinled at Fuiiy tihe 

^^^^' workmen in England not being judged able to do it 
alB it ou^t to be. Therefore^ in the year lASTt & 
was recommended to Bonner^s care^ who waa fhen 
ambassador at Paris, and .was much in CnminBi 
&vour, who was setting him up againvt GaidiiKr. 
He procured the king of France's leare to print^it 
at Paris in a large volume; but^ upon a oom^aiiit 
made by the French clergy, the pereaa waa atoppsi 
and most of the copies were seised on, and paNfid^ 
burnt ; but some copies were conveyed out of tk 
way, and the workmen and fiirms were bronglit oner 
to England; where it was now finished and pab- 
New in- fished. And injunctions were given out in the U^fk 
•ct out by name, by Cromwell, to all incumbents^ *' to pioftt 
coii^* ^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^ Bibles, and set it up puUidy in Ik 
Numb. II. » church, and not to hinder or discourage the read^ 
** ing of it, but to encourage all persons to peruse it, 
" as being the true lively word of God, which enxj 
** Christian ofight to believe, embrace, and fdloir, if 
** he expected to be saved. And all were exhorttd> 
'^ not to make contests about the exposition or sense 
** of any difficult place, but to refer that to men of 
** higher judgment in the scriptures. Then soott 
'* other rules were added, about instructing the pea- 
" pie in the principles of reUgion, by teaching die 
*' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Command* 
*^ ments in English : and that in every church tiieve 
** should be a sermon made every quarter of a year 
** at least, to declare to the people the true gospel of 
** Christ, and to exhort them to the works of chariot 
" mercy, and faith ; and not to trust in other nien) 
^' works, or pilgrimages to images, or reUc8» or saf* 




^' iDg over beads, which they did not understand; book 

*^ since these things tended to idolatry and supersti- - 
•* tion, which of all offences did most provoke Grod's ^^^®" 
^"^ indignation. They were to take down all images 
«' which were abused by pilgrimages, or offerings 
<< made to them, and to suffer no candles to be set 
*^ before any image ; only there might be candles 
^^ before the cross, and before the sacrament, and 
about the sepulchre : and they were to instruct the 
people, that images served only as the books of the 
^ unlearned, to be remembrances of the conversa- 
tions of them whom they represented ; but if they 
made any other use of images, it was idolatry : for 
^^ remedying whereof, as the king had already done 
*^ in part, so he intended to do more for the abolish- 
<' ing such images, which might be a great offence 
** to God, and a danger to the souls of his subjects. 
^^ And if any of them had formerly magnified such 
images, or pilgrimages, to such purposes, they 
were ordered openly to recant, and acknowledge, 
** that in saying such things they had been led by 
no ground in scripture ; but were deceived by a 
vulgar error, which had crept into the church 
through the avarice of those who had profit by it. 
They were also to discover all such as were letters 
of the reading of God's word in English, or hin- 
' '< dered the execution of these injunctions. Then 
^ /^ followed orders for keeping of registers in their 
' '* parishes ; for reading all the king's injunctions 
^ " once every quarter at least ; that none were to 
^ '* alter any of the holydays without directions from 
the king ; and all the eves of the holydays, for- 
merly abrogated, were declared to be no fasting- 
^ days ; the commemoration of Thomas Becket was 





BOOK •« to be clean omitted; the knpdiitt fsr the Av^ 

** after sermon were abo finliidden, irtddi wen waA 


1538. €€ ill jiQpe to obtain the pope's pardon. And wtaoNM 
^ in their processions they used to aaj so numj spf^ 
«^ frages, with an ora pro iiobU to die auntib hf 

which they had not time to say the aoffin^es it 

God himself; they were to teadi the peopk^thiC 
^ it were better to omit the &ra pro nobis, and ts 

sing the other suffrages» whidi were moat neotf 
<< sary and most effectuaL'* 

These injunctions struck at three main points d 
popery ; containing encouragements to the Tu%ar to 
read the scriptures in a known tongue, and puttiiil 
down all worship of images, and leaving it fiee Ar 
any curate to leave out the suflSra^^es to the ssliali: 
so that they were looked on as a deadly fallow to tlit 
religion. But now those of that party dM ao artifi- 
cially comply with the king, that no advantages 
could be found against any of them for their disobe- 
dience. The king was master at home, and no 
more to be disobeyed. He had not only broken tbe 
rebellion of his own subjects, and secured himsdC 
by alliance, from the dangers threatened him by tbe 
pope ; but all their expectations from the lady Msrf 
were now clouded : for, on the twelfth of Octobei') 

Prince Ed- 1537, queen Jane had borne him a son, who 

' christened Edward ; the archbishop of Canterbmy 
being one of his godfathers. This very much ea- 
couraged all that were for reformation, and dishesit- 
ened those who were against itr But the joy fir 
this young prince was qualified by the queen's death 
two days after, which afflicted the king very mwi; 
for of all his wives she was the dearest to hna 
And his grief for that loss is given as the reasM wkj 


he continued two years a widower. But others book 
thought he had not so much tenderness in his nature 


as to be much or long troubled for any thiQg : there- 
fore the slowness of his marrying was ascribed to 
some reasons of state. But the birth of the princie 
was a great disappointment to all those whose hopes 
rested on the lady Mary's succeeding her father: 
therefore they submitted themselves with more than 
ordinary compliance to the king. 

Gardiner was as busy as any in declaiming against ^f^ ^^' 
the religious houses ; and took occasion^ in many of the popiah 
bis sermons, to commend the king for suppressing ^*^^' 
them. The archbishop of York had recovered him- 
self lit court ; and I do not find that he interposed 
in the suppression of any of the religious houses, 
except Hexham, about which he wrote to Cromwell, 
that it was a great sanctuary when the Scots made 
inroads ; and so he thought that the continuing of it 
might be of great use to the king. He added in 
that letter, ^^that he did carefully silence all the 
preachers of novelties. But some of these boasted, 
that . they would shortly have licenses from the 
king, as he heard they had already from the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury ; but he desired Cromwell 
to prevent that mischief." This is all that I find 
of him. 

_ There is a pardon granted to Stokesley, bishop of 
Liondon, on the third of July, in the thirtieth year 
of his reign, being this year, for having acted by 
conmiission from Rome, and sued out bulls from 
thence. If these crimes were done before the sepa^ 
ration from Rome, they were remitted by the gene- 
ral pardon. If he took a particular pardon, it seems 
strange that it was not enrolled till now. But I am 

K k 4 



S04 THE HiSTOBar or 

BOOK apt to bdieve, it was mther tiie oomImi of a dnki 
'"' than hklwiDg guilty of moii a twnigwhm afaool 

1538. this time; for I see no cause to think -tfae kiaf 
would have pardoned such a crime m m hishnp k 
those days. All that party had iiow» by their ooai* 
pliance and submission, gained so iqadi on tlie Jck^ 
that he began to torn more to their eounaela than he 
had done of late years. Gardiner was lekumcd ftosi 
France, where he had been ambassador finr sons 
years ; he had been also in the emperai^s eourty and 
there were violent presumptions that lie had aeerell^ 
reconciled himself to the pope^ and entered into a 
conrespcmdence with him. For one of tke hg/ta^ 
servants discoursed of it at Ratisbone to one ef ar 
Henry Knevet*s retinue, (who was joined ia the ess* 
bassy with Gardiner,) whom he took to be GardnM^ 
servant, and with whom he had an old acqnanilanoB^ 
The matter was traced, and Knevet qpoke with the 
Italian that had first let it fall, and waa persuaded 
of the truth of the thing : but Grardiner smelling it 
out, said, that Italian, upon whose testimony the 
whole matter depended, was corrupted to ruin him ; 
and complained of it to the emperor's chancdlor 
Granvel : upon which Ludovico (that was the Ita- 
lian's name) was put in prison. And it seems the 
king either looked on it as a contrivance of Gardi- 
ner's enemies, or at least seemed to do so, for he 
continued still to employ him. Yet on many occa- 
sions he expressed great contempt of him, and used 
him not as a counsellor, but as a slave. But he was 
a man of great cunning, and had observed the king^s 
temper exactly, and knew well to take a fit occasion 
for moving the king in any thing, and could im- 
prove it dexterously. He therefiMe represented to 


^ king, that nothing would so secure him, both at book 

jpie and abroad, against all the mischief the pope 1_ 

JIW contriving, as to show great zeal against here^ oal^ffr* 
jm, chiefly the Sacramentaries ; (by that name ^}^ ^p ^« 

f' ijr branded all that denied the corporal presence guoit those 
Christ in the eucharist.) And the king, being all ^^^ ^' 


Jfi life zealous for the belief of the corporal pre* 
Mce^ was the more easily persuaded to be severe 

C'* at head : and the rather, because the princes of 
any, whose friendship was necessaiy to him, 
iipg all Lutherans, his proceedings against the 
%C9ramentaries would give them no offence. 
uAxk occasion at that time presented itself as ojqixir- And Lam- 
iHely as they could have wished ; (me John Nicol- uc^;^' 
IM, alias Lambert, was then questioned by the areh-* 
Ikhop of Canterbury for that opinion. He had been 
pmister of the English company at Antwerp, where 
tMing acquainted with Tindal and Frith, he improv* 
iril that knowledge of religion, which was first in- 
(bsed in him by Bilney : but chancellor More or- 
the merchants to dismiss him ; so he came 
to England, and was taken by some of arch- 
bishop Warham's officers, and many articles were 
ribgected to him. But Warham died soon after. 
Mid the change of counsels that followed occasioned 
his liberty. So he kept a school at London, and 
hearing doctor Taylor, afterwards bishop of Lincoln, 
preach of the presence of Christ in the sacrament, he 
oame to him upon it, and offered his reasons why he 
eould not believe the doctrine he had preached: 
wliich he put in writing, digesting them into ten ar- 
guments. Taylor showed this to doctor Barnes, 
who, as he was bred among the Lutherans, so had 
not only brought over their opinions, but their tem- 



BOOK per with him: he thought that notfafaBif fronid 

— obstruct the progress of the refiinnatioBt thaa the 

'^®* yenting that doctrine in England. Therefine Tsj-^ 
lor and he carried the paper to Cruuner^ who wai 
at that time also of Luther^s ojnnioD^ whidi he had 
drunk in from his friend Osiander. Liitiaier was sf 
the same belief. So Lambert was brought befiie 
them^ and they studied to make him retract hb pik 
iMjMd per: but all was in vain ; for Lambert, hj a fital 
b« UBg. resolution, appealed to the lung. 

This Gardiner laid hold on, and persoaded the 
king to proceed solemnly and severely in it. Tlie 
king.was soon prevailed with ; and both interest and 
vanity concurred to make him improve, this oppiav 
tunitf for showing his zeal and laming. So ktten 
were written to many of the nobility and faiabops to 
come and see this trial ; in which the king intended 
to sit in person, and to manage some part of the ar- 
gument. In November, on the day that was pre- 
fixed, there was a great appearance in Westminsttf- 
hall of the bishops and clergy, the nobility, judges, 
and the king's council ; with an incredible nunlier 
of spectators. The king's guards were ^ in white, 
and so was the cloth of state, 
^nd wM When the prisoner was brought to the bar, the 
ied at trial was opened by a speech of doctor Dayes, which 
***^°" was to this effect : " that this assembly was not at aft 
convened to dispute about any point of faith ; but 
that the king, being supreme head, intended openly 
to condemn and confute that man's hereqr in all 
their presence." Then the king commanded him 
to declare his .opinion about the sacrament. To 
which Lambert began his* answer with a prefieic^ 
acknowledging the king's great goodness, that he 



would thus hear the causes of his subjects, and com- book 
mending his great judgment and learning. In this '*'' 

the king interrupted him, telling him in JLatm, that 1^^* 
he came not there to hear his own praises set forth ; 
and therefore commanded him to speak to the mat- 
ter. This he uttered with a stem countenance ; at 
which Lambert being a little disordered, the king 
asked him again. Whether was Christ's body in the Argmnenu 
sacrament or not ? He answered in the words of St. gaum bim. 
Austin, // was his body in a certain manner. But 
the king bade him answer plainly. Whether it was 
Christ's body or not ? So he answered, TTuit it was 
not his body. Upon which the king urged him with 
the words of scripture, Hiis is my body ; and then 
he commanded the archbishop to confute his opin- 
ion, who spake only to that part of it, which was 
gprounded on the impossibility of a body's being in 
two places at once. And that he confuted from 
Christ's appearing to St. Paul ; showing, that though 
he is always in heaven, yet he was seen by St. Paul 
in the air. But Lambert affirmed, that he was then, 
only in heaven; and that St. Paul heard a voice, 
and saw a vision, but not the very body of Christ. 
Upon this they disputed for some time ; in which, it 
seems, the bishop of Winchester thought Cranmer 
argued but £Edntly, for he interposed in the argu- 

Tonstal's arguments run all upon God's omnipo- 
tency, that it was not to be limited by any appear- 
ances of difficulties, which flowed from our want of 
a right understanding of things ; and our faculties 
being weak, our notions of impossibilities were pro- 
portioned to these. But Stokesley thought he had 
found out a demonstration that might put an end to 


BOOK the whole controTertjr ; finr he ihownct tlHrit in 
^^ tare we see one sabetanoe dunged into nnoHiflryini 

ltS8. jet the accidents remain. 80^ when water ia boilei 
tin iteTaporates into air^ one substanoe ia danged 
into another ; and moisture^ that waa the mt^tltmk^ 
remains^ it being still mdist This (aa ooe of the 
eyewitnesses relates) was received with great q^ 
jdause, and mudi joy appeared in the faiahop'iB looki 
upon it. But whether the spectators could distia- 
guish well between laughter fyt joj» and a aoomM 
8niile» I cannot tell : finr certainly this arotehet mart 
hare provoked the latter rather> auioe it waa a ss- 
phism not to be fiirgiven any above a jamor ao^Us- 
ter ; thus from .an accidental conversion, where Urn 
substance waa still the same» only altered in ita ftrai 
and qualities, (aooording to the language of tint 
philosophy which was then most in vogue^ to infer 
a substantial mutation, where one substance was aa« 
nihilated, and a new one produced in its place. But 
these arguments, it seems, disordered Lambert some- 
what ; and, either the king^s stem looks, the variety 
of th^ disputants, ten, one after another, engaging 
with him, or the greatness of the presence, with tiie 
length of the action, which continued five hours, put 
him in some confusion : it is not improbable but 
they might in the end bring him to be quite silent 
This, one that was present said, flowed from his 
being spent and wearied ; and that he saw what he 
said was little considered : but others ascribed it to 
his being confounded with the arguments that were 
brought against him. So the general i^plause of 
the hail gave the victory on the king's side. Whdi 
he was thus silent, the king asked him. If he was 
convinced by the arguments, and whether he wouU 


live or die ? He answered, That he committed hie fiooic 


soul to God, and submitted hie body to the kin^e 1— 

clemency. But the king told bim, if he did not re- '^^®' 
cant, he must die ; for he would not be a patron of 
heretics : and since he would not do that, the king 
ordered Cromwell to read the sentence, (which he, He is coq- 
as the kmg's vicegerent, did,) declaring him an in« 
corrigible heretic, and condemning him to be burnt. 
Which was soon after executed in Smithfield, in a 
most barbarous manner; for, when his legs and 
thighs were burnt to the stumps, there not being fire 
enough to consume the rest of him suddenly, two 
of the officers raised up his bodj on their halberds, 
be being yet alive and crying out, None hut Chriet, 
none but Christ; and then they let him fall down 
into the fire, where he was quickly consumed to And bunt. 
ashes. He was a learned and good man. His an- 
swers to the articles objected to him by Warham, 
and a book which in his imprisonment he wrote for 
justifying his opinion, which he directed to the king, 
do show both great learning for those times, and a 
very good judgment. 

This being done, the party that opposed the re- 
formation persuaded the king, that he had got so 
much reputation to himself by it, that it would ef*- 
fectually refute all aspersions, which had been cast 
on him, as if he intended to change the faith : nei«- 
ther did they forget to set on him in his weak side, 
and magnify all that he had said, as if the oracle had 
uttered it : by which, they said, it appeared, he was 
indeed a defender of the faith, and the supreme 
head of the church. And he had so good a conceit 
of what was done, that he intended to pursue these 
severities fturther ; and therefore, soon after, he re* 


BOOK wived on summoniiig a pariiameptb pVfStf tar 
'"' finning what he had done» and eompletiiiig: what le- 

J^^- mained to be done further, in the wi p p reMJo n of Ae 
monasteries ; and likewise fiir makiiig a new kw 
fiir punishing some opinions, whidi weve thea 
spreading about the sacrament, and tome other arts- 
des, as will soon appear, 
ntfopui Now the archbishop of Canterfaiii7*8 intenst it 
gmLttfc court suffered a great diminution. Hiadiieffiiedi 

among the bishops was Fox, bishop of Herefivi 
who was much esteemed and emplojed by the Uag. 
He was a privy oounsdlor, and had been emplofed 
in a negotiation with the jprinces of Genniay, to 
whom he was a very acceptable nunister. Th^ 
proposed, that the king would receive the Anshm 
Confession, except in such things as should be st 
tered in it by common consent, and defend it in i 
free council, if any such were called ; and that a» 
ther of them should acknowledge any council called 
by the pope : that the king should be called the jtir 
tron of their league, and tbey should mutually si* 
sist one another, the king giving 100,000 crowns s 
year towards the defence of the league. 

The bishop of Winchester, being then in Franoe^ 

did much dissuade the king from making a religioiD 

league with them; against which he gave some 

plausible politic reasons, for his conscience never 

struggled with a maxim of state. But the long 

liked most of the propositions ; only he would not 

accept the title of defender of their league, till some 

TiM king's differences in the doctrine were agreed. So tb^ 

draM^*^ were to have sent over Sturmius as tbeir agent; and 

German Mclancthon, Bucer, and George Draco, to confer 

princes, ^jjjj ^jjg king^s . divines. But, upon queen Anne's 


fall* this vanished ; and though the king entered into boo k 
a civil league with them, and had frequently a mind 

to bring over Melancthon, for whom he had a great '^^®' 
value, yet it never took effect. There were three 
things in which the Grermans were more positive 
than in any other point of reformation ; these were, 
the communion in both kinds, the worship in a 
known tongue, and an allowance for the marriage of 
the clergy. All the people had got these things in 
their heads ; so that it was generally believed, that 
if the pope had in time consented to them, the pro- 
gress of the reformation had been much stopped. 
The express words of the institution, and the novelty 
of the contrary practice, had engaged that nation 
very early for communion in both kinds. Common 
sense made them all desire to understand what they 
did and said in the worship of God ; and the lewd 
and dissolute practices of the unmarried clergy were 
so public, that they thought the honour of their fa- 
milies, of which that nation is extremely sensible, 
could not be secured, unless the clergy might have 
wives of their own. But at these the king stuck 
more than at other things that were more disput- 
able : for in all other points that were material, he 
had set up the doctrine of the Ausburg Confession ; 
and there was good ground to hope, that the evi- 
dence of at least two of these would have brought 
over the king to a fuller agreement, and firmer union 
with them. But the bishop of Hereford's death gave See Adden- 
a great blow to that design : for though that party 
thought they had his room well filled, when they 
had got Bonner to be his successor ; yet they found Bonoer't 
afterwards what a fatal mistake they committed, in tion. 
raising him now to Hereford, and translating him, 


BOOK within a few months, to London^ vacant by Stokes- 
^"' ley's death. But, during the yacancy of the see of 

1538. Hereford, Cranmer held a visitation in it» where he 
:>oiiect. left some injunctions (to be found in the CollectioD) 
which chiefly related to the encouraging of reading 
the scriptures, and giving all due obedience to the 
king's injunctions. For the oth^ bishops that ad- 
hered to Cranmer, they were rather dogs than hdps 
to him. Latimer's simplicity and weakaeas made 
him be despised ; Shaxton's proud and litigious hu- 
mour drew hatred on him; Barlow was not veiy 
discreet; and many of the preachers whom thef 
cherished, whether out of an unbridled forwardness 
of temper, or true zeal, that would not be managed 
and governed by politic and prudent measures, were 
flying at many things that were not yet abolished. 
Many complaints were brought of these to the Idog. 
Upon which, letters were sent to all the bishops, in 
the king's name, to take care, that as the people 
should be instructed in the truth, so they should not 
be unwarily charged with too many novelties ; since 
the publishing these, if it was not tempered with 
great discretion, would raise much contention, and 
other inconveniences, that might be of dangerous 
consequence. But it seems this caveat did not pro- 
duce what was designed by it, or at least the oppo- 
site party were still bringing in new complaints : for 
I have seen an original letter of Cromwell's to the 
Collect, bishop of Landaffe, bearing date the sixth of Ja- 
Numb. 13. nuary, in which he makes mention of the king^s let^ 
See Adden- tcr scnt to that purposc, and requires him to look to 
the execution, of them, both against the violence of 
the new preachers, and against those that secretly 
carried on the pretended authority of the bishop of 


I Rome; otherwise he threatens to proceed i^mst book 

him in another manner. AU these things concurred 1— 

I to lessen Cranmer's interest in the court; nor had '^^' 
I he any firm Mend there but CromweU, who was 
I also careful to preserve himself: there was not a 
queen now in the king's bosom to favour their mo- 
tions. Queen Jane had been their friend, though 
she came in Anne Boleyn's room, that had supported 
them most. The king was observed to be much 
guided by his wives, as long as they kept their in- 
terest with him. Therefore Cromwell though^ the 
only way to retrieve a design that was almost lost 
was to engage the king in an alliance with some of 
the princes of Germany ; from whence he had heard 
much of the beauty of the htiy Anne of Cleves, the 
duke of Cleves' sister, whose elder sister was married 
to the duke of Saxony. 

But^ while he was setting this on foot, a parUa- a new par. 
ment was summoned to meet the twenty-eighth of 

; to which all the parliamentary abbots had 
their writs. The abbots of Westminster, St. Alban's, 
St. Edmundsbury, St. Mary York, Olastenbury, Glo- 
^ eester, Ramsey, Evesham^ Peterborough, Reading, 
p Mafanesbury, Croyfamd, Selby, Thorny, Winchel- 
^ comb, Waltham, Cirencester, Teukesbury, Cokhes- 
g ter, and Tavestoke, sat in it. On the fifth of May 
^ the lord diancellor acquainted them, that the king, 
p. being most desirous to have all his subjects of one 
P' mind in religion, and to quiet all controversies about 
it, had commanded him to move to them, that a 
I committee might be appointed for examining tKese 
different opinions, and drawing up articles for an 
agreement, which might be reported and consi- 
dered by the house. To this the lords agreed \ 

VOL. 1. L 1 


BOOK and named for « committee, Cr o mw el l the vicege- 
rent, the two archbishops, the Ushqps of Duiesm^ 

1538. Q3|}^ QQJ Wells, Ely, Bangor, Carlisle, and Wor- 
cester: who were ordered to go about it with al 
haste, and were dispensed with for their attendance 
in the house tin they had ended their bnsinM- 
But they could come to no agreement; for Ae 
archbishop of Canterbury, having Uie biahops of 
Ely and Worcester to second him, and boi^ ft- 
voured by Cromwell, the other five oonld cany no- 
thing against them: nor would either party yidl 
to the other; so that eleven days passed in thw 
TiMtisar. On the sixteenth of May the duke of Norfolk toU 
propoMd. the lords, that the committee that was named hd 
made no progress, for thqr were not of one nind; 
which some of the lords had objected^ when tli9 
were first named. Therefore he offered 8<mie arii' 
cles to the lords' consideration, that they might be 
examined by the whole house, and that there nugbt 
be a perpetual law made for the observation of thon^ 
after the lords had freely delivered their minds about 
them. The articles were ; 

** First, Whether in the eucharist Christ's ted 
*^ body was present without any transubstantiation?' 
(so it is in the Journal, absque transubstantiatimie) 
It seems, so the corporal presence had been esta- 
blished, they would have left the manner of it inde- 

^^ Secondly, Whether that sacrament was to be 
'^ given to the laity in both kinds ? 

" Thirdly, Whether the vows of chastity, made 
" either by men or women, ought to be observed by 
" the law of God ? 



" Fourthly, Whether, by the law of God, private book 

masses ought to be celebrated ? 

** Fifthly, Whether priests, by the law of God, ^^^^• 
<• might marry ? 

" Sixthly, Whether auricular confession was ne- 
<* cessary by the law of God ?" 
• Against these the archbishop of Canterbury ar- 
gued long. For the first, he was then in his opinion 
a Lutheran, so he was not like to say much against 
it. But certainly he opposed the second much ; Reuons 
since there was not any thing for which those with th^.^ 
whom he held correspondence were more earnest, 
and seemed to have greater advantages, both from 
Christ's own words in the institution, and the con- 
stant practice of the church for twelve ages. 
: For the third, it seemed very hard to suppress so 
many monasteries, and set the religious persons at 
liberty, and yet bind them up to chastity. That 
tame parliament, by another act, absolved them from 
their vow of poverty, giving them power to purchase 
lands : now it was not reasonable to bind them up 
to some parts of their vow, when they absolved them 
firom the rest. And it was no ways prudent to bind 
them up from marriage, since, as long as they con- 
tinued in that state, they were still capable to re- 
enter into their monasteries, when a fair occasion 
"riiould offer; whereas they, upon their marrying, 
xlid effectually lay down all possible pretensions to 
iheir former houses. 

For the fourth, the asserting the necessity of pri- 
vate masses was a plain condemnation of the king's 
proceedings in the suppression of so many religious 
houses, which were societies chiefly dedicated to that 
purpose : for if these masses did profit the souls de- 



HOOK parted, the destrojring so manj 

-not l>c justified. And for the Utid^ these 

'''^^**'' iiiiiMHCfl were clearly contraij to the first 
tioii, by which that which was blessed and 
rratiHl was to l)e distributed : and it was I 
iHunmunion, and so held by the primitiTe 
wliich admitted none so much as to see tl 
lira t ion of that sacrament, but those who r 
it : laying censures upon such as were pre 
tho rest of that office, and did not stay sjod c 

For the fifth, it touched Cranmer to the 
ftir he was then married. The scripture di 
|daiv ei\join the celibate of the cleif;7. On tl 
tniry« scripture speaks of their wives, and gii 
rules of their living with them. And St I 
ex|HV» words, condemns all men's leaving 
wives* without exception : saying, that tk 
AtiM «!»/ poicer over his own hcdy^ hut the wi 
Iho iMrinutivo church, though those that were 
dor9 did not marry, yet such as were married 
iuxlcnt kept their wives ; of which there wet 
iiMamvs. And when some moved in the i 
K>i Niw. that all that had been married* whe 
cntcrtxl into iuxlers should put away their w 
^ a$ n^kx^txl : and ever since, the Greek di 
Kaw ;iiUowcd their priests to keep their wives 
^:iis it ever commanded in the western cfaur 
t!v^* ivjv* be^n their usurpation. TheffefiH 
(MX'^ibitx'a iU' it being only grounded on ik 
vVit^ututioos^ it was noc reasonable co keep 
^iNv thtai authoritv, on which ic 

\V\s\ %4s^ siikl cvHKXL'ming auric 


)t to easily recover. For though Cranmer ar- book 
three days against these articles, I can only ga- 

the substance of his arguments firom what him-sJidfeii- 
nrote on some of these heads afterwards : for ^ 
ng remains of what passed there but what is 
ijed to us in the Journal, which is short and de^ 

I the twenty-fourth of May the parliament waft 
igued to the thirtieth ; upon what reason it does 
ppear. It was not to set any of the bills back- 
; for it was agreed, that the bills should conti- 
jk the state in which they were then, till their 
meeting. When they met again, on the thir- 
of May, being Friday, the lord chancellor inti- 
d to them, that not only the spiritual lords, but 
king himself, had taken much pains to bring 
^ to an agreement, which was effected. There- 
he moved, in the king's name, that a bill might 
rought in for punishing such as offended against 
t articles. So the lords appointed the archbishop 
anterbury, the bishops of Ely and St David's, 
doctor Petre, a master of chancery, (afterwards 
ftary of state,) to draw one bill ; and the archbi- 
of York, the bishop of Duresme, and Windbes- 
smd doctor Tregonnel, another master of chanr 
» to draw another bill about it; and to have 
I both ready, and to offer them to the king by 
lay next. But the bill that was drawn by the 
bishop of York, and those with him, was best 
L : yet it seems the matter was long contested, 
it was not brought to the house before the 
nth of June ; and then the lord chancellor of- 
1 it, and it was read the first time. On the 
h of June H had the second reading, and on tly^ 

- ^«-'- • Lis 


ooK tenth it was engrossed^ and read tlie third 
III. ^.. _,.„ z. passed, the king desired ^^- 


1539. bishop of Canterbury to go out of the honae^ since 
he could not give his consent to it ; but he fanni- 
Uy excused himself, for he thoi^ht lie was bomid 
in conscience to stay and vote against it. It w» 
sent down to the house of commons, whone it art 
with no great opposition ; for on the fourteenth it 
was agreed to, and sent up again: and on the 
twenty-eighth it had the force of a law by the mji 

The title of it was, an act Jar aboliMhmg div e rmlf 
qfapinums in certain articles canceminig OkriMli^ 
Anftrt^ religian. It is said in the preamble, that the Ub^ 
^ considering the blessed effects of union, and Ae 
^ mischiefii of discord, since there were mainy iSt 
*^ ferent opinions, both among the dei^ and Uty, 
<< about some points of religion, had called this p■^ 
^* liament, and a synod at the same time, for re* 
^< moving these differences, where six articles were 
*^ proposed, and long debated by the clergy : and 
^^ the king himself had come in person to the p8^ 
*' liament and council, and opened many things of 
^^ high learning and great knowledge about than: 
*^ and that he, with the assent of both houses of 
^* parliament, had agreed on the following artidei 
<^ First, That in the sacrament of the altar, after the 
^* consecration, there remained no substance of bresd 
^* and wine, but under these forms the natural bodj 
^^ and blood of Christ were present. Secondly, That 
communion in both kinds was not necessaiy to 
salvation to all persons by the law of Grod ; but 
that both the flesh and blood of Christ were toge- 
ther in each of the kinds. Thirdly, That priests, 



^' after the order of priesthood, might not many by book 

the law of God. Fourthly, That vows of chastity — — 1- 
ought to be observed by the law of God. Fifthly, ^^^^* 
'' That the use of private masses ought to be con- 
^ tinued ; which as it was agreeable to God's law, 
** so men received great benefit by them. Sixthly, 
*' That auricular confession wasr expedient and ne- 
** cessary, and ought to be retained in the church. 
^' The parliament thanked the king for the pains he 
^ had taken in these articles : and enacted, that if 
^* any, after the twelfth of July, did speak, preach, 
or write against the first article, they were to be 
judged heretics, and to be burnt without any abju- 
'* ration, and to forfeit their real and personal estate 
to the king. And those who preached, or obsti- 
nately disputed against the other articles, were to 
be judged felons, and to suffer death as felons, 
without benefit of clergy. And those who, either 
in word or writing, spake against them, were to be 
prisoners during the king's pleasure, and forfeit 
their goods and chattels to the king, for the first 
time : and if they offended so the second time, 
^^ they were to suffer as felons. All the marriages 
^' of priests are declared void ; and if any priest did 
^ still keep any such woman, whom he had so mar- 
*^ ried, and lived familiarly with her, as with his 
wife, he was to be judged a felon : and if a priest 
lived carnally with any other woman, he was upon 
the first conviction to forfeit his benefices, goods, 
^' and chattels, and to be imprisoned during the 
king's pleasure ; and upon the second conviction, 
was to suffer as a felon. The women so offending 
were also to be punished in the same manner as 
the priests : and those who contemned, or ab- 







BOOK << stained from caoSdaAaa, or the wrrinminL il tte 



^ dccustomed timei» for the first offiance woe to ft^ 
1639. « feit their goods and diattd^^ and lie imprisoMd; 
<^ and for the second* were to be a4ji^iged of fils^^i 
^ And, for the execution of this act, oommisMH 
** were to be issued out to all arcfabiahops nd K- 
shops, and their chancdlors and rommisaBi ki, v^ 
such others in the several shires aa the kingdiCMU 
name» to hold their sessions quarterly, or oftener; 
and they ware to proceed upon praaentment^ aal 
by a jury. Those cortmissjooers were Co swesr, 
** that they should execute their ooQiBiiaaiiMi indif- 
<' ferently, without fovour, aflbction, OQnru]itiali» or 
^ malice. All ecclesiastical incuknbenta were to 
^ read this act in their chqrchea once a qqarter. 
<< Andy in the end, a proviso was added, oomoeniiBg 
<^ TOWS of chastity : that^they should not oUige aaft 
^ except such as had taken than at or above the 
** age of twenty-one years ; or had not been oooi* 
" palled to take them." 
Which it This act was received by all that secretly favoured 
ceosamL popery With gTcat joy ; for now they hoped to be 
revenged on all those who had hitherto set forward 
a reformation. It very much quieted the bigots, 
who were now persuaded that the king would not 
set up heresy, since he passed ^ severe an set 
against it ; and it made the total suppression of mo- 
nasteries go the more easily through. The papsb 
clergy liked all the act very weU, except that severe 
branch of it against their unchaste practices. This 
was put in by Cromwell, to make it cut with both 
edges. (Some of our inconsiderate writers, who 
never perused the statutes, tell us, it waa done by 
a different act of parliament; but greater faults 


must be for^ven them wbo write upon hearsay.) book 
There was but one comfort that the poor reformers 

could pick out of the whole act; that they were not ^^^^* 
left to the m^cy of the clergy, and their ecclesiasti- 
cal courts, but were to be tried by a jury ; where 
they might expect more candid and gentle dealing. 
Yet the denjdng them the benefit of abjuration, was 
a severity beyond what had ever been put in prac- 
tice before: so now they began to prepare for new 
Storms, and a heavy persecution. 

The other chief business of this parliament was, Ah act ». 

* boat the 

the suppression of monasteries. It is said in the tapprettion 
preamble of that act, ''that divers abbots, priors, ermoall^ 
*' and other heads of religious houses, had, since the ^"^' 
"•* fourth of February in the twenty-seventh year of 
«' the kuig's reign, without constraint, of their own 
** accord, and according to the due course of the 
^^ common law, by sufficient writings of record, 
** under their covent-seals, given up their houses, 
and all that belonged to them, to the king. There- 
fore all houses that were since that time sup- 
pressed, dissolved, relinquished, forfeited, or given 
up, are confirmed to the king and his successors 
** for ever : and all monasteries that should there- 
^' after be suppressed, forfeited, or given up, are also 
*' confirmed to the king and his successors. And all 
^' these houses, with tiie rents belonging to them, 
*^ were to be disposed of by the court of augmenta- 
^' tions for the king's profit ; excepting only such as 
were come into the king's hands by attainders of 
treason, which belonged to the exchequer : reserv- 
ing to all persons, except the patrons, founders, 
^' and donors of such houses, the same right to any 
parts of them, or jurisdiction in them, which they 





BOOK ^ could have claimed if that act had never beea 
"'' ^ made. Then followed manj daoaea for annnDiiig 

•15S9. u 3]i deeds and leases made within one year hefise 
^ the suppression of any religious houae» to the pn- 
^*judice of it, or different from what had beeo 
^granted formerly. And all churches or chi^di^ 
^ which belonged to these monasteffies, and were 
<* formerly exempted firom the visitation or jutisdio* 
^ tion of their ordinary, are declared to be witUi 
'* the jurisdiction of the bishop of the diooes^ or 
of any other that should be appointed by tke 


This act passed in the house of peers without mj 
protestation made by any of the abbots, though ft 
appears by the Journal, that, at the first .reading of 
it, there were eighteen abbots present ; at the second 
reading, twenty; and seventeen at the third tesd- 
ing ; and the abbots of Glastenbury, Colchester, sod 
Reading, were among those who were present ; so 
little reason there is to think they were attainted 
for any open withstanding the king^s proceedingSi 
when they did not protest against this act, which 
was so plainly levelled at them. It was soon de- 
spatched by the commons, and offered to the royal 
assent. By it no religious houses were suppressed, 
as is generally taken for granted ; but only the snr- 
renders, that either had been, or were to be made, 
were confirmed. The last proviso, for annulling aB 
exemptions of churches and chapels, had h&m t 
great happiness to the church, if it had not been for 
that clause, that the king might appoint others to 
visit them; which in a great degree did enervate 
it. For many of those who afterwards purchased 
these lands, with the impropriated tithes, got this 


likewise in their grants, that they should be the vi- book 

sitoi*s of the churches and cliapels formerly ex- — 

empted : from whence great disorders have since *^^^' 
followed in these churches, which not falling within 
the bishop's jurisdiction, are thought not liable to his 
censures; so that the incumbents in them, being 
under no restraints, have often been scandalous to 
the church, and given occasion to those who were 
disaffected to the hierarchy, to censure the prelates 
for those offences which they could not punish; 
since the offenders were thus excepted out of their 
jurisdiction. This abus^ which first sprang from 
the ancient exemptions that were confirmed or 
granted by the see of Rome, has not yet met with 
an effectual remedy. 

Upon the whole matter, this suppression of abbeys 
was universaUy censured ; and, besides the common 
exceptions, which those that favoured the old super- 
stition made, it was questioned, whether the lands 
that formerly belonged to religious houses ought to 
have returned to the founders and donors by way of 
revertir, or to have fallen to the lords of whom the 
lands were holden, by the way of escheat, or to have 
come to the crown ? It is true, by the Roman law, 
or at least by a judgment of the senate in Theodo- 
sius's time, the endowments of the heathenish temples 
were, upon a friU debate, whether they should re- 
turn to the right heirs, or be confiscated ? in the end 
adjudged to the fisc, or the emperor's exchequer, 
upon this reason ; that, by the will of the donors, 
they were totally alienated from them and their 
heirs. But in England it went otherwise. And 
when the order of the knights templars was dis- 
solved, it was then judged in favour of the lord by 


wcond, and third time; and sent down to the cont- book 
mons. The preamble of it was, " that it was known "' 
*• what slothful and ungodly life had been led by *^^- 
** those who were called religious. But that these 
^ houses might be converted to better uses ; that 
•• God's word might be better set forth, children 
** brought up in learning, clerks nourished in the 
^ universities, and that old decayed servants might 
^ have livings ; poor people might have almshouses 
** to maintain them ; readers of Greek, Hebrew, and 
^ Latin, might have good stipends ; daily alms 
^ might be ministered, and allowance might Ife made 
^ for mending of the highways, and exhibitions for 
^ ministers of the church ; for these ends, if the king 
^^ thought fit to have more bishoprics or cathedral 
^ churches erected out of the rents of these houses, 
^ full pow^ was given to him to erect and found 
^ them, and to make rules and statutes for them, 
^ and such translations of sees, or divisions of them, 
^ as he thought fit." But on this act I must add a But tee 
lingular remark. The preamble and material parts 
of it were drawn by the king himself; and the first 
draught of it, under his hand, is yet extant ; which 
shows his extraordinary ^plication and understand- 
ing of business. But in the same paper there is a 
list of the sees which he intended to found ; of which 
what was done afterwards came so &r short, that I 
know nothing to which it can be so reasonably int- 
puted, as the declining of Cranmer's interest at court, 
who had proposed the erecting of new cathedrals 
and sees, with other things mentioned in the pre- 
amble of the statute, as a great mean for reforming 
the church. The sees which the king then designed. The king't 
with the abbeys out of which they were to be erectr ^!1^3^, 



ed» foDow, as in the paper under tbe ldng|% own 


Essex, Waltham. 

Hartford, St Alban'k. 

Bedfordshu^ and 1 DunstaUe^ Newaduun, 
Buckinghamshire, j Clowstown. 

Oxford and Berk- 1 ^ „ 

, * t Osnar and Tame. 

shire, ) ^ 

Northampton and 1 ^ . , 
Huntington, } Peterbaroagh. 

Middlesex, Westminster. 

Leicester and. Rut-) , . 
land, [Leicester. 

CHocestershire, StPeter^s. 

Lancashire, j Fountains, and the an^ 

( deaconry of Richmond. 
Suffolk, Edmondsbury. 

Stafford and Salop, Shrewsbury. 

Nottingham and 1 Wdbeck, Wersop, Thur- 
Derby, ) garton. 

ComwaU, J Lanceston, Bedmynne, 

I Wardreth. 

Over these is written, l^e hishoprics to be made. 
In another corner of the page he writes as fol- 

Places to he altered according to our device^ 
which have sees in them. Chrisfs Church in Can- 
terbury , St. Sunthih*s, Ely^ Duresm^ Rochester j 
with a part of Leedsy Worcester ^ and all others 
having the same. Then a little below ; Places t$ 
be altered into cdlesres and schools : Burton super 


Trent. More is not written in that paper. But I book 
wonder much, that in this list Chester was forgotten : 

yet it was erected before any of them ; for I, have ^^^^* 
seen a commission under the privy-seal, to the bi-' 
shop of Chester, to take the surrender of the monas- 
tery of Hammond in Shropshire, bearing date the 
twenty-fourth of August this year. So it seems the 
see of Chester was erected and endowed before the 
act passed, though there is among the rolls a charter 
for endowing and founding of it afterwards. Bristol 
is not mentioned in this paper, though a see was 
afterwards erected there. It was not before the 
end of the next year that these sees were founded ; 
and there was in that interval so great a change 
made, both of the council and ministers, that no 
wonder the things now designed were never accom- 

Another act passed in this parliament, concern^ Aa act 
ing the obedience due to the king's proclamations, king's pro- 
There had been great exceptions made to the legal- *'**°****^"'' 
ity of the king's proceedings in the articles about re- 
ligion, and other injunctions published by his author- 
ity, which were complained of as contrary to law ; 
since by these the king had, without consent of par- 
liament, altered some laws, and had laid taxes on 
his spiritual subjects. Upon which an act passed, 
which sets forth in the preamble, " the contempt and 
disobedience of the king's proclamations, by some 
who did not consider what a king by his royal 
power might do ; which, if it continued, would 
'^ tend to the disobedience of the laws of God, and 
^< the dishonour of the king's majesty, (who may 
*< full ill bear it.) Considering also, that many oc- 
*^ casions might require speedy remedies, and that 


BOOK ** debtying these till a pailianient met miglit oocaMB 
^"' « great prejudices to the reahn ; and that the km^ 
1539. << by his royal power given of Ood, might do ffiaoj 
<< things in such cases : therefore it is enacted, that 
<< the king for the time being, with advice of bii 
<< council, might set forth proclamations, with paini 
** and penalties in them, which were to be obeyed 
*< as if they were made by an act of parliament 
^* But this was not to be so extended, that any of 
^< the king^s subjects should suffer in their estato* 
<* liberties, or persons, by virtue of it : nor that by it 
'^ any of the king^s proclamations, laws, or customs 
*^ were to be broken and subverted." Then foDow 
some clauses about the publishing of proclamatioDa^ 
and the way of prosecuting those who contemned 
and disobeyed them. It is also added, << that if tflj 
offended against them, and, in further contempt 
went out of the realm, he was to be adjudged a 
traitor. This also gave power to the counsellors 
" of the king's successor, if he were under age, to 
set forth proclamations in his name, which were 
to be obeyed in the same manner with those set 
forth by the king himself." This act gave great 
power to the judges, since there were such restric- 
tions in some branches of it, which seemed to lessen 
the great extent of the other parts of it ; so that the 
expositors of the law bad much referred to them. 
Upon this act were the great changes of religion io 
the nonage of Edward the Sixth grounded. 
An act There is another act, which but collaterally belongs 

cedeiic^. to ecclesiastical affairs, and therefore shall be but 
slightly touched. It is the act of the precedency of 
the officers of state, by which the lord vicegerent has 
the precedence of all persons in the kingdom, next 


the royal family : and on this I must make one re- book 

mark) which may seem very improper for one of my 

profession, especially when it is an animadversion on ^^^^* 
one of the greatest men that any age has produced ; 
the most learned Mr. Selden. He, in his Titles of 
Honour, says, ** That this statute was never printed 
^' in the Statute-Book, and but incorrectly by an- 
^ other ; and that therefore he inserts it literally, as 
^* it is in the record.'' In which there are two mis- 
takes: for it is printed in the Statute-Book that 
was set out in that king's reign, though left out in 
some later Statute-Books : and that whicb he prints 
is not exactly according to the record. For, as he 
jnrints it, the bishop of London is liot named in the 
precedency, which is not according to the pariia* 
ment-roU, in which the bishop of London has the 
precedence next the archbishop of York; and though 
this is corrected in a'posthumous edition, yet in that 
6et out by himself it is wanting : nor is that omis- 
sion among the errors of the press ; for, though there 
are many of these gathered to be amended, this is 
Heme of them. This I do not take notice of out of 
any vanity, or humour of censuring a man so great in 
all sorts of learning ; but my design is only to let in* 
genious persons see, that they ought not to take things 
on trust eaaly, no, not from the greatest authors. 

These are all the public acts that relate to reli- som« acu 
gion, which were passed in this parliament. With ^eA. *'°* 
these there passed an act of attainder of the marquis 
of Exeter, and the lord Montacute, with many othen^ 
that were either found to have had a great hand in 
the lata rebdlion, or were discovered to hold corre- 
spondence with cardinal Pool, who was then traf- 
ficking with foreign princes, and projecting a league 

VOL. I. - Mm 


BOOK among them agsinst the kiiig. But eCtU* I >UI 
'"' gi^6 A D'^'^ ^^ account at the eod of this beok; 

.1539. tieing there to open the grounds of all the attaJncJai 
that were passed in these last years of the kuqfk 
reign. There is one remarkable thing that bdoiy 
to this act. 

Some were to be attainted in abaenoe; otfaes 
they had no mind to bring to make their answo^ 
but yet designed to attaint them. Sudi were, da 
marchioness of Exetef , and the counteaa of Sam^ 
mother to cardinal Pool» wlKttn» by a groaa mistab 
fipeed fancies to have been condemned without » 
raignment or trial, as CiomweU had been by psdh* 
ment : for she was now condemned a year beflic 
him. About the justice of doiiig this thefe w 
some debate ; and, to dear it, Crood well aent tat the 
judges, and asked their opinions^ Whether a ■■ 
might be attainted in parliament, without beof 
brought to make his answer ? They said. It was a 
dangerous question. That the parliament ouf^i t0 
be an example to all inferior courts ; and that, whei 
any person was charged with a crime, he, by the 
common rule of justice and equity, should be heari 
to plead for himself. But the parliament being tk 
supreme court of the nation, what way soever th^ 
proceeded, it must be good in law; and it cooli 
never be questioned, whether the party was broqght 
to answer or not : and thus a very ill precedent wai 
made, by which the most, innocent person in the 
world might be ruined. And this, as has often bees 
observed in the like cases, fell very soon heavily oa 
the author of the counsel ; as shall appear. 
Tbekiog't When the parliament was prorogued^ on the 
cl^mer. tweuty-cighth of June, the king apprehended tid 


the archbishop of Canterbury might be mach cast book 
down with the act for the six articles, sent for him, 

and told him, that he had heard how much, and . \^^^\ 

' ' Antiq. Bnt. 

with what learning, he had argued against it; and'°^^^ 

• Cranmcr, 

therefore he desired he would put all his arguments 
in writing, and bring them to him. Next day he 
sent the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the lord 
Cromwell, to dine with him : ordering them to as- 
Sure him of the king^s constant and unshaken kind- 
ness to him, and to encourage him all they could. 
When they were at table with him at Lambeth, they 
run out much on his commendation, and acknow- 
ledged he liad opposed the act with so much learn* 
ing, gravity, and eloquence, that even those that dif- 
fered from him were much taken with what he said ; 
and that he needed fear nothing from the king. 
CromweU saying, that this difference the king put 
between him and all his other counsellors; that 

: when complaints were brought of others, the king 

received them, and tried the truth of them; but 

he would not so much as hearken to any com- 

, plaint of the archbishop. From that he went on to 

!" make a parallel between him and cardinal Wolsey ; 
, Hiat the one lost his friends by his haughtiness and 
pride, but the other gained on his enemies by his 
gentleness and mildness. Upon which the duke of 
Norfolk said, he might best speak of the cardinal, 
lor he knew him well, having been his man. This 
nettled Cromwell ; who answered, that, though he 
had served him, yet he never liked his manners: 
and that, though the cardinal had designed (if his 
attempt for the popedom had been successful) to 
have made him his admiral; yet he had resolved 
not to accept of it, nor to leave his country. To 

M m 2 


BOOK which the duke of Norfidk rqiKed, wHb a de^ 
^"* oath, that he Ued; with other reproachful lan^iuagfr 

1539. ^j^is troubled Cranmer extremely, who did all he 
could to quiet and reconcile them. But now the 
enmity between those two great ministers broke oat 
to that height, that they were never aH er wirii j 
hearty friends, 
rranmer But Craumer went about that which the king hal 
^!^^^ commanded ; and made a book of the reasons thit 
^g^ll^^ led him to oppose the six artides : in which tke 
places out of the scriptures, the authorities of tk 
ancient doctors, with the ai^^ments drawn fim 
these, were all digested in a good method. lUi lie 
commanded his secretary to write out in a fidr luuA 
that it might be given to the king. The secretsiy 
returning with it from Croyden, where the arcUs* 
shop was then, to Lambeth, found the key of lA 
chamber was carried away by the archbishop's almo* 
ner : so that he, being obliged to go over to London 
and not daring to trust the book to any other^s keep- 
ing, carried it with himself ; where both he and tk * 
book met with an unlooked-for encounter. Some | 
others, that were with him in the wherry, would 
needs go to the Southwark side, to look on a beir* 
baiting that was near the river, where the king W0 
in person. The bear broke loose into the river, and 
the dogs after her. They that were in the best 
leaped out, and left the poor secretary alone theie 
But the bear got into the boat, with the dogs aboit 
her, and sunk it. The secretary, apprehending Us 
life was in danger, did not mind his book ; which be 
lost in the water : but, being quickly rescued, and 
brought to land, he began to look for his book, sod 
saw it floating in the river. So he desired the betf* 


ird to bring it to him; who tqok it upt but» be- book 

re he would restore it, put it into the hands of a 1-^ 

iest that stood there^ to see what it might con- '^^^* 
in. The priest, reading a little in it, found it a 
nfutation of the six articles ; and told the bear- 
urd, that whosoever claimed it would be hanged 
r his pains. But the archbishop's secretaiy, think- 
^ to mend the matter, said, it was his lord's book, 
lis made the bearward more intractable; for he 
IS a spiteful papist, and hated the archbishop : so 
at no offers or entreaties could prevail with him 
give it back. Whereupon Morice (that was the 
aretary's name) went and opened the matter to 
tnmwell the next daj : Cromwell was then going 
court, and he expected to find the bearward there, 
>king to deliver the book to some of Cranmer^s 
emies ; he therefore ordered Morice to go along 
th him. Where, as they had expected, they found 
e fellow with the book about him; upon whom 
•omwell called, and took the book out of his hand, 
reatening him severely for his presumption in 
sddling with a privy counsellor's book. 
But though Cranmer escaped this hazard, yet in Proctediogt 
mdon the storm of the late act was falling hea- act 
iy on them that were obnoxious. Shaxton and 
itimer, the bishops of Salisbury and Worcester, 
thin a week after the session of parliament, as it 
pears, resigned their bishoprics. For on the se- 
nth of July the chapters of these churches peti- 
»ned the king for his leave to fill those sees, they 
ing then vacant by the firee resignation of the for- 
sr bishops. Upon which the cang^ ^iUre for 
th was granted. Nor was this all : but they, be- 
% presented as having spoken against the six ar- 

M m 3 


HOOK ticks, were put in prison ; where the one lay till d> 1 
-king died, and the other till a little before his death, 

1539. j^g shall be shown in its proper place. There were 
also commissions issued out for proceeding upon that 
statute : and those who were commissioned for Lon- 
don were all secret favourers of popery ; so they 
proceeded most severely, and examined many wit- 
nesses against all who were presented ; whom the; 
interrogated, not only upon the express words of 
the statute, but upon all such collateral or presump- 
tive circumstances, as might entangle them, or con- 
clude them guilty. So that, in a very little while, 
five hundred persons were put in prison, and involved 
in the breach of the statute. Upon this, not only 
Cranmer and Cromwell, but the duke of Suffi^ 
and Audley the chancellor, represented to the kit^ 
how hard it would be, and of what ill consequeoce. 
to execute the law upon so many persons. So the 
king was prevailed with to pardon them all ; and I 
find no further proceeding upon this statute tlD 
Cromwell fell. 

But the opposite party used all the arts possiUe 

•f- to insinuate themselves into the king. And there- 

fore, to show how far their compliance would gOj 
Bonner took a strange commission from the kingi 
ou tlie twelfth of November this year. It has beoi 

' certainly enrolled; hut it is not there now : so that 

I judged it was razed in that suppression of records, 
which was in queen Mary's time. But, as men are 
commonly more careless at home, Bonner has left it 
on record in his own register. Whether the other 
bishops took such commissions from this king, 1 
know not : but I am certain there is none such is 
Cranmer's register ; and it is not likely, if any such 


bad been taken out bff Unsu tbat ercar k wmdd bave 



been razed* The Gommisaion ttsdf will be found- 
in the C!ollection of papers at the isnd. The nil>-cou^^' 
stance of it is, *^ That, since afi jurisdiction, both ec-^om^- ^4- 
^ desiastical and civile flowed firom the king as su- 
^ preme head, and he was the foundati<m of all 
power; it became those, who ex;ercised it onlj 
{prtBcarib) at the king's courtesf , gratefully to 
^ acknowledge, that thejr had it only of his bounty ; 
^ and to declare, that they would deliver it up again 
^ when it should please him to call for it And 
^ suoipe the king had constituted the lord Cromwell 
^ his vicegerent in ecclesiastical affairs ;. yet, because 
^^ be could not look into all those matters, therefore 
^ the king, upon Bonner's petition, did empower him, 
^ in his own stead, to ordain such as he fimnd wor* 
^ thy, to present and give institution, with all the 
^' other parts of episcopal authority, for which he is 
<^ duly commissionated : and this to last during the 
f* king's pleasure onlyw And all the parts of the 
^ episa^ial function being reckoned up, it ocmduded 
^ with a strict charge to the bishop to ordain none 
^* but such, of whose integriQr, good life, and learn-* 
^ ing, he had very good assurance. For as the coru 
^ ruptions of the Christian doctrine, and of men's 
<' manners, had chiefly proceeded from ill pastors ; 
^ so it was not to be doubted, but good pastors, well 
'^ chosen, would again reform the Christian doctrine^ 
^ and the lives of Christians." After he had taken 
this commission, Bonner might well have been called 
one of the king's* bishops. The true reason of this 
profound compliance was, that the popish party ap^ 
prehended, that Cranmer's great interest with the 
kii^ was chiefly grounded on some opinions he had 

M m 4 


BooE of the ecclesiastical officers being as much subject to 
" ' thy king's power as all other dvU officers were. 
1539. j^pj ^^^]^ having endeared him so much to the king, 
therefore they resolved to outdo him in that point 
But there was this difference: that Ci-anmer was 
once of that opinion, and, if he followed it at all, it 
was out of conscience ; hut Bonner against his con- 
science (if he had any) complied with it. 
ni«oimion Now followed the fioal dissolution of the abbeyi; 
»ut»p. there are fifty-seven surrenders upon record tim 
year ; the originals of about thirty of these are yet 
to be seen. Thirty-seven of them were abbeys or 
priories, and twenty nunneries. The good house 
of Godstow now fell, suiTendered with the rest, 
though among the last of them. Now the great 
parliament abbots surrendered apace ; as those of 
Westminster, St. Alhan's, St. Edmundsbury, Can- 
terbury, St. Mary in York, Selby, St. Peter's in Glo- 
cester, Cirencester, 'WaUham, Winchcombe, Malroes- 
bury, and Battel. Three others were attainted; 
Glastenbury, Reading, and Colchester. The deeds 
of the rest are lost. Here it will not be unaccept- 
able to the reader to know who were the parliarooii- 
» ary abbots. There were in all twenty-eight, as thej 

were commonly given : Fuller has given a cata- 
logue of them in three places of his History of Ab- 
beys ; but as every one of these differs from the 
others, so none of them arc according to the Jour- 
nals of parUament ; the lord Herbert is also mistaken 
in his account. I shall not rise higher in my in- 
quiry than this reign ; for anciently many more ab- 
bots and priors sat in parliament, beside other cler- 
gy, that had Ukewise their writs; and of whotf 
right to sit in the house of commons there was i 


question moved in Edward the Sixth's reign^ as book 
shall be opened in its proper place. Much less will 

I presume to determine so great a point in law, ^^^^* 
Whether they sat in the house of lords as being a 
part of the ecclesiastical state, or as holding their 
lands of the king by baronage? I am only to ob- 
serve the matter of fact, which is, that, in the Jour- 
nals of parliament in this reign, these twenty- eight 
abbots had their writs; Abington, St.Alban's, St. 
Austin's Canterbury, Battel, St. Bennet's in the 
Holm, Berdeny, Cirencester, Colchester, Coventry, 
Croyland, St. Edmundsbury, Evesham, Olastenbury, 
Glocester, Hide, Mahnesbury, St. Mary's in York, 
Peterborough, Ramsey, Reading, Selby, Shrewsbury, 
Tavenstock, Teuksbury, Thomey, Waltham, West- 
minster, and Winchelcomb ; to whom also the pricnr 
of St. John's may be added. But, beside