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Si 



fca 



-I 
i 



THE 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



REFORMATION 



OF THB 



- ■ J ' • • • 



CHURCH or ENOLAND. 



- • « ' 



. riPV" • 



* m • 



GILBERT BURNET, D.D. 

LATE LORD BISHOP OF SARUM. 



VOL. III. 



OXFORD, 

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
MDCCCXXIX. 



/ 



THE THIRD PART 



OF TBB 



HISTORY 

OF THE 

REFORMATION 

OF THE 

CHURCH. OF ENGLAND. 









• * 



BOOK r. " 

• •-■«» 

(yf matters that happened in the time comprehended in the 
First Book of the History of the Reformation. 

Before I enter on the affairs of England, I «'>^>k 

have thought it would be of great use to prepare '• — 

the reader for what relates to them, by setting lx»- 
fore him the progress of that agreement, into which 
the French king's affairs carried him ; by which he 
delivered up one great part of the lil)erties of the 
Gallican church to the pope, and invaded the rest 
himself. This was carried on in a course of many 
years; and the scene lying next us, and it t>eing 
concluded in the very time in which the breach of 
this nation was far carried on, in the year 1532, I 
thought it would not l>e an improfK-r Ijeginning of 

VOL. III. B 



1300. 



S THE HISTORY OF 

PART my work to set out that matter very copiously; 

! since it is highly probable that it had a great influ- 
ence on all who were capable to reflect on it. 

The greatest transaction that happened in this 
period being the setting up the concordate, in the 
room of the pragmatic sanction, by Francis the 
First, it will be necessary, in order to the clear 
opening of the matter, to look back into the for- 
mer ages. , 

rws^oTthe '^^^ progrcss the papacy had made from pope 

4>ai usur- Gregory the Seventh to pope Boniface the Eighth's 
time, in little more than 230 years, is an amazing 
thing. The one begun the pretension to depose 
kings ; the other, in the jubilee that he first opened, 
went in prode^ftioii'^thrcaij^IiJ^S^^ the first day at- 
tired as pope, md th(^J)ex€*tfey attired as emperor, 
declaring, that. 'all. rpigj^er)* [both spiritual and tem- 
poral, was iif..4^/:atrd*derif ed from him : and he 
cried out wifh* a* Idild 'TOioe, / am pope and em^ 
peror, and have both the earthly and heavenly em- 
pire ; and he made a solemn decree in these words. 
We say^ d^ne, and pronounce^ that it is ahso- 
lutely necessary to salvation for every human crea- 
ture to he subject to the bishop of Rome. The holy 
war, as it was called, was a great part of the busi- 
ness of that interval ; by which the authority and 
wealth of the papacy received no small addition. It 
is true, the removal of the popes to Avignon, and 
the schism that foUowed upon the popes' return to 
Rome, did put no smaU stop to that growing power, 
and to the many and great usurpations and inven- 
tions, not known to former ages, which were set on 
foot to draw all people into a servile dependance on 
the popes. 



THE REFORMATION. 3 

long schism between the popes that sat at book 
Rome and Avignon was the best conjuncture the bi- 



shops could ever have hoped for to recover their au- The'tc?win 
ihority ; which had been for some ages oppressed^ >" ^^e p^- 
and indeed trodden under foot by the papacy. And 
if that had happened in a less ignorant age, it is very 
probable there would have been more effectual pro- 
Tisions made against it. The bishops that met at 
Constance did not apprehend that the continuance 
of that breach was that in which their strength lay : 
they made too much haste to heal it ; but they soon 
&UDd that when all was again united, none of the 
Rgulations that they made could restrain a power 
that pretended to know no limits. The greatest se- 
cority of the church, as they thought, was in the act 
fir perpetual general councils, which were to meet 
after short intervals ; and in the act for subjecting 
the popes to the councils, requiring them to call 
them and the council to meet at the end of ten years, 
whether the pope summoned it or not. 

But these proved feeble restraints : yet the counciry* 
of Basil did sit, pursuant to the decree made at Con- 
stance ; and the bishops who met there endeavoured, 
as much as their low size of learning could direct 
them, to set forward a reformation of those abuses 
that were brought into the church, and that sup- 
ported that despotic power which the popes had as- 
sumed. They reckoned, a regulation of the elections 
of bishops was the laying a good foundation, and the 
settling of pillars and bases, upon which the fabric 
of the church might securely rest. Many bishops 
were made by papal provisions ; these they simply 
condemned : others were promoted by the power 
and favour of princes, to which ambitious men re- 

b2 



le council 



4 THE HISTORY OF 

PART commended themselves by base compliances and si- 
III. 
'- — moniacal bargains ; in opposition to these, they re- 

^^^^" stored elections to the chapters, with as good provi- 
sions as they could contrive, that they should be well 
managed. 
The pope A contcst falling in upon their proceedings be- 
qmu^i!"*^*^ tween them and pope Eugenius the Fourth, they 
addressed themselves to Charles the Seventh, king 
of France, for his protection. They sent him the 
decrees they had made against annate^ that is, first- 
fruits; a late device of pope Boniface the Ninth, 
then about 50 years standing, pretending to carry^r. 
on a war against the Turk by that aid. They 
also condemned gratias expectativaSj or the sur- 
vivances of bishoprics, and other benefices; with 
all clauses of reservations in bulls, by which popes 
reserved to themselves at pleasure such things as 
were in a bishop's collation. They appointed elec- 
tions to be confirmed by the metropolitan, and not 
by the pope. They condemned all fees and exac* 
tions upon elections, except only a salary for the 
writer's pains ; and all appeals, except to the imme- 
diate superior; with all appeals from a grievance, ' 
unless it was such that the final sentence must turn' 
upon it : and when the appeal rose up by all inter^ ^ 
mediate steps to the pope, it was to be judged by i 
delegates appointed to sit 'upon the place where the 
cause lay, or in the neighbourhood ; only the causes ^ 
marked expressly in the law, as greater causeSf . 
were reserved to the pope. Provision was made fi» 
the encouragement of learning, and of the universfc- . 
ties, that the benefices that fell in any collator's gift ] 
should be, in every third month of the year, given ' 
to meta that had been, during a limited ntimber d 



THE REFORMATION. 5 

years, bred in them; and had upon due trial ob- booi 

tained d^^rees in them. If a bishop had ten bene 1— 

fioes in his gift, the pope might name to one ; and if '^^* 
fifty, to two ; but to no more. Some of the provi- 
aons relate to the discipline and order of the cathe- 
dral churches : but the main thing of all was, their 
declaring the council to be above the pope ; that the 
pope was bound to submit to it, and that appeals lay 
to it from him. 

The first breach between the pope and the council 
was made up afterwards by the interposition of Sigis- 
^mond the emperor : the pope recalled his censures, 
confessed he had been misled, and ratified all that 
the council had done. But that lasted not long: 
for, upon the pretence of treating a reconciliation 
with the Greek church, some moved for a translation 
of the council to Ferrara ; but the majority opposed 
it: yet the pope did translate it thither. Upon 
which the council condemned that bull, and pro- 
ceeded against Eugenius. He on the other hand 
declared them to be no council, and excommuni- 
cated them : they on their part deposed him, and 
chose another pope, Amedee duke of Savoy, who 
took the name of Felix : he had retired from his 
principality, and upon that they again begged the 
I»otection of France. 

The king being thus .applied to by them, sum- H38. 
moned a great assembly to meet at Boui^s ; where a^a^tic «m 
the dauphin, the princes of the blood, many of the \'^,'rnxta 
nobility, and many bishops, met. They would not 
ap{Mt)ye the deposition of the pope, nor the new 
election of Felix : but yet they rejected the meeting 
of Ferrara, and adhered to that at Basil. The de- 
crees passed at Basil were by them reduced into 

b3 



6 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the form of an edict ; and published under the title 

•-: '. — of the pragmatic sanction : which the king declared 

^^^^' he would have to be inviolably observed ; and he re- 
solved to moderate matters between the pope and 
the council. 
The effects Thcrc are very different relations made of the 
it h«d. - effects that this edict had : some say, that the church 
of France began to put on a new face upon it, and 
that men were advanced by merit, and not, as for- 
merly, by applications to the court of Rome, nor so- 
licitations at the court of France : "others give a 
^* most tragical representation of elections, as ma^ 
naged by faction, indirect arts, the solicitations of 
women, and simoniacal bargains ; and in some 
places by open violence, out of which many suits 
were brought into the courts of law. The trea- 
sure of the church was, as they said, applied to 
*^ maintain these ; the fabric was let go to ruin ; 
" and bishops' houses dilapidated. Pope Leo the 
" Tenth, in his bull that abrogates this sanction, 
enumerates many evils that arose out of these 
elections ; and that, in particular, simony and per- 
*' jury prevailed in them, of which he says he had 
*^ undeniable evidence, in the many absolutions and 
" reabilitations that were demanded of him." This 
might be boldly alleged, because it could not be dis- 
proved, how false soever it might be. 

There might be some instances of faction, which 
were no doubt aggravated by the flatterers of the 
court of Rome : for the profits which came from 
France being stopped by the pragmatic, all arts were 
used to disgrace it. 
The pope Encas Silvius was counted one of the ablest men 
it, of that time. He was secretary to the council of 



€( 
tt 



ii 



THE REFORMATION. 7 

Basil, and wrote copiously in defence of it against book 
the pope ; but he was gained over to the interests of. 



the court of Rome : he had a cardinal's hat, and was '^^ 
afterwards advanced to the popedom, and reigned by 
the name of Pius the Second. He retracted all his 
former writings, but never answered them : yet he 
was so barefaced in setting himself to sale, that, 
when he was reproached for changing sides, he an* 
swered, the popes gave dignities, abbeys, bishoprics, 
and red hats to their creatures ; but he asked, how 
many of such good things did the council give. 

He distinguished himself, as deserters are apt to do, '" ftcomicu 
by railing at all that the council of Basil had done, 
and against the pragmatic sanction. He branded it 
as a heresy: and, in a council that he held at Man- 1458. 
tua, twenty years after, he inveighed severely against 
it. He said, bishops thought to have established 
their power, but on the contrary their authority was 
ruined by it ; fcrr ecclesiastical causes were brought 
into the secular courts, and all things were put into 
the king's hands : yet that sanction was observed in 
France till the king's death ; and though some were 
persuaded to go to Rome, and to procure bulls, these 
were esteemed no better than traitors and enemies 
to the country. It is true, upon this the courts of 
parliament took upon them to judge in all ecclesias- 
tical matters, and to examine whether the ecclesias- 
tical courts had proceeded according to the laws of 
the church or not : and that the sentences of the 
temporal courts might be executed, they ordered the 
revenues of bishops, if they stood out in contumacy, 
to be seized into the king's hands, and their persons 
to be arrested. 

When Danesius the attorney-general heard how 

B 4f 



i 



8 THE HISTORY OF 

PART pope Pius had arraigned the pragmatic sanction, and 



-that he was designing to proceed to censures agaiBSt 
^^^S- the king and his ministers, he protested against all 
he had said, referring the decision of the matter to a 
general council. 
Lewu the Upou that kiug's death, he was succeeded by Lewis 
abrogates it. the Eleventh ; and the bishop of Arras having great 
credit with him, the pope gained him, by the promise 
of a cardinal's hat, to use his endeavours to get the 
king to abrogate the sanction: and because he thought 
that which might work most on the king was, the 
apprehension that much money, which was now kept 
within the kingdom, would upon the laying it aside 
be carried to Rome ; this expedient was offered, that 
there should be a legate resident in France, with 
powers to grant such bulls as was necessary : though 
this was never done, and it seems it was only offered 
as a specious concession to gain their point. King 
Lewis the Eleventh's characta: is given us so ftdly 
by Philip de Comines, who knew him well, that 
none who have read him will wonder to find, that^ 
when he needed any favour from the court of Rome, 
he made the fullest submission that lany king per- 
haps ever made. He, in a letter that he wrote to 
councUi, the pope, owns the pope to be God's vicar on ear^ 
p. 97. ' to whose words he will always hearken and obey: 
and therefore, though the pragmatic sanction was 
received, upon long deliberation, in a great assem^ 
bly, and was now fully settled, yet since the pope 
desired that it might be abrogated, and since the 
bishop of Arras had put him in mind of the solemn 
promise that he had made by him, before he came 
to the crown; he, reckoning that obedience was 
better than all sacrifice, since that sanction was 



THE REFORMATION. 9 

made in a time of sedition and sckiem^ eo thai hy book 
it hie hingdom woe not conform to other kingdoms, ^' 
Aomgh many men studied to maintain it, yet he re* ^^^^' 
iohed toJbUow and obey the pope's orders ; there* 
fore he abrogates it entirely, and does qf his oum 
accord, not compelled in any sort, restore him to 
Ae authority that Martin the Fifth and Eugenius 
the Fourth did exercise informer times ; and bids 
Vim use the power given him by God at his plea^ 
mre : and promises, on the word qf a king, that 
ke will take care that all his commands shall be 
executed within his kingdom, icithout opposition 
or appeal; and that he wiU punish such as are 
contumacious, as the pope shall direct. 

Here was an entire submission, penned no doubt To the 
by the aspiring cardinaL It was received at Bome]^*^^^'^ 
with no small joy ; the pragmatic was dragged about 
the streets of Rome, tiie pope wept for joy, and at 
mass on Christmas-eve he consecrated a sword with 
a rich scabbard, to be sent to the king. The title 
of the JHost Christian King had been given by 
former popes to some kings of France; but pope 
Pius was the person who upon this high merit made 
it one of the titles of the crown : such as read Des 
Comines' History will not find any other merit in 
that king to entitle him to so glorious a compella^ 
tion. 

The court of parliament of Paris interposed ; they Th« p*rii». 
made a noble remonstrance to the king, m wnicnp,ri»op. 
they pressed him to maintain the pragmatic sanc-^'**'* 
tion, which had its original from a general council ; 
and they affirmed, that the king was obliged to 
maintain it. Yet afterwards, that king's project of 
engaging the pope to assist his son-in-law to recover 



10 THE HISTORY OF 

PART Sicily, then possessed by the bastard of Arragon, did 
miscarry, the pope refusing to concur in it; upon 



1458. ^hich the king was offended, and carried his sub- 
missions no further ; only he suffered bulls of reser- 
vations and survivances to take place again. 
The hoaest <pjjis matter was taken up airain six years after by 

ooarage of * ^ •' ^ •' 

tht tttor. pope Paul the Second. A new minister was gained, 
m. by the same bait of a cardinal's hat, to procure the 

revocation : so the king's edict was sent to the court 
of parliament of Paris, to be registered there, in va^ 
cation time. The court ordered the attorney-gene- 
ral to examine it. St. Romain was then attome, 
general, and he behaved himself with such courage, 
that he was much celebrated for it. ** He opposed 
the registering it, and spoke much in the praise of 
the pragmatic sanction. He showed the ill conse- 
quences of repealing it : that it would let in upon 
" them abuses of all sorts, which were by it con- 
** demned ; all affairs relating to the church would 
** be settled at Rome ; many would go and live there, 
*' in hopes of making their fortunes by provisions. He 
** set forth, that ten or twelve bulls of survivances 
** were sometimes obtained upon the same benefice ; 
" and, during three years in pope Pius's time, (in 
^' which the exact observation of the pragmatic 
^' sanction was let fall,) twenty-two bishoprics hap- 
" pening to fall void, 500,000 crowns were sent to 
** Rome to obtain bulls ; and sixty-two abbeys being 
" then vacant, a like sum was sent for their bulls ; 
" and 120,000 crowns were sent to obtain other ec- 
** clesiastical preferments. He added, that for every 
" parish there might be a bull of a gratia expec- 
" tativa, or survivance, purchased at the price of 
" twenty-five crowns ; besides a vast number of 






THE REFORMATION. 11 

^^ other graces and dispensations. He insisted, that book 
** the king was bound to maintain the rights and 



liberties of the church in his kingdom, of which *^®' 
** he was the founder and defender." 

The aspiring cardinal, offended with this honest For wbich 
freedom of the attorney-general, told him he should turned out. 
fall under the king's displeasure, and lose his place 
for it. He answered, ** the king had put him in the 
"^post freely; he would discharge it faithfully as 
*^ long as the king thought fit to continue him in it, 
^ and he was ready to lay it down whensoever it 
'* pleased the king ; but he would suffer all things, 
** rather than do any thing against his conscience, 
** the king^s honour, and the good of the kingdom." 
The favourite prevailed to get him turned out, but 
the crafty king gave him secretly great rewards ; he 
esteemed him the more for his firmness, and restored 
him again to his place. 

The university of Paris also interposed ; and the 
rector told the legate, that, if the matter was further 
prosecuted, they would appeal to a general council : 
but this notwithstanding, and though the court of 
parliament stood firm, yet the king being under the 
apprehensions of some practice of his brothers of 
Rome, whom he hated mortally, in order to the 
defeating those, renewed his promises for abrogating 
the pragmatic sanction ; and it was for many years 
let fall into desuetude. Towards the end of this 
reign, an assembly was held at Orleans, in order to 
the reestablishing the pragmatic sanction, and the 
hindering money to be carried to Rome. The king 
died 1583. 

Upon Charles the Eighth's succeeding, an assem-^«P]^: 
bly of the states was held at Tours, in which thetionree^ 



12 THE HISTORY OF 

PART observation of the pragmatic sanction was eamestljr 
pressed ; the third estate insisted on having it en- 



1458. 



tirely restored. The prelates, who had been pro- 
moted tontrary to it under king Lewis, opposed this 
vehemently ; and were in reproach called the court- 
bishops, unduly promoted ; and were charged as men 
that aspired to favour at Rome. St. Remain, now 
again attorney-general, said, he knew no ecclesias- 
tical law better calculated to the interest of the 
kingdom than the pragmatic sanction was; and 
therefore he would support it. The king saw it 
was for his advantage to maintain it, and so was 
firmly resolved to adhere to it. The courts of par- 
liament not only judged in favour of elections made 
by virtue of that sanction, but, by earnest remon- 
strances, they pressed the king to prohibit the appli- 
cations made to the court of Rome for graces con- 
demned by it. 
Sii »i!^ Innocent the Eighth continued by his legates to 
plained of press the entire repeal of the pragmatic ; yet, not- 
popes. withstanding aU opposition, it continued to be ob- 
served during Charles the Eighth's reign. Lewis 
the Twelfth did, by a special edict, appoint it to 
1499. be for ever observed. Thus it oontinued till the 
council of Lateran, summoned by pope Julius the 
Second ; to which Silvester bishop of Worcester, and 
tom'^jriii ™^ Robert Wingfield, were commissioned by king 
17 Feb. Henry the Eighth to go ^^ in his name, and on behalf 
** of the kingdom, to conclude every thing for the 
^* good of the catholic church, and for a reformation 
^* both in the head and in the members : and to con- 
*^ sent to aU statutes and decrees for the public good ; 
** promising to ratify whatever they, or any of them 
** should do." The king's empowering two persons 



1511 



THE REFORMATION. Id 

in snch a manner seetns no small invasion of the saoK 
liberties of the church ; but it was in the pope's ' * 
&voury so it was not challenged. ^^^^' 

This council was called by that angrj pope, chiefly 
against Lewis the Twelfth : and the pragmatic sanc- 
tion was arraigned in it ; both because it maintained 
the authority of the council to be superior to the 
pope, and because it cut off the advantages that the 
court had made by the bulls sent into France. The 
pope brought Lewis the Eleventh's letters patents, 
by which it was abrogated, into the council ; and the 
advocate of the council, after he had severely ar- 
raigned it, insisted to have it condemned. So a 
monition was decreed, summoning all who would 
appear for it to come and be heard upon it within 
axty days. The pope died in February thereaft;er. 

Pope Leo the Tenth succeeded, and renewed the condemn- 
monitory letters issued out by his predecessor. But coandi in 
the personal hatred with which Julius prosecuted * *'*"* 
Lewis being at an end, things were more calmly 
managed. Some bishops were sent from the Galilean 
church to assist in the council : but, before any thing 
could be concluded, king Lewis dying, Francis suc- 
ceeded. He understood that the pope and the coun- 
cil were intending to proceed against the pragmatic 
sanction, so he resolved to bring the matter to an 
agreement; in which some progress was made, in 
an interview that he had with the pope at Bononia. 
It was concluded by a sanction called the concor- 
date, between the cardinals of Ancona and of sanc- 
torum quatuor on the pope's side, and chancellor 
Prat for the king. Some small differences remained; 1516. 
which were all yielded as the pope desired : and in ^ 

the month of December the pope's bull, condemning 



14 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the pragmatic sanction, was read, and approved by 
^— i — that council, such as it was. 



1516. ipj^ concordate was put instead of it. The truth 

The conoor- * 

date pat in- ^as, Francis was youn^ ; and was so set on pursuing 
his designs in Italy, in which he saw the advantage 
of having the pope on his side, that he sacrificed all 
other considerations to that, and made the best bar- 
gain he could. ^^ The king and the pope divided the 
" matter between them. When any bishopric be- 
** came vacant, the king was within six months to 
'* name to it a doctor, or one licensed in divinity, of 
" the age of 27. If the pope did not approve of the 
** nomination, the king had three months more to 
** nominate another ; but if he failed again, the pope 
" was to provide one to the see. The pope had re^ 
** served to himself the providing of all that became 
** vacant in the court of Rome : (a pretension the 
" popes had set on foot, in which by degrees they 
^ had enlarged the extent of it to very great and 
^' undetermined bounds ; and did thereby dispose of 
** many benefices.) And the king was limited in his 
** nomination by some conditions, with relation to 
" the person so nominated ; yet the want of these 
" was not to be objected to the king's kindred, or to 
** other illustrious persons. The king was also to 
" nominate to all abbeys a person of 23 years of age. 
•• GratiiB expectativ€ey or survivances and reserva- 
" tions in bulls, were never to be admitted : only one 
" benefice might be reserved from a collator of 10, 
" and two from one of 50. Causes of appeals were 
" to be judged in partibus^ in the parts where the 
" matters lay ; excepting the causes enumerated in 
" the law as greater causes. It was also provided, 
<^ that, in all bulls that were obtained, the true value 



THE REFORMATION. 16 

^ of the benefice was to be expressed ; otherwise the book 

^ grace was null and void.'' No mention was made — ! 

of annats; and, in other particulars, the articles in '^'^' 
the pragmatic sanction were inserted. The pope 
promised he would send a legate to France, to tax 
the value of all ecclesiastical l)enefices. All former 
excommunications were taken off, with an indem- 
nity for all that was past. 
The king having the two instruments, the one ab-K'nj'^ 

CIS carried 

noting the pragmatic sanction, and the other esta- it to the 
hb'shing the concordate, sent in great pomp to him, of f^'' 
in order to their being registered in parliament ; re- 
solved only to offer the latter, as that in which the 
other was virtually comprehended. So he went in 
person to the court of parliament, to which many 
great men, divines, and other persons of distinction, 
were called. The chancellor set forth the hati'ed 
pope Julius bore king Lewis the Twelfth, and the 
violence with which he had proceeded against him : 
the king succeeding when the council of the Lateran 
was assembled ; which was composed chiefly of 
members of the court, or of dependers on the court 
of Rome, who were all engaged against the prag- 
matic sanction, as that which diminished their pro- 
fits. The king saw it was in vain to insist in 
defending it : but apprehending, if it were simply 
condemned, all the old oppressions would again take 
place, he being then engaged in a most dangerous 
war in Italy, saw no better way to gain the pope 
than by agreeing to the concordate. 
The ecclesiastics who were present said, by their ^^ "^ 

, , , there op- 

mouth the cardinal of Boisi, that the concordate did posed by 

the ecclesi" 

SO affect the whole Gallican church, that without a astics of 
general consent it could not be approved, 'pi^^ ^^at court. 



16 THE HISTORY OF 

PART king upon this said with some indignation^ that he 

! — would command them either to approve it, or he 

1516. m^ould send them to Rome to dispute the mattar 
there with the pope. The president answered in the 
name of the court, that he would report the king^s 
pleasure to the court ; and they would so proceed in 
that matter, as to please both God and the king. 
The chancellor replied, the court were wise: the 
king said, he did enjoin them to obey without dday. 
Then letters patents were made out, setting torth 
the concordate, and requiring the court of parlia- 
ment, and all other judges, to observe it, and to see 
it fully executed. 
Dppositioo Some days after that, the chancellor, with some of 
if the * the officers of the crown, came and brought the whcde 
f^Li courts U^ther, and delivered them the king's letters 
vnncu. patents, requiring them to raster the concordate. 
They upon that appointed the king's council to ex- 
amine the matters in it. The advocate-general did 
in the chancellor's presence represent the inconveni- 
ence of receiving the concordates, by which the li- 
berties of the Gallican church were lessened; and 
said, that by the paying of annats much money 
would be carried out of the kingdom : so he desired 
they would appoint a committee to examine it. 
Four were named ; who, after they had sat about it 
ten days, desired more might be added to them ; so 
the president of the enquets, or inquisitions, and four 
more, were joined to them. A week after that, the 
advocate-general moved the court to proceed still to 
judge according to the pragmatic, and not to receive 
the revocation of it, against which he put in an ap- 
peal. Four days after this, the bastard of Savoy, 
the king's natural uncle, came into the court with 



THE REFOaifATION. JT 

orden from tlie king^ xeqidriiig thom to proceed im- book 
mediately to the puUiahing the concwdates; ap- ^ 



^ointiiig him to hear all their debates, tbut he '^^'* 
migh}; report all to the king. He toldL them how 
modi the king was offended with their delays : they 
oa the other hand complained of his being present 
to hear them ddiver theur opinions. T^ey sent 
some of their number to lay this' befinre tiie king: 
it looked like a design to frighten them» when one^ 
not of their body, was to hear all that passed among 
them. The king said, there were some worthy men 
among them; but others, like fools, complained of 
him, and of the expense of his court: he was a 
king, and had as much authority as Ids predeces- 
sors. They had flattered Lewis the Twelfth, and 
eaOed him the Father iff Justice: he would also 
ha^e justice done with all vigour. In Lewis's time 
some were banished the kingdom because they did 
not obey him; so, if they did not obey him, he 
would send some of them to Bourdeaux, and others 
to Thoulouse, aAl put good men in their places : and 
told them, he would have his uncle present during 
their deliberation. So they were forced to submit 
to it. 

On the 13th of June they began to deliver their 1517. 
opinions, and that lasted till the 24 th of July : and^^e^tto 
then they concluded that the court could not, and p"^***** *^' 
ought not to roister the concordates ; but that they 
would still observe the pragmatic sanction : and 
that the university of Paris, and all others that de- 
ared to be heard, ought to be heard. Therefore, 
they said, they must appeal from the abrogation of 
the pragmatic sanction ; and if the king would in- 
sist to have the concordate observed, a great assem- 

VOL. III. c 



18 THE HISTORY OF 

PART bly ought to be summoned, such as Charles the Se- 
venth had called to settle the pragmatic. They also 



*^^7. charged the Savoyard to make a true report to the 
king of their proceedings. 
The king Upon this the king wrote to them, to send some 

WM highly r o » 

offended at of their body to give him an account of the grounds 
they went on : two were sent, but it was long before 
they were admitted to his presence ; the king say- 
ing, he would delay their despatch, as they had de- 
layed his business. When they were admitted^ they 
were ordered to put what they had to offer in writ- 
ing. This they did, but desired to be likewise heard. 
But being asked if they had any thing to offer that 
was not in their paper, they said they had not, but 
desired the king would hear their paper read to 
him: the king refused it. They were a body of 
one hundred persons, and had been preparing their 
paper above seven months, but the chancellor would 
answer it in less time : and the king would not suf- 
fer them to have a verbal process against what he 
had done. He told them, there was but one king 
in France : he had done the best he could to bring 
all to a quiet state, and would not suffer that which 
he had done in Italy to be undone in France ; nor 
would he suffer them to assume an authority like 
that of the senate of Venice. It was their business 
to do justice, but not to put the kingdom in a flame, 
as they had attempted to do in his predecessor's 
time. He concluded, he would have them approve 
the concordates ; and if they gave him more trouUe, 
he would make them ambulatory, and to follow his 
court : nor would he suffer any more ecclesiastics to 
be of their body. They were not entirely his sub- 
jects, since he had no authority to cut off their 



TH£ REFORMATION. 19 

•iMBids : thejr ooght to jfiy their bimuyf wd mot to booic 
meddle in Um affiun. 



Th^ answesed him, that these things were oon- '^*^* 
tnoj to the oonstitutioB of their court He said, 
lie waa sorry his ancestors had so constituted it; 
bat he was king as wdl as thej were, and he would 
letde them oo another fixit : so he bid them be gone 
mdy the next morning. They bagged a short de- 
JqTf fiar the wajs were bad ; but the great masta 
told them finom the Idng^ timt, if they weie not gone 
by sodi an hour, he would put them in prison, and 
heep them in it six months, and then he would see 
who would move to set them at liberty : so they 
went to Paris. The duke pf Treaumlle was sent 
sfter them to the parliamentj^ to let them know that 
the king would have the conoordates to be imuie- 
fiatdy published, without any further deliberatioQ. 
They must obey the king as became subjecto: he 
told them, the king had repeated that ten times to 
him in the space of a quarter of an hour ; and con- 
duded, that if they delayed any longer to obey the 
king, the king would make all the court feel the 
effects of his displeasure. 

The court called for the king's learned council : ^^^"f** 
but they said, they had received positive orders from couqcu op. 

poM it no 

the king by Tremoville to consent to the concor- longer, 
■dates ; otherwise the king would treat them so, that 
they should feel it sensibly. The advocate-general 
aid, he was sorry for the methods the king took ; 
but he wished they would consider what might fol- 
low, if they continued to deny what was so earnestly 
pressed on them : the publishing this could be of no 
force, since the church that was so much concerned 
in it, was neither called £3r, nor heard ; the thing 

c S 



80 THE HISTORY OF 

PART might be afterwards set right, for|Lewi8 the Ele- 

! — venth saw his error, and changed his mind. He o£- 

*^'^" fered two things to soften that which was required 
of them : one was, to insert in the register, that it 
was done in obedience to the king's commands oft«i 
repeated; the other was, that they should declare 
that they did not approve the abrc^tion of the 
pragmatic sanction, but were then only to puhlidi 
the concordates ; and that they might resolve in afl 
their judiciary proceedings to have no regard to 
that ; and in particular to that clause, that all bulb 
were void, if the true value of the benefice was not 
1518. expressed in them. On the 18th of March they 
came to this resolution, that their decree of the 24th 
of July, for observing the pragmatic, was by th^n 
ftiUy confirmed: but, in obedience to the king's 
commands, they published the concordates ; ad^ng 
a protestation, that the court did not approve it, but 
intended in all their sentences to judge according to 
the pragmatic sanction. 
The pariia- The court made these protestations in the hands 
iTshL u" of the bishop of Langres, a duke and peer of France, 
protl^u?-' setting forth, that their liberty was taken from 
tion. them ; that the publication of the concordates was 
not done by their order, but against their mind, by 
the king's express order ; and that they did not intend 
to approve it, nor to be governed by it in their judg- 
ments, but to observe the pragmatic sanction. They 
ordered likewise an appeal to be made from the 
pope, to the pope better advised, and to the next 
general council ; upon all which the bishop of Lan- 
gres made an authentic instrument: so it was re- 
solved to proceed to publication on the 29d of 
March. But on the 21st the rector of the uni- 



THE BEFOBMATION. SI 

natatj of F^ms, accomiiaiiied^bjr Bome of that body, book 
and bjr aome advocates, appeared, demring to be 



Iwaid before thej should proceed to such publica^* '^^^ 
tion. The court received his petition, and promised 
to ocnunder it ; but said, if they made the publican 
tiim, it should not prejudice way of their rights, for 
tbqr were resolved to judge as formerly, notwith- 
rtanding that : yet they required him not to pub- 
fish this. The dean of Nostredame came on the SSd 
to the court, and said, they heard they were going 
to publish the conoordates, which both implied their 
condemning the councils of Constance and Basil, and 
tmded to the destruction of the liberties of the Gal- 
ilean church, which the popes had always envied 
Aon. He desired they would not proceed to it till 
the whole GalKcan church was consulted in the mat- 
ter; and protested, that what they were about to 
do should not be to the prejudice of the church. 
After this was received, they proceeded to the pub- 
lication, as they had promised, adding these words 
to it ; Ready pubUsked, and registered by the order 
and command of the king often repeated to us, in 
ike presence of the lord of Tremoville, his first 
chamberlain, specially sent to have it done. And 
on the 24th of March they renewed their protesta- 
tion, that they did not approve of it ; that they in- 
sbted in their former appeals, and were resolved to 
proceed in all their judgments without regard to it. 

On the 27th of March the rector of the university The nni. 
ordered a mandate to be affixed, prohibiting their cfe'^^op!- 
printers to print the conoordates: he likewise ap-^^**- 
pealed from the pope to a general council, lawfully 
assembled, sitting in a safe place, and in full free- 
dom. This was printed and affixed : and great re- . 

C3 J 



23 THE HISTORY OF 

PART flections were made by some jNreacheris in their ser- 
mons, both on the king and on the chanoeUor. « The 



1518. ^jjig toeing informed of this, wrote to the first pfesi- 

dent, complaining both of the rector, and of the 

preachers : he ordered them to take informations of 

all those matters, and to get the concordates to be 

printed as soon as was possible, and to punish the 

authors of sedition. But the court said, they knew 

nothing tending that Way ; for their business took 

them up so entirely, that they could not attend on ser^ 

mons. The king complained likewise severely of the 

appeal they had made ; he was monarch, and bad no 

superior to whom an appeal could lie: he also sent 

an order to inhibit all meetings in the university. 

The excep. In the coucordatc it was provided, that, if it was 

the"L>n. not published within six months in France, it should 

S^**rii2^ be null and void: but the delays that had been 

ment. made put the king on getting that term prolonged 

. a year longer. " The three chief exceptions that 

the parliament had to the concordates were, first, 

the declaring bulls void if the true value of the 

** benefices was not set forth in them, which might 

'* put the obtainers of them to great charge, and 

'* many suits : the second was, the carrying the 

greater causes to be judged at Rome : the third 

was concerning elections. The first of these was 

" given up, and was no further urged by the court 

'' of Rome ; but it was not settled what those 

greater causes were. By the pragmatic they 

were restrained to bishoprics and monasteries; 

'' but the concordates held the matter in general 

** words ^ so the number of these causes was indefi- 

^' nite, and on all occasions it would increase as the 

** canonists plefased. They condemned that device 






« 



fC 



THE B£FORMATI0N. flS 

^ of the court of Rome, of grantuoig praviiooAs for book 
" all that was hdd by bbj who died in the court, ^ 



oonaidering the great extent to which that hiad ^^^^* 
^ been carried. They also found that by the con* 
^ oordatea all nunneries were left to the pope's psro- 
^ vision ; and likewise all inferior dignities, such as 
** deaneries and provostships. All churches that had 
** qpedal privileges were exempted from the king's 
" nomination ; md at Rome exceptions might be 
^ unjustly made to the persons named by the king. 
^ But above all, they stood on this ; that the tight 
^ of electing was founded on the law of God, and on 
^ natural rif^t : that this was estahBahed by the au- 
" thority of gsDeanl councils, by the civil law, and 
<< by many royal edicts, during all the three races 
^ of their kings. This right was now taken away 
^witboDt hearing the parties concerned to set it 
^ forth. If there had crept in abuses in elections, 
^ these might be corrected : but they thought the 
** king usurped that which did not belong to him^ 
*^ on this pretence, that the pope granted it to him ; 
'^ which was contrary both to the doctrine and prac- 
" tice of the Gallican church. They found many 
^^ lesser exceptions in point of form to the method 
** of abrogating the pragmatic sanction : one was, 
"* that the council of the Lateran did forbid all per- 
** sons that held lands of the church to observe or 
^ maintain that sanction, under the pain of forfeit- 
^ ing those lands ; which was a plain invasion of the 
^ king's prerogatives, who is supreme lord of all 
** those lands within his dominions. The pope also 
^ took upon him to annul that sanction, that then 
'* subsisted by the royal authority: this might be 
^ made a precedent in time to come for annulling 

c 4 






84 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « any of their laws. They likewise thought the 
— '. — ** taking away the pragmatic sanction, which was 
1518. it made upon the authority of the councils of Con- 
** stance and Basil, and had declared the subjection 
^^ of the pope to the council, did set aside that doc- 
** trine, and set up the pope's authority above the 
council, though the pragmatic was made while the 
pope was reconciled to the council : and the breach 
*^ upon which Eugenius was deposed happened not 
^^ till almost a year after that ; it being puUished in 
*^ July 1438, and his deposition was not till June 
** 1439 : besides that, ten years after that, pope Ni- 
** colaus the Fifth confirmed all the decrees made at 
** Basil. They likewise put the king in mind of the 
** oath he took, at his coronation, to maintain all the 
rights and liberties of the Gallican church. So 
they moved the king, either to prevail with the 
pope to call a general council, or that he would 
** call a national one in France, to judge of the 
** whole matter : and as for the threatenings given 
** out, that the pope would depose the king, and give 
** away his kingdom, if he did not submit to him ; 
** they said the king held his crown of God, and all 
** such threatenings ought to be rejected with scorn 
** and indignation." 
^eie were ^"^ &U thcsc the chanccllor made a long and flat- 
l*the"^ tering answer ; for which he had the usual reward of 
lanceUor. a cardiual's cap. He set forth the danger the king 
was in, being engaged in the war of Italy ; the pope 
threatening him with censures : for the pragmatic 
sanction was then condemned by the pope, and that 
censure was ratified by the council in the Lateran ; 
upon which he would have reassumed all the old op- 
pressions, if the king had not entered into that treaty. 






THE BEFORMAHON. 

jiM&Mig tome points to tave the rat He odd, the ^^^^ 
kings of the fint laoe nondiurted to bishoprics: ftr 
whidi he dted precedents firom Gregory of Toms. '^'^ 
80 the kings of Ei^;land did name, and die popes 
spoD that ga¥e prorisions : the kings of SooUand dUL 
abo name, but not bj ▼irtne of a rigfat, but rather faj 
comdYance. He said, elections had gone through 
Tsiious fimns; sometinies popes did dect, sometimes 
princes with the people, sometinies princes todc it into 
tbrir own hands, sometimes die whde deigjr without 
the people, and of late the canons chose without the 
concurrence of the clergy. That the king being in 
these difficulties, all those about him, and all those 
in France who were advised with in die matter, 
thoi^t the accepting the concordates was just and 
necessary. Pope Leo repented that he had granted 
H> much: and it was not without great difficulty 
that he brought the cardinals to consent to it. He 
went very copiously as a canonist through the other 
heads, softening some abuses, and showing that others 
had a long practice for them, and were observed in 
other kingdoms. 

And thus was this matter carried in the parliament tim mmtter 
of Paris; in which, as the court showed great in- tied/ 
t^rity and much courage, which deserve the highest 
characters with which such noble patriots ought to 
be honoured ; so in this instance we see how feeble 
the resistance even of the worthiest judges will prove 
to a prince, who has possessed himself of the whole 
legislative authority; when he intends to break 
through established laws and constitutions, and to 
sacrifice the rights of his crown, and the interest of 
his people^ to serve particular ends of his own. In 
such cases, the generous integrity of judges^ or other 



I 



«6 THE HISTORY OF 

FART minirtais, will be resented as an attempt on the 90- 

'• — vereign authority : and such is the nature of arbi- 

1^^^' trary power, that the most modest defence of law 
and justice, when it crosses the designs of an inscdent 
and corrupt minister, and an abused prince, will pass 
for disobedience and sedition. 

If the assembly of the states in France had main- 
tained their share of the legblative power, and had 
not suffered the right they once had to be taken from 
them, of being liable to no taxes but by their own 
consent, these judges would have been better sup- 
ported : and the opposition they made upon this oc- 
casion would have drawn after it all the most signal 
expressions of honour and esteem, that a nation 
owes to the trustees of their laws and liberties, when 
they maintain them resolutely, and dispense them 
equally. And the corrupt chancellor would have re- 
ceived such punishment as all wicked ministers de- 
serve, who for their own ends betray the interest of 
their country. 
lie pariiA. The court of parliament showed great firmness 

Qeot fttill «... 1 • 111 

ndgedby after this: and it appeared that the protestation 
aifJ^- that they made, of judging still according to the 
***"• pragmatic, was not only a piece of form to save their 
credit. The archbishop of Sens died soon after ; and 
the king sent to inhibit the chapter to proceed to an 
election. It was understood, that he designed to 
give it to the bishop of Paris ; so the chapter wrote 
to that bishop not to give such a wound to their li- 
berties as to take it upon the king's nomination: 
but seeing that he had no regard to that, they elected 
him, that so they might by this seem to keep up their 
daim. The bishop of Alby died soon after that ; 
the king named one, and the chapter chose another : 








.m 



of 1am iwk» Wm gjerted jy Air >i hniini > agMt iOm '"^ 
who had obtaiiied^fctAri%i«B tito? iong?yiiiMrt'w<| 

WihUirir* tt B&mgea, MSagniitwam wtm,1ibmiAtg 



winimltoA • oliei jnd ^bn^ ciiaptgf- ikittd • nn^tllfR^ ^r <»« : ft 
lifer d^^i»rprettiidkMl'« qpidal friiikge to ctoefe? 
i»>A#fi^jii%ld w 1^^ SnijWMf 1524. 

tfkor «^ «iie;U% €flr^ mmVmmm in Italyy 
lunfiu^MiB BMUher jogcM iy£ i^Eapoi * to ths cdtoft 
of foiinitoit nde is toamtttitoBV to liir^ lelttey 
bK!A Urn iraMRif tlnk^taid toto owii' opM tlto 
ijg^te HT tiK 6tl£nii ehtodii dioMag im to latopi 

(# dboliMfii^ Bi^g^ agidw iMmf tiMfar Ddlftiwt iMit 

Smm itfter Ais^ the kk^ was talB» ptiBOwr fcyupoiitiM 
the army of Ch»le^ the Fifth at the battle of Pavia :!fprii!!>^ 
and upon that his mother declared, that she looked ^^^^'' 
on her son's misfortunes as a judgment of God upon^^J^^"^ 
Um, for his abdishing the pragmatic sanction ; and 
though she would not take it upon her to make any 
alteration during her son's absence, yet she promised) 
that, when he should be set at liberty, she would 
use her utmost endearours with him to set it up 
stgain^ and to abolish the ooncordates. This was re- 
gistered in the records of the court of parUament, 
yet it had no effect upon the king's return out of 
Spain. He, finding the parliament resolved to main- 
tain an elections, ordered that matter to be taken 
whoUy out of their cognizance ; and he removed all 
suits cf that sort from the courts of parliament to 
ihe great council, upon some disputes that were then 



88 THE HISTORY OP 

PART on foot concerning a bishopric and an abbey given to 
chancellor Prat, then made a cardinal in recompense 



1527. Qf ji^^ service he had done the court of Rome : so by 
that an end was put to all disputes. 
Thtws m»t- The parliament struirerled hard against this dimi- 
ed from the nutiou of their jurisdiction : they wrote to the dukes 
tTthTi^tand peers of France to move the regent not to pro- 
*^"'*^* ceed thus to lessen their authority: on the other 
hand she said, they were taking all things into their 
own hands in prejudice of the king's prerc^ative. 
But the king confirmed that, and settled the chan- 
cellor in the possession of the see and abbey ; and 
the proceedings of the parliament against him werie 
annulled, and ordered to be struck out of their re- 
gisters. And it appearing that some chapters and 
abbeys had special privities for free elections ; the 
1532. king obtained a bull from Clement the Seventh, sus- 
pending all those during the king's life. The court 
of Rome stood long upon this, and thought to have 
gained new advantages before it should be granted : 
but the pope was at that time in a secret treaty with 
the court of France, which was afterwards accom- 
plished at Marseilles ; so he was easier in this mat- 
ter, and the bull was registered in parUament in 
May thereafter. And upon this the chancellor, pre- 
tending that he would see and examine those privi- 
leges, called for them all ; and when they were 
brought to him, he threw them all into the fire, 
nemon- But to lay all that I have found of this matter to- 
nude by the gether; the clergy of France, in a remonstrance 
^^ thi». ^hat they made to king Henry the Third, affirmed, 
that Francis at his death declared to his son, that 
nothing troubled his conscience more, than his tak- 
ing away canonical elections, and his assuming to 



THE BEFORMATION. « 

Unudf the nommation to fauhopncs.' If this wit book 
true, bis son had no r^;ard to it, but went on as hia '• 
father had done. Upon his deaths when the cardi* '^M« 
nal of LcHTam pressed the parliament to proceed in *1560. 
the vigorous prosecution of heresj* thej remon- 
strated, that the growth of heresy flowed chiefly 
finom the scandals that were given hy bad dei^gjrmen 
snd ill bishops : and that the ill choice that had been 
made bj the court, since the concordates were set 
up, gave more occasion to the progress that heresjr 
made than any other thing whatsoevca*. The courts 
were so monstrously corrupt during that and the 
two former reigns, that no other could be expected 
from them. 

An assemUy of the states was called in the b^in- 
nfaig of Chailes the Ninth's reign. In it the first 
estate prayed, that the pragmatic sanction might 
again take place, particulariy in the point of elec- 
tions; they backed this with great authorities of 
councils andent and modem: with them the two 
other estates agreed. The court tried to shift this 
off, promising to send one to Rome to treat about it : 
but that did not satisfy ; so a decree was drawn up 
to this effect, that an archbishop should be chosen 
by the bishops of his province, by the chapter of his 
cathedral, and twelve persons of the chief of the 
laity; and a bishop by the metropolitan and the 
chapter. The court of parliament opposed this: 
they thought the laity ought to have no share in 
elections, so they pressed the restoring the prag- 
matic sanction without any alteration ; yet, in con- 
clusion, the decree was thus amended: an arch- 
bishop was to be chosen by the bishops of the pro- 
vince, and the chapter of the see ; but a bishop was 

i 



80 THE HISTORY OF 

PART to be diosen by the srdibishop, with the Inshops of 
the province, and the chapter, and by twenty-four 



1560. Qf iiiiQ laity to be thus nominated: all the gentry 
were to be summoned to meet, and to choose twelve 
to represent them at the election, and the city was 
to choose other twelve. All these were to make a 
list of three persons to be offered to the king, and the 
man named by the king was to have the see. Thus 
they designed to bring this matter into a form as 
near the customs mentioned in the Roman law as 
they could. But this design vanished, and was nevar 
put in practice. 

The clergy still called for restoring the elections : 
president Ferrier was sent to Rome to obtain it. 
Hie in a long speech showed, that neither the Gal- 
ilean church, nor the courts of parliament, had ever 
received the concordates, that shadow of approbation 
given to it by the parliament of Paris being extorted 
from them by force ; and he laid out all the incon- 
veniences that had happened since the concordates 
were set up. But that court felt the advantages 
they had by them too sensibly, to be ever prevailed 
with to give them up. And thus that great affair 
was settled in the view of this church and nation, 
at the time that king Henry broke off all corre- 
spondence with it. It may be very reasonably pre- 
sumed, that inferences were made from this, to let 
all people see what merchandise the court of Rome 
made of the most sacred rights of the church, when 
they had their own jHrofits secured: and therefore 
the wise men in this church at that time might justly 
conclude, that their liberties were safer while they 
-remained an entire body within themselves, under a 
legal constitution ; by whidi, if princes carried their 



THE BEFQRMATION. 8] 

woUiantj too finr^ some check m^^ht be ghren to it book 
hf those firom whom the pablic aids were to be ob»— il.-. 
tamed tar supportiiig the gorernment, than while aH ^^^®* 
was belicFed to bdoi^ to the popes» who would at 
any time make a hai^gain, and divide the spoils of 
the chnrdi with crowned heads; taking to them- 
gelres the gainfiil part, and leaving the rest in the 
hands of princes. 

I hope, though this relation does not hdong pro-^*^^^ 
perij to the history of the refinrmatimi ; yet since it tiie icMoni 
]g highly probaUe it had a great influence on peo-giMrfon. 
pie's minds, this digression will be easily fiofgivea 
me. And now I turn to such of our aflbirs as tall 
within this period. 

The first thing that occurred to me, in order of ^«i>^ '^' 
time^ was a letter of queen Katharine's to king^uctaKa- 
Henry, who^ upon his crossing the sea, left the re^iccttrto 
fjBQcj of the kingdom in her hands ; the commission ^^^^ 
bears date the 11th of June 151S. King James the^^^^ 
Fourth of Scotland having invaded England with a scotuod. 
great army, was defeated and killed by the earl of 
Surrey. The earl gave the queen the news in a 
letter to her, vnth one to the king ; this she sent him 
with a letter of her own ; which being the only one 
of hers to the king that I ever saw, I have inserted 
it in my Collection. The familiarities of calling him collect, 
in one place My husband^ and in another, My ^ ' 
Henry, are not unpleasant. She sent with it a 
piece of the king of Scots' coat to be a banner : she 
was then going to visit, as she calls it, our lady of 
Walsingham. 

I will next open an account of the prepress of car- The pro- 
dinal Wolsey's fortunes, and the ascendant he had woisey't 
over the king. The first step he made into the"**' 

I 



82 THE HISTORY OF 

PART church was to be rector of Ljmington in the diocese 
"^' of Bath and WeUs ; then, on the SOth of July 1508, 



he had a papal dispensation to hold the vicarage of 
Ljde, in the diocese of Canterbury, with his rectmy. 
There is a grant to him as almoner, on the 8th of 
November 1509. The next preferment he had was 
to be a prebendary of Windsor : he was next ad- 
vanced to be dean of Lincoln. A year after that, 
pope Leo having reserved the disposing the see of 
Lincoln to himself, gave it to Wolsey, designed la 
the bulls dean of St. Stephen's, Westminster. But 
no mention is made of the king's nomination. This 
is owned by the king in the writ for the restitution 
jniy 14, of the temporalities. On the 14th of July that year, 
'^'^ cardinal de Medici, afterwards pope Clement the 
Seventh, wrote to king Henry, that, upon the death 
of cardinal Bembridge, be had prayed the pope not 
to dispose of his benefices till he knew the king^s 
mind, which the pope out of his afiection to the king 
Rymer, granted very readily. Perhaps the king did recom- 
Augurt 5*. mend Wolsey ; but no mention is made of that in 
his bulls. The king granted the restitution of the 
temporalities of York before his instalment ; for in 
the writ he is only called the elect archbishop : and 
it is not expressed that he had the king's nomina^ 
tion. He had Tournay in commendam^ but resigned 
it into the hands of Francis, who for that gave 
Joiyat, him a pension of 12,000 livres during life: at the 
'*' * same time prince Charles, afterwards Charles the 
Fifth, gave him a pension of 3000/. It seems he 
j^^ ,5 afterwards desired to have it better secured : so in 
«5>8. the end of that year prince Charles lodged a pension 
of 5000 ducats to him on the bishopric of Pace in 

March 99, Castilc. Abovc a year after that, pope Leo gave 
1520. 



THE REFORMATION. 33 

him a pension of 2000 ducats out of Palencia, in- book 
stead of that which was charged on the bishopric of _1_ 
Pace. Besides all this, when Charles the Fifth was 
in London^ he gave him another pension of 9000 
crowns, dated the 8th of June 1522. It seems he 



other pensions from France ; for, five years after Nov. i8, 
this, there was an arrear stated there as due to him '^'^* 
of 121,898 * croi^ns. He had also pensions from 
other princes a£ a lower order. The duke of MUan's Rymer, 
secretary did, by his master's express order, engage ^^*"*' 
in the year 1515 to pay Wolsey 10,000 ducats a 
year; he on his part engaging, that there should 
be a perpetual friendship settled between the kings 
of England and Fi'ance with that duke. 

The French king being a prisoner, his favour was0ecemb. a, 
necessary in that distress ; so the regent engaged to ^^*^' 
pay it in seven years time. But whatever may be 
m Wolsey^s provisions when the bishopric of Salis- 
bury was given to cardinal Campegio by a buU, 
mention is expressly made in it of the king's letters 
interceding" humbly for him. 

When king Henry wrote his book of the Seven j^j^ ^^^ 
Sacraments, it seems it was at first designed to send 7'^ ]>«*<**' <*f 

' ^ ^ the Seven 

it over in manuscript; for Wolsey sent one to the '^raments. 
king finely dressed, that was to be presented to the 
pope : and he writes, that he was to send him more, 
which were to be sent about with the pope's bulls to 
all princes and universities : one in particular, as he coiitct. 
writes, was far more excellent and princely. He^""***-3- 
also sent with it the choice of certain verses, to be 
written in the king's own hand in the book that 
was to be sent to the pope, and subscribed by him, 
to be laid up in the archives of the church to his im- 
mortal glory and memory. The matter was so laid, 

VOL. III. D 



84 THE HISTORY OF 

PART that the book was presented to the pope on the 10th 
of October ; and the very day after, the bull givhi|^ 



^^^^- him the title of Defender of the Faith bears date: 

and in a private letter that pope Leo wrote to him, 

he runs out into copious strains of flattery, affirming, 

hL^^ TAo/ it appeared that the Holy Crhost assisted 

itie Sane him iu Writing it. 

reat. The king was so pleased with the title, that Wol- 

sey directed his letters to him with it on the back. 

Collect, as appears in a letter of his, that sets forth the low 

amb. 4. ^^^ ^f |.j^g affairs of Spain in Italy. It appears it 

was written (for the year is not added in tl^e date) 
after that Luther wrote his answer to the king^s 
book, at least after letters came from him on the 
subject; the original of which he desires might be 
sent him, that he might send it to the pope : and he 
intended to send copies both of those, and of the 
king's answers to the cardinal of Mentz, and to 
George duke of Saxony. 
woisey After the king's interviews both with the emperor 

Charles the and the king of France were over, new quarrels 
gaini^ by brokc out, by which the emperor and Francis en- 
*"*"' g*^d in hostilities : but king Henry, pretending to 
be the umpire of their differences, sent Woisey over 
1521. to compose them. He came to Calais in the b^in« 
coiiect. ning of August. From Dover he wrote to the king, 
and sent two letters to him, which the king was to 
write in his own hand to the emperor, and to the 
lady r^ent of Flanders, which he desired the king 
would send to him ; for he would move slowly to- 
wards him. Thus he took the whole ministry into 
his own hands, and prepared even the king's secret 
letters for him. He was with the emperor thirteen 
days, who gave him a singular reception ; for he 



Namb. 5. 



THE REFORMATION. 85 

oune a mile out of town to meet him. The town book 
is not named, but it was Bruges ; for in one of £ra8«> 



mus's letters, he mentions his meeting Wolsey in ^^^^* 

that town, he being then with the emperor. The 

cardinal returned bj the way of Gravelin ; and from 

thence, beside the public letter in which he gave the 

king an account of his n^otiation, he wrote a pri- 

rate one to him with this direction on it. To /A^coiiect. 

Kings Crraceys own hands only. It seems he had 

no private conversation with the emperor formerly ; 

'^ for ID this he observes, that for his age he was 

''very wise, and understood his affairs well. He 

^ was oc^d and temperate in speech ; but spoke to 

^ very good purpose. He reckoned that he would 

** prove a very wise man : he thought he was much 

** inclined to truth, and to the keeping of his pro- 

^ mises : he seemed to be inseparably joined to the 

" king ; and was resolved to follow his advice in all 

^ his affairs, and to trust the cardinal entirely. He 

" twice or thrice in secret promised to him, by his 

" faith and truth, to abide by this ; he promised it 

" also to all the rest of the privy-council that were 

" with the cardinal, in such a manner, that they all 

" believed it came from his heart, without artifice or 

^ dissimulation. So Wolsey wrote to the king, that 

'^ he had reason to bless God that he was not only 

" the ruler of his own realm, but that now by his 

" wisdom Spain, Italy, Grermany, and the Low Coun- 

" tries should be ruled and governed." Whether the 

emperor did by his prudent and modest behaviour 

really impose upon Wolsey; or whether, by other 

secret practices he had so gained him, as to oblige 

him to persuade the king to such a confidence in 

him, I leave it to the reader to judge. 

d2 ' 



86 THE HISTORY OF 

PART It passes generally among all the writers of that 
age, that he aspired to the popedom : and that the 



woisi^'i* CDf^P^ror then promised him his assistance ; in which 

practicM to he failing to him afterwards, Wolsey carried his re- 
be choaen ^ n i j 

pope. venges so far, that all the change of counsels, and 
even the suit of the divorce, is in a great measure 
ascribed to it. I went into the stream in my hi^ 
tory, and seemed persuaded of it ; yet some original 
letters of Wolsey 's, communicated to me by sir ViHl- 
liam Cook of Norfolk, which I go next to open. 
Collect, make this very doubtful. The first was upon the 
Sepu 50.' news of pope Hadrian's death, upon which he imme- 
sept. 14. diately wrote to the king, " that his absence from 
** Rome was the only obstacle of his advancement 
*^ to that dignity : there were great factions then at 
*^ Rome : he protests before God, that he thought 
'* himself unfit for it, and that he desired much ra- 
'^ ther to end his days with the king ; yet, remem- 
<^ bering that at the last vacation (nine months be- 
" fore) the king was for his being preferred to it, 
** thinking it would be for his service, and suppos- 
** ing that he was still of the same mind, he would 
prepare such instructions as had been before sent 
to Pace, dean of St. Paul's, then ambassador at 
" Rome, and send them to him by the next :" with 
Numb.'s, this he also sent him the letters that he had from 
Rome. The next day he sent the letters and in- 
structions, directed to the king's ambassadors, who 
were, the bishop of Bath, Pace, and Haniball, for 
procuring his preferment ; or, that failing, for cardi- 
nal de Medici : these he desired the king to sign and 
despatch. And that the emperor might more efiec- 
tually concur, though, pursuant to the conference he 
had with the king on that behalf, he verily supposed 



it 



Octob. I. 



THE REFORMATION. 57 

he had not failed to advance it, he drew a private book 
letter for the king to write with his own hand to '' 



the emperor, putting to it the secret sign and mark ^^^^* 
that was between them. 

The despatch, that upon this he sent to the king's vui. n. 
ambassador at Rome, fell into my hands when I was^lSi,"*" 
laying out for materials for my second volume : but ^^'^^' ^' 
though it belonged in the order of time to the first, I 
thought it would be acceptable to the reader to see 
it, though not in its proper place. In it, after some 
very respectfiil words of pope Hadrian, which, whe- 
ther he wrote out of decency only, or that he thought 
80 of him, I cannot determine, ** he tells them, that, wowef* 
"* before the vacancy, both the emperor and the kingbH^!!^ 
'' had great conferences for his advancement, though ^^' 
*' the emperor's absence makes that he cannot now 
"^ join with them ; yet the regent of the Netherlands, 
" who knows his mind, has expressed an earnest and 
"hearty concurrence for it: and by the letters of 
** the cardinals de Medicis, Sanctorum Quatuor, and 
" Campegio, he saw their affections. He was chiefly 
" determined by the king's earnestness about it, 
" though he could willingly have lived still where 
" he was ; his years increasing, and he knew him- 
" self unworthy of so high a dignity : yet his zeal 
"^ for the exaltation of the Christian faith, and for 
** the honour and safety of the king and the empe- 
" ror, made him refer himself to the ple^ure of 
" God. And in the king's name he sends them 
" double letters : the first to the cardinal de Medicis, 
" offering the king's assistance to him ; and if it was 
" probable he would carry it, they were to use no 
" other powers : but if he thought he could not carry 
" it, then they were to propose himself to him, and 

d3 



88 THE HISTORY OF 

PART <^ to assure him. if he was chosen, the other should 
III. 

" be as it were pope« They were to let the other 






1521. u eardinals know what his temper was, not austere, 
" but free : he had great things to give, that would 
'' be void upon his promotion : he had no friends 
" nor relations to raise, and he knew perfectly well 
^' the great princes of Christendom, and all their in- 
<* terests and secrets. He promises he will be at 
Rome within three months, if they choose him; 
and the king seems resolved to go thither with 
him : he did not doubt, but, according to the many 
'^ promises and exhortations of the emperor to him, 
<^ that his party will join with them. 

** The king also ordered them to promise large 
^* rewards and promotions, and great sums of money 
to the cardinals ; and though they saw the cardi- 
nal de Medici full of hope, yet they were not to 
give over their labour for him, if they saw any 
hope of success : but they were to manage that so 
secretly, that the other may have no suspicion of 
it." This was dated at Hampton-Court the 4th 
of October. 

To this a postscript was added in the cardinal's 

own hand to the bishop of Bath: he teUs him, 

^ what a great opinion the king had of his policy ; 

'* and he orders him to spare no reasonable offers, 

which perhaps might be more regarded than the 

qualities of the person. The king believed all the 

imperialists would be with him, if there was faith 

in the emperor : he believed the young men, who 

for most part were necessitous, would give good ear 

to fair offers, which shall undoubtedly be performed. 

The king willeth you neither to spare his authority, 

'* nor his good money or substance ; so he concludes. 






(t 

€t 



^fn^mS'Ooiio wnd bin g«iod speed." Bat aD w^m 

ffis^ontietierviipoii ^lat lutgect t^ the kiiigt ci^mi. 
^ 4iMi» «ft# gra* iiert ia tbe conclave, tfa# Frendi S^m^. 
^ jMiiill ^^9W ^futo dbodoMdrand the cardbiali 
« «M» Aii^iMolved to chooee en^dfaud de Medids 
^ cr^Mdfi tliat thb coming to tbe ioMwledge oi 

^ deipi^ eMd cried oeft wfattt dm^ k wmdd be to 
^Mkmmm a pe»iOB thai irai idbaent ; 00 that the car* 
^diiKrt^ weM hi sacb ftar» thrt» Iboogb ^lejr weie 
^ p f|ac i|iiB ^-bePi eat bini^ ]^e^ to avdd tlui daogeri 
^'tiiqF^^^bgr Ibe^boniifavtiM be 

^ lifiteill^didott tiie4dtb eif Movembor dtoese car- 
^4iDd iio ifedids» wbo^tocA 4he oMae ef Q^neot 
^ the fievenlh: of wMdi good and fortunate news 
^ tbe kii^ had great cause to thai^ Almightf God; 
^ since as he was his Mthful friend, so by his means 
he had attained that dignity: and that for hig 
own part he took God to record, that he was much 
gladder than if it had fallen on his own person." 
In these letters there is no reflection on the emperor, 
as having fiEuled in his promise at the former election : 
nor is that election any way imputed to him, but laid 
on a casualty ordinary enough in conclaves; and 
more natural in that time^ because pope Hadrian's 
severe way had so disgusted the Romans, that no 
wonder if they broke out into disorders upon the 
apprehension of another foreigner being like to suc- 
ceed. If it is suspected, that though Wolsey knew 
this was a practice of the emperor's, he might dis- 
guise it thus from the king, that so he might be less 
suspected in the revenge that he was meditating, j 

D 4 i 



€€ 
U 



40 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the thing must be left as I find it; only though the 
emperor afterwards charged Wolsey as acting upon 



1521. private revenge for missing the popedom, yet he 
never pretended that he had moved himself in it, or 
had studied to obtain a promise from him ; which 
would have put that general charge of his aspiring, 
and of his revenging himself for the disappointment, 
more heavily on him. 
The king The king and the cardinal continued in a good 

of Fnnce ^ ° 

ukeo pri- correspondence both with that pope and the emperor 
till the battle of Pavia, that Francis's misfortune 
changed the face of affairs, and obliged the king, ac- 
cording to his constant and true maxim^ to support 
the weaker side, and to balance the emperor's grow- 
ing power, that by that accident was like to become 
quickly superior to all Christendom. It has been 
suggested, that the emperor wrote before to Wolsey 
in terms of respect scarce suitable to his dignity, 
but that he afterwards changed both his style and 
subscription : but I have seen many of his letters, to 
which the subscription is either your good or your 
hestjriend ; and he still continued that way of writ- 
ing. His letters are hardly legible, so that I could 
never read one complete period in any of them, 
otherwise I would have put them in my Collection. 
^"^ But having looked thus far into Wolsey 's corre- 

leigb's cba- spoudeucc with the king, I shall now set him in an- 
TZ;! o^er light from a ve^^ good author, the lord Burgh- 
leigh, who, in that memorial prepared for queen 
Elizabeth against favourites, probably intended to 
give some stop to the favour she bore the earl of 
Leicester, has set out the greatness of Wolsey's 
power, and the ill use he made of it. ^^ He had a 
" family equal to the court of a great prince. There 



THE REFORMATION. 41 

"* was in it one earl, and nine barons, and about a book 
" thousand knights, gentlemen, and inferior officers. ^' 



« Besides the vast expense of such a household, he *^^^' 
** gave great pensions to those in the court and con- 
* dave of Rome ; by whose services he hoped to be 
" advanced to the papacy. He lent great sums to 
" the emperor, whose poverty was so well known, 
"^ that he could have no prospect of having them 
"^ repaid; (probably this is meant of Maximilian.) 
' Those constant expenses put him on extraordinary 
"^ ways of providing a fund for their continuance. 
*" He granted commissions under the great seal to 
'' oUige every man upon oath to give in the true 
** value of his estate ; and that those who had fifty 
*" pound, or upwards, should pay four shillings in 
'* the pound. This was so heavy, that, though it 
"* had been imposed by authority of parliament, it 
'^ would have been thought an oppression of the 
'* subject : but he adds, that to have this done by 
" the private authority of a subject, was what wants 
" a name. When this was represented to the king, 
'' he disowned it ; and said, no necessities of his 
'' should be ever so great, as to make him attempt 
'* the raising money any other way but by the peo- 
" pie's consent in parliament. Thus his illegal pro- 
*' ject was defeated ; so he betook himself to another 
** not so odious, by the way of benevolence : and, to 
" carry that through, he sent for the lord mayor and 
" aldermen of London, and said to them, that he 
'' had prevailed with the king to recall his commis- 
" sions for that heavy tax, and to throw himself on 
" their free gifts. But in this he was likewise dis- 
" appointed ; for the statute of Richard the Third 
was pleaded against all benevolences : the people i 



« 



4a THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^ obstinately refused to pay it ; and though the de- 
*' manding it was for some time insisted on» yet the 



1521. u opposition made to it being like to end in a civil 
*• war, it was let fall." All this I drew from that 
cott. Libr. memorial. I found also a commission to the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, the lord Calham, and others, 
setting forth the great wars that the king had in 
France, in which the duke of Bourbon, called one of 
the greatest princes in France, was now the king^s 
servant: they are by it required to practise with 
all in Kent, whose goods amounted to four pound, 
or above, and whose names were given to a sche- 
dule, to anticipate the subsidy granted in pariia- 
ment. This is all that has occurred to me with re- 
lation to Wolsey*s ministry. I will in the next place 
set out what he attempted or did in ecclesiastical 
matters, with the proceedings in convocation during 
woitey'i this period. When king Henry called his first par- 
L legate"** liament, by a writ tested October 17, 1509, to meet 
at Westminster the 21st of January following, he 
did not intend to demand a supply; so there ap- 
pears no writ for a convocation : but the archbishop 
of Canterbury summoned one, as it seems by his own 
authority ; yet none sat then at York. The house 
of lords was sometimes adjourned by the lord trea- 
surer; because the chancellor (Warham) and the 
other spiritual lords were absent, and engaged in 
convocation : but iU does not appear what was done 
by them. 
Hit into. In the year 1511, on the 28th of November, a 
waAim. ^^^ ^®s sent to Warham to summon a convocation, 
which met the 6th of February : they had several 
sessions, and gave a subsidy of 24,000/. but did no- 
thing besides with relation to matters of religion. 



THE BEFOBMATION. 4S 

There was some h«t amoiig them on the aooount of book 
Mme grienmces and ex cettcs in the 'archbishop's 



courts. A committee was appointed of six persons, '^'^' 
the Uahops of Norwich and Rochester, the prior of 
Csaterbuiy, tiie dean of St PanPs, and an archdea- 
ooB, but without addition of hb place : these were 
to examine tiie encroadinients made bj the aidifai- 
iiMp*a courts, and the inhibitions sent to the inferior 
coorts; but especiaOj as to the probates of wills^ 
sod die granting administrations to intestate goods, 
vlien there was any to the Talne of five pound in 
Kveral ^Boceses; an estimate first settled bj War- 



hsm, fer iHudi he had oflkaals and qvpariton in 
erefj diocese, three or fiiur in some, and fire or six 
in others, whidi was looked on bj them as contraij 
to law. Cardinal Morton is said to lie the first who 
let up this pretence of prerogatire: against these 
die bishops alleged the Constitutions of Ottobonus 
and of archbishop Stratfind : it is also set forth, that 
when Warham was an advocate, he was employed 
bjr Hill^ bishop of London, in whose name he ap- 
peared against them, and appealed to pope Alexan- 
der against these invasions made by the archbishop 
on the rights of his see. And when Warham was 
jnomoted to the see of London, he maintained his 
daim against them, and opposed them more than 
any other bisbc^ of the province, and sent his chan- 
cdknr to Rome to find relief against them. But 
when he was advanced to be archbishop, he not only 
maintained those practices, but carried them further 
than his predecessor had done. All this, with thir- 
teen other articles of grievances, were drawn up at 
huge in the state of the case between the archbishop 
and the bishops; and proposals were made of an ac- 



44 THE HISTORY OF 

PART commodation between them about the year 1514: 

III 

but the event showed that this opposition came to 



^^^^' nothing. This must be acknowledged to be none of 
the best parts of Warham's character. In the year 
1514, they were again summoned by writ: they met 
and gave subsidies, but they were not to be levied 
till the terms of paying the subsidies formerly grant- 
ed were out. In the year 1518, Warham summoned 
a convocation to meet at Lambeth to reform some 
abuses; and in the summons he affirmed, that he 
Reg. Hervf. hiad obtained the king's consent so to do. At this 
ft^37- Wolsey was highly offended, and wrote him a very 
haughty letter : in it he said, ** it belonged to him, 
" as legate a latere, to see to the reformation of 
** abuses : and he was well assured, that the king 
** would not have him to be so little esteemed, that 
^* he should enterprise such reformation to the dero- 
gation of the dignity of the see apostolic, and 
otherwise than the law will suffer you, without my 
Wake's ** ddvicc and consent." And he in plain words de- 
chnrch/ *nies that he had any such command of the king, 
t^ldt ^"* *^®* *^^ king's order was expressly to the con- 
trary. So he orders him to come to him, to treat of 
some things concerning his person. This it seems 
Warham was required to send round to his suffra- 
gan bishops : so he recalled his monitions in expecta- 
tion of a legatine council : the pestilence was then 
raging, so this was put off a year longer ; and then 
Wolsey summoned it by a letter, which he trans- 
mitted to the bishops : that to the bishop of Here- 
Reg. Heref. ford is in his register. He desires him to come to a 
fou 41*. council at Westminster for the reforming the clergy, 
and^^>r consulting in the most convenient and 
soundest way, of what we shall think may tend to 






THE REFORMATION. 45 

the increase of the faith. He hoped this letter boo.k 
would be of as much weight with him as monitories 



in due form would be. '^^^• 

It appears not by any record I could ever hear of, a legatin© 

synod* 

what was done in the legatine synod thus brought 
t(^ether, except by the register of Hereford, in which 
we find that the bishop summoned his clergy to meet 
in a synod at the chapter-house, to consult about 
certain affairs, and the articles delivered by Wolsey 
as legate in a council of the provinces of Canterbury 
and York, to the bishops there assembled, to be pub- 
lished by them. All that is mentioned in this synod 
is concerning the habits of the clergy, and the lives 
and manners of those who were to be ordained; 
which the bishop caused to be explained to them in 
English, and ordered them to be observed by the^ 
dergy : and these being published, they proceeded ^•y 4, 
to some heads relating to those articles : and he gave 
copies of all that passed in every one of them. 

The next step he made was of a singular nature. 1523. 
When the king summoned the parliament in the 
14th year of his reign, Warham had a writ to sum- 
mon a convocation of his province, which did meet 
five days after, on the 20th of April. The cardinal "« "^^^^^ 

'' ^ ^ the coDvo- 

summoned his convocation to meet at York almost a cation of 
month before, on the 22d of March ; but they were to*sit^ witi7 
immediately prorogued to meet at Westminster the '""' 
22d of April. The convocation of Canterbury was 
opened at St. Paul's ; but a monition came from 
Wolsey to Warham, to appear before him with his 
clergy at Westminster on the 22d : and thus both 
convocations were brought together. It seems he 
intended that the legatine synod, thus irregularly 
brought together, should give the king supplies : but 



46 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the clergy of the province of Canterbury said, their 

'• — powers were only directed to the archbishop of Can- 

1523. terbury, and these would not warrant them to act in 
any other manner than in the provincial way: so 
the convocation of Canterbury returned back to St. 
Paul's, and sat there till August, and gave the supply 
Reg. Heref. apart ; as did also that of York. But Wolsey, find- 
ing those of Canterbury could not act under him, by 
the powers that they had brought up with them, 
issued out, on the 2d of May, monitory letters to 
the bishops of that province to meet at Westminster 
the 8th of June, to deliberate of the re/brmation of 
the clergy, both of seculars and regulars, and of 
other matters relating to it. In this he mentions 
Warham's summoning a convocation, which he had 
brought before him ; but upon some doubts arising, 
because the proctors of the clergy had no sufficient 
authority to meet in the legatine synod, he therefore 
summoned them to meet with him, and to bring 
sufficient powers to that effect by the 2d of June : 
but it does not appear that any assembly of the 
clergy followed pursuant to this ; so it seems it was 
Antiq. Brit, let fall. This is the true account of that matter. 
I gave it indeed differently before, implicitly follow- 
ing some writers that lived in that time ; more par- 
ticularly that account given of it by either archbi- 
shop Parker or Josceline, a book of such credit, that 
the following it deserved no hard censure. The 
grant of the subsidy is indeed in the name of the 
province of Canterbury; but the other relation of 
that matter being too easily followed by me, it 
seemed to me that it was a point of form for each 
province to give their subsidy in an instrument 
apart, though it was agreed to, they being together 



THE BEFOBMATION. ¥1 

ia ODebodjr. It wis indeed an amiiMon not to lunre book 
oqilained that; but now, upon better evidence, the '* 



whole mattar is thus fullj opened. I find no other^ ^^^ 

of Wolsey'fl, as legate, on record, 8aTe«tei»M.3t. 



till h ;r ;- t 



that he took on him, hj his legatine authority, to 
give institutions at pleasure into all benefices in the 
dioceses of all bisbqis, without so mudi as asidng 
the Uahop's consent In the registar of London, an 
instituticm given by him to South Widdngton, on 
the 10th of December lff86, is entered with this ad- 
dition; that the cardinal had likewise given seven 
other institations in that diocese, without asidng 
the consent of the bishop: and on the mai|;in it is 
added, that the giving and acceptii^ such institu* 
tions by the Agate's authority, beii^ pcip^l provi- 
sions^ involved the deigy into the firMHumre, from 
which they were obliged to redeem themselves. 



Wolsey did also publish a buU^ condemning all who'|^^ 
auoried in the forbidden d^;ree8 ; and he sent man-foi. 1*7. 
dates to the bishops to publish it in their several 
dioceses : he also published pope Leo's bull against 
Luther, and ordered it to be every where published : 
he also required all persons, under the pain of ex- Reg. Herec 
communication, to bring in all Luther's books that 
were in their hands: he enumerated forty-two of 
Luther^s errors ; and required a return of the man- 
date to be made to him, together with such books 
as should be brought in upon it, by the 1st of Au- 
gust. The date of the mandate is not set down ; 
and this is all that I find in this period relating to 
Wolsey. 

This last shows the apprehensions they were under 
of the spreading of Luther's books and doctrine. All 
people were at this time so sensible of the corrup- 



48 THE HISTORY OF 

PART tions that seemed by common consent to be as it 
III.' 
'. — were universally received, that every motion towards 

J 523. ^ reformation was readily hearkened to every where : 
corruption was the common subject of complaint ; 
and in the commission given to those whom the king 
sent to represent himself, and this church, in the 
council of the Lateran, the reformation of the head 
and members is mentioned as that which was ex- 
pected from that council. 
coiefstcr- This was so much at that time in all men's 

mon before , 

a coDToca- mouths, that one of the best men m that age, Colet, 
dean of St. Paul's, being to open the convocation 
with a sermon, made that the subject of it all ; and 
he set forth many of those particulars to which it 
ought to be applied. It was delivered, as all such 
sermons are, in Latin ; and was soon after translated 
into English. I intended once to have published it 
among the papers that I did put in the Collection ; 
but those, under whose direction I composed that 
work, thought, that, since it did not enter into points 
of doctrine, but only into matters of practice, it did 
not belong so properly to my design in writing : yet 
since it has been of late published twice by a person 
distinguished by his controversial writings on this 
subject, I will here give a translation of all that he 
thought fit to publish of it. 
Rights of His text was, Se ye not conformed to this worlds 
wDTo^" iw^ he ye transformed in the renewing of your 
Iditidn.*!^'^ w*f wrf. He told them, " he came thither that he 
'^ might admonish them to apply their thoughts 
" wholly to the reformation of the church." He 
goes on thus : ^* Most of those who are dignitaries, 
carry themselves with a haughty air, and manner ; 
so that they seem not to be in the humble spirit of 









<« 



tt 



1523. 



THE REFORMATION. 49 

''Christ's minist^^ but in an exalted state of do- book 

^ minion : not observing what Christ, the pattern of - 

*^ humility, said to his disciples, whom he set over 

^ his church, // shall not be so among you ; by 

** which he taught them, that the government of the 

" church is a ministry ; and that primacy in a clergy- 

^ man is nothing but an humble servitude. 

** O covetousness ! from thee come those episcopal, 
'' but chargeable visitations, the corruptions of courts, 
^ and those new inventions daily set on foot, by 
" which the poor laity are devoured. O covetous- 
** ness ! the mother of all wickedness ; . from thee 
^ springs the insolence and boldness of officials, and 
^ that eagerness of all ordinaries in amplifying their 
** jurisdiction : from thee flows that mad and furious 
^* contention about wills, and unseasonable seques- 
^ trations ; and the superstitious observing of those 
*' laws that bring gain to them, while those are neg- 
** lected that relate to the correction of manners. 

" The church is disgraced by the secular employ- 
" ments in which many priests and bishops involve 
" themselves : they are the servants of men more 
'•^than of God; and dare neither say nor do any 

thing, but as they think it will be acceptable and 

pleasant to their princes : out of this spring both 
•* ignorance and blindness ; for being blinded with 
** the darkness of this world, they only see earthly 

things. 

" Therefore, O ye fathers, ye priests, and all ye 

dei^ymen ! awaken at last out of the dreams of 
•* a lethargic world ; and hearken to Paul, who calls 
" upon you. Be ye not conformed to this world. 
" This reformation and restoration of the ecclesias- 
** tical state must begin at you, who are our fathers • 

VOL. III. E 



1523. 



80 THE HISTORY OF 

PA RT << and from you must come down to us your priests. 
. ** We look on you as the standards that must go- 
** vem us : we desire to read in you, and in your 
'* lives, as in living books, how we ought to live : 
<^ therefore if you would see the motes that are in 
^' our eyes, take the beams first out of your own. 

** There is nothing amiss among us, for which 
** there are not good remedies set out by the ancient 
^* fathers : there is no need of making new laws and 
^^ canons, but only to observe those already made. 
" Therefore, at this your meeting, let the laws 
•< already made be recited. First, those that ad- 
*' monish you fathers, not to lay hands suddenly on 
'* any : let the laws be recited which appoint that 
^^ ecclesiastical benefices should be given to deserv- 
*' ing persons, and that condemn simoniacal defile* 
'^ ment. But above all things, let those laws be re- 
** died that relate to you our reverend fathers, the 
** lords bishops, the laws of just and canonical elec- 
** tions, after the invocation of the Holy Ghost. 

** Because this is not done in our days, and hi- 
** shops are chosen rather by the favour of men than 
** by the will of Qod ; we have sometimes bishops 
<^ who are not spiritual, but worldly rather than hea- 
" venly ; and who are led by the spirit of the world, 
<< rather than by the Spirit of Christ. Let the laws 
*< be recited for bishops residing in their dioceses. 
** Last of aU, let those laws be recited for frequent 
^ councils, which appoint provincial councils to be 
^ more frequently called, for the reformation of the 
^ diurch ; for nothing has happened more mischiev- 
"^ Wft to the church, than the not holding of councils, 
"^ Will fCeoeral and provincial. 

^ 1 ^ therdfore, with all due reverence, address 



THB RBFORMATION. 51 

«" MPfBetf txy ]^u^ O fathets i for the execution of lavra book 

" Ttnut begin at ydu : if you observe the laws and L— 

^ tmnsfimn yow lives to the rules set by the canons, ^^^ 
** then you shine so to us^' that we may see what we 
** ought to do, when we havb" the light of exx^Uent 
*< examples set us by you: we seeing you obseri^e 
** tfie laws, wiU cheerfiilly follow your steps. Con- 
^ sidef the miserable face and state of the church, and 
^ stt about the reforming it with all your strength. 
" Do not you, O fathers, suffer this famous meeting 

* to end in vain, and in doing nothing: you do in- 
" deed fldeet often ; but (by your favour suffer me 
** to say what i^ true) what fruit has the church yet 
^ had of all your meetings ? Go then with that Spirit 
^ which you have prayed for, that, being assisted by 

* his aid, you may cofatrive, establish^ and decree 
'* 8Qch things as may tend to the advantage of the 
^ ditmh, to your own honour, and to the glory of 
^God*** 

Tfaid Colet had travelled through France andcoiet's 
Italy; and, upon his return, he settled for some*^ *™*^ 
time at Oxford, where he read divinity lectures 
, without any obligation, or reward for it. His read- 
ings brought about him all the learned and studious 
pertoDS in the university. Pie read not according 
to the custom that prevailed universally at that time, 
of oommenting on Thomas Aquinas, or on Scotus, 
but fais readings were upon St. Paul's Epistles. Hef 
was brought aftenlrards to the deanery of St. PatiFs, 
where old Fiti^ James, then bishop of London, was 

Ihb enemy; but he was protected both by War- 
hatfi and by the king himself. He did in one of his 
. sertiioiia reflect on bosom-sermons, which Fitz- James 
I took as a reflation atk himself, for he read all his 



1523. 



5S THE HISTORY OF 

PART sermons. He did not recommend himself at court 
by strains of flattery : on the contrary, he being to 
preach there when the king was entering on a war, 
preached on Christians fighting under the banner of 
Christ, whom they ought to make their pattern in 
all the occasions of quarrel that they might have, 
rather than imitate a Caesar or an Alexander. After 
sermon, the king sent for him, and told him, he 
thought such preaching would dishearten his mili- 
tary men : but Colet explained himself so, that the 
king was well satisfied with him, and said. Let every 
man choose what doctor he pleased^ Colet should be 
his doctor. He died in the year 151 9* 

It seems this sermon was preached in the year 
1513, though it is printed as preached in the year 
1511 ; for the mention that he made in it of the im- 
munities of the clergy, and of those words,* Touch 
not mine anointed^ seems to relate to the opposition 
that the clergy made to the act that passed in par- 
Hament in the year 1512, against th^ immunity of 
the inferior orders of the clergy. It is true, in the 
translation I have given, there are no such words ; 
but I find them in the reflections that I made on 
that sermon, when I intended to have printed it : so 
I took it for granted, that the sermon was not fuUj 
printed in. the book, out of which I was forced to 
make my translation, the copy that I had of it being 
mislaid, or lost. It had been but a reasonable thing 
for that writer, either to have printed the whole ser- 
mon, or to have told the reader that only some pas- 
sages were taken out of it, since the title given to it 
Would make him think it was all prinited. I could 
not find either the Latin sermon, or the English 
translaticm of it, that was printed near that . time<; 



THE REFORMATION. 08 

nd.I Gannot entbdj depend on a late impression of book 

the English translation : yet I will add some few 1— 

passages out. of it» which deserved to be published ^^^^' 
by him that picked out a few with some particular 
▼iew that it seems he had. Before the first period 
printed by him, he has these words : 

" How much greediness and appetite of honour 
^ and dignity is seen nowadays in clergymen ! How 
^ jun they (yea almost out of breath) from one be- 
** nefice to another ; from the less to the greater, 
** from the lower to the higher ! Who seeth not 
^ this ? And who seeing sorroweth not ? 

Before the next period, these words are to be 
found; ^'What other things seek we nowadays in 
** the church but fat benefices, and high promotions ? 
** And it were well if we minded the duty of those, 
^ when we have them. But he that hath many great 
** benefices, minds not the office of any small one. 
*^ And in these our high promotions, what other 
'^ things do we pass upon, but only our tithes and 
** rents ? We care not how vast our charge of souls 
** be : how many or how great benefices we take, so 
" they be of large value." 

In the next period, these remarkable words are 
omitted : " Our warfare is to pray devoutly ; to 
^ read and study scriptures diligently ; to preach 
" the word of God sincerely ; to administer holy 
** sacraments rightly ; and to offer sacrifices for the 
** people." 

A little before the next period, he has these 
words : ^ In this age we are sensible of the contra- 
** diction of lay people. But they are not so much 
** contrary to us, as we are to ourselves. Their 
^ contrarines hurteth not us so much, as the con- 

£ 3 



»' 



£4 THE HISItOlY OF 

rxRT *^ trarme* of aar own eril life> vjueh ' it oonMqr 
"'• «« both to God and to Christ." 






1^23. After Colet had mentioiied that of laying bsndi 
suddenly on none, he adds, ^ Here lies the onginal 
<^ and spring-head of all our mischiefe : that the gate 
'* of ordination is too broad ; the entrance too wide 
^ and open. Every man that offers himself is ad- 
*^ mitted every where, without puttii^ back. Hence 
'< it is that we have such a multitude of priests that 
^* have little learning, and kss piety. In my judg- 
*^ ment it is not ^lough £ar a priest to eonstme a 
^' collect, to put forth a question, to answer a so- 
^^ phism ; but an honesty a pure, and a holy fife^ is 
^* much more necessary : approved manners, cam^ 
potent learning in holy scriptures, some know- 
ledge of the sacraments; but chiefly above aB 
things^ the fear of God, and love of heavenly life.^ 
A little after this, ** Let the canons be reheaned 
** that command personal residence of curates (lec- 
'^ tors) in their churches : for of this many evils 
'^ grow, because all offices nowadays are perforoied 
** by vicars and parish priests ; yea, and these focdish, 
** and unmeet, oftentimes wicked." 

At some distance from this, but to the same pur- 
pose, he adds, ** You might first sow your spiiitud 
^^ things, and then ye shall reap plentiftiUy their 
*^ carnal things. For truly that man is very hard 
^ and unjust who will reap where he never did Mw, 
" and desires to gather where he never scattered.** 

These passages seemed proper to be added to the 
former, as setting forth the abuses and disorders that 
were then in this church. I wish I could add, that 
they are now quite purged out, and appear no More 
among us. Colet was a particular firiend of EraMaus, 



THE REFORMATION. SB 

at appens by many very kind letters that passed book 
between them. ' 



To this account of the sense that Colet had of the ^. l£^^- 

Sir Thomai 

state of religion at that time, I will add an account Mor«'* 
of sir Thomas More's thoughts of religion. Those reil^n'iQ^ 
of the church of Rome look on him as one of their ^^ ^^^ 
glories^ the champion of their cause, and their martjrr. 
He in this period wrote his Utopia : the first edition 
that I jcould ever see of it was at Basil in the year 
1518 ; for he wrote it in the year 1516 ; at which 
time it may be believed that he dressed up that in- 
genious fable according to his own notions. He 
wrote that book probably before he had heard of 
Lather ; the Wicklevites and the Lollards being the 
only heretics then known in England. In that short, 
but extraordinary book, he gave his mind full scope, 
and considered mankind and religion with the free- 
dom that became a true philosopher. By many hints 
it is very easy to collect what his thoughts were of 
religion, of the constitutions of the church and of 
the clergy at that time : and therefore, though an 
observing reader will find these in his way, yet, hav- 
ing read it with great attention, when I translated 
it into English, I will lay together such passages as 
give clear indications of the sense he then had of 
those matters. 

Page the 21st, when he censures the enclosing of The refe- 
grounds, he ranks those holj/ men the abbots among [o°th7p^i^ 
those who thought it not enough to live at their own ^l^J^^^^^ 
ease, and to do no good to the public^ but resolved 
to do it hurt instead of good : which shows that he 
called them holy men in derision. This is yet more 
fully set forth, page 37, where he brings in cardinal 
Morton's jester's advice to send all the beggars to 

£ 4 



66 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the Benedictines to be lay-brothers, and all the fe-» 
male beggars to be nuns, reckoning the friars as 



vagabonds that ought to be taken up and restrained: 
and the discourse that follows, for two or three pageSf 
gives such a ridiculous view of the want of breedings 
of the folly and ill nature of the friars, that they 
have taken care to strike it out of the later impres- 
sions. But as 1 did find it in the impression which 
I translated, so I have copied it all from the first 
Collect, edition, and have put in the Collection that whidi 

Nomb. lo. ' '^ 

the inquisitors have left out. From thence it is 
plain, what opinion he had of those who were the 
most eminent divines and the most famed preachers 
at that time. This is yet plainer, page 56^ in which 
he taxes the preachers of that age for corrupting 
the Christian doctrine, and practising upon it: 
for they, ohsermng that the world did not suit 
their lives to the rules that Christ has given, have 
fitted his doctrine as if it had been a leaden rule 
to their lives, that some way or other they might 
agree with one another. And he does not soften 
this severe censure, as if it had been only the fault 
of a few, but lets it go on them all, without any dis- 
crimination or Umitation. 

Page 83, he taxes the great company of idle 
priests, and of those that are called religious per-- 
sons, that were in other nations ; against which he 
tells us, in his last chapter, how carefully the Uto- 
pians had provided : but it appears there, what just 
esteem he paid to men of that character, when they 
answered the dignity of their profession ; for as he 
contracts the number of the priests in Utopia, page 
186, so he exalts their dignity as high as so noble a 
function could deserve : yet he represents the Uto- 



THE REFORMATION. «7 

pians iu aUawimg them to marry^ page 114. And, book 

pi^ ISO, he exalts a solid virtue much above aU i 

rigeroms severities^ which were the most admired '^^' 
expressions of piety and devotion in that age. He 
ghres a perfect scheme of religious men, so much be- ' 
jond the monastic orders, that it shows he was no 
admirer of them. 

Page 152, he commends the Europeans for ** ob- 
** serving their leagues and treaties so religiously; 
^ and ascribes that to the good examples that popes 
^ set other princes, and to the severity with which 
'^they prosecuted such as were perfidious.'' This 
lotto like respect ; but he means it all ironically : 
for he who had seen the reigns of pc^ Alexander 
the Sixth, and Julius the Second, the two falsest 
and most perfidious persons of the age, could not 
say this but in the way of satire : so that he secretly 
accuses both popes and princes for violating their 
&ith, to which they were induced by dispensations 
from Rome. Page 192, his putting images out of 
the churches of the Utopians^ gives no obscure hint 
of bis opinion in that - matter. The opinion, page 
175, that he proposes, doubtfully indeed, but yet fa- 
vourably, of the first converts to Christianity in Uto- 
pia, who (there being no priests among those who 
instructed them) were inclined to choose priests that 
should officiate among them, since they could not 
have any that were r^ularly ordained ; adding, that 
they seemed resolved to do it : this shows that in 
cases of necessity he had a largeness of thought, far 
from being engaged blindfold into the humours or 
interests of the priests of that time ; to whom this 
must have appeared one of the most dangerous of all 
heresies. 



08 THE HISTORY OF 

FART And whereas persecution and cruelty seem to be 
the indelible characters of popery ; he, as he gives us 






1^^- the character of the religion of the Utopians, that ' 
they qffered not divine honours to any hut to God 
^alone, page 178 ; so, page 177, he makes it one of 
the maxims of the Utopians, that no man ought to i 
he punished for his religion : the utmost seTcritj t 
practised among them being banishment, and that ' 
not &>T disparaging their religion, but for inflaming 
the people to sedition; a law being made among 
them, that every man might he of what religion he 
pleased f page 191- And though there were many 
different forms of religion among them, yet they all 
^greed in the main point of ** worshipping the Divine 
^ Essence ; so that there was nothing in their tern- 
** pies, in which the several persuasions among them 
** might not agree." 

^* The several sects performed the rites that were 
<< peculiar to them in their private houses ; nor was 
^ there any thing in the public worship that contra- 
'* dieted the particular ways of the several sects :** 
by all which he carried, not only toleration, but even 
comprehension, further than the most moderate of 
our divines have ever pretended to do. It is true> 
he represents all this in a fable of bis Utopians : but 
this was a scene dressed up by himself, in which he 
was fully at liberty to frame every thing at pleasure: 
so here we find in this a scheme of some of the most 
essential parts of the reformation. ^^ He proposes 
*^ no subjection of their priests to any head ; he 
** makes them to be chosen by the people, and con- 
secrated by the college of priests ; and he gives 
them no other authority but that of excluding 
men that were desperately wicked from joining in 



THE BEFORMATIQN. 10 

^4heir wonliip, which was short and «iiiiple: and book 
«4hougfa every man was suffered to bring over— !l«. 
^ others to his persuasion, yet he was obliged to do '^^' 
'^ it by amicaUe and modest ways, and not to mix 
** with these either reproaches or violence ; such aa^ 
'^ did otherwise were to be condemned to banishment 
*• or slavery.'' 

These were his first and coolest thoughts; and 
jffobdbly, if he had died at that time, he would have 
been, reckoned among those, who, though they lived 
in the communion of the church of Rome^ yet saw 
iriiat were the errors and corruptions of that body, 
and only wanted fit opportunities of declaring them* 
selves more openly for a reformation. These things 
were not writ by him in the heat of youth ; he wa^ 
then thirty-four years of age, and was at that time 
employed, together with Tonstall, in settling some 
matters of state with (the then prince) Charles ; so 
thM he was far advanced at that time, and knew 
the world well. It is not easy to account for the 
great change that we find afterwards he was wrought 
up to : he not only set himself to oppose the refor- 
mation in many treatises, that, put together, make a 
great volume ; but, when he was raised up to the 
chief post in the ministry, he became a persecutor 
even to blood ; and defiled those hands, which were 
Dever polluted with bribes, by acting in bis own per- 
son some of those cruelties, to which he was, no 
doubt, pushed on by the bloody cleigy of that age 
sad church. 

He was not governed by interest; nor did he 
aspire so to preferment, as to stick at nothing that 
might contribute to raise him ; nor was he subject 
is the vanities of popularity. The integrity of his 



60 THE HISTORY OF 

PART whole life, and the severity of his morals, cover him 
fix>m all these suspicioDs. If he had been formerly 



^^^' corrupted by a superstitious education, it had been 
no extraordinary thing to see so good a man grow 
%> be misled by the force of prejudice. But how 
a man who had emancipated himself, and had got 
into a scheme of free thoughts, could be so entirdy 
dianged, cannot be easily apprehended ; nor how he 
came to muffle up his understanding, and deliver 
himself up as a property to the blind and enraged 
fury of the priests. It cannot indeed be accounted 
fiofr, but by charging it on the intoxicating charms 
of that religion, that can darken the clearest under- 
standings, and corrupt the best natures : and since 
^ they wrought this effect on sir Thomas More, I can- 
not but conclude, that if these things were done m 
the green tree^ what shall he done in the dry ? 
Rcg.Tooit. His friend Tonstall was made bishop of London: 
by the pope's provision ; but it was upon the kii^*s 
recommendation signified by Hannibal, then his am- 
bassador at Rome. Tonstall was sent ambassador to 
Spain, when Francis was a prisoner there. That 
king grew, as may be easily believed, impatient to 
be so long detained in prison: and that began to 
\ have such effects on his health, that the emperor, 

fearing it might end in his death, which would both 
lose the benefit he had from having him in his hands, 
and lay a heavy load on him through all Europe, 
was induced to hearken to a treaty, which he pre-* 
tended he concluded chiefly in consideration of the 
king's mediation. The treaty was made at Madrid, 
much to the emperor's advantage : but because he 
would not trust to the faith of the treaty, Francis 
was obliged to bring his two sons as hostages for 



THE REFORMATION. 61 

the observance of it. So he had his liberty upon book 
that exchange. Soon after, he came back to France, '* 



and then the pope sent him an absolution in full '^*'^^* 
form from the faith and obligation of the treaty. It 
seems his conscience reproached him for breaking so 
sdenm an engagement, but that was healed by the 
dispensation from Rome : of which the original was 
sent over to the king ; perhaps only to be showed 
the king, who upon that kept it still in his secret 
treasure ; where Rymer found it. The reason in- Rymcr. 
sinuated in it is, the king's being bound by it to 
alienate some dominions that belonged to the crown 
of France. For he had not yet learned a secret, 
discovered, or at least practised since that time, of 
princes declaring themselves free from the obliga- 
tions of their treaties, and departing from them at 
their pleasure. 



B 



BOOK II. 



()f matters that happened during the time com- 
prehended in the Second Book of the History 
of the Reformation. 

I WILL repeat nothing set forth in my former book 
work, but suppose that my reader remembers how ^^' 



Charles the Fifth had sworn to marry the king's l^^^* 
daughter, when she should be of age, under pain of 
excommunication, and the forfeiture of one hundred 
thousand pounds : yet when his match with Portu- 
gal was thought more for the interests of the crown, 
he sent over to the king, and desired a discharge 
of that promise. It has been said, and printed 
by one who lived in the time, and out of him by Haii. 
the lord Herbert, that objections were made to this 
in Spain, on the account of the doubtfulness of 
her mother's marriage. From such authors I took 
this too easily; but in a collection of original in- Among the 
structions I have seen that matter in a truer light, ^ri^ni of 
Lee, afterwards archbishop of York, was sent am- of eu!^**^ 
bassador to Spain, to solicit the setting Francis at Many Bm. 
Uberty ; and, in reckoning up the king's merits on the ^^Z 
emperor, his instructions mention, *^ the king's late 
** discharge of the emperor's obligation to marry his 
" dearest daughter, the princess Mary ; whom, though 
** his grace could have found in his heart to have b&« 
^ stowed upon the emperor, before any prince living, 
•* yet for the more security of his succession, the fur- a 



64 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << therance of his other affairs, and to do unto him ^ 
III 
\ " a gratuity, his grace hath liberally, benevolently, 

1625. u ^jjj kindly condescended unto it.** There are 
other letters of the 12th of August, but the year is 
not added, which set forth the emperor's earnest 
desire to be with all possible diligence discharged 
of his obligation to marry the piincess. At first the 
king thought fit to delay the granting it till a gene- 
ral peace was fully concluded, since it had been 
agreed to by the treaty at Windsor ; but soon after^ 
a discharge in full form under the great seal was 
sent over by an express to Spain: but from som^ 
hints in other papers, it seems there were secret 
orders not to deliver it ; and king Henry continued 
to claim the money due upon the forfeiture, as a 
debt still owing him. The peace was then treated, 
chiefly with a view to resist the Turk, and to repress 
heresy, that was then much spread both through 
Germany and Poland. 

Another original letter was writ after Francis was ^ 
at liberty, ** setting forth that the nobles and courts 
*' in France would not confirm the treaty that Fran- 
cis had signed to obtain his liberty ; and therefore 
earnest persuasions were to be used to prevail 
'* with the emperor to restore the hostages, and to 
come into reasonable terms, to maintain the peace, 
^* and to call his army out of Italy.*' By these it 
appears, that the league against the emperor w?b» . 
then made, of which the king was declared the pro- 
tector ; but the king had not then accepted of that 
title. He ordered his ambassadors to propose a mil- 
lion of crowns for redeeming the hostages, to be paid 
at different times ; yet they were forUd to own to 
the emperor* that if the offices* in which the king 



C( 

c« 
«c 



THE REFORMATION. 65 

interposed, were not effectual, iie would enter into book 
the league. ' 



There are in that collection some ofWolsey's let-^*^^^* 

•^ Woltej's 

ten; by one of the 17th of July he claims his pen-i«tt«rto 
sions of 7»500 ducats upon the bishoprics of Palen- 
tia and Toledo ; besides 9000 crowns a year, in re- 
compense for his parting with the bishopric of Tour- 
nay, and the abbey of St. Martin's there ; for which 
there was an arrear of four years due. Oh the 29th 
of September he wrote over a severe charge to be 
hid before the emperor for the sack of Rome, the 
indignities put on the person of the pope, the spoil- 
ing the church of St. Peter, and other churches, and 
the Ignominious treating the ornaments of them : all 
the Uame was cast on the cardinal Colonna, and 
Hugo de Moncada, they being persuaded that it 
was done without the emperor's knowledge or order. 
He proposes the king to be mediator, as a thing 
agreed on by all sides : he uses in this that bold way 
of joining himself with the king, very often saying, 
the king and I: and on the 20th of October he 
presses with great earnestness the mediating a peace 
between France and the emperor ; in all which, no- 
thing appears either partial or revengeful against 
the emperor. The true interest of England seems 
to be pursued in that whole negotiation. 

There was then in the* emperor's court a very 
foil embassy from England : for in one or other of 
these letters mention is made of the bishops of Lon* 
don, Worcester, and of Bath ; of Dr. Lee and sir 
Francis Bryan. But since the dismal fate of Rome 
and of pope Clement is mentioned in these letters, 
I must now chansce the scene. 

o Collect, 

Pope Clement, as soon as he could after his im-Nomb. u. 

VOL. III. F 



66 THE HISTORY OF 

PART prisonment, wrote over to Wolsey an aocoiiiit of die 
miserable state he was in, which he sent over by gb 



Thl^i^k Gregory Cassal, who saw it all, and so could give a 

of Rome. fuU account of it ^* The pope's only comfort and 
<* hope was in Wolsej's credit with the king, and in 
** the king's own piety towards the church and him- 
" self, now so sadly oppressed, that he had no otber 
** hope but in the protection he expected from hiBt" 
There were many other letters written by the our- 
dinals, setting forth the miseries they were in, and 
that in the most doleful strains possible; all tbdr 
eyes being then towards the king, as the ponon 
on whose protection they chiefly depended. Upon 
this, Wolsey went over to France in a most splen- 
did manner, with a prodigious and magnificent train, 
rec koned to consist of a thousand persons ; and ht 
had the most unusual honours done him, that the 
court of France could invent, to flatter his vanity. 
He was to conclude a treaty with Francis for set- 
ting the pope at liberty, and to determine the alta^ 
native of the marriage of the princess Mary^ either 
to the king of France, or to the duke of Orleans, his 
second son, and to lay a scheme for a general peace. 
He came to Compiegne in the end of September, 
and from thence he wrote the first motion that was 

Sept. 16. made about the divorce to the pope; fi)r the firet 
letter that I found relating to that matter hegim 
with mentioning that which he wrote from Com- 

Le Grand, piegnc. Mr. Lc Grand told me, he had seen that 

tom. Hi. - 

numb. 2. despatch, but he has not printed it. 
nai! write From that place Wolsey, with four cardinals, 
fo/i'fSS'** ^^^^ ^0 the pope, « setting forth the sense that they 
depuuiion. « had of the calamity that he was in, and their zeal 
" for his sei*vice, in which they hoped for good sue- 



THE REFORMATION. 67 

^cess: yet fearing lest the emperor should take oc- book 
* casion from his imprisonment to seize on the ter- ^' 
** ritories of the church, and to force both him to *^^^* 
^ confirm it, and the cardinals now imprisoned with 
** him to ratify it, which they hoped neither he nor 
^ tfaey would do ; yet, if human infirmity should so 
^ far prevail, they protested against all such aliena- 
^tions: they also declare, that if he should die, 
^ tiiey would proceed to a new election, and have 
^ no r^ard to any election, to which the imprisoned 
^ cardinals might be forced* In conclusion, they do 
^ earnestly pray, that the pope would grant them a 
** full deputation of his authority : in the use of which 
** they promise all zeal and fidelity ; and that they 
^ would invite all the other cardinals that were at 
** liberty to come and concur with them." This was 
signed by Wolsey, and by the cardinals of Bourbon, 
Salviati, Lorrain, and cardinal Prat. Wolsey wrote Collect. 
to the king, expressing the concern he had for him, 
with relation to his great and secret afiair ; it seems 
expecting a general meeting of cardinals that was to 
be called together in France, which he reckoned 
would concur to the process that he intended to make: 
but apprehending that the queen might decline his 
jurisdiction, he would use all his endeavours to bring 
the king of France to agree to the emperor's de- 
mands as far as was reasonable ; hoping the emperor 
would abate somewhat, in consideration of the king's 
mediation : but if that did not succeed, so that the 
pope was still kept a prisoner, then the cardinals must 
be brought to meet at Avignon, and thither he in- 
tended to go, and to spare no trouble or charge in 
doing the king service. When he was at Avignon, he 
should be within a hundred miles of Perpignan; 

F 2 i 



68 THE HISTORY OF 

PART and he would try to bring the emperor and the 
French king's mother thither, if the king approved 



1527. ^f ii^ to treat for the pope's deliverance, and for a 
general peace. This is the substance of the minute 
of a letter writ in the cardinal's hand. 
Knight The king at this time intended to send Knight^ 

Rome? then secretary of state, to Rome, in point of form 
to condole with the pope, and to (Mrevent any appli- 
cation that the queen might make by the emperor's 
means in his great matter : so he appointed the car^ 
Numb. 13. dinal to give him such commissions and instructions 
as should seem requisite, with all diligence ; and he 
pressed the cardinal's return home, with great ac- 
knowledgments of the services he had done him. 
By this letter it appears, that the queen then under- 
stood somewhat of the king's uneasiness in his mar- 
riage. The king of France sent from Compiegne a 
great deputation, at the head of which Montmorancy^ 
then the great master, was put to take the king's oath 
confirming the treaties that Wolsey had made in his 
fljtii Sept. name ; one in the commission was Bellay, then hi« 
shop of Bayonne, afterwards of Paris, and cardinal. 
When that was done, the king's matter^ that had 
been hitherto more secretly managed, began to break 
Pace wrote out. Mr. Lc Grand has published a letter that Pace 
of bUdi-°^ wrote to the king, as he says, in the year 1526; but 
^^'^\„ no date is added to the letter. The substance of it 
numb, i! is, ** that the letter and book, which was brought to 
*^ the king the day before, was writ by him ; but by 
" the advice and help of doctor Wakefield, who ap- 
proved it, and was ready to defend every thing in 
it, either in a verbal disputation, or in writing. 
^ Tlie king had told him, that some of his learned 
*< counsellors had written to him^ that Deuteronomy 



4€ 
4U 



THE REFORMATION. 69 

'abrogated Leviticus: but that was certainly false; book 
" for the title of that book in Hebrew was the two * 



"first words of it: it is a compend and recapitula- '^^^" 
''don of the Mosaical law; and that was all that 
^ was imported by the word Deuteronomy. He tells 
** the king^ that, after he left him, Wakefield prayed 
f* him to let him know, if the king desired to know 
^ the truth in that matter, whether it stood for him 
*^ or against him. To whom Pace answered, that 
" the king desired nothing but what became a noble 
** and a virtuous prince ; so he would do him a most 
** acceptable thing, if he would set the plain truth 
** before him. After that, Wakefield said, he would 
^not meddle in the matter, unless he were com- 
^ manded by the king to do it ; but that, when he 
'^ received his commands, he would set forth such 
'^things both for and against him, that no other 
" person in his kingdom could do the like." The 
letter is dated from Sion, but I have reason to be- 
lieve it was written in the year 1527; for this 
Wakefield (who seems to have been the first person 
of this nation that was learned in the oriental 
tcHigues, not only in the Hebrew, the Chaldaic, and 
the Syriac, but in the Arabic) wrote a book for the 
divorce. He was at first against it, before he knew 
that prince Arthur's marriage ^th queen Katherine 
was consummated: but when he understood what 
grounds there were to believe that was done, he 
changed his mind, and wrote a book on the subject. 
And in his own book, he with his own hand inserts 
the copy of his letter to king Henry, dated from 
Sien 1527; which it seems was written at the same 
time that Pace wrote his : for these are his words, 
(as the author of Atk. Oxon. relates, who says he 

r 3 



€€ 



70 THE HISTORY OP 

PART saw it,) He will defend his aiuse or question in att 
— i — the universities of Christendom : but adds^ '< that 
1627. €€ jf jjjg people should know that he, who b^an to 
defend the queen's cause, not knowing that she 
was carnally known of prince Arthur, his brother, 
should now write against it, surely he should be 
** stoned of them to death ; or else have such a slao- 
** der and obloquy raised upon him, that he would 
<< die a thousand times rather than suffer it." 

He was prevailed on to print his book in Latiny 

Koteer Co. ^ith au Hcbrcw title ; in which he undertook to 

prove, that the manying the brother's wife, she 

being carnally known of him, was contrary to the 

decrees of holy church, utterly unlawful, and forbid- 

den both by the law of nature and the law of God, 

the laws of the gospel, and the customs of the ca* 

tholic and orthodox church. 

1528. It appears from the letters writ in answer to those 

to^oiw"* *^*' Knight carried to Rome, that the pope granted 

to judge all that was desired. This was never well under* 

the mar- 

riage. stood till Mr. Rymer, in his diligent search, found 
the first original bull, with the seal in lead hanging 
to it : he has printed it in his 14th volume, p. 237. 
and therefore I shall only give a short abstract of it. 
It is directed to cardinal Wolsey, and bears date the 
ides of April, or the 13th day, in the year 1528. 
** It empowers him, together with the archbishop of 
** Canterbury, or any other English bishop, to hear, 
examine, pronounce and declare concerning the 
validity of the marriage of king Henry and queen 
<^ Katherine, and of the efficacy and validity of all 
*^ apostolical dispensations in that matter, and to de- 
« clare the marriage just and lawful, 6v unjust and 
'^ unlawful, and to give a plenary sentence upon the 






THE REFORMATION. 71 

** whole matter ; with licetnse to the parties to many book 



11. 



** again, and to admit no appeal from them. For- 
^ which end he creates Wolsey his vicegerent, to do *^^®* 
^ in the premises all that he himself could do, with 
^ power to declare the issue of the first as well as of 
^ any subsequent marriage legitimate : all concludes 
^ with a mm obstante to all general councils and 
^ apostolical constitutions.*^ , 

This rare discovery was to us all a great surprise,it wm 
as soon as it was known : but it does not yet appear ate oT 
how it came about that no use was ever made of it. 
I am not lawyer enough to discover, whether it was 
that so full a deputation was thought null of itself^ 
since by this the pope determined nothing, but 
left all to Wolsey ; or whether Wolsey, having no 
mind to carry the load of the judgment on himself^ 
made the king apprehend that it would bring a dis- 
reputation on his cause, if none but his own subjecte 
judged it; or whether it was that Wolsey would 
not act in conjunction with Warham, or any under 
the degree of a cardinal. I leave the reasons of 
their not making use of the bull, as a secret, as great 
as the bull itself was till it was found out by Ry- 
mer. Another bull was after that desired and ob-Ryi 
tained, which bears date the 8th of June (6to idus) 
from Viterbo. This I take from the license granted 
under the great seal to the legates to execute the 
commission of that date : but it seems they did not 
think they had the pope fast enough tied by this ; 
aod therefore they obtained from him, on the 23d of 
July following, a solemn promise, called in their let- 
ters pollicitation by which he promised, in the ward 
of a pope, that he would never, neither at any per- 
son's desire, nor of his own motion, inhibit or revoke 

r 4 



78 THE HISTORY OP 

PART the commission he had granted to the l^ates to 
Judge the matter of the king's marriage. This I 



1528. jjj ^^^ publish in my former work, because the 
lord Herbert had published it: but since that his* 
tory is like to be confined to our own nation, and 
this may probably go further, I put it in the Col-- 
lection; and the rather, because the lord Herbert, 
taking it from a copy, as I do, seems in some doubt 
concerning it : but probably he had not seen the let- 
ter that Wolsey wrote to Grardiner, in which he 
mentions the pollicitation that he had in his hands, 
with several other letters that mention it very fire* 
couect. quently. The copy that I publish was taken firom 
""^ ' '^ a transcript attested by a notary, which is the rea* 
son of the oddness of the subscription. 
•^Mthink ^^ ^^^ mean time Warham called such bishops as 
thekiog'i were in town to him, and proposed to them the 

scruples ^ . . 

Kuonabie. king's scTuplcs ; which being weighed by them, a 
writing was drawn up to this purpose : that, having 
heard the grounds of the king's scruples relating to 
Rymer. his marriage, they all made this answer, that the 
causes which gave the king the present agitation and 
disturbance of conscience were great and weighty ; 
and that it did seem necessary to them all for him 
to consult the judgment of their holy father the pope 
1629. in that matter. This was signed by Warham, Ton- 
Life of stall, Fisher, and the bishops of Carlisle, Ely, St. 

Wolsev 

^* Asaph, Lincoln, and Bath, on the 1st of July 1529* 
And I incline to think, that this was the paper of 
which Cavendish, whom I followed too implicitly in 
my former work, gave a wrong account, as brought 
out when the legates were sitting on the king's 
cause. There is no reason to doubt of Fisher's sign- 
ing this : and Cavendish, who wrote upon memory 



THE REFORBfATION. 73 

almost thirtj yean after, might be mistaken in the book 
story ; for the false account that he gives of the bat- 



tle of Pavia shows how little he is to be depended ^^^^' 
OD. At this time the pope in a letter to Wolsey of- 
fered to go in person to Spain, or to any place where 
an interview should be agreed on, to mediate a ge- 
neral peace. This Wolsey wrote over to the king's ^^'^^^ Kfc. 
ambassadors at Rome on the 19th of December : andn. n.' 
in the same letter he orders them to offer the guard 
to the pope in the name of the two kings ; and adds, 
that Turenne should command that part of it which 
was to have their pay sent from France, and sir Gre- 
gory Cassal that which the king was to pay. 

In prosecuting the history of the divorce, I must 
add a great deal out of some French authors. Bel- 
lay, the Sieur de Langey, has writ memoirs of that 
time with great judgment, and very sincerely. I 
find also many letters relating to those transactions 
both in the Melanges Historiques^ and in Le 
Grand's third tome. These I shall follow in the 
series in which things were transacted, which will 
be found to give no small confirmation, as well as 
large additions, to what I formerly published in my 
History. The first of these was much employed in 
embassies, and was well informed of the affairs of 
England, both his brothers being at different times 
employed to negotiate affairs in that court. John in 
particular, then bishop of Bayonne, afterwards of 
Paris, and cardinal Le Grand, as lord Herbert hadP»«fe38. 
done before, has given the relation of the answer 
that the emperor gave by word of mouth, and after- 
wards in writing, to Clarencieux, when he came with 
a French king at arms to denounce war in the name 
of the two kings to the emperor. 



U 



74 THE HISTORY OF 

PART Demand was made of great debts that the empe» 

\ — ror owed the king ; among these, the sum forfeited 

rj*^^' for his not marrjring the princess Mary is one. Td 
52^- that the emperor answered, that, before he was mai^ 

Die empe- 

rif% Ml- ried, he required the king to send her to him, which 
[i^g by ^ was not done : and by letters that he intercepted, he 
iit^°' saw that the king was treating a marriage for her 
with the king of Scotland long before the emperor 
was married. It was farther said to that herald, 
that a report went current, that the king designed a 
divorce, and upon that to marry another wife« 
The emperor said, he had in his hands ample dis- 
pensations for the marriage: nor could the king 
^' go on in that design without striking at the pope's 
authority; which would give great scandal, and 
occasion much disturbance, and give the emperm 
5 just cause of war. This would show what faiths 
what religion, what conscience, and what honour 
the king had before his eyes. He had offered his 
daughter to him in marriage, and was now going 
to get her declared a bastard: he ascribed all this 
*^ to the ill offices done by the cardinal of York, who 
was pushed on by his ambition and avarice, be-* 
** cause he would not order his army in Itidy to 
" force the electing him to the popedom ; which, he 
said, both the king and the cardinal desired of him 
in letters that they wrote to him on that occasion : 
and, because he had not in that satisfied his pride, 
'^ he had boasted that he would so embroil the em« 
*< peror's affairs, though England should be ruined 
<< by it, that he should repent his using him so." 
This seems to be much aggravated ; for it may be 
easily supposed, that the king and Wolsey might, in 
the letters that they wrote to the emperor at the* 






THE KEFORMATION. 76 

last Gondave, desire him to order his troops to draw book 
Dear Rome to keep all quiet, tiU, if he was chosen, ''' 



he might get thither. Yet it is not probable that thqr ' ^^^* 
could desire so barefaced a thing as the emperor 
here fastened on them. He in that, perhaps, was 
DO truer, than when he said he had in his hands 
ample dispensations for the king's marriage ; though 
it appears these were forged : for the date of the 
breve being the same with the bull, both bearing 
date the 26th of December 1503, it was plainly 
&lse. For Rymer has printed one attestation from 
Rome, that the year in the breves begins on Christ- 
mas-day: so, if it had been a true piece, it must 
have had the date of 1 504. He has likewise published 
an authentic attestation, signed by the cardinal cham- 
berlain, that, in the raster of the breves, there was 
none to be found relating to the king's dispensation 
for his marriage, but one dated the 6th of July 
1504, and another the 22d of February 1505. 

The bishop of Bayonne made a bold proposition Le Grand, 

Pa 64 

to Wolsey : he thought it might be a proper method jkn. a, 

W ^ Q 

to engage the pope to depose the emperor for such a proposu 
enormous felony as he had committed against him,*'^^*J^*^" 
which would secure that see from all such attempts *™p«">"*- 
for the future. The cardinal, after a little reflection 
on it, swore to him that he would pursue that 
thought ; but, it seems, it was let fall. 

When Gardiner and Fox were sent to Rome, they 
passed through France, with letters from Wolsey to Le Grand, 
Montmorancy for his assisting them. It seems theMay^H. 
people were expressing their uneasiness upon these 
steps made in order to the divorce, of which the bi- 
shop of Bayonne wrote to the court of France; 
which was upon his letters so talked of at Paris, 



76 THE HISTORY OF 

PART that Wolsey reprimanded him for it; though in his 
"'• own excuse he writes, that the bishop of Bath had 



1529. said it more openly than he had written it. 

Le Grand, ^ _ ^ . « » 

p. 139. On the 8th of June, it seems, matters went not 

well at Rome ; for Wolsey complained to the bishop 
of Bayonne of the pope, for not doing them justice^ 
who had served him so well, both before his advance- 
ment, and ever since. They also apprehended, that 
Campegio, then named to come over as legate, who 
was subject to the gout, would by that pretence ma« 
nage matters so as to keep them long in suspense. 
Le ormd, At that time the sweating-sickness raged so, that 
j'oLfso. *he court was in dread of it. It broke out in the le- 
gate's house ; some died of it : he upon that stole 
away privately, without giving notice whither he 
went. The king made his last will, and received 
all the sacraments : he confessed himself every day^ 
and received the sacrament every holyday. The 
queen did the same ; and so did Wolsey. 
i^ OfB&d, In another letter, without date, Bayonne gives an 
P* *^ account of a free conference he had with Wolsey ; 
who told him, '* he had done many things against 
the opinion of all England; upon which many 
took occasion to reproach him, as being wholly 
French : so he must proceed warily. The French 
** would feel their loss, if his credit were lessened ; 
" therefore it was necessary that the bishop should 
'^ make the king and his council here apprehend, 
'^ that this alliance was not to their prejudice. The 
" king had of late (as Bayonne had from good hands) 
" said some terrible words to the cardinal, appre- 
** hending that he was cold in his matter. Wolsey 
" said to him, that if iGod gave him the grace once 
*^ to see the hatred of the two nations extinguished. 






THE REFORMATION. 77 

and a firm friendship settled between the two book 
kings, and that he could get the laws and customs "' 



^ of the nation a little changed, the succession se- ^^^^- 

** cured, and» upon the king's second marriage, an 

^ heir male bom, he would immediately retire, and 

^'senre Grod all the rest of his life." Here were 

man J things to be done before his retirement : yet 

the bishop did believe he indeed intended, upon the 

first good occasion, to retire from all alSairs ; for he 

could not but see, that his credit must lessen upon 

the king's second marriage. He was also making 

haste to furnish his episcopal palaces, and to finish his 

collies ; and he seemed to him to prepare for a 

storm. Gardiner was at this time advancing the 

king's business all that was possible at Rome. Ivoi.ii. 

did, in my second volume, publish among the Re- N^mb^Td. 

cords a letter of his that was written in April after 

his coming to Rome. The substance of it is, ** He 

^ had acquainted the pope with the secret message 

•* that the princes of Germany had sent the king, to 

** see if that would work on his fears ; for he says, 

** the pope was a man of such a nature, that he is 

•* never resolved in any thing, but as he is compelled 

^ by some violent affection. He assures the king, 

** the pope will do nothing that may offend the em- 

*' peror : nor was it reasonable for him to do it, ex- 

*' cept he would remove his see to some other place ; 

" for while he was at Rome he was in the emperor's 

** power. By his words and manner, the pope seemed 

" to favour the king ; but he was confident he would 

** do nothing. He believed, if the cause were deter- 

" mined by the legates, they at Rome would be glad 

"of it; and if the emperor should begin a suit 

^ against that, they would serve him as they now 

I 






€€ 
€€ 



78 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** did the king, and drive off the time hj ddajs : so i: 
' '< he put the king on getting Campegio to judge for i 
1529. u j^iuj^ which should be a short work ; and he assures i 
<< him, nothing was to be expected from Rome but la 
<^ delays. They had put the king's cause, if it shouM ^ 
be brought to Rome, in the hands of two advo- i 
Gates ; (the same that pleaded for the kin^ after- ; 
*^ wards in the excusatory plea.) The pope would 
*^ hear no disputation about his power of dispensing : 
but, so the pope did not decide upon that ground, 
he would not care whether the king's cause were 
<^ decided upon it or not ; and he believed the pope 
** was resolved to meddle no more in the king's mat- 
** ter, but to leave it with the l^ates. He desired 
^ his letter might not be showed to either of the 
legates. With that bearer he sent over the pope's 
promise, in which he had got some words to be 
put, that he thought favoured the king's cause as 
^^ much, and more, than if the decretal commission, 
that was in Campegio's hands, should be showed; 
so he thought the pope ought to be no more moved 
in that matter." The words he mentions are. Cum 
HMjustitiam ^us causte perpendentes ; We cansu 
dering th€ Justice of his cause. These are in the 
promise, or pollicitation, which I do now publish; 
and they prove this to be a true copy, since we have 

« 

an authentic proof of the very words that seemed the 
greatest ground to doubt of its truth. 

About a fortnight after this, Gardiner wrote an- 
other letter to the kin^, which will be found in the 
Cditct. CSoHection. A motion was then made at Rome for 
^calling the powers sent to the legates ; but he did 
not think it was made in earnest, but only to stop 
the ambassadors in their other suits. The pope told 









Niuttb. 15. 



THE REFORMATION. 79 

them, that the Dmperor had advertised hitn that the book 
queen would do Dothing in the matter but as the ^'' 



king should command her ; therefore he would look '^^^* 
after the cause the more earnestly. This the pope 
teemed to tell them, that thej should not inquire 
who was the queen's proctor. The ambassadors 
were amazed to see, by Campegio's letters that were 
diowed them, that neither he nor Campanus had 
Biade any promise in the pope's name to the king, 
but only in general terms; considering that they 
had mentioned the plenitude of the pope^s power ^ 
which they trusted he would use in that cause. He 
writes, he did not succeed in that which he was 
ordered to move, which he did indeed apprehend 
codld not be obtained : he lays the blame on the 
pope, or some other, but it became not him to fasten 
that on any, (periiaps this pointed at Wolsey ;) the 
rest relates to the bulls, probably demanded by the 
cardinal for his colleges : this was dated the 4th of 
May. He had a letter writ to him a month before 
this by Anne Boleyn, in which she expresses a great 
sense of the service he was doing her : it seems by 
it, that at his first coming to Rome he had great 
hopes of success ; but these were then much abated. 

At this time king Henry was writing every day King Hen- 

* ry's letters 

letters full of passion to that lady. Some way or to Anne 
other, they fell into the hands of those who carried ^'^^"' 
them to Rome, where they lie in the library of the 
Vatican. I saw them there, and knew king Henry's 
hand too well, not to be convinced at first sight that 
they were writ by him. I did not think it fit for me 
to copy them out, but I prevailed with my worthy 
Mend Dr. Fall to do it for me. They were very 
ill writ, the hand is scarce legible, and the French 



80 THE HISTORY OP 

PART seems fkulty: but, since our travellers are eiicou« 
raged to look on them, I gave a copy of them to the 



^^^^' printer, to be printed apart; iFor I could not think it 
proper to put them in the Collection. Objections 
lay in my way, even as to this : they were trifling 
letters ; some insinuations are not very decent, and 
little wit occurred in them to season them in any 
sort ; yet they carry the characters of an honourable 
love, directed all to marriage ; and they evidadtly 
show that there was nothing amiss, as to the main 
point, in their commerce. So, since those at Rome 
make so ill an use of them, as to pretend that they 
are full of defilement, and in derision call them the 
true original of our reformation, all these considera* 
tions prevailed on me to suffer them to be prints 
apart ; for I did not think it fitting that such stuff 
Ez M. V. should be mixed with graver matters. So I ordered 
• ^^^' them to be printed exactly from the copy ; and to 
take no other care about them, but to give them as 
I had them. But since I mention that lady, I must 
add some passages out of a relation made by a son 
of sir Thomas Wyat's, of his father's concerns, marked 
on the back by a hand very like lord Burleigh's. He 
shows how false that story must be, of his father^s 
pretending ta king Henry that he had corrupted 
her. He was then esquire of the body, and did 
continue still about his person in that post, except 
when he was employed in embassies abroad. This 
shows how incredible that fiction of Sanders was; 
since, if he had pretended to make any such dis- 
covery, he must have fallen either under the king's 
jealousy, or the queen's power ; or, to avoid both, he 
would have withdrawn himself: and probably he 
would have been afterwards set up a witness to dis* 



THE REFORMATION. 81 

pace her at ber trials That relation adds, that she book 
was secretly tried in the Tower. Some of the lords 



declared, that her defence did fully clear her ; none ^^^^' 
of the women that served her were brought to wit- 
aess the least circumstance against her : and all the 
evidence upon which she was convicted was kept so 
secret, that it was never known. This I know is 
pot here out of its place, but the thread of other 
things led me into it. I shall have occasion to men- 
tion this paper again in queen Mary's reign. 

The bishop of Bayonne writes, that, even after u Ghmd, 
Camp^o came into England, both king and queen oct.^6. 
did eat at one table, and lodged in one bed. The]^*'^^ 
queen put on so good a countenance, that, to see*««"«^*« 

*^ , lire well 

them together, one could discern no breach between together. 
them. He tells in that letter, that the earl of An- 
gus, who was married to the queen of Scotland, king 
Henry's sister, was come up, being banished out of 
Scotland, because the queen had taken another hus- 
band, who was a handsomer man than he was ; (/)/w* ^ Grand, 
beau cwnpagnon que luy,) In his next letter heoct.'ai. 
writes, that Wolsey said to him, that the general of 
the Cordeliers, that good prophet, then a cardinal, 
had capitulated with the pope in the emperor's 
name, when the pope was set at liberty. That 
Cordelier cardinal was then to sail to Spain: he 
wished the French would set out some vessels to 
seize on him, and draw from him the particulars of 
that treaty ; for they knew that, in the articles of 
that treaty, the reason that obstructed the king's 
matter would appear. Upon this, after some expos- 
tulation, that the king of France did not help them 
in it as he might, Wolsey added, that the first pro- 
ject of the divorce was set on foot by himself, to 
VOL. III. o 



82 THE HISTORY OF 

PART create a perpetual separation between England and 
the house of Burgundy : and he liad told the kiiig^« 



'^^^' mother at Compiegne, that, if she lived a year to an 

end, she would see as great a union with them, and 

as great a disunion from the other, as she could de» 

sire ; and bid her lay that up in her memory. 

Le Grand, In his ucxt hc writcs, that both the legates had 

Tiie le^et bccu with the king and queen. In Camp^o's speech 

king and to the king, he set forth his merits upon the apOi* 

**°*^' stolic see with great pomp. Fox answered him 

decently in the king's name. The queen answered 

them mor« roundly : she spoke with respect to Cam-- 

The queen p^o, but Said, '* shc thanked the cardinal of York 

l^*iJj^ m"- ** *^^ *^^ trouble she was put to : she had always 

^lUut *^ wondered at his pride and vainglory ; she ab- 

B. 13. << horred his voluptuous life and abominable lewd^ 

ness, and little regarded his power and tyranny : 

all this rose from his malice to her nephew the 

emperor, whom he hated worse than a scorpion, 

^^ because he would not satisfy his ambition, and 

<* make him pope. She blamed him both for the 

<* war in which the king was engaged, and for the 

** trouble he put her to by this new-found doubt.** 

The cardinal blushed, and seemed confounded: he 

said, " he was not the beginner nor the mover of the 

** doubt ; and that it was sore against his wiU that 

** the marriage was brought into question : but since 

** the pope had deputed him as a judge to hear the 

** cause, he swore upon his profession he would hear 

** it indiflTerently." 

Le Grand, On the Ist of November the bishop writes, that 

the queen had chosen for her council the archbishop 

of Canterbury, the bishops of London, Bath, Roches^* 

ter, Ely, and Exeter, with the dean of the chapel : 



€€ 
€6 
€t 



THE REFORMATION. 83 

bot of these, the bishops of London and Rochester, book 
and the dean of the chapel, were the only persons 



that in their opinion were of the queen's side. She *^^^' 
expected an advocate, a proctor, and a counsellor 
from Flanders. It was not allowed her to bring 
any over from Spain, for there was then war be- 
tween England and Spain; but the Netherlands 
had a neutrality granted them. ** The bishop reck- 

* oned that the marriage must be condemned ; for, 
^ though the pope and all the cardinals had approved 
" it, they could not maintain it, if it was proved, as 
^ he was told it would be, that her former marriage 
^ was consummated ; for in that case Grod himself 
^ had determined the matter." 

On the 8th of November he writes, ^* that Wolsey Le omui, 
''had asked him, if he could say nothing to invali-Tbe^bbbop 

* date the pope's dispensation, and to prove the mar-^n^]^^pjn, 
^ riage unlawfiil, so that the pope could not dispense ^" ^^^ 
''in that case; since nothing could unite the two p«(M^ioi>. 
" kings so entirely, as the carrying on the divorce 

" must do : he heard he was a great divine, so he 
** prayed him to speak his mind freely. The bishop 
** excused himself; but being very earnestly pressed, 
" he put his thoughts in writing, referring for these 
" to his last letter : he sent over a copy of it to Mont- 
^morancy, and desired he would show it to the 
*^ bbhop of Bourges, who would explain it to him. 
** Wolsey desired that the king's mother would write 
'^ earnestly to Campegio in favour of the king's cause. 
^ The bishop makes great excuses for giving his 
^ opinion in the matter : he did not sign it : and 
^ he gave it only as a private person, and not as an 
M ambassador." 
Ob the 27th of November the bishop writes, that p. 109. 

62 



p. 330. 



84 THE HISTORY OF 

PART he had been with Camp^o, and had talked o£ 
'. — the pope's dispensation. Campegio would not bear 

A ' rehen. ^ ^^^® ^^^ pope's powcF brought into debate : he 
tions of thought his power had no limits^ and so was unwill- 
oDthe ing to let that be touched; but he was willing to 
aoraunt. h^^ ^^ proved that the dispensation was ill founded. 
He gives in that letter a relation of the king's send-* 
ing for the lord mayor of London, to give the dti-^ 
zens an account of the scruples he had concerning 
his marriage : and he writes, that he had said the' 
bishop of Tarbe was the first person that made him* 
entertain them; nor does the bishop of Bayonne 
pretend to call the truth of that in question. 
Le Grand, The samc bishop, in his letter of the 9th of De- 
cember, writes, ^* that Anne Bolejm was then come 
<^ to court, and was more waited on than the queen 
^^ had been for some years : by this they prepared all 
** people for what was to follow. The people were 
^< uneasy, and seemed disposed to revolt. It was 
** resolved to send all the strangers out of the king- 
" dom ; and it was reckoned there were above 15,000 
^' Flemings in London : so the driving all these away 
would not be easily brought about. Care was taken 
to search for arms, and to keep all quiet. Wolsey, 
in a great company, above an hundred persons of 
*^ quality being present, reported, that the emperor' 
had said he would drive the king out of his king- 
dom by his own subjects: one only of all that 
company expressed an indignation at it. The ad- 
vocates that the queen expected from Flanders 
" were come, but had not yet their audience." 
Le Grand, In onc of the 20th of December the bishop vnrites, 
p. 245- (€ jjjj^^ tjjg l^jjg ii^^ showed him what presumptions 

*^ there were of the forgery of the breve that they 












THE REFORMATION. 85 

^{ketended was in Spain; and upon that he went booi 
^ through the whole matter so copiously with him, ^'' 
^that he saw he understood it well, and indeed ^^^^' 
^ needed no advocate : he desired that some opin- 
^ ions of learned men in France might be got, and 
^ be signed by them, if it could be obtained/' 

By the letter of the 25th of December, it appears Le craad 
there was an argument of more weight laid before EndMTou 
Camp^o, for he was offered Duresme instead of ^^^j^ 
Salisbury. He said to them who offered it, that 
the pope was about to give him a bishopric of that 
value in Spain ; but the emperor would not consent 
to it. The lawyers that came from the Netherlands 
had an audience of the king, in which they took 
great liberties : for they said to him, they wondered 
to see him forsake his ancient friends, and to unite 
himself to his mortal enemies. They were answered 
very sharply. They applied themselves to Campegio 
with respect, but neglected Wolsey : and after that 
they had lodged such advices as were sent by them 
with the queen, they returned home. 

On the 25th of January the bishop of Bayonne Le Grand 
writes, " that the court, apprehending the pope was \vo2f /s 
*' changing his measures with relation to the king's ^^^'^^J' 
** affair, had sent Gardiner to Rome to let the pope 
** know, that, if he did not order Campegio to pro- 
**ceed in the divorce, the king would withdraw 
** himself from his obedience : he perceived Wolsey 
** was in great fear ; for he saw, that, if the thing 
" was not done, the blame would be cast wholly on 
" him, and there it would end. Sir Thomas Chey- 
** ney had some way offended him, and was for that 
" dismissed the court : but by Anne Boleyn's means 
*• he was brought back ; and she had upon that oc- 

G 3 



8Q THE HISTORY OF 

PART •< casion sent Wolsey a severe message. The bishop 
<' had, in a letter sent him from Paris, a list of the 



p. a99. 



4€ 



i^^' " college of the cardinids, by which they reckoned 
^' fifteen of them were imperialists ; and Campegio 
** is reckoned among these : eighteen were of the 
^* contrary party ; three had not declared themselyes^ 
but might be gained to either side ; and six were 
absent. This canvassing was occasioned by th6 
pope's sickness ; and it was writ as news from 
France, that an Englishman, passing through and 
<^ going to Spain, had reported with joy that there 
^* would be no divorce ; that Campegio served the 
^* pope well ; that this was very acceptable to all 
** the great men of England, and that the blame of 
<< all was laid on Wolsey, whose credit with the king 
** was sinking ; that he was not at the feast of St* 
** Greorge, for which the king had chid him severely, 
" he being the chancellor of the order." 
,^^- 3;3- In a letter of the 22d of May he writes, " that 

the dokes '' ' 

of Norfolk « Wolsey was extreme uneasy. The dukes of Nor^ 
his enemies/^ folk and Suffolk, and others, made the king be^ 
^ lieve, that he did not advance his affair so much 
^* as he could : he wishes that the king of France 
^^ and his mother would make the duke of Suffolk 
" desist, for he did not believe that he, or the other 
*^ duke, could be able to manage the king as Wolsey 
had done. They at court were alarmed at the 
last news from Rome, for the pope seemed in* 
** clined to recall the commission : upon which Benet 
" was sent thither, to use either promises or threat- 
enings, as he should see cause. They pressed the 
pope to declare the breve from Spain null ; but he 
<^ refused to do it. He adds, that in the breve lay 
** one of the most important points of the whole 









THE REFORMATION. 87 

^ matter:" (probably that was, that the coDsumma- book 
tion of the former marriage was expressly affirmed 



in it.) " Wolsey had pressed the bishop very earn- *^^^* 
^estly to move his master to concur zealously to 
^ promote the king's cause ; upon which he pressed 
" on Montmorency, that the king of France should 
^ send one to the pope to let him know that he be- 
« fieved the king's cause was just, and that both 
^ kingdoms would withdraw from his obedience, if 
** justice was denied on this occasion. To this were 
^ to be added, all sorts of promises when it should 
^ be done ; which Wolsey protested, such was his love 
^ to the king, he would value much more, than if 
^ they made him pope. The point then to be insisted 
^ on was, to hinder the recalling the commission." 

By letters of the 30th of June it appears, that ^* 333- 
Gardiner was returned from Rome, with the proofs 
of the breves being a forgery. Campegio was then 
forced to delay the matter no longer. The bishop 
of Bayonne had pressed Campegio to it by authority 
from the court of France. On the 13th of July 
Cassali wrote from Rome, that the pope had recalled 
the king's cause at the emperor's suit. 

But I come now to give an account of the pro- 
ceedings of the two legates ; in which I must cor- 
rect the errors of all the writers of that time, whom 
I had too implicitly followed. I go upon sure grounds; 
for I have before me the original register of their 
proceedings, made up with such exactness, that, at 
the end, the register and clerk of the court do not 
only attest it with their hands and marks, but reckon 
up the number of the leaves, with the interlinings 
that are in every page ; and every leaf is likewise 
signed by the clerk, all in parchment. This noble 

Cr 4f 




88 THE HISTORY OF 

PART record was lent me by my reverend and learned 
brother Dr. More, bishop of Ely, who has gathered 



*^2^' together a most invaluable treasure, both of printed 
books and manuscripts, beyond what one can think 
that the life and labour of one man could have com- 
passed ; and which he is as ready to communicate, 
as he has been careful to collect it. 
The pro- The l^atcs sat in a room called the parliament 
tt^^x^, chamber^ near the church of the Black Friars. 
Their first session was on the 31st of May. The 
bishop of Lincoln presented to them the bull, by 
which the pope empowered them to try and judge 
the cause concerning the king and queen's marriage, 
whether it was good or not, and whether the issue 
by it was legitimate or not. The legates, after the 
reading of the bull, took it into their hands, and saw 
it was a true and untouched bull ; so they took upon 
them to execute it : and they ordered the king and 
queen to be cited to appear before them on the 18th 
of June ; and appointed, that the bishop of Lincoln 
should cite the king, and the bishop of Bath and 
Wells the queen. 

On the 18th the form of the citation was brought 
before them, in which the bull was inserted at full 
length, and the two bishops certified, that they had 
served the citation both on the king and queen on 
the Idth; and ^anrpson, dean of the chapel, and Dr. 
Bell, appeared, with a proxy from the king in due 
form : but the queen appeared personally, and read 
an instrument, by which she declined the legates, as 
not competent judges, and adhered to an appeal she 
had made to the pope. Upon reading this she with- 
drew ; and though she was required to return, she 
had no regard to it. Upon which they pronounced 



THE REFORMATION. 89 

her contumacious ; and on the Slst of June thej or- book 
dered the bishop of Bath and Wells to serve her '' 



with a monition and a peremptory citation, certify- ^^^^" 
iDg, that if she did not appear, they would proceed 
ID the cause. And on the 25th of June the bishop 
certified upon oath, that he had served the citation, 
bat that the queen adhered to her protestation ; so 
she was again judged contumacious: and as she 
never came more into the court, so the king was 
Dever in it. And from this, it is clear, that the 
speeches that the historians have made for them are 
aU plain falsities. 

The next step made was, that the legates ex- 
hibited twelve articles, setting forth the whole pnv- 
gress of the queen's first and second marriage, and 
of the dispensations obtained from Rome, all ground- 
ed upon public fame ; and the queen was ordered to 
be dted again on the 28th of June. The bishop 
certified upon oath, that he had served the queen 
with the citation ; but she not appearing, was again 
judged contumacious, and witnesses were sworn to 
prove the articles. The king's answer to the arti- 
des was laid before them ; in which, by his answer 
to the 7th, it appeared, that he was married to the 
queen by virtue of a papal dispensation. 

On the 5th of July, the king's proctors brought 
the bull of pope Julius, dispensing with the impedi- 
ments in the marriage, as likewise the copy of the 
breve, of which the original was in Spain, but at- 
tested very solemnly from thence. The legates or- 
dered niore witnesses to be sworn on the 9th of July. 
In another session, additional articles were offered ; 
ID which it was set forth, that impediments lay 
against the marriage, as being prohibited both by 



90 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the divine and the ecclesiastical laws: so that it 
'- — could not be maintained bj the dispensations, and 

*^^^' that they were of no force, but were null and void. 
Then they set forth all the objections formerly made 
against the bull; by which it appeared, that the 
pope was surprised by the false suggestions made to 
him, on which he had granted it; and in particular> 
that there was no war, nor appearance of war, be- 
tween England and Spain at that time. They did 
also set forth the presumptions, on which they con- 
cluded that the breve was not a genuine, but a 
forged piece. On the 12th of July, commission was 
given to examine the witnesses. On the 14th, ad- 
ditional articles were brought in ; and on the I6th 
of July, the king's proctors were required to faring 
all instruments whatsoever relating to the articles 
before the legates; and another commission was 
given to examine some absent witnesses. 

On the 19th of July publication was made of the 
depositions of the witnesses: by which it appears, 
that Warham in his examination said, he referred 
the matter of the lawfulness of the king's marriage 
to divines ; but that he himself believed, that it was 
contrary both to the laws of Grod, and to the ecclesi- 
astical laws ; and that otherwise, there was no need 
of a dispensation from the pope. He confesses, there 
were great murmurings against the marriage; for 
nothing of that sort had ever been heard of in this 
kingdom before; and that he himself murmured 
against it, and thought it detestable and unnatural ; 
and that he had expostulated with the bishop of 
Winchester for his advising it, but he acquiesced 
when the pope's dispensation was obtained. The 
bishop of Ely deposed, that he doubted concerning 



THE REFORMATION. 91 

tbe consumination of the queen's marriage with book 
prince Arthur; for the queen had often, upon her— 1— 
oonsdenoe, denied it to him: yet many witnesses ^^^^* 
were brought to prove the consummation; some, 
because the prince and the queen constantlj lodged 
m the same bed ; and that prince Arthur continued 
in a state of good health till the beginning of Lent : 
some inferred it from what they themselves had 
done when they were of his age. Some swore to 
words that he spake next morning after his mar- 
riage, not decent enough to be repeated. Other wit- 
nesses were hrought to prove, that there was no war 
between England and Spain when the dispensation 
was granted; but that a free intercourse had been 
kept up between these nations for many years. It 
was likewise proved, that the matter set forth in the 
preamble of the bull was false ; and that the breve 
was a foi^ry. On the 21st, tbe protestation the 
king had made, that he did not intend to marry the 
queen, was read and proved. With that, the king's 
council closed their evidence, and demanded a final 
sentence : so the 23d of July was assigned for con- 
cluding the cause. 

On that day, the king's proctor moved, that judg- 
ment should be given ; but cardinal Campegio did af- 
firm, on the faith of a true prelate, that the harvest 
vacation was then begun in Rome ; and that they 
were bound to follow the practice of the consistory : 
so he adjourned the court to the 28th of September. 

At the end of every session, some of the men of 
quality then present are named ; and at this time, 
the duke of Norfolk and the bishop of Ely are only 
named; which seems to contradict what is com- 
monly reported of the duke of Suffolk's being there. 



9S THE HISTORY OF 

TART and of what passed between him and cardinal WoL- 

'- — gey. This record is attested by Clayberg the regiB^ 

ter, and Watkins the clerk of the court. And four 
years after that, on the 1st of October, anno 1583, 
it is also attested by Dr. Wootton ; which he says 
he does, being required to attest it by Clayberg and 
Watkins. How this came to be desired, or done at 
that time, is that of which I can give no other ac- 
count, but that this is affixed to the roister. By this 
extract that I have made of this great record it ap- 
pears, that Campegio carried on this cause with such 
a trifling slowness, that if the king had not thought 
he was sure of him, he could never have suffered 
such delays to be made ; by which the cardinal had 
a colour from the vacation, then begun in the consis- 
tory in Rome, to put off the cause, on the day in 
which a present sentence was expected. It is very 
natural to think, that, as the king was much surprised, 
so he was offended out of measure, when he found he 
was treated with so much scorn and falsehood, 
p. 136. On the 23d of August a sad embroilment hap- 

pened upon the duke of Suffolk's returning from 
France. Wolsey complained to the king that he 
had done him ill offices at that court. Suffolk de- 
nied it ; the cardinal said he knew it by the bishop 
of Bayonne : upon which Suffolk came and chal- 
lenged him : the bishop denied he had said it. Suf- 
folk confessed indeed he had said some things to his 
disadvantage; but the bishop prayed him that the 
matter might be carried no further : yet he offered 
to deny, in Wolsey's presence, that which was 
charged on him. But he saw the duke of Suffolk 
intended to oblige him to deny it in the king's pre^ 
sence. The bishop, apprehending the ill effects this 



THE BEFORMATION. 98 

might have, resolved to keep out of the king^s way book 



finr some time, and he hoped to avoid the being fur — 

ther questioned in the matter. He found both the '^^^' 
king and Wolsey desired that he might make a 
journey to Paris, to get the opinions of the learned 
men in the king's cause : he would not undertake it 
dU he knew whether the king of France approved 
of it or not : he desired an answer might be quickly 
sent him ; adding, that if it was not agreed to by 
France, it would increase the jealousies the king had 
of that court. He saw they designed to hold a par- 
liament in England, and they hoped by that to make 
the pope feel the effects of his injustice. 

By the bishop's letter of the 1 8th of September, ?• 354- 
it appears that Campegio, having got his revocation, 
^ resolved to go to court, that he might have his au- 
** dience of leave ; where it was thought best to dis- 
^ miss him civilly : in the mean while, Wolsey, who 
" seemed full of fear, pressed the bishop to get the 
*' matter to be examined by the divines ; and though 
** he disguised his fears, yet he could not quite cover 
** them. Some had left him whom he had raised : 
" probably this was Gardiner ; for he united him- 
" self to the duke of Norfolk in all things. The bi- 
" shop of Bayonne desired leave to go over, on the 
** pretence of his father's old age and weakness, but 
" really to know the sense of the French divines ; 
" and also desired, that his brother, William de Bel- 
" lay, might be sent to the court of England during 
" his absence." 

On the 4th of October he writes, " that he saw p. 364. 
" the parliament was set to ruin Wolsey. Campegio 
'* was well treated by the king, and had good pre- 
" sents at parting ; and the king desired that they 



94 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^ would use him well, as he passed through France; 
'''* '' and particularly, that they would suffer him to 



it 



1529. « sign an abbey he had there, in favour of his son. 
*^ He was stopped at Dover ; for it was suspected 
•* that he was carrying over Wolsey's treasure.** 



P. 370. On the 17th of October he describes the 
omi't du- nal's fall : ^^ The bishop thought it was the great- 
^< est example of fortune that could be seen : both 
^< heart and voice failed him ; he wept, and prayed 
^ that the king of France and his mother would 
^^ pity him, if they found that he had been true in all 
that he had promised to them. His visage was 
quite altered ; and the disgrace was so sudden and 
heavy, that even his enemies pitied him. The bi- 
shop saw he would be hotly pursued, and that no*' 
thing but intercessions from France could save 
'^ him ; he did not pretend to continue either legate 
^ or chancellor ; he seemed ready to quit all to his 
** shirt, so he might recover the king's favour again; 
He was capable of no comfort. He proposed, that 
the French king and his mother should write to 
^^ the king to this purpose : that they heard of his 
** disgrace, and of the design to ruin him ; that they 
^^ prayed him not to proceed too suddenly : he had 
** been a good instrument between them; if there was 
^^ just cause for it, his power might be lessened ; but 
that they prayed the king would not carry things 
to extremity. The bishop lays this before Montmo^ 
" rancy, without presuming to give advice in it ; only 
^* he thought this could do no hurt. Whatsoever was 
^\ done, must seem to be of their own motion, and not 
** as coming from a desire of the cardinal ; for that 
*' would precipitate his ruin. It seems, he had re« 
'' ceived great presents from the king's mother, of 












THE REFORMATION. 95 

'^ which he hoped she would say nothing that might book 
* hurt him. It was intended, as he thought, on his "' 



a 
« 
u 



^niin, to destroy the state of the church, and seize '^^^- 
'^ on their lands, which had been openly talked at 
some tables. If the king of France intended to 
interpose in his favour, no time was to be lost. 
Anne Boleyn, as it was believed, had got a pro- 
** mise of the king, that he would not admit him to 
''a private audience, lest that might beget some 

• pity in him." 

On the 28d of October he wrote, '' that all his p- 377* 
** goods were seized on, and that his spirit was quite goods ici» 
** sunk. It was not known who should have the great ^* 
"seal; it was believed it would no more be put 
^ into a priest's hands ; but he saw Gardiner was 
^ like to have a great share in affairs. The cardinal's p, ^^^ 
' goods that were seized on were valued at 500,000 

* crowns. More, who had been chancellor of the 
** duchy of Lancaster, was made lord chancellor. The 
** see of York was to be left in his hands ; and some 
**of his goods were to be sent back to him. The 
^ bishop did apprehend, that if the new ministry did 
** not agree, which he believed they would not do 
^ long, he might be brought back to court again." 

I have given the relation of this great transaction 
more particularly than was perhaps necessary : but 
finding so clear a thread in those letters, I thought it 
not improper to follow them closely ; the rather to 
show, that none of the papers that Mr. Le Grand 
has published do in the least contradict, but rather 
establish, all that I had written : and so punctual a 
relation being laid before me, by those who bore no 
good-will to me nor to my work, seemed an invita- 
tion to me to enlai^ further than perhaps was ne^ 



96 THE HISTORY OF 

PART cessary. I will end therefore all that relates to car- 
dinal Wolsey at once. 



it 



J529. Upon his going to York, he behaved himself 
good COD. much better than he had done in the former parts 
diocete. of his life. In a book that was printed in the jesat 
1536, entitled A Remedy for Sedition, writ by one 
that was no friend to popery, this character is given 
of the last part of Wolsey's life : ** None was better 
<< beloved than he, after he had been there a while. 
He gave bishops a good example, how they might 
win men's hearts. There was few holydays but 
*^ he would ride five or six miles from his house; 
'* now to this parish church, now to that ; and there 
^' cause one of his doctors to make a sermon unto 
'^ the people : he sat among them, and said mass be- 
^^ fore all the parish. He saw why churches were 
*^ made, and began to restore them to their right 
^* and proper use. If our bishops had done so, we 
" should have seen, that preaching the gospel is not 
*^ the cause of sedition ; but rather lack of preaching 
*^ it. He brought his dinner with him, and bade 
divers of the parish to it. He inquired if there 
was any debate, or grudge between any of them ; 
" if there were, after dinner he sent for the parties 
*^ to the church, and made them all one." 

I had, in my work, mentioned the concluding 
character that I found Cavendish gave of him, that 
was left out in the printed editions ; which made me 
vouch the manuscript from which I had it: but 
the last edition agreeing with that copy, I need say 
no more to justify my quotation, for it will be found 
in it. 

It may seem strange, that when the bishop of 
Bayonne first suggested to Wolsey, that, if the king^s 



tt 



THE REFORMATION. 97 

maniage was against the law of God, the popc*s dis- book 
peDsation could be of no force; yet no inferences 



were made from this. All our writers give Cran- ^^^^' 
mer the honour of having started that first; and 
they make that the foundation of his advancement. 
I can see no other way to reconcile all this, but that 
it may be supposed Wolsey, as true to the interests 
of the papacy, was unwilling to let it be moved in 
pabUc ; and that he kept this between the bishop of 
Bayonne and himself, without communicating it to 
the king. Now the cause was called away to Rome, 
and so a new process followed with a very slow pro- 
gress : delays upon delays were granted, and yet all 
was precipitated in conclusion. 

In the mean while, the king sent his question to The king 
the faculties of law and divinity in the several uni- the uni- 
venities of Europe : and understanding that Martin ''*"*^*'' 
de Bellay, the elder brother of the bishop of Bay* 
oone, distinguished by the title of sieur de Langey, 
imd great credit in the universities, both in France, 
Italy, and Germany, he engaged him to procure 
their opinions upon the point of the unlawfulness of 
his marriage ; who, in the view of this service, pre- ^i»rt. de 
vailed with the king to lend the king of France Memoirs, 
150,000 crowns, being to be advanced as a part of ^* 
the two millions that he was to pay for the redemp- 
tion of his sons, which was to be repaid to king 
Henry in five years. Besides, he assigned over to 
him the forfeiture due by the emperor, for not mar- 
rying his daughter ; and he sent in a present to his 
godson Henry, afterwards king of France, a jewel, 
with some of that which was believed to be the 
true cross, that had been left in pawn with the king 
by Philip, Charles's father, for 50,000 crowns: so 

VOL. III. H 



/ 



98 THE HIST6RY OF 

PART ready was the king to engage the king of France 
- into his interest, at no small charge to himself. 



pro^^D • ^ come next to open the transactions in the con- 
inoonvocA- vocation that was summoned to meet on the 5th of 

tion* 

November 15299 two days after the opening of the 
parliament. At their first meeting, a reformation of 
abuses was proposed ; and with that an inquiry was 
made concerning heretical books. A committee of 
bishops was appointed with relation to heretics. On 
the 19th of December secrecy was enjoined ; and that 
was again a second time enjoined under the pain of 
excommunication : then the prolocutor came up, and 
had secret conference with the upper house. They 
remitted to the king the loan that . they had made 
him ; and they put an end to that work on Christmas- 
eve, a week after the parliament was risen. 
May 24. The bishops were much offended at the transia* 
oft&escri^ticHis of the New Testament by Tindall, Joyce, and 
demn^."' othcrs ; and proceeded severely against those who read 
them : yet it was not easy to put a stop to the cu« 
riosity and zeal of the people. The king came to 
the star-chamber, and conferred with the bishops and 
other learned men on this subject : the bishops said, 
these translations were not true, and complained, of 
the prologues set before them. So the king command- 
ed, by a proclamation issued and printed in June 
1530, that these translations should be called in, and 
promised that a new one should be made. On this 
occasion it is not unfit to mention what doctor Fulk 
writes, that he heard Miles Coverdale say in a sermon 
he preached at Paul's Cross. After he had finished 
his translation, some censured it : upon which king 
Henry ordered divers bishops to peruse it. After 
they had it long in their hands, he asked their judg- 



THE REFORMATION. 99 

ment of it: they said, there were many faults in it. book 
Bat he asked upon that, if there were any heresies 



in it: they said, they found none. Then said the '^^^* 
king. In Grod's name, let it go abroad among my peo- 
ple. The time is not marked when this was said, 
therefore I insert it here: for in the beginning of 
the following year the king ordered a Bible of the 
hrgest volume to be had in every church ; but it 
does not appear to me by whom it was translated. 

On the 19th of September 1530, another procla- 1530. 
mation was made against all who should purchase 
any thing from the court of Rome, contrary to the 
king's prerc^tive, or to hinder his intended pur- 
poses. . The convocation was again brought together 
ibout the 7th of January : their greatest business 
was to purchase their pardon ; for as the cardinal 
bad fallen under a pr€emunire^ by the act of the 
I6th of Richard the Second, so they were generally 
involved more or less in the same guilt : the sum 
was soon agreed to, with the consent of the lower 
house ; 100,000/. was to be their ransom. 

On the 7th of February some of the king's coun- The steps in 
sellors and judges came and conferred with them kind's being 
about some words that were proposed to be put in heL? of the 
the preamble of the bill of subsidy, which were these ; <^*»"^«*»- 
I%e kingj who is the protector ^ and the only su- 
preme head of the church and clergy of England. 
Upon this the prolocutor and clergy were called up 
to confer about it : the lord chief justice with others 
came into the convocation, and conferred with the 
archbishop and his brethren. The next day the 
prolocutor desired a further time, and the archbishop 
assigned them one o'clock : then the archbishop had 
some discourse with them concerning the king's par- 

H 2 




100 THE HISTORY OF 

PART dan. Some of the judges came and communicated 

'■ — to them a copy of the exceptions in the act of grace : 

1530. ^^^ ^^g jjr| ii^Q 23 J session. In the 24th session there 

was yet further talk about the king's supremacy. 

The judges came and asked them whether they 
were agreed upon the exceptions ; and added^ that 
the king would admit of no qualifications. When 
these were gone, the prolocutor came up, and asked 
yet more time ; the archbishop appointed two o'clock 
the same day : a long debate followed. The next 
day the archbishop had a secret conference with the 
bishops ; and Cromwell came and had some discourse 
with him. When he went away, the bishops re-^ 
solved to send the bishops of Lincoln and Exeter to 
the king; it seems, to soften him: but they came 
back, and reported that the king would not speak ' 
with them. The judges told them, they had no orw ^ 
ders to settle the king's pardon till they did agree * 
to the supremacy. They were prorogued till the * 
afternoon ; and then there was so great a variety of ' 
opinions, that no agreement was like to follow. The ' 
lord Rochford, Anne Bolejm's father, was sent by ' 
the king with some expedients. The archbishop ^ 
directed them to consider of these ; and that when \ 
they were come to a resolution upon them, that they 3 
should send three or four of each house to treat with i 
the king's council, and with the judges: but the H 
king would admit of no treaty, and asked a dear k 
answer. It was put off a day longer ; and on th^ i 
11th of February the article was thus conceived ia » 
Rymer. Latin : EcclesicB et cleri Anglicani singularem pra^ ' 
tectarem et unicum et supremum dominum, et quam^ ^ 
turn per Christi legem licet y etiam supremum caput, 
ipsius mnjestatem recognoscimtis. In En^ish thus ; 



THE REFORMATION. 101 

We reeogTUie the tingle tnajesty to he our only so^ book 
vereign lord^ the singular protector qfthe church ^'' 



^^ ^^gy of England^ andy as far as is to he '^^^* 
eUamed hy the law of Christy likewise our supreme 
head. 

The form being thus agreed on, the archbishop The lunit*. 
offered it to the whole body : all were silent ; upon ^ u : 
which he said. Whosoever is silent seems to consent : 
to this one answered. Then we are all silent. The 
meeting was put off till the afternoon ; and then, 
after a long conference, all of the upper house agreed 
to it, none excepted. Fisher is expressly named as 
present. And in the evening the prolocutor came 
and signified to the archbishop, that the lower house 
had also consented to it : and thus the bill of subsidy 
was prepared and offered to the king on the 1st of 
ApriL Thus this matter was carried, by adding this 
limitation, which all parties understood according to 
their different notions. 

Though these words of limitation had not been 
added, the nature of things required that they should 
have been supposed ; since among Christians all au- 
thority must be understood to be limited by the laws 
that Christ has given : but those who adhered to 
their former notions understood this headship to be 
only a temporal authority in temporal matters ; and 
they thought, that by the laws of Christ the secular 
authority ought not to meddle in ecclesiastical mat- 
ters : whereas others of the new learning, as it was 
then called, thought that the magistrate had a full 
authority even in ecclesiastical matters; but that 
the administration of this was so limited to the laws 
of the gospel, that it did not warrant him to com- 
mand any thing but what was conform to these. 

H 3 



108 THE HISTORY OP 

PART So that these words were equivocal, and differently 
understood by those who subscribed, and afterwards 



^^^^' swore them. 
And ac- It seems the king thought it was of great advan- 
the king! tagc to him to have this matter settled with any 11* 
mitation ; for that in time would be dropt and for- 
gotten ; as indeed it was. This no doubt was in- 
tended to terrify the court of Rome ; since it was 
published over all Europe, that it went unanimously 
in the convocation of this province. 

Tonstall was now translated to Duresme; and, 
being a man of great probity, he could not at first 
approve of a thing in which he saw a fraudulent 
management and an ill design; so he protested 
against it. He acknowledged the king's headship in 
temporal matters, but did not allow it in spirituals : 
but the king, who had a particular friendship for 
him, wrote him a letter, which from the printed 
title to it I too hastily thought was directed to the 
convocation at York ; but it was writ only to Ton- 
stall ; and it seems it so far satisfied him, that he 
took the oath afterwards without any limitation. 
The pro. I shall uow go through the rest of the abstract of 
Se^de^^ that convocation, by which it will appear, what was 
a^^nit he- ^jjg spirit that prevailed among them. In the 49th 
session, after all had agreed to the preamble of the 
bill of subsidy, the bishop of London laid before them 
a libel against the clergy. In the next session, 
Crome, Latimer, and Bilney were examined upon 
some articles : it does not appear whether the libel 
was laid to their charge or not ; only their examina- 
tion following the other motion so soon, gives ground 
to apprehend that it might be the matter under ex- 
amination. In the 55th session the king's pardon 



THE REFORMATION. 108 

was read to them ; and it seems exceptions being book 
taken to some things in it in the 58th session, the ^^' 



emendations that the king's council had made were ^^^^* 
read to them, in which it seems they acquiesced, for 
we hear no more of it. 

After that, there was a long conference with rela- compiaintt 
tion to Crome's errors : but the matter was referred xertCSInt. 
to the prolocutor and the clergy. The prolocutor 
bad in the 45th session complained of Tracy's Testa- 
ment ; but no answer being made, he renewed his 
complaint in the 62d session, and desired that it 
might be condemned, and that Crome should be pro- 
ceeded against; as also that Bilney and Latimer 
might be dted : but, for some reasons not expressed, 
the archbishop thought fit to delay it. In the 64th 
session the prolocutor repeated his motion for con- 
demning Tracy's Testament ; so in the 66th session, 
on the 23d of March, the archbishop gave judgment 
against it. Tracy's son was examined about it : he 
said, it was all written in his father's own hand ; and 
that he had never given a copy of it to any per- 
son, except to one only. In the 69th session, the 
archbishop examined Lambert (alias Nicolson, who 
was afterwards burnt) before two notaries; and in 
the 70th session the sentence condemning Tracy's 
Testament was publicly read : and after two other 
sessions, the convocation was prorogued to October. 

It appears from all this, that the convocation was 
made up of men violently set against our reforma- 
tion. But I turn now to another scene. The king, 
seeing no hope left of succeeding in his suit at the 
court of Rome, resolved to try the faculties of di- 
vinity in the several universities. His chief reliance p- 383- 
was upon France, and on those three brothers for- 



H 4 



i 



104 THE HISTORY OF 

PART merly mentioned. He began to suspect there was 

' some secret nc^tiation between the court of Rome 

1530. mjj ^i^g j^Qg gf Fraxice ; yet^ though he opened this 

to the bishop of Bayonne> he did on all other occa* 
sions express an entire confidence in that king : and 
the new ministry seemed zealous in the interests of 
France, and studied to remove all the jealousies that 
they apprehended Wolsey might have given of them* 
Tbe king't At ttiis time the bishop of Tarbe, then cardinal 
L RomeT Orandimont, was with the pope, and had a partis 
cular chai^ sent to him to assist the English am-* 
bassadors. He wrote to the French king on the S7th 
P*a99« of March, ^Uhat he had served Boleyn, then lord 
** Rochfort, all he could ; that he had pressed the 
** pope to show the regard he had to the king of 
<' France, as well as to the king of England : he 
^* writes, that the pope had three several times said 
** to him in secret, that he wished that the marriage 
had been already made in England, either by the 
legate's dispensation, or otherwise, provided it was 
not done by him, nor in diminution of his author*- 
ity, under the pretence of the laws of God.** He 
also wrote, ** that the emperor had pressed the pope 
'^ to create some new cardinals upon his recom- 
** mendation : but that the pope complained, that, 
** when he was a prisoner, he had made some car- 
*^ dinals who were a disgrace to the college. The em- 
^^ peror said, he was sorry for it ; but it was not by 
" his order. The pope said, he knew the contrary ; 
^* for he saw the instructions sent to the cardinal 
** Cordelier, signed by the emperor, in which they 
" were named : so the pope refused to give the two 
" caps that he desired." 
p. 41 1. There was then an Italian, Joachim sieur de 






THE REFORMATION. 105 

VeauXf at the court of England, who was an agent book 
of France : he, in a letter to the long of France, "' 



March the 15th, writes, that the king thought, that '^.^^* 
hf his means he might have the opinion of the fa- ^f>»» m«ie 
culty at Paris in his cause. On the 4th of April heaodu^n. 
writes, that the king expected no good from the^"^'^* 
pope, and seemed resolved to settle his matter at 
booie, with the advice of his council and parliament. 
He looked on the pope as simoniacal^ and as an igno^ 
nnt man, and not fit to be the universal pastor; 
and resolved not to suffer the court of Rome to have 
any advantage from the benefices in his kingdom, 
but to govern it by a provincial authority, and by a 
patriarch ; and he hoped other kingdoms would do 
the same. 

After some interval, the bishop of Bayonne's let- A" opinion 
ters are again continued. In one of the 29th of De-some in Pa. 
cember he writes, "that the king was marvellously"*''**^*'* 
** well pleased with the account his ambassadors wrote 
" to him of what the divines of Paris had done ; 
" though he understands there is one Beda, a dan- 
" gerous person, among them. That declaration 
" which their divines had made was such, that all 
" other things were forgiven in consideration of it." 

The next letter is from his brother William ; who 
writes, " that the good answer that came from the 
" doctors and universities of Italy made the king 
" wonder that those of Paris were so backward. It 
" was suspected in England, that the king of France 
** or his counsellors had not recommended the mat- 
" ter effectually to them. He had a letter from one 
" Gervais, a doctor there, who had much advanced 
" the king's affairs, for which Montmorancy had 
'* made him great acknowledgments. He showed 




106 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** this letter to king Henry; who upon that carried 
. " him to his closet where his books lay, and there 

1530. « he entertained him four hours : he told him, he 
"was in such perplexity, that it was not possible 
" for him to live longer in it.'* 
Bitbop of This De Bellay was to go to Paris to talk with 
Snt^to P»- *^^ doctors ; therefore he prayed Montmorancy, that 
"•• he might find a letter from the king, empowering 

him so to do, that so he might not seem to act with- 
out his orders : and he promised to manage the mat* 
ter with discretion, 
p. 437. In a letter that the bishop of Bayonne wrote from 

Lusignon on the 13th of April, where he was then 
with the French king, he writes, that the matter of 
the divorce was entirely despatched at Paris, as it 
had been before that done at Orleans, by his bro- 
ther's means. But he adds, some represented to 
the king, that he had showed too much diligence in 
procuring it, as if he was serving two masters. Joa- 
p.44a. chim had before that, on the 15th of February, writ- 
ten to the king, that king Henry thanked him for 
his commands to the doctors in Paris in his matter, 
which he laid to heart more than all other things ; 
and desired they would give their opinions in writ- 
ing, that they might be laid before the pope. 
cnrdinai It docs uot appear that the pope took any other 
opS^on * pains to be well informed in the matter, but by con- 
agaiust the g^i^jng cardinal Cajetan, who was then justly esteem- 
ed the leamedest man of the college. He, when he 
2dus2ds wrote commentaries upon Thomas's Sum, though 
Quaat. ^1^^^ father of the schoolmen thought, that the laws 
Art. 9- in Leviticus, concerning the degrees of marriage that 
are prohibited, were moral, and of eternal obligation ; 
Cajetan, in his Commentary, declares himself to be 



THE REFORMATION. 107 

of another mind, but takes a very odd method to book 

II 
prove it : for, instead of any argument to evince it^ 



he goes only on this ground, that they cannot be ^^^^' 
moral, since the popes dispensed with them ; whereas 
they cannot dispense with a moral law. And for 
that he gives an instance of the marriage of the king 
of Portugal ; to which he adds, the present queen of 
England had likewise consummated her marriage 
with the late brother of the king of England, her 
husband. By which, as it appears that they took it 
then for granted at Rome, that her first marriage 
with prince Arthur was consummated, so he de- 
parted only from Aquinas's opinion, because the 
pope's practice of dispensing in such cases could not 
be justified, unless he had forsaken his master in 
that particular. And here he offei*s neither reason 
nor authority to maintain his opinion, but only the 
practice of the court of Rome; which is in plain 
words to say, that what opinion soever is contrary 
to the practice of the popes must for that reason be 
laid aside: for he offers no other argument, but 
three modem instances, of which this of the queen 
of England is one, of popes dispensing with those 
laws. But now, being required by the pope to con- 
sider the present ease more particularly, he, on the 
13th of March this year, gave his opinion in writing 
to him. Raynaldus has inserted it in his Annals. Ad an. 
In it, after he had compared the laws in Leviticus Num! 194. 
and Deuteronomy together, he concludes, " that the 
" marrying a brother's wife was simply unlawful ; 
*• but that in some circumstances it might have been 
" good, if a much greater good should follow on such 
" a marriage than that provided for in Deuteronomy, 
*' of continuing the name of a brother dead without 



108 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << childreD. Now he argues, that the reason of a pro- 
** vision made in a private case would be mudi 



1530. 



^^ stronger in a case of a puUic nature : so that a 

'^ marriage being made to keep peace between two 

** nations, must be held lawful, since a dispensation 

'* was obtained for it. This was not only good in 

^* itself, but it was warranted by the apostolical au- 

** thority. He confesses that the pope cannot in the 

*^ least alter or derogate from the laws of God cmt of 

** nature : but in doubtful cases he may determine 

'^ with relation to the laws of Grod and of nature. 

<< He insists chiefly upon England*s being delivered 

** from a war by the marriage. He acknowledges 

<< that both councils, popes, and holy doctors, have 

^* condemned such marriages, as contrary to the laws 

^^ of Grod and of nature ; but they do not condemn 

^^ them when other circumstances accompany them, 

<^ when it is for the good of both parties, and for a 

'* common good ; and therefore he justifies pope Ju- 

Ad an. *^ Uus's dispensation :" who, as the same Raynaldus 

N?i! 33. tells us, did it with the view of the advantages that 

Spain and England would have ; but chiefly, because 

it was hoped, that, by this conjunction of force, they 

would be able to depress the French. 

Cotton Hb. This opinion of so c^reat a man was sent over to 

i^ ' ' king Henry, signed by himself, bearing date the 27th 

of January 1534 ; but this date is perhaps only the 

date of his signing that copy. It had not the 

effect they expected from it; especially because it 

was defective in that way of writing that was then 

the most cried up against heretics. For he brought 

no authority from any ancienter writer to confirm 

his opinion : so that he argued, from his private 

way of commenting on scripture, against the streams 



THE REFORMATION. lOg 

of traditioii, which was called the heretics* way of book 
writing. _i!_ 



The pope made a new step on the 7th of March ; ^^^^• 

^ 1. 1 11. . /» 'Thepope'f 

for he sent a breve to the king, setting forth a com- fint breve 
[daint made by queen Katherine, " that king Henry dSowe/ * 
''intended to proceed to a second marriage; he 
** therefore prohibited that, under the pain of the 
^severest censures, threatening to put the whole 
^kingdom under an interdict; and charged the 
''king, in the solemnest manner, to live with the 
^ queen as formerly." This was granted at Bologne, 
upon the emperor's pressing instances. This had 
been attempted before, but was afterwards disowned 
bjr the pope : for when the avocation was sent over 
to England, there was sent with it an inhibition, to 
proceed further in the matter ; threatening censures RTmer, 
and punishments in case of disobedience. But com- 
plaint being made of this, the pope did by a bull', 
dated the 5th of October 1529) declare, that the cen- 
sures threatened in the inhibition were added against 
his mind: so he annuls them, and suspends the 
cause to the 25th of December. 

In a letter that the cardinal Grandmont wrote to p- 454- 
Montmorancy, he tells him, that the emperor said 
he would have the matter of the marriage carried 
through : if it was judged unlawful, he would not 
suppoit his aunt ; but if otherwise, he would support 
her. And when Boleyn once offered to answer him, 
he stopped him, and said he was a party, and ought 
not to speak in the matter. The cardinal told Bo- 
leyn, he had orders from the king of France to solicit 
that matter as if it was his own : but Boleyn thought 
it was best to look on for some time, to see how mat- 
ters went ; for if the pope and the emperor should 

J 



110 THE HISTORY OF 

PART fall into new quarrels, then they might hope to be 
'. — better heard. 



1530. Qjj ^jjg jg^jj q{ June, Bellay wrote to the king a 
Tht p^* ^^"g account of his proceedings with the doctors of 
ceedings of jjjg Sorbonnc ; by which, it seems, what is formerly 
boDDe. mentioned of their giving opinion in the king^s fa- 
vour was only as private doctors, and not in a body 
as a faculty. " The young princes of France were 
^* yet detained in Spain; so it was necessary to pro- 
<< ceed with such caution as not to irritate the empe- 
** ror. He had delayed moving in it for some days, 
** but the English ambassadors were impatient. He 
** complains, that there were few honest men in the 
" faculty ; but, apprehending the inconvenience of 
^' delaying the matter any longer, he presented the 
** king's letters to them. The assembly was great ; 
^' the bishop of Senlis, several abbots and deans, the 
*^ guardians of the four mendicant orders, and many 
" others, were present : so that of a great while 
'* there had not been so numerous an assembly. 
" The proposition was made on king Henry's part 
" with great advantage : an express law in the scrip- 
" ture was quoted ; the four great doctors of the 
^* church, eight councils, and as many faculties or 
•* universities, were of his side : so, in respect to 
" them, the king desired they would determine the 
" matter in the doctrinal way. - The emperor, on 
" the other hand, who was likewise the king's ally, 
** opposed the divorce, the queen of England being 
" his aunt ; for he thought himself bound to inter- 
" pose on her account. So the king, being pressed 
" by two allies, who both were resolved to be go- 
** verned by the laws of God, and of right reason, 
" laid the whole matter before them, who were now 



THE REFORMATION. Ill 

t 

"assembled in an extraordinary manner, and en- boor 

II 
" joined them to recommend themselves to God, and, ' 

" after a mass of the Holy Ghost, to consider that ^^*^^* 

^ which was to be laid out to them, without fear or 

^ favour ; and,^ after full consideration, to determine 

"^ it as God should inspire their consciences. This 

^ was the substance of Bellay's speech. Beda spoke 

^ next : he said, they all knew how much the king 

"studied to please the king of England. Many 

^ strangers that were of the faculty seemed to ap« 

^ jdaud this. Bellay replied, there was certainly a 

" great friendship between the two kings : the em- 

''peror was likewise the king's ally. But they 

^ ought to have Grod only before their eyes, and to 

^ search for the truth. And having said that, he 

^ withdrew. 

^ Those who spoke first thought the king's desire Gi«at heat 

^ was reasonable, and that therefore they ought to debates'^ 

'^ examine the matter : this could not be refused, if 

" asked on the behalf of the meanest person. Others 

" said, the faculty was subject to the pope, from 

" whom they had their privileges : and since this 

" question related to his power, they ought not to 

" speak to it till they sent to know his mind ; or, at 

" least, till they sent to know how the king ap- 

" proved of it, and if he would ask the pope's leave 

" to suflfer them to debate about it. Another party 

" moved, that, while their letters were despatched 

" to that purpose, they should proceed to examine 

the question, but suspend the coming to a final 

resolution till an answer was brought them. They 

*• said, they thought that they had their privileges 

" from the king, as well as from the pope ; and that 

** it was a reflection on the pope, to imagine he 



<€ 
M 




118 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^< would be offended, if they should examine a case 
'. — '^in which the conscience of a Christian was dis- 



cs 

M 



U 

4€ 
€€ 



1530. "quieted; and that even an order from the pope 
to the contrary ought not to restrain them from 
examining the matter. Upon these different opin- 
ions, the beadle began to gather their votes ; whe- 
ther they ought to proceed to examine the ques- 
** tion, or not. But one of the doctors rose ftum 
his place, and plucked the scroll out of the beadle's 
hands, and tore it in pieces : and so they all rose 
up in a tumult, crying out, that nothing ought to 
be done, without writing first to the king and to 
the pope. Thus the meeting broke up in confu- 
sion. The English ambassadors were near enough 
to see and hear all this. They said they knew 
this was laid by Beda and his party : Bellay did 
not then think so, and prevailed with them not to 
** write to England till he tried what might be done. 
** He went to Lizet, the first president of the court 
^* of parliament, to whom the king in especial man- 
^* ner had recommended the managing of that affair: 
^^ Lizet sent for Beda, and other his complices, and 
prevailed Mrith them to meet again the next day^ 
and to proceed according to the third opinion ; 
** which was, to discuss the question provisionally, 
** and to seal up their conclusion, and send it to th6 
** king : so next morning they met, and appointed 
** to begin the Monday following to examine the 
" question. 
Thejea- << This did not satisfy the English ambassadors^ ; 
<!ourt of *^ they thought this was only an artifice to gain 
France ; ^^ ^j^^ . ^^^ indeed they had just ground of suspi- 

•* cion from what several of the doctors did openly 
** talk. Bellay therefore desired the king would 






THE REFORMATION. 113 

'^ write to the dean^ that he would cut off imperti- book 
" oent digressions^ and bring the matter to as speedy 



^a conclusion as was possible: for some said they ^^^^* 
'^ would make it last a year. Beda did give it out, 
'^ that he knew thilt what he did was for the king*s 
^ service : of this he made no secret. Bellay com- 
'^ idaiiring of this to Lizet, he sent for Beda, and 
^ spake so earnestly to him, that he swore very posi- 
^ tivelj he would be so far from hindering the doc- 
^tors from obeying the king's commands, that he 
^ would emjdoy himself, as if it were for the saving 
" of his life, to get the matter to pass without noise 
" or scandal : but Bellay saw that the president trust- 
^ ed him, so he did acquiesce, though he knew, that, 
** by the noise he had already made, he had broke 
** a promise which he had made to Montmorancy. 
^ The bishop of Senlis was very sensible of the dis- 
^ order of that body : it appearing that the English 
" ambassadors did suspect the court of France was 
'^ dealing doubly in the matter ; the bishop of Senlis 
'< was resolved to go to the king, and to let him see 
** how matters were managed in that faculty, and to 
^ shew him the necessity of reforming them." 

At this time the duke of Norfolk wi'ote to Mont- p. 471. 
morancy, that they wondered to find the faculty was cii^^^ng 
so much altered; that before this time 56 doctors ^,p*,„on°" 
were in their opinion on the king's side, and there 
were only seven against him ; but that in the late 
congregation 36 were against it, and 22 only were 
for it. The king of England had reason upon this 
to suspect some underhand dealing; therefore he 
hoped they would so manage the matter as to clear 
all suspicions. 

The next letters of De Bellay did certainly give p- 473- 

VOL. III. I 



114 . THE HISTORY OP 

pAftT the prepress of the deliberations of the Sorbomiet 
but we find nothing of that in Le Grand's CoUectiotf. 



'^^^- It is somewhat strange, and may be liable to suspl. 
don, that^ after so close a series of letters concemii^ 
that affair, no letter is produced from the 12th of 
June to the 15th of August; thus we have no ac- 
count given us of the deliberations of the Sorboon^ < 
and yet it is not to be doubted, but that a yerj pai^ 
ticular relation was written to the court of every 
step that was made in it. The producing no lett^ . 
for these two months must leave a very heavy sua* \ 
pidon of unfair dealing somewhere ; for the first let* ^ 
ter of De Bellay's that is published by him, after that 
of the 12th of June, is of the 15th of August. 

Tbe decu Rymcr has published the original dedsion of the - . 

t^!^^ Sorbonne on the 2d of July 1530, but he adds, avubo ' 
sigiUo ; yet after that he publishes an attestation of 
the notaries of the court of Paris {curue Parist^n^u) \, 
of the authenticalness of this original decision. Tte 

Rymer, attestation of the notaries, dated the 6th of July^ 
mentions both seal and subscription, free frt>m all 
blemish, and liable to no suspicion. It is probable 
this precaution was thought necessary, in case the 
messenger that was to carry it to England had fidlen ^ 
into tbe hands of any of the emperor s parties in '^ 
their way to Calais, who, no doubt, would have de- 
stroyed this instrument : but this notarial attestation . 
would have been a full proof of it ; for the difficult ^ 
ties in obtaining it might make those who had coD« ^ 
ducted the matter think it would be no easy things ^ 
to procure a new instrument from the Sorboontf ' 
itself. How it came that the seal was pulled fixHU' *' 
the instrument itself, must be left to conjecture ; peir-«- ^ 
haps it was pulled from it in queen Mary's time. '^ 



THE REFORMATION. 115 

** Bdlay, in his letter of the 15th of August, book 
writes, that he had moved Lizet to send for Beda, 1— 



and to let him know the king's intentions. Beda i^^^f ^^e 
talked as a fool; he would not say as an ill man : president, 

- , I • , % seemed to 

bat the president was possessed with a good opin- work »- 
ion of him. The king of France had, at the earl^°***** 
of Wiltshire's desire, ordered an examination to be 
made of his behaviour. He had also ordered the 
president to demand of the beadle an authentic 
copy of an act that Beda had once signed ; but 
then wished he had not signed it: but Lizet 
would not command the beadle to do this, till he 
had the consent of the faculty to give it^ though 
he had an order from the king to require it. So 
Bellay having got the king^s letter, went to the 
president, and delivered it to him: he promised 
he would execute it, and get the authentic copy 
into his hands. Towards the evening he went to 
the president to see what he had done; he said 
the beadle told him, be could not give it without 
the consent of the faculty : upon which Bellay said, 
that might be a rule in case a private person asked 
it ; but when the prince demanded it, he thought 
it was no just excuse. The act which was de- 
manded was approved by the faculty, by the dean, 
and the students, and by all concerned in it. The 
beadle pretended that it might be said, that he had 
Edsified the act: Bellay answered, that was the 
reason why they desired the act : he was present 
when it passed, and had minuted it; but since 
Beda and his complices repented that they had 
dgned it, and that the minute they had signed 
was in some places dashed and interlined, they 
might make new dashings and interlineations, 

I 2 






116 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « therefore he prayed the president to command the 

' ** beadle to bring him the minute that he said was 

1530. t€ conform to the original. For an hour together tha 
^* president would do no more but desire the beadle 
*^ to do it ; at last he commanded him^ but so 
<< mildly, that the beadle did not think fit to obey 
** him : upon which Bellay said to him, if he su£» 
** fered himself to be so treated, he was unworthy 
<^ of the character that he bore. This quickened 
** Lizet so, that he commanded the beadle, all ex- 
*< cuses set aside, to obey him. The act was brought 
*^ and read, and he promised to bring him a copy of 
** it by the next morning. The president thought 
** that Bellay had spoken too boldly to him, and he 
would not let him have it, but sent it directly to 
the king. Lizet had that esteem for Beda, that 
** he thought him a saint, and he would not believe 
^' him capable of the faults that he saw him guilty 
** of, which were such, that Bellay wrote, that if he 
^^ had been to be charged with them, and had a 
^' dozen of heads, he had deserved to lose them alL 
^* He writes, that Beda was not the only bad man of 
** the faculty; he had many companions, who seemed 
^^ to desire an occasion to provoke the king to ido 
*^ that to them, which would make them pass for 
martyrs among the people. He had often heard 
of their wicked designs, under the hypocritical 
^^ disguise of sincerity, but could not have believed 
" the tenth part, if he had not seen it." 

Hble'Sfr of ^^^^ ^^ *^> ^^ ^^^^ ^° ^^ Grand's Collection the 
that whole letter that Lizet wrote to Montmorancy of the same 

matter. 

date, ^* mentioning, that, according to the king's let- 
ters to him, he had procured the copy of the act^ 
which the king of England desired : for though 






it 



THE REFORMATION. 117 

** the Insliop of Bayonne asked it of him, that he book 
*iiii^t cany it to that king, yet that not h^ing 

* ordered in the king^s letters to him, he therefore ^^^^* 
" thought it his duty to send it directly to the king 

"^ himself: and as touching the examination that the 
^ king had ordered to be made of the conduct of that 
^ matter ; he desired it may be delayed till he was 

* heard give an account of it : for that information 

* would perhaps be a prejudice, rather than a ser- 
** Tice^ to the king of England. In it he desires to 

* know the king's pleasure, that he might follow it 

* as carefully as was i)ossible." 

The bishop of Bayonne gives a further account of a design to 
fins matter ; and writes, '' that after the assembly of coduJj 
^ the Sorbonne was dismissed by the dean, and that ^'^'^' 
** the bishop of Senlis, with many abbots, and nine 
''or ten, either generals, provincials, guardians, or 

* priors of the chief convents of the kingdom, and 

* others of great rank and credit, were gone, Beda 
** and his complices did by their own private author- 

* ity meet, and study to overturn that which had 
•* been settled in so great an assembly. He writes, 
** that thb disease was of a long continuance, and 
•'was still increasing. This company, pretending 
" they were a capitular congregation, sent an order 
** to the bishop of Senlis, who was gone into his 
^ diocese, and had carried the original act of the 
^ determination Mrith him, requiring him, under the 
** pain of disobedience, to send it to them. He wrote 

* in answer to them, that he had orders to deliver it 

* to none but to the king : he was resolved to obey 
" the king's orders, and advised them to do the 
" same. Upon which, they moved to deprive him 

* as a rebel to the faculty : he was not frightened 

I 3 i 



118 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « •mth thi^, but wrote to them, that he was boond 

111 

' <* to obey the faculty as his mother, but to obey the 
1530. « jjjjjg gg hjg father : yet they resolved to proceed 
** ftirtHbr after the feasts. In this letter he telb 
** what pains his brother had taken to prevent the 
*^ scandal that such proceedings would give, which 
^* were better hindered than punished : but he com« 
'^ plains, that those who had authority to restrain 
** such insolences did secretly encourage them." By 
which it is clear, he means Lizet. The date of this 
letter is printed the 14th of August : but it is more 
probable it was the 14th of July, some days afkeo 
the determination was made ; for this matter has no 
relation to the business of the former letter, that was 
written by his brother a day after this, if it is the 
true date. 

It is plain from this, that there were two instni-* 
ments : the one was the act of the determination^ 
which at the time of the writing this letter was in- 
the bishop of Senlis' hands : the other was a minute 
signed by them all, to which the former letter re* 
lates, and that might have had rasures and glosses 
in it, which are not to be imagined coidd be in the 
authentic act. It seems the English ambassadors 
desired both, 
p. 500. There is another letter on the 15th of August, oi 

the bishop of Bayonne's to Montmorancy ; in which 
he complains that the faction was going to make 
a determination contrary to the former ; and had 
** made an order that none of the faculty might sign 
** against the marriage, but left it free for any to 
^^ sign for it : but that the king had ordered that 
*^ the determination already made should remain 
^ entire. The bishop had pressed the president to 






THE REPORBftATlOK. 119 

obejr the king^s orders: he had promised him to book 
do it; but Beda promised the contrary to his— — 1. 



"party. Bellay feared the king of England would *^^^' 
^suspect, that the king did not act sincerely. He 
^ omfessed, that^ from the appearances of things, he 
** should do so himself, if he had not seen the con- 
'^cera that the king was in upon this occasion. 
* When he pressed Lizet to obey the king's orders, . 
" he spoke turo or three hours to him in bad Latin, 
^ (he calls it the Latin of Auveigne,) but he could 
** not understand what he meant. He says the bea- 
** die pretended there was one little fault in the act, 
^ upon which he might be accused of forgery. Upon 
^ this the bishop suspected Beda's practice more than 
^ he had done ; and he had reqidred the president 
" to obey the king's orders, otherwise he would pro- 
** test if he did not : and he secretly told bim, he 
<< did say that to justify him at their hands, whom 
^ he saw he was resolved not to offend. The pre* 
** sident then promised him the act that night ; but 
**then delayed it till next morning at five: when 
^ he sent for it, sometimes the gate was not opened, 
*^ and the key was lost ; sometimes the president was 
** asleep ; and then it was said, that he had taken 
^^*aysic, and that the bishop must have patience : 
^' but he understood that he had gone out by a back 
" door to the abbey of St. Germain's ; thither he 
^ followed him, and asked for the act : but he said 
^^ he had sent it to the king. He reckons many 
" other impertinences, that gave a mean character 
« of Lizet." 

But while this matter was transacted thus at p*.5o7*, 
Paris, though the university of Angiers had deter- vided ; the 
mined against the marriage, yet the faculty of di-fJI?^" df- 

i4 



ISO THE HISTORY OF 

PART vinity there did on the 7th of May 1580, determine 
'< that it was lawfiil for a Christian to marry his 



Tori^?nd " brother's widow, he dying without children ; but 
the divinet « having consummated the marriage, that sudi mar- 
<< riage was not contrary to the laws of God and of 
.^' nature, and therefore the pope might upon reason- 
<< able grounds dispense in that case." This was the 
p. 508. judgment of the faculty ; but that university did in 
a body, on that same day, decree the quite contrary, 
without any mention of this opinion of the divines ; 
so, it seems, that was kept secret. 

Thus I have fully opened all that Mr. Le Grand 
has thought fit to publish concerning the divines of 
France. By the relation given of the proceedings 
in the Sorbonne, it appears, that in the opinion of 
the bishop of Bayonne, and his brother, that body 
was then much corrupted; that a few incendiaries 
influenced many there, so that it was far from de- 
serving the high character that it had in the world. 
It is highly probable, they apprehended that the car- 
rying on the divorce might open a door to let in 
that which they called heresy into England ; which, 
considering the heat of that time, was enough to 
bias them in all their deliberations. 
Collect. I turn next homeward, to give a more partictLa: 

The king's account of the proceedings both in Cambridge and 
th^^i^er- Oxford. I begin with the former, because it was 
forf°^ ^* ^^ ended there ; and I have a sure ground to go 
on. A worthy person found among the manuscripts 
of Bennet college a manuscript of Dr. Buckmaster, 
then the vice-chancellor, in which there is a very 
particular relation of that affair. It was procured 
to that house in queen Elizabeth's reign by Dr. 
J^on, then head of that house, and was by him 



THE REFORMATION. 1«L 

gifen to that coU^re: for there is nothiog remain- Book 
iag in the registers of the university relating to it, ^^' 



as that learned person has informed me. ^^^^- 

The vice-chancellor was then a fellow of Peter- 
house, of wluch Dr. Ekimonds was head, who was then 
a vicar and prebendary in the diocese and cathedral 
diiirch of Salisbury. The whole will be found iii 
the Collection. '' It b^ns with a short introduc- couect. 
•*tory speech of the vice-chancellor^s, upon which ^""*''^* 
^ he read the king^s letter to them. It set forth, 
^ that many of the greatest cleiks in Christendom, 
^ both within and without the realms, had affirmed 
^ in writing, that the marrying the brother's wife, 
^ he dying without children, was forlndden both by 
^ the law of God, and by the natural law : the king 
^ therefwe, being desirous to have their minds, to 
^ whom he had showed a benevolent affection, did 
^ not doubt but they would declare the truth, in 
^ a case of such impcMrtance, both to himself, and 
^ to the whole kingdom. For this end, he sent 
^ Gardiner and Fox to inform them particularly of 
^ the circumstances of the matter ; and he ex- 
^ pected their answer under the seal of the uni- 
« versity." The king's letter is dated the I6th of 
February. 

" After this was read, the vice-chancellor told 
•* them, they saw what the king desired of them. 
** They were men of free and ingenuous tempers ; 
" every one of their consciences would dictate to 
^ them what was most expedient. After this fol- 
** lows the form of the grace that was proposed 
^ and granted, that the vice-chancellor and ten doc- 
** tors, and the two proctors, with seventeen masters 
^ of arts, should have ftill authority to determine 






ISS THE HISTORY OP. 

PART .*<the question proposed, and to answer" it in the 
g, ^ name of the whole university. And whatsoever 

1530. tf ^^Q parts in three of these persons should agree 
^ in, that, without any new order, should be r&* 
'^ turned to the king as the answer of the university t 
^< only the question was to be disputed pubUdy ; 
^^ and the determination that they should make wtt 
to be read in the hearing of the university. 

On the 9th of March, at a meeting of the uni-» 
^* versity, the vice-chancellor told them, that €be 
'* persons deputed by them had with great care and 
^ diligence examined the question, and had consi-^ 
^< dered both the passages in the scriptures, and the 
'* opinions of the interpreters ; upon which they had 
*^ a puUic disputation, which was well known to 
'' them all : so now, after great labours, and all po8-» 
*^ sible industry, they came to the determination 
** then to be read to them. Then follows the deters 
<' mination ; in which they add to the question pro^ 
posed to them these words, after brother's wife^ 
She being carnaUy known by her Jbrmer hus^ 
*yband:'^ so, after above a fortnight's study or prac^ 
tice, this was obtained of them. ** The vice-chancel-^ 
** lor came to Windsor, and on the second Sun^ 
" day of Lent, after vespers, he delivered it to the 
** king. Of this he gave an account to Dr. Edmonds 
^^ in a letter ; in which he tells him, he came to 
" court while Latimer was preaching : the king 
^^ gave him great thanks for the determination, and 
" was much pleased with the method in which they 
^ had managed it with such quietness. The king 
^^ praised Latimer's sermon ; and he was ordered to 
wait on the king the next day. Dr. Butts brought 
twenty nobles from the king to him, and five^ 



ft 



t€ 



THE REFORMATION. 1S8 

'hnoBtka to the janior proctor that came with him; book 
scarce enough to bear their chai^ges, aod far from— ?!l-« 
the price of comiptioii ; and gave him leave to go ^^^^* 
when he pleased. But after dinner the king came 
to a gallerj, where Gardiner and Fox, with the vice- 
diancdlor, Latimer, and the proctor were, and no 
more, and talked some hours with them. He was 
not pleased with Gardiner and Fox, because the 
other question. Whether the pope had power to 
dispense with such a marriage ? was not likewise 
determined. But the Tice-chancellor said, he be- 
lieved that could not have been obtained. But the 
king said, he would have that determined after 
Easter. It appears by his letter, that there was a 
great outcry raised against Cambridge for that which 
they had done. The vice-chancellor was particu- 
lariy censured for it ; and he had lost a benefice that 
the patron had promised him, but had upon this 
changed his mind. Those who did not like Latimer 
vrere not pleased with his preaching. 

He heard, those of Oxford had appointed a select 
number to determine the king's question ; and that 
Fox, when he was there, was in great danger. But 
a more particular account of the proceedings in that 
university I take from three of king Henry's letters 
to them, communicated to me by my learned friend 
Dr. Kennet ; which, since they have not yet been 
printed, will be found in the Collection. Collect. 

In the first letter that the king wrote to the uni- 
versity, he sets forth, " That, upon certain considera- 
" tions moving his conscience, he had already con- 
^ suited many learned men, both within the king- 
** dom and without it ; but he desired to feel the 
" minds of those among them who were learned in 



t«4 THE HISTORY Of 

# ART ^ divinity, to see how they agreed with others : 

J ^ therefore he hoped they would sincerdy and truly 

1630. u dedare their consciences in that matter, and not 
^ give credit to misreports. He requires them^ as 
" their sovereign lord, to declare their true and just 
^ learning in that cause : therefore, in a great va- 
^ riety of expressions, mixing threatenings with pro- 
* mises, if they should not upright^, according to 
^ divine learning, handle themsdves, he leaves the 
^ declaring the particulars to the bishop of Lincoln^ 
** his confessor^ to whom they were to give entire 
•* credit. 

'^ By the second letter, the king tells them, he on- 
<^ derstood that a great part of the youth of the uni- 
** versity did in a fiictious manner combine together, 
^ in opposition to the wise and learned men of that 
^ body, to have a great number of regents and non- 
^ regents to be joined in a committee of the doctors^ 
** proctors, and bachelors of divinity, for the deter- 
** mination of the king's question : this he believed 
^ had not been often seen, that such a number of 
" men of smaU learning should be joined with so fa- 
^ mous a sort, to stay their seniors in so weighty a 
^ cause. The king took that in very iU part, since 
^ they showed themselves more unkind and wiUuI 
than all other universities had done: he hoped 
they would bring those young men into better 
order, otherwise they should feel what it was to 
provoke him so heinously. 

By his third letter, he complains that they de- 

^ layed to send him their determination. He tells 

them, the university of Cambridge had in a much 

^ shorter time agreed upon the manner of sending 

^ their answer; and had sent their answer under 



4€ 



THB BEFOBMATION. 12ft 

^tbeir ocumnoa seaL He would have more eaafy book 
^ bonie with' a delay in making the answer, if they '^' 



had so £ur obeyed him as to put the matter in a ^^^* 
^method. He therefore, being unwilling to pro* 
** oeed to eKtremities, had sent his counsellor Fox to 
^thCTCi, hopiog that the heads and rulers would 
^ consider their duty, is granting his request ; which 
« was ooly, that they would search the truth, in a 
« cause that so neaiiy concerned both himself and 
^his pe(q[de. And therefore he desired, that the 
'^nundbers of private sufirages might not prevail 
^ against their heads, their rulers, and sage fathers; 
(<bat that they would so try the opinions of the 
^ multitude, as the importance of the matter did re^ 
^ quixe. Hoping that their constitution was suehj 
^ that there were ways, left to eschew such incon- 
** Tcnienoes when they diould happen : as he trusted 
^ they would not fail to do, and so to* redeem H^ 
'* errora and ddays that were past.** In conclusion, 
the matter was brought into the method set forth in 
my History. 

Here is no threatening them, by reason of any 
determination they might give; but, on the con* 
trary, all the vehemence in those letters is only with 
relation to the method of proceeding : and it wa^ 
certainly a very irregular one, to join a great num* 
ber of persons, who had not studied divinity, with 
men of the profession, who could only by a majority 
carry the point against reason and argument. 

Here I shall insert some marginal notes that Dr. 
Creech wrote in his own book of my History, wliich 
is now in- my hands. He says, that in the deter* 
mination of Oxford they added the words of the 
brother's wife, (oi eadem camaUter cognitam,) that 



126 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the first marriage was eansummaiid; thoogh this 
I — was not in the question sent to the uniTersitj hf 
1630. n^gjj, chancellor, archbishop Warham. He says fiii'- 
ther, that they mention the king^s letters, in which 
it is written, that an answer was already made by 
the universities of Paris and Cambridge. This of 
Paris, though not in the king's letter, might have 
been written to them by their chancellor ; for it has 
iappeared, from the letters published by Le Ghrand, 
that though the decision of the Sorbonne was not 
made till July, yet several months before, the doe- 
tors of Paris had given their opinions for the di- 
vorce. He also writes, that a letter came from theiir 
chancellor, Warham, to remove all the masters of 
arts out of the convocation, as unfit to determine so 
weighty a question. Warham also, as he says, made 
the proposal of choosing thirty, to whom the question 
tnight be referred. In another place he quotes the 
book that was published for the divorce ; which af- 
firms, that the determinations of the universities 
were made without any corruption. The questions 
were not proposed to all the universities in the same 
terms : for to some, as to the faculty of the canon 
law at Paris, and to those of Angiers and Bourges, 
. the consummation of the marriage is expressly as- 
serted in it. And in the book in which the deter- 
minations of the universities are printed, those of 
the universities in England are not mentioned. 
These are all the strictures he wrote on this part of 
iny History. 
ToBuxiy. Some more particulars are given us by Rjrmer 
•ion made t^nceruing the determination of the foreign univer- 
•tBoiogiii,^jjgg^ A copy of that made at Bologna was car- 
ried to the governor : upon which five doctors swore 



THE REFORMATION. 127 

befeie Crock that they had not carried it to him ; Bootf 
and that they had kept no copj of it. This is M- "' 
tested by a notary; and the derks and notaries '^^' 
nrore the same, and that they did not know who 
carried it. By this, it seems. Crook had engaged 
them to secrecy ; and that the matter coming some 
way to the govemor^s knowledge, they took these 
oeths to assure him that they had not broken their 
word to him. 

* The decree in Padua was made July the first, and a<mi u 
was attested by the podesta, and afterwards by the 
doge of Venice, on the 20th of September; who 
affirm, that elcTen doctors were present; and that 
the determination was made with the unanimous 
consent of the whole body. And this is attested by 
notaries. 

. But now the scene must be removed to Rome for 
some time. The pope had ordered a citation to 
be made of the king to appear before him, to hear 
his cause judged. The king would not suffer any 
such citation to be intimated to him ; so it was 
^bced at some churches in Flanders, at Toumay 
and Bruges. The king treated this with contempt ; 
while the emperor and his ministers were press- 
ing the pope to proceed to censures. The king of 
France interposed to obtain delays ; in consideration 
of whom, several delays were granted : and the pope 
said, if king Henry would proceed no further in the 
matter of the supremacy, he would yet grant a fur- 
ther delay. And whereas the French king pressed 
for a delay of four months ; the pope said, if the 
king of England would own him as his judge, he 
woidd give not only the time that was asked, but a 
year or more. 



/ 



Itt THE HISTORY OF 

FART Here I shall give an accbunfe of a long ktter l3mt 

' — the king wtote to the pope; there is no date put to 

1630. ||. j^ ^Q ^^y j^^ which I took it, bat the mab^ 

stance of it makes me conchide it was^ writ diost 
Collect, this time. It will be found in the CoDectido. 
Among Rf. '^ ^^ ^^ ^o complamsi that no regard was had nA^ 
Bier's Mss. m fj^^^ to his just desircs, nor to the interbessbn of 






I^fou ^ ^^^ ^^^ Christiaii king : that the prayers of his 
tothepope/' nobiUtj Were not only despised, but laughed at; 
^ All this was far contrary to whai he expeeted ; 
^ and was indeed so strange^ that hef could scarce 
^ think the pope was capable of doing such thing*^ 
^^ as he certainly knew he was doing. The pc^e^ 
^ against what aU men thought ju8t» refused to send 
^ judges to come to the place where Jthe cause Isy. 
The holy councils of old had decreed, tfaair ail 
causes should be determined there where they had 
^^ their beginning : for this he quotes St. Gyprian 
^ among the ancients, and St. Bernard amcmg mo« 
^ dems ; who were of that mind. The truth would 
^ be both sooner and more certainly finind out, if 
** examined on the place, than could possibly be at 
a distance. The ix)pe had once sent legates to 
England, and what reason could be given why 
this should not be done again ? But he saw the 
pope was so devoted to the emperor, that every 
thing was done as he dictated. The queen's alle^ 
^ gation, that England was a place so suspected by 
^^ her, that she could not expect to have justice done 
^ her in it, must be believed, against the dearest 
^ evidence possible to the contrary. The king bore 
^ with the liberties that many took who espoused 
^' her cause, more than was fitting; nor did he 
" threaten any, or grow less kind than formeiiy^ to 



€4 

U 



THB REFORMATION. 129 

" those who dedared for the marriage ; and yet the booi( 
^ pope pretended he must give credit to this, and he 



^ oflfered no otiier reason for his not sending judges '^^^' 
« to Engiand. This was to fasten a base reflection 
"upon the king, and an injustice, which he must 
" kxik on as a great indignity done him. 

^ Efe further complains, that the pope took all 
^ possible methods to hinder learned men from de- 
"fivering dieir (^[nnion in his cause; and though, 
^ after long and lamest applications, he did give 
''leave by his breves to all persons to give their 
" opinion in it ; yet his own magistrates did, in his 
« name» threaten those that were against the power 
* of dispensing with the laws of God : this was par« 
^ ticularly done at Bologna. The emperor's minis^ 
'^ ters every where, in contempt of the permission 
^ granted by the pope, terrified all who gave their 
" q[)imon for the king ; at which the pope connived, 
^if he did not consent to it. The pope's nuncio 
" did in France openly, and to the king himself, de* 
^dare against the king's cause, as being founded 
^' neither on justice nor on reason : he still expected, 
'^ that the "pope would have regard to the preroga-* 
"* tive of Ins crown, and to the laws of England, 
^ which are as ancient as the pope's laws are ; and 
** that he will not cite him to answer out of his 
^ kingdom, nor send any inhibitions into it : for he 
" will suffer no breach to be made on the laws dur- 
" ing his reign. He was resolved to maintain that 
** which was his own, as he would not invade that 
^ which belonged to another : he did not desire 
^ contention ; he knew the ill effects such disputes 
^ would have : upon all which, he expected the 
•* pope's answer." This had no effect on the pope ; 

VOL. III. K 



i 



180 THE HISTORY OP 

PART 80 far from it, that, upon a representation made to 
him, in queen Katherine's name, that king Henry 



'^^^* seemed resolved to proceed to a second marriage^ 
iiie pope's the pope sent out a second breve on the 5th of Janu- 

•ecood ^ '^ 

breve a. arj 1531, declaring any such marriage to be null^ 
S^g'slv. and the issue by it to be illegitimate; denouncing 
^her ^h. ^^^ severest censures possible against all that should 
be any ways assisting in it, and requiring the king 
to live with the queen in all conjugal affection till 
the suit was brought to a conclusion. 
pieadiogt Something was to be done to stop proceedings at 
^l^^' Rome ; or upon this an immediate rupture must fol- 
low. This brought on the sending an excusatar in 
the name of the king and kingdom, to show that the 
king was not bound to appear upon the citation; 
nor yet to send a proctor to appear in his name. 
Sigismund Dondalus, and Michael de Conrades, two 
eminent advocates, were brought to Rome to main» 
tain the plea of the excusator. They sent over the 
substance of their pleadings, which was printed at 
London by Berthelet. The sum of it was, Capisuchi, 
dean of the rota, had cited the king to Rome to an- 
swer to the queen's appeal : the chief instructions 
sent by Cam were, to insist on the indignity done 
the king, to cite him to come out of his kingdom : 
but it seems that was a point that the advocates 
thought fit to leave to the ambassadors; they thought 
it not safe for them to debate it, so they pleaded on 
other heads. 

They insisted much on that, {de loco tuto,) that 
no man ought to be cited to a place where he was 
not in full safety. It could not be safe, neither for 
the king nor the kingdom, that he should go so far 
from it. They showed likewise, that, to make a 



THE REFORMATION. 131 

}ilaoe safe, all the intermediate places through which book 



one most pass to it must be likewise safe. The pope — 

therefore ought to send delegates to a safe place^ ^^^^' 
other (in partibus) where the cause lay, or in the 
neighbourhood of it. It was said against them, that 
a cause once received in the court of Rome could 
oeirer be sent out of it : but they replied, the pope 
had once sent delegates into England in this cause^ 
and upon the same reason he might do it again ; in- 
deed the cause was never in the court, for the king 
was never in it. But it was said, the king might 
qipear by a proctor: they answered, he was not 
bound to send a proxy where he was not bound to 
a|^ar in person, but was hindered by a just impe- 
diment : nor was the place safe for a proxy. In a 
matter of conscience, such as marriage was, he could 
not constitute a proctor ; for by the forms he was to 
ilnpower him fully, and to be bound by all that he 
should do in his name. It is true, in a perpetual 
impediment, a proctor must be made : but this was 
not perpetual ; for the pope might send delegates. 

An excusator was to be admitted in the name of 
the king and kingdom, when the impediment was 
dear and lasting ; they confessed, if it was only pro- 
bable, a proctor must be constituted. There was no 
danger to be apprehended in the king's dominions : 
the queen's oath was offered, that she could not ex- 
pect justice in that case. They showed this ought 
not to be taken, and could not be well grounded ; 
but was only the effect of weak fear : it appearing 
evidently, that not only the queen herself, but that 
all who declared for her, were safe in England. 
They did not insist on this, that the court ought to 
sit {in partibus) in the place where the cause lay : 

K 2 ^ 



18S THE HISTORY OF 

rART it seems they found that would not be borne a| 

Iff 

Rome : but they insisted on a court being to sit in 



1530. the neighbourhood. They showed, that though tb^ 
ea€usatar*s powers were not so full as to make him 
a proxy ; yet they were not defective in that which 
fFas necessary for excusing the king^s appearance 
and for offering the just impediments, in order, tq 
the remanding of the matter. The book is full of 
the subtilties of the canon law, and of quotations 
from canonists. 
The Freiidi Thus this matter was pleaded, and, by a 8ucoe»» 
t!li£Lmy sion of many delays, was kept on tod in the oourfc 
^^, of Rome above three years ; chiefly by the interpo- 
MeiAoge sition of Fraucis : for Langey tells us, that the king 
tmdeRojyOf Francc* wrote once or twice a week to Ronic^ 
^ '* not to precipitate matters. That court, on the other 
hand, pressed him to prevail with king Henry not to 
give new provocations. He wrote to Rome from 
Arques in the beginning of June 1531, and com* 
plained of citing the king to Rome : he said, learned 
persons had assured him that this was contrary to 
law, and to the privilege of kings, who could not 
be obliged to leave their kingdom ; adding, that he 
would take all that was done for or against king 
Henry as done to himself. 
p. 8. There is a letter writ from the cardinal of Toumon 

to king Francis, but without a date, by which it ap- 
pears, "that the motion of an interview between 
'^ the pope and the king of France was then set on 
" foot : and he assures the king, that the pope was 
" resolved to satisfy him at their meeting ; that he 
** would conduct king Henry's affair so dexterously,. 
'* that nothing should be spoiled : be must, in point 
'^ of form, give way to some things that would not: 






TfiE REFORMATION. 183 

'^ be licoeptabie to him^that so he might not seem book 

• loo partial to king Henry ; for whom, out of the — ^^ 

• to?e that he bore to long Frands, he would do all ^^^^• 
** that was in his power, but desired that might not 

" be talked of." 

On the 4th of Maj he wrote to him, that the em- 
peror threatened, that, if king Henry went on to do 
flnt injury to his aunt, he would make war on him 
bj the king of Scotland : but they beliered he would 
neither employ his purse, nor draw his sword in the 
quarreL Langey reports the substance of king 
Henry's letters to Francis ; he complained of the 
pope's dting him to answer at Rome, or to send a 
proxy thither. In all former times, upon such occa- 
Bonsy judges were sent to the place where the cause 
fay. Kings could not be required to go out of their 
dominions: he also complained of the papal ex- 
actioos. 

Now there were two interviews set on foot, in 
hopes to make up this matter, that seemed very near 
a breach. Frauds had secretly begun a negotiation 
with the pope for the marriage of the duke of Or- 
leans, afterwards king Henry the Second, and the 
fimious Katherine de Medicis : Frands, whose heart 
was set on getting the duchy of Milan above all 
other things, hoped by this means to compass it for 
his second son. He likewise pretended, that, by 
gaining the pope entirely to his interests, he should 
be able to make up aU matters between king Henry 
and him. But to lay all this matter the better, the 
two kings were to have an interview first, in the 
ndghbourhood of Calais, which the bishop of Ba- 
yonne, who was now again in England, was concert- 
ing« King Henry pressed the doing it so, that he p. 553. 

k3 



184 THE HISTORY OF 

PART might come back by All-Saints to hold his parlta- 

'- — ment. The bishop saw king Henry would be mucb 

J 530. pleased if Francis would desire him to bring Anne 
Boleyn over with him, and if he would bring on his 
part the queen of Navarre. The queen of France 
was a Spaniard, so it was desired she might not 
come; he also desired that the king of France 
would bring his sons with him, and that no impe« 
rialists might be brought, nor any of the RaiUeurs^ 
(Gaudiseurs,) for the nation hated that sort of peo« 
pie, Bayonne writes, he had sworn not to tell from 
whom he had this hint of Anne Boleyn : it was no 
hard thing to engage Frauds into any thing that 
looked like gallantry ; for he had writ to her a lefr 
ter in his own hand, which Montmorency had sent 
An in^ over. At the interview of the two kings, a perpe- 
twtttk the tual friendship was vowed between them ; and kinir 
- "^ He.^ .fterwLd, repro^hed FrancU for kuring Z 
ix)pe's foot at Marseilles, which, he affirms, he pro- 
mised not to do ; nor to proceed to marry his son to 
the pope's niece, till he gave the king of Ehigland 
full satisfaction ; and added, that he promised, that 
if the pope did proceed to final censures against 
Henry, he would likewise withdraw himself from 
his obedience ; and that both the kings would join 
in an appeal to a general council. 
The king Soou after that the king returned from this inter- 
Anne view, he married Anne Boleyn ; but so secretly, that 
^'°* none were present at it but her father and mother, 
and her brother, with the duke of Norfolk. It went 
generally among our historians, that Cranmer was 
present at the marriage ; and I reported it so in my 
History : but Mr. Strype saw a letter of Cranmer's 
to Hawkins, then the king's ambassador at the em- 



THE REFORMATION. 135 

peroPs court, in which he writes. Notwithstanding bo 
it hath been reported throughout a great part qf 
Ae realm^ that I married her, which was plainly ^^' 
fidse; Jar I myself knew not thereof a fortnight 
after it was done : and many other things he re^ 
ported qfme, which be mere lies and tales. In the 
same letter, he says it was about St. PauPs day. 
This confirms Stow's relation. But to write with 
the impartial freedom of an historian : it seems, the 
day of the marriage was given out wrong on design. 
The account that Cranmer gives of it cannot be 
called in question. But queen Elizabeth was bom, 
not, as I put it, on the 7th, but as Cranmer writes 
m another letter to Hawkins, on the ISth or 14th of 
September: so there not being full eight months 
between the marriage and that birth, which would 
have opened a scene of raillery to the court of Rome, 
it seems the day of the marriage was then said to be 
in November. And in a matter that was so secretly 
managed, it was no hard thing to oblige those who 
were in the secret to silence. This seems to be the 
only way to reconcile Cranmer's letter to the reports 
commonly given out of the day of the marriage. 

The news of this was soon carried to Rome. Car- cottoi 
dinal Ghinnucdus wrote to the king, " that he had b! 14.* 
a long conversation with the pope, when the news 
was first brought thither. The pope resolved to 
" take no notice of it ; but he did not know how he 
'^ should be able to resist the instances that the em- 
peror would make. He considered well the effects 
that his censures would probably have. He saw, 
the emperor intended to put things past reconcilia- 
^ tion ; but it was not reasonable for the pope to 
*^ pass censures, when it did not appear how they 

K 4 



it 






186 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^ could be executed. He could not do any thing 
^ prejudicial to the king, unless he resolved to lay 



€€ 



1531. « oyt a vast sum of money; which he believed he 
*^ would not dO| the success being so doubtful. And 
*' he concludes, that they might depend upon it that 
^ the emperor could not easily bring the pope to pan 
^ those censures that he desired." 

At this time, the third breve was published against 
the king, on the 15th of November : but it seems it* 
was for some time suppressed ; for it has a second 
date added to it, of the 28d of December in the year 
1538 : ** in which, after a long expostulation upon 
^ his taking Anne as his wife, and his putting mwuj 
'' the queen, while the suit was yet depending ; thtt 
pope exhorts him to bring back the queen, and to 
put Anne away, within a month after this was 
brought to him; otherwise he excommunicates 
^ both him and Anne :" but the execution of this 
was suspended. Soon after this, Btoet wrote a let^ 
ter to the king, all in cipher ; but the deciphering is 
interlined. He writes, " the pope did approve the 
'* king's cause as just and good ; and did it in a 
^^ manner openly. For that reason, he did not de- 
** liver the severe letter that the king wrote upon 
** this breve, lest that should too much provoke 
him. The emperor was then at Bologna, and 
pressed for the speedy calling a general council ; 
^* and, among other reasons, he gave the proceeding 
'^ against the king for one. The king's ambassadors 
** urged the decree of the council of Nice, that the 
^ bishops of the province should settle all things that 
belonged to it ; so by this, he said, the pope might 
put the matter out of his hands. But the pope 
'* would not hear of that.'' He writes farther, <' that 









TBE RSFORATATION. 187 



* an did md fiunous man, who died latdj, bad left book 
" his oinnion in vmting, for the king's cause, with 



*hfa nephew, who was in high favour with the ^^^^* 
^ pope. The emperor was taking pains to engage 
* him in his interests, and had offered him a bishop- 
^ ric of 6000 ducats a year, likely soon to be void. 
^ The king's ambassadors had promised him, on the 
^ other hand, a great sum from the king : they upon 
^ that ask orders about it speedily, lest too long a 
^ dday might alienate him from the king." 

There is also a long letter, but without a date^ 
written by one who was bom in Rome, but was 
employed to solicit the king's cause. He told the 
pope, and was willing to declare it to all the cardi- 
nals in the consistoiy, ^' that if they proceeded fur- 
^ ther in the king's cause, it would prove fatal to 
^ the see. They had already lost the Hungarians, 
" with a great part of Germany ; and would they 
^ now venture to lose England, and perhaps France 
^with it? The king thought his marriage with 
^ queen Anne was firm and holy, and was resolved 
^ to prosecute his cause in that court no more. The 
^ king said, he was satisfied in his own conscience ; 
'* bat yet, if the pope would judge for his present 
^ marriage, both he and his ministers said, it would 
^ be agreeable to him." 

The cardinals of France pressed the king of France Luiger, 
to use all endeavours to bring king Henry with him^'^'^' 
to the interview at Marseilles, or one fully em- 
powered to put an end to the matter of the divorce. 
Langey was sent to propose it to king Henry ; but p. ^js. 
that king told him, since he saw such a train of dis- 
smulation in the pope's proceedings, and delays upon 
ddays, that bad quite di^usted him. He had now 



188 THE HISTORY OF 

PART obtained a sentence in England of the nullity of his 
"^' marriagei in which he acquiesced : and upon that he 



I53K was married, though secretly. He was resolved to 

keep it secret till he saw what effects the interview 

had : if the pope would not do him justice, he would 

deliver the nation from that servitude. 

Rjmer. He had obtained the judgment of some universi-' 

June aa, ^^ conccming the citation to Rome. The univer-' 

1531. ^ij Qf Orleans gave their opinion, that he was not 

bound to appear at Rome, neither in person, nor bj 

proxy ; and that the citation was null ; but that there 

ought to be a delegation of judges in the place where 

Jane 14, the causc lay. Many advocates in the court of par- 

'^'^' liament of Paris gave their opinions to the same pur* 

Aoff* i9» pose. The canonists in Paris thought, that the king 

could not be cited to go to Rome ; but that judges 

ought to be sent to determine the matter in some 

safe place. 

Ring Hen- King Hcniy wrote to his ambassadors with the 

^t\a^ king of France, to divert him from the interview 

thTpT^^in ^i^l^ the pope, as a thing too much to the pope's 

R^mer houour. And whereas the king of France wrote, 

MS. that his chief design in it was to serve the king : 

he wrote upon it, that he was so sure of his nobility 

and commons, that he had no apprehension of any 

thing the pope could do. He therefore desired him 

to write to the cardinals of Toumon and Gxandi- 

mont, and to his ambassadors at Rome, to press the 

admitting the excusator's plea ; for that was a pcHnt 

in which all princes were concerned. 

King Francis pretended, that the breaking off the 
project of the interview could not be done : it had 
now gone too far, and his honour was engaged. He 
was very sorry that the ezcusator's plea was le- 



THE REFORMATION. 199 



jected; yet he did Bot despair but that all things book 

Blight be yet set right; which made him still more 1— 

cmiest finr the interview. And he was confident, if ^^^^* 
the Idog would come to the meeting, all would be hap- 
pilj made up : but since he saw no hope of prevail- 
ing with the king for that, he desired that the duke 
of Norfolk might be sent over, with some learned per- 
sons, who should see the good offices he would do. 

The duke of Norfolk was sent over upon this, andThedoke 
he found the king of France at Montpelier in the sent to 
end of August; but told him, that upon the last^^^"^"^* 
sentence that was given at Rome, the king looked 
on the pope as his enemy, and he would resent his 
mage of him by all possible methods. He studied' 
to divert the interview, otherwise he said he must 
letum immediately. King Francis answered, that 
the sentence was not definitive; but though he 
could not break the interview, that was concerted 
by king Henry's own consent, he promised he would 
espouse the king's afiair as his own. He pressed the 
duke of Norfolk so earnestly to go along with him, 
that once he seemed convinced that it might be of 
good use in the king's cause, and a memorial was 
^ven him of the method of settling it : he upon 
this sent the lord Rochford to the king, to see if he 
would change the orders he had given him ; and he 
stayed only a few days after he had despatched him. 
But he said his orders for his return were positive : 
if a change of orders should come, he would quickly 
return ; if not, he would get some learned men to be 
sent, to see what might be devised at Marseilles. 

The king of France wrote to his ambassador with But won 
king Henry, that if the duke of Norfolk could have 
been allowed to go with him to Marseilles, much 




140 THE HISTORY OF 



^ART might have 6eeh done ; and he aent with that a 
part of the cardinal of Tournon's last letter to him 






€€ 

U 
€€ 

€€ 



i«l- of the 17th of August, in which he wrote, ^ that he 
had spoke fully to the pope, as the king had or- 
dered him, about the king of England's affair : the 
^ pope complained that king Henry had not only 
" proceeded to marry contrary to the breve he had 
^' received, but that he was still publishing laws in 
contempt of his see ; and that Cranmer had pro- 
nounced the sentence of divorce as l^ate. This 
gave the cardinals such distaste, that they would 
have been highly offended with the pope, if he had 
^^ done nothing upon it. He therefore advised the 
<^ king to carry the duke of Norfolk with him to 
^ Marseilles ; for if king Henry would but seem to 
^^ repair the steps he had made in the attentates, as 
^ they called them, and do that which might save 
^ the pope's honour, he assured him, such was his 
'' love to him, that for his sake he would do aU that 
^* was desired, with all his heart. But he feared 
** expedients would not be readily found, if the duke 
" of Norfolk went not to Marseilles." 
Tbe king The king of France sent such messages to king 
^^Le Henry by the duke of Norfolk, and such compli- 
beeogod- ments to queen Anne, as highly pleased them : for 
queen Anne his ambassador wrote to him, that, since the duke 
a Mm. of Norfolk's coming, king Henry expressed his con- 
fidence and friendship for him in a very particular 
manner. King Henry had asked him, if he had 
no order to stand godfather in the king of France's 
name, in case tbe queen should be delivered of a son. 
He answered, he had none ; but he would write to 
the king upon the subject. The duke of Norfolk 
said, he had spoke to the king of France about it; 



THE itEFORMATION. 141 

vho agreed to i<^ that either the ambaasador, or book 
sooie other sent express, should do it. The child's ''* 



name was to be Edward or Henry ; (but the birth ^^^'* 
proving a daughter, this went no further.) He adds 
in his letter, that Grardiner, then bishop of Win- 
diester, was sent to Marseilles. The king of France 
sent from Aries on the 17th of September an order 
fiar the christening. 

But now the next scene is at Marseilles : where. The inter. 
after the ceremonies were over, the king of France ^^^^^ 
set himself, as he writes, with great zeal to bring 
the pope to be easy in the king's matter : he pro- 
tested he minded no business of his own, till he 
should see what could be done in the matter of the 
king^s divorce. The pope said, he left the procesaMeL 
at Rome ; so that nothing could be done in it. The^' '^' 
French ambassador wrote to his master, that king 
Henry charged him with this, that he himself 
brought over instructions, with promises that Fran- 
cis would not proceed to the marriage of his son, till 
the king's matter was done : the ambassador denied 
this, and offered to show his instructions, that it 
might appear that no such article was in them. 
King Henry insisted that the French king had pro- 
mised it both to himself, and to the queen ; and if 
he failed him in this, he could depend no more on 
bis friendship. When the ambassador told the duke 
of Norfolk how uneasy this would be to the king of 
France, who had the king's concerns so much at 
heart, and that all the interest that he could gain 
in the pope would be employed in the king's ser- 
vice ; for if he should break with the pope, that must 
throw him entirely into the emperor's hands: the 
duke of Norfolk confessed all that was true ; but' 



14S THE HISTORY OF 

PART said, that the kind's head was so embroiled with 
III ' ° 

this matter, that he trusted no living man, and that 



J531. Ij^jIj Jj^ jjjjJ ^jjg queen suspected himself. 
Met Hist. 'phe bishop of Auxerre, the French ambassador, 
Gremt pro- had WTote from Rome, ** that the pope would do all 
b]^pop^/^ that they asked, and more if he durst or could: 
^^ but he was so pressed by the emperor's peoplei 
** that though it was against God and reason, and 
^* the opinion even of some of the imperial cardinals, 
^* he was forced to do whatsoever cardinal Dosme 
'* demanded.** In a letter to cardinal Toumon, the 
bishop of Auxerre complains, that the king of Eng« 
land was ill used; and in a letter to the pope's l^ate 
in France, he writes, ** that the pope was disposed to 
^' grant king Henry's desire, yet he was so pressed 
^ by the imperialists, that he expected no good from 
*^ him, unless in the way of dissembling : he firmly 
*< believed he would do well if he durst : his answer 
^^ to the king of France was as good as could be 
^ wished for, he hoped the effects would agree to it: 
** cardinal Famese, the ancientest cardinal, (after-r 
" wards pope Paul the Third,) was wholly for them r 
<< the cardinal of Ancona, next to him in seniority, 
^^ was wholly imperialist. He writes, that the am* 
** bassadors had an audience of three hours of the 
** pope, when they delivered the king of France's 
'< letters on the king of England's behalf: the pope 
* said he was sorry that he must determine the mat- 
'^ ter ; for he should have small thanks on both sides. 
^ The thing had been now four years in his hands, 
'* he had yet done nothing : if he could do as he 
" wished, he wished as they all wished : and he 
spake this in such a manner, that they were much 
mistaken, if he spoke not as he thought. The pope 



Mel. Hist 
P»7S- 



St 



THE REFORMATION. 143 

^ asked them what made the kinir of France to be book 
" 80 earnest in this matter : they answered, that the 



•« two kings were so united, that they were both *^^** 
^ more touched with the affairs each of the other, 

* than with their own." 

In another letter to Montmorancy, he writes, '* that 
^ there was a new delay granted for four months. 
^ The pope, upon his granting it, pressed him to write 
^ to the king, to prevail with king Henry to send a 
^ proxy. He answered, he believed that would not 
^ be done, unless assurance was given that the cause 
^ should be remitted. If the matter had been then put 
'^ to the vote, the ancient and learned cardinals would 
** have judged for the king of England ; but they 

* were few, and the number of the others was great ; 
" so that the cause would have been quite lost." 

At the same time, the cardinal of Ancona pro- coctoo ubr. 
posed to Bennet and to Cassali, that if a proxy were n. 
sent to Rome, they should have not only justice, upoacwdi- 
bat all manner of favour : for both the pope and the °^*' 
cardinals did very positively promise, that a com- 
mission should be made to delegates to hear the wit- 
nesses in England, reserving only the final sentence 
to the pope. Cassali was upon this sent to Eng- 
land ; but his n^otiation had no effect : only he 
seems to have known well the secret method of 
practising with the cardinals. For, upon his return, 
he met the king of France at Compiegne, with 
whom he had much discourse about managing the 
cardinals; particularly cardinal de Monte, (after- 
wards pope Julius the Third.) The king of France 
had sent 40,000 crowns to be distributed in the 
court of Rome; upon which, he offers some very 
prudent suggestions. The letter to the king from 



144 THE HISTORY OF 

PART thence seemed so considerable^ that I have put it is 
_J the Collection. 



cJtecL* These were the preparations on all hands for the 

Numb. 19. meeting at Marseilles ; where Francis protested that 
he set himself so earnestly to get satisfieiction to be 
given to Henry, that he minded no business of his 
own till he should see what could be done in tbab 
The pope said indeed, that he had left the prooew 
at Rome ; but they wrote over, that they knew thiv 
was false : yet by that they saw the pope intended 
to do nothing in it. Francis indeed comidmne^ 
that there was no proxy fix>m the king sent to Maiw 
seilles: if there had been one, he said, the businev 

ifd.Hift had been ended. It was also reported^ that the 
king of France had said to the duke of Norfolk^ he 
would be tt^ king^s proxy ; (here, in the margiD, it 
is set doMm, 7%e duie (jf Norfolk denies he etdd 
this :) but the king of Fiance knew, that the king 
would never constitute a proxy, that being contraiy 
to the laws of his kingdom. The pope confessed 
that his cause was just : all the lawyers in France 
were of that mind. But the pope comfdained oC 
the injuries done the see by king Henry. Franda 
answered, the pope begun doing injuries : but king 
Henry moved, that, setting aside what was past, 
without asking reparation of either side, justice 
might be done him; and if it was not done, he 
would trouble himself no more about it. 

n^ He afterwards charged king Francis, ^^ that in 

<' several particulars he had not kept his promises 
*' to him. He believed, that if he had pressed the 
^ pope more, he would have yielded. It was said, 
^ king Henry was governed liy his council ; where- 
^ as» he said, he governed them, and not they him. 



THE BEFORMATION. 145 

*Upoo this audience/tfae duke of Norfolk seemed book 
'^troabled that the king was so passioDate: he had "' 



* advised the king, but in vain, to let the annats go l-'^^i- 

* still to Rome." This is put in the margin. 

In another memorial, set next to the former, p-^i. 
midy as it seems, writ soon after it, it is said, that 
Ae emperor had sent word to the queen and her 
ibogfater not to come to Spain till he had first got 
light to he done them : and that the people were in 
a disposition to join with any prince that would 
eqMmse their quarrel. This is said to be the general 
inclination of all sorts of people: for they appre- 
hended a change of religion, and a war that would 
cut off their trade with the Netherlands; so that 
the new queen was little beloved. 

Bat now I must return, and set out the progress i^« ?>n- 

Tociitioo 

of matters that provoked the pope and court of Rome meets. 
so much. I shall give first the several proceedings 
of the convocation. 

The parliament had complained of the oath ex 
officio, by which the ordinaries obliged persons to an- 
swer to such accusations as were laid to their charge 
upon oath: and as they answered, charging them- 
selves, they were obliged either to abjure or to bum. 
To this they added some other grievances. When 
they presented them to the king, he told them he 
could give no answer till he heard what the clergy 
would say to them. They also passed acts about 
some points that the clergy thought belonged to 
them ; as mortuaries, plurality of benefices, and cler- 
gymen taking farms. 

The first motion made by the lower house was 
concerning Tracy's testament ; who had left his soul 
to God through Jesus Christ, tb whose intercession 

VOL. III. L 



i 



146 THE HISTORY OF 

PART alone he trusted, without the help of any other 
saint : therefore he left no part of his goods to aaj 



1531. 



that should pray for his soul. This touching the 
clergy very sensibly, they begun with it ; and a com- 
mission was given for the raising his body. 

In a following session, the prolocutor complained 
of another testament, made by one Brovm of Bristol, 
in the same strain. So, to prevent the spreading of 
such an example, it was ordered, that Tracy's body 
should be dug up and burnt. In the 84th session, 
the house being thin, an order was made, that all 
the members should attend, for some constitutioos 
were at that time to be treated of. 
They treat In the 91st scssiou, which was in the end of Fe« 
mide^(«.^ bruary, the prolocutor came up with a motion, that 
those who were presented to ecclesiastical benefkes 
should not be obliged by their bishops to give any 
bond, obliging them under temporal punishment to 
residence : but to this no answer was given, nor was 
any rule made against it. There had been com- 
plaints made of clerks nonresidents in the former 
session of parliament; and it seems some bishops 
thought, the surest way to stop that clamour was to 
take bonds for residence. And though this complaint 
shows the ill temper of the lower house, since they 
did not offer any other better remedy; yet the 
upper house offering no answer to it, seems to imply 
their approving of it. 

In the 93d session, Latimer, who had been thrice 
required to subscribe some articles, refused to do it : 
he was excommunicated, and appointed to be kept 
in safe custody in Lambeth. Session 96, it was re- 
solved, that if Latimer would subscribe some of the 
-articles, he should be absolved. Upon that he sub- 



^ 



THE BEFORMATION. 147 

mitted, confessed his error, and subscribed all the book 
articles except two. !_ 



In the 97th session, on the 12th of April 1532, the ^ '*^*- 

* ' An answer 

archbishop proposed to them the preparing an answer ^^ \^^ ^^'• 
to the complaints that the commons had made to the com. 
. the king against the proceedings in their courts. 

In the 98th session, the preamble of that com* 
plaint was read bgr Gardiner, with an answer that 
be had prepared to it. Then the two clauses of 
the first article, with answers to them, were also 
read and agreed to, and sent down to the lower 
house. Latimer was also brought again before them, 
upon complaint of a letter that he had written to 
one Greenwood, in Cambridge. 

In the 99th session^ an answer to the complaint 
of the commons was read and agreed to, and ordered 
to be laid before the king ; wilh which he was not 
siUisfied. Latimer being called to answer upon 
oath, he appealed to the king, and said, he would 
stand to his appeal. 

Peyto and Elston, two brethren of the house of p^m*'**-: 
the Observants in Greenwich, accused Dr. Curren hentict. 
for a sermon preached there : but the archbishop or- 
dered them to be kept in custody, with the bishop 
of St. Asaph, till they should be dismissed. 

In the 100th session, the king sent a message by 
Gardiner, intimating, that he remitted Latimer to 
the archlnshop: and upon his submission, he was 
received to the sacraments. This was done at the 
king's desire: but some bishops protested, because 
this submission did not import a renunciation usual 
in such cases. After this, four sessions were em- 
ployed in a further consideration of the answer to 
the complaints of the house of commons. 

L 2 



148 THE HISTORY OF 

PART In the I05th session, the prolocutor brought up 
four draughts concemipg the ecclesiastical authoritjv 



1531. 



for making laws in order to the suppressing of he- 
resy : but declared, that he did not bring them up 
as approved by the house ; he only offered them to 
the bishops, as draughts prepared by learned meiLi 
He desired they would read them, and choose what 
was true out of them : but added, that he prayed» 
that, if they prepared any thing on ' the subject, it 
might be communicated to the lower house. Some 
Rights of of these are printed : I shaU therefore only insert 
^n^ol! one in my Collection, because it is the shortest of 

coueet ^b^^» A^d 7^^ ^<^s ^^7 ^^ forth their design. It 
Niimb.2o. was formed in the upper house, and agreed to in 
The peti- t^e lowcr, with two alterations. In it they promise 

tioD to the 

idng. the king, '^ that for the future, such was the trust 
** that they put in his wisdom, goodness, and 2sea^ 
** and his incomparable learning, far exceeding the 
^' learning of all other princes that they had read of^ 
^' that during his natural life, they should not 
** enact, promulge, or put in execution, any consti- 
tution to be made by them, unless the king by his 
royal assent did license them so to do. And as 
*^ for the constitutions already made, of which the 
<^ commons complained, they would readily submit 
^ the consideration of these to the king only : and 
^^ such of these as the king should judge prejudicial 
*^ and burdensome, they offered to moderate or an- 
^^ nul them according to his judgment. Saving to 
** themselves all the immunities and liberties granted 
^ to the church, by the king and his prc^nitors, 
with all such provincial constitutions as stand with 
the laws of God, and holy church, and of the 
** realm, which they prayed the king to ratify : pro- 









THE BEFORMATION. 149 

" viding that, till the king's pleasure should be made book 
* known to them, all ordinaries might go on to exe- 



• cute their jurisdiction as formerly." This did not ^^^*' 
pass easily ; there was great debating upon it : but 
ipon adding the words, during the kin^s fiatural 
B/e, which made it a temporary law ; and by adding 
the words hol^ church after the laws of God, which 
had a great extent ; this form was agreed to : but 
what effect this had, or whether it was offered to the 
kingy does not appear. The alterations that were 
afterwards made will appear to any who compares 
this with the submission ; of which a particular ac- 
count will be found in my History. 

The bishop of London, presiding in the absence of 
the archbishop, told them, that the duke of Norfolk 
had signified to him, that the house of commons had 
granted the king a fifteenth, to be raised in two 
years ; so he advised the clergy to be as ready as 
the laity had been to supply the king. The prolo- 
cutor was sent down with this intimation : he imme- 
diately returned back, and proposed that they should 
consider of an answer to be made to the king, con- 
cerning the ecclesiastical authority ; and that some 
might be sent to the king, to pray him that he would 
maintain the liberties of the church, which he and 
his progenitors had confirmed to them : and they de- 
sired, that the bishops of London and Lincoln, with 
some abbots, the dean of the king's chapel, and Fox, 
his almoner, would intercede in behalf of the clergy ; 
which they undertook to do. 

In the 106th session, which was on the 10th of The rob- 

, miftioD 

May, the archbishop appointed a committee to gomndetothe 
and treat with the bishop of Rochester at his house bw^p^JSiy 
upon that matter. In the 107th session, the 18th ^'^^^^ 

L 8 ■ d 



160 THE HISTORY OF 

PART of May, the archbishop appointed the cbaocellor of 
'. — Worcester to raise Tracy's body : then they agreed 

^^^'- to the answer they were to make to the king. In 
the 108th session, on the 15th of May, the writ for 
proroguing the convocation was brought to the arch- 
bishop : at the same time, the duke of Norfolk, the 
marquis of Exeter, the earl of Oxford, the lord Sands, 
lord chamberlain, and the lord Bullen, and lord 
Rochford, were in a secret conference with the arch- 
bishop and bishops for the space of an hour ; when 
they withdrew, the prolocutor and clergy came up. 
The archbishop asked, how they had agreed to the 
schedule ; which, as appears, was the form of the 
submission. The prolocutor told him, how many 
were for the affirmative, how many for the n^ative, 
and how many were for putting off the three articles 
(of the submission.) The archbishop said, he ex- 
pected those lords would come back to him from 
the king, and so sent them back to their house. 
These lords came back to the chapter-house, and, 
after some discourse with the bishops, they retired. 
After dinner, the schedule was read in English ; and 
the archbishop asked, if they agreed to it ; they aU 
answered they did agree to it, only the bishop of 
Bath dissented. Then he sent it down by his chan- 
cellor, to propose it to the lower house. After that, 
on the 15th of May, it seems the schedule was sent 
back by the lower house, though that is not men- 
tioned in the abstract that we have remaining : for 
that day the convocation was prorogued, and the 
next day the archbishop delivered it to the king, 
as enacted and concluded by himself and others. 
The convocation was prorogued to the Sth of No- 
vember. 



THE REFORMATION. 151 

And thus this great transaction was brought about book 
ID little more than a month's time ; the first motion ! 



towards it being made on the 12th of April, and it ^^^'* 
was concluded on the 15th of May. It appears, by 
their heat against Tracy's testament, and against 
Latimer, that they who managed the opposition that 
was made to it were enemies to every thing that 
looked towards a reformation. It seems Fisher did 
not protest ; for though, by their sending a commit- 
tee to his house, it may be supposed he was sick at 
that time, yet he might have sent a proxy, and or- 
dered a dissent to be entered in his name : and that 
not being done, gives ground to suppose that he did 
not vehemently oppose this submission. By it, all 
the opposition that the convocations would probably 
hare given to every step that was made afterwards 
in the reformation, was so entirely restrained, that 
the quiet progress of that work was owing chiefly to 
the restraint under which the clergy put themselves 
by their submission : and in this the whole body of 
this reformed church has cheerfully acquiesced, till 
within these few years, that great endeavours have 
been used to blacken and disgrace it. 

I have seen no particular account how this matter 
went in the convocation at York, nor how matters 
went there ; save only that it was agreed to give a 
tenth. I have seen a letter of Magnus, one of the 
king's chaplains, who was required by Cromwell to 
go thither, where Dr. Lee was to meet him. There The pro. 
is no year added in the date of the letter ; but since ^rk."*^ ** 
he mentions the last convocation, that had given a 
great sum of money, and owned the king to be the 
supreme^ that fixes it to this session. He dates it 
from Marybone the 21st of April, as it will be seen 

l4 



152 THE HISTORY OF 

PART in the CoUection. ** He was then in an ill state of 
*^ health, but promises to be at York soon after the 



coiit^^* " beginning of their convocation. He complains^ 
Numb. ai. <t that he had no assistance at the last meeting ; and 
^' that the books, which the king had promised should 
^* be sent after him, were not sent : which made the 
<^ king's cause to be the longer in treating, before it 
** came to a good conclusion. The prelates and clergj 
'" there would not believe any report of the acts 
'1 passed at London, unless they were showed them 
** authentically, either under seal, or by the king's 
^< letters. He hopes both these things, which had 
** been neglected formerly, would be now done ; 
*^ otherwise the clergy in those parts would not pro- 
*< ceed to any strange acts : so he warns him^ that 
" all things may be put in order." 

Whatsoever it was that passed either in the one 
or the other convocation^ the king kept it within 
himself for two years ; for so long he was in treating 
terms with Rome : and if that had gone on, all this 
must have been given up. But when the final breach 
came on, which was after two years, it was ratified in 
parliament. 

Before the next meeting, Warham died. He had 
all along concurred in the king's proceedings, and 
had promoted them in convocation ; yet in the last 
year of his life, six months before his death, on the 
9th of February 1531, he made a protestation of a 
singular nature, not in the house of lords, but at 
Lambeth ; and so secretly, that mention is only made 
of three notaries and four witnesses present at the 
making of it. It is to this effect ; that whnt sta^ 
tutes soever had jmssed^ or were to pass in this 
present parliament^ to the pr^udice ofthepope^ or 



THE REFORMATION. 15S 

Ae apoHolie tee ; or that derogated Jrom, or fee*, bqok 



ened ike ecclesiastical authoritif, or the liberties of. 



Mi see of Canterbury^ he did not consent to them ; ^^^* 
ht did disown and dissent Jrom them. This was 
fimnd in the LongueviUe librarj, and was communi- 
Gtted to me by Dr. Wake, the present bishop of Lin- 
cob. I leave it with the reader, to consider what 
ooDstniction can be made upon this ; whether it was 
in the decline of his life put on him by his confessor, 
aboot , the time of Lent, as a penance for what he 
had done ; or if he must be looked on as a deceitful 
num, that, while he seemed openly to concur in those 
things, he protested against them secretly. The in- 
strument will be found in the Collection. Upon his coucct. 
death, the prior and convent of Christ's Church oi^^^' 
Canterbury deputed the bishop of St. Asaph to pre- ^nriog tbe 

TSflUICT Ok 

side in the convocation. On the 20th of February, cuterbarj. 
in the 4th session, the bishop of London moved, that 
the two universities should be exempted from paying 
any part of the subsidy : the same was also desired 
for some religious orders; and it was agreed to, 
Gardiner only dissenting as to the exemption of the 
religious orders. It may reasonably be supposed, 
that his opposing this was in compliance with the 
king, who began to show an aversion both to the 
monks and friars, seeing they were generally in the 
interests of queen Katherine ; and Gardiner was the 
most forward in his compliances of all the clergy, 
Bonner only excepted, though the old leaven of 
popery was deep in them both. 

In the 11th session, on the 26th of March, Lati- 
mer was again brought before them : and it was laid 
to his charge, that he had preached, contrary to his 
promise. Gardiner inveighed severely against him ; 



164 THEIHISTORY OF 

PART and to him <dl the rest agreed. When the prolocutor 

III ^^ 

came up, the president spoke to hitn of the subsidy : 



1531. then the matter of the king's marriage was brought 
before them. Gardiner produced some instrumentSy 
which he desired them to read : they were the judg- 
ments of several universities. Some doubted if it 
was safe to debate a matter that was then depending 
before the pope; but the president put an end to 
that fear, by producing a breve of the pope's^ in 
which all were allowed to deliver their opinions 
freely in that matter : so he exhorted them to exa- 
mine the questions to be put to them carefully, that 
they might be prepared to give their opinions about 
them. 
The eon- In the 12th session, the president produced the 
]]^^^ original instruments of the universities of Paris, Or- 
iSnc^muw leans, Bologna, Padua, Bourges, and Tholouse ; (An- 
'■"s^ giers and Ferrara are not named ;) and, afteir mudi 
disputing, they were desired to deliver their opinions 
as to the consummation of the marriage. But be- 
cause it was a difficult case, they asked more time. 
They had till four o'clock given them ; then there 
were yet more disputings : in conclusion, they agreed 
with the universities. This was first put to them ; 
though in the instrument made upon it, it is men- 
tioned after that which was offered to them in the 
next session. 
Rymer. On the 2d of April 1533, Cranmer being now con- 

secrated, and present, two questions were proposed, 
and put to the vote. The first was, Whether the 
prohibition to marry the brother* s wife, the former 
marriage being consummated, wa^ dispensable by 
the pope ? Or, as it is in the minutes. Whether it 
was lawjid to marry the wife of a brother dying 



THE REFORMATION. 165 

wUhaui issue^ hut having consummated the mar'- book 
fiagef And if the prohibition of such a marriage 



was grounded on a divine law, with which the pope ^^^^' 
amid dispense, or not? There were present sixty- 
ax divines, with the proxies of an hundred and 
ninety-seven absent bishops^ abbots, and others : all 
agreed to the affirmative, except only nineteen. 

Tlie second ' question was. Whether the consume 
moHon qf prince Arthur's marriage wa^ suffix 
deutfy proved? This belonged to the canonists ; so 
it was referred to the bishops and clergy of that pro- 
fession, being forty-four in all, of whom one had the 
proxy of three bishops : all these, except five or six, 
affirmed it : of these, the bishop of Bath and Wells 
was one. Of all this a public instrument was. made. 

In the account I formerly gave of this matter, I 
offered a conjecture concerning the constitution of 
the two houses, that deans and archdeacons, who 
sat in their own right, were then of the upper house ; 
which I see was without any good ground. I like- 
wise committed another en'or through inadvertence : 
for I said, the opinions of nineteen universities were 
read ; whereas only six were read. And the nine- 
teen, which I added to the number of the universi- 
ties, was the number of those who did not agree to 
the vote. 

These questions were next sent to the convocation The *roh- 

bisbopy 

of the province of York; where there were present cnmmer, 
twenty-seven divines, who had the proxies of twenty- Sn« tT' 
four who were absent: and all these, two only ex-^"*^*^' 
cepted, agreed to the first question. There were 
likewise forty-four canonists present, with the proxies 
of five or six : to them the second question was put ; 
and all these were for the affirmative, two only ex- 



156 THE HISTORY OF 

PART cepted. The whole representative of the diurch of 
- England, in the convocation of the two provinces o{ 



' Canterbury and York, did in this manner give their 
answer to the two questions put ' to them ; upon 
which . Cranmer wrote to the king on the 11th of 
April, complaining that the great cause of his matri- 
mony Jiad depended long : and upon that, he desired 
his license to judge it; which the king readily 
granted. So he gave sentence, condemning it on 
the 23d of May : and then the king openly owned 
bis second marriage ; for the new queen's big bdly 
could be no longer concealed. 
With that This was highly resented at Rome, as an open at- 
jumTinM tempt upon the pope's authority ; and these steps, 
^J2 *^^" in their style, were called the attentates : so, consi- 
dering the blind submission to the popes, in which 
the world had been kept for so many ages, it was no 
wonder to find the imperialists call upon the pope, 
almost in a tumultuary manner, to exert his au- 
thority to the full, when he saw it so openly affront- 
ed. And it is very probable, that if the pope had 
not, with that violent passion, that Italians have for 
the advancing their families, run into the proposition 
for marrying his niepe to the duke of Orleans, he 
would have fulminated upon this occasion : but he, 
finding that might be broke off/ if he had proceeded 
to the utmost extremities with king Henry, was 
therefore resolved to prolong the time, and to delay 
the final sentence ; otherwise the matter would have 
been ended much sooner than it was. 

G^diner, Bryan, and Bennet were sent as ambas- 
sadors to the king of France, to Marseilles. Bonner 
was also sent thither on a more desperate service ; 
for he was ordered to go and read the king^s appeal 



THE REFORMATION. 167 

fipom the pope to a general council, in the pope's own book 
presence, at such time and in such a manner as the 



ting's ambassadors should direct. Of the execution ^ \^^\' 

^ ^ Cotton lib. 

of this he gave the king a very particular account, vi^«u- b. 

in a letter to him, bearing date at Marseilles the 

ISth of November 1533 : which the reader will find 

m the Collection, copied firom the original. In it he coiiect 

teOs the king, ^""*'- '^• 

' " That, being commanded by his ambassadors to Bonner in- 

^intimate to the pope in person the provocations ki^g*, ap.^ 

^ and appeals that he had made to a general council ; ^^ ^ 

^ he carried one Penniston, who it seems was a no- 

^tary, with him, to make an act concerning it. 

^ They came to the pope's palace on the 17th of 

^ November, in the morning. He found some dif- 

^ ficulty in getting access ; for he was told that the 

^ pope was going to hold a consistory, so that no 

/* other business was to interpose : yet he got into 

^ the pope's chamber, where the pope was with the 

*' two cardinals De Medicis and Lorrain ; the pope 

^ being appareled in his stole to go to the consistory. 

''The pope quickly observed Bonner, for he had 

^ prayed the datary to let the pope know he desired 

^ to speak with him : the datary said it was not a 

** proper time, but Bonner was resolved to go imme- 

'^diately to him; so he told the pope of it; who 

^ upon that dismissed the cardinals, and, going to a 

** window, he called him to him. Upon that Bon- 

'' ner told him the message he had from the king to 

** read before him, making such apology, first in the 

^ king's name, and then in his own, as was necessary 

" to prepare him for it. The pope cringed in the 

^ Italian way, but said, he had not time then to 

** hear those papers ; but bade him come again in 



€€ 



168 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^< the afternoon, and he would give him a fiill au- 

1_ '^ dience. When he came again, he was, aft;er some 

I53K «tf others had their audience, called in; Penniston 
following him, whom the pope had not observed in 
the morning. So Bonner told him, that it was he 
who had brought over his commission and orders ; 
** upon that the pope called for his datary, and for 
** Simonetta and Capisuchi. Till they came in, the 
'^ pope in discourse asked both for Gardiner and 
** Brian, seeming not to know that they were at 
'* Marseilles ; and he lamented the death of Bennet : 
he complained of the king's using him as he did. 
Bonner, on the other hand, complained of his un- 
kind usage of the king ; and that he had, contrary 
to his promise, avocated the cause, when it was 
brought to the point of giving sentence ; and had 
f' now retained the cause to Rome, whither the king 
could not come personally, nor was he bound to 
send a proctor : and he urged the matter very 
close upon the pope. He also complained, that, 
^* the king's cause being just, and esteemed so by 
*^ the best learned men in Christendom, yet the pope 
*^ kept it so long in his hands. The pope answered, 
*^ that, had not the queen refused the judges as sus* 
pect, and taken an oath that she expected no jus- 
tice in the king's dominions, he would not have 
** avocated the cause : but in that case, notwith- 
** standing his promise, he was bound to do it ; and 
•* the delay of the matter lay wholly at the king's 
** door, who did not send a proctor. While Bonner 
" was replying, the datary came in, and the pope 
^^ cut him short ; and commanded the datary to read 
" the commission : which he did. The pope oft;en 
" interrupted the reading it with words that ex- 



ec 

€€ 
€€ 
€€ 



€i 
€4 



€( 



THE REFORMATION. 169 

^ pressed a high displeasure: and when the appeal ;book 
^ was read to the next lawiiil general council to be ' 
''held in a proper place, he expressed with some *^^*' 
^ rage his indignation ; but restrained himself, and 
'^ said, all that came from the king was welcome to 
" him : but hy his gesture and manner it appeared 
^he was much discomposed. Yet after that, he 
^ showed how willing he was to call a council, but 
^ that the king seemed to put it oflf ; he ordered the 
^ dataiy to read it quite through : in the end men- 
^ tion being made of the archbishop of Canterbury's 
^ sentence, he spake of that with great contempt. 
'^ He also observed, that the king in words ex« 
'* pressed respect to the church and to the apostolic 
^ see, yet he expressed none to his person. While 
** they were thus in discourse, the king of France 
^ came to see the pope, who met him at the door. 
^ That king seemed to know nothing of the busi- 
^ ness, though Bonner believed he did know it. The 
** pope told him what they were about ; they two 
** continued in private discourse about three quarters 
of an hour, and seemed very cheerful : then that 
king went away, the pope conducted him to the 
door of the antechamber. When the pope came 
" back, he ordered the datary to read out all that 
^ remained : the pope often interrupting him as he 
" read. When the first instrument was read to an 
•* end, Bonner offered the two appeals that the king 
" had made to a general council : these the pope 
" delivered to the datary, that he might read them^ 

** When all was read, the pope said he would con- it wiw re- 
"sider with the cardinals what answer was to bethepoiJ. 
" given them ; and seemed to think that the writ- 
** ings were to remain with him : but Bonner press- 



*€ 



M 



€€ 
ft 
€€ 



160 THE HISTORY OP 

PART ^* ing to have them again, he said he would consi- 
' << der what answer he was to give to that. So the 
1531. €i pQp^ dismissed him, after an audience that lasted 
<* three hours. The datary told Bonner, there was 
^< to be a consistory next day ; after that he might 
*' come to receive his answer. On the 10th, a conns- 
tory was held ; in the afternoon, the pope was long 
taken up with the blessing of beads, and admitting 
persons of quality of both sexes to kiss his foot. 
'^ When that was over, he called Bonner in, and the 
*' pope began to express his mind towards the king, 
** that it was to do him all justice, and to please him 
<* all he could ; and though it had not been so taken, 
^ yet he intended to continue in the same mind : 
^ but, according to a constitution of pope Pius, that 
^ condemned all such appeals, he rejected the king^s 
^ appeal to a general council, as frivolous and unlaw- 
<< ful. As for a general council, he would use all his 
diligence to have it meet, as he had formerly done : 
but the calling it belonged wholly to him. He 
*' said he would not restore the instruments ; and 
told Bonner, that the datary should give him his 
answer in writing. Bonner went to the datary*s 
chamber, where he found the answer already writ- 
ten, but not signed by him : next day he signed 
it, adding the salvo of answering it more fully 
and more particularly, if it should be thought 
" meet. 

" The pope left Marseilles the next day, and went 
** towards Rome. Bonner concludes that the French 
** knew of their design, and were willing it should 
" be done two or three days before the pope's de- 
" parture ; yet when it was done, they said it had 
^^ spoiled all their matters, and the king's Ukewise." 



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THE REFORMATION. 161 

He fULjs nothing of any threatening of bad usage to book 

himself. TTie king of France indeed, when he ex- 1— 

postulated upon the affront done the pope while in ^^^'* 
his house, said^ that he durst not have done that in 
any other place: this makes it probable that the 
pope told him how he would have used Bonner, if 
he had served him with that appeal in his own 
territories. So whether this came to be known after- 
wards from the court of France, or w hether Bonner 
might have spread it in England at his return, to 
raise the value of that piece of service, which he 
was capable of doing, cannot be determined. It is 
certain it was reported in England so, that in the 
Answer to Sanders it is set down ; and from him I Anti. 
took it : but I will leave it with the reader, to con- ^°*'*™*- 
aider what credit may be due to it. 

At the same time Cranmer, hearing the pope de- 
signed to proceed against him, did by the king's 
order appeal likewise to a general council, and sent 
the instrument, with a warrant to execute it, to 
Cromwell, that it might be sent to the bishop of 
Winchester, to get it to be intimated to the pope 
in the best manner that could be thought of: he 
therefore, by the king's command, sent this to him 
in a letter dated the 22d of November, which will 
be found in the Collection ; but it does not appear coiiect. 

* Nnmb. 24. 

to me what was done upon it. 

I shall in the next place give an account of the Le Grand, 
instructions that the king of France sent by Bellay, Beiiay sent 
then translated from Bayonne to Paris, whom he ^^ng b^y^ **^ 
despatched immediately after he came back from^^"^^^"' 
Marseilles, as the person in the kingdom that was 
the most acceptable to the king. Tlie substance of 
them is, " that Francis had at the interview studied 

VOL. III. M 



16« THE HISTORY OF 

PART << nothing so much as to advance Henry's matters: 

' << yet he heard that he complained of him as having 

1531. u jQijg jggg ^jjau jie expected, which he took much 

^* amiss. It was agreed by the two kings, that a 
^^ proposition should be set on foot for the duke of 
** Orleans marrying the pope's niece ; which had not 
*^ been before thought of. The matter was so tar 
** advanced, and the interview so settled, that Fran- 
** cis could not afterwards put it oflf with honour ; all 
being done pursuant to their first agreement at 
Calais. The pope promised to make no new step 
in king Henry's matter, if he would do the same. 
But king Henry did innovate in many particulars; 
yet, contrary to all men's expectations, he had 
*' eflfectually restrained the pope from showing his 
resentments upon it. And he was in a fair way 
to have engaged the pope against the emperor, if 
king Henry would have given him any handle finr 
it. Once Francis hoped to have brought Henry to 
Marseilles ; but he judged that was not fit for him, 
'* and promised to send the duke of Norfolk in his 
^* stead : for notwithstanding the sentence passed at 
" Rome, a remedy was proposed, if a person was 
•* sent with full powers, as was expected. When 
*^ Gardiner came to Marseilles, he said he had or- 
** ders to do whatsoever Francis should direct him ; 
but indeed he brought no such powers. The 
pope was resolved to do all that he could advise 
him for Henry's satisfaction; and Francis would 
enter upon none of his own affairs till that was 
" first settled : he still waited for powers from Eng- 
" land, but none were sent. This might have pro- 
" voked Francis to have been less zealous, but it did 
" not : instead of sending what Francis expected* 






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THE REFORMATION. 163 

* there was an appeal made from the pope to a book 
** general council, which so highly provoked the ^^' 



^pope, that what he had been labouring to do a ^^^'* 
■* whole week, was pulled down in one hour. It 
' was also an injury to Francis to use the pope ill 
** without his knowledge, when he was in his house, 
** doing that there which they durst not have done 
" any where else. This gave great joy to the Span- 
"iards; and though the pope offered to put Leg- 
" horn, Parma, and Placentia, with other places of 
" greater importance, into Francis's hand, yet upon 
" the rupture with Henry he would treat of nothing; 
^ 80 he concluded the marriage, with no advantage 
^ to himself firom it : and yet for all this zeal and 
^ fiiendship that he had expressed to king Henry, 

* he had no thanks, but only complaints. He saw 

* he was disposed to suspect him in every thing, as 
" in particular for his treating with the king of Scot- 
^ land, though by so doing he had taken him wholly 
" out of the emperor's hands. He proposes of new 
** to king Henry, the same means that were pro- 
** posed at Marseilles, in order to the reconciling 
" him to the pope, with some other motions, which 
** he will see are good and reasonable ; and upon 
^ that all that passed would be easily repaired. He 
*^ perceived plainly at Marseilles, that the king's am- 
^ bassadors had no intentions to bring matters to an 
*' agreement ; and when he told them that he saw 
" there was no intention to make up matters, they 
" only smiled. It touched the king of France very 
*^ sensibly, to see all his friendship and good offices 
** to be so little understood and so ill requited. He 
" was offered the duchy of Milan if he would suffer 
" the emperor and the pope to proceed against the 

M 2 ^ 



164 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << king of England : but he was now to offer to king 
" Henry, if he would reconcile himself to the pope» 



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1531. 4€ Q^ league between the pope and the two kings of- 
** fensive and defensive. But if king Henry would 
** come into no such agreement, yet he was to assure 
** him, that he would still continue in a firm and 
brotherly friendship with him ; and if by reason 
of his marriage, and the censures that might be 
passed on that account, any prince should make 
war upon him, that he would assist him according 
to their treaties: and that he would so manage 
the king of Scotland, that he should engage him 
into a defensive league with him. In conclusion^ 
'< he desired that some other better instruments than 
** the bishop of Winchester might be employed ; for 
*^ he thought he had no good intentions, neither to 
" the one nor the other of them." 

There is some reason to suspect that these in- 
structions are not fully set forth by Le Grand; 
for the best argument to persuade the king to come 
to terms of reconciliation, was to tell him what the 
pope had said to him of the justice of his cause. It 
is certain that Francis owned that on other occa- 
sions : this makes it highly probable that it was set 
forth in these instructions ; so that I cannot help 
suspecting that some part of them is suppressed. 
Cotton libr. At this time, the king, in a letter to his ambassa- 

Nero B. 6. ° 

Arepre- dor that was at the emperor's court, after he had 

seotation . i i • 

made to the Ordered him to lay open the falsehood of the reports 
emperor, ^j^^^. j^^j j^^^ Carried to the emperor, of queen Ka- 

therine's being ill used ; and to complain of her ob- 
stinate temper, and of her insisting on her appeal to 
the pope, after the law was passed against all such 
appeals : he adds, that, as he had told the emperor's 



THE REFORMATION. 165 

ambassador at his court, the pope had to the French book 
king confessed that his cause was just and lawful ; 



and that he had promised to him at Marseilles, that, ^^^^' 
if the king would send a proxy, he would give sen- 
tence for him in his principal cause : which the king 
refused to do, looking on that as a derogation from 
his royal dignity. The pope, it seems, looked on his 
refusing to do this as a contempt, and pronounced 
sentence against him, notwithstanding his appeal to 
a general council, that had been personally intimated 
to him. This the king imputed to his malice, and 
his design to support his usurped authority. 

The bishop of Paris coming to London, had very Memoirs de 
kmg and earnest conferences with the king : in con- He pnvHu 
dusion, the king promised, that if the pope would the^lng t*° 
supersede his sentence, the king would likewise su-'"**™**- 
persede the separating himself entirely from his obe- 
dience : upon that, though it was in winter, he went 
immediately post to Rome. At the same time the ^^^^j^j" ?/ 
king sent a letter to his ambassadors at Rome : he ^° *»» »»»- 

" ... bassadors 

tells them, " that, after the interview at Marseilles, at Rome. 
" he had heard both by Bonner and sir Gregory, m^" 

* that the pope had in a lively manner spoken to J^°"*5*- 

* the emperor in favour of the king's cause, and 

* seemed more inclined than formerly to do him 

* justice. He had proposed, that the king should 
' send a mandate, desiring his cause might be tried 
' in an indifferent place ; upon which he would send 

* a legate and two auditors to form the process, re- 

* serving the judgment to himself: or, that the king 

* of France and he would concur to procure a gene- 
' ral council, by concluding a truce for three or four 

* years ; upon which he would call one, and leave 

* the king's cause to be judged in it. The same 

M 3 



i 



166 THE HISTORY OP 

PART <* overtures were made to the king by the pope's 

'. — '^ nuncio. He pretended that sir Gregory had made 

1 53 1 . €€ them to the pope in the king's name ; and that the 
^^ pope had agreed to them : yet the king had never 
** sent any such orders to sir Gregory, but rather to 
** the contrary. Yet since the pope in these over- 
'< tures showed better inclinations than formerly, 
which indeed he was out of hope of, he ordered 
thanks to be given him in his name. The kii^ 
asked nothing in return for all the service he had 
done him and the see, but justice according to the 
*^ laws of God, and the ordinances of the holy coun- 
*^ cils ; which if he would now do speedily^ setting 
'^ aside all delays, he might be sure that he and his 
kingdom would be as loving to him and his see, as 
they had been formerly accustomed to be : but for 
" the truce, how desirous soever he was of outward 
quiet, yet he could not set himself to procure it 
till he had first peace in his own conscience, which 
the pope might give him ; and then he would use 
" his best endeavours for a general peace with the 
king of France, from whom he would never sepa* 
rate himself. He therefore charges them to press 
the pope to remit the fact, to be tried within the 
kingdom, according to the old sanctions of general 
" councils. If the pope would grant his desire, he 
" would dispose all his allies to concur in the service 
" of that see. He could not consent to let his cause 
" be tried out of the realm : it was contrary both to 
his prerogative and to the laws of his kingdom ; 
and by his coronation oath he was bound to main- 
" tain those. So, without the consent of his parlia- 
" ment, he could not agree to it ; and he was sure 
" they would never consent to that. He hoped the 



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THE REFORMATION. 167 

^ pope would not compel him to do things prejudi- book 
« dal to the papal dignity, as it was then exercised, ' 
"which, unless he were forced to it by the pope's *^^^* 
^ conduct towards him, he had no mind to do. The 
" pope had said to sir Gregory, that, by their laws, 
^ the pope could not dispense in such a marriage 
** unless there was an urgent cause pressing it : and 
^ the clearing this point he thought would more cer- 
^ tainly advance the king's cause, than the opinion 
^ of lawyers and divines, that the pope could not 
^ dispense with it. The emperor had said to the 
*'pope, that there was an extreme bloody war at 
^that time between England and Spain; for the 
^^ pacifying which, the dispensation allowing the 
^marriage was granted: whereas in the league 
^ signed by his father, and by Ferdinand and Isa- 
^ bella, upon which the dispensation was obtained, 
^ no such thing was pretended ; the marriage was 
^^ agreed to for the continuance and augmentation 
" of their amity, and upon the account of the good 
" qualities of the queen : it was also plainly ex- 
** pressed in that league, that her former marriage 
" was consummated. So the dispensation was granted 
" without any urgent cause : and therefore, by the 
" pope's own concession, it could not be valid. He 
" sent to Rome an attested transcript of that league : 
" so if the pope would refer the judging in this mat- 
" ter to the church of England, and ratify the sen- 
*^ tence given in it, he will not only acquire the obe- 
" dience of us and of our people, but pacify the dis- 
" putes that have been raised, to the quiet of all 
" Christendom. He concludes, that if the pope 
" seemed disposed to be benevolent to the king, 
" they were not to declare all this as his final an- 

M 4 



168 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « swer, but to assure him^ that he would study by 

1 — " all honourable ways to concur with the pope's to- 

1531. « wardly mind, if he will earnestly apply himself 
<< and persevere in such opinion as may be for the 
^^ acceleration of the said cause." This is all that I 
can find of the submission that he offered ; but how 
much further his promises sent by the bishop of 
Paris went, does not appear to me. 
Duke of To quicken the court of France to interpose ef- 
letter to' fectually with the pope^ to bring this matter to the 
^"^^' conclusion that all the papists of England laboured 
earnestly for, the duke of Norfolk wrote on the 27th 
of January a very full letter on the subject to Mont- 
^ ^^' morancy. " He was glad that the bishop of Paris 
<< was sent to Rome, with instructions expressing 
'* the entire union that was between the two kings. 
" He wished he might succeed ; for if the pope 
^* would persist in his obstinacy to favour the em- 
peror, and to oppress the king in his most just 
cause^ an opposition to his authority would be un- 
" avoidable : and it would give occasions to many 
" questions, greatly to his prejudice, and against his 
*' usurpations. It began to be believed, that the 
" pope had no authority out of Rome, any more 
" than any other bishop has out of his diocese : and 
that this usurped authority grew by the permis- 
sion of princes, blinded by popes ; who, contrary 
to the laws of God, and the good of the church, 
" had maintained it. To support this, many clear 
" texts of scripture were brought, with reasons 
" founded on them : and many histories were al- 
leged to prove, that popes themselves were made 
by the emperors; and that their authority was 
" only suffered, but not granted nor confirmed by 












THE REFORMATION. 169 



'^empercnrs or kings. Of all this the bishops, and book 
** other doctors, had made such discoveries, that he ' 



''himself, and other noblemen, as well as the bodj '^^^* 
** of the people, were so convinced of it, that, if the 
" king would give way to it, (which, if no interposi- 
^ iion saves it, probably he will do,) this present 
** parliament will withdraw from the pope's obe- 
** dience ; and then every thing that depends on it 
'^ will be hated and abhorred by the whole nation : 
*^ and other states and kingdoms may from thence 
*^ be moved to do the same. He, out of the friend- 
'^ ship that was between them, gave him this adver- 
^ tisement. He apprehended some ill effects from 
*^ the readiness the king of France had expressed 
" to favour the pope, even to the prejudice of his 
^ own authority : for he had taken a bull to do jus- 
^ tice in his own kingdom ; as if he had not full au- 
" thority to do that without a bull. The pope and 
^his successors might make this a precedent for 
"usurping on the royal authority. He also com- 
" plains, that though their king had promised to the 
" eari of Rochford, that Beda, who had calumniated 
^ the king so much, and was his enemy in his just 
"cause, should be banished, not only from Paris, 
" but out of his kingdom ; yet he was now suddenly 
" recalled. He wishes these things may be consi- 
" dered in time ; he does not propose that the king 
" of France should turn the pope's enemy ; but if 
" there came a rupture between the king and the 
" pope, that he would not so favour the pope, as to 
" give him more boldness in executing his malice 
" against the king, or his subjects : and that they 
" might not be deceived by his promises, as if he 
" would enable Francis to recover his dominions in 



170 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** Italy, if he should be thereby engaged to lose the 
' ** friendship of the king and his allies/' 



1531. 'pijjg came in time to quicken the court of FVance; 

Cotton lib. ^ 

Viteu. B. for, by a letter writ from Rome on the 20th of Fe- 
Tbe pope bruary, it appears, that the pope was at that time 
J[^iyf***in great anxiety. He was pressed hard by the im- 
perialists on the one hand, and he saw the danger of 
losing England on the other hand. To some about 
him he expressed a great inclination to be reconciled 
to the king: he sent secretly for some great law- 
yers ; they were positive that the king^s cause was 
just, and that his second marriage was good. But 
pow the matter being brought to a crisis, I shall 
give it in the words of Du Bellay, who no doubt had 
Mem. Da his information frt)m his brother. *' King Hemy, 
4i4> 415! ** upon the remonstrances that the bishop of Paris 
^' ' ^' made to him, condescended, that, if the pope 
would supersede the sentence till he sent judges 
to hear his matter, he would supersede the exe- 
cuting that which he was resolved to do ; which 
was, to separate himself entirely from obedience to 
the see of Rome. And the bishop of Paris ofFer- 
** ing to undertake the journey to Rome, he assured 
^' him, that when he obtained that which he went to 
*^ demand there, he would immediately send him 
" sufficient powers to confirm that which he had 
" promised ; trusting in him, by reason of the great 
*^ friendship that he had for so long a time borne 
** him ; for he had been ambassador in his court for 
** two years. 

" It was a very severe winter ; but the bishop 

** thought the trouble was small, so he might accom- 

Beiiay was " pUsh that which he went upon. So he came in 

Rome, io ** good time to Rome, before any thing was done ; 



€i 

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THE REFORMATION. 171 

^ and, in an audience in the consistory, he gave an book 

** account of that which he had obtained of the king ! 

^ of England, for the good of the church. The pro-^ '^^^J* 
''position was judged reasonable, and a time was°''^«*>p 
^ assigned him for getting the king's answer : so he 
** despatched a courier to the king, with a charge to 
^use such diligence, that he might return within 
^ the time limited. 

•* The day that was set for the return of the mes-The fima 
** senger being come, and the courier not come back, ^ren^ 
•*the imperialists pressed in consistory, that the ^^'^^ **'^* 
^pope should give sentence. The bishop, on the 
^ other hand, pressed both the pope in particular, 
^ and all the cardinals, that they would continue 
^ the time only for six days ; alleging, that some 
^ accident might have happened to the courier : the 
** sea might not be passable, or the wind contrary ; 
^so that, either in going or coming, the courier 
" might be delayed : and since the king had pa- 
"tience for six years, they might well grant him 
"a delay for six days. He made these remon- 
** strances in full consistory ; to which many of 
' ** those who saw the clearest, and judged the best 
" of things, condescended : but the greater number 
** prevailed over the lesser number of those, who 
** considered well the prejudice that was like to 
^ happen to the church by it ; and they went on 
" with that precipitation, that they did iti one con- 
" sistory that which could not be done in three con- 
** sistories ; and so the sentence was fulminated. 

" Two days had not passed, when the courier came The courier 
" with the powers and declarations from the king of days too 
** England, of which the bishop had assured them. ^*^' 
** This did much confound those who had been for 



172 THE HISTORY OF 

PART " the precipitating the matter. They met often, to 
" see if they could redress that which they had spoil- 



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1531. u ^. |jy|. |.|jgy fQuud no remedy. The king of Eng- 
landy seeing with what indignity he was used, and 
that they showed as little regard to him as if he 
'* had been the meanest person in Christendom, did 
** immediately withdraw himself and his kingdom 
** from the obedience of the church of Rome ; and 
<' declared himself to be, under Grod, the head of ike 
" church qfEnglandr 
Le Grand, We havc a further account of this transaction in 
F^ber^'the letters that Mr. Le Grand has published. On 
tSTmiiter.the 22d of February, Raince, the French ambas- 
sador, wrote from Rome a letter full of good hopes : 
and it seems the bishop of Paris wrote in the same 
strain ; but his letter of the 23d of March is very 
different from that: it was on the same day that 
the consistory was held. " There were two and 
" twenty cardinals present when sentence was given; 
" by which king Henry's marriage with queen Ka- 
" therine was declared good and valid, and the issue 
" by it lawful. Upon hearing the news of this, he 
went and asked the pope about it, who told him it 
was true ; but that though some would have had 
it immediately intimated, he had delayed the or- 
dering that till after Easter. He, with the other 
" French ambassadors, made no answer to the pope: 
*^ only the bishop of Paris told him, he had no other 
" business there ; so he must return home again. 
** They did not put the pope in mind of the pro- 
" mises and assurances he had given them to the 
" contrary, when they saw it was to no purpose ; 
" and it was not easy to say such things as the oc- 
*' casion required : but the bishop intended to speak 






THE REFORMATION. 17» 

** more plainly to the pope when he should take his book 

* leave of him, which would be within three or four 1— 

"days. He adds, that, for some reasons, which ^^^^" 

" he would tell the French king, they were in doubt 

" whether that which was done was not conform 

** to a secret intention of the king's, that was not 

" made known to them. He apprehended, if he 

^ stayed longer there, it might give the king of Eng- 

** land cause of suspicion : for he had by his last let- 

** ters to him given him assurances, upon which per- 

" haps he had dismissed his parliament ; for which 

^ he would be much displeased with the bishop. 

" He desires the king will give advice of this with 

** all diligence to king Henry ; and then all the 

" world would see, that the king had done all that 

''was possible for him to do, both to serve his 

"^ friend, and to prevent the great mischief that 

''might follow to the church, and to all Christen- 

" dom : for there was not any one thing omitted 

** that could have been done. The imperialists were 

" running about the streets in great bodies, crying, 

" Empire and Spaing as if they had got a victory ; 

^ and had bonfires and discharges of cannon upon it. 

" The cardinals Trevulce, Rodolphe, and Priane 

" were not of that number ; others had not behaved 

" themselves so well as was expected. Raince, one 

" of the ambassadors, said, he would give himself to 

" the Devil if the pope should not find a way to 

" set all right that is now spoiled : he pressed the 

" other ambassadors to go again to the pope for that 

" end, it being a maxim in the canon law, that ma- 

" trimonial causes are never so finally judged but 

" that they may be reviewed : they were assured 

" that the pope was surprised in this, as well as he 



i 



174 THE HISTORY OP 

PART « had been in the first sentence passed in this mat- 
*^ ter. The pope had been all that night advising 



« 



1531. u ^^jj i^ doctors how to find a remedy, and was in 
great pain about it : upon the knowledge of this 
they were resolved to go to him, and see if any 
thing was to be expected. In a postscript, he tdb 
the king that he ought not to think it strange, if 
in their last letters they gave other hopes of the 
opinions of the cardinals, than appeared now by 
MeL Hift *< their votes : they took what they wrote to him 
'* " " from what they said, which they heard ; and not 
*' from their thoughts, which they could not know.** 
By a letter that Pompone Trevulce wrote from 
Lyons to the bishop of Auxerre, it appears, that the 
bishop of Paris passed through Lyons in his return 
on the 14th, two days before. *^ In it he gave him 
^^ the same account of the final sentence, that was 
formerly related : the bishop said to him, it was 
not the pope's fault, for he was for a delay ; and 
if they had granted a delay of six days, the king 
of England would have returned to the obedi- 
ence of the apostolic see, and left his cause to be 
*^ proceeded in according to justice ; but the impe- 
" rialists and their party in the consistory pressed the 
** matter so, that they would admit of no delay : but 
" when after sc day the courier came, the imperialists 
" themselves were confounded. He adds one thing 
" that the bishop told him of his brother the cardi« 
** nal, that he pressed the delay so eaniestly, that he 
" was reproached for it, and called a Frenchman : 
" he avowed that he was a servant to the most 
Christian king, and that the king of France, and 
his predecessors, had never done any thing but 
good to the apostolic see." 






« 
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THE REFORMATION. 175 

And now I have laid together all the proceedings book 
in the matters relating to the king's divorce, and his 



breach with the court of Rome. In opening all this, «^^^^* 
I have had a great deal of light given me by the on this 
papers that Mr. Le Grand has published, and by the 
book that he gave me; for which, whatever other 
differences I may have with him, I return him in 
diis public way my hearty thanks. There appears 
to have been a signal train of providence in the 
whole progress of this matter, that thus ended in a 
total rupture. The court of Rome, being overawed 
by the emperor, engaged itself far at first ; but when 
the pope and the king of France were so entirely 
imited as they knew they were, it seems they were 
under an infatuation from God to carry their author- 
ity so far at a time, in which they saw the king of 
England had a parliament incUned to support him 
m his breach with Rome. It was but too visible^ 
that the king would have given all up, if the pope 
would have done him but common justice. But 
I when the matter was brought so near a total union, 
an entire breach followed, in the very time in which 
it was thought all was made up. Those who fa- 
voured the reformation saw all their hopes, as it 
seemed, blasted; but of a sudden all was revived 
^;ain. This was an amazing transaction ; and how 
little honour soever this full discovery of all the steps 
made in it does to the memory of king Henry, who 
retained his inclinations to a great deal of popery to 
the end of his life ; yet it is much to the glory of 
God^s providence, that made the persons most con- 
cerned to prevent and hinder the breach, to be the 
Tery persons that brought it on, and in a manner 
forced it. 



176 THE HISTORY OF 

PA RT The sentence was given at Rome on the £8d of 
March, on the same day in which the act of the sue- 



1531. 



cession to the crown of England did pass here in 
England: and certainly the parliament was ended 
before it was possible to have had the news from 
Rome of what passed in the consistory on the 28d 
of March; for it was prorogued on the SOth of 
March. So that if king Henry's word had been 
taken by the pope and the consistory, he seems to 
have put it out of his power to have made it good, 
since it is scarce possible to think, that a parliament 
that had gone so far in the breach with Rome^ 
could have been prevailed on to undo all that thej 
had been doing for four years together. 
All in Eng. Nothing material passed in convocation before the 
to renounce 31st of March, and then the actuary exhibited the 
luuSrity! answer of the lower house to this question. Whether 
the bishop of Rome has any greater jurisdicttM 
given him by God in the holy scriptures^ within 
the kingdom of England, than a?iy other fore^ 
bishop f There were thirty-two for the negative^ 
four for the affirmative, and one doubted. It was 
a thin house, and no doubt many absented them- 
selves on design : but it does not appear how this 
passed in the upper house, or whether it was at aU 
debated there ; for the prelates had by their votes 
in the house of lords given their opinions already in 
the point. The convocation at York had the same 
position, no more made a question, put to them on 
the 5th of May : there the archbishop's presidents 
were deputed by him to confirm and fortify this. 
After they had examined it carefully, they did all 
unanimously, without a contrary vote, agree to it; 
ui>on which an instrument was made by the arch- 



THE REFORMATION. 177 

mbapf and sent to the king, which will be found in book 
'he Collection, as it was taken out of the register of 



Collect. 

The king sent the same question to the university ^^^^' a^- 
]f Oxford, and had their answer. That part of the 
king's letter that relates to this^ matter, and the uni- 
rersity^s answer, were sent me, taken from the ar- 
ddres there, by the learned Mr. Bingham; which 
irill be found in the Collection. The king required collect. 
tfaem to examine the question sent by him to them, ^"°'^* '^' 
oniceming the power and primacy of the bbhop of 
Rome, and return their «answer under the common 
seal, with convenient speed; according to the sin- 
cere truth. Dated from Greenwich the 18th day of 
May. The answer is directed to all the sons of 
their mother-church, and is made in the name of 
fbe bishop of Lincoln their chancellor, and the whole 
OQDTOcation of all doctors, and masters-regents, and 
BOD-regents. ^* It sets forth, that whereas the king 
^ had received the complaints and petitions of his 
" parliament against some intolerable foreign exac- 
" tions ; and some controversies being raised con- 
" ceming the power and authority of the bishop of 
" Rome, the king, that he might satisfy his people, 
** bat not break in upon any thing declared in the 

* scriptures, (which he will be always most ready to 
" defend with his blood,) had sent this question to 
^ them, (setting it down in the terms in which it was 
"• proposed to the convocation.) They upon this, 
" to make all the returns of duty and obedience to 
" the king, had brought together the whole faculty 
^ of divinity : and for many days they had searched 

* the scriptures, and the most approved commenta- 
^ tors ; and had collated them diligently, and had 

VOL. III. N 



178 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « held public disputations on the matter : and at 
' ^* last they had all unanimously agreed, that the 
1531. (( bishop of Rome has no greater jurisdiction given 
** him by God, in the holy scriptures, in this king* 
<< dom of England, than any other foreign bishop. 
^' This determination, made according to the sta- 
" tutes of their university, they affirm and testify 
** as true, certain, and agreeing to the holy scrips 
** tures." Dated on the 27th of June 1584.. Here 
was a long deliberation ; it lasted above five weeks 
after the king's letter, and was a very full and clear 
determination of the point. • 

To this I shall add the fullest of all the subscript 
tions, instruments, and oaths that was made, pur- 
suant to these laws and decrees of convocation. I 
have seen several others to the same purpose; of 
which Rymer has published many instruments, all 
from page 487 to page 5279 of ecclesiastics, r^j^tf- 
lars as well as seculars, mendicants and carthu^ 
sians : but that from the prior and chapter of Wor- 
cester being much the fullest of them all, I shall 
Collect, only insert it in my Collection, and leave out aU the 
Numb. 28. j.gg^^ ^jj^^ J jjjjjy ^Q^ weary the reader with a heavy 

repetition of the various forms, in which some ex- 
patiated copiously, to show their zeal for the king's 
authority, and against the papacy; which was looked 
on then as the distinguishing character of those who 
designed to set on a further reformation : whereas 
those who did adhere to their former opinions, 
thought it enough barely to sign the proposition, 
and to take the oath prescribed by law. 
An order There was likewise an order published, but how 
diii^ of soon it does not appear to me ; Strype says, in June 
Jrewhing.'* 1534 ; it was before queen Anne's tragical fall, di- 



THE REFORMATION. 179 

Tecdng the bidding prayers for the king, as the only book 



and supreme head of this catholic church of Eng 1— 

land; then for queen Anne, and then for the lady ^^^^' 
Elizabeth, daughter to them both, our princess ; and 
no further in the presence of the king and queen : 
but in all other places they were to pray for all arch- 
bishops and bishops, and for the whole clergy, and 
such as shall please the preacher to name of his de- 
votion; then for all the nobility, and such as the 
preacher should nanf^ ; then for the souls of them 
that were dead, and such of them as the preacher 
shall name. Every preacher was ordered to preach 
once, in the greatest audience, against the usurped 
authority of the bishop of Rome ; and he was left 
after that to his liberty : no preachers were in the 
pulpit to inveigh against, or to deprave one another; 
if they had occasion to complain, they were to do it 
U) the king, or the bishop of the diocese. They 
were not to preach for or against purgatory, the 
honouring of saints, that faith only justifieth, to go 
on pilgrimages, or to support miracles : these things 
bad occasioned great dissensions, but those were then 
well pacified. They were to preach the words of 
Christ, and not mix with them men's institutions, 
or to make (rod's laws and men's laws of equal 
authority; or to teach that any man had power to 
dispense with (rod's law. It seems there was a sen- 
tence of excommunication with relation to the laws 
and liberties of the church published once a year, 
i^inst all such as broke them ; this was to be no 
more published. The collects for the king and 
queen by name were to be said in all high masses : 
they were likewise to justify to the people the king's 
last marriage, and to declare how ill the king had 

X 2 



180 THE HISTORY OF 

PART been used b7 the pope in all that matter, with the 

' proofs of the unlawfulness of his former marriage ; 

l^^l- and a long deduction was made of the process at 
Rome, and of all the artifices used b7 the pope to 
get the king to subject himself to him, which I need 
not relate : it contains the substance of the whole 
cause, and the order of the process formerij set 
Collect, forth : I have put it in the Collection. All that is 
* particular in it is, that the l^ing affirms, that a de» 
cretal buU was sent over, dec/eeing, that if the finv 
mer marriage was proved, and if it did appear, that 
as far as presumptions can prove it, that it was con- 
summated, that marriage was to be held unlawfiil and 
null. This bull, after it was seen by the king, was, 
by the bishop of Rome's commandment, embezzled 
by the cardinals. He adds another particular, wfaidi 
I find no where but here ; that the pope gave out a 
sentence in the manner of an excommunication and 
interdiction of him and his realm : of which com- 
plaint being made, as being contrary to all law and 
right, the fault was laid on a new officer lately come 
to the court ; who ought to have been punished for 
it, and the process was to cease: but thou^ this 
was promised to the king's agents, yet it went on» 
and was set up in Flanders. Perhaps the words in 
the bishop of Paris's last letter, that the pope was 
surprised in the last sentence, as he had been in the 
first, are to be explained and applied to this. He 
also mentions the declarations that the pope had 
made to the French king and his council, of what 
he would gladly do for the king, allowing the just* 
ness of his cause ; and that he durst not do it at 
Rome for fear of the emperor, but that he would 
come and do it at Marseilles ; and there he promised 



THE REFORMATION. 181 

to that king to give judgment for the king: so he book 
would send a proxy, which he knew before that he 



would not do. nor was he bound to do it. ^^^^* 

Thus the king took care to have his cause to be 
fiiUy set forth to all his own subjects : his next care 
was to have it rightly understood by all the princes 
of £urope. I have found the original instructions 
that he gave to Paget, then one of the clerks of the 
signet, whom he sent to the king of Poland, and the 
dukes of Pomerania and Prussia, and to the cities of 
Dantaac, Stetin, and C!oningsburg ; and it is to be 
supposed, that others were sent to other princes and 
cities with the like instructions, though they have 
not oome in my way. I have put them in the Col- 
lection. By these, coiiect. 
^ Their old friendship was desired to be renewed; iiutmc 
** the rather, because the king saw they were setting JlTJ^llJ*" 
•* themselves to find out the truth of God's word, and •*'°* *** 

' some 

" the justice of his laws ; and the extirpation of such northern 
^ corrupt errors and abuses, by which the world has 
^ been kept slaves under the yoke of the bishop of 
•• Rome, more than the Jews were under the cere- 
^ monies of Moses's law. The king orders Paget to 
^ let them understand his great desire to promote, 
^ not only a firiendship with them, but the common 
good of all Christendom : he orders him to give 
them an account of the whole progress of his cause 
of matrimony, with the intolerable injuries done 
him by the bishop of Rome, and the state in which 
^ that matter then stood. He was first to show them 
** the justice of the king's cause, then to open the 
steps in which it had been carried on. Here all 
the ailments against his marriage are stated, to 
make it appear to be contrary both to the laws of 

N 8 



u 
u 

M 






it 
tt 

t€ 
it 



ii 

a 
a 
a 
a 



18* THE HISTORY OP 

PART << God, of nature, and of men. In this the king did 

! — ^' not follow his own private opinion, nor that of the 

1631. a whole clergy of his realm; but that of the most 
*^ famous universities of Christendom : and there- 
fore, by the consent of his whole parliament, and 
by the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, 
he has, for the discharge of his own conscience, 
and the good of his people, and that he might 
have a lawful successor to rule over them, sepa- 
** rated himself from the princess dowager, and was 
then married to queen Anne ; of whom follows a 
very exalted character, setting forth the purity of 
her life, her constant virginity, her maidenly and 
womanly pudicity, her soberness, her chastenesst 
her meekness, her wisdom, her descent of noUe 
** parentage, her education in all good and lawful 
*^ shows and manners, her aptness to procreation of 
^* children, with her other infinite good qualities, 
" which were more to be esteemed than only pro- 
" geny. If any should object to this second mar- 
" riage, as contrary to the pope's laws ; he asserts, 
" that every man's private conscience is to him the 
** supreme court for judgment : so the king was satis- 
" fied in his own conscience, that, being enlightened 
" by the Spirit of God, and afterwards by the means 
** formerly set forth, he was judged to be at liberty 
" from his former marriage, and free to contract a 
new one. The king also took great pains to 
satisfy the world, by long travel and study, with 
*^ inestimable cost and charges, though he had no 
" fruit from it all. Upon this head, Paget was to 
" set forth the pope's ungodly demeanour in the 
•* whole progi-ess of the king's cause ; keeping him 
•* off by delays for seven years and more. At first 






THE REFORMATION. 188 

** the pope, instead of judging the matter himself, book 



" sent a commission to England to try it, Tidth full _ 
** powers, pretending that it could not be judged at '^^^' 
** Rome. He gave with these a decretal bull, in 
^ which he pronounced sentence, that the king 
^ might {convolare ad secundas nuptias) marry 
** another wife ; yet he gave the legate secret direc- 
^ tions not to proceed bj virtue of the decretal buU, 
* nor to give sentence. He wrote a letter to the 
^ king with his own hand, in which he approved 
^ of the king's cause, and promised to the king, on 
^ the word of the pope, that he would not avocate 
** the cause, but leave it in its due course ; yet after- 
** wards, contrary to his conscience and knowledge, 
^ he decreed several citations against the king to 
^ appear at Rome, to the subversion of the royal 
^ dignity : or to send a proxy, which cannot be 
^justified by any colour of reason. He cites the 
" councils of Nice, Afric, and Milevi, against ap- 
^ peals to remote places. It was not reasonable to 
^ send original instruments, and other documents, 
*' to a distant place ; nor, in a matter of conscience, 
•* could a man give such a power to a proxy, by 
^ which he was bound to stand to that which he 
** should agree to. It was fit that all princes should 
^consider what an attempt this made upon their 
"dignity, for the pope to pretend that he could 
** oblige them to abandon their kingdoms, and come 
" and appear before him ; by which he might depose 
** kings, or rule them according to his own pleasure : 
** so that all this was not only unjust, but null of 
" itself. Dr. Kam being then at Rome, as the 
** king's subject, he offered a plea excusatory ; yet 
** this was not regarded by the dean of the rota, 

n4 



184 THE HISTORY OF 

FART << who in that acted as he wad directed hj the pope: 

! — << pretending he had no powers from the king, which 

1531. « i^y, ji^^ y^^ j^Q^ necessary for an ercmsator. Kam 

** had appealed to the pope : to this Capisucchi gave 
^ an ambiguous answer^ promising to give a more de- 
*< terminate one afterwards, which yet he never did; 
<< but upon a second appeal the cause was brought 
** into the consistory, and thero it was judged that 
*< Kara could not be heard, unless he had a proxy 
** from the king : and when Kara objected that such 
^ proceeding was against law> the pope answered^ 
^ that he might judge all things according to his 
<< own conscience ; and so they resolved to proceed 
<< in the main cause. At that time the king's am- 
^ bassadors at Rome showed the pope the determi- 
<' nation of the universities of Paris aiid (Means, 
'* with the opinions of the most learned men in 
France and Italy, condemning the p<^'s pro- 
ceedings as unjust and null ; the words of their 
opinion being inserted in the instructions: yet 
the pope still went on, and sent out slanderous 
'^ breves against the king, and designed to excom- 
municate him. To prevent that, the king did 
order a provocation and appeal to be made from 
the pope to a general council, and caused it to be 
** intimated to the pope, but he would not admit it ; 
** and pretended, that, by a bull of pope Pius's, that 
was condemned : and that he was superior to all 
general councils. He rejected it arrogantly, say- 
ing, they were heretics and traitors to his person 
who would appeal from him to any general council. 
It appeared evidently that the pope, for the defence 
of his own glory and ambition, regarded not what 
injuries he did to Christian princes : so they were 






« 



(ft 

(ft 



THE REFORMATION. 186 

ill obliged now to be on their guard against such book 
nuTasions of their authority. For these reasons 



**thc king was resolved to reduce that exorbitant ^ 
*^ power which the pope had assumed within due 
** limits : so that in his dominions he shall exercise 
^ no other jurisdiction than what is granted to him 
** by express words of scripture. Paget was to open 
^ all these things to those princes and states> desir- 
^ iog that they would adhere to the king in this 
^ matter, till it should come to be treated of in a 
** general council: and in the mean time to give 
^ him their best assistance and advice, especiaUy in 
^ some articles, of which a schedule was to be given 
** him, signed with the king's hand, which he was 
'* to communicate to them as he should find it con- 
** venient. They related to some abuses and cus- 
** tcMDs which seemed necessary to be reformed : and 
** if they would propose any other, Paget was to re- 
" ceive their mind, and to assure them, that the 
** king, as he desired their assistance in his causes 
'^ and quarrels, so he would kindly admit of whatso- 
" ever they should propose, and would endeavour to 
*' extirpate all abuses against God's word and laws ; 
** and to do all that lay in him for the reformation 
" thereof, for the maintenance of God's word, the 
" faith of Christ, and the welfare of Christendom." 

But because the king did not know what the mind 
of those princes might be, nor how far they were de- 
voted to the pope, Paget was to try to find out their 
inclinations, before he should deliver the king's let* 
ters to them ; and so to proceed according to his dis- 
cretion, to deliver, or not to deliver his letters, or to 
show his instructions to them. What followed upon 
this, and how it was executed, does not appear. 



186 THE HISTORY OP 

PART The judicious and diligent Sechendorf, in his His- f 
. tory of Lutheranism, gives an account of a negotia- ;• 



L-iitVi *^^^ ^^ Paget's, two years before this. Cranmer, ^^ 
pwr. 16. who was then the king's ambassador at the empe- P 
Negotu- ror's court, met with John Fpederick, elector of Sax- [ 
GkirauloT ^^7' ^^ Noremberg, who had secretly left the diet ? 
of Ratisbon ; and there he delivered letters from the 
king, both to the elector, to the duke of Lunenberg, 
and to the prince of Anhalt ; which contained only 
a general offer of friendship. Cranmer came the 
next day to the elector, who had two of his minis- 
ters about him, and asked him many questions con- 
cerning their agreement with the state of religion, 
the Turkish war, and the church lands, which (as 
they heard) they had seized on. He said great 
things of the king, and of the aid he had offered the 
emperor against the Turk, in conjunction with the 
French king. He asked where Paget was, whom 
the king had sent to the elector. Greneral answers 
were made to all his questions; and for Paget, he 
had been with the elector the former year. This 
passed on to the 15th of July 1532. Four days 
after this, he came privately to Spalatin, one of the 
elector's secretaries, and assured him, that both the 
king and the French king would assist the elector 
and his allies in the matter of religion. In August 
after that, Paget came to the elector, who proposed 
many things to him concerning religion : but the 
princes had then come to an agreement with the 
emperor ; so they could enter into no treaty at that 
time. Only John Frederick did, in a writing under 
his own hand, offer the scheme of that which was 
afterwards proposed in their name to the king. 
All these negotiations were set on foot, pursuant 



THE REFORMATION. 187 

to a paper of advices offered to the king by Crom- book 
weU; in which there are divers marginal notes writ ^'' 



m the king's own hand, which will be found in the j^^^^^^ 

Collection. ** First, all the bishops were to be sent f^j*^ ^« 

** for, especially those nearest the court, to examine coueet. 

••them, Whether they can prove, that the pope is^""**-^'- 

** above the general council, or the council above 

" him ? And whether, by the law of God, he has any 

** authority in England ? Next, they are to be 

^ diarged to preach this to the people ; and to show, 

" that the pope's authority was an usurpation, grown 

^ up by the sufferance of princes. This ought to be 

" preached continually at Paul's Cross ; and the bi- 

^ shop of London was to suffer none to preach there 

^ but those who will set this forth. The same order 

^' was to be given to all other bishops, and to the 

^ rulers of the four orders of friars, particularly to 

** the friar observants, and to all abbots and priors. 

" The king's appeal was also to be set up on every 

*^ church door in England, that so none may pretend 

'* ignorance ; as also the act against api)eals to Rome. 

** It was also proposed, that copies of the king's ap- 

" peal might be sent to other realms, particularly to 

" Flanders. A letter was also proposed, complain- 

" ing of all the injuries done the king by the pope ; 

" to be written to him by all the lords spiritual and 

" temporal. The king writes on the margin, iVb^ 

" yet done ; nor can it well he done before the par- 

" liament. To send spies into Scotland, to see what 

" practices were there : on the margin the king's 

" orders ; Letters to he written to the lord Dacres^ 

" the duke of Norfolk^ mid »ir Thomas Clifford. 

" To send to the kings of Poland and Hungary, the 

"^ dukes of Saxony and Bavaria, the landgrave of ^ 



188 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << Hesse, and the three ecclesiastical electors: on 
^ the margin the king writes. In ike kin^s arbitre* 



1534. u ment This, it seems, gave the occasion of sending 
^ Paget. The like proposed for the Hans towns: 



^* on the margin, in the king's hand, To knew 
" of the king. To remember the merchant-adyen- i 
<^ turers, chiefly those of Brabant : on the margin, 
^ This is already done. Then it is proposed, that '\ 
** an order be given for establishing the princess ' 
** dowager's house, and the lady Mary's, and for my 
*^ lady princess's house : this was Elizabeth's. To 
^ this, on the margin, it is written by the king. The 
" order is tahenr 
Collect. In June, in the year 1535, after the parliament 
A^ter^of ^^^ settled every thing demanded of them, the king 
the king'* published a circular letter, which will be found in 

to the JUS- ^ 

tices, to ob- the Collcction, taken from the original. '^ In which, 

serve the 

behaTioar ^' after hc had set forth that both clergy and tempo- 

ciergy. '^ ralty had abolished the bishop of Rome's usurpa^ 

^^ tions, and had united to the crown the dignity of 

" supreme head in earth of the church of Eng- 

** land ; which was also approved in convocation, 

and confirmed by their oaths and subscriptions: 

he adds, that, considering what quiet would follow 

" in the nation, if the bishops and clergy would sin- 

** cerely, and without dissimulation, publish the many 

'^ and great abuses of the pope's usurpation ; he had 

^' sent letters to all bishops, charging them, not only 

^ in their own persons, but by their chaplains, to 

preach the true and sincere word of Grod to the 

people, and to give warning to all ecclesiastical 

persons to do the same; and to cause the pope's 






if 



^Vname to be razed out of all the books of divine ser- 
*^ vice. He had also required the justices of peace to 



I 



THE REFORMATION. 189 

^examine whether the bishops and clergy did this book 

"ancerely; or whether they did it coldly, or feign* '- — 

^ edly ; or used any addition or gloss to it. Upon all • 

^ this, the king requires them, at their assizes and ses- 

*^ douSf to make diligent search, whether the bishops 

" and clei^ do their duty sincerely. Likewise, at 

^ their meetings, they were to set the same forth to 

*^ the people; and also declare the treasons committed 

^ by the bishop of Rochester and sir Thomas More, 

^ who by divers secret practices intended to breed 

^ among the people most mischievous opinions ; for 

*^ which they, with some others, had suffered as they 

** deserved. He requires them, if they found any 

^ fault or dissimulation in any person, that they 

^ should immediately signify it to the king and his 

^ council, as that which was of the greatest moment 

** to the quiet of the kingdom ; threatening such pu- 

^ nishment of those who were negligent in this, as 

^ would make them examples to all others : and he 

^ chains them upon their allegiance to obey all this 

" punctually." 

But it seems this had not the effect that was ex- Collect. 
pected ; therefore in April after this, a new letter or ""* ' 
proclamation was writ to some of the nobility, setting 
finrth that he had heard that some, both regulars 
and seculars^ did secretly extol the authority of the 
bishop of Rome, praying for him in the pulpit, and 
making him a god, preferring his power and laws 
to Grod's most holy laws. The king therefore, out 
of his desire to maintain unity and quiet among his 
people, and to bring them to the knowledge of the 
truth, and to be no more blinded with superstition 
and false doctrine, required them, that wheresoever 
they found any person spreading such pernicious 



190 THE HISTORY OF 

PART doctrines, to the exaltation of the bishop of Rome, 
to cause them to be apprehended and put in prison 



1535. without bail or mainprise. 
The arch- Among the bishops, all were not equally honest, 
York b^iiu- nor zealous. Lee, archbishop of York, and Gardiner, 
&i^ tL ^^^ those in whom the old leaven had the deepest 
P*^- root : so the king being informed that Lee, though 
he had given in his profession, subscribed and sealed 
by him, yet did not his duty in his diocese and pro- 
vince, neither in teaching himself, nor causing others 
to teach the people, conform to what was settled both 
in convocation and parliament, sent him orders both 
to preach these things, and to order all other eccle- 
siastical persons in his province to do the same. 
Upon this he wrote a long vindication of himself in 
couect. June 1535, which will be found in the Collection. 

HeTwtfto " ^^ ^^ ^^'^'^ ^° ^^ *^^ complaints that the king 
himtcif. ft signified had been made of him, with the orders 
^' that he had received from the king, and then sets 
" out his own conduct. He acknowledges he had 
" received, at the end of the last parliament, a book 
" sent from the archbishop of Canterbuiy, as a book 
" of orders for preaching : (probably that which is 
" the 28th paper in the Collection.) Upon his re- 
** ceiving it, he went on Sunday next to York, and 
" there he set forth the cause of the king's marriage, 
" and the rejecting the pope's authority, very fully : 
" and, that this might be done the more publicly, he 
" had caused it to be published at York the Sunday 
*' before that he would be there, and so took care to 
" have a full audience : so that there was a great 
" multitude there. His text was, / have married 
" a wj/by and therefore I cannot come : and he so 
*^ declared the king's matters, that all seemed satis- 



THE REFORMATION. 191 

"fied. It is true he did not touch the title of the book 

** king as the supreme head, for there was no order 

"given as to that, for it was thus only ordered to ^^^• 
" have it named in the prayer. It is true he did not 
" use to bid prayers, for the greater haste to utter 
^ his matter. But upon the receipt of that book, he 
'' commanded his officers to make out a great num- 
** ber of them, to be sent to every preacher in his 
'< diocese : and by aU that he ever heard, every one 
** of his curates followed that book, and has done 
•* their duty in every particular enjoined in it : he 
** took care that all who preached in their churches 
<' should follow the rules prescribed in it. He also 
'' sent a book to every house of friars. And for the 
^ religious, when any such person came to him, nam- 
** ing particularly the carthusians and the observ- 
^ ants, for counsel, he told them what he had done 
^ himself, and advised them to do the same. On 
** Qood-Friday last, he had ordered the collect for 
" the pope to be left out ; and also the mentioning 
" him in other parts of the service : he desired the 
" king would examine these things, and he would 
^' find he was not so much in fault as he imputed it 
" to him. He had been hitherto open and plain, and 
" had never deceived the king. He had also sent let- 
" ters to the bishops of Duresme and Carlisle, pur- 
" suant to the letters that he had from the king : 
" and had charged his archdeacons to see that all 
"obedience might be given to the king's orders. 
** He bad, since he received the king's last letters, 
" on the Sunday following, declared to the people 
" every thing comprised in them. He refers himself 
** to Magnus and Lawson, two of the king's chap- 
" lains, who heard him, to make report of what they 



ti 



182 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « thought of it. Whatever he promised to the king 

! *^ he would fulfil it ; and he had done every thing 

1 535. €( Qg ^)|g ]^^]r|g commanded, and would still do it, so 

** Grod were not offended by it. He besought the 
^ king not to believe any complaints of him till he 
*' have heard his answer. Some thought it was a 
high sacrifice, when they could bring such a poor 
priest as he was under the king's displeasure : but 
** he trusted God would continue in him a gracious 
" mind to his priests and chaplains, and that he 
** would give their enemies, who studied to provoke 
** him against them, better minds for the future.** 
Of the snf. I havc no particulars to add to the relation I gave 

Ivrinn of 

FUherand of the Sufferings of Fisher and More. There are-- 
More. heavy things laid to their charge ; but except Fi- ? 
sher's being too much concerned in the business of ' 
the Nun of Kent, which was without doubt managed ' 
with a design to raise a rebellion in the nation, I do^ 
not find any other thing laid to his charge : and it 
does not at all appear that More gave any credit or 
countenance to that matter. Yet I have seen that 
often affirmed. In our own days, when things have 
happened both together, though the one did not by 
any sort of proof appear to be connected with the 
other, yet they have been represented as done in 
concert : so the conspiracy of the Nun, and those 
who managed that imposture, was given out both ati 
home and abroad as having its rise from Fisher,! 
who indeed knew of it, and seemed to give credit to J 
it; and from More, though he had no share at alii 
in it. i 

The king of France was not satisfied with thisj^ 
way of proceeding : he thought it too violent, andr 
that it did put things past all possibility of a recon-'t 



THE REFORMATION. 198 

dilation. He had answered for the king to the pope book 
at Marseilles^ and he was in such a concern for him. 



that the wrong steps he made reflected on himself. ^^^^' 
He told the king^s ambassador, that he advised the 
banishing of all such offenders, rather than the put- 
ting them to death. That king confessed there had 
been extreme executions and cruelty lately exer- 
cised in his own kingdom : but he was now putting 
a stop to it, and resolved to call home all those that 
had fled out of his kingdom. He had seen a rela- 
tion of More*s sufferings, by which it appeared that 
he exhorted his daughter to all duty and respect to 
the king, which made the proceedings against such 
a man to be the more censured. 

The ambassadors wrote this to the king soon after coutct. 
More's death. The king wrote, on the 28d of Au- Jy"i^^' 
gust, an answer from Thornbury to this purpose ;^^' 
** If the king of France had answered for the king, tuution 
** and had justified his cause, he had done what was^^^rtV 
"just and suitable to their friendship: the conspi-^™""* 
** racies of Fisher and More to sow sedition, and to 
** raise wars, both within and without the kingdom, 
** were manifestly proved to their face ; so that they 
** could not avoid, nor deny it. The relation he had 
^ seen concerning More's talk with his daughter at 
** his death was a forged story ; the king took it in 
" ill part that king Francis should so lightly give 
" ear and credit to such vain tales. This ungrate- 
■* fill behaviour showed that the king of France had 
•* not that integrity of heart that the king deserved, 
•• and might expect from him. Then follows a vin- 
•* dication of the laws lately made, which indeed were 
" only old laws revived. The banishing of traitors 

was no ways convenient : that was to send them 

VOL.. HI. o 



194 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « in places where they might more safely and oon- 
" veniently execute their conspiracies. Upon all 



1535. c( iirhich the ambassador was ordered to expostulate 

*' plainly, but discreetly, both with the king and 

** with the great master. There appears a strain of 

*^ coldness in the whole intercourse between the two 

'^ courts of France and England, ever from the in- 

'^ terview at Marseilles to this time." 

The king Popc Clement was now dead, with whom the king 

cngnget of France was more closely united: and he found 

•dhereto the king's friendship was yet so necessary to him, 

"e w^'il that he resolved to remove all jealousies : so, to give 

his second ^jjg VXmq, a full assurancc of his finnness to him, he 

mmrriage. ^ 

sent him a solemn engagement to adhere to him. It 
is true, I have seen only a copy of this ; but it is 
minuted on the back by Cromwell's hand, and is 
fairly writ out. There is no date set to it, but it 
was during queen Anne's life, and after pope Cle- 
ment's death; so probably it was sent over about this 
Collect, time. It will be found in the Collection. 

It begins thus ; " That both friendship and piety 
^^ did require that he should employ his whole 
'^ strength and authority to maintain the justice of 
" his dearest friend. The king of England, de^ 
*^ fender of the faith, lord of Ireland, and, under 
God, supreme head of the church of England, had 
by a dispensation, granted by pope Julius, con- 
" tracted a marriage in fact with Katherine of 
" Spain, relict of the king's elder brother Arthur, 
" and had one daughter yet living of that marriage: 
" that king, upon great and weighty reasons, well 
" known to king Francis, had withdrawn himself 
" from that marriage, and had lawfully and right- 
" fully married Anne, now his queen, of whom he 






1535. 



THE REFORMATION. 195 

^'hath issue the princess Elizabeth: and a debate book 
** had arisen concerning the dispensation, and the 
^ first marriage, and the legitimacy of the issue bj 
" it ; in which king Francis by many arguments did 
^ perceive, that the pope himself had not a due re- 
^'gard to equity; and that what by the iniquity 
'^ of the times, what by ill practice against all law 
''and right, many things were done. The king 
'^therefore consulted the men of the greatest in- 
^ tegrity in his kingdom, and the most learned both 
'^ m divinity and in the laws of the church ; whom 
** be charged to make a report to him according to 
^ their consciences, as in the sight of GoJ, having 
''first conferred among themselves fully upon the 
''whole matter: he does therefore, upon all their 
" unanimous opinion, clearly perceive that the dis- 
" pensation granted by the pope was in itself null, 
" both by reason of the surprise put on him by the 
" grounds pretended in it for obtaining it, but chiefly 
" because the pope could not dispense in that case ; 
" since such marriages are contrary to the laws of 
** Grod and of nature : for the pope has no authority 
" to dispense in that case ; so that the marriage be- 
" tween king Henry and queen Katherine was in- 
" cestuous and null, as contrary to the laws of God 
" and man ; and by consequence the lady Mary, bom 
" of that marriage, was illegitimate. And further, that 
•• the marriage the king has contracted with Anne, 
** now his queen, was holy, lawful, and good : and that 
" Elizabeth, bom of that marriage, and all the other 
^ issue that might come of it, was lawful, and ought 
" so to be esteemed. He adds, that many of the 
" cardinals, naming particularly the late cardinal of 
" Ancona, and even the late pope Clement himself, 

o2 



i 






it 

€€ 



196 THE HISTORY OF 

PART " did declare their own positiTe opinion to himself 

^ Iff 

• " personally at Marseilles, and frequently to his am- 
1535. « bassadorsy that the dispensation granted by pope 
** Julius, upon which the first marriage was made, 
*^ was null and void : and the pope would have de- 
clared this by a final and definitive sentence, if 
private affections and human regards had not 
*' stood in his way. All which that king did so- 
** lemnly declare. He therefore, looking on that dis- 
^^ pensation as null and void, and by consequence on 
the marriage contracted by that authority as unlaw- 
ful and incestuous, and on the lady Mary as in- 
capable to succeed, being bom in it ; did judge and 
affirm, that the marriage with queen Anne, and 
** the issue come, or to come from it, was lawful and 
*^ valid ; and that the just right of succeeding to the 
** crown was vested in the issue of that marriage : 
and that all judgments and censures either by the 
late pope Clement, or by any other judge, that 
were made and published, or that might hereafler 
" be made or published, were, and are null and void, 
" unjust, and unlawful. And he promised on the 
" word and faith of a king, and under the forfeiture 
** of all his goods, and of all the goods of his sub- 
" jects, in the form of a contract of guaranty, both 
" for himself and his heirs successors, that he, at all 
times, and in all places, particularly in all synods 
or general councils, and before all persons, and 
" against all men whatsoever that should oppose it, 
" of what rank or condition soever they might be, 
he would both by himself, and by his subjects, 
maintain and defend it, and (if need were) justify 
it, by a strong hand, and with all his forces. Nor 
" would he ever, for the future, publicly or privately, 



it 

ct 



it 






THE REFORMATION. 197 

^directly or indirectlj, go against it, or so much as book 
'^ attempt it, nor suffer it to be attempted by any 



** other, as much as in him lay." ^^^^• 

Here was as positive an assurance, as could be From 
put in words. And though princes have in former ;:.^^? j*** 
times, as well as in our own days, made bold with p*"^**- 
their promises and treaties; and have very easily 
thrown them off, or broke through them, without 
any appearance of great remorse or shame ; yet it 
must be confessed, that Francis did never, even in 
the war that he afterwards had with king Henry, 
depart from, or falsify this engagement. 



o 3 




BOOK III. 



BOOK 
111. 



Of what happened during ike time comprehended 
in the Third Book of the History of the Refor-- 
motion I from the year 1585, to king Henry's 
deaths anno 1546-7. 

King Henry seemed not a little pleased with his 
title of the Supreme Head of the Church of England ; 
rf which it was enacted, in the session of parliament 1535. 
that sat after the breach was made with Rome, that^^*°jj^ 
it should be for ever joined to the other titles of the pI*»^ 

^ with the 

crown, and be reckoned one of them. He ordered title of Sn- 
an office for all ecclesiastical matters, and a seal to Head. 
be cut ; which, in an inhibition sent to the archbi- 
shop, in order to a royal visitation of the whole 
clergy of all England, is, for aught I know, first 
mentioned. It is dated the 18th of September 1535; 
and, at the end, these words are added ; " Under 
^ our seal that we use in ecclesiastical matters, which 
•* we have ordered to be hereunto appended." 

The archbishop of Canterbury's title was also in The arch- 
convocation ordered to be altered: instead of the^*„^P.J*' 
title of leffate of the apostolic see, he was to be de- ^^^^ V"« 

^ '^ ^ ^ changed. 

ogned metropolitan, and primate. This last was 
one of his ancient titles. In that session, there was 
some discourse concerning heresy, and of some Eng- 
lish books ; in particular, of Tindall's books. And 
there was a book laid before them, with the title of 
a Primer ; of which there is no other account given, 

o 4 



200 THE HISTORY OF 

PART but that, from the rubrics of it, they suspected it 
was a book not fit to be published. This, it seems, 



1535. 



produced a petition to the king, that he would com- 
mand all heretical books to be caUed in, within a 
time limited ; and that he would appoint the scrip* 
ture to be translated in the vulgar tongue ; but that, 
though the laity might read it, yet they were to 
be required not to dispute concerning the catholic 
faith. 

cnnmer It is vcry probable, that a breach was upon this 

dioer^ occasion begun between Cranmer and Gardiner. 

P^J!^* The sharpness against heresy was probaUy supported 
by Gardiner; as the motion for the translation of 
the BiUe was by Cranmer. But when Cranmer, in 
order to an archiepiscopal visitation of the whde 
province, having obtained the king's license for it on 
the 28th of April, sent out his inhibition according 
to form, to the ordinaries during the visitation ; upcm 
this, Gardiner complained to the king of it, for two 
reasons. He thought the title of primate of Eng- 
land did derogate from the king's power. The other 
was, that since his diocese had been visited within 
five years last past, and was now to pay for ever 
tenths to the king, it ought not to be charged with 
this visitation. Of this Cromwell gave Cranmer 
notice. He on the 12th of May wrote a vindication 

Collect, of himself; which will be found in the Collection. 

Numb.37. << pj^ believed that Gardiner (who wanted neither 

Cranmer ^ ^ 

vindicates « law, invention, nor craft to set out his matters to 
" the best advantage) studied to value himself upon 
^^ his zeal for the king's supremacy, that so he might 
" seem more concerned for that than for himself. 
** Cranmer laid himself, and all his titles, at the 
^' king's feet ; but he wrote, why did not Gardiner 



THE REFORMATION. SOI 

<< move this sooner? for he had received his moni- book 
^ tion on the 20th of April. The pope did not think 



^ it lessened his supremacy, that he had many pri- 
'^ mates under him : no more did his title lessen the 
** king's supremacy. Gardiner knew well, that if 
^ the pope had thought those subaltern dignities had 
** weakened his supreme one, he would have got all 
^the bishops to be put on the level; there being 
"many contentions concerning jurisdiction in the 
" court of Rome. But if all the bishops of the king- 
** dom set no higher value on their styles and titles . 
^ than he did, the king should do in those matters 
" what he pleased : for if he thought that his style 
'^was in any sort against the king's authority, he 
"would b^ leave to lay it down. He felt in his 
" heart, that he had no sort of regard to his style or 
" title, further than as it was for the setting forth 
^ of God's word and will ; but he would not leave 
"any just thing at the pleasure of the bishop of 
" Winchester, he being no otherwise affectionate to 
" him than he was. In the apostles' days, there was 
** a Diotrephes, who loved the preeminence ; and he 
"had more successors than all the other apostles; 
"firom whom all glorious titles, and much pomp, 
" was come into the church. He wished that he, 
" and all his brethren, might leave all their styles, 
^and call themselves only the apostles of Jesus 
** Christ ; so that they took not the name vainly, but 
** were such indeed ; and did order their dioceses, so 
** that not parchment, lead, or wax, but the con- 
•* versation of their people, might be the seals of 
•* their office ; as St. Paul said the Corinthians were 
« to him." He answers the other part very fully ; 
but that will be found in the letter itself, it not 



1535. 



20a THE HISTORY OF 

PART being of that importance to deserve that any ab- 
"'• stract should be made of it. 

1535. It was soon observed, that there was a great fiuN- 
prooecd a. tion formed against any reformation in doctrine or 
Slho^n'i^ worship ; and that those who favoured and promoted 

SiSo"f*'' ^* ^^^ ^^ "^^ ^y ^^^ greater part of the bishops : 
of which I shall give one instance, and by it one 
may judge of the rest ; for I have seen many com- 
plaints to the same purpose. Barlow was, by queen 
Anne's favour, made prior of Haverford West, in 
Pembrokeshire. He set himself to preach the pore 
gospel there, and found many were very desirous to 
hear it ; but he was in danger of his life daily by 
reason of it : and an accusation being brought against 
him by a black friar there, set on by Rawlins then 
bishop of St. David's, who both rewarded him for it, 
and recommended him to the arches: for Barlow 
had appealed to the king. He owns, that, by Crom- 
well's favour, their design against him was defeated; 
but he having sent a servant home about business, 
the bishop's officers cited him to their courts, and 
ransacked his house ; where they found an English 
Testament, with an exposition of the sermon on the 
mount, and of some other parts of the New Testa- 
ment. Upon this, they clamoured against him as a 
heretic for it. They charged the mayor of the town 
to put him and some others in prison, seeking by all 
means to find witnesses against them ; but none ap- 
pearing, they were forced to let them go, but valued 
themselves upon this their zeal against heresy. He 
sets forth the danger that all were in, who desired 
to live according to the laws of God, as became 
faithful subjects : for in that multitude of monks, 
friars, and secular priests, that was then in those 






REFORMATION. SOS 

parts, there was not one that sincerely preached the book 

word of God, and very few that favoured it. He '. 

oomplaind of the enormous vices, fraudulent exac- ^^^^' 
tions, and heathenish idolatry, that was shamefiilly 
fomKvrted under the clergy's jurisdiction ; of which 
he offered to make full proof, if it should be de- 
manded and received : but that being done, he de- 
sired leave to remove from thence; for he could 
ndtber go home, nor stay there safely, without a 
spedal protection. This letter will be found in the 
Collection. couect 

Barlow was that year made bishop of St. Asaph, ''"°^^*- 
and the year after was translated to St. David's ; and 
was after that removed to Wells, but driven out by 
queen Mary ; and was made bishop of Chichester by 
queen Elizabeth, in which he lived ten years. 

The secret opposition that the bishops gave to the Tb« ■«*>- 
steps made towards a reformation, obliged Cromwell York mach 
to send many agents, in whom he trusted, up and*"*^***^* 
down the nation, to observe all men's tempers and 
behaviour. Legh, among others, being sent to York, 
did (in January) enjoin the archbishop, by an order 
from the king, to preach the word of God, and to 
set forth the king's prerogative. He also enjoined 
him to bring up to the king all the foundations of 
his see^ and all commissions granted to it. In these 
be did not doubt but they would find many things 
fit to be reformed : and he advised, that every bishop 
might be so ordered, that their dioceses might be 
better instructed and edified. That would establish 
them in their fidelity to the king, and to his succes- 
sion : but the jurisdictions might l3e augmented, or 
diminished, as should seem convenient. This letter, 
which will be found in the Collection, opens a design, Nun'S/35. 



a04 THE HISTORY OF 

PART that I find often mentioned, of calling in all the 

1— pope's bulls, and all the charters belonging to the 

^^^^- several sees, and regulating them all. But perhaps 
the first design being the suppressing the monaste- 
ries, it was not thought fit to alarm the secular 
clergy till that was once done: yet the order for 
sending up all bulls was at the same time generally 
executed. There is a letter of Tonstall's writ soon 

Collect, of^Qj. ^jjjg ^Q Cromwell, put in the Collection, in 

Nomb.40. ' '^ ' 

which he mentions the king's letters to all the bi- 
shops, to come up immediately after the feast of the 
purification, with all the bulls they had obtained 
from Rome at any time. But the king, considering 
that Tonstall had gone down but late, ordered Dr. 
Layton to write to him, that he needed not come 
up ; but advised, that he should write to the king 
that he was ready to do as other bishops did, and to 
deliver up all such bulls as the king desired of him. 
Layton wrote to him, that Cromwell, as his friend, 
had assured the king that he would do it. 

In answer to this, Tonstall thanked him for his 
kindness on that, and on many other occasions. 
^^ He did not understand to what intent these bulls 
" were called for, (and it seems he apprehended it 

was to have all the bishops give up their right to 
* their bishoprics,) yet he had sent them all up to 

be delivered at the king's pleasure. He adds, that 

he hoped by this demand the king did not intend 
'* to make him leave his bishopric, and both to turn 
^' him out of his living, and to ruin all his servants, 
" that had their living only by him ; in which, he 
** wrote, he could not be thought either ambitious 
** or unreasonable : so he desired to know what the 
^^ king's pleasure was, not doubting but that the 



(( 



it 



THE REFORMATION. SOS 

** kinir would use him as well as he used the other book 
^^ • • . • in. 

<< bishops in the kiugdom, since, as he had obtained 



" these bulls by him, he had renounced every thing ' ^^^" 

^ in them that was contrary to his prerogative. He 

" had but five buUs, for the rest were delivered to 

** those to whom they were addressed : so he com- 

** mits himself to the king's goodness, and to Crom- 

^ well*s favour ;" dating his letter from Aukland cott. ubr. 

the 29th of January, which must be in the year **^^' '^' 

1535-6. 

Tonstall might be under more than ordinary appre- 
hensions of some effect of the king's displeasure ; for 
as he had opposed the declaring him to be the supreme 
head, in the convocation of York ; so he had stuck 
firmly to the asserting the lawfulness of the king's 
marriage to queen Katherine. Before the meeting of 
the parliament, in which that matter was determin- 
ed^ he, with the proxy that he sent to the bishop of 
Ely, wrote him a letter, of which Mr. Richard Jones 
saw the original, which he has inserted in his volu- 
minous Collections, that are in the Bodleian library, 
in which these words are, after he had told him that 
he had given him full power to consent or dissent 
from every thing that was to be proposed : he adds, 

" Yet nevertheless, I beseech you, if any thing 
*< harmful or prejudicial in any point to the marriage 
** between the king's highness and the queen's grace 
** shall be proposed, wherein our voices shall be de- 
•* manded ; in your own name say what you will, and 
" what God putteth in your mind : but I desire you, 
" and on God's behalf I require you, never in my 
" name to consent to any such thing proi>osed, either 

harmful or prejudicial to the marriage aforesaid ; 

but expressly to dissent unto the same : and for 






S06 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** your discharge on that behalf, ye may show, when 

: << you think it requisite, this my particular dedara- 

1535. (t ^j^jj Qf jjjy mind, made unto you therein ; and 

** what I have willed and required you to do in my 
'* name in this point, praying your lordship not to 
** do otherwise in my name, as my singular trust is 
'* in you, that ye will not." Dated from Aukland 
in January, but neither day nor year are mentioned. 
The session of parliament, in which the act of the 
succession passed, by which the king's marriage with 
queen Katherine was condemned, meeting in Janu- 
ary, this letter seems to be written before that session; 
and yet no opposition was made to that act in the 
house of lords, either by the bishop of Ely, or by 
the bishop of Bath, whom he had made his second 
proxy, as appears by the same letter, in which he is 
also named. The act passed so soon, that it was 
read the first time on the 20th of March, and passed 
on the 23d in the house of lords, without either dis- 
sent or protest. It is also certain that Tonstall 
afterwards took the oath enjoined by that act. But 
how these bishops came to be so silent upon that oc^ 
casion, being so solemnly required to do otherwise 
by Tonstall ; and how he himself came to change, 
and to take the oath, is that of which I can give no 
account. It is certain king Henry had a very par- 
cotton lib. ticular regard for him ; but yet by this letter it ap- 
^^' ' ^' pears, that he had some fears of a severity aimed at 
himself: but he was aft;erwards in all things very 
compliant, even to the end of king Edward's reign. 
compUdott There came up, from all parts of the kingdom, 
monki and many complaints of the ill behaviour and bad prac- 
'"*^ tices of the monks and friars ; of the last chiefly, for 
the mendicant order being always abroad be^ng, 



THE REFORMATION. 807 

they had many more occasions to show themselves: book 
and though the monks bad not those occasions to be 



in an public places, yet it was very visible that they *^^^' 
were secretly disposing the people to a revolt. So 
it was resolved to proceed against them all by de- 
grees: and, after the visitations and injunctions, 
which had no great effect, they began with the 
smaller houses, that were not above 200/. a year : 
this swept away at once all the mendicants, who 
were the most industrious, and by consequence the 
most dangerous. 

The archbishop of York was much suspected : and The arcb- 
if many apologies look like intimations of some guilt, York dean 
be had a great deal ; for he took many occasions to ^*°''^'^' 
JQStify himself. Upon the act for taking all the lesser 
monasteries into the king's hands, he expressed great 
seal in serving the king, which appears in a letter of 
his to Cromwell in April 1586. He gave a strict collect 
commandment to his archdeacons to warn all in the °°* *^'' 
monasteries within the act, not to embezzle or con- 
vey away any thing belonging to the house : and if 
they had done any such thing, to restore it. He or- 
dered them to give warning to all others not to med- 
dle with any such goods. He had also warned the 
mayor of York and his brethren, and the master of 
the mint there, to receive none of the goods or plate 
of these monasteries. Having thus expressed his 
care in that matter, he made an earnest suit for two 
places that were of the patronage of his see. The 
one was St.Oswald's, which was a free chapel ; the 
prior was removable at the archbishop's pleasure, and 
he might put secular priests in it, if he pleased. The 
other was Hexham, upon the borders of Scotland, 
which was once an episcopal see; and there not 1 



SOS THE HISTORY OF 

PART being a house between Scotland and that lordship^ 
if that house should go down, there would be a great 



1536. 



waste that would run far into the country. Whe- 
ther he obtained these suits or not, does not appear 
to me. After that he adds, that he had given order 
that no preachers should be sulSered that preached 
novelties, and did sow seeds of dissension. Some, 
aft;er that they were forbid to preach, did go on, and 
preach still. He had ordered process against them ; 
some of them said they would get the king's license : 
if that were done, he must be silent ; but he hoped 
Cromwell would hinder that, and give him notice if 
they had obtained the king's license. Some said they 
had the archbishop of Canterbury's license : but none ' 
of these should be obeyed there ; none but the king^s '* 
licenses, and his. ^ 

Reg. Heref. Upon the many complaints of preachers of all sorts, 
Au reach- '^"^ Henry wrote a circular letter to all the bishops ■ 
ingitfor on the 12th of July, letting them know, that, consi- - 

some tixDC 

prohibited, dcring the diversity of opinion in matters of religion, 
he had appointed the convocation to set forth cer- 
tain articles of religion, most catholic : but, to pre* 
vent all distraction in the minds of his people, he or- 
dered, that, till that was published, no sermons should 
be preached till Michaelmas, unless by the bishop, or 
in his presence, or in his cathedral, where he is to 
take care to furnish such as he can answer for : every 
bishop is therefore required to call in all his licenses 
for preaching, and to publish this in the king's name. 
He is also required to imprison all those who acted 
against this order ; and not to suffer any private con- 
venticles or disputations about these matters. To 
this is added, a direction for the biddijig of prayers; 
that they should pray for departed souls, that God 



THE REFORMATION. 209 

would gnmt them the fruition of his presence : and book 
t strict charge is laid on curates, that when the 



articles of religion shall be sent them, they should ^^^^* 
read them to thdr people, without adding or dimi- 
nishing ; excepting only such to whom he shall un- 
der his seal give power to explain them. 

The Uind bishop of Norwich, Nix, was con- 
demned in a prtsmunire^ and put out of the king's 
protection, for breaking through a custom, that the 
town of Thetfiud had enjoyed past all memory^ that 
no inhabitant of that town could be brought into any 
ecclesiastical court, but before the dean of that town : 
yet that old and vidous bishop cited the mayor be- 
finre him, and charged him, under the pain of excom- 
munication, not to admit of that custom. Upon this, 
judgment was given in the temporal courts against 
the bishop : but he was now received into the king's 
protection. In the pardon, mention is made of his 
being convicted upon the statute of provisors. Stokesly 
bishop of London was charged with the breach of 
the same statute, for which he took out a pardon. 

During these years, Cromwell carried no higher Rymer. 
character than that of secretary of state : but all ap- 
plications were made to him in ecclesiastical mat- 
\en\ so whether this was only by reason of his 
credit with the king, or if he was then made vicar- 
general, does not appear to me. But as the king 
took care to keep all things quiet at home, so he set 
himself to cultivate a particular friendship with the 
princes of the empire of the Augsburg Confession ; 
hoping by their means to be able to give the empe- 
ror a powerful diversion, if he should go about to 
execute the pope's censures. The king of France a treaty 

y t m n • 1 • 1 with the 

bad been for some time endeavounng to beget a con- Luthena 

VOL. III. P P""*^ A 



810 THE HISTORY OF 

PART fidence of himself in the minds of those princes ; pre- 
tending that he was neither for the diWne nor the 



1536. unbounded authority that the popes had assumed; 
but only he thought it was reasonable to allow them 
a primacy in the church, and to set limits to that 
Langey was the person most employed in the ma- 
naging of this matter. But when the king came to 
understand that the Icing of France had sent for 
Melancthon, being then at Langley, he ordered the 
duke of Norfolk and the lord Rochford to write to. 
Cromwell, commanding him to despatch Barnes im- 
mediately to Germany ; and to use such diligence, 
that, if it was possible, he might meet Melancthon 
before he was gone into France; and to dissuade 
his going thither, since the French king was then 
persecuting those who did not submit to the pope's 
usurped authority. He was to use all possible argu- 
ments to divert him from going, and to persuade 
him all he could to come over to England ; showing 
him the conformity of the king's opinions with his 
own, and setting forth the king's noble and generous 
temper: but if he was gone into France, Barnes 
was to go on to the princes of Grermany, and Crom- 
well was to send a messenger with him, to be sent 
back with an account of the state of matters among 
them. He was to engage the princes to continue 
firm in the denial of the pope's authority ; in which 
their honour was deeply concerned : and they might 
depend upon the king in that matter, who had pro- 
ceeded in it with the advice of the most part of the 
great and famous clerks in Christendom, from which 
he would never vary, nor alter his proceedings. 
Barnes was to carry over a book written on that 
subject, and some sermons of the bishops, and to put 



THE REFORMATION. 211 

the princes on their guard as to the French king; book 
for he assured them, that both he and his council 



1536. 



were altc^ther papists. 

Barnes was likewise directed to send Hains (after- Barnes wnt 
wards dean of Exeter) and Christopher Mount (an 
honest German, who was long employed by the 
crown of England) to sir John Wallop, the king's 
ambassador in France, on pretence that they went 
as his friends to visit him. If Melancthon was in 
France, they were to go secretly to him, to dissuade 
Us stay long thei^, or his altering his opinion in any 
particular. Some copies of the book, and the ser- 
mons, were to be carried by them to France. If it 
k true that the king of France was so set to main- 
tain the pope's supremacy. Wallop was to represent 
to him, how contrary that was to his honour, to sub- 
ject himself to the pope, and to persuade others to 
do the same ; and to charge him that he would re- 
member his promise to maintain the king's cause 
and proceedings : and since the king did not move 
the subjects of any other prince, why should the 
French king study to draw the Grermans from their 
opinion in that matter; which the king thought 
himself much concerned in, since it was so much 
against the king's interest and his own promise? 
Wallop was to use all means to incline him rather 
to be of the king's opinion. They ako ordered 
Cromwell to write to the bishop of Aberdeen, that 
the king took it very unkindly that his nephew, the 
king of Scotland, was suing to marry the duke of 
Vendome's daughter without his advice: he had 
proposed it to him before, and then he would not 
hearken to it. This negligence the king imputed to 
that bishop, and to the rest of the Scottish council : 

p 2 



2H THE HISTORY OF 

PART the letter concludes, that Barnes should not be stayed 
III 
'. — for further instructions from the bishop of Canter* 

J 536. bujy^ These should be sent afterwards by the al- 
moner^ (Pox.) This letter will be found in the 
Collect, Collection. 

Numb. 43. 

MeiEDc. This came soon enough to stop Melancthon's 
gtiogto journey to France. The great master, and the 
T^^ P'** admiral of France, did not think of any thing wilh 
relation to Germany, but of a civil league, to em*, 
broil the emperor^s affairs. They were against med^ 
dling in points of religion ; and so were against M^ 
Pftpcroffice.lancthon's coming to France. They were afraid that 
the French divines and he would not agree; and 
that might alienate the German princes yet mdne 
from the court of France. Hains and Mount wrote 
this over from Rheims, on the 8th of August 1585. 
It is true, Langey was sent to bring hiin, hoping to 
meet him at Wirtembeig: but he was not oome 
thither ; only the heads of their doctrine were sent 
to him. With these he came back to France. The 
king's divines made some emendations ; which, Lan- 
gey said to Mount, he believed the Germans would 
submit to: and so he was sent back with a gold 
chain, and letters to bring Melancthon, and six 
other eminent German divines, with him. Of this 
Mount gave the king advice the 7th of September, in 
that year. 
The French This wholc matter came to nothing ; for Francis's 
tZ^^ sister, the queen of Navarre, was the person who 
pressed him chiefly to it ; hoping by tiiis, once to 
engage him in some point of doctrine, which, as she 
hoped, might draw on a rupture with Rome : Imt 
his ministers diverted him from all thoughts of en-» 
gaging in doctrinal matters ; and they put him mi 



THE BEFOBMATION. 218 

entering into a league with the princes of the em- book 
fixe, only with relation to their temporal concerns. "'' 
Nor were the German princes willing to depart in '^3^« 
a tittle from the Augsburg Confession, or enter upon 
aew treaties about points that were settled already 
among them ; which might give occasion to new di- 
viflioos amimg themselves. And no doubt, the king's 
interposiDg in the matter with such earnestness had 
great weight with them ; so he was delivered from 
the alarm that this gave him. But to go on with 
oiir king'g aflBdrs in Germany. 

F0Z9 with Heath, (on whom Mdancthon set a high seck. i. \\u 
value,) was sent, soon after Barnes, to negotiate with 39.'^' ^^' 
the Germans. He had many conferences with some fox wot t< 
of their divines, and entered into a large treaty about '™"^' 
several articles of religion with those of Wittemberg, 
which lasted thsee months, to the elector s great 
charge, and the uneasiness of the Grermans. 

Melancthon had dedicated his Commentary on the 
Epiades to the king ; who sent him (upon it) a pre- 
sent of 200 crowns, and wrote a letter to him, full 
of particular expressions of esteem, and assurances 
that he would always assist him in those his pious 
labours. Dated from Winchester the 1st of October 
1535. Fox seemed to assure them, that the king 
would agree with them in all things : and told them, 
that the king had already abolished the popish su- 
perstitions, which he called the Babylonish tyranny ; 
calling the pope Antichrist. They of Wittemberg 
insisted on the abuses of the mass, and on the mar- 
rii^ of the clergy ; and took notice, that the king 
had only taken away some smaller abuses, while the 
greatest were still kept up. So that Melancthon 
wrote on the margin of their paper, at this part of 

PS j 



«14 THE HISTORY OF 

PART it» in Greek, Nothing sound. All this was neat 
'. — over to the king; but did not at all please him. 

1536. -poTy in an answer written by Cromwell, these words 
are a part of it : *^ The king knowing himself to be 
** the leamedest prince in Europe, he thought it be- 
^ came not him to submit to them ; but he expected 
** they should submit to him." They, on the othier 
hand, saw the great advantage of his protection and 
assistance; so that they brought Luther to make 
an humble submission to him, asking him pardon 
for the manner of his writing against him ; which 
I find intimated, though it never came in my way. 
They studied also to gain both upon his vani^, 
offering him the title of the defender, or protector 
of their league ; and on his interest, by entering 
into a close confederacy with him. 

It was an opinion common enough in that time, 
that the emperor was the sovereign of Germany. 
Grardiner, in several of his letters, seems to be of 
that mind : and upon that account, he endeavoured 
to possess the king with a prejudice against his 
treating with them, that it was to animate subjects 
to revolt against their prince : whereas, by the con- 
stitution and laws of the empire, the princes had 
secured to themselves the right of coining, fortify- 
ing, arming, and entering into treaties, not only 
with one another, but with foreign princes, for their 
defence. A homage was indeed due to the emperor ; 
and a much greater submission was due to the diet 
of the empire : but the princes were sovereigns in 
their own territories, as the Hanse towns were free 
states. Fox pressed them to approve of all that the 
king had done in the matter of his divorce, and of 
his second marriage. To which they gave the an« 



THE REFORMATION. 215 

swer that I had inserted in my History, among the book 

tnmsactions of the year 1530: but the noble Seek — 

eodcvf shows, that it was sent in the year 1536. In ^^^^' 
their answer, as they excused themselves from giving 
their opinion in that matter till they were better in- 
finrmed, they added, (which, it seems, was suppressed 
by Fox,) ** Though we do agree with the ambassa- 
^ doTs^ that the law against marrying the brother's 
'^ wife ought to be kept, yet we are in doubt whe- 
^ ther a dispensation might not take place in this 
''case; which the ambassadors denied. For that 
" law cannot oblige us more strictly than it did the 
^ Jews : and if a dispensation was admitted to them, 
^ we think the bond of matrimony is stronger." Lu- 
ther was vehemently against the infamy put on the 
issue of the marriage. He thought the lady Mary 
was cruelly dealt with, when she was declared a 
bastard. Upon queen Katherine's death, they earn- 
estly pressed the restoring her to her former honour. 
So true were they to that which was their principle, 
without regarding the great advantage they saw 
might come to them from the protection of so great 
a king. 

His ambassadors, at that time, gave these princes 
an advertisement of great importance to them, that 
was written over to the king by Wiat, then his am- 
bassador in Spain ; that the emperor had, in a pas- 
sionate discourse with him, called both the elector 
and the landgrave his enemies, and rebels. The 
truth was, the elector did not entirely depend on all 
that Fox said to him. He thought the king had 
only a political design in all this negotiation; in- 
tending to bring them into a dependance on himself, 
without any sincere intentions with relation to reli- 

p4 a 



Numb. 43. 






816 THE HISTORY OF 

PART gion. 80 he being resolved to adhere firmly to the 

'. — Augsbuig Confession, and seeing no appearance of 

1536. ^{^^ king's agreeing to it, he was very cold in the 
prosecution of this negotiation. But the princes 
and states of that Confession met at this time at 
Smalcaid, and settled the famous Smalcaldic league ; 
of which the king's ambassadors sent him an authen- 
tic copy, with a translation of it in English ; which 
couect the reader will find in the Collection. 

** By it, John Frederick, elector of Saxony, with 
** his brother Ernest ; Philip, Ernest, and Francis, 
** dukes of Brunswick ; Ulric, duke of Wirtemberg ; 
Philip, landgrave of Hesse ; the dukes of Pome^ 
ren ; four brothers, princes of Anhalt ; two bro^ 
'^ thers, counts of Mansfield ; the deputies of twenty- 
'' one firee towns; " which are not named in any order^ 
tor Hamburg and Lubeck are the last save one ; but, 
to avoid disputes, they were named in the order in 
which they came, and produced their powers. " All 
^< these did, on behalf of themselves and their heirs, 
<* seeing the dangers of that time, and that many 
** went about to disturb those who suffered the sin- 
cere doctrine of the gospel to be preached in their 
territories ; and who, abolishing all abuses, settled 
such ceremonies as were agreeable to the word of 
^* God ; from which their enemies studied to divert 
" them by force and violence. And since it was the 
magistrate's duty to suffer the sincere word of Ood 
to be preached to his subjects, and to provide that 
they be not violently deprived of it: therefore, 
** that they might provide for the defence of them- 
*^ selves arid their people, which is permitted to 
** every man, not only by the law of nature, but also 
^* by the written laws, they entered into a Christian, 









t <f 



THE REFORMATION. ttll 

"bwfiily and friendly league; by which they bound book 

tt themeelYes to favour all of their body, and to warn — 

''them of any imminent danger, and not to give '^^^' 
''their enemies passage through their territories. 
" This was only for their own defence, and not to 
** OKiTe any War. So if any of them should be vio^ 
** kntly assaulted for the cause of religion, or on 
^ any pretence, in which the rest should judge that 
religion was the true motive, the rest of the con- 
''federacy were bound, with all their force and 
" power, to defiend him who was so assaulted in such 
^a manner, as fbr the circumstances of the time 
** shdl be adjudged : and none of them might make 
"any agreement or truce^ without the consent of 
" the rest. And, that it m^t not be understood 
** that this was any prejudice to ibe emperor their 
'^ lord, or to «iy part of the empire, they declare, 
« that it was only intended to withstand wrongful 
'^yidence. They also resolved to receive all into 
^ this confederacy who received the Augsburg Con- 
** fession, and desired to be joined to it. And where- 
^ as the confederacy made six years before was to 
^ determine on the Sunday ifivocavit of the foUow- 
" ing year, m which the princes of Wirtemberg, Po- 
^* meren, and Anhalt, and six of the cities, were not 
** comprehended ; they received them into this con- 
^^ federacy, which was to last for ten years after the 
** Sunday invocavit : and if any war should be be- 
** gun, but not finished within these ten years, yet 
'' it shall be continued till the war is brought to an 
'^ end ; but at the end of the ten years, it shall be 
** lawful to the confederates to prolong it further. 
'' And they gave their faith to one another, to ob- 
^ serve this religiously, and set their seals to it." 



Nomb. 44. 






4€ 



218 THE HISTORY OF 

PAST On the same day, the kiiiflfs answer was offered t 

III 

' the demands the princes had made : both which at 

1536. Jq i)^^ Paper Office ; and both will be found in th> 

oi^icct Collection. Their demands were, ** that the kinj 

^ would set forth the true doctrine of Christ, accord 

^ ing to the Augsburg Confession ; and that he wouli 

defend that doctrine at the next general council, i 

it be pious, catholic, free, and truly Christian : ant 

'^ that neither the king, nor the princes and state 

** of that union, should without mutual consen 

agree to any indiction of a general council mad 

by the bishop of Rome ; but that if such a cound 

^ should be called, as they had desired in their an 

<^ swer to Vergerius, the pope's ambassador, it shouk 

^' not be refused : and that if a council shaU be cde 

** brated, to which the king and these princes do no 

^ agree, they shall (to their power) oppose it : and 

that they will make protestations against it, the 

they will not obey any constitution made in it 

nor suffer any decrees made in it to be obeyed 

** but will esteem them null and void, and will mak( 

their bishops and preachers declare that to thei 

people. That the king will associate himself t 

** the league, and accept the name of the defende 

or protector of it. That they will never suffer th< 

monarchy of the bishop of Rome to take place 

nor grant that it is expedient that he should hav< 

preeminence before all other bishops, or have anj 

jurisdiction in the dominions of the king, and o: 

the princes. That upon these grounds they entei 

into a league with one another. And in case o: 

any war, either for the cause of religion, or an) 

other cause whatsoever, that they should not assist 

those who begin any such war. That the kin^ 






4( 



4t 
4C 
if 
t( 

u 

4f 



THE REFORMATION. S19 

<< ahall lay down a hundred thousand crowns ; which book 

IIL 

^ it shall be lawful to the confederates to make use \ 



** oi^ as a moietj of that which they themselves shall ^^^^' 
" contribute : and if Deed be, in any cause of urgent 
''necessityy to contribute two hundred thousand 

* crowns ; they joining as much of their own money 
*^ to it. And if the war shall end sooner than that 
^ afl the money is emjdoyed in it, what remains shall 
^ be restored to the king. And they assured him, 

* that they should not convert this money to any 
^ other use, but to the defence of the cause of rdi- 
^ gion, together with their own money. And since 
^ the king^s ambassadors were to remain some time 
**in Germany, disputing with their learned men 
"about some points; they desire, that they may 

* know the king^s mind, and that he will signify it 
'to the elector of Saxony, and the landgrave of 

* Hesse : and then the princes will send their am- 
^ bassadors, and a learned man with them, to con- 
" fer with the king about the articles of doctrine, 
' and the ceremonies of the church." 

To these the king sent two different answers, one 
after another. The first, that will be found in the 
Collection, was, " That the king intended to set^o"«ct. 
" forth the true doctrine of Christ, which he was 
^ ready to defend with life and goods : but that he 
^ being reckoned somewhat learned, and having 
^ many learned men in his kingdom, he could not 
'^ think it meet to accept at any creature's hand 
^ what should be his faith, or his kingdom's ; the 
** only ground of which was in scripture, with 
** which he desired they would not be grieved : but 
•* that they would send over some of their learned 
*' men to confer with him and his learned men, to 



€4 
€i 
€€ 



SaO THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^ the intaott that they might have a perfect uaioii 

! — ^ in fidth. He would ako join with them in all 

1536. M general councils, that were catholic, free, and h^ 
<^ in a safe place, for the defence of the true doctrini 
^ of the gospel : and^ as for ceremonies, there mi^ 
be such a diversity in these used through the 
whole world, that he thought that ought to be 
left to the governors of the seva^ dominiiwn 
^ who know best what is convenient for themsdvo. 
^ He agreed that neither he nor they should aooept 
<' of the indiction of a general council^ but by al 
^' their mutual consent ; but that if such a free coqb- 
'< di may be held in a safe place, it shall not be re- 
^ fused. The king did not think fit to accept the 
^ title offered by them till &nt they should be 
<' thoroughly agreed upon the arUdes of doctrine : 
but that being once dime, he would thankfully 
accept of iL To that of a defensive lei^^ue, he 
^ added one dause, that they should not suffer any 
^^ of their subjects to serve those who set on them 
in any such war: he thought it not reasonable 
that he should bear any share of the wars already 
past, (which it seems was secretly mentioned, 
^ though not expressed in their demands ;) but for 
^ the future, he was willing to contribute 100,000 
^* crowns as they desire. Upon further considering 
*^ their demands, the king sent a second and fuller 
^ answer, which will be likewise found in the Col- 
coHect <* lection. 
""* • ^ • « j|. begins with very tender expressions of the 
** sense the king bad of their benevolence to him, 
and of their constancy in adhering to the truth of 
the gospel : he acknowledges the goodness of God 
*^ in giving them such stead&stness and strength. 



a 



if 
tt 

4t 






THE REFORMATION. 5»1 

^Tbar won d ro u s virtues had so ravished the king, book 
"that he was determined to continue in a corre- !_ 



"qiondence of love with them on all occasioDs.** '^^^- 
Dien follow some explanations of the former memo- 
lisl, but not very important, nor differing much from 
it : only he lets them know, " that it was not for 
'any private necessity of his own, that he was 
" moved to join in league with them ; for by the 
"death of a woman, all calumnies were extinct, 
'^ (this is meant of queen Anne,) so that neither the 
" pope nor the emperor, nor any other prince, had 
" then any quarrel with him : yet, that they might 
" know his good affection to them, he would contri- 
** bute the sum they desired, and upon the terms they 

* proposed ; only on his part he demanded of them, 
« that in case any prince invaded his dominions on 
''the account of religion, that they would furnish 
"him, at their expense, with 500 horsemen com- 
^ pletelj armed, or ten ships well arrayed for war, 

* to serve for four months : and that it should be at 
" the king's choice, whether horse or ships : and that 
"they should retain at the king's charge such a 
** number of horse and foot as the king should need, 
'* not exceeding the number of 200 horse, and 5000 
** foot : or instead of the foot, twelve ships in order, 
" with all things necessary, which the king might 
^ keep in his service as long as he pleased : and last 
''of all, that the confederates will promise in all 
" councils, and every where else, to promote and de- 
** fend the opinion that Dr. Martin, (so they named 
"^ Luther,) Justus Jonas, Cruciger, Pomeran, and 
^ Melancthon had of his marriage." This n^otia- 
tioD sunk to a great d^ree upon queen Anne's tra- 
gical foil: and as the king thought they were no 



fast THE HISTORY OF 

PART more necessary to him, so they saw his intractable 
' ' humour, and had no hope of succeeding with him. 



1536. unless they would have allowed him a dictatorship 
in matters of religion. Yet to end all this n^otia« 
tion at once. 

The elector of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse 

wrote a letter to the king, which will be found in the 

Couect. C!ollection, taken from the original, occasioned by 

Nnmb. 47, o ' ^ 

pope Paul the Third's summoning ** a general coun- 
cil to meet at Mantua on the 23d of May, upon 
which the emperor had sent messengers to them, 
** to give them notice of it, and to require them to 
come to it, either in person, or by their proctors: 
but though they had always desired a council for 
the reforming of those abuses that had continued j 
so long, by the negligence or corruption of popes « 
and prelates ; yet in this bull the pope clearly in- 
sinuates that he will not suffer the restoring rf j 
true doctrine, or the correcting of abuses, to be \ 
** treated of, but that their doctrine, without any : 
^' examination, was to be condemned with infamy. 
** He also endeavoured to oblige all, by the receiving 
** of his bull, without taking cognizance of the mat- 
** ter, to extirpate and destroy the doctrine they 
** professed : so that if they had accepted the buU^ 
** they had seemed to be involved in that design. 
They therefore told the emperor's minister, that 
they looked on that bull as unjust and pernicious : 
and they desired he would let the emperor know 
that they could not accept of it. They did not 
^* doubt but the pope, or his party about the king, 
would upon this occasion pretend, that the pope 
had done his duty, and would study to load them 
" with ill characters : so they thought it necessary 



4€ 



ft 
€f 
€€ 
€€ 
€i 
« 



4S 



ft 

tt 



THE REFORMATION. ttS 

** to jafltUy themsetves to the king and other princes bosor 
« on this occasion. 1— 



** They sent orer with this a full vindication of '^'^* 
'their proceedings, which they desired the king 
'^ would read, and that he would consider not only 
* the present danger of the Germans, but the com- 
^ mon concern of the whole church, in which it was 
^ Tisible that all good discipline was lost, and that 
** great and worthy men had wished and desired that 
^some received abuses, that could not be denied, 
** might be amended: therefore they recommend 
" the cause of the church, and their own cause, to 
"^ his care." This is dated the 25th of March 1537. 

I have in my other work given an account of the 
ambassadors whom they sent into England, of the 
representations they made, and of a full paper that 
they offered to the king : to all which I have no- 
thing now to add, but that I have found a letter of 
Cranmer^s to Cromwell, which I have put in the 
Collection, in which he complains of the backward- couect. 
oess of the bishops. The ambassadors had been de- 
sired to tarry one month, that their book might be 
considered: but though he moved them to treat 
about it, as they had done upon other articles, they 
answered him, they knew the king had taken it on 
himself to answer them ; and that a book to that 
end was already devised by him : therefore they 
would not meddle with the abuses complained of. 
The bishops desired that the archbishop would go 
on to treat of the sacraments of matrimony, orders, 
oonfirmation> and extreme unction, in which they 
knew certainly that the Grermans would not agree 
with them, except only in matrimony. "He saw 
*^ the bishops were seeking an occasion to break the 



S94 THE HISTORY OF 

PART <' concord : and that nothing wonld be dene, qidm 
^* there came a special command from the king. 



1536. M They saw they could not ddfend the abuies, and 
** yet they would not jrield that point : he complams 
** likewise that the ambassadors were very ill lodged ; 
** multitudes of rats were running in their chambers 
<< day and night, and their kitchen was so near their 
** parlour, that the smell was offenave to all that 
** came to them. He wishes that a more convenient 
'^ house might be offered them." 

It is true, the king used them with a pardcdar 
civility, and spoke to them before all his court in a 
most obliging manner ; and often wished that If e- 
lancthon might be sent over to him. Cranmer and 
Cromwell used them with aU possible kindness. 
Cranmer wrote often fey them to the elector, exhort- 
ing him to continue firm and zealous for the truth 
and purity of the goq)el ; but under idl tiie shows 
of the king's favour, they understood that his heart 
was turned from them. He wrote, when he dis- 
missed them, to the elector, in terms full of esteem 
for their ambassadors ; *^ not doubting but good 
** effects would follow on this beginning of confer- 
** ences with them : but the matter being of the 
** greatest importance, it ought to be very maturely 
^^^'66 '"' " considered. He again desired that Melancthon 
^* might be sent over to him, that he might treat 
'< with him ; promising that he would apply himself 
** wholly to what became a Christian prince to par- 
'' sue." Dated the 1st of October 1588. During this 
embassy, there was an anabaptist seized by the land- 
grave of Hesse ; in whose papers they found that he 
had some folbwers in England, that he had hopes 
erf* great success there, and was designing to go thi- 



THE REFORMATION. 285 

ther, but he said he was forbidden by the Spirit: book 

upon this they wrote an account of all they found '. — 

to the king, and gave him a description of the ana- ^^^^' 
baptists of Grermany. They were much spread 
through Frisia and Westphalia, and in the Nether- 
lands; chiefly in those places where none of their 
preachers were tolerated. The not baptizing infants 
was the known character of the party; but with 
this, they were for a community of goods : they con- 
demned all magistracy, and all punishing of crimes, 
which they thought was a revenge forbidden by 
Christ. They condemned all oaths, and were against 
all order and government. They seemed to be Ma- 
nichaeans in religion: they despised the scriptures, 
and pretended to particular illuminations; and al- 
bwed both polygamy and divorce at a man's plea- 
sure : and wheresoever their numbers increased, they 
broke out into sedition and rebellion. They wrote 
all this to the king in a letter, that by the style is 
believed to be penned by Melancthon, both to let 
him see how far they themselves wei'e from favour- 
ing such corruptions, and to put the king on his 
guard against them. 

Here ends this negotiation ; for I find no mark of 
any further commerce between them : and though 
this run out far beyond the year 1535, in which it 
was begun, yet I thought it best to lay it all toge- 
ther, and so to dismiss it. The unlocked for acci- 
dents that happened in England had wrought much 
on the king's temper; his own inclinations were 
still biassing him to adhere to the old opinions and 
practices; and the popish party watched and im- 
proved all advantages, of which a very signal one 
happened soon, to their great joy. 

VOL. III. Q 



226 THE HISTORY OF 

PART Queen Katherine, or, as she was called, the 

' princess dowager, died first. I have nothing to add 

Cotf ^^'r <^ooccrni"g her, but that I fell on a report of a con^^ 
otho. c. versation that sir Edmond Bedingfield and Mr. 
Tyrrel had with her, in which she solemnly pro- 
tested to them, that prince Arthur never knew her 
carnally, and insisted much on it ; and said, many 
others were assured of it. But on the contrary, Be- 
dingfield urged very fully all the probabilities that 
were to the contrary : and said, that, whatever she 
said on that subject, it was little believed, and it 
seemed not credible. The tragedy of queen Anne 
followed soon after this : it broke out on the first of 
May 1536, but it seems it was concerted before; 
for a parliament was summoned, at least the writs 
were tested the 27th of April before. 
Meteren There is a long account of her sufferings given by 
Hist, det Meteren, in that excellent history that he wrote of 
1. i.f.2o. the wars in the Netherlands, which he took from 
a full relation of it, given by a French gentleman, 
Crispin, who was then in London, and, as Meteren 
relates the matter, wrote without partiality. He 
begins it thus: " There was a gentleman who 
" blamed his sister for some lightness that appeared 
" in her behaviour : she said the queen did more 
"' than she did, for she admitted some of her court 
" to come into her chamber at undue hours ; and 
" named the lord Rochford, Norris, Weston, Brere- 
^* ton, and Smeton the musician. And she said to 
" her brother, that Smeton could tell much more : 
" all this was carried to the king." 

When the matter broke out on the first of May, 
the king, who loved Norris, sent for him, and said, 
if he would confess those things with which the 



THE REFORMATION. 887 

queen was charged, he should neither suffer in his book 
person nor his estate; nor so much as be put in pri-— _ 
ma: but if he did not confess, and were found '^^^- 
guilty, he should suffer the extremity of the law. 
Norris answered, he would much rather die than be 
guilty of such falsehood ; that it was all false, which 
he was ready to justify in a combat against any per- 
son whatsoerer : so he was sent with the rest to the 
Tower. The confession of Smeton was all that was 
brought against the queen. He, as was believed, 
was prevailed on to accuse her; yet he was con- 
demned contrary to the promise that had been made 
him : but it was pretended that his crime was, that 
he had told his suspicions to others, and not to the 
king; and when it was alleged, that one witness 
was not sufficient, it was answered, that it was suf- 
ficient. He adds, that the queen was tried in the 
Tower ; and that she defended her honour and mo- 
desty in such a way, as to soften the king, (for she 
knew his temper,) by such humble deportment, to 
favour her daughter. She was brought to her trial 
without having any advocate allowed her; having 
none but her maids about her. A chair was set for 
her, and she looked to all her judges with a cheerful 
countenance, as she made her curtsies to them with- 

• 

out any fear : she behaved herself as if she had been 
still queen ; she spoke not much in her own defence; 
but the modesty of her countenance pleaded her in- 
nocence, much more than the defence that she 
made; so that all who saw or heard her believed 
her innocent. Both the magistrates of London, and 
several others who were there, said, they saw no 
evidence against her; only it appeared, that they 
were resolved to be rid of her. 

Q 2 






228 THE HISTORY OF 

PART She was made to lay aside all the characters ol 

III 
' her dignity ; which she did willingly : but still pro- 

1536. tested her innocence. When she heard the sentence, 
that she was to be beheaded, or burnt, she was not 
terrified, but lifted up her hands to Grod, and said, 
" O Father ! O Creator ! Thou, who art the way, 
** the truth, and the life ; thou knowest that I have 
^* not deserved this death.'* And turning herself to 
her judges, (her uncle, the duke of Norfolk, being 
the lord high steward,) she said, ^* My lords, I will 
** not say that your sentence is unjust, nor presume 
that my opinion ought to be preferred to the judg- 
ment of you all. I believe you have reasons and 
^' occasions of suspicion and jealousy, upon which 
** you have condemned me : but they must be other 
** than those that have been produced here in court, 
*^ for I am entirely innocent of all these accusations ; 
** so that I cannot ask pardon of God for them. I 
have been always a faithful and loyal wife to the 
king. I have not, perhaps, at all times showed 
" him that humility and reverence, that his good- 
" ness to me, and the honour to which he raised me, 
" did deserve. I confess I have had fancies and 
" suspicions of him, which I had not strength nor 
" discretion enough to manage ; but God knows, and 
*^ is my witness, that I never failed otherwise to- 
" wards him : and I shall never confess any other, 
" at the hour of my death. Do not think that I 
" say this on design to prolong my life ; God has 
taught me to know how to die, and he will fortify 
my faith. Do not think that I am so carried in 
my mind, as not to lay the honour of my chastity 
*^ to heart ; of which I should make small account 
" now in my extremity, if I had not maintained it 









THE REFORMATION. ftStQ 

" my whole life long, as much as ever queen did. I book 

'^know these my last words will signify nothing, — 

•'but to justify my honour and my chastity. As ^^^^* 
^ for my brother, and those others, who are unjustly 
" condemned, I would willingly suffer many deaths 
** to deliver them : but since I see it so pleases the 
"king, I must willingly bear with their death, 
^ and shall accompany them in death, with this as- 
** surance, that I shall lead an endless life with them 
^in peace." She said all this, and a great deal 
more : and then, with a modest air, she rose up, and 
took leave of them all. Her brother, and the other 
gentlemen, were executed first. ** He exhorted those 
*^ who suffered with him to die without fear ; and 
*' said to those that were about him, that he came 
^ to die, since it was the king's pleasure that it 
^ should be so. He exhorted all persons not to trust 
*• to courts, states, and kings, but in Grod only. He 
" had deserved a heavier punishment for his other 
" sins ; but not from the king, whom he had never 
" offended : yet he prayed God to give him a long 
" and a good life. With him, all the rest suffered a 
** death, which they had no way deserved. Mark 
" Smeton only confessed, he had deserved well to 
" die : which gave occasion to many reflections. 

" When the queen heard how her brother and 
" the other gentlemen had suffered, and had sealed 
" her innocence with their own blood ; but that 
" Mark had confessed he deserved to die : she broke 
'• out into some passion, and said, Has he not then 
" cleared me of that public shame he has brought 
"me to? Alas! I fear his soul suffers for it, and 
" that he is now punished for his false accusation. ^^ 
** But for my brother and those others, I doubt not ^r 

q3 ■ 



280 THE HISTORY OP 

PART « but they are now in the presence of that Grreat 
" King, before whom I am to be to-morrow.'' 



1536. 



It seems that gentleman knew nothing of the 
judgment that passed at Lambeth, annulling the 
marriage ; for it was transacted secretly. It could 
have no foundation or colour, but from that story 
mentioned in Cavendishes Life of Wolsey, of the lord 
Percy's addresses to her. He was now examined 
upon that : but it will appear, from his letter to Crom- 
well, that he solemnly purged both himself and her 
from any precontract; being examined upon oath 
by the two archbishops : and that he received tbe 
sacrament upon it, before the duke of Norfolk, and 
some of the king's council that were learned in the 
spiritual law; assuring them by his oath, and by 
the sacrament that he had received, and intended to 
receive, that there was never any contract, or ^x)- 
mise of marriage, between her and him. This he 
wrote on the 18th of May, four days before the 
Collect, queen's execution ; which will be found in the Col- 

Nnmb. 49. • 

lection. 

This shows plainly, that she was prevailed on, be- 
tween fear and hope, to confess a precontract, the 
person not being named. 

The French gentleman gives the same account of 
the manner of her death, and of her speech, that all 
the other writers of that time do. " When she was 
" brought to the place of execution, within the 
" Tower, he says her looks were cheerful ; and she 
" never appeared more beautiful than at that time. 
^' She said to those about her, Be not sorry to see 
** me die thus ; but pardon me from your hearts, 
" that I have not expressed to all about me that 
^^ mildness that became me ; and that I have not done 



THE REFORMATION- 231 

** that good that was in my power to do. She prayed book 
''for those who were the procurers of her death. 



'^ Then, with the aid of her maids, she undressed ^^^^* 
''her neck with great courage, and so ended her 
" days." 

This long recital I have translated out of Mete- 
len ; for I do not find it taken notice of by any of 
our writers. I leave it thus, without any other 
reflections upon it, but that it seems all over cre- 
dible. 

Thevet, a Franciscan friar, who, for seventeen or 
eighteen years, had wandered up and down Europe 
to prepare materials for his Cosmography, (which he 
published in the year 1563,) says, that many Eng- cotmof^. 
lish gentlemen assured him, that king Henry ex- ' ^^' 
pressed great repentance of his sins, being at the 
point of death ; and, among other things, of the in- 
jury and the crime committed against queen Anne 
Bolejrn, who was falsely accused, and convicted of 
that which was laid to her charge. It is true, Thu- 
anus has very much disgraced that writer, as a vain 
and ignorant plagiary : but he, having been of the 
order that suffered so much for their adhering to 
queen Katherine, is not to be suspected of partiality 
for queen Anne. We must leave those secrets to 
the great day. 

It may be easily believed, that both the pope and 
the emperor, as they were glad to be freed from the 
obligation they seemed to be under to protect queen 
Katherine, so queen Anne's fall gave them a great 
deal of ill-natured joy. The pope, upon the first 
Dews of her disgrace, sent for Cassali, expressing a 
great deal of pleasure upon the queen's imprison- 
ment; and, at the same time, spoke very honour- 

Q 4 



ti 

i€ 



288 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ably of the king. *^ He hoped, upon these emergents, 

'- — ^* all matters would be brought to a good agreement ; 

1536. c( ^jjj ^l^j^j. |.|jg j^jjjg would reconcile himself to the 

see, bj which he would become the arbiter of all 
Europe. He told Cassali, that he knew how good 
an instrument he was in pope Clement's time ; and 
what pains he took, both with the pope and the 
emperor, to prevent the breach. He added, that 
the naming of Fisher to be a cardinal was so 
** pressed on him, that he could not decline it. He 
*^ desired Cassali would try how any messenger that 
*^ he might send to the king would be received ; for, 
** as soon as he knew that, he would send one imme- 
" diately." Of all this Cassali wrote an account to 
the king. 
Cotton lib. At the same time. Pace gave him an account of a 
,^. * ' long conversation he had with the emperor on the 
same subject : for he was then the king's ambassadw 
in that court. " The emperor excused his adhering to 
" his aunt, whom he could not in honour forsake: 
" but at the same time, he said, he abhorred the 
" pope's bull for deposing the king ; and he was so 
" far from any thoughts of executing it, that he com- 
" manded it to be suppressed in his dominions ; nor 
" did he encourage, as was suspected, the king of 
*' Scotland to undertake to execute it. He imputed 
" the breach that had been made between him and 
" the king to the French king ; who, he said, was 
*^ like an eel in a man's hand, ready to forsake him, 
" and even to renounce Gody who^ he believed^ had 
" gir^en him over to a reprobate mind. He was re- 
" solved now to return to his old friendship with the 
" king ; and he would not hearken to intimations 
" given him by the agent of France, that the king 



THE REFORMATION. 883 

" had poisoned his aunt. He pressed him to legiti- book 
^ mate the princess Mary. He might do that, with- 



* out owning the lawfulness of the marriage ; which ^^^^' 
** was a point in which he would stir no more. She 
** was bom in a marriage in fact, and bona fide; and in 
**' many cases, in which marriages had been dissolved, 
** yet the legitimacy of the issue was often secured." 

Of all this Pace gave the king an account; and cotton ubr. 
pressed, with some vehemence, the legitimating thcB^t' 
princess. The emperor was then going to Rome ; 
so king Henry intended to join Cassali with Pace in 
his embassy to the emperor. Pace begged that 
might not be done ; expressing a great aversion to 
him, as being a liase and a perverse man. It is 
plain. Pace pressed the king much to think of being 
reconciled to the pope. Cardinal Ghinucci offered 
his service again to the king, with expressions full 
of zeal. Grandvill also entered with Cassali upon 
the same subject: but Cassali wrote to the king, 
that he did not at all meddle in that matter. The 
emperor went to Rome, and Pace followed him thi- 
ther. The king sent a despatch to Pace, which will P*p«f 

Office. 

be found in the Collection, telling him of the motion toiiect 
that the emperor's ambassador made to him for re- ^"™**' 5^" 
turning to the old friendship with their master. 
They also made him some overtures in order to it. 
First, the emperor would be a mean to reconcile 
him to the bishop of Rome : he also hoped that the 
king would contribute towards the war against the 
Turk ; and that, since there was an old defensive 
league between them, and since it seemed that the 
French king intended to invade the duchy of Milan, 
he expected the king would assist him according to 
that league. A 



5234 THE HISTORY OF 

PA RT To all this the king answered, '^ that the intemip- 
^< tion of their friendship proceeded from the empe- 






Tbe^idmr " '®'» ^^^ ^^^ made him ill returns for the services 
answered «< he had donc him. For he pretends he made him 

that coldly. '^ 

** first king of Spain, and then emperor. When the 
'* empire was at his disposition, he had furnished 
*< him with money ; so that he ought to thank the 
*^ king only for all the honour he was advanced to : 
*^ but in lieu of that, he had showed great ingratitude 
to the king, and had not only contemned his frioid- 
ship, but had set on all the ill usage he had met 
^ with from the bishop of Rome ; which, as he un- 
*^ derstood, he owed chiefly to him. Yet, such was 
'< the king's zeal for concord among Christian princes, 
*^ and such was his nature, that he could continuef his 
" displeasure against no man, when the cause of it 
** was once removed : so if the emperor would desire 
*^ him to foi^et all that was past, and would purge 
^* himself of all particular unkindness to him, he 
" would be willing to return to their old friendship ; 
" but he having received the injuries, would not sue 
" for a reconciliation, nor treat upon the foot of the 
" old leagues between them, till the reconciliation 
*^ should be first made, and that without any condi- 
^^ tions : when that was done, he would answer all 
" his reasonable desires. 
He refuses ^^ But as for the bishop of Rome, he had not pro- 
t^th\^f ^ " ceeded on such slight grounds, that he could in 
pope. a ^jjy g^j,^ depart from what he had done ; having 

" founded himself on the laws of God, of nature, 
" and honesty, with the concuiTence of his parlia- 
•* ment. There was a motion made to him from 
^* that bishop for a reconciliation, which he had not 
" yet embraced, nor would he suffer it to be com- 



THE REFORMATION. 235 

^'passed by any other means; and therefore he book 

■^ ^ lU. 



** would not take it in good part, if the emperor . 

^ would insist in that matter^ for the satisfaction of ^^^^' 

" the bishop of Rome, that was his enemy ; or move 

^him to alter that, which was already determined 

^ against his authority. When there was a general 

** peace among Christian princes, he would not be 

^ wanting to give an aid against the Turk ; but till 

^ the friendship between the emperor and him was 

^ quite made up, he would treat of nothing with re- 

' lation to the king of France : when that was done, 

"he would be a mediator between them. This was 

'"the answer given to the emperor's ambassador; 

^ which was communicated to Pace, that, in case he 

* had any discourse with the emperor on the subject, 

" be should seem only to have a general knowledge 

^ of the matter, but should talk with him suitably to 

^ these grounds ; encouraging the emperor to pursue 

^ what he had begun, and extolling the king's na- 

'^ture and courage, with his inclination to satisfy 

' his friends, when he was not too much pressed : 

^ that would hurt and stop good purposes. And he 

" orders him to speak with Grandvill of it, of whom 

^ it seems he had a good opinion, and that he should 

" represent to the emperor the advantage that would 

** follow, on the renewing their old friendship, but 

•* not to clog it with conditions ; for whatever the 

" king might be afterwards brought to upon their 

** friendship, when made up, the king would not 

^ suffer it to be loaded with them ; for the king had 

** suffered the injury : but he was ordered to say all 

" this as of himself, and Pace was ordered to go to 

*• court, and put himself in GrandvilFs way, that he 

** might have occasion to enter upon these subjects 



286 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << with him/' Thus that matter was put in a me* 
III. 

thod ; so that in a little time the friendship seemed 



1536. ^ i^ entirely made up. 
P">««<J»n»s The king would never hearken to a reconciliatioa 

ID COQVOCa- 

tioD. with the pope. On the contrary, he went on in his 
design of reforming matters in England. In the 
convocation in the year 1536, Cromwell came and 
demanded a place as the king's vicar-general: the 
archbishop assigned him the place next above bifli^ 
self. On the 21st of June, the archbishop laid be- 
fore the house the sentence definitive of the nullitf 
of the king's marriage with queen Anne, whidi 
Cromwell desired they would approve. It was ap« 
proved in the upper house, and sent down to the 
lower, in which it was also approved. On the 28d 
of June, the prolocutor, with the clergy, offered a 
book to the upper house, in which they set forth a 
collection of many ill doctrines that were puUidy 
preached within the province. On the 28th of June^ 
the confirmation of the decree concerning the king's 
last marriage was subscribed by both houses. On 
the 11th of July, the book concerning the articles of 
faith, and the ceremonies, was brought in by the bi- 
shop of Hereford, and was signed by both houses. 
These were also signed by the archbishop of Yoric, 
and the bishop of Duresme. On the 20th of July, 
the bishop of Hereford brought another book, con- 
taining the reasons why the king ought not to ap* 
pear in a council, summoned by the pope to meet at 
Mantua : this was likewise agreed to, and subscribed 
by both houses. I have nothing new to add to the 
account I have given in my History of the other pro- 
ceedings in matters of religion this year ; in which 
no convocation sat at York. There are several 



THE REFORMATION. «37 

draughts of these articles, that are in several places book 
corrected by the king's own hand ; some of the cor- 



rections are very long and very material : of these ^^^^' 
ody it was that I meant, and not of the engrossed 
and signed articles themselves, when I said they 
were corrected by the king ; as I have been misun- 
derstood. 

By these steps it appearing clearly that the king Pooi made 
had no thoughts of a reconciliation with Rome, the ^ 
pope on his part resolved to create him as much 
tiXNible as he could. Pool had been sent over from 
England to Paris while the suit of divorce was in de- 
pendance : he was particularly recommended by the 
bishop jof Bayonne, in one of his letters to Mont- 
morency, as a person of great hopes, and much fa- 
voured by the king : he came after that to England ; 
fin* he tells himself that he was in England while the 
point of the supreme headship was in debate. He 
says he was then absent, which shows that at that 
time he was contented to be silent in his opinion, and 
that he did not think fit to oppose what was doing. 
He was afterwards suffered to go and settle at Padua, 
where the gravity of his deportment, that was above 
his age, and the sweetness of his temper, made him 
be very much considered. He was still supported 
from England ; whether only out of his deanery of 
Exeter, or by any farther special bounty of the 
king's, is not certain. In several letters from Pa- 
dua, he acknowledges the king's bounty and favour 
to him, and in one he desires a farther supply. He 
being commanded by the king to do it, wrote over 
his opinion concerning his marriage : the king sent 
it to Cranmer before his being sent out of England : 
for that faithful and diligent searcher into the trans- . 



288 THE HISTORY OF 

PART actions of those times, Mr. Strype, has published the 

^ — letter that he wrote upon it ; the year is not added, 

1536. jjy^ ^Yie date being the 13th of June, it must be be- 
fore he was sent out of England, this being writ be* 
fore he was consecrated ; for he subscribes Cranmer, 
and upon his return he was consecrated long before 
June. It is written to the earl of Wiltshire : he 
mentions Pool's book, and commends both the wit . 
and eloquence of it very highly ; he thinks, if it 
should come abroad, it would not be possible to stand 
against it. Pool's chief design in it was, to persuade I 
the king to submit the matter wholly to the pop& - 
In it, ] 

He wrote *^ He Set forth the trouble that might follow upon . 
the dirwrw. " the diversity of titles to the crown, of which the ' 
wars upon the titles of Lancaster and York had 
given them a sad warning. All that was now 
*^ healed, and therefore care should be taken not to 
return to the like misery. He could never agree 
to the divorce, which must destroy the princess's 
^^ title, and accuse the king of living so long in a 
course of incest, against the law of God and of na- 
ture. This would increase the hatred the people 
began to bear to priests, if it should appear that 
they had so long approved that which is found 
now to be unlawful. As for the opinions of the 
universities, it was known they were often led by 
" affections ; and that they were brought over with 
great difficulty to declare for the king : but he sets- 
in opposition to them, the king's father and his 
council, the queen's father and his council, and 
" the pope and his council. It could not be ex- 
'* pected that the pope would condemn the act of 
^^ his predecessor, or consent to the abridging his 



ft 

f€ 



€4 



€f 
€€ 



t6 
it 



THE REFORMATION. 999 

own power, and do that which would raise sedi- book 

tion in many kingdoms, particularly in Portugal ! — 

^ He next shows the emperor's power, and the weak- ^^^^* 

* ness of France ; that the prohibiting our trade 
*to the Netherlands would be very ruinous, and 
"* that the French were never to be trusted. They 
" never kept their leagues with us ; for neither do 
" they love us, nor do we love them : and if they 
''find their aid necessary to England, they will 
^'chai^ it with intolerable conditions." This is 
the substance of that letter. So that at this time 
IVx)l wrote only to persuade the king by political 
considerations to submit wholly to the pope's judg- 
ment. The matter rested thus for some time : but 
rhen the breach was made, and all was past recon- 
aKng, then Cromwell wrote to him, by the king's 
sder, to declare his opinion with relation to the 
dng^s proceedings. Upon this reason only he wrote 
lis book, as he set forth in a paper of instructions 
[iven to one to be showed to the king, which will 

« found in the Collection. In which he writes, coiiect. 
' that he thinks, if it had not been for that, he had Sends one' 
' never meddled in the matter, seeing so little hope ^ith ?n-°^ 

* of success ; and that he had reason to think that *^"**^^'^"»- 

* what he should write would not be acceptable. 

* They had sent unto him from England the books 

* written on the contrary part : but he said he found 

* many things suppressed in these ; and all the co- 
" lours that could be invented were set upon untrue 
^ opinions. Besides, what had followed was griev- 
^ ous, both in the sight of God, and in the judgment 
** of the rest of Christendom : and he apprehending 
*• yet worse eflTects, both with relation to the king's 
^ honour, and the quiet of his realm, did upon that 



r 






6f 



«40 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** resolve to employ all the wit and learning that God 

'• — ** had given him to set forth the truth, and to show 

1536. t( jjjg consequences of those ill opinions. He hoped 
that what he wrote on the subject would fully sa- 
tisfy all that would examine it. This he did, in 
** hopes that the king, whom Grod had suffered to be 
carried away from those opinions that he had the 
honour formerly to maintain, would yet by the 
goodness of God be recovered out of the evil way 
" he was then in. 

" There were great instances of such cases in 
" scripture, in the stories of David and Solomon ; the 
^' last particularly, who, notwithstanding the gift of 
wisdom that he had from God, yet fell into idola- 
try. So, though the king was not fallen from the 
true doctrine of Christ, yet as David, when in a 
state of sin, was by a prophet, sent to him from 
God, brought to true repentance, and restored to the ' 
favour of God, he hoped he might, by the grace of 
" God, be an instrument to bring the king to a bet- 
" ter sense of things. Therefore, as he set himself 
" to study the matter, so he prayed earnestly to God 
" to manifest the truth to him : in which he hoped 
" God had heard his prayer ; so he looked for good 
" success. And that he might make the king appre- 
hend the danger he was in, both from his own 
people, who hated innovations in religion, and 
*' from other princes, to whose honour it belongs to 
" defend the laws of the church against all other 
" princes who impugn them, and to make the king 
more apprehensive of this, he had as in his own 
person brought out all such reasons as might pro- 
voke people or princes against him, since he was 
departing from the course in which he had begun. 









it 
it 



1536. 



THE REFORMATION. 841 

^ These reasons, if read apart, without considering book 
** the purpose he proposed, of representing to the . 
^ king the danger to which he was exposing himself, 
^ might make one think, from his vehemence of style 
^ in that argument, that he was the king's greatest 

* enemy ; but the reading the whole book will show 
^ what his intent in it all was. The book was too 
^ long for the king to read ; he desired therefore 
^ that he would order some learned and grave man 
** to read it, and to declare his judgment upon it, 
^ he being bound with an oath of fidelity, first to 
" God, and then to the king, to do it without affiec- 
^ tion on either part. He named particularly Ton- 

* stall, bishop of Duresme, whom he esteemed both 
''for learning and fidelity to the king above any 
^ other he knew. After Tonstall had first examined 
*• it, the king may refer the further examination of 
^ it to such other persons as he may think fit ; he 
** was likewise resolved that his book should never 
" come abroad till the king had seen it. 

" In these instructions, he mentions that he had 
'sent another book to the king concerning his mar- 
riage ; but in that he was disappointed of his in- 
tent, as the bearer might inform him, who knew 
** the whole matter. And since God had detected 
" her, who had been the occasion of all the errors 
** the king had been led into, it was the hope of all 
** who loved him, that he would now come to him- 
** self, and take that discovery as a favourable admo- 
** nition of God to consider better the opinion of 
** those who dissented from that marriage, as seeing 
** the great dishonour and danger like to follow on 
" it. He wished the king would look on that as a 
" warning to return to the unity of the church : he 

VOL. III. R 



u 



1536. 






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fm THE HISTORY OF 

PART << was sensible nothing but the hand of God ooidd , 

! — *^ work a change in the king's mind ; and when that 

*^ should be done, ijt would be one of the greatasfr • 
** miracles that the world had seen for some ages t ') 
*^ with the most signal characters of God's favour tOf - 
** him, which would deliver him out of those ver]r 
great dangers that must follow upon the meeting^ 
of a general council : whereas, if he should retunr 
^^ to the unity of the church, no prince would appear 
*^ in that assembly with more honour than would be 
paid to him, if he should return; even his ftB 
would prove a great blessing to the church, and 
tend to the reformation of the whole, and to the 
^^ manifestation of the honour of God. It would 
*^ then appear that God had suffered him to fall, to 
^^ make him rise with more honour ; to the greater 
<^ weakh, not only of his own realm, but of the whole 
^* church besides. With these instructions he sent a 
** private letter to Tonstall from Venice, dated Coiv 
" pus Christi Eve." 

When his book against the divorce came first to 
England, he was written to in the king's name to 
come over and explain some things in it; but he 
excused himself: he pretended the love of retire* 
ment, and of the noble company with whom he lived 
in an easy and learned friendship there. Eloquence 
seems to be that which he turned his mind most to ; 
for in every thing he wrote there is much more of 
declamation than of argument. 

Tonstall being thus provoked by Pool, and ann- 
manded by the king, wrote a full and solid answer 
to him, on the 13th of July 1586, which will be 

Numb^ca ^^^^^ ^" ^^^ Collection. " He acknowledged he 
^^ had received his letter, as the king has received 



THE REFORMATION. 943 

"* hk bodk ; in which he desired that the reading 6f book 
*' it miglit be first put ilpon him : he had read both 



i « 



*• Ms letter ktid his long book, and was truly grieved tomuu ' 
^ aft hei read it ; sefeinfif both the vehemence of his ^'^» «>p»- 

•^ ously to 

" style, and that he misrepresented the whole mat- him. 
^ Ut, as if the king was separated from the church. 
" H6 tvished he had rather written his opinion pri- 
^ rktely in a letter to the king, which might have 
^ heetk read by himself, and iiot have enlarged him- 
^ sdf into so greKt a book, which must be communi- 

* cated and seeti of others. What sttipidity was it 
^ to send so long a book so great a way, by one who 

* niight haive miscarried in it ; and so the book might 
" have fiillen into the hands of those who would have 

poMished it, to the slander of the king and the 

* kingdomf, but most of afll to his own, for his ingra- 
** titede to the king, who had bred him up to that 
"leaitiing, which was now used against him, in 

* Whose defence he ought to have spent both life 
^ and learning : he advised him to burn all that he 
** had written on that subject. There appeared a 
" strain of bittemess in his whole book, that was 
*?ery unbecoming him. He then comes to the 
" argainent, to show that the king, by the title of 

* the supreme head, did not separate himself nor his 

* church from the unity of the whole body. The 
** ikig did not take upon him the office belonging 
^ to spiritual men, the cure of souls ; nor that which 
** belongs to the priesthood, to preach the word of 
^ €Sod, and to Aiinister the sacraments. He knew 

* what belonged to his own office as king, and what 

* betoAged to the priest's office : no prince esteemed 
'^ spiritual men, that were given to learning and 
** virtae, more than he did. His only design was, 

K 2 



U* THE HISTORY OF 

PART « to see the laws of God siocerely preached, and 

III 

' ** Christ's feith (without blot) observed in his king- 
1536. (( ^^^ . im^i |.Q reduce his church out of the capti- 

" vity of foreign powers (formeriy usurped) into the 
•* state in which all the churches of God were at the 
** beginning ; and to put away all (he usurpations 
*^ that the bishops of Rome had by undue means 
<* still increased, to their own gain, but to the im- 
^* poverishing of the kingdom. By this he only re- 
** duced things to the state that is most conformable 
** to the ancient decrees of the church, which the 
bishops of Rome solemnly promise to observe at 
their creation ; naming the eight general councils; 
and yet any one, who considers to what a state the 
iMshop of Rome had brought this church, would 
soon see the diversity between the one and the 
other. At Venice he might see these in Greek, 
and they were already published in Latin : bj 
" which it appears, that the bishop of Rome had 
" then no such monarchy as they have usurped oi 
'' late. 

*^ If the places of scripture which he quoted did 
" prove it, then the council of Nice did err, whicli 
decreed the contrary ; as the canons of the apo- 
stles did appoint, that the ordinations of priests and 
bishops should be made in the diocese, or at most 
in the province, where the parties dwelt. These 
canons Damascen reckoned holy scriptures. Noi 
can it be thought that the four general coundL 
" would have acted as they did, if they had under 
^^ stood those passages of scripture as he did ; foi 
" above a thousand years after Christ the custom! 
were very contrary to those now used by the hi 
shop of Rome : when the blood of Christ and o 



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THE REFORMATION. «46 

' the martyrs were yet fresh, the scriptures were book 
^ then best understood, and the customs then used 



* in the church must be better, than those that ' ^^^* 

* through ambition and covetousness had crept in 
^ since. Light and darkness may be as well recon- 
^ oiled, as the wildly authority in temporal things 
*• now usurped can be proved from St. Peter's pri- 
**macy, in preaching the word of God. He refers 
** him to cardinal Cusa's second book, in which he 
" will find this well opened. 

'* The king going to reform his realm, and to re- 
^ duce things to the state in which they were some 
''ages ago, did not change, but establish those laws, 

* which the pope professes to observe. If other 
** princes did not follow him in this, that ought not 
^ to hinder him from doing his duty : of which he 
^ did not doubt to be able to convince him, if he 
^ bad but one day's discourse with him, unless he 
" were totally addicted to the contrary opinion. Pool 
^ wrote in his letter, that he thought the king's sub- 
"jects were offended at the abolishing the pope's 
*' usurpations : but Tonstall assured him, that in 
** this he was deceived ; for they all perceived the 
** profit that the kingdom had by it, since the money 
" that was before carried over to Rome was now 
^ kept within the kingdom. That was become a 
" very heavy burden, and was daily increasing ; so 
" that if the king would go about to restore that 
" abolished authority, he would find it more diffl- 
** cult to bring it about, than any thing he had ever 
** yet attempted in his parliament. Pool had in his 

* letter blamed Tonstall for fainting in his heart, 
•• and not dying for the authority of the bishop of 
** Rome. He assures him, that from the time that 

B 3 



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S46 THE HISTORY OF 

PART '' he understood the progress pf Christ^ church ^m 
"^' '< the beginning, and had re^ eodesii»tical histoiyy 
1536. «< he never thought to shed one drop of blood in that 
*^ cause. None of those who had advantage by that 
'^ authority would have lost one penny of it to have 
'^ saved his life : he would do what in him lay to 
^^ cod that indignation which his book had raised is 
*^ the king. He desired him not to fancy (from what 
^* he saw in Italy, or in other places) that it was so 
from the beginning. The councils would show 
him how that dignity was given to the bishops of 
** Kome. The emperors called those councils, and 
'^ the dignity that was given hini was because he 
<< was bishop of the chief city of the empire^ and not 
^^ for the sake of Peter and Paul. The second pk|ce 
<^ was given to the patriarchs of Constantinople ; b^ 
'* cause it was called New Rome, and so was pve- 
<< ferred to Antioch, where St. Peter was bishop, and 
** where the name Christian first began ; and it was 
" set before Alexandria, and likewise before Jerusa- 
lem, where Christ himself preached, and the whole 
college of the apostles after him, and where James 
" (the brother of our Lord) was the first bishop. 
" That church was called the mother of all the 
" churches. It was also set before Ephesus, where 
" St. John wrote his Gospel, and died. To all these 
** Constantinople was preferred : and yet this was 
** fully settled in the council of Chaloedon* where 
^* 630 bishops met. If he read the Greek fathers, 
^^ Basil, Nazianzen, Chrysostome, and Damascen, he 
" would find no mention of the monarchy of the 
" bishop of Rome. He desired him to search fur- 
'^ tber into this matter, and he would find that the 
^' old fathers knew nothing of the pope's late preten- 



ce 



THE REFORMATION. «47 

** skins and usurpations. He wished therefore that book 

^ he trould examine these matters more carefully, '- 

" which had been searched to the bottom in Eng- ^^^^' 
** land. The learned men here thought, they were 
** happily delivered from that captivity, to which he 
** endeavours to bring them back. He tells him how 
** much all his family and kindred would be troubled, 
^ to see him so much engaged against his king and 
^ his country ; whom he might comfort, if he would 
^ follow the establishment of the whole church of 

* God ftom the beginning, and leave the supporting 
" of those usurpations. He refers him to Gregory 
** the Great, who wrote against the bishop of Con- 
^ stantinople, pretending to the like monarchy. St. 
^ Cyprian writes, that all the apostles were of equal 
** dignity and authority : which is also affirmed by 
^ the third council of Ephesus. He begged him not 

* to trust too much to himself, but to search fur- 
" ther, and not to fancy he had found out the mat- 
^ ter already. He prayed him to burn all his pa- 
** pers ; and then he hoped he should prevail with 
** the king to keep that which he had sent him se- 
*• cret. He concludes all with some very kind ex- 
** pressions.'' 

This I have abstracted the more fully, for the 
honour of TonstalFs memory ; who was a generous 
and good-natured, as well as a very learned man. 
Pool, who was then a cardinal, wrote no answer 
to this that I could find ; but he wrote a long let- 
ter, either to Tonstall or to Cromwell, in May 1537, 
which will be found in the Collection. coiiect. 

Numb. 53. 

•• He begins it with protestations of his affection cardinal 
« to the king, though the king had taken such me- J^^f^;;*^; 
•• tbods to destroy him, as the like had not been him«!if. 

R 4 



248 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << known in Christendom, against any who bore the 
*^ person that he did at that time ; yet he still main- 






(4 



1536. « tained a deep affection to him. He knew well all 
*' that the king had designed against him ; which, if 
'^ he bore the king a small degree of love, would be 
'* enough to extinguish it. He saw what he did fbr 
the best was taken in the worst part. He did not 
think it possible, that the king should conceire 
such indignation against him, as to break through 
*^ all laws to have him in his hands, and to disturb 
** the whole commerce of nations rather than not 
have his person in his power. But he still adhered 
to his former principles, and maintained his former 
temper towards the king. 

*^ Upon his arrival in France, he was ashamed to 
** hear that, he coming thither in the quality of an 
ambassador and legate, one prince should desire 
of another to betray him, and deliver him into the 
king's ambassador's hands. He himself was so 
" little disturbed at it, when he first heard of it, that 
** he said upon it, (to those who were about him,) 
^* that he never felt himself in full possession of 
" being a cardinal till then ; since he was now per- 
" secuted by him whose good he most earnestly de- 
" sired. Whatever religion men are of, if they would 
*^ observe the law of nations, the law of nature alone 
'* would show how abominable it was to grant such 
*' a request ; and it was no less to desire it. So that 
** if he had the least spark of an alienation from the 
*' king in him, such proceedings would blow it up 
** into a fire. He might upon this be justly tempted 
to give over all commerce with the king, and to 
procure (by all honest ways) the means to repay 
^' this malignity, by doing him the utmost damage 



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THE REFORMATION. 249 

^ he could devise: but he did not for that abstain book 
' finom trying to do all he could for the king's ho- 



*^ nour and wealth. He acknowledges that the bishop ^^^^* 
" of Verona was sent by him to the court of France, 
** to intimate that the pope (for the common good of 
* Christendom) had committed some affairs to him, 
** to treat with the king. That bishop passed through 
^ Abbeyille when the bishop of Winchester and Mr. 
^ Brian were there : so he could not but wonder at 
" the king's acting towards him ; the whole design 
** of his l^ation being for the king's honour. Upon 
^ which that bishop desired to confer with the king's 
"ambassadors, that he might declare to them the 
^ whole truth of the matter, which was made known 
" to them. They, it is true, had no communication 
** with him ; but they sent their secretary, after the 
^ iHshop had declared the effect of his legation, as 
^ far as it related to the king, to him. 

" It seemed visible to all, that the king (in what 
^ he had done against him) was abused by false re- 
" ports, and by the false conjectures of some ; so it 
" was hoped, that, the matter being once cleared, 
*^ the king would have changed his mind. All this 
" he understood from the bishop of Verona at his 
" return ; and he readily believed it. That bishop 
'' had been the king's true servant, and had showed 
" (when he was in a capacity to serve him) the sin- 
" cere love that he bore him. He had been also 
" Pool's particular acquaintance ever since he came 
" out of England. He would have been ready, if 
the king had consented to it, to have gone and 
given the king full satisfaction in all things. For, 
" the chief reason of his being sent into France was, 
'^ the pope's intending to gain the king, knowing the 






1536. 



«60 THE HISTORY OF 

PART *< friendship that was between him and the French 
** king : so the bishop of Verona was thought tbe 
^ fittest person to be first employed, who had great 
^* merits on both kings, for the services he did them 
** when he was in office : and being esteemed the 
best bishop in Italy, it was designed that he should 
accompany Pool, as well as he was sent before, to 
prepare matters for his coming ; which he, out d 
his zeal to do God and the king service, undertodc 
very willingly ; and resolved to try how he could 
get access to the king^s person: so now, having 
fully explained himself, he hoped it would not be 
thought possible that he had those designs, of 
which the king's proceeding against him showed 
he suspected him, (which was, that he came on 
purpose to animate the people to rebeL) 

Upon his first coming to Rome, he acquainted 
the king with the design, for which he was called 
** thither : and he had acquainted him with the 
" cause of his legation. These were not the me- 
" thods of those who intended to rebel. He had 
then procured a suspension, in sending forth the 
censures, which at that time might have caused 
the king more trouble: and he sent his servant 
" purposely with the offer of his assistance, animat- 
" ing the chief of his kindred to be constant in the 
king's service. If any had been at Rome, in the 
king's pay, to do him service, they could not have 
** done more than he did ; so that some began to re- 
" fleet on him, because he would not consent to di- 
vers things that would have been uneasy to him : 
and particularly, because he had the censures in 
" his hand, which were instantly called for by those 
** who had authority to command : yet they never 



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THE REFORMATION. S51 

"came into thdr sight, nor hands; and to that hour book 
^ he had suppressed them. He would go no further 



'm justifying himself, if what he had already done, ^^^^' 
" and what the bishop of Verona had said, did not do 
"it; he would take no more pains to clear himself: 
** he rather thought he had been faulty in his negli- 
* gence in these matters. But there was nothing 
^ now left to him, but to pray for the king." 

This letter is dated from Cambray : for upon the 
tinges message to the French king, to demand him 
to be delivered into his hands, Francis could in no 
nrt hearken to that, but he sent to him not to come 
la his court, but to go with all convenient haste out 
tf his dominions : so he retired to Cambray, as being 
lien a peculiar sovereignty. The king had a spy, 
me Throckmorton, secretly about Pool, who gave 
lim an account of all his motions : but, by what ap- 
lears in his letters, lie was faithfuUer to Pod than 
the king. He wrote over, that his book was not 
hen printed, though he had been much pressed to 
orint it by those at Rome; but he thought that 
rould hinder the design he went on : he believed 
odeed, that, upon his returning thither, he would 
rint it. He tells him, that he had procured the 
ospensions of the pope's censures, to try if it was 
iQssihle to bring about a reconciliation between the 
lope and the king : and he adds, that many won- 
lered to see the king so set against him, and that 
le did not rather endeavour to gain him. He in- 
ended to have stayed some time in Flanders, but the 
egent sent him word, that it could not be suffered. 
le went from thence and stayed at Leige, where he 
ras on the 20th of August ; for the last of Throck- 
norton's letters is dated from thence. He writes. 



268 THE HISTORY OF 

PART that the pope had caUed him back, having named 
him to be his legate to the council that he had sum- 



'^^^' moned to meet the 1st of November; though it did 
not meet for some years after this. 
The king The king's indignation upon his advancement, 
ciied to the and for his book, carried him to a great many ez- 
^'' cesses, and to many acts of injustice and cruelty; 
which are not the least among the great blemishes of 
that reign. Wyat was then the king's ambassador at 
the emperor's court ; and by his letters to the king H 
seems an entire confidence was then settled with 
the emperor. The king pressed him much not tb 
suffer the pope to call a council, but to call one bj 
his own authority, as the Roman emperors had 
called the first general councils; and he proposed 
Cambray as a proper place for one : but he saw he 
was not like to succeed in that, so he only insisted 
on a promise that the emperor had made, that no^ 
thing should be done in the council, whensoever it 
should meet, against him or his kingdom. 

The king was at this time under much uneasi- 
ness, for he sent both Bonner and Hains over to the 
emperor's court in conjunction : the one seems to 
have been chosen to talk with those who were stiU 
papistical ; and the other had great credit with the 
protestants. Our merchants in the emperor's domin- 
ions were threatened by the inquisition for owning 
the king as supreme head of this church. Upon this 
Wyat complained to the emperor. But though that 
prince vindicated the inquisitors, he promised to give 
such order, that they should not be disquieted on 
that account : and when Pool applied himself to the 
emperor for leave to affix the pope's bull against the 
king in his dominions, he would not consent to it. 



THE REFORMATION. 868 

I cannot add much to what I wrote formerly book 
with relation to the suppression of the monasteries. 



Tliere are many letters, setting forth their vices and j^^f^S 
lewdness, and their robberies, and other ill practices ;<*on'i no- 

, , * lent pro- 

flnd now that the design agamst them was apparent, ceedingi in 
many run beyond sea with their plate and jewels : the^monlu- 
tmt I must not conceal, that the visitors give a great ""^ 
diaracter of the abbess and nuns of PoUesworth in 
Warwickshire. Dr. London, that was afterwards not 
only a persecutor of protestants, but a suborner of 
ftbe witnesses against them, was now zealous even 
to officiousness in suppressing the monasteries. In 
the first commission that the visitors had, there was 
no order for the removing shrines; yet he in his 
seal exceeding his commission had done it: upon 
which Leighton, Legh, and others, desired that a 
commission for that end might be sent after them, 
of the same date with their other commissions. He 
also studied to frighten the abbess of Godstow into 
a resignation. She was particularly in Cromwell's 
&vour ; so she wrote a plain honest letter to him, 
complaining of " London's violence, of his artifices to 
" bring them to surrender their house, and of the great 
** charge he put them to : she writes, that she did not 
** hear that any of the king's subjects had been so han- 
** died. She insists on her care to maintain the honour 
** of God, and all truth and obedience to the king ; 
therefore she was positively resolved not to sur- 
render her house, but would be ready to do it when- 
soever the king's command or his should come to 
her, and not till then." Tlie great character I gave 
[ of that abbess and of her house in my former work, 
made me resolve to put this letter in the CoUec- Coiiect. 

Numb. 54. 

tion. 



u 
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!IS4 THE HISTORY Of 

PART The discovery of the cheats in images, and Co 
terfeits in relics, contributed not a littk to their < 



Numb. 55. 



chifte^D Sf""^' Among these, that of Boxley in Kent ^ 
imagft in- one of the most enormous. Amoncf the papers f 
were sent me from Zurick, there is a letter wrn 
by the minister of Maidstone to BuUinger, that 
scribes such an image, if it is not the same, so } 
Goiiect. ticularly, that I have put it in the Collection, 
calls it the Dagon of Ashdod, or the Babylonish 1 
It was a crucifix that sometimes moved the he 
the eyes, and did bend the whde body to expi 
the receiving of prayers ; and other gestures wen 
other times made to signify the r^ecting the 
great offerings were made to so wonderfal an imt 
One Partridge suspected the fraud, and, removing 
image, he saw the whole imposture evidently^ Tl 
were several springs within it, by which all tt 
motions were made. This was brought to MiodsCi 
and exposcfd to all the people there ; from thenc 
was carried to London, and was showed to the k 
and all his court, and in their sight all the moti 
were performed. The king's council ordered a 1 
mon to be preached at Paul's, by the bishop of ] 
Chester, where this imposture was fully discover 
and after sermon it was burnt. 

Upon the birth of prince Edward, matters he 
better face : here was an undoubted heir bom to 
crown : it is true, the death of his mother did al 
much of the joy, that such a birth would have gi 
otherwise; for as she was of all the king's wi 
much the best beloved by him, so she was a pei 
of that humble and sweet temper, that she 
universally beloved on that account : she had 
occasion given her to appear much in business 



THE REFORMATION. 8S6 

le had no share of the hatred raised by the ioDg's book 
w^eedings cast on her. I fell into a mistake 



nn a letter of queen Elizabeth's, directed to a big- '^^^' 
•Hied queen, which I thought belonged to her ; but 
am now convinced of my error, for it was no 
Nibt written to queen Katherine, when, after idng 
mrfs death, she was with child by the lord Sei- 
onr* Upon queen Jane's death, Tonstall, being todsuii 
CD at York, wrote a consolatory letter to the king, soutory let- 
hich will be found in the Collection. It runs upon kln^wiJii 
e common topics of affliction, with many good ap-J^J^"^'"^ 
ications of passages of scripture, and seems chiefly ^"- ^- 5^- 
eant to calm and cheer up the king's spirit. But 
e truth is, king Henry had so many gross faults 
out him, that it had been more for Tonstall's ho- 
ur, and better suited to his character, if he had 
ren hints to awaken the king's conscience, and 
call upon him to examine his ways, while he had 
It load upon his mind. Either Tonstall did not 
ink him so faulty as certainly he was, or he was 
Ej faulty himself, in being so wanting to his duty 
ion so great an occasion. 

But I go on to more public concerns. The king 
d by the lord Cromwell sent injunctions to his 
!rgy in the year 1536, as he did afterwards in the 
ar 1538, which I have printed in my former work. Reg. Heref. 
Iiere was also a circular letter written to the bi- ^^ ' ^' 
ops; that to the bishop of Hereford is dated orders *- 

'^ ^ Iwut holy- 

the 20th of July 1536, requiring them to exe-dBys. 
te an order, abrogating some holy-days. The 
imbers of them were so excessively great, and 

the people's devotion, or rather superstition, 
vt^ like to increase more and more, which oc- 
sioned much sloth and idleness, and great loss to 






266 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the public in time of harvest. It sets forth, that 

i — the king, with the advice of the convocatioii, had 

^^^^- settled rules in this matter. The feast of the de- 
dication of churches was to be held every year, m 
the first Sunday in October: but the feast of the 
patron of the church was to be no more observed. 
All the feasts from the first of July to the 29th of 
September, and all feasts in term-time, were not to 
be observed any more as holy-days, except the feaste 
of the apostles, of the blessed Virgin Mary, and of St 
George, and those days in which the judges did not h 
use to sit ; but the four quarter-days were still to be J 
offering days. These are all the public injunctions set • 
out about this time. But after the first of these, I find ; 
the bishops sent likewise injunctions to their clergjr i 
round their dioceses, of which a copy, printed at that ': 
time, was given me by my worthy friend Mr. Tate, 
minister of Bumham. The first was by Lee, archbi- 
Numb^'c^i ^^^P ^^ York, which will be found in the CollectioD. 
iDjuDctioDs ** He begins with the abolishing of the bishop of 
Srarc/- ** Rome's authority, and the declaring the king to be 
Yo?k.^ ^^ *^ supreme head of the church of England, as well spi- 
" ritual as temporal. He requires his clergy to pro- 
vide a New Testament in English or Latin within 
forty days, and to read daily in it two chapters be- 
^* fore noon, and two in the afternoon ; and to study 
'* to understand it. He requires them also to study 
" the book to be set forth by the king, of the Insti- 
" tution of a Christian Man. They were to procure 
it as soon as it should be published, that they 
might read two chapters a day in it, and be able 
** to explain it to their people. All curates and 
" heads of religious houses were required to repeat 
" the Lord's Prayer and the Ave-Maria in English ; 



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THE REFORMATION. 257 

^ SDd at other parts of the service, the Creed and the book 

III, 

*< Ten CommaDdments also in English, and to make 



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"the people repeat these after them: and none were ^^^^' 
'to be admitted to the sacrament at Easter that 
could not repeat them. AU parishes were re- 
quired, within forty days, to provide a great Bible 
in English, to be chained to some open place in 
'^ the church ; that so all persons might resort to it, 
''and read it for their instruction. Priests were 
^forbidden to haunt taverns or alehouses, except 
on necessary occasions. The clergy that did be- 
long to any one church were required to eat toge- 
ther, if they might, and not to play at prohibited 
games, as cards and dice. They must discourage 
*" none from reading the scriptures, exhoiting them 
^ to do it in the spirit of meekness, to be edified by 
it. They were required to read to their people 
the Gospel and Epistle in English. Rules are set 
" for the frequent use of sermons, proportioned to 
** the value of their livings : generally four sermons 
** were to be preached every year, one in a quarter. 
*^ None were to preach but such as had license from 
" the king or the archbishop ; nor were they to wor- 
** ship any image, or kneel or offer any lights or gifts 
** to it : but they might have lights in the roodloft, 
** and before the sacrament, and at the sepulchre at 
" Easter. They were to teach the people that 
images are only as books to stir them up to fol- 
low the saints ; and though they see God the Fa- 
** ther represented as an old man, they were not to 
** think that he has a body, or is like a man. All 
images to which any resort is used are to be taken 
away. They are to teach the people that God is 
not pleased with the works done for the traditions 

VOL. III. s 






i€ 



J 



868 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « of men. when works commanded by Ood are left 
III 

<< undone ; that we are only saved by the mercy of 



1536. « God, and the merits of Christ; that our good 
'< works have their virtue only from thence. They 
<< were to teach the midwives the form of baptism: 
** they were to teach the people to make no private 
** contracts of marriage, nor to force their childrea 
^^ to marry against their wills ; and to open to their 
^* people often the two great commandments of 
^* Christ, To love God and our neighbour, and to 
** live in love with all people, avoiding dissension.** 

The rest relate to the matters set out in the king^i 

injunctions. 

Injunctions There were about the same time injunctions givai 

■hop**of**'' "^y Sampson, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, for 

cojentry |jjg dioccsc, which will bc fouud in the CoUectimK 

nnd Litcb- ' 

field. He begins with a charge to his clergy, " to instruct 
Nomb/sS. *^ the people concerning the king's being the su-* 
** preme head of the church of England, by the 
*^ word of God ; and that the authority used by the 
bishop of Rome was an usurpation. Then be 
charges them to procure by the next Whitsuntide 
^' a whole Bible in Latin, and also one in English; 
** and to lay it in the church, that every man may 
^^ read in it. Then, with relation to the reading 
the scriptures, and the having sermons every quar- 
ter, he gives the same charge that Lee gave. As 
^^ to their sermons, he charges them that they be 
" preached purely, sincerely, and according to the 
*^ true scriptures of God. He next requires them in 
*^ the king's name, and as his minister, to teach the 
** people to say the Lord's Prayer, and the Ave, and 
** the Creed in English : and that four times in 
" every quarter they declare the seven deadly sins. 



€6 






THE REFORMATION. 859 

*and the Ten CommandmeDts. And because some, book 

III 
" out of neglect of their curates, and to hide their 



*Iewd livings, used in Lent to go to confession to ^^^^' 

* friarst or other religious houses ; he orders that no 
" testimonial from them shall be sufficient to admit 
" one to t)ie sacrament, called by him God's board, 
" till they confess to their own curates, unless upon 

* some urgent considerations of conscience, that he 
^ or his deputies should grant a special license for 
" it That on holydays, and in time of divine ser- 
" vice, none should go to alehouses or taverns,, nor 
" be received in them : and that the clergy should 
^ go in such decent apparel, that it might be known 

* that they were of the clergy." 

The last of the injunctions in that book was given 
by Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, for his diocese, 
which will be found in the Collection ; they are said collect. 
to be given out from the authority given him by """"'• ^^• 
God and the king. 

" He begins with provision about non-residents And by the 
'^ and their curates ; in particular, that no French or Salisbury. 
" Irish priest, that could not perfectly speak the 
" English tongue, should serve as curates. They 
^ were at high mass to read the Gospel and Epistle 
** in the English tongue, and to set out the king's 
** supremacy, and the usurpations of the bishop of 
** Rome. The same rules are given about ser- 
** mons as in the former, with tliis addition, that 
^ no friar, nor any person in a religious habit, be 
" suffered to perform any service in the church. As 
''for reading the New Testament, the clergy are 

* only required to read one chapter every day ; and 

* that every person having a cure of souls should be 

* aUe to repeat without book the Gospels of St. Mat- 

s 2 ^ 



« 
(( 
<( 
(( 
« 



(( 
ti 

t€ 
U 









860 THE HISTORY OP 

ART '' thew and St. John, with the Epistles to the Ro- 
'"• << mans, Corinthians, and Oalatians, and the Acts of ^ 
1536. « the Apostles, and the canonical Epistles: so tint 
every fortnight they should learn one chapter 
without book, and keep it still in their menKny: 
*^ and that the 28th chapter of Deuteronomy shoold 
be read every quarter instead of the general sen- 
tence. He gave the same orders that the otheii 
gave about images, pilgrimages, and other supe^ 
stitious observances, and for teaching the peopk | 
the elements of religion in English ; only he doei 
not join the Ave-Maria, with the Lord's Prayefi 
*' as the others did. He requires the curates to 6K- 
hort the people to beware of swearing and Ua^ 
pheming the name of God, or of Christ's predous 
body and blood, and of many other sins, then com- 
monly practised : he dispensed with all lights be- 
fore images, and requires that every church should 
** be furnished with a Bible. He complains of the 
practice of putting false relics on the people, 
naming stinking boots, mucky combs, ragged rock- 
" ets, rotten girdles, locks of hair, gobbets of wood, 
as parcels of the holy cross, of which he had per- 
fect knowledge; besides the shameful abuse of 
such as were perhaps true relics: he prays and 
" commands them, by the authority he had under 
*^ God and the king, to bring all these to him, with 
" the writings relating to them, that he might ex- 
" amine them, promising to restore such as were 
" found to be true relics, with an instruction how 
" they ought to be used. He also orders, that the 
" Ave and pardon-bell, that was wont to be tolled 
" three times a day, should be no more tolled." 
These are all the injunctions set out by bishops 



THE REFORMATION. 961 

that have fallen into my hands. Here I must ac- book 

• • III 

knowledge a very great omission made in the copy 



that I printed in the Collection added to my History, ^^^^* 
flf a very important paragraph, in the second injunc- 
tion given by Cromwell^ which will be found in the 
Collection, together with an omission of a few lines coiiect. 
in bishop Bonner's injunctions, that were passed over "™^' 
I by a very common fault of transcribers^ who, seeing 
I (he words that they wrote last in the original before 
> diemy do not enough examine whether the same 
words did not belong to a new portion, and so write 
I QQ without examining whether there are no words 
m lines between the one and the other : for churches 
mid chapels being in two different places, my copier 
wrote on from the second place, and so omitted some 
Soes between the one and the other. I am very 
ready to correct what I find amiss ; I rather wonder 
that there is no more occasion for such reprehensions. 
I know I am not to expect either favour or common 
dvility from some hands. I do not enter into faults 
of a worse nature made by others, but am very ready 
to confess my own when I see them. 

I find nothing to add with relation to the dissolu- 
tion both of the smaller and the greater monasteries, 
nor of the several risings that were in different parts 
c»f the kingdom ; only I find a letter of Gresham, then ,^j?****"'f 
lord mayor of London, I suppose he was the father ^ingf for 

- 1 initn !• puttingfthe 

of him who was the famed benefactor to the city ; great bos- 
but by the letter which will be found in the CoUec-handVof* * 
tion, his father was the occasion of procuring them ^^^ ^^^'^' 
a much greater benefaction. He begun his letter Numb. 6i. 
with a high commendation of the king, who, as he 
writes, " seemed to be the chosen vessel of God, by 
** whom the true word of God was to be set forth, 

s 3 A 



aes THE HISTORY OF 

PAR T ** and who was to reform all enormities* This enoou- 
' << raged him, being then the mayor of the city of 
1536. €t i^ndon, to inform him, for the comfort of the skk, 
'^ aged, and impotent persons, that there were tbree 
<^ hospitals near or within the dty, that of Saint 
<< George, Saint Bartholomew, and Saint Thonuu^ 
*^ and the New Abbey on Tower-HiU, founded and 
*^ endowed with great possessions, only for the he^ 
** ing the poor and impotent, who were not aUe to 
** help themselves ; and not for the mainteDance d 
'^ canons, priests, and monks, to live in pleasure, not 
regarding the poor, who were Ipng in every street^ 
offending all that passed by them: he therefoie 
prayed the king, for the relief of Christ's true 
images, to give order that the mayor of LiondoB 
and the aldermen may from thenceforth have the 
disposition and rule both of the lands belonging to 
** those hospitals, and of the governors and minister! 
** which shall be in any of them. And then the 
** king would perceive, that whereas now there was 
^^ a small number of canons, priests, and monks in 
** them for their own profit only ; that then a great 
^^ number of poor and indigent persons should be 
maintained in them, and also freely healed of thdr 
infirmities: and there should be physicians, sur- 
geons, and apothecaries, with salaries to attend 
upon them. And those who were not able to 
labour should be relieved ; and sturdy beggars, not 
willing to labour, should be punished. In doing 
^^ this, the king would be more charitable to the 
poor than his progenitor Edgar, the founder of so 
many monasteries; or Henry the Third, the re- 
** newer of Westminster ; or Edward the Third, the 
" founder of the New Abbey ; or than Henry the 



ti 



it 
*t 
« 

a 



it 



THE REFORMATION. 868 

''Fifth, the founder of Sion and Shene; and he book 
* would carry the name of the protector and de- 



« fender of the poor.*' ^^^^• 

How soon after this these hospitals were put under 
the goYemment of the lord mayor and aldermen of 
London, will be found in the history of the city. 
Bot I thought this letter was worth remembering, 
ainoe probably it gave the rise to the putting those 
endowments in such hands^ in which, to the wonder 
of all the world, we see such a noble order and ma- 
nagement, and such an overflowing of charity, that 
not only all their revenues are with the exactest 
management possible applied wholly to the use for 
which they were designed ; but that the particular 
bounties of those whom God has blessed in the city, 
that are annually given to them, do far exceed their 
stated revenues : of which there are yearly accounts 
published in Easter week ; and which no doubt do 
bring down great blessings on the city, and on all its 
concerns. 

The state of matters began to turn about this time. The king 
The king seemed to think that his subjects owed an f^l^'ost 
entire resignation of their reasons and consciences to^^^T™. 
him ; and, as he was highly offended with those who 
still adhered to the papal authority, so he could not 
bear the haste that some were making to a further 
reformation, before or beyond his allowance. So, in 
the end of the year 1538, he set out a proclamation 
on the l6th of November. 

In it he prohibits the importing of all foreign 
books, or the printing of any at home without 
license, and the printing any parts of scripture, till 
they were examined by the king and his council, or 
by the bishop of the diocese. He condemns all the 

s 4 



264 THE HISTORY OF 

FART books of the anabaptists and sacramentaries ; and 
appoints those to be punished who vented them. 



1538. jjg requires that none may ai^ue against the pre- 
sence of Christ in the sacrament, under the pain of 
death, and of the loss of their goods ; and orders all 
to be punished who did disuse any rites or ceremo^ 
nies not then abolished : yet he orders them to be 
observed without superstition only as remembrances, 
and not to repose in them a trust of salvation by ob- 
serving them. He requires that all married priests 
should no more minister the sacrament, but be de- 
prived, with further punishment or imprisonment at 
the king's pleasure. What follows after this will be 
Collect, found in the Collection ; for the whole did not seem 
'so important as to be all set down, it being very 
He eeu out long. ^^ The king, considering the several supersti* 
cumjuiooT *^ tions and abuses which had crept into the hearts 
** of many of his unlearned subjects, and the strife 
*^ and contention which did grow among them, had 
often commanded his bishops and clergy to preach 
plainly and sincerely, and to set forth the true 
" meaning of the sacramentals and ceremonies, that 
" they might be quietly used for such purposes as 
" they were at first intended : but he was informed 
" that this had not been executed according to his 
** expectation ; therefore he requires all his arch- 
'* bishops and bishops, that in their own persons they 
will preach with more diligence, and set forth to 
the people the word of God sincerely and purely ; 
" declaring the difference between the things com- 
" manded by God, and these rites and ceremonies 
" commanded only by a lower authority, that they 
" may come to the true knowledge of a lively faith 
** in God, and obedience to the king, with love and 



it 



t6 



THE REFORMATION. S65 

^ charity to their neighbours. They were to require book 

'' all their clergy to do the same, and to exhort the ! 

" people to read and hear with simplicity, and with- ^^^* 
^ oat arn^nce, avoiding all strife and contention, 
^ under the pain of being punished at the king's 
** jdeasure." 

To this he adds, ** That it appearing clearly that ad aocoimt 
^Thomas Becket, sometime archbishop of Canter- the king of 
^ bary, did stubbornly withstand the laws established Becket 
^ against the enormities of the clergy by king Henry 
"the Second, and had fled out of the realm into 
** France, and to the bishop of Rome to procure the 
** abrogating of these laws ; from which there arose 
** great troubles in the kingdom : his death, which 
** they untruly called his martyrdom, happened upon 
" a rescue made by him, upon which he gave oppro- 
" brious words to the gentlemen who counselled him 
"^ to leave his stubbornness, and not to stir up the 
** people, who were risen for that rescue. He called 
" one of them bawd, and pulled Tracy by the bosom 
" almost down to the pavement of the church. Upon 
" this fray one of the company struck him, and in 
"the throng he was slain. He was canonized by 
" the bishop of Rome, because he had been a cham- 
" pion to maintain his usurped authority, and a de- 
" fender of the iniquity of the clergy. The king, 
" with the advice of his council, did find there was 
" nothing of sanctity in the life or exterior conver- 
" sation of Becket, but that he rather ought to be 
" esteemed a rebel and a traitor ; therefore he com- 
" mands that he shall be no more esteemed nor 
^' called a saint, that his images shall be every where 
^' put down, and that the days used for his festival 
•* shall be no more observed, nor any part of that 



966 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** service be read, but that it should be razed out d 

' *' all books. Adding, that the other festivals already 

1538. u abrogated shall be no more solemnized, and thaf 

** his subjects shall be no more blindly abused t€ 

^* commit idolatry, as they had been in time past 

** I will leave it to our historians to compare the 

'^ account here given of Becket's death with the 

** legends, and to examine which of them is the 

** truest.** 

A circular j^oou after this, the king, understanding that very 

joSl^o?* malicious reports were spread about the country, pd- 

v^^^' soning people's minds with rdation to every thing 

that the king did ; sajring they would be made pay 

for every thing they should eat, and that the registei 

of births and weddings was ordered for this end, thai 

the king might know the numbers of his people, and 

make levies, and send, or rather sell them, to fore^ 

service: he sent in December following a drculai 

letter to all the justices of England, which will be 

Collect, found in the Collection ; in which, after he had sei 

^ ' ^' forth his good intentions for the wealth and happi 

ness of his people, he added, " that he hoped tha^ 

" all the maintainers of the bishop of Rome's author 

" ity should have been searched for, and brought U 

" justice : and that dll the inventors and spreader 

*^ of false reports, to put the people in fear, and so U 

" stir them up to sedition, should have been appre 

*^ hended and punished ; and that vagabonds an< 

" beggars should have been corrected according t 

" the letters he had formerly written to them. Th< 

" king understood that sundry of them had don< 

" their duty so well, that there had been no disquie 

** till of late ; that some malicious persons had b; 

" lies and false rumours studied to seduce the peo 



THE REFORMATION. J67 

pie; and that among these, some vicars and cu- book 
rates were the chief, who endeavoured to bring ' ' 



''ihe people again into darkness; and they did so ^^^^- 
* confiisedly read the word of God and the king's 
''injunctions, that none could understand the true 
^ meaning of them : they studied to wrest the king's 
^ mtentions in them to a false sense. For whereas 
''the king had ordered roisters to be kept for 
^ showing lineal descents, and the rights of inherit- 
** ance, and to distinguish Intimate issue from bas- 
" tardy, or whether a person was bom a subject or 
^ not ; they went about sa]ring that the king in- 
^ tended to make new examinations of christenings, 
'^weddings, and buryings, and to take away the 
^ liberties of the kingdom : for preserving which, 
''they pretended Thomas Becket died. Whereas 
" his opposition was only to the punishing of the 
" offences of the clergy, that they should not be jus- 
" tified by the courts and laws of the land, but only 
"^ at the bishop's pleasure : and here the 3ame ac- 
" count is given of Becket, that was in the former 
"proclamation. Becket contended with the arch- 
" bishop of York, and pretended, that^ when he was 
** out of the realm, the king could not be crowned by 
" any other bishop, but that it must be stayed till 
^ he returned. These detestable liberties were all 
*^ that he stood for, and not for the commonwealth 
** of the realm. To these lies they added many 
*' other seditious devices, by which the people were 
" stirred up to sedition and insurrection, to their 
*' utter ruin and destruction, if God had not both 
" enabled him by force to subdue them, and after- 
" wards move him mercifully to pardon them. The 
" king therefore required them, in their several pre- 



268 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << cincts, to find out such vicars and curates as did 
III. 

'^ not truly declare the injunctions, and did coo- 



« 

it 
it 



1538. <c fusedly mumble the word of God, pretending that 
** they were compelled to read them ; but telling 
** their people to do as they did, and live as their 
*^ fathers had done, for the old fashion was the best. 
*^ They were also required to search out all the 
^' spreaders of seditious tales, and to apprehend and 
keep them in prison till the justices came about to 
try them ; or till the king^s pleasure was known. 
The justices of the peace are very earnestly pressed 
to do their duty diligently, and to take care like- 
wise that the injunctions and laws against the 
'^ anabaptists and sacramentaries be duly executed.** 
Dated from Hampton-Court in December, in the 
30th year of his reign. 
Newtigoi- Among the letters sent me from Zurick, I find 
JS^rthe one written to BuUinger on the 8th of March in the 
year 1539, by Butler, Elliot, Partridge, and Trahe- 
ron, who had studied for some time under him, and 
were then entertained either by the king, or by 
Cromwell. They write, ** that many of the popish 
" ceremonies were still tolerated ; but that new sig- 
" nifications were put on them : such as, that the 
" koli/ water did put us in mind of the blood of 
" Christ, that cleansed us from all defilement. The 
" pax was carried about, to represent our reconcilia- 
" tion to God through Christ. Things that were 
visible were thought fit to be preserved to prevent 
commotions. This correction quieted some ; but 
" though these rites were ordered to be kept up 
till the king should think fit to alter them, yet 
some preached freely against them, even before 
" the king. 



old rites. 









THE REFORMATION. 969 

''Thejr write of the executions of the marquis of book 
* Exeter, the lord Montague, and sir Edward Nevil, 



•who (they add) was a very brave, but a very vi-^^^^^^ 

" cious man. Sir Nic. Cary, who had been before a couods in 

" sealous papist, when he came to suffer, exhorted ^ 

'* all people to read the scriptures carefully. He ac- 

" knowledged, that the judgments of God came justly 

" upon him^ for the hatred that he formerly bore to 

** the gospeL The king was threatened with a war, 

** in which the emperor, the French, and the Scots, 

' would attack him on all hands ; but he seemed to 

^ despise it, and said. He should not sleep the less 

^ quietly for all these alarms. The day after these 

^ tidings were brought him, he said to his counsel- 

'^ krs, that he .found himself moved in his conscience 

" to promote the word of God more than ever. Other 

" news came at the same time, which might perhaps 

^ raise his zeal, that three English merchants were 

* burnt in Spain ; and that an indulgence was pro- 
^ claimed to every man that should kill an English 
" heretic. Cranmer was then very busy, instructing 
^ the people, and preparing English prayers, to be 

* used instead of the Litany." I can go no further 
on these subjects ; but must refer to my History for 
the prosecution of these matters. 

The foundation of the new bishoprics was now 
settled. Rymer has given us the charters, by which Tom. »▼. 
they were founded and endowed. The new model- 717. top. 
ling of some cathedrals was next taken care of. I from'p*"^. 
have found the proiect that Cromwell sent to Cran- ^ i** ^^^s- 

n T '^**® project 

mer for the church of Canterbury. It was to con- of endowing 
sist of a provost, twelve prebendaries, six preachers ; ©f canuJ.* 
three readers, one of humanity and of Greek, an-*'"''^* 
other of divinity and of Hebrew, and another of hu- 



870 THE HISTORY OF 

PART manity and divinity in Latin ; a reader of ciTil law^ 
another of physic ; twenty students in divinity, teit 



1539. ^ Y)e kept at Oxford, and as many at Cambridge. 
Sixty scholars were to be taught grammar and logic» 
with Hebrew, Greek, and Latin : for these a schod- 
master and an usher were to have salaries. Besides 
these, there were eight petty canons, twelve singing 
men, ten choristers, a master of the children, a gos- 
peller, an epistler, and two sacristans ; two butlers^ 
two cooks, a caterer, two porters ; twelve poor men, 
a steward, and an auditor : in all 162 persons, with 
the salaries for every one of these ; together with an 
allowance for an annual distribution of lOOi. for the 
Disapprov- poor, and as much for reparations; and 40/. for 
mer/ ^'^ mending the highways : in all, amounting to about 
couect. 1900 pound a year. This I have put in the C!ollec^ 
Sitert.^* tion, together with the letter that Cranmer wrote to 
Namb.65. Cromwell, after he had considered of it : though per- 
haps this will sharpen some men's spirits, that are of 
late much set to decry him, as much as any of his 
other opinions may have done : but a true historian, 
that intends to glean all that he could find relating 
to those transactions, must neither alter nor suppress 
things, but set them out as he finds them. 

" He proposes the altering the prebendaries to 
" somewhat more useful : for, by all the experience 
" that he had, the prebendaries had spent their time 
** in much idleness, and their substance in super- 
" fluous living ; so he thought it was not a state to 
" be maintained. Commonly they were neither 
" learned, nor given to teach others, but only good 
" vianders : they look to be the chief, and to bear 
" the whole rule ; and by their ill example the 
" younger sort grew idle and corrupt. The state of 



THE REFORMATION. 871 

'* fffebendaries had been so excessiyely abused, that, book 
^ when learned men have been advanced to that post. 



^ they desisted from their studies, and from all godly ^^^^* 
** exercises of preaching and teaching : therefore he 
** wished the very name of a prebendary might be 
f struck out of the king's foundations. The first 
^ banning of them was good, so was that of reli- 
^ gious men ; but both were gone off from their first 
" estate : so, since the one is put down, it were no 
^ great matter if both should perish together. For, 
" to say the truth, it is an estate which St. Paul did 
"not find in the church of Christ: and he thought 
** it would stand better with the maintenance of the 
** Christian religion, that there were in their stead 
"twenty divines, at 10/. apiece, and as many stu- 
" dents of the tongues, and of French, at ten marks 
"apiece. And indeed, if there was not such a num- 
" ber there resident, he did not see for what use there 
" were so many lectures to be read : for the preben- 
" daries could not attend, for the making of good 
"cheer; and the children in grammar were to be 
"otherwise employed. He, in particular, recom- 
" mends doctor Crome to be dean." 

But I leave this invidious subject, to turn now to The design 
a very melancholy strain. The king had thrown ^lci*"* 
off all commerce with the Lutherans in Germany, 
and seemed now to think himself secure in the em- 
peror's friendship : yet he did not break with France, 
though on many occasions he complained both of the 
iogratitude and inconstancy of that king. The duchy 
of Milan seemed to be tlie object of all his designs ; 
and he was always turned, as the prospect of that 
seemed to come in view, or to go out of sight. All 
the king's old ministers still kept up his zeal for his 



278 THE HISTORY OF 

PART admired book of the Sacraments, most particularly 
'. — for that article of transubstantiation ; so that ther 



1539, popish party prevailed with him to resolve on set- 
ting up the six articles, which, they said, would 
quiet all men's minds, when they saw him maintain 
that, and the other articles, with learning and zeaL 
It is certain he had read a great deal, and heard and 
talked a great deal more, of those subjects ; so that 
he seems to have made himself a master of the whole 
body of divinity. I have seen many chapters of the 
Necessary Erudition of a Christian much altered by 
him, and in many places so interlined with his hand, 
that it is not without some difficulty that they can 
be read ; for he wrote very HI. 

Upon the carrying the six articles, the popish 
party were much exalted. This appears by the end 
of a letter, written to the ambassadors abroad; which 
Collect, will be found in the Collection. It sets forth, <* how 
' '< the king had showed himself in that parliament so 
" wise, learned, and catholic, that no prince ever did 
" the like ; so it was no more doubted but the act 
would pass. The bishops of Canterbury, Ely, 
Salisbury, Worcester, Rochester, and St. David's, 
" defended the contrary side ; yet in the end the 
** king confounded them. The bishops of York, Du- 
" resme, Winchester, London, Chichester, Norwich, 
" and Carlisle, showed themselves honest and learned 
** men. He writes as one of the peers ; for he adds, 
** we of the temporalty have been all of one opinion. 
** The lord chancellor and the lord privy-seal had 
" been of their side. Cranmer and all the bishops 
came over ; only he adds, that Shaxton continued 
a lewd fool. For this victory, he writes that all 
England had reason to bless God." 









THE REFORMATION. 878 

Cromwell^ though he complied with the king's hu- book 
nouT) jet he studied to gain upon him, and to fix 



him in an alliance that should certainly separate ^^^1^^^* 
Um from the emperor, and engage him again into a >"«'"«• 
doser correspondence with France, on design to sup- cieve. 
port the princes of Gtermany against the emperor, 
whose uneasiness under the laws and liberties of 
the empire began to be suspected : and all the popish 
ptrty depended wholly on him. I did in my second voi. it. 
folume publish a commission to Crom weU, thinking b^k ii. n. 
it was that which constituted him the king's vicege- '^' 
rent, which I, upon reading the beginning of it, took 
to be so; but that was one of the effects of the haste 
in which I wrote that work : it does indeed in the 
preamble set forth, ** that the king was then in some commit- 

tioD to 

^'sort to exercise that supreme authority he hadcromweii 

^ o^er the church of England, under Christ ; since totTtome 

"they who pretended that that authority ought to "°***' ^'°"- 

^ be lodged with them^ did pursue their own private 

" gains, more than the public good ; and had brought 

** matters, by the negligence of their officers, and 

"their own iU example, to such a state, that it 

" might be feared, that Christ would not now own 

" his own spouse. Therefore, since the supreme 

** authority over all persons, without any diflference, 

** was given him from Heaven, he was bound (as much 

" as he could) to cleanse the church from all briers, 

" and to sow the seeds of virtue in it. Those who 

" before exercised this authority, thinking them- 

" selves above all censure, had (by their own l)ad 

^ examples) laid stumblingblocks before the people. 

•* He therefore, designing a general reformation of 

^ his kingdom and church, resolved to begin with 

** the fountains ; for they being cleansed, the streams 

VOL. III. T 



tt 



874 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << would run clear : but since he could not be parson- 

'• — " ally present every where, he had deputed Thomaa 

1539. €t Cromwell, his principal secretary, and master ef 
<< the rolls, to be in all ecclesiastical causes his vioe- 
** gerent and vicar-general ; with a power to name 
others, to be authorized under the great seal. But 
he being so employed in the public affairs of the 
kingdom, that he could not personaUy discharge 
that trust ; therefore he deputed A, B, C, D, to 
execute that trust. The king being pleased witii 
this deputation, did likewise empower them to 
visit all churches, both metropolitical, cathedral, 
and coU^ate churches, hospitals and monasteries, 
and all other places, exempt or not exempt, to cor« 
** rect and punish what was amiss in them, by cen- 
^* sures of suspension and deprivation, to give them 
statutes and injunctions in the king's name, and to 
hold synods, chapters, or convocations, summoning 
aU persons concerned to appear before them, and 
presiding in them, giving them such rules as they 
shall judge convenient : calling such causes as they 
" shall think fit from the ecclesiastical courts, to be 
*^ judged by them ; and to force obedience, both by 
" ecclesiastical censures and fines, and other tempo- 
" ral punishments ;" with several other clauses of a 
very extended and comprehensive nature. How far 
this was put in practice, does not fully appear to me. 
It certainly struck so deep into the whole ecclesias- 
tical constitution, that it could not be easily borne. 
But the clergy had lost their reputation and credit, 
so that every invasion that was made on them, and 
on their courts, seemed to be at this time acceptable 
to the nation ; one extreme very naturally producing 
another : for all did acquiesce tamely, in submitting 






THE REFORMATION. ^75 

to a power that was now in high exaltation, and book 
thtt fareated those that stood in its way, not only with 



the utmost indignation, but with the most rigorous '^^^' 
lererity. 

But to return to Cromwell. He, in concurrenceHe u in 
with the court of France, carried matters so, thatKlthmU 
the marriage with Anne of Cleve was made up."**^*"** 
This occasioned one of the most unjustifiable steps 
in all that reign. Among the papers that were sent 
me firom Ziirick, there is a long and particular ac- 
count of many passages in this matter, with some 
other important transactions of this year, writ by 
one Richard Hill, who writes very sensibly and 
very piously; and he being zealous for a further 
reformation, went out of England as a man con- 
cerned in trade, which he pursued only as a just ex- 
cuse to get out of the way : but before he went over, 
he wrote a long account to BuUinger of the affairs 
in England. He tells him, " that before Whit-Sun- 
•* day three persons were burnt in Southwark because 
" they had not received the sacrament at Easter, and 
*' had denied transubstantiation. There was after 
*^ that one Collins, a cKirA^i' man, likewise burnt, all 
** by Gardiner's procurement." A little before Mid- 
summer it began to be whispered about, that the 
king intended a divorce with Anne, who had l)een 
married to him above five months. It was observed 
that the king was much taken with a young person, 
a niece of the duke of Norfolk's, (whom he after- 
wards married ;) Gardiner took care to bring them 
together to his palace, where they dined once, and 
had some meetings and entertainments there. This 
went on some time before there was any talk of the 
divorce : it was indeed believed that there was an 

T 2 



876 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ill commerce between them. Cromwell was newb 

III 
! made earl of Essex : Bourchier, in whom that fiae 



croiwdVa ^^^ extinct, who had been a severe persecutor, foll- 



f^' ing from his horse, and breaking his neck, died with- 

out being able to speak one word. The king gave 
Cromwell not only his title, but all that fell to the 
crown by his dying without heirs : yet he enjoyed 
not this long ; for in the beginning of June he wai 
sent to the Tower. He did not know the secret 
cause of his fall ; it was generally believed it wai 
because he did not flatter the king enough, and that 
he was against the divorce, as thinking it would nei- 
ther be for the king's honour, nor the good of the 
kingdom. Some suspected that his late advance* 
ment, and great grants the king had given him, was 
an artifice to make people conclude, when they saw 
him disgraced after such high favour, that certainly 
some very black thing was discovered : and it was 
also thought, that the king restored to his son (who 
was so weak, that he was thought almost a fool) 
much of his father's estate and goods, (as he made 
him a baron in December, a^r his father's death,) 
on design to make the f?t^|](!pr«;fcafe silent, for fear of 
provoking the king to take from him what he had 
then given him. Here I stop the prosecuting the 
rest of the letter, tiU I have added somewhat more 
concerning Cromwell. 

He had many offices in his person; for besides 
that he was lord vicegerent in ecclesiastical matters, 
and lord privy-seal, he was lord chamberlain, and 

Rymer, chancellor of the exchequer. Rymer has published 
the grants that the king made of those offices, in 
which it is said, that they were void upon his at- 
tainder ; but'^ which was more, he was the chief min- 



t. sir. 



THE REFORMATION. 8T7 

fater, and had the king's confidence, for ten years toge- book 

ther, almost as entirely as cardinal Wolsey had it for '- — 

meriy. Mount had been sent to Germany to press ^ l^^^' 
k closer league defensive against the pope, and any *'«**y ^^^^ 
council that he might summon. When the princes princes. 
ttd object the act of the six articles, and the severi- 
ties upon it ; he confessed to one of the elector's min- 
liters^ that Uie king was not sincere in the point of re- 
figion : he had therefore proposed a double marriage 
of the king with Anne of Cleve, and of the duke of 
Gleve with the lady Mary; for he said, the king 
was much governed by his wives. The elector of 
Saxony, who had married the other sister of Cleve, 
had conceived so bad an opinion of the king, that 
be expressed no heartiness, neither in the marriage, 
nor in any alliance with England : but he yielded to 
the importunities of others, who thought the prospect 
of the advantage fix)m such an alliance was great. 

There are great remains, that show how exact a cotton lib. 
minister Cromwell was; there are laid together ^|^^^^'' 
many remembrances of things that he was to laycromweirs 

, memonui- 

before the king. They are too short to give anydums. 
great light into affairs ; yet I will mention some of 
them. In one, he mentions the abbots of Glassen- 
bnry and Reading, who were then prisoners, and 
were examined. The witnesses, with the council, 
were ordered to be sent to Berkshire and Somerset- 
shire. Mention is made of their complices, who 
were to be tried, and to suffer with them. To this 
I must add, that in one of the Zurick letters it is 
written to Bullinger, that three of the richest abbots 
in England had suffered for a conspiracy, into which 
they had entered, for restoring the pope's authority 
in England. 

T 3 



278 THE HISTORY OF . 

PART The learned Dr. Tanner has sent me the copy of 

■ III • • 

' a letter, that three visitors wrote to Cromwell fim 

1539. Glassenbury, concerning that abbot, on the 28d of 
September ; but they do not add the year. It wil 
be found in the Collection, signed bj Richaid Fdl- 
SSfiJ?'6 ^^' Thomas Moyle, and Richard Layton. ^ Thgr ; 
" give him an account of their examining the abbot 
upon certain articles. He did not seem to answer 
them clearly ; so they desired him to call to his 
*^ memory the things which he then seemed to hafe 
forgot. They searched his study, and found in it 
a written book against the king^s divorce. Thej 
found also pardons, copies of bulls, and a printed 
** life of Thomas Becket ; but found no letter that 
^' was material. They examined him a second time 
^^ upon the articles that Cromwell had given them ; 
and sent up his answer, signed by him, to court: 
in which they write, that his cankered and trai- 
torous heart against the king and his succession 
did appear ; so with very fair words they sent him 
to the Tower. They found he was but a weak 
man, and sickly. Having sent him away, they ex- 
*^ amined the state of that monastery. They found in 
^^ it above 300/. in cash, but had not the certainty of 
" the rest of their plate ; only they found a fair gdd 
** chalice, with other plate, hid by the abbot, that 
" had not been seen by the former visitors ; of which, 
^* they think, the abbot intended to have made his 
" own advantage. They write, that the house was 
" the noblest they had ever seen of that sort : they 
^' thought it fit for the king, and for none else.'' 
This I set down the more particularly, to demon- 
strate the falsity of the extravagant account that 
Sanders gives of that matter, as if it had been with- 



it 



it 






THE REFORMATION. 879 

oat notice given, that the abbot was seized on, tried book 

and executed, all of a sudden. But to return to — 

CromweU. ^^^^• 

In another note, he mentions the determinations 
made by Daj, Heath, and Thirleby, of the Ten 
Commandments, of justification, and of purgatory. 
Another is about Fisher and More. The judge's 
opinion was asked, concerning More and the Nun. 
Another is, Whether the bishop of Rochester, and 
the monk, who wrote the letter as from Heaven, 
should be sent for ? In another, that Bocking printed 
the Nun's book, and took away 500 copies, but left 
900 with the printer. In another, he proposed to 
send Barnes for Melancthon. In another, he asks 
who shall be prolocutor in the convocation. In an- 
other, he proposes the making lady Mary a consi- 
derable match for some foreign prince, the duke of 
Qrieans, or some other. This is all that I could ga- 
ther out of a vast number of those notes, which he 
took of matters to move the king in. 

Upon CromweU's imprisonment, the comptroller The mat- 
was sent to him, and he ordered him to write to the*hargl/"c 
king what he thought meet to be written concern- ^JJJ^^ ^^ 
inir his present condition : and, it seems, with some cie*" h*"" 
mtimations of hope. Upon that, Cromwell wrote 
a long letter to the king, which wiU be found in 
the Collection. ** He begins it with ffreat thanks coiiect. 

mi. n , 1 11 t 1 . J Numb. 68. 

" to the king for what the comptroller had said to 
him. ' He was accused of treason ; but he protests, 
he never once thought to do that which should 

^ displease him, much less to commit so high an of- 
fence. The king knew his accusers; he prayed 
God to forgive them. He had ever loved the king? 
and all his proceedings : he prays (rod to confound 

T 4 



« 






M 

it 
tt 



S80 THE HISTORY OF 

'ART <« him, if he had ever a thought to Uie co o Unaiy, 

** He had laboured much to make the king a gratt 

j0oy. tt Qnj ^ happy prince; and acknowledges his grest 
^* obligations to the king. So he writes, that if he 
had been capable to be a traitor, the greatest pu- 
nishment was too little for him. He never spcAf 
with the chanceUor of the augmentations (Baker) 
and Throckmorton together, but once : but he if 
sure, he never spoke of any such matter," (as, it 
seems, was informed against him.) ** The king 
** knew what a man Throckmorton was, with rela- 
** tion to all his proceedings ; and what an enemj 
^* Baker was to him, Ood and he knew. The king 
** knew what he had been towards him. It seemi 
*^ the king had advertised him of them ; but Crod, 
** who had delivered Susan when falsely accusedi 
'^ could deliver him. He trusted only in God, and 
in the king. In all his service, he had only con- 
sidered the king ; but did not know that he had 
done injustice to any person : yet he had not 
** done his duty in all things ; therefore he asked 
mercy. If he had heard of conventicles, or oth^ 
offences, he had for the most pait revealed them, 
** and made them to be punished, but not out of 
*^ malice. He had meddled in so many things, 
** that he could not answer them all ; but of this he 
was sure, that he had never willingly offended: 
and wherein he had offended, he humbly begged 
pardon. The comptroller told him, that fourteen 
days ago the king had committed a great secret 
'^ to him, which he had revealed : he remembered 
" well the matter, but he had never revealed it. For, 
** after the king had told him what it was that he 
'' misliked in the queen ; he told the king, that she 



ft 






it 

€( 
€€ 



THE REFORMATION. 881 

^ often desiTed to speak with him^ but he durst not: book 

^ jet the king bade him go to her, and be plain L- 

^ with her in declaring his mind. Upon which, he ^^^^* 

"ipake privately with ber lord chamberlain, de- 

'^ aring him, not naming the king, to deal with the 

^ queen to behave herself more pleasantly towards 

" the king ; hoping thereby to have had some faults 

''amended. And when some of her council came 

^ to him for license to the stranger maids to depart; 

^ he did then require them to advise the queen to 

'^ use all pleasantness with the king. Both these 

''words were spoken before the king had trusted 

^ the secret to him, on design that she might render 

" herself more agreeable to the king : but after the 

''king had trusted that secret to him" (which it 

seems was his design to have the marriage dissolved) 

^ he never spoke of it but to the lord admiral, and 

" that was by the king's order on Sunday last ; who 

^was very willing to seek remedy for the king's 

^* comfort. He protests he was ready to die to pro- 

^core the king comfort. He wishes he were in 

''hell if it was not true. This was all he had 

" done ;^ (it seems the king thought the change in 

the queen's deportment towards him was the effect 

of his discovering the secret of the king's purpose, 

and in order to prevent it ;) ^^ but for this he hum- 

" bly begs pardon. He understood that it was 

'* chained upon him, that he had more retainers 

^' about him than the laws allowed. He never re- 

^' tained any, except his household servants, but 

** against his will. He had been pressed by many, 

*' who said they were his friends ; he had retained 

'* their children and friends, not as retainers, for 

their fathers and friends promised to maintain 



«( 






282 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « them. In this, (rod knows» he had no Ul intent, 

111 
'. — ^ but begs pardon if he had offended/' (for that 

1539. ^^ represented as the gathering a force about 

him to defend himself) " He concludes, he had 

not behaved himself towards Grod and the king 

as he ought to have done: and as he was om- 

** tinually caUing on Qod for mercy, for offences 

*^ committed against him, so he b^ the king^s pa^ 

^* don for his offences against him, which were 

^* never wilful ; and he assures him, he had never 

^^ a thought of treason against him, either in word 

** or deed : and he continued to pray for him and 

<^ the prince, ending, indeed, with too abject a 

" meanness." 

Reflectbns Thcsc wcrc all the particulars that were chanred 

on the , ° 

state of af. ou him upou his first imprisonment : other matters 
time. * wei^ afterwards added to throw the more load on 
him ; but it seems they were not so much as thought 
on or mentioned at first. But now I return to the 
letter writ to Zurick. Hill adds, that they heard 
they once designed to burn Cromwell as a heretic, 
and that these considerations made him confess 
that he had offended the king. What he said that 
way at his execution was pronounced coldly by him : 
upon that the writer runs out very copiously, and 
acknowledges that their sins had provoked God to 
bring upon them that great change that they saw in 
affairs. They had wholly trusted to the learning of 
some, and to the conduct of others: but God, by 
the taking these away, was calling on them to turn 
sincerely to him, to trust entirely in him, and to re- 
pent with their whole heart. There was at that 
time a great want of sincere labourers, so that from 
east to west, and from south to north, there was 



THE REFORMATION. 28S 

scarce one faithful and sincere preacher of the gospel b ook 
to be found. '• — 



The act of dissolving the king's marriage did set q^ ^^f ^' 
fiirth. that some doubts were raised conceminc^ the ^>°s'* ^- 

• . ,^ Torce with 

king's marriage, which, as he wntes, was manifestly Anne of 
fidse, for nobody thought of any doubtfulness in it : ^^' 
nor did they pray, as is in the act, that it might be 
inquired into : for nobody spake of it till the king 
was resolved to part with the queen, that he might 
be married to Mrs. Howard, whom in his bad Latin 
he calls, parvissima pueUa^ a very little girl. The 
archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the bi- 
shops, judged she was yet a virgin, which none that 
knew the man could believe. Here again I must 
leave my letter. 

There had been no convocation for two years ; wb«t pm- 
for the Institution of a ChristianM an was pre-^^i^^' 
pared by a commission, given to some bishops of both 
provinces, and to some archdeacons, but no deans 
were summoned with them. A convocation sat in 
both provinces in May, in the year 15399 to which 
abbots and priors were summoned ; but though there 
were eight abbots and nine priors in Exeter diocese, 
yet the return from thence says, there were none in 
the diocese. I do not know how to reconcile that 
with the abbot of Tavestoke's sitting in the house 
of lords, as appears by the Journals of that par- 
liament. 

Upon this occasion there was a particular sum- 
mons for both provinces to meet in a national synod, 
to judge of the king's marriage. When I wrote of 
this in my History, I did not at all reflect on the 
doctrine of the church of Rome, that makes mar- 
riage a sacrament, in which the two parties are the 




884 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ministers, who transfer their persons to one an 
'- — and according to the doctrine of the necessity 

1539. JQ^ntion in him that ministers the sacrameni 
vile soever this decision in the matter of the 
marriage may seem to be, yet it was a jus 
sequence from that doctrine; for without a 
free, and inward intention, which the king afi 
he had not, the marriage could be no sacramei 
that the heaviest part of the shame of that d( 
falls indeed on that doctrine. When the news 
to France of the king's dissolving his marriage 
Anne of Cleve, king Francis himself asked th* 
P»p«r bassadors upon what crounds it went. The 

Office 

nal of Ferrara did also send one to ask what vi 
leged fot it by divines and lawyers. Wallo] 
others were then the ambassadors from Engla 
the court. They sent to the council an accoi 
this ; and Wallop wrote over to know what he s 
say upon the subject. The answer which the 
cil wrote to him was, that the queen herself afB 
her person had not been touched by king H 
that a learned convocation had judged the m 
that the bishops of Duresme, Winchester, and 
were known to be great and learned clerks 
would do nothing but upon just and good gro 
so that all persons ought to be satisfied with 
proceedings, as she herself was : and here this 
ter ended, to the great reproach of that body 
went so hastily and so unanimously into that 
dalous decision. 
Exceptions But to Tctum to my Zurick letter. After h< 
of grace, related the manner of that judgment of those • 
spiritual, who indeed were very carnal ; he mei 
the exceptions in the act of pardon : for beside 



THE REFORMATION. S85 

tkular exceptions^ all aniabaptists and sacramentaries book 
vere excepted, and all those that aflEa*med there was 



a £ite upon men, by which the day of their death ^^^^* 
unalterably determined. 



There was at this time a great design against ^^»*^ 
Br. Crome, whom Cranmer had recommended to crome. 
be dean of Canterbury, in these words : ** I know 

* no man more meet for the dean's room in Eng- 
« land than Dr. Crome, who by his sincere learning, 
''godly conversation, and good example of living, 

* with his great soberness, hath done unto the king's 
^ majesty as good service, I dare say, as any priest 
^ in England : and yet his grace daily remembereth 
^ an others that doth him service, this man only ex-> 

. ^ oeptedy who never had yet, besides his gracious 
'^ &vour, any {nx)motion at his hands. Wherefore, 
** if it please his majesty to put him in the dean's 
" room, I do not doubt but that he should be a light 
'^ to all the deans and ministers of coUeges in this 
'^ realm : for I know that when he was but a pre- 
^ sident of a college in Cambridge, his house was 
" better ordered than all the houses in Cambridge 
** besides." Certainly this good opinion that Cran- 
mer had of him, made him, in the state in which 
things were at this time, to be the worse thought of, 
and the more watched : so when he heard that he 
was to be searched for, he went to the king, and on 
his knees begged he would put a stop to the severi- 
ties then on foot, and that he would set many then 
in prison, on the account of religion, at liberty. The 
king had such a regard for him, that upon this he 
ordered a stop to be put to further prosecutions: 
and he set those at liberty who were then in prison, 
they^ giving bail to appear when they should be 



286 THE HISTORY OF 

PA RT called for. The kin^ seemed to think that by this 
small £Bivour» after some severities, people would be 



1539. QiQi^ quiet, and more obedient. But after the par* 
liament was dissolved, six persons suffered. Three 
of these were popish priests, who suffered as traitors 
for denying the king's supremacy : and Barnes, Ger- 
rard, and Jerom, were the other three. They were 
tied to one stake, and suffered without crying out, 
but were quiet and patient, as if they had felt do 
pain. He could never hear any reason given for this 
their suffering, unless it was to please the clergy. 
They were not condemned by any form of law. 
They had been so cautious ever since the act of the 
six articles passed, that they had not opened their 
mouths in opposition to them in public : and by the 
act all offences done before it had passed were par- 
doned. Barnes himself said at the place of exe- 
cution, that he did not know for what cause he was 
brought thither to be burnt ; for they were attainted 
by act of parliament, without being brought to make 
their answers. 

The bishop of Chichester, Sampson, though a man 
compliant in all things, and Dr. Wilson, were ex- 
empted out of the general pardon, for no other 
crime, as he heard, but that Abel, who suffered for 
denying the king's supremacy, being in the greatest 
extremity of want and misery in prison, where it 
was said he was almost eat up by vermin, they had 
sent him some alms. From this Hill goes on to give 
an account of Crome, whose constant way had been, 
when he saw a storm rising, to preach with more 
zeal than ordinary against the prevailing corruption : 
so on Christmas-day his enemies, that were watch- 
ing to find matter to accuse him, framed some arti- 



THE REFORMATION. 287 



cks, whidi they carried to the king against him. book 
He had condemned in his sermon all masses for — 



the dead ; and said, ** if they were profitable to the *^^^' 
** dead, the king and parliament had done wrong in 
^ destroying the monasteries endowed for that end : 
" he also said, that to pray to the saints only to pray 
'^ finr us, was a practice neither necessary nor useful. 
** He added. You call us the seditious preachers of a 
" new doctrine ; but 'tis you are the seditious persons, 
*^ who maintain the superstitious traditions of men, 
^ and will not hear the word of Grod himself. The 
" church of Christ will ever suffer persecution, as it 
** has done of late among us." 

These and some other complaints being carried to 
the king, Crome was commanded to answer them : 
be in his answer explained, and justified all he had 
said. The king had no mind to carry matters fur- 
ther against so eminent a man ; so he passed a sen- 
tence, in which he set forth, that Crome had con- 
fessed the articles objected to him ; but the king out 
of his clemency intending to quiet his people, ap- 
pointed Crome to preach at Saint PauFs, and there 
to repeat all the articles objected to him, and then 
to read the judgment that the king gave in the mat- 
ter : and it concluded, that, if ever he fell into the 
like offence again, he was to suffer according to law. 
The king's judgment was, " that private masses were 
** sacrifices profitable both to the living and to the 
" dead, but yet that the king's majesty, with his par- 
" liament, had justly abolished monasteries." Upon 
this Crome preached ; and at the end of his sermon 
he told the people he had received an order from the 
king to be read to them ; which he read, but said 
not one word upon it ; and with a short prayer dis- 



288 THE HISTORY OF 



PART missed tbe congregatioii : whereas the king edcpected 

! that he should have applauded his judgment, and 

^^^^' extolled his favour to himself, as Dr. Barnes and liif 
two companions were unhappily prevailed on to do, 
and yet were burnt afterwards. Hill was therefive 
afraid that Crome might be brought into further 
trouble. There was an order sent to him from the 
king to preach no more, as he had before forbidden 
both Latimer and Shaxton to preach any more. 
They were not excluded from the general pardon ; 
but were still prohibited to preach : and when they 
were set at liberty, they were required not to come 
within ten miles of either of the universities, or tbe 
city of London, or the dioceses in which they had 
been bishops. Thus, says he, faithful shepherds 
were driven from their flocks, and ravenous wolves 
were sent in their stead. He concludes, hoping that 
God would not suffer them to be long oppressed by 
such tjrranny. Thus I have given a very particular 
account of that long letter, writ with much good 
sense and piety, but in very bad Latin ; therefore I 
do not put it in the Collection. 

Sampson, though he fell into this disgrace for an 
act of Christian pity, yet hitherto had showed a very 
entire compliance with all that had been done. He 
had published an explanation on the first fifty Psalms, 
which he dedicated to the king : in which, as he ex- 
tolled his proceedings, so he run out into a severe 
invective against the bishop of Rome, and the usur- 
pations and corruptions favoured by that see ; and 
he reflected severely on Pool. Pool's old fnend 
Tonstall did also in a sermon at Saint Paul's, on 
Palm-Sunday, in his grave way set forth his un- 
natural ingratitude. But now the popish party. 



THE REFORMATION. 889 

upon Cromwell's ftll* and the ezaltatioii of the duke book 
of Norfolk, by the king's marrjing his niece, broke 



tat into their usual violence ; and they were, as we ' ^^^' 
may reasonably believe, set on to it by Bonner, who 
upon Stokesly's death, a year before, had been brought 
to London, and immediately upon Cromwell's dis- 
grace changed sides ; and, from having acted a forced 
port with heat enough, now came to act that which 
was natural to him. 

There were so many informations brought in the preseea. 
dty of London, that a jury.sitting in Mercers' chapel Ih^e^tix ^" 
presented 500 persons to be tried upon the statute ^'^''''*' 
of the six articles ; which, as may be easily imagined, 
put the dty under great apprehensions : but Audley, 
the lord chancellor, represented to the king, that 
this was done out of malice ; so they were all dis- 
missed, some say, pardoned. Informations came 
against papists, on the other side : a letter was sent 
from the council to Cranmer, to send Dr. Benger to 
the Tower. Two of Bonner's chaplains were, by 
order of council, sent to the archl)ishop, to be ex- 
amined by him. A vicar was brought out of Wilt- 
shire, out of whose offices Thomas Becket's name 
was not yet razed : but ^he was dismissed ; for it 
was believed to be the effect only of negligence, and 
not of any ill principles. There was a letter of Me- 
lancthon's, against the king's proceedings, printed in 
English ; (perhaps it was that which I published in 
the Addenda to my first volume.) Goodrick bishop 
of Ely's chaplain and servant were examined, and 
his house was searched for it. Many were brought 
into trouble for words concerning the king and 
his proceedings. Poor Marbeck of Windsor was 
imprisoned in the Marshalsea. Many printers were 

VOL. III. u 



«90 THE HISTORY OF 

PART prosecuted for bringing English books into the 
'- — kingdom against the king's proceedings. In one 

1539. council-day (for all these particulars are taken out 
of the council-books) five and twenty booksellers 
were examined as to all books, more particularly 
English books, that they had sold these last three 
years. Hains, the dean of Exeter; was oft before 
the council ; but particulars are not mentioned. 
Articles were brought against him, and they were 
referred to the king's learned council. The bishops 
of Ely, Sarum, Rochester, and Westminster were 
appointed to examine him, and to proceed with aU 
diligence. He was also sent to the Fleet, for lewd 
and seditious preachings (the words in the Council- 
book,) and sowing many erroneous opinions ; but, 
after a good lesson and exhortation, with a declara- 
tion of the king's mercy and goodness towards him, 
he was dismissed, under a recognizance of 500 
marks, to appear (if called for) any time within five 
months, to answer to such things as should be laid 
against him. 

On the 4th of May 1542, an entry is made, Cran- 
mer being present, that it was thought good, if the 
king's highness shall be so content, that a general 
commission shall be sent to Kent, with certain 
special articles ; and generally, that all abuses and 
enormities of religion were to be examined. This 
was laid on design to ruin Cranmer ; but there is no 
other entry made in the Council-book relating to this 
matter, unless this was a consequence of it, that on 
the 27th of June, Hards of Canterbury, a prisoner 
for a seditious libel, was, after a good exhortation, 
dismissed. And this is all the light that the only 
Council-book of that reign, for two years, afibrds as 



THE REFORMATION. 291 

to those matters. Mr. Strype has helped us to more book 
Eght '"• 



Whfle Cranmer was visiting his diocese, there ^^J^^^* 
were many presentments made of a very different cranm. 

^ , chap. XXV. 

nature. Some were presented for adhenng still to ^ coami- 
the old superstitions condemned by the king, and ™^y •«*^°*' 
finr insinuations in favour of the pope's authority. 
Others again were, on the other hand, presented for 
doctrines, either contrary to the six articles, or to the 
rites still practised. This created a great confusion 
through that whole country ; and the blame of all 
was cast on Cranmer by his enemies, as if he fa- 
voured and encouraged that, which was called the 
new learning, too much. 

A plot was contrived, chiefly by Gardiner's means, 
with the assistance of Dr. London, and of Thomden, 
(suffragan of Dover, and prebendary of Canterbury,) 
who had lived in Cranmer's house, and had all his 
preferment by his favour. Several others engaged 
in it, who had all been raised by him, and had pre- 
tended zeal for the gospel ; but, upon Cromwell's fall, 
they reckoned, that, if they could send Cranmer after 
him, they would effectually crush all designs of a 
further reformation. 

They resolved to begin with some of the pre- 
bendaries and preachers. Many articles were ga- 
thered out of their sermons and private discourses, 
all terminating in the archbishop ; who, as was 
said, showed so partial a favour to the men of the 
new learning, and dealt so harshly and severely with 
the others, that he was represented to be the prin- 
cipal cause of all the heat and divisions that were in 
Canterbury, and in the other parts of Kent. These 
articles went through many hands ; but it was not 

u 2 



292 THE HISTORY OF 

PA RT easy to prevail with a proper person to present them. 
The steps made in the matter are copiously set forth 



1539. lyy ]^p Strype. At last they came into the king's 
hands; and he upon that passing by Lambeth, 
where the archbishop stood, in respect to him, as he 
passed by, called him into his barge ; and told him, 
he had now discovered who Was the greatest heretic 
in Kent. With that, he showed him the articles 
against himself and his chaplains. The archbishop 
knew the falsehood of many particulars; so he 
prayed the king to send a commission to examine 
the matter. The king saidj he would give him a 
commission, but to none else. He answered, it 
would not seem decent to appoint him to examine 
articles exhibited against himself. The king said, 
he knew his integrity, and would trust it to no other 
person : nor would he name above one (though 
pressed to it) that should be joined in commisnon 
with him. And he even then seemed persuaded it 
was a contrivance of Gardiner's to ruin him. 
His great The archbishop went down himself into Kent; 
and then the conspirators, seeing the king's favour 
to him, were struck with fear. Some of them wept, 
and begged pardon, and were put in prison ; but the 
rest of the commission, in whose hands the archbi- 
shop left the matter, being secretly favourers of that 
party,, proceeded faintly : so it was writ to court, 
that unless Dr. Legh were sent down, who was well 
practised in examinations, the conspiracy would 
never be found out. He was upon that sent down ; 
and he ordered a search to be made, at one and the 
same time, of all suspected places ; and so he disco- 
vered the whole train. Some of the archbishop's 
domestics, Thornden in particular, were among the 



mildness. 



THE REFORMATION. 893 

chief of the informers. He charged them with it. book 

III. 
They on their knees confessed their faults, with 



many tears. He, who was gentle even to excess, ^^^^* 
ttdd, he did forgive them, and prayed God to for- 
give them, and to make them better men. After 
that, he was never observed to change his counte- 
nance, or alter his behaviour towards them. He 
expressed the like readiness to pardon all the rest. 
Many were imprisoned upon these examinations, 
hot Uie parliament granting a subsidy, a general 
pardon set them all at liberty ; which otherwise the 
archbishop was resolved to have procured to them. 
This relation differs in several particulars from the 
account that I gave of it in my History : but this 
seems to be the exacter and the better vouched, and 
therefore I acquiesce in it. Another instance is 
given by the same writer of the king^s zeal for Cran- 
mer. Sir John Gostwick, knight for Bedfordshire, 
did in the house of commons charge him for preach- 
ing heresy against the sacrament of the altar, both 
at Feversham and Canterbury. The king hearing 
of this, did in his rough way threaten Gostwick, 
calling him variety and charged him to go and ask 
Cranmer pardon, otherwise he should feel the effects 
of his displeasure. The king said, if he had been a 
Kentish man, he might have had some more shadow 
for accusing him; but being of Bedfordshire, he 
could have none. Gostwick, terrified with this mes- 
sage, made his submission to Cranmer, who mildly 
forgave him, and went to the king, and moved him 
for his favour; which he did not obtain without 
some difficulty. 

It appears plainly that the king acted as if he had cott. libr. 
a mind to be thought infallible; and that his sub- some 'steps 

«y Q made io 



294 THE HISTORY OF 

PART jects were bound to believe as much as he thought 
fit to open to them, and neither more nor less. He 



tettin^ wit ^^^* ^^ ^his year, before he took his progress, in 
troereii- finishlnfi^ the Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of 
any Christian Man : a great part of it was corrected 
by his own hand, particularly in that article of the 
Collect Creed, the catholic churchy where there are severe 
Vol?!.' ^*' reflections added on the bishops of Rome. Here I 
iieform. {^ykvA likcwisc somc more of the answers made to 
the seventeen queries upon the matter of the sacra- 
ments that I published in my first volume. I set 
Collect, them out again in my Collection, that by these the 
Namb.69. pgajgj. jjjay better understand the two following pa- 
pers, that I print separately^ and not intermixed 
with one another, as I did before ; which I thought 
to be an ease to the reader : but since that was made 
a great offence, I will do it no more. One of these 
is only an answer to the queries; the writer of the 
first is not named, it is probably Tonstall's ; he is 
plainly of the same side with the archbishop of York. 
Collect. It will be found in the Collection, as also another 
CoTec;/"" paper, with several marginal notes in the king's 
Namb. 71. jiaujj^ |3y which it appears that the king was much 

shaken from his former notions : he asked for scrip- 
ture in several particulars that could not easily be 
brought. On the margin Cranmer and Barlow are 
often named, but I do not understand with what 
view it was that they and no other (except Cox 
once) are named. Over against the 15th article 
their names are set down in this order ; York, Du- 
resme, Carlisle, Corren, Simon, Oglethorp, Edg- 
worth, Day, Redman, Robinson, Winchester; and 
a little below, Canterbury, Hereford, Rochester, 
Davys, (I suppose St. David's,) Westminster, Lay- 



THE REFORMATION. S95 

ton, Tresham, Cox, Crajrford; these are writ in a book 

hand that I do not know, but not in the same hand ! — 

It seems those lists were made with relation to the ^^^^* 
different parties in which they stood. The book, 
thus carefully examined, was finished and pub- 
lished. 

The king went in progress with his queen, who Catherine 

- _ . /I 1 • •• Howard's 

b^^n to have a great influence on him ; and, on disgrace. 
what reason I do not know, she withdrew from her 
unde, and became his enemy : but, before the king's 
return, her ill life came to be discovered, which 
ended fatally to her. It is scarce worth the reader's 
while to say any more of a matter that is so univer- 
sally acknowledged; but having found an original 
account subscribe by herself of one of her examina- 
tions» I have put it in the Collection. It appears coUect 
there was a particular view in the archbishop of "" '^^' 
Canterbury's examining her, to draw from her all 
the discoveries they could make to fasten a precon- 
tract with Dereham on her. Many trifling stories 
relating to that being suggested, she was examined 
to them all : but though she confesses a lewd com- 
merce with Dereham, she positively denied every 
thing that could infer a precontract; nor did she 
confess any thing of that sort done after the king 
married her, which she still denied very positively, 
even to the last. On the 15th of December letters 
were written to the king's ambassadors abroad, that 
contain a severe account of the lewd and naughty 
behaviour and lightness of her lately I'eputed for 
queen, (I give the words of the letter,) at which theo^ce- 
king was much troubled. m. p. 78. 

Upon her disgrace, there was a new negotiation Jion^illr 
proposed with the protestant princes of Germany. *^f ^*'™* 

u 4 



896 THE HISTOBY OF 

PART Mount was again tent over to excitte, as wdl as he 

— !^ could, the divorce with Anne of CSeves. He said 

^^^^* she was treated nobly and kindly in all respects bf 
the king. He renewed the proposition for a leago^ 
with relation to their common interests: but thej 
still stood upon this, that they could enter into no 
alliance with him, unless th^ agreed in religion, in- 
, sisting particularly on private masses, the denying 
the chalice, and the celibate of the deigy. Upoti 
which a conference was proposed in Gdderland, mr 
at Hambourg or Breme. The king in answer to 
this wrote, that he would carefully examine all that 
they laid befoire him. He expressed great regard to 
the elector, but complained that some of his learned 
men had written virulently against him, and misre* 
presented his proceedings. Cranmer likewise wrote 
to the elector, and set forth the great things the king 
had already done in abolishing the pope's authority, 
the monastic state, and the idolatrous worship of 
images : he desired they would not be uneasy, though 
th^ king in some things differed still from them. He 
was very learned himself, and had learned men about 
him : he was quick of apprehension, had a sound 
judgment, and was firm in what he once resolved 
on: and he hoped the propositions they had sent 
over would be well considered. 

Lord William Howard, the late queen's uncle, was 
then ambassador in France : he tells in one of his 
letters, that the admiral was restored to favour, 
chiefly by the means of madam D'Estampes, whose 
credit with that king is well known. There were 
reports that the emperor and the French king were 
in a treaty, and that in conclusion they wouU join 
to make war on the king : this was charged on the 



THE REFORMATION. 297 

French, but solemnly disowned by that king. It book 

appears the proposition for marrying the lady Mary 1— 

to the duke of Orleans was then begun : great ex- ^ 
ceptions were taken to her being declared a bastard; 
but it was promised, that, when all other things ware 
agreed to, she should be declared legitimate. Upon 
queen Katherine Howard's disgrace, lord William 
was recalled, and Paget was sent over in his room. 

There is in the Paper OflSce an original letter of 
Paget's to the king, that gives an account of his con- 
versation with the admiral, who was then in high 
&voiir, Montmorency being in disgrace. It is very 
long ; but it contains so many important passages, 
that I have put it in the Collection, and shall here coiiect. 
give an abstract of it. It is dated from Chablais the ^"°"*'- ''^• 
22d of April, in the year 1542. 

" He gave the admiral an account of his instruc- ^ty ««- 

^ tions, and of what both the king and his council with the 

" had ordered him to say : he perceived the admiral f™ J. 

^' sighed and crossed himself often ; and said, in his 

" answer to him, that he saw the king of France re- 

" solved to enter into some confederacy; he desired 

'^ it might be with the king, and would think of no 

" other prince till the king refused him. He thought 

" both the kings were by their interests obliged to 

'^ stick to one another, though the marriage had 

'^ never been spoke of: it is true, that would fix and 

" strengthen it. But he thought 200,000 crowns 

'^ was a very mean offer for such a king's daughter 

** to such a prince ; four or five hundred thousand 

** crowns was nothing to the king. The duke of 

" Orleans was a prince of great courage, and did 

" aspire to great things. So mean an offer would 

^* quite discourage them. The daughter of Portugal 



it 

€€ 
i€ 
€€ 



298 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « was offered with 400,000 ducats, together with the 

'. " interest of it since her father's death, which was 

1542, u almost as much more. At the first motion of the 
*^ matter^ it was answered, the man must desire the 
" woman ; now he does desire her, and you offer no- 
thing : with this he sighed. Paget answered, and 
fully set out the personal love that he knew his 
master had for the French king : that none of the 
occasions of suspicion that had been given could 
alienate him from it. And he reckoned up manj 
** of these. He acknowledged there was great hopes 
** of the duke of Orleans ; but he studied to show 
*^ that the offer was not unreasonable, all things con- 
'' sidered. Lewis the Twelfth had but 300,000 
** crowns with the king's sister, and the king of 
^^ Scots had with the other but 100,000 crowns: 
^* but he said, besides the 200,000 crowns which he 
" offered to give, they will also forgive 800,000 
** crowns that France owed the king, and discharge 
" the 100,000 crowns yearly pension. To this the 
" admiral replied, he counted the forgiving the 
800,000 crowns for nothing: and for the annual 
pension, they would be at as much charge to main- 
tain her and her court. Paget said, the 800,000 
crowns was a just debt, lent in an extreme neces- 
" sity ; and because it had been long owing, and 
" often respited, must that pass for nothing ? So he 
" bade him ask reasonably, or offer what was proper 
" reciprocally for it. The admiral said, the king was 
" rich ; and what was 800,000 crowns to him, which 
" they were not able to pay ? So the admiral said, 
" he wished the thing had never been spoke of. He 
" fell next to turn the motion to the lady Elizabeth, 
" and he proposed a league offensive and defensive 



it 



1542. 



THE REFORMATION. 299 

<< against the emperor: and that whatever should be book 

*^ got from the emperor, should be the king's in lieu . 

" of the pension during life. He knew the emperor 

'^ was practising with the king, as he was at the 

^ same time with them. Bonner was then sent am- 

** bassador to Spain, and had carried over from the 

** king to the emperor three horses of value. The 

** emperor might say what he will in the way of 

*' practice : but he knew he' would never unite with 

'< the king, except he would return to the pope ; for 

^ so the nuncio told the chancellor, and the chancel- 

** lor told it to the queen of Navarre, who fell out 

^'with him upon that occasion. She told him he 

'* was ill enough before ; but now, since he had the 

** mark of the heastj (for he was lately made a 

" priest,) he grew worse and worse ; the emperor's 

'< design was only to divide them. He offered to 

'* them that the duke of Orleans should be king of 

" Naples, and to give Flanders to the crown of 

^* France : but in lieu of that, he asked the renun- 

^ dation of Milan and Navarre, and the restoring 

** of Piedmont and Savoy : but by this, the father 

^ and son being so far separate, the emperor would 

'* soon drive the duke of Orleans out of Naples. He 

*' was also studying to gain the duke of Cleves, and 

" to restore him Guelder quietly, provided that he 

" and his wife would renounce Navarre : but he 

** concluded, that they knew the emperor did nothing 

" but practise. They knew he offered to the king 

" to reconcile him to the pope, without any breach 

*^ of his honour, for it should be at the pope's suit. 

'^ Paget said he knew nothing of all that, but be- 

** lieved it would be hard to reconcile him to the 

*^ bishop of Rome, for virtue and vice cannot stand 



800 THE HISTORY OP 

PART << t(^ther in one predicament. CaU ye him fricef 
** said the admiral ; he is the very Devil, and I 



J 542. a trust to see his confusion : every thing must have 
*^ a time and a beginning. But when b^n you? 
^* said Paget. The admiral answered. Before it be 
^* long, the king will give all the abbeys to his lay- 
^^ gentlemen, and so by little and little overthrow 
** him altc^ether : why may not we have a patriarch 
•* in France ? This the pope's legate' began to per- 
'^ ceive ; and though they talked of a general coun- 
^' cil, he believed the pope would as soon be hang- 
** ed as call one. Paget said he would be glad to 
*^ see them once begin to do somewhat. Ah, said 
** the admiral, I'm ill matched. He wished the en- 
tire union of the two kings, and if an interview 
might be between them, it would be the happiest 
thing could beiall Christendom : but he believed 
** some of the king's council leaned too much to the 
" emperor, and proposed several advantages from it. 
** He said the emperor cared not if father, friend, 
^^ and all the world should sink, so his insatiable 
** desires might be satisfied. He suffered two of 
his brothers-in-law to perish for want of 50,000 
crowns : first the king of Hungary ; and then the 
" king of Denmark, whom he might have restored, 
" if he would have given him 10,000 crowns. He 
" was then low enough, and they would do well to 
" fall on him, now that he was so low, before he 
" took breath. So he pressed Paget to put matters 
on heartily with the king : he thought it an un- 
reasonable thing for the emperor and his brother 
" to ask aid against the Turk, to defend their own 
^' dominions, when they kept the king's dominions 
" from him. Paget gave the king an account of all 



tt 



tt 
tt 



tt 
tt 



THE REFORMATION. 801 

€€ ♦i»:o conversation very particularly, with an hum- book 






** ble submission to him, if in any thing he had gone . 

** too far. The court of France believed the empe- ^^^' 

^ TOT was treating with the king for the marriage of 

the lady Mary ; and that for that end Bonner was 

sent to Spain, who was looked on as a man 

" thoroughly imperial. After Paget had ended his 

^ letter, written on the 19th of April, he adds a long 

" postscript on the 22d, for the admiral had entered 

^ into further discourse with him the next day. He 

*^ told him how sorry he was to see all his hopes 

^' blasted : he could not sleep all night for it. They 

** had letters from their ambassadors in England, 

^ and were amazed to find that a king who was so 

^* rich stood for so small a matter. The pope had 

'* offered the duke of Guise's son 200,000 crowns 

** with his niece : he said he was much troubled at 

*^ all this ; all that were about the king his master 

'* were not of one mind, and he had been reproached 

" for beginning this matter. They knew the false- 

" hood and the lies of the pope and the emperor well 

" enough : he wished they would consider well what 

" the effects of an entire friendship with the king of 

" France might be : the French could do no moi'e 

" than they could do ; within two years they would 

'* owe the king 100,000 crowns, besides the 100,000 

" crowns during the king's life, and 50,000 crowns 

" for ever after that : but, he said, in those treaties 

" many things ought to be done for their own de- 

" fence. At this he was called away by the king, 

'^ but came afterwards to Paget : he said, it was not 

" 100,000 nor 200,000 crowns could enrich the one, 

nor impoverish the other king : so, he added, we 

ask your daughter, and you shall have our son : 



it 



302 THE HISTORY OF 

PART " but desired that they might cany the matter fur- 
' " ther into a league, to make war on the emperor, 
1^42. (t defensive, for all their territories. 

^^ He proposed that the king should send 10,000 
<' foot and 2000 horse into Flanders, and to pay 5000 
'< Germans : and the French king should furnish the 
<^ same number of foot and of Germans, and 3000 
horse, and an equal number of ships on both sides; 
and the king of France should in some other places 
fall into the emperor's dominions, at an expense of 
200^000 crowns a month. What a thing, said he, 
would it be to the king to have Gravelin, Dunkirk, 
and all those quarters joining to Calais! Paget 
answered, they mighj; spend all their money, and 
** catch nothing ; and he did not see what ground 
** of quarrel his master had with the emperor : upon 
<' which the admiral replied. Does not he owe you 
" money ? Hath not he broken his leagues with you 
" in many particulars ? Did not he provoke us to 
" join with the pope and him, to drive your master 
" out of his kingdom ? And hath he not now put 
the pope on offering a council to sit at Mantua, 
Verona, Cambray, or Mets, (this last place was 
" lately named,) all on design to ruin you ? A pes- 
•' tilence take him, said he, false dissembler that he 
^' is ! if he had you at such an advantage as you now 
" have him, you should feel it. And he run out 
** largely, both against the bishop of Rome and the 
emperor: he desired the war might begin that 
year, the emperor being so low, thaty for all his 
" millions, he had not a penny." 

On all this the admiral seemed wonderfully set. 
Paget excused himself from entering further into 
these matters, and desired that they might be pro- 



€€ 

H 
t€ 



if 



it 
ii 



THE REFORMATION. 808 

posed to the king by the French ambassador, then book 
in London ; yet being pressed by the admiral, he 



iromised to lay all before the king; and he did itp^*^^^^* 
rery fully, but with many excuses, and much sub-<^<»- 
nission. The king's council writ a short answer to 
ins long letter : they expressed their confidence in 
the admiral, with great acknowledgments for his 
affection to the king; but they seemed to suspect 
the king of France, that all his professions were 
only to get money from the king. 200,000 crowns 
seemed nothing when they were willing to forgive 
bim a million : but by this letter it seems the French 
ambassadors did still insist on 600,000 crowns to be 
paid down. So this matter was let fall. But to say 
all that relates to the duke of Orleans at once : 
Mr. Le Vassor has published instructions, of which ^bedake 

, ^, ^ j~ .„, of Orleans 

a collated copy was found among cardinal GranviU s promised to 
papers : it is a question that cannot be answered how htmMTf a 
he came by it ; whether the original was taken with p*^^'**"*- 
the landgrave of Hesse, or by what other way, is not 
certain. It bears date at Rhemes the 8th of Sep- 
tember 1543. " It expresses the great desire that 
" he had that the holy gospel might be preached in 
" the whole kingdom of France ; but the respect 
^ that he owed to the king his father, and to the 
" dauphin his brother, made that he did not order 
" it to be preached freely in his duchy of Orleans, 
" that being under their obedience. But he sent to 
" the duke of Saxony, to the landgrave of Hesse, 
" and the other protestant princes, to assure them 
" that he was resolved, and promised it expressly to 
" them, that he would order that the gospel should 
" be preached in the duchy of Luxemburgh, and in 
^* all other places that should belong to him by the 




(6 

it 

it 



6( 

if 
n 



804 THE HISTORY OP 

PART ** right of war. He desired to be received into tbdr 

_i_l_" alliance, and to a league offensive and defensive 

1543. << with them. He desired earnestly that they woolij 

grant this request, not to be aided by them agaimt! 

any prince, but only on the account of the Ctm^ 

tian religion, of which he desired the increase 

above all things : that by these means light maf 

^^ be spread into other dominions, and into the kii^ 

*^ dom of France, when the king his father shoidd' 

^^ see him so allied to those princes ; which will be | 

the cause of making him declare the good zeal he 

has to that matter, and will be able always to excuse 

it to him, and to defend it against all his enemies. 

^* He desires therefore, that as soon as he shall gi?e 

*^ order that the gospel shall be preached in the duchy 

*^ of Luxemburgh, this league and alliance may begin. 

*^ He hopes this will not be delayed, from the opin- 

** ion that they may have that he cannot quickly 

" show what power he has to support the love he 

** bears to this cause ; he hopes in a little time to 

" show, if it pleases God, some good effect of it : 

" and he offers at present, not only all his own force, 

" but the whole force of the king his father, who 

has given him authority to employ it in every 

thing that he shall judge to be good for them, and 

" in every thing that may concern their welfare, 

" their profit, and freedom." 

It is impossible to read this, and to doubt either 
of his being sincerely a protestant, or at least that 
he was willing to profess it openly : and it can as 
little be doubted, that in this he had his father's 
leave to do what he did. The retaking of Luxem- 
burgh put an end to this proposition : but it seems 
the emperor apprehended that the heat of this young 



6i 



THE REFORMATION. 305 

prince might grow uneasy to him ; therefore he took book 
all methods to satisfy his ambition. For on the 



18th of December 1544, the ambassadors at the '^^^' 
emperor's court write over, that he was treating a 
match between his own eldest daughter and the 
duke of Orleans ; and that he offered to give with 
her the ancient inheritance of the house of Bur- 
gundy, the two Burgundies, and the Netherlands : 
or^ if he would marry his brother Ferdinand's se- 
cond daughter, to give the duchy of Milan with her. 
They also mention in April thereafter, that he came 
to the emperor, and stayed some days with him at 
Antwerp, and then went back. On this they all con- 
cluded that the treaty was like to go on, but do not 
mention which of the two ladies he liked best ; for 
there could be no comparison made between what was 
(^ered with them. But all the negotiation, and all the Practices 
hopes of that prince, vanished on the 11th of Septem- end with 
ber 1545; for Kam,the king's ambassador in Flanders, **" '*'** 
writ over, that on that day he died of the plague. 

I come next to put together all that I find in the froceed- 
minutes of convocation during this reign. The Ne- vocation. 
cessary Erudition was never brought in convocation; 
but it was treated by some bishops and divines of 
both provinces, and published by the king's author- 
ity. It seems, when the doctrine was thus settled, 
there was a design to carry on the reformation fur- 
ther. There was a convocation held in January 
1541 ; in the second session of which, the archbi- 
shop delivered them a message from the king, that it 
was his pleasure that they should consult concern- 
ing the reforming our errors : and he delivered some 
books to them, to be examined by them. It does 
not appear what sort of books or errors those were, 

VOL. III. X 



806 THE HISTORY OF 

PART whether of papists, sacramentaries, or of anabaptists ; 
for of this last sort some had crept into England. 



1543. rpijg business of Munster had made that name so 
odious, that three years before this, in October 1538, 
there was a commission sent to Cranmer, Stokeslj, 
Sampson, and some others, to inquire after anabap- 
tists, to proceed against them, to restore the peni- 
tent, to bum their books, and to deliver the obsti- 
nate to the secular arm : but I have not seen what 
proceedings there were upon this. 

In October 1545, there was an order of council 

published to tais:e away shrines and images : several 

commissions were granted for executing this; in 

some, they add bones to images. The archbishop 

did likewise move the convocation, in the king^s 

name, to make laws against simony, and to prepare 

a book of Homilies ; and also a new translation of 

A new the Bible : for, it seems, complaints were made of 

o?°he*B?bie ^^^ translation then printed and set up in churches. 

designed. The Several books of the Bible were parcelled out, 

and assigned to several bishops to translate them. 

This came to nothing during this reign ; but this 

same method was followed in queen Elizabeth's 

time. In the fifth session the persons were named 

for this translation. Cranmer had, some few years 

before this, parcelled out an old translation of the 

New Testament to several bishops and divines, to 

be revised and corrected by them : but it was then 

Memor. of much opposed. The Acts of the Apostles was as- 

strype. Signed to Stokcsly ; but he sent in no return upon 

p. Till, j^ . g^ ^j^^ archbishop sent to him for it. His 

answer was sullen : " He wondered what the archbi- 
** shop meant, thus to abuse the people, by giving 
" them liberty to read the scripture, which did no- 



THE REFORMATION. 807 

•' thing but infect them with heresy. He had not book 



** looked on his portion ; and never would : so he sent . 
** back the book, saying, He would never be guilty 
** of bringing the simple people into error." Not- 
withstanding this, Cranmer had published a more 
correct New Testament in English, which is referred 
to in the injunctions that were formerly mentioned : 
but now he designed a new translation of the whole 
Bible. In the sixth -session, which was on the 17th 
of February, a statute against simony was treated 
of: there was also some discourse about the trans- 
lating the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten 
C!ommandmenls, in the vulgar tongue ; and it was 
considered, how some words in them ought to be 
translated ; but what these were, is not mentioned : 
only it seems there was a design to find faults in 
every thing that Cranmer had done. 

On the 24th of February several matters were 
treated of; that in particular is named, that none 
should let leases beyond the term of twenty-one 
years. They treated about many of the rituals, and 
of Thomas Becket, and of the adorning of images, and 
about reforming some scandalous comedies. On the 
third of March the archbishop told them from the 
king, that it was his pleasure that the translation of 
the Bible should be revised by the two universities. 
But all the bishops, except Ely and St. David's, pro- 
tested against this : and it seems they insisted much 
upon trifles; for they treated of this. Whether, in 
the translation of the Bible, the Lord or our Lord 
should be the constant form. On the same day the 
lord chancellor exhibited to them an act, allowing 
that the bishops' chancellors might marry : to this 
the bishops dissented. Some other matters were 

X 2 



1543. 



i 



308 THE HISTORY OF 

PART proposed ; but all was referred to the king. Upon 

' the convocation's being assembled on the I6th of 

1544. February 1542, some homilies were oflFered on dif- 
ferent subjects; but nothing is marked concerning 
them. The archbishop also told them» that the king 
would have the books of the several offices used in 
churches to be examined and corrected ; in particu- 
lar, that both at matins and vespers one chapter of 
the New Testament should be read in every parish. 
Some petitions were offered by the clergy : the first 
was, for making a body of the ecclesiastical laws. 
Of this we hear no more in this reign ; but we are 
assured, that there was a digested body of them pre- 
pared : probably it was very near the same that was 
also prepared in king Edward's time. Cranmer, in 
a letter that he wrote to the king out of Kent, on 
the 24 th of January 154?, which I did put in my 
CoUec- second volume, tells him, ^^ That, according to his 
Rerords, " commands, he had sent for the bishop of Wor- 
N^Jb. 6i. " cester, (Heath,) to let him know, that the king's 
" pleasure was, to have the names of such persons 
sent him as he had formerly appointed to make 
ecclesiastical laws for the realm." The bishop pro- 
mised with all speed to inquire out their names, 
and the book which they made, and to bring both 
the names and the book to the king; which, he 
A refornia- wrftcs, hc had done before that time. By this it ap- 
ec*desiasiu P^ars, that persons had been named for that ; and 
^ ^;^'* that a commission was granted, pursuant to which 

was far jd ^ r 

advanced, the wofk had becu prepared : for things of this kind 
were never neglected by Cranmer. It seems it had 
been done some years before, so that it was almost 
forgotten ; but now, in one of king Henry's lucid 
intervals, it was prepared, as Mr. Strype has pub- 






THE REFORMATION. 809 

fished. But how it came to pass, that no further book 

• . . III. 

prioress was made, during this reign, in so impor- 



tant and so necessary a work, is not easily to be ac- '^'*^' 
counted for ; since it must have contributed much to 
the exaltation of the king's supremacy, to have all 
the ecclesiastical courts governed by a code author- 
ized by him. In the convocation in the year 1 543, 
we have only this short word, That on the 29th of 
April the archbishop treated of the sacraments, and 
on the next day on the article of free-will. This is 
all that I could gather from the copy of the minutes 
of the convocations; which was communicated to 
me by my most learned and worthy brother, the 
lord bishop of Lincoln, ivho assured me it was col- 
lated exactly with the only ancient copy that re- 
mains, to give us light into the proceedings in the 
convocations of those times. 

It does not appear to me what moved Bell, bishop Beii, bi. 
of Worcester, to resign his bishopric. Rymer has wo?cLter, 
printed his resignation ; in which it is said, that he h"*bu ** 
did it simply of his own accord. He lived till the *I»opric. 
year 1556, as his tombstone in Clerkenwell church tom. »?. 
informs us. Whether he inclined to a further re- 
formation, and so withdrew at this time; or whe- 
ther the old leaven yet remaining with him made it 
uneasy for him to comply, does not appear : if his 
motives had been of the former sort, it may be sup- 
posed he would have been thought of in king Ed- 
ward's time; and if of the latter, then in queen 
Mary*8 reign he might again have appeared : so I 
must leave it in the dark what his true motive was. 

Audley, who had been lord chancellor from theAudiey, 
time that sir Thomas More left that post, fell sick ceiior» dic^ 
in the year 1544, and sent the great ^eal to the : 

x3 ' 



310 THE HISTORY OF 

PART king by sir Edward North and sir Thomas Bland. 
The king delivered it to the lord Wriothesly, and 



1544. made him lord keeper during the lord Audley*s in- 
firmity, with authority to do every thing that the 
Rjmer, Jq^^ chancellor might do ; and the duke of Norfolk 

torn* XT. ^ 

tendered him the oaths. It seems there was such a 
regard had to the lord Audley, that as long as he 
lived the title of lord chancellor was not given with 
the seals ; but upon his death Wriothesly was made 
lord chancellor. This seems to be the first instance 
of a lord keeper with the full authority of a lord 
chancellor. 
Pnusticet I have not now before me such a thread of mat- 
?orfTof* ters as to carry me regularly through the remaining 
^*'®***"**- years of this reign ; and therefore hereafter I only 
give such passages as I have gathered, without knit- 
ting them together in an exact series. The breach 
between England and France was driven on by the 
emperor's means, and promoted by all the popish 
party : so the king, to prevent all mischief from 
Scotland during this war with France, entered into 
an agreement with the earls of Lenox and Glen- 
cairne, and the elect bishop of Caithnes, brother to 
Rymer. the carl of Lcnox, in May 1544. The articles are 
published : they promised, " That they should cause 
" the word of God to be truly taught in their coun- 
" tries. 2dly, They should continue the king's faith- 
ful friends. 3dly, They should take care that the 
queen be not secretly carried away. 4thly, They 
" should assist the king to seize on some castles on 
** the borders." And they delivered the elect bishop 
of Caithnes to the king, as an hostage for their ob- 
serving these things. On the other hand, " the king 
*^ engaged to send armies to Scotland both by sea 



it 



THE REFORMATION. 811 

<< and land ; and to make the earl of Lenox, (writ- boor 
** ten in this, Levinax,) as soon as he could, governor 



" of Scotland : and that he should bestow his niece> 
^ lady Margaret Dowglas, on him." There was a 
fuller agreement made with them, with more par- 
ticulars in it, on the 26th of June ; and a pension of 
250/. was assigned to the earl of Glencaime, and 
125/. to his son, both during life. Those in the 
castle of St. Andrew's were also taken iuto the king's 
protection : and they promised to promote the mar- 
riage, and the king's interests; and to deliver up 
the castle when demanded. There were also pri- 
vate agreements made with Norman Lesley, Kir- 
caldy of the Grange, and some others ; all to be 
found in Rymer. '^**"- "^* 

The often-cited Seckendorf tells us, that at this Seek. i. ui. 
time they in Grermany began to have greater hopes Mount sent 
of the king than ever. Mount was again sent to many.* 
offer an alliance with them. He excused all the late 
proceedings : he said, Cromwell had rashly said, That 
" he hoped to see the time, that he should strike a 
" dagger into the heart of him that should oppose 
" the reformation ;" which his judges thought was 
meant of the king. He said, Barnes had indiscreetly 
provoked the bishop of Winchester : he also blamed 
their ambassadors for entering into disputes in writ- 
ing with the king ; he believed Melancthon and Bu- 
cer would have managed that matter witli more 
success. Bucer seconded Mount's motions, and mag- 
nified what the king had already done ; though there 
was no complete reformation yet effected. 

This did not move the elector : he looked on the 
king as an enemy to their doctrine. His whole de- 
sign in what he had done was, to make himself the 

x4 ^ 



812 THE HISTOBY OF 

PART head of the church, to which lie was not called aS 
III. 

God. His government was tyrannical, and his life 



1544. 



flagitious ; so he looked for no good from him. The 
king of France moved him to undertake a mediatioii 
between him and the king ; but the elector referred 
that to a general meeting of those who were engaged 
in the common Smalcaldic league. The princes in 
Germany having their chief dependance on the kings 
of France and England, saw how much they were 
weakened, and exposed to the emperor, by the war 
which was going on between those two kings; so 
they sent some empowered by them, to try if it was 
possible to prevent that war, and to mediate a recon<- 
ciliation between them. To these, when they deli- 
vered their message to the king, he complained oi 
the injustice and wilfulness of the French king : he 
thought their interposition could have no effect, and 
he used these words in an answer to their memorial ; 
We give them well to understand^ that we do both 
repose an ampler and a fuller confidence in them 
than the French king either doth or will do. 
Avar with De Bcllay, who, being oft employed, understood 

France. 

P. 1094. those mattei's well, tells us, that the emperor and 
king Henry had agreed to join their armies, and to 

i*>"5- march directly into France. He tells in another 
place, that if king Henry had followed the opinion 
of his council, which was for his landing in Nor- 
mandy with 30,000 men, he would have carried 
that whole duchy : and he ascribes his error in that 
matter to the providence of God, that protected 
France from so great a danger. The emperor had 
proposed to the king, that upon the junction of 
their two armies they should march straight to 
Paris : for they reckoned that both their armies 



THE REFORMATION. 81S 

would have amounted to 90^000 foot and 20,000 book 

HI. 

hone. But after the emperor had drawn the king 



into his measures, he went on taking some towns, ^^^^' 
pursuing his own ends; and then made his own 
peace with France, and left the king engaged in the 
war : so the king finding the emperor's main army 
was not like to join him, some bodies out of the 
Netherlands only coming to act in conjunction with 
him ; upon that he sent the duke of Norfolk to be- 
liege Montrevel, and he' himself sat down before 
Bulloigne. Marshal Bies, governor of BuUoigne, 
qiprehending the importance of Montrevel, carried 
a considerable part of the garrison of Bulloigne with 
him, and threw himself into Montrevel: by this 
means he left Bulloigne weak, and in ill hands. In ^|^'^^ 
the mean time the emperor took Luxembourg, and 
some other places : so all the project, with which he 
had amused the king, vanished, and a peace was 
struck up between him and the king of France. 

The French sent an army to raise the siege of 
Montrevel, and they were moving so as to get be- 
tween the duke of Norfolk and the king's army ; 
upon which the duke of Norfolk raised the siege : 
but Bulloigne was taken ; and that small conquest 
was out of measure magnified by those who saw their 
own advantage in flattering their master, though at 
avast charge he had gained a place scarce worth 
keeping. 

The emperor had that address, and he had so The king is 
strong a party about the king, that even all this was the emp«- 
excused, and the intercourse between the two courts ™'* 
was not discontinued. 

In one point the emperor was necessary to the 
king, and he kept his word to him. It is certain 



S14 THE HISTOBT OF 

PART the king had great apprehennoM of the oonmAiM 
was now sitting at Trent; and the inore» becnae 



1544. p^i ^^ Q^Q Qf ^g legates sent to {ureside in it: 
who, as he had reason to apprehend, would stndj to 
engage the council to confirm the pop^s oensne 
thundered out against the king ; and it was bdietei 
he was named l^^ate fiir that end. The king rf 
France had offered to Gardiner, that, if the kiif 
would join with him, he would suffer no comidl to 
meet, but as the king should consent to it : but hii 
fluctuating temper was so well known, that the Id^g 
trusted in this particular more to the emperor, whooe 
interest in that council he knew must be great; snd 
the emperor had promised that the council should 
not at all intermeddle in the matter between the pope 
and the king. The effect showed he was true in ti^ 
particular. 

The long, finding himself so disappointed, and ifi^ 
deed abandoned by the emperor, sent the earl (^ 
Hartford, with Gardiner, to him, to expostulate wit^ 
him. A letter of the king's was sent by them to th^ 
emperor, written in a very severe strain, charging 
him with perfidy. The emperor either had thc^ 
gout, or pretended to have it ; so that he could not 
be spoke with. His chief ministers at that time, 
who were Grandville, and his son the bishop of 
Arras, delayed them from day to day, and discovered 
Paper much chicane, as they wrote : upon which they grew 
80 uneasy, that at last they demanded a positive an- 
swer ; and then these ministers told them, that the 
emperor could not carry on the war longer against 
France : but he offered to mediate a peace between 
England and France. After that they complain, 
that they saw the pretence of mediation was ma- 



THE REFORMATION. 315 

dnged decdtfiiUy ; for the emperor's design upon book 

jDennany being now ready, he apprehended those. '• — 

two kings, if not engaged in war one with another, ^ 
would support the princes of the empire, and not 
suffer the emperor, under the pretence of a religious 
war, to make himself master of Germany : therefore 
he studied to keep up the war between France and 
England. I find Maurice of Saxony was this year, 
during the emperor's war with France, in his court : 
whether he was then mediating or treating about his 
pofidious abandoning the elector, and the other 
princes of the Soialcaldic league, I know not. 
Before the king went out of Englctnd, a great step a uunj 
I was made towards the reforming the public offices. English, 
A form of procession in the English tongue was set d^totiooT 
out by the king's authority, and a mandate was sent 
to Bonner to publish it. The title of it was, An 
Exhortation to Prayer ^ thought meet by his Ma* 
Jesty and his Clergy to he read to the People : also 
a Litany, with Svffrages to he said, or sung, in 
the time of ike Processions. In the Litany they 
did still invocate the blessed Virgin, the angels and 
archangels, and all holy orders of blessed spirits, all 
holy patriarchs and prophets, apostles, martyrs, con- 
fessors, and virgins, and all the blessed company of 
heaven, to pray for them. After the word conspi* 
racy this is added,^o»i the tyranny of the bishop 
of Rome, afid all his detestable enormities: the 
rest of the Litany is the same that we still use, only 
some more collects are put at the end, and the whole 
is called a Prayer of Procession. To this are added 
some exercises of devotion, called Psalms, which are 
collected out of several parts of scripture, but chiefly 
the Psalms : they are well collected ; and the whole 



S16 THE HI8T0BT OF 

PART oompontioDj as there is noChiiig thit j^preadM to 

'- — V^V^ in itt so it is a serious and wdL-digested 

'S^* course of devotion. There fidlows a paraphme oi 
the Lord's Prayer: on the firarih petition, there are 
eacpressions that seem to oome near a tme sense rf 
the presence of Christ in the sacrament; Sarhfdmif 
breads as some of the ancients thoogfaty the sscm- 
ment of the eudiarist is understood, whidi is tboi 
expressed: I%e Unefy bread ^tke bleBied bodf ^ 
tmr Skmomr Juu OM^, mid tke mcred anp ^ 
tke precious and bkeeed Uaod wMeh woe eked fir 
ueonthe croee. This agrees with our present seaie^ 
that Christ is present, not as he is now in heaven, 
but as he was on the cross : and that, being n thiif 
past, he can onty be present in n type and n m^ 
morial. The prefiEu^ is an exhortation to prayer, in 
which these remarkable words will be found : ^ It 
« is very convenient, and much acceptable . to God, 
^* that you should use your private prayer in your 
^* mother-tongue ; that you, understanding what yon 
<< ask of God, may more earnestly and fervently 
desire the same, your hearts and minds agreeing 
to your mouth and words.*" This is indeed all 
over of a pious and noble strain ; and, except the 
invocation of the saints and angels, it is an unexcep- 
tionable composition. At the same time Katherine 
Parre, whom the king had lately married, collected 
some prayers and meditations, ^* wherein the mind 
is stirred patiently to suffer all affliction here, to 
set at nought the vain prosperity of this world, and 
always to long for the everlasting felicity :^ which 
were printed in the year 1545. 

But so apt was the king, whether from some old 
and inherent opinions that still stuck with him, or 









THE REFORMATION. 817 

from the practices of those who knew how to flatter book 
him suitaUj to his notions, to go backward and for- 



ward in matters of religion, that though on the 15th ^^^^' 
of October 1545, he ordered a mandate to be sent 
to Bonner, to publish the English Procession or- 
dained by him, which was executed the day foUow- 
ii^; yet on the 24th of that month, there was a let- 
ter written to Cranmer, declaring the king's pleasure 
for the setting up an image, that had been taken 
down by his injunctions ; ordering him at the same 
time to abolish the use of holy water about St. John's 
tide, and to take down an image called our Lady of 
PUy in the Pew, for the idolatry that was com- 
mitted about it. At this time it was discovered, 
that great indulgences, with all such like favours, 
were sent from Rome to Ireland ; so that generally 
in that kingdom the king's supremacy was rejected, 
and yet at the same time it appears that many were 
put in prison for denying the presence in the sacra- 
ment ; and a proclamation was set out, both against 
'Hndall's new Testament and Coverdale's. 
Thirleby, bishop of Westminster, was sent am- The king 

, , neglects thle 

hassador to the emperor; and afterwards secretary German 
Petre was sent to the same court. Mount continued ^""*^' 
likewise to be employed, but without a character • 
he seems to have been both honest and zealous ; and 
in many letters, writ both in the year 1545 and 
1546, he warned the king of the emperor's designs 
to extirpate Lutheranism, and to force the whole 
empire to submit to the pope and the council, then 
sitting at Trent. The German princes sent over a 
vehement application to the king, to consider the 
case of Herman, bishop of Colen, praying him to 
protect him, and to intercede for him. They gave 



S18 THE HISTORY OP 

PART a great character of the man, of which Mount makes 
mention in his letters : but I do not find that the king 



1546, interposed in that matter. The emperor seemed to 

enter into great confidences with Thirlebj, and either j 

imposed on him, or found him easily wrought on: ; 

he told him that the king of France was making \ 

great levies in Switzerland, and he was well assured : 

that they were not designed against himself; so he ] 

Piper warned the king to be on his guard. This being in- ' 
quired into, was not only denied by the court of 
France, but was found to be false, and was looked 

m 

on as an artifice of the emperor's to keep up a jea- 
lousy between those two courts. By such practices 
he prevailed on Thirleby to assure the king, that . 
the emperor did not design to enslave Grermany, but 
only to repress the insolence of some princes, and to 
give justice a free course : aU the news he wrote 
from thence did run in this strain ; so that Germany 
was fatally abandoned by both kings. Yet still the 
king sent over to the emperor repeated complaints 
of the ill treatment his subjects met with in Spain 
from inquisitors ; and that in many courts justice 
was refused to be done them, upon this pretence, 
that the king and all who adhered to him were de- 
clared heretics, and as such they were excommuni- 
cated by the pope, and so were not to be admitted to 
sue in judicatories : these were sent over to Thirleby, 
but I do not see what was done upon all those repre- 
sentations. 
The elector The last mcssBge the king sent to the Germans 

of Saxony's , /» i •«» . 

ill opinion was HI the year 154o, by Mount, with whom one 

'"^'Butler was joined: the German princes, in general 

terms, prayed the king to insist on rejecting the 

council of Trent, assuring him that the pope would 



THE REFORMATION. 319 

I 

suffer no reformation to be made. This letter was boor 
Hgreed to by the greater number of the princes of 






the union, only the elector of Saxony had conceived ^^^^' 
great prejudices against the king. He said, ^' he 
^'was an impious man, with whom he desired to 
^have no commerce: he was no better than the 
^ pope, whose yoke he had thrown off only for his 
^ own ends : and that he intended out of the two 
^ religions to make a third, only for enriching him- 
'^self; having condemned the principal points of 
I' their doctrine in his parliament.'' 
I find at this time a secret discmst the emperor P«n]u»»<i 

disooDtent* 

was in towards his brother Ferdinand : upon which, ed with the 
Ferdinand sent a message to the king, setting forth *™^"''^' 
the just claim he had to his father's succession in 
Spain ; since, by the agreement of the marriage be- 
tween Ferdinand of Arragon and Isabel of Castile, a 
special provision was made, that, whensoever there 
was a second son issuing from that marriage, the 
kingdom of Arragon, and all that belonged to it, 
should be again separated from Castile. He also 
pretended, that he ought to have had a larger share 
in the succession of the house of Burgundy ; and 
that, instead of those rich provinces, he was forced 
to accept of Austria, and the provinces about it, 
which lay exposed to the Turks, and were loaded 
with great debts, contracted by his grandfather 
Maximilian. To this the king sent an answer se- 
cretly, and ordered the person (who he was, does 
not appear ; but I think it was Mount) that carried 
it, to insist on the discourse of his pretensions to the 
Netherlands, which were then vastly rich. He was 
particularly required to observe Ferdinand's beha- 
viour, and all that he said on that subject. And it 



SSO THE HISTORY OF 

PART seems that our court, being then in a good under- 

standing with the court of France, communicated 

^ ^^^* the matter to Francis : for he wrote, soon after that* 
a letter to Ferdinand, encouraging him to stand on 
his claim, and promising him his assistance to sup- 
port his pretensions on the emperor. But Ferdi- 
nand, not being inclined to trust the court of France 
with this secret, sent the letter to the emperor : so I 
see no more of that matter. 
The doke of The last transaction of importance in this reign 
impruon- was the fall of the duke of Norfolk, and of the eail 



meat. 



of Surrey, his son. I find in the council-book, in 
the year 1543, that the earl was accused for eating 
flesh in Lent without license ; and for walking about 
the streets in the night, throwing stones against 
windows ; for which he was sent to the Fleet : in 
another letter he is complained of for riotous livii^. 
Towards the end of the year 154>6, both he and his 
father were put in prison; and it seems the council 
wrote to all the king's ambassadors beyond sea an 
account of this, much aggravated, as the discovery 
of some very dangerous conspiracy, which they were 
to represent to those princes in very black characters. 
Collect. I put in the Collection an account given by Thirleby 
of what he did upon it. The letter is long ; but I 
only copy out that which relates to this pretended 
discovery: dated from Hailbron, on Christmas-day 
1546. 

He understood, by the council's letters to him, 
what ungracious and ingrateful persons they were 
" found to be. He professes, he ever loved the fa- 
ther, for he thought him a true servant to the king. 
He says, he was amazed at the matter, and did not 
" know what to say. God had not only on this oc- 



it 



THE REFORMATION. 881 

^casioDy but on many others, put a stop to treason- book 
** aUe designs against the king, who (next to God) 



was the chief comfort of all good men : he enlarges ^ ' 
^ much on the subject, in the style of a true court- 
^ier. The messenger brought him the council's 
''letters, written on the 15th of December, on 
''Christmas-eve; in which he saw the malicious 
" purpose of these two ungracious men : so, accord- 
" ing to his orders, he went immediately to demand 
"audience of the emperor; but the emperor in- 
^ tended to repose himself for three or four days, 
" and so had refused audience to the nuncio, and 
'^ to all other ambassadors : but he said, he would 
^ send a secretary, to whom he might communicate 
" his business. Joyce, his secretary, coming to him, 
" he set forth the matter as pompously as the coun- 
" dl had represented it to him : in particular, he 
" spoke of the haughtiness of the earl of Surrey ; 
" of all which the secretary promised to make report 
" to the emperor, and likewise to write an account 
" of it to Grandville. Thirleby excuses himself, that 
" he durst not write of this matter to the king ; he 
" thought it would renew in him the memory of the 
" ingratitude of these persons, which must wound a 
** noble heart." 

After so black a representation, great matters 
might be expected : but I have met with an original coiiect. 
letter of the duke of Norfolk's to the lords of theHhTietterto 
council, writ indeed in so bad a hand, that the read- ^* *°^' 
mg it was almost as hard as deciphering ; it gives 
a very different account of that matter, at least with 
relation to the father. He writes, " that the lord 
" great chamberlain, and the secretary of state, had 
" examined him upon divers particulars. The first 

VOL. III. Y 



S9St THE HISTOBY OF 

PART ** was. Whether he had a cipher with any man? 
"'' " He said, he had never a cipher with any man. 



1546. « but such as he had for the king^s affairs, when he 
** was in his service : and he does not remembar that 
** ever he wrote in cipher, except when he was in 
*^ France with the lord great master that now i^ 
^* and the lord Rochford ; nor does he remember 
** whether he wrote any letters then, or not ; but 
^* these two lords signed whatsoever he wrote. He 
** heard, that a letter of his was found among bishop 
'^ Fox's papers, which being showed to the bishop of 
'* Duresme, he advised to throw it into the fire. 
** He was examined upon this : he did remember 
'* the matter of it was, the setting forth the talk of 
*^ the northern people, after the time of the commo- 
'^ tions ; but that it was against Cromwell, and not 
'* at all against the king : (so far did they go back, 
** to find matter to be laid to his charge :) but whe- 
** ther that was in cipher, or not, he did not remem- 
** ber. He was next asked, if any person had said 
" to him, that if the king, the emperor, and the 
French king came to a good peace, whether the 
bishop of Rome would break that by his dispensa- 
tion ; and whether he inclined that way. He did 
not remember he had ever heard any man speak 
to that purpose ; but, for his own part, if he had 
twenty lives, he would rather spend them all than 
that the bishop of Rome should have any power 
in this kingdom again. He had read much his- 
tory, and knew well how his usurpation began 
" and increased ; and both to English, French, and 
Scots, he has upon all occasions spoken vehe- 
mently against it. He was also asked, if he 
*^ knew any thing of a letter from Gardiner and 



it 
« 

a 
it 
c< 
it 
tt 
tt 
tt 



tt 
tt 



THE REFORMATION. 823 

^Kneretythe king^s ambassadors at the emperor's book 
^ oourty of a motion made to them for a reconcilia- 



/ 



^ tion with that bishop ; which was brought to the ^^^^* 
" knig at Dover, he being then there. 

^ In answer to this he writes, he had never been 
** with the king at Dover since the duke of Rich- 
^fflond died: but for any such overture, he had 
^ never heard any thing of it, nor did any person 
" ever mention it to him. It had been said in coun- 
^ gO, when sir Francis Bryan was like to have died, 
^ a a thing reported by him, that the bishop of 
** Winchester had said, he could devise a way to set 
** all things right between the king and the bishop 
" of Rome : upon which, as he remembers, sir Ralph 
^ Sadler was sent to sir Francis, to ask the truth of 
* that; but sir Francis denied it : and this was all 
** that ever he heard of any such overture. It seems 
^ these were all the questions that were put to him, 
** to which those were his answers. He therefore 
'^ prayed the lords to intercede with the king, that 
*^ his accusers might be brought face to face, to say 
*^ what they had against him ; and he did not doubt 
f* but it should appear he was falsely accused. He 
^desired to have no more favour than Cromwell 
^ had, he himself being present when Cromwell was 
^ examined. He adds, Cromwell was a false man ; 
^ but he was a true, poor gentleman : he did believe, 
^ some false man had laid some great thing to his 
^ charge. He desired, if he might not see his ac- 
** cuaers, that he might at least know what the mat- 
" ters were ; and if he did not answer truly to every 
^ point, he desired not to live an hour longer. 

" He had always been pursued by great enemies 
^ about the king ; so that his fidelity was tried like 

Y 2 






824 THE HISTORY OP 

PART <' gold. If he knew wherein he had offended, be 

' ** would freely confess it. On Tuesday in the last 

1546. « Whitsun-week he moved the king, that a marriage 
might be made between his dau^ter (the duchess 
of Richmond) and sir Thomas Seymour ; and that 
his son Surrey's children might, by cross-marriages, 
be allied to my lord great chamberlain's children ; 
*^ (the earl of Hertford.) He appealed to the king, 
** whether his intention in these motions did not ap- 
<< pear to be honest. He next reckons up his ene- 
^^ mies : cardinal Wolsey confessed to him at Asher, 
** that he had studied for fourteen years how to de- 
** stroy him, set on to it by the duke of Suffolk, the 
** marquis of Exeter, and the lord Sandys, who often 
** told him, that if he did not put him out of the 
*^ way, he would undo him. When the marquis of 
** Exeter suffered, Cromwell examined his wife more 
''strictly concerning him than all other men; of 
" which she sent him word by her brother, the lord 
" Mountjoy : and Cromwell had often said to him- 
" self, that he was a happy man that his wife knew 
'' nothing against him, otherwise she would undo 
him. The late duke of Buckingham, at the bar, 
where his father sat lord high steward, said, that 
" he himself was the person in the world whom he 
" had hated most, thinking he had done him ill 
offices with the king : but, he said, he then saw 
the contrary. Rice, that married his sister, often 
" said, he wished he could find the means to thrust 
'* his dagger in him. It was well known to many 
" ladies in the court how much both his two nieces, 
'' whom it pleased the king to marry, had hated 
" him : he had discovered to the king that for which 
'' his mother-in-law was attainted of misprision of 









THE REFORMATION. 326 

^treason. He had always served the king faith- book 



* fiiUy, but had of late received greater favours of. 
^faim than in times past: what could therefore ^^^^' 
f move him to be now false to him ? A poor man 
[ ^09 I amy yet I am his own near kinsman. Alas ! 
^ alas ! my lords, (writes he,) that ever it should 
f? be thought any untruth to be in me. He prays 
f them to lay this before the king, and jointly to 
^ beseech him to grant the desires contained in it. 
^ So he ends it with such submissions, as he hoped 
f might mollify the king." 

Here I must add a small correction, because I 

IHTomised it to the late sir Robert Southwell, for 

whose great worth and virtues I had that esteem 

which he well deserved. Sir Richard Southwell 

^was concerned in the evidence against the duke of 

Norfiilk. He gave me a memorandum, which I pro- 

' mised to remember when I reviewed my History. 

\ There were two brothers, sir Richard and sir Ro- 

; bert, who were often confounded, an R serving for 

^ both their christened names. Sir Richard was a privy 

: counsellor to Henry the Eighth, king Edward, and 

[ queen Mary: the second brother, sir Robert, was 

master of the rolls in the time of Henry the Eighth, 

and in the beginning of Edward the Sixth. I had 

r confounded these, and in two several places called 

\ m Richard master of the rolls. 

I have now set forth all that I find concerning 
the duke of Norfolk : by which it appears, that he 
was designed to be destroyed only upon suspicion ; 
and his enemies were put on running far back to 
old stories, to find some colours to justify so black 
a prosecution. This was the last act of the king's 
reign; which, happily for the old duke, was not 

Y 8 




396 THE HISTORY OF 

PART finished, when the king's death prevented the ex- 
'• — ecution. 



A ill'^ft'u- Thus I have gone over all those passages in this 
lation of reign that have fallen in my way since I wrote my 
ry't reign. History. I have so carefully avoided repeating any 
thing that was in my fbrmer work, that I have per- 
haps not made it clear enough, into what parts of it 
every thing here related ought to be taken in. Nor 
have I put in my Collection any of those papers, 
that either the lord Herbert or Mr. Strjrpe had pnb- 
lished, one or two only excepted in each of them : 
but these I put in it, both because I copied them 
from the originals, when I did not reflect on thdr 
being published by those writers, and because thej 
seemed of great importance to the parts of my His- 
tory, to which they belonged. Some of these beii^ 
very short, and the others not long, I thought die 
inserting them made my Cdlection more comjdeie. 
I would not lessen the value of books, to which I 
have been too much beholden, to make so ill a re- 
turn ; to the last especially, from whose works I 
have taken that which seemed necessary to make 
the History as full as might be, but refer my reader 
to such vouchers as he will find in them. 
Hitmiod And uow having ended what I have to say of 
by a course king Hcnry, I will add a few reflections on him and 
** ^^' on his reign. He had certainly a greater measure 
of knowledge in learning, more particularly in di- 
vinity, than most princes of that or of any age : that 
gave occasion to those excessive flatteries, which in 
a great measure corrupted his temper, and disfigured 
his whole government. It is deeply rooted in the 
nature of man to love to be flattered, because self- 
love makes men their own flatterers, and so they do 



THE REFORMATION. 887 

too easily take down the flatteries that are offered book 

III 

them by others ; who, when they expect advantages 



bj it) are too ready to give this incense to their *^^^* 
nnity, according to the returns that they expect 
fiom it. 

Few are so honest and disinterested in their 
fiiendship as to consider the real good of others, 
but choose rather to comply with their humour 
and vanity: and since princes have most to give, 
flattoy (too common to all places) is the natural 
growth of courts ; in which, if there are some few 
so im&shioned to those places as to seek the real 
good and honour of the prince by the plain methods 
of Uunt honesty, which may carry them to contra- 
dict a nnstaken prince, to show him his errors, and 
with a true firmness of courage to try to work even 
against the grain ; while they pursue that, which, 
though it is the real advantage and honour of the 
prince, yet it is not agreeable to some weak or per- 
verse humour in him ; these are soon overtopped by 
a multitude of flatterers, who will find it an easy 
work to undermine such faithful ministers, because 
their own candour and fidelity makes them use none 
of the arts of a countermine. Thus the flattered 
prince easily goes into the hands of those who hu- 
mour and please him most, without regarding either 
the true honour of the master, or the good of the 
community. 

If weak princes, of a small measure of knowledge The coune 
and a low capacity, fall into such hands, the govern- 
ment will dwindle into an unactive languishing; 
which will make them a prey to all about them, and 
expose them to universal contempt both at home 
and abroad: while the flatterers make their own 

y4 i 



828 THE HISTORY OP 

PART advantages the chief measure of the governmenti 

'. — and do so besiege the abused and deluded prinoei 

^^^^' that he fancies he is the wonder and delight of all 
the world, when he is under the last degrees of 
the scorn of the worst, and of the pity of the best of 
his people. 

But if these flatterers gain the ascendant over 
princes of genius and capacity, they put them on 
great designs, under the false representations of con- 
quests and glory ; they engage them either to make 
or break leagues at pleasure, to enter upon hostili- 
ties without any previous steps or declarations of 
war, to ruin their own people for supporting those 
wars that are carried on with all the methods both 
of barbarity and perfidy: while a studied luxury 
and vanity at home is kept up, to amuse and Uind 
the ignorant beholders with a false show of lustre 
and magnificence. 
wohey This* had too deep a root in king Henry, and was 

buf^a*' too long flattered by cardinal Wolsey, to be ever 
afterwards brought into due bounds and just mea- 
sures; yet Wolsey pursued the true maxims of Eng- 
land, of maintaining the balance during his ministry. 
Our trade lay then so entirely in the Netherlands, 
without our seeming to think of carrying it further, 
that it was necessary to maintain a good correspond- 
ence with those provinces ; and Charles's dominions 
were so widely scattered, that, till Francis was taken 
prisoner, it was visibly the interest of England to 
continue still jealous of France, and to favour 
Charles. But the taking of Francis the First 
changed the scene ; France was then to be support- 
ed : it was also so exhausted, and Charles's revenue 
was so increased, that, without great sums both lent 



a wise 
minister. 



THE REFORMATION. 889 

him and expended by England, all must have sunk book 
under Charles's power, if England had not held the "^' 



balance. *^4^* 

It was also a masterpiece in Wolsey to engage a grwt 
the king to own that the book against Luther was flattery 
written by him, in which the secret of those who, S][*^^ 
DO doubt, had the greatest share in composing it 
was so closely laid, that it never broke out. Secken- 
dorf tells us, that Luther believed it was writ by 
Lee, who was a zealous Thomist, and had been en- 
gaged in disputes with Erasmus, and was afterwards 
made archbishop of York. If any of these who still 
adhered to the old doctrines had been concerned in 
writing it, probably, when they saw king Henry de- 
part from so many points treated of in it, they 
would have gone beyond sea, and have robbed him 
of that false honour and those excessive praises 
which that book had procured him. It is plain More 
wrote it not : for the king having showed it him be- 
fore it was published, he (as he mentions in one of 
his letters to Cromwell) told the king, that he had 
raised the papacy so high, that it might be objected 
to him, if he should happen to have any dispute 
with the pope, as was often between princes and 
popes ; and it will be found in the remarks on the 
former volumes, that he in another letter says, he 
was a sorter of that book. This seems to relate 
only to the digesting it into method and order. 

How far king Henry was sincere in pretending 
scruples of conscience with relation to his first mar- 
riage, can only be known to God. His suit of di- 
vorce was managed at a vast expense, in a course of 
many years ; in all which time, how strong soever 
his passion was for Anne Boleyn, yet her being with 



880 THE HISTORY OF 

PART child 80 soon after their marriaee is a clear evidence 
III. ^^ 
'- — that till then they had no unlawful commerce. It 

*^^^' does not appear that Wolsey deserved his di^race, 
unless it was, that by the commission given to the 
two legates they were empowered to act conjunctly 
or severally ; so that, though Campegio refused to 
concur, he might have given sentence legally; yet 
he being trusted by the pope, his acting according 
to instructions did not deserve so severe a correc- 
tion : and had any material discovery been made to 
render Wolsey criminal, it may be reasonably sup- 
posed it would have been published. 
Tbe cha- The ucw flatterers fallinir in with the kins's pas- 
Mora. sion, outdid and ruined Wolsey. More was the 
glory of the age; and his advancement was the 
king's honour more than his own, who was a true 
Christian philosopher. He thought the cause of the 
king's divorce was just, and as long as it was pro- 
secuted at the court of Rome, so long he favoured 
it : but when he saw that a breach with that court 
was like to follow, he left the great post he was in 
with a superior greatness of mind. It was a fall 
great enough to retire from that into a private state 
of life : but the carrying matters so far against him 
as the king did, was one of the justest reproaches of 
that reign. More's superstition seems indeed con- 
temptible ; but the constancy of his mind was truly 
wonderful. 
croniweir* Cromwell's ministry was in a constant course of 
ministry, fl^^^^pj^ ^^^ submlssiou ; but by that he did great 

things, that amaze one who has considered them 
well. The setting up the king's supremacy instead 
of the usurpations of the papacy, and the rooting 
out the monastic state in England, considering the 



T^ REFORMATION. 881 

veaMiy the numbers^ and fBe zeal of the moi^s and book 
fiiara in all the parts of the kingdom, as it was a 



p Tery bold undertaking, so it was executed with great ^^^^* 
method, and performed in so short a time, and with 
so &w of the convulsions that might have been ex- 
pectedt thA all this shows what a master he was^ 
that could bring such a design to be finished in so 
tew years, with so little trouble or danger. 

But in conclusion, an unfortunate maniage^ to 
wUch he advised the king, not proving acceptably 
and be being unwilling to destroy what he himself 
had brought about, was no doubt backward in the 
design of breaking it, when the king had told him 
of it : and then, upon no other visible ground but 
because Anne of Cleve grew more obliging to the 
king than she was formerly, the king suspected that 
Cromwell had betrayed his secret, and had engaged 
her to a softer deportment on design to prevent the 
divmt» ; and did upon that disgrace and destroy 
him. 

The duke of Norfolk was never till Cromwell's 
fall the first in favour ; but he had still kept his post 
by perpetual submission and flattery. He was sa- 
crificed at last to the king's jealousy, fearing that he 
might be too great in his son's infancy ; and, being 
considered as the head of the popish party, might 
engage in an uneasy competition with the Seymours 
during the minority of his son : for the |)oints he 
was at first examined on were of an old date, of no 
consequence, and supported by no proof. 

When the king first threw off the pope's yoke, Th« king'i 
the reformers offered him in their turn all the flat- ia^terT 
teries they could decently give : and if they could ^ "*'^'®°* 
have had the patience to go no further than as he was 



J 546. 



Saa THE HISTORY OF 

PART willing to parcel out a reformatioD to them, he had 
- perhaps gone further in it. But he seemed to think, 
that as it was pretended in popery, that infallibility 
was to go along with the supremacy, therefore those 
who had yielded the one ought likewise to submit 
to the other ; he turned against them when he saw 
that their complaisance did pot go so tar. And 
upon that, the adherers to the old opinions returned 
to their old flatteries, and for some time seemed to 
have brought him quite back to them : which pro- 
bably might have wrought more powerfully, but 
that he found the old leaven of the papacy was 
still working in them. So that he was aU the while 
fluctuating; sometimes making steps to a reforma- 
tion, but then returning back to his old notions. 
One thing probably wrought much on him. It has 
appeared, that he had great apprehensions of the 
council that was to meet at Trent, and that the 
emperor's engagements to restrain the council from 
proceeding in his matter was the main article of the 
new friendship made up between them : and it may 
be very reasonably supposed, that the emperor re- 
presented to him, that nothing could secure that 
matter so certainly as his not proceeding to any fur- 
ther innovations in religion; more particularly his 
adhering firmly to the received doctrine of Christ's 
presence in th6 sacrament, and the other articles set 
forth by him. This agreeing with his own opin- 
ion, had, as may be well imagined, no small share 
in the change of his conduct at that time. 

The dexterous application of flattery had generally 
a powerful effect on him : but whatsoever he was, 
and how great soever his pride and vanity and his 
other faults were, he was a great instrument in the 



THE REFOBMATION. 88S 

hand of Providenoe for many good ends: he first book 

(f«ied the door to let light in upon the nation ; he 1— 

ddirered it from the yoke of blind and implicit '^^^' 
dbedience ; he put the scriptures in the hands of the 
people, and took away the terror they were formerly 
under by the cruelty of the ecclesiastical courts ; he 
declared this church to be an entire and perfect body 
within itself, with full authority to decree and to 
r^ulate all things, without any dependance on any 
foreign power; and he did so unite the supreme 
headship over this church to the imperial crown of 
this realm, .that it seemed a just consequence that 
was made by some in a popish reign, that he who 
would not own that this supremacy was in him, did 
by that renounce the crown, of which that title was 
made so essential a part, that they could no more be 
separated. 

He attacked popery in its strong holds the mona- 
steries, and destroyed them all : and thus he opened 
the way to all that came after, even down to our 
days. So that, while we see the folly and weakness 
of man in all his personal failings, which were very 
many and very enormous; we at the same time 
see both the justice, the wisdom, and the goodness 
of God, in making him, who was once the pride and 
glory of popery, become its scourge and destruction ; 
and in directing his pride and passion so as to bring 
about, under the dread of his unrelenting temper, a 
change that a milder reign could not have com- 
passed without great convulsions and much confu- 
sion : above all the rest, we ought to adore the 
goodness of God in rescuing us by his means from 
idolatry and superstition ; from the vain and pomp- 
ous shows in which the worship of God was dressed 



S84 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
PART up. SO as to vie with heathousm itsdf. into a sim* 

IIL • 

plicity of believing, and a purity of worahip, con- 

)54a. ^j^QQ ^ ^^ nature and attributes of Grod, and the 
doctrine and example of the Son of Gkid. 

Maj we ever value this as we ought ; and may 
we in our tempers and lives so express the beauty of 
this holy religion, that it may ever shine among u% 
and may shine out from us, to all round about ns : 
and then we may hope that God will preserve it to 
us, and to posterity after us, fi3r ever ! 



BOOK IV. 



Wi 



Of what happened during the reign of king JEd^ 
ward the Sixths Jram the year 1547» to the year 



^1 1553. 

I HAD such copious materials when I wrote of this book 
king, partly from the original Council-book, for the 



two first years of that reign, but chiefly from the ^^^^* 
Journal writ in that king^s own hand, that I shall 
not be able to offer the reader so many new things 
in this as I did in the former, and as I may be able 
to do in the succeeding reign. Some gleanings I 
liave, which I hope will not be unacceptable. 

I begin with acknowledging a great error com- a true ac- 
mitted, in copying out a letter of Luther s, that I paper of 
found among Bucer's collections. The noble Seek- wrong pub- 
endorf was the first that admonished me of this ; my Hiltory. 
but with a modesty suitable to so great a man: 
without that rancour, in which some among our- 
selves have vented their ill-nature against me. I 
took the sure method to confess my error, and to 
procure an exact collated copy of that paper, from 
that learned body, to whose library it belongs; 
which will be found in the Collection. It is an ori- coUect. 

Namb. i. 

^al in Luther's own hand ; but it could not have 
been easily read, if Bucer had not writ out a copy 
of it, which is bound up in the same volume with 
the original. It was an instruction that Luther gave 
to Melancthon, when he went into Hesse, in the 

J 



S86 THE HISTORY OF 

PART year 1534, to meet and treat with Bucer» upon that 
fatal difference, concerning the manner of the pre- 






*^^'' sence in the sacrament. " In which it appears, that 
*' Luther was so far from departing from his opinion, 
*' that he plainly says, he could not communicate 
*^ with those of the Zuinglian persuasion ; but he 
would willingly tolerate them, in hope that in time 
they might come to communicate together. And 
as for a political agreement, he does not think the 
diversity of religion ought to hinder that ; no more 
^* than it was a bar to marriage or commerce, which 
" may be among those of different religions." And 
now I have, I hope, delivered myself from all the 
censures, to which the wrong publishing of that 
paper had exposed me. 

I should next enter into the historical passages of '. 
king Edward's reign ; but a great discovery, made ; 
with relation to the most important foreign trans* ] 
action that happened both in king Henry and king 
Edward's reign, (I mean the council of Trent ; the 
first session of which was in the former reign, and 
the second in this,) has given me an opportunity of 
acquainting the world with many extraordinary pas- 
sages relating to it. 
Vargas's There was a large parcel of original letters writ to 
cerning the Grandviilc, thcu bishop of Arras, afterwards cardinal, 

council of 

Trent. and the chief minister of Charles the emperor, that, 
when he left the Netherlands, were in the hands of 
some of his secretaries ; and were not carried away 
by him. About fifty years after that, Mr. William 
Trumball, then king James the First's envoy at 
Brussels, grandfather to sir William Trumball, (a 
person eminently distinguished by his learning and 
zeal for religion, as well as by the embassies, and 



THE REFORMATION. 887 

other great employments, he has so worthily borne,) book 
got these into his hands : no doubt, under the pro- 



mise of absolute secrecy, during the lives of those ^^^'' 
who had them : since if they had been then publish- 
ed, it might have been easily traced from whence 
they must have come ; which would have been fatal 
to those who had parted with them, in a court so 
faigotted as was that of Albert and Isabella. I have 
read over the whole series of that worthy gentle- 
Bum's own letters to king James the First, and saw 
80 much honesty and zeal running through them all, 
that^ it seems, nothing under some sacred tie could 
have obliged both father and son to keep such a 
treasure so secret from all the world, especially 
Padro Paulo's History coming out at that time in 
London ; to which these letters, as far as they went, 
which is from the 7th of October 1551, to the last of 
February 1551-2, would have given an authentic 
confirmation. I have been trusted by the noble 
owner with the perusal of them. It is impossible to 
doubt of their being originals : the subscriptions and 
seals of most of them are still entire. 

These were by sir William deposited in bishop Translated 
Stillingfleet's hands, when he was sent to his foreign luh by"Dr. 
employments, that such use might be made of them, ^*^'**»- 
when he found a person that was master of the 
Spanish tongue, as the importance of the discovery 
might deserve. Soon after that, my very worthy 
friend Dr. Geddes returned from Lisbon, after he 
had been above ten years preacher to the English 
fiictory there : and since he is lately dead, I hope I 
riiall be forgiven, to take the liberty of saying some- 
•Fhat concerning him. He was a learned and a wise 
man : he had a true notion of popery, as a political 

VOL. 111. z 



838 THE HISTORY OF 

PART combination, managed by falsehood and cruelty, to 
establish a temporal empire in the person of the 



1547. popes. All his thoughts and studies were chiefly 
employed in detecting this ; of which he has given 
many useful and curious essays in the treatises he 
wrote, which are all highly valuable. When bishop 
Stillingfleet understood that he was master of the 
Spanish tongue, he put all these papers in his hands. 
He translated them into English, intending to print 
the originals in Spanish with them : but none of onr 
printers would undertake that ; they reckoning, that 
where the vent of the book might be looked for, 
which must be in Spain and Italy, they were sure it 
would not be suffered to be sold : he was therefore 
forced to print the translation in English, without 
printing the originals. 
And into Siucc that tiuic, that learned and judicious Frencb- 
fTu vL- nian, Monsieur Le Vassor, has published a translation 
■***■• of them in French, with many curious reflections : 

but though he found that a complete edition of the 
letters in Spanish was a thing that the booksellers in 
Holland would not undertake, yet he has helped that 
all he could, by giving the parts of the letters that 
were the most critical, and the most important, in 
Spanish. Both these books are highly valuable. 
The chief writer of those letters, Vargas, was a man 
not only very learned, but of a superior genius to 
most of that age, as appears both by the letters 
themselves, and by the great posts he went through 
He was specially employed by the emperor, both ii 
the session that was held in the former reign, and i^ 
that which sat in this reign ; to which only the5 
letters do relate. He was the chief of the couna 
that the emperor's ambassadors had, in matters i 



THE REFORMATION. S89 

which either divinitj or canon law (the last being book 



Us particular profession) were necessary : and such 
lvalue was set on him, that the emperor sent him ^^^^' 
ambassador to the republic of Venice. And when 
the last session was held by pope Pius the Fourth, 
Philip sent him ambassador to Rome, as the person 
that understood best how to manage that court, with 
lelation to the session of the council. 

I think it may give the reader a just idea of that The tnud 
council, both of the fraud and insolence of the legate, Teiioe'oftbe 
and of the method in which matters were carried'*^***' 
there, to see some of the more signal passages in 
those letters ; that it may both give him true im- 
pressions of what was transacted there, and may 
move him to have recourse to the letters themselves. 
** He sets forth, how much the pope and his min- octob. 7. 
'* isters dreaded the coming of the protestants to the 
''coundL We can plainly perceive that they are 
^ not themselves, nor in a condition to treat about 
'' any business, when they are brought to touch on 

** that point. These may, to their mortification, 

'' deliver their minds freely against abuses, and some 

'* other things. Whosoever offers any thing that 

^* is not grateful to the legate, or that doth not suit 
'* exactly with some people's prepossessions ; he is re- 
^ ported to have spoke ill, and to think worse ; and 
^ to have taken what he said out of I do not know 

** whom. There are several matters, which the 

** legate ought to treat with more deliberation than 
" he hath hitherto handled things : I pray God give 
'' him grace to understand this." 

^* In the next letter, without date, mention is The pro- 
" made of a letter that the emperor wrote to the thlTempewr 
" pope ; in which he did assure him, that nothing "'^* **** 



pope. 

z 2 



\ 



340 THE HISTORY OF 

PA RT << should be done in the council but that which he 

III 
'■ — ** had a mind should be done in it : and that he 



(C 

(( 
(( 



1547. u ^ouid oblige the prelates to hold their tongues, 
** and to let things pass without any opposition. 
The copy of this being showed the ambassador, he 
was astonished at it : but Vai^as said, it was not 
to be understood literally ; (in the original it is 
judake. ^^judaicoUy ; it was only writ to bring the pope td 
** grant the bull : but that it was not intended by it 
'* that the pope should be suffered to do such thingi 
*^ as would bring all to ruin ; but only to do such 
'* things as are reasonable. He adds in Latin, that 
<< the liberty the pope took was not only a disease 
'* and sickness of mind, but was really grown to a 
" fury and a madness.'* Here the spirit of the pro- 
mise is set up against the letter ; and a strict ad- 
hering to words is counted a part of the yoke of 
Judaism, from which some most Christian princes 
have thought fit, on many occasions, to emancipate 
themselves. 
Oct. 12. In another letter he sets forth the behaviour of 
the prelates. " Tlie legate never so much as ac- 
*^ quaints them with the matter ; all things appear- 
The bishops " ing Well to them at first sight ; and who, knowing 
whaTthey " nothing of matters until they are just ready to be 

d»d- « pronounced, pass them without any more ado. 

" I am willing to let you know how things are car- 
" ried here, and what the pope's aims are ; who 
" seeks to authorize all his own pretensions by the 

" council. There are several other things I am 

" not at all satisfied with, which were carried here 
" with the same sleight that pope Paul made use 

" of. And is not this a blessed beginning of a 

" council ? As to the canons of reformation,- — 



THE REFORMATION. 841 

^ they are of so trivial a nature, that several were book 

^ IV. 



« ashamed to hear them ; and had they not been - 

^ wrapped up in good language t(^ther, they would '^'^^' 

'* have appeared to the world to be what they are/' 

In another letter he writes ; ** I cannot see how Oct. 28. 
^ either catholics or heretics can be satisfied with 

^ what is done here. All that is done here is 

^ done by the way of Rome : for the legate, though 
^ it were necessary to save the world from sinking, 
^' will not depart one tittle from the orders he re- 
'^oeives from thence; nor indeed from any thing 
^ that he has once himself resolved on.'' 

In another he writes ; ^' As for the legate, he goes not. 12. 
<< on still in his (dd way ; consuming of time to the 
^last hour in disputations and congregations con- 
^ ceming doctrines ; and will at last produce some- 
*< thing in a hurry, in false colours, that may look 
^ [dausiUe : by which means they have no time to 
^* ready and much less to understand what they are 
'* about.— *-Words or persuasions do signify but 
'' very little in this place ; and I suppose they are 

** not of much greater force at Rome. ^By what 

'' I can perceive, both God and his majesty are like 
^ to be very much dishonoured by what will be done 
'' here : and if things should go on thus, and be 
*' brought to such an issue as the pope and his min- 
<< isters aim at, and give out, the church will be left 
'* in a much worse condition than she was in before. 

** 1 pray God the pope may be prevailed on to 

'^ alter his measures ; though I shall reckon it a 
*' miracle if he is, and shall thank Gh)d for it as 
« such." 

In another he writes ; " There are not words to ThJ'pridc 
" express the pride, the disrespect][and shamelessness, SencSTS"' 






34S THE HISTORY OP 

PART <* wherewith the legate proceeds. The success 

' « and end of this synod, if God by a miracle does 

1547. (( jjq|. prevent it, will be such as I have foretold. I 

say, by a miracle ; because it is not to be done by 

any human means : so that his majesty does but 

<< tire himself in vain, in negotiating with the pope 

" and his ministers. The legate has hammered 

*^ out such an infamous reformation (for it deserves 
** no l)etter epithet) as must make us a jest to the 
" world. The prelates that are here resent it highly; 1 
" many of them reckoning that they wound their ' 
" consciences by holding their tongues, and by suffer- 
" ing things to be carried thus." 

Upon the point of collating to benefices, he writes; 
*^ We ought to put them to show what right the pope 
" has to collate to any benefice whatsoever. I will 
'^ undertake to demonstrate, from the principles and 
*^ foundations of the law of Grod, and of nature, and 
" of men ; and from the ancient usage of the church, 
" and from good policy ; that lie has no manner of 
** riglit to it : and all this without doing injury to 
*^ his dignity, and the plenitude of his power. He 
" advises the leaving those matters to a better time, 
** in which God will purge the sons of Levi : which 
" purgation must come, and that with a severe 
scourge ; it being impossible that a thing so vio- 
lent, and so fraught with abuses, should hold long : 
" the whole nerve of ecclesiastical discipline being 
" broke, and the goods of the church made a perfect 
" trade and merchandise." 
No good to Speaking of general councils, he writes ; " This 
from a " which is now sitting here will totally undeceive 
" the world, so as to convince it, that, by reason of 
" the opposition and industry of the popes, to en- 






THE REFORMATION. 843 

** gross all to themselves, nothing of reformation is book 
^ ever to be expected from a general council. I 



** would not have things, wherein the pope and his *^'*'* 
^ court have such great interest and pretensions, to 
^ be decided or handled here ; since it cannot be 
" done but to our great prejudice, and to the great 
^ detriment of the whole church ; which at present 
** has neither strength nor courage to resist ; and 
** if Grod do not remedy it, I do not see when it 
"will." 



Speaking of exemptions, he writes ; " The canon- He 

t_ 1 1 1 • 1 plains of 

^ ists have made strange work ; having made many the exemp- 

" jests, as well as falsehoods, to pass for current cbapten. 

'* truths. When I speak of the canonists, I speak 

''as a thief of the family, being sensible of the 

** abuses which have been authorized by them in the 

''church. The exemption of chapters ought to 

^ have been quite taken away, that so there might 

** be something of order and discipline, and that they 

^ who are the head should not be made the feet. It 

** troubles me to see how those matters are managed 

" and determined here ; the legate doing whatever 

** he had a mind to, without either numbering or 

^ weighing the opinions of the divines and prelates ; 

" hurrying and reserving the substance of things, 

" which ought to have been well weighed and di- 

"gested, to the last minute: the major part not 

** knowing what they are a doing. I mean before 

" the fact ; for believing that Christ will not suffer 

** them to err in their determinations, I shall bow 

" down my head to them, and believe all the mat- 

" ters of faith that shall be decided by them : I pray 

" Grod every body else may do the same. The tak- 

•* ing no care to reform innumerable abuses has de- 

z 4 



344 THE HISTORY OF 

PART " stroyed so many provinces and kingdoms; and it 
** is justly to be feared, that what is done in thb 



1547. « council may endanger the destroying of the rest. 
*^ I must tell you further, that this council drawing 
*^ so near an end, is what all people rejoice at here 
*' exceedingly ; there being a great many who wish 
'^ it never had met : and for my own part, I would 
** to Qod it had never been called ; for I am mis- 
** taken if it do not leave things worse than it found 
" them." 
A decree In another of the same date, if there is no error 
amended in writing, ^' he complains that the decree of the 
^^ ^^ « doctrine was not finished till the night before the 
" session : so that many bishops gave their placet 
** to what they neither did nor could understand. 
** The divines of Louvain and Cologn, and some 
** Spanish divines, being much dissatisfied with se- 
** veral of those matters, have publicly declared they 
** were so. This is a very bad business : and should 
^* things of this nature come once to be so public, it 
** must totally ruin the credit of all that has been 
*^ done, or shall be done hereafter ; and must hinder 
" the council from being ever received, either in 
" Flanders or in Germany. The bishop of Verdun, 
'^ speaking to the canons of reformation, said, they 
" would be unprofitable, and unworthy of the synod, 
calling it a pretended reformation ; the legate 
fell upon him with very rude language, calling 
him a boy, an impudent raw man, with many 
^^ other hard names : nor would he suffer him to 
*^ speak a word in his own defence, telling him with 
" great heat, he knew how to have him chastised. 
It is really a matter of amazement to see how 
things appertaining to God are handled here ; and 



ii 



it 



THE REFORMATION. 845 

"that there should not be one to contend for him, book 

rv 
"or may that have the courage to speak in his be* 



<< half; but that we should be all dumb dogs that '^^^* 
'^ cannot bark." 

In another he writes^ '< that the legate himself Nor. aS. 
^ wished that the decrees were corrected as to some 
« particulars : and in another^ without date, he tells 
"lu>w the divines were employed in correcting 
** them." This secret was never heard of before : 
&tlier Paul knew nothing of it. A decree after it 
has passed in council was thus secretly corrected by 
divines; so the infaUibility was removed from the 
ooundlf and lodged with the divines. 

In another he writes ; '^ It would have been a oec. 19. 
^ happy thing that this council had never met;hLp^^ 
"^ which is no more than what I have often wishedb^^l^ 
^ and declared : by reason of the many mischieft if^ 
"* has already done^ and is still doing. It is to little 
^piurpose, either in this, or any f(dlowing age, to 
^ hope for any thing of a reformation from a general 
^ council ; or to see any better ord^ therein than is 
^ in this. He supposes the emperor will still con- 
^ tinue to solicit the pope that things may not be 
^carried there at such a scandalous rate as they 
'* have been hitherto : and that he will take care 
^ that no occasion be given to the council for to dis* 
^ perse itself upon the prelates speaking their mind 
** freely, or denying their consent to such matters as 
^ are not conv^ent ; which is a thing that may 
" very justly be feared." 

In another he writes; '* This sjrnod must end tu-Jan. 10. 
** multuously and ingloriously ." In another he ^»*^' i9' 
writes, ^^ that it was an astonisbii^ thing that the 
f^ legate iiad foisted in several passages into the doc- 



846 THE HISTORY OP 

PART << trine of orders, which must of necessity ruin all, 
" By the brutal violences, pretensions, and obstinacy 






« 



1547. « Qf |;|jg legate, things are running into such a state, 
^> as must in the end, if I am not mistaken, make 
*^ both himself and the whole earth to tremble : or 
** if it does not make him tremble, it must be be- 
** cause he is given over to a reprobate sense ; as in 
** truth he seems to be abundantly, in every thing 
" that he does." 
Jan. 20. jn another he writes ; " All they drive at is to 
get the pope's pretensions established under the 
doctrine of order ; and so, instead of healing, to 
*^ destroy and ruin all : those being matters which 
" were never so much as proposed or disputed in 
the council : neither is it fitting, as things stand 
here, that they, or any thing else of the same na- 
ture, should be meddled with in this synod." 
He enlarges on the authority of bishops being de- 
rived from Christ, ** though subjected to the pope ; 
** and he writes, that upon this bottom only the hier- 
archy of the church can be established : to settle 
it on any other, is in effect to confound and de- 
stroy it. Nevertheless, the pope, if he could carry 
this point, though all things else were ruined, and. 
** whatever was done in the ancient church con- 
" demned, would find his own account in it : for 
" after that there would be no possibility of ever 
** having any thing redressed." The decree of order, 
on which the legate had set his heart, is set down at 
the end of this letter ; the translation of it into Eng- 
lish runs thus : 
The decree " Th^s may be called the new Jerusalem, that 
coDcerniDg c< comcs down from heaven ; which was by the most 

tne pope s •^ 

muthority <« exactly regulated policy of the old Jerusalem, sha- 






THE REFORMATION. 847 

^ dowed only as a pattern to represent the heavenly book 
** Jerusalem: for as she had many different orders^ 



" mider one chief governor, so the visible church of !^^* 
^ Christ has his chief vicar ; for he is the anltf and ^^ ^»^ 
^mpreme head in earth, by whose dispensation 
^ offices are distributed so to all the other members, 
^that, in the several orders and stations in which 
''they are placed, they may execute their functions 
" to the good of the whole church with the greatest 
''peace and union. A deputation of twenty was 
''named to consider of this. The legate and the 
^ two presidents making three of that number ; it 
" was severely attacked by the bishop of Guadix.** 

Id his last letter he writes, " That the l^atesTheiMtof 
^ would one way or other bring about the dissolu- 
" tion of the synod : which will be certainly done, 
" if they can but get the said clauses determined ; 
" because in them they will have gained all that 
^' they desire : and after that they will never stand 
** in need of any more councils for to serve their 
" pretensions. And in case they should not be able 
'* to carry those points, they will then, to rid them- 
^ selves of this yoke that is upon their neck, and of 
" the fears they will be under, when they shall find 
" that they are not able to bring the synod to do all 
" the mischief to the church, and to the authority 
** of the present and all future general councils, that 
" the pope and his ministers would have them do, 
** they will then perplex and confound all." 

These are very clear discoveries of the zeal and He a- 
indignation which possessed this great statesman JJ^pj^. 
during this whole session. He shows also the opin-foj^^/,^ 
ion he had of the former session under pope Paul, mod under 

* , popePftul. 

(in which he had likewise assisted,) m the du^ections 



348 THE HISTORY OF 

PART he gives concerning the government of a council, 
, and of the office of an 'ambassador, which he drew 



it 

€i 
€€ 



^^^^* up before the council was reassembled, in this its se- 
cond session, in which these words are : 

^ In the whole conduct of this council of Trent 
^ there does not appear the least footsteps of anj of 
*^ tl^ forementioned essentials of a general council : 
** on the contrary, the most pernicious and effectmd 
** methods that can be contrived have been taken to 
^^ destroy liberty totally ; and to rob councils of that 
authority, which in case of great storms used to be 
the sheet-anchor of the church : by which means 
they have cut off aU hope of ev^ having any 
<< abuses that infest the church redressed^ to the 
great disparagement of all past as well as future 
^' councils ; £rom which no good is ever to be ex- 
^'pected. 
No shadow *^ The conduct of this council has been of pami- 
tbi wiS:!" *' ^^^"s consequence : in which, under the title of 
directing it, the pope's legates have so managed 
matters, that nothing but what they have a mind 
to can be proposed, discussed, or defined therein ; 
*^ and that too after such a manner as they would 
have it : all the liberty that is here being only 
imaginary ; so that their naming it is nothing but 
^^ cheat and banter : which is so notorious, that seve- 
ral of the prelates, even among the pope's pension- 
ers, have not the face to deny it. The clause that 
they have inserted into the canons of reformation ; 
which is, saving in all things the authority of the 
** apostolical see ; is telling the world, in plain 
terms, that what the pope does not like shall sig* 
nify nothing. He writes of certain methods that 
the legates have used in negotiating with people 



it 









ti 

i€ 

i( 



THE REFORMATION. 849 

**to change their minds: this they have done so book 
** often^ that it is now taken notice of by every 



« body : neither can there be any course more per- ' ^^^' 
nidous, or destructive of the liberty of the coun- 
i ** cil. The l^ates many times^ when they proposed 
r ** a thing, declared their opinion of it first : nay, in 
[ ^ the middle of voting, when they observed any pre- 
» ^ late not to vote as they would have him, they have 
; " taken upon themselves to speak to it, before an- 
^ other was suffered to vote, doing it sometimes 
" with soft words, and at other times with harsher ; 

* letting others to understand thereby how they 

* would have them vote ; many times railing at the 
" prelates, and exposing them to scorn, and using 

* such methods as would make one's heart bleed to 
^ hear of, much more to see. 

^ The common method was, the legates assem- 
"bled the prelates in a general congregation the 
"night before the session was to be held. Then 
" they read the decrees to them, as they and their 
" friends had been pleased to form them. By which 
" means, and by their not being understood by a 
" great many prelates, some not having the courage to 
" speak their minds, and others being quite tired out 
" with the length of the congregation, the decrees 
" were passed. We, who saw and observed all these 
" doings, cannot but lament both our own condition, 
" and the lost authority of councils. 

^ He shows the legates' drift was to canonize all The legate** 
" the abuses of the court of Rome ; so they never J^ung Ti^ 
"suffered them to be treated of freely, but managed J^^^;^ 
" them like the compounding of a lawsuit : in all 
" which courses, it is certain the Holy Ghost did 
** not assist ; they striving still to authorize abuses. 



850 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << and giving the world to understand that the pope 
** is gracious in granting them any thing, as if all 



it 



i€ 
« 
tt 

if 
ii 

a 
it 
ti 
it 
it 
tt 
it 



ft 
tt 
it 



1547. "were his own; taking abuses, though never so 

pernicious, and splitting them as they thought 

good: by which artifice, that part of the abuse 

which was approved of by the synod becomes per- 

'^ petual ; and for the part that was reprobated, tbqr 

^* will, according to their custom, find ways to defeat 

** its condemnation. 

There is nothing that can be so much as put to 
the vote without the consent of the l^ates : wh<^ 
^* notwithstanding that they are (by reason of the 
great number of pensioners which the pope has 
here) always sure of a majority, do nevertheless 
make use of strange tricks in their conduct of the 
^^ council. Besides, by having made their own crea- 
tures the secretaries, notaries, and all the other 
officers of the council, they have made it therd^ 
a body, without any thing of soul or strength in 
it : whereas, all those officers ought to have been 
appointed by the council, and especially the no- 
" taries. 

" This is the course that has been hitherto taken 
" in the council of Trent, which is employed rather 
in struggling with the pope and his legates, who 
seek to engross all to themselves, than in reform- 
ing and remedying the evils under which the 
" church groans. I pray God it do not increase 
" them by the course it takes, by artifice and dis- 
" simulation, to reduce the whole synod to the will 

" of the pope. It may be truly said, we are in a 

" convention of bishops, but not in a council. It 

** would have been much better not to have cele- 
" brated a council at this time, but to have waited 



THE REFORMATION. 861 

^ till God had put the Christian commonwealth in a book 

• IV. 

** better disposition ; — ^rather than to have celebrated 1— 

" one after this manner, with so little fruit, to the *^^^' 
** great sorrow of catholics, the scorn of heretics,^and 
** the prejudice of the present and of all future coun- 
^ dls." So much may serve to show the sense that 
Vai^s had of the first as well as of the second ses- 
aoD of the council of Trent. 

Malvenda, one of the emperor's divines, that was MaiTends 
there, complains in one letter, ^* that the decrees, made the 
"but especially the matters of doctrine, were coin.^„r- 
^municated to them very late. So that notwith-Oct.ia. 
^standing the substance of these decrees may be 
^ sound, which it is well if it is, nevertheless consi- 
^ dering that they are to correct them upon a bare 
^ hearing them read on the eve of a session, that 
<< must in my opinion hinder them from having that 
^ authority and majesty which such matters do use 
" to have. I pray Grod give them grace to mend 

•*this. He, confesses it was not fit any thing 

** should be done without the pope's consent : yet 
'' that ought to be managed with all possible secrecy, 
•* in order to. prevent the Lutherans, if they should 
^ come to know it, from reflecting on the liberty of 
^ the council, and the freedom that the prelates 
** ought to have ; who might safely enjoy more, with- 
'* out having any thing pass to the prejudice of his 
•* holiness." 

In another he writes : " As there will not want Nov. ai. 
" those that write of this council, so, for my own 
*^ part, I pray God it may not do more harm than 
^ good, and especially to the Germans that are here ; 
" who, seeing how little liberty it enjoys, and how 
^ much it is under the dominion of the legate, can- 



859 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ** not possibly hare that respect and esteem for it as 
"!l_« is convenient." 



u 



1547. There are some letters from the bishop of Oreo, 

Oct la. , 

written in the same strain. In one he writes, '* that 
** for what concerns a reformation, the emperor most 
** set himself about it in earnest, both with the pope 
'^ and the^ fathers : for if he does it not, we shall 
^' have our wounds only skinned over, but shall have 
*^ the rotten core left, to the corrupting of all quiddj 

^ again. The prelates here are all veiy much 

" troubled to see with how ill a grace people that 
** say any thing of a reformation are heard .** In 
No7. aS. another he writes, " they discover here little or no in- 
clination for to do any thing that deserves the name 
of a true reformation. Several things might be 
done that would be of great advantage to the peo- 
'^ jde, and would be no prejudice to his holiness, or 
*' to his court. May God remedy things ! under 
'^ whom, unless his majesty and your lordship la- 
" hour very hard, there will be no remedy left for 
'' the church. In a postscript, he tells the same 
** story that Vargas had told, of the legate's treating 
** the bishop of Verdun so ill, for his calling the re- 
** formation offered, a pretended reformation : and 
'^ he commanded him to be silent when he was about 
^^ to say somewhat in his own justification. The bi« 
shop answered, that at this rate there was no 
liberty ; and having obtained leave of the empe- 
ror, by whom he was sent thither, he would be 
gone. The legate told him he should not go, but 

^* should do what he commanded him. He writes, 

^^ that it was a great reproach to the bishops, from 
whom the world expected canons of reformation ; 
that in truth they could give them nothing but 









THE REFORMATION. 85S 

^ what the k^te pleases. It were just with the book 

" people, if we do not treat about their interest more 



^ in earnest than we have done hitherto, for to stone ^^^^' 
" us when we return home," 
I have set aU this out so copiously, that it may Reflections 

^ * '' ^ upon thoM 

qqiear, from what those, who were far from being procc«d- 
iD any sort favourers of the reformation, who were *"**' 
at Trent, and were let into the secret of affairs, 
wrote of the council to the emperor's chief minister, 
how little, not only of liberty, but even of common 
decency, there appeared in the whole conduct of that 
council. 

This digression is, I hope, an acceptable entertain- 
ment to the reader ; and it must entirely free every 
ooosidering person from a vulgar but weak preju- 
dice, infused into many by practising missionaries, 
which was objected to myself by a great prince, that 
no nation ought to have reformed itself, in a separa- 
tion fit>m the rest of the church : but that there 
ought to have been a general acquiescing in such 
things as were commonly received, till by a joint 
concurrence of other churches the reformation might 
have been agreed and settled in a general council. 
These letters do so effectually discover the vanity of 
this conceit, that at first sight it evidently appears, 
that even those abuses and corruptions that could 
not be justified, yet could not be effectually re- 
fonned at Trent ; and that every thing was carried 
there, partly by the artifices of the legates, and partly 
fay the many poor Italian prelates, who were all 
pensioners of the court of Rome : so that no abuse, 
how gross or crying soever, could be amended, but 
as the popes for their own ends thought fit to give 
it up. This appears so evidently in the letters, out 

VOL. III. 2 A 



854 THE HISTORY OP 

PART of which I have drawn this abstract, that I hope any 
III • 

. prejudice formed upon the prospect of an univenal 

1547. reformation is by it entirely removed. I turn next 
to the affairs of England. 

The earl of Hertford, advanced to be duke of So- 
merset, depended much on Paget's advices. He told 
him, on the day that king Henry died, that he de- 
sired his friendship ; and promised to him, that he 
would have a great regard to his advice. But 
though Paget put him oft in mind of this, he foigot 
it too soon. His great success in his first expedition 
to Scotland was a particular happiness to him, and 
might have established him ; but his quarrelling so 
soon with his brother was fatal to them both. 
Tbiriby Thirlby was still ambassador at the emperoi^s 

^hutri^. ^ court : he studied to make his court to the protec- 
tor, and wrote him a very hearty congratulation 
upon his exaltation ; and added, that the bbhop oS 
Arras seemed likewise to rejoice at it. At the same 
time he warned him of the designs of the French 
against England. He gave him a long account of 
the Interim^ in which he writes, that Malvenda had 
secretly a great hand : he himself seems to approve 
of it ; and says, that it was as high an act of supre- 
macy as any in all king Henry's reign ; for by it, 
not only many of the doctrines of popery had molli- 
fying senses put on them, different from what was 
commonly received, but the sacrament was allowed 
to be given in both kinds, and the married priests 
were suffered to officiate It is true, all was softened 
by this, that it was only a prudent connivance in the 
Interim^ till the council should be reassembled, to 
bring all matters to a final settlement. 
The protector either mistrusted Thirlby, or he called 



i 



THE REFORMATION. 865 

bim home to assist Cranmer in carrying on the re- boor 

fimnation. He sent sir Philip Hobby in bis stead ^ — 

He was a man marked in king Henry's time as a Hobt wnt 
fiiTOurer of the preachers of the new learnings Bs^reXiwAox 

- to the em- 

Uiey were then called. There was one Parson, aperor. 
derk, known to have evil opinions (so it is entered 
ID a part of the Council-book for the year 1543) 
touching the sacrament of the altar; who was 
naintained by Weldon, one of the masters of the 
household, and by Hobby, then a gentleman-usher, 
ftr which they were both sent to the Fleet; but 
thej were soon after discharged. 

Hobby was therefore sent over ambassador, as a 
person on whose advices the government here might 
depend, with relation to the affairs of Germany. I 
have seen a volume of the letters, writ to him by 
the protector and council, with copies of the an- 
swers that he wrote. 

His first despatch mentioned a particular dispute The em- 
between the emperor and his confessor. The con- fessor re- 
fessor refused to give him absolution, unless he 25J|^*} JjJ™ 
would recall the decree of the Interim, and, instead ^*"^ °°V . 

' ' persecuting 

of favouring heresy, would with the sword extirpate heretics. 
heretics. The emperor said, he was satisfied with 
what he had done in the matter of the Interim^ and 
that he would do no more against the Lutherans : if 
the friar would not give him absolution, others 
would be found who would do it. So the friar left 
him. 

At that time a proposition of a marriage for the 
lady Mary was made by the emperor, who seemed 
to apprehend that she was not safe in England. It 
was with the brother of the king of Portugal. He 
was called at first the prince of Portugal ; and it was 

2 A 2 



866 THE HISTORY OF 

PART then hearkened to : but when the council understood 

, he was the king^s brother, they did not think fit to 

^^^^' entertain it. And in the same letter mention it 
made of Geofrey Poole, who was then beyond sei, 
and desired a pardon : the council wrote, that be 
was included in the last act of pardon; yet, since 
he desired it, they offer him a special pardon. This 
letter is signed, T. Cant. Wiltshire, Northampton, 
Wentworth, T. Ely, T. Cheyne, A. Wyngfield, Her- 
bert, N. Walton, J. Gage. 
The per. The ncxt despatch to him has a particular account of 
Pren"^**** two persons whom the king of France had corrupted 
"**• to betray one of their forts to him. The king of 
France had said to their ambassador, par lafoiy de 
gentUkomme^ by the faith of a gentleman, he would 
make no war without giving warning first. This he • 
promised on the 20th of July ; yet, hearing of the 
commotions that were in England, he began hos- 
tilities against Bulloigne within three or four days 
after. This is signed, E. Somerset, T. Cant. R 
Ryche Can. W. St. John's, W. Paget, W. Petre. J. 
Smith, E. Watton. So long ago did it appear that 
the bona fide of that court was not a thing to be 
much relied on. I would have printed these letters, 
if they were in my power : but having had the ori- 
ginals in my hands about thirty years ago, I did not 
then copy them out, but contented myself with 
taking extracts out of them ; to which I shall upon 
other occasions have recourse, 
'rhe pro- As for the proffress in the reformation at home, 

fpwM of the 1 , n 

reform*. Cranmer was delivered from too deep a subjection, 
in which he had lived to king Henry. The load of 
great obligations is a weight on a generous mind: 
the hope he had of gaining on the king to carry him 



THE REFORMATION. 357 

to a further reformatioD, did no doubt carry him too book 

IV 

far in his compliances to him. He did perhaps sa- 



tisfy himself, as I have reason to believe many in the ^^^^' 
Roman communion do to this day, that he did not in 
his mind, or with his thoughts, go along in those devo- 
tions that they cannot but think unlawful ; but what 
through a fearfulness of temper, or an ill-managed 
modesty, they do not depart from established prac- 
tices, even though they think them unlawful. The 
compliances that we find in the Apostles, particularly 
in St. Paul himself, the Apostle of the Gentiles, in 
order to the gaining the Jews, might all meet toge- 
' ther to carry him too far in his submissions to king 
r Henry. This can neither be denied nor justified; 
. but the censures passed on it may be much softened 
i when all these things are laid together. Now he 
; was delivered from that servitude ; so he resolved to 
set about, a further reformation with much zeal, 
though perhaps still with too great caution. He 
studied if it was possible to gain upon Gardiner : he 
had reason to believe, from his forwardness in com- 
plying with king Henry, that he had no great scru- 
pulosity in his own thoughts ; so he tried to draw 
him to assist, at least not to oppose, the steps that 
were to be made ; and, judging that it was neces- 
sary to give the people due instruction, to carry 
'them to a further measure of knowledge, he set 
about the preparing a book of homilies to be read in 
churches: and, to give some more light into the 
meaning of the New Testament, he chose Erasmus's 
Paraphrase, as the most unexceptionable book that 
I could be thought on ; since he had been so much fa- 
voured in England : and as he had written against 

2 A3 



368 THE HISTORY OF 

PART Luther, so be lived and died in the Roman ocmimu- 

111. 
mon. 



oJrfiterat Cranmer communicated his designs^ with the 
the bead of draught of the homilies, to Gardiner : but he was 
sition to it. resolved to set himself at the head of the popish 
party. He had, no doubt, great resentments, because 
he was left out of the council, which he imputed to 
the Seymours. Cranmer tried if the offer of briog- 
ing him to sit at that board could overcome these; 
yet all was in vain. He insisted at first on this, 
that, during the king^s minority, it was fit to keep 
all things quiet, and not to endanger the public 
peace by venturing on new changes. He pressed 
the archbishop with the only thing that he could 
notr well answer ; which was^ that he had concurred 
in setting forth the late king's book of a neceMonf 
Doctrine: Gardiner wrote, that he was confident 
Cranmer was a better man than to do any sud 
thing against his conscience upon any king's ac- 
count; and if his conscience agreed to that book, 
which he himself had so recommended, he wished 
things might be left to rest there. Cranmer pressed 
him again and again in this matter, but he was in- 
tractable. In particular he excepted to the homily 
of Justification, which was thought to be of Cran- 
mer's own composing : because justification was 
ascribed to faith only, in which he thought charity 
had likewise its influence ; and that without lijaiih 
was dead, and a dead thing could not be the cause 
o{ justification. But the archbishop showed him 
his design in that was only to set forth the freedom 
of God's mercy, which we relying on, had by that 
the application of it to ourselves ; not meaning that 



THE REFORMATION. SB9 

JuHffyingJmik was ever without charity ; for even book 
iaith did not justify as a meritorious condition, but 



only as it was an instrument applying Grod's mercy ^^^^' 
to sinners. Upon this there was perhaps too much 
cxf subtilty on both sides. As for Erasmus's Para- 
phrase, Crardiner excepted to it as being in many 
things contrary to the homilies ; so he thought, since 
they agreed so little together, they ought not to be 
joined and recommended by the same injunctions : 
to this it was said, that the Paraphrase was a good 
and useful book, though in some particulars the ho- 
milies differed from it. 

But as they had the perverseness of the popish 
party to deal with, so it was not easy to restrain 
their own side. Those whose heat could not be well 
managed, were apt to break out into great disor- 
ders ; some insulting the priests as they were oflSci- 
ating, others talking irreverently of the sacrament ; 
some defining the manner of the presence, and others 
asserting the impossibility of it, as it was explained. 
These disorders gave occasion to two proclamations 
this year: the first was on the 12th of November, 
against insolence towards priests, such as the reviling 
them, tossing them, and taking their caps and tip- 
pets violently from them ; the other was on the 27th 
of December, against irreverent talkers of the sacra- 
ment, and against those who in their sermons went 
to define the manner, the nature and fashion, and 
the possibility or impossibility of the presence. The 
visitors went about with their injunctions. They 
are registered in the books of the dean and chapter 
of York ; where the visitation was held in Septem- 
ber. It came not to Winchester till October, for 
the monition concerning it was made on the 7th of 

3 a4 



860 THE HISTORY OF 

PART October. Whether the slowness of the visitors 
coining thither was occasioned hj any secret prac- 



*^^^' tice with Gardiner, and upon the hopes of gaining 
him or not, I cannot tell. He it seems had before 
that refused to receive or obey the injunctions ; for 
which he was put in the Fleet : and when he wrote 
his letter to the protector, complaining of the pro- 
ceedings against him, he had been then seven weeks 
there. 
Proceedings I cau Say nothing new of the parliament that sat 
^©r"'^*^ this year. When the convocation was opened cm 
the 5th of November, the archbishop told them, that 
it was with the king and the lords' consent that the 
prelates and clergy should consult together about 
settling the Christian religion right, and deUvering 
it to the people. He sent them to choose their pro- 
locutor, and to present him the Friday following. It 
is set down in the minutes, that the lower house 
consulted how they might be joined to the lower 
house of parliament ; and about the reformation of 
the ecclesiastical laws. On the 9th of December 
some were appointed to know if the archbishop had 
obtained license (in the minutes called indemnity^ 
or immunity) for them to treat of matters of reli- 
gion. In the fifth session, on the last of November, 
the prolocutor exhibited an order given him by the 
archbishop for receiving the communion in both 
kinds, to which in the next session they agreed, no 
man speaking against it: sixty- four agreed to this; 
Polydore Virgil and Weston being two of them* 
And in the eighth session, on the 17th of December, 
a proposition was offered to them in these words : 
Theyaf- "That all such canons, laws, statutes, decrees, 

firm that it ' ^ ' 

watfree for^^ usagcs, and customs, heretofore made or used, that 



THE REFORMATION. 861 

^ forbid any person to contract matrimony, or con- book 
** demn matrimony already contracted, by any per- 



•• son, for any vow or promise of priesthood, chast- ^^^^'^^ 
** ity, or widowhood, shall from henceforth cease, be ^ """^nr- 
•* utterly void, and of none effect." Here it was 
that Redman's opinion was read, which I had in my 
History put as read the following year. This pro- 
position went to all monastic vows, as well as to the 
marriage of priests. The proposition was subscribed 
by fifty-three, who were for the affirmative; only 
twenty-two were for the negative; after which a 
committee was named to draw the form of an act 
for the marriage of priests. But all that is in the 
often-cited minutes as to this matter is, Item pro- 
pounded for the marriage of priests ; and to it is 
ad^ed, and that the ecclesiastical laws should be 
promulgated: there is no more in the minutes of 
the convocations during this reign. 

Strype adds to this a particular remark out of the 
Defence of the Priests' Marriage, that divers of those 
who were for th6 affirmative did never marry ; and 
that some of those who were for the negative yet 
did afterwards marry. Cranmer went on gathering 
authorities out of scripture and the fathers against 
unwritten traditions. He wrote a book on this sub-, 
ject in Latin; but in queen Mary's time it was 
translated into English, and published by an Eng- cranmert 

, lAbours ^ V\4 

lish exile beyond sea. He took a special care tozeai. 
furnish Canterbury with good preachers ; but though 
their labours were not quite without success, yet su- 
perstition had too deep a root there to be easily sub- 
dued : and in the universities the old doctrines were 
so obstinately persisted in, that, when some in Cam- 
bridge offered to examine the mass by the scriptures 



set THE HISTORY OF 



^ART and the fathers, and to have a disputation upon it, 

'• — the vice^hancellor did forbid it. The archbishop 

had procured a confirmation of their privil^es, of 
Cambridge at least ; for Strype only mentions that. 
The mildness he expressed towards all who opposed 
him, even with insolence, was retnarkable: when 
one, who thought he carried this too far, told him 
that if ever it came to the turn of his enemies, they 
would shew him no such favour ; he answered, fFdl^ 
if God so provide f toe must abide it. 
stchrjt- I did in the account of the arguments against 
tertoce!' transubstantiation mention a letter of St. Chrys- 
brought to ostom's to Ccsarius, of which Peter Martjrr brought 
Kngiaod. Qygj. Q ^py jn Latin to England. Since that time 
the popish clergy were sensible that by that letter it 
appeared plainly that St. Chrysostom did believe that 
the substance of bread and wine remained still in the 
sacrament, as the human nature remained in the 
person of Christ ; so that by this, all the other high 
figures used by that father must be understood so as 
to reconcile them to this letter : therefore they have 
used all possible endeavours to suppress it. When 
the learned Bigot had brought a copy of it from 
Florence to France, and printed it with other things 
relating to that father, they ordered it to be cut out 
in such a manner, that in the printed book it ap- 
peared that some leaves were cut out ; yet one copy 
of it was brought to the present learned and pious 
bishop of Lincoln, then chaplain to our ambassador 
at Paris, who first printed it here in England ; as 
the learned Le Moyne, having another copy sent to 
him, printed it about the same time in Holland. 
Troubles at J havc nothinff to add concerninff the tumults of 

Frankfort, ,° , , . , , 

p. 187. the year 1549, but that the popish clergy were ge- 



THE REFORMATION. S6S 

nerally at the head of the rebels* Many of these booIc 
were priests that had complied and subscribed the 



new book ; some of them were killed in every skir- ^^^^* 
mish, and very few of the clergy showed much zeal 
against them : so that the earl of Bedford could have 
none but Miles Coverdale to go along with the force 
that he carried into Devonshire to subdue them. 

Upon some information that the lady Mary's ser-Tbeiady 
vants were active in assisting those commotions, the thl^ahe or 
protector and council wrote to her on the- 17th: that ^J^^^^ 
letter being delivered to her on the 20th of July, she JS",;|i^ 
presently wrote an answer, which I had from sir 
William Cook, and it will be found in the Collection. coUcct. 
In it ** she expresses her dislike of those revolts. A 
^* chaplain of hers in Devonshire had been named, 
^* but she writes she had not one chaplain in those 
^* parts. Another, that was named, lived constantly 
** in her house : she justifies aU her servants that 
^^ had been named ; and assured them, that aU of 
** her household were true subjects to the king. 
^^ The council had likewise charged her, that her 
*^ proceedings in matters of religion had given the 
** rebels great courage : which, she wrote, appeared 
** to be untrue ; since the rebels in her neighbour* 
^* hood touched upon no point of religion. She 
** prayed God, that their new alterations and un- 
** lawful liberties might not rather be the occasion 
^^ of such assemblies. As for Devonshire, she had 
^^ neither lands nor acquaintance in those parts." 

In the suppressing these tumults, the protector 
did visibly espouse the people's interest, and blamed 
the lords for their enclosures, and the other oppres- 
sions that had, as he said, occasioned all those dis- 
orders. By this he came to be universally beloved 



864 THE HISTORY OF 

I 

PART by the people ; but, trusting to that, he b^an to 
take too much upon him ; and was so wedded to 



1547. jjig Qy^ thoughts, that he often opposed the whole 
council. Upon which Paget wrote him a long let- 
ter, in which, as a faithful friend, he set before him 
his errors ; chiefly his wilfulness, and his affecting 
popularity too much. He desired to be dismissed 
the council ; for while he was there he was resolved 
to deliver his opinion according to his reason, and 
not seek to please another : he had offered him faith- 
ful advices, and warned him of the cloud that he saw 
gathering against him. This he wrote on the 6th of 
Cotton lib. July somc mouths boforc it broke out. It seems the 

Titia»D.3. ^^ 

protector took this freedom well from him, for he 
continued firm to him to the last. His brother the 
lord Seimour's fall lay heavy on him ; though that 
lord had almost compassed another design, of mar- 
rying the lady Elizabeth : so I find it in the coun- 
cil's letters to Hobby of the 18th of January 1541. 
The enter- As for the othcr matter with which he was loaded, 
Kign troops the entcrtaming some German troops, I nnd among 
ngiand.g.^ Philip Hobby's letters a great many orders and 
letters, signed by the whole council, as well as by 
the protector, which show that they all concurred in 
that matter. The true secret of it on both sides was 
this : the bulk of the people of England was still 
possessed with the old superstition to such a degree, 
that it was visible they could not be depended on in 
any matter that related to the alterations that were 
made, or were designed to be made: wliereas the 
Germans were full of zeal on the other side ; so that 
they might well be trusted to : and the princes of 
Grermany, who were then kept under by the empe- 
^ror, so that they neither durst nor could keep their 



THE REFORMATION. 866 

>op8 at home, but hoped they might at some bet- bc 
r time have an occasion to use them, were willing — 

put them in the hands of the present government ' ^ 
England. Howsoever, this had an odious name 
it on it, and was called a ruling by strangers : so 
at it very much shook the duke of Somerset's po- 
larity ; for though it could not be denied that all 
e council had concurred with him in it, yet the 
id and blame of all was laid on him. 
The popish party was very active in procuring the 
ange of measures that followed. The council 
rote over to the emperor, to let him know that 
e necessity of their affairs was like to force them 

treat for the delivering up of Bulloigne to the 
rench ; though this was a secret, not yet communi- 
ted to the whole privy-council. 
Bonner's being removed was not much resented, 
dther at home nor abroad. He was a brutal man, 
w either loved or esteemed him : and Ridley, who 
ime to succeed him, was the most generally es- 
emed man of all the reformers. One thing that 
ade it more acceptable to those who favoured the 
formation was, the suppressing the bishopric of 
/'estminster, and the removing Thirleby to Nor- 
ich, where it was thought he could do less mischief 
lan where he was : for though he complied as soon 
; any change was made, yet he secretly opposed 
rery thing, while it was safe to do it. He had a 
ift and an insinuating way with him; which, as 
as thought, prevailed too much even on Cranmer 
imself. But Gardiner was a dexterous man, and 
Luch more esteemed, though as little beloved as 
onner was : so the falling on him gave a greater 
arm to the whole party. He, who was so well 



€4 

€€ 
€t 
it 



S66 THE HISTORY OF 

PART known both in the emperor's court, and in the 
— French court, sent over tragical accounts of the 
^547. usage he met with. This was writ over hither by 
our ambassador at the court of France : upon which 
a very severe character of him is given in a letter, 
signed, E, Somerset, T. Cant. R. Rich, C. W. Wilt- 
shire, J. Warwick, J. Bedford, W. Northampton, 
G. Clinton, W. Petre, W. Cecyl. In it they gave 
an account of the proceedings against him ; and add, 
'^ he had showed not only a wilful pride, but a 
** cankered heart, guilty of open and shameful lies ; 
by which impudent falsehood he showed himself 
most unworthy to be a bishop, whatsoever strangers 
may think of him. For religion, he is as far from 
any piety or fashion of a good bishop, as a player 
'^ of a bishop in a comedy is from a good bishop in- 
" deed." 

Whether the protector designed any thing against 
the constitution of the church, or at least to swaUow 
up the great endowments that were not yet devoured, 
I cannot tell. But there is an advice in one of Hob- 
by's letters, dexterously enough proposed, that gives 
reason to suspect this might be on design to broach 
a business that was to be so cunningly proposed : 
and Hobby being a confidant of the protector's, he 
may be supposed to have written as he was directed 
by him. He wrote it in September 1548. He tells 
the council, " that the protestants of Germany hoped 
" that the king, seeing that the late wars in Ger- 
" many happened chiefly by the bishops continuing 
*• in their princely and lordly estate, would, for pre- 
** venting the like, appoint the godly bishops an 
" honest and competent living, sufficient for their 
" maintenance, taking from them the rest of those 



€€ 



THE REFORMATION. 867 

^'worldly possessions and dignities, and thereby book 

" avoid the vainglory that letteth them truly and '- — 

" sincerely to do their office, and preach the gospel '^^'^' 
" and word of Christ. On the other side he wrote, 
the papists say they doubt not but my lords the 
bishops, being a great number of stout and well 
^ learned men, will well enough weigh against their 
'* adversaries, and maintain still their whole estate ; 
" which coming to pass, they have good hope that 
" in time these princely pillars will well enough re- 
** sist this fury, and bring all things again into the 
" old order." 

I have no particulars to add concerning the pro- The pop»h 
lector's fall, and the new scene ; but that soon after, cewed in 
when it appeared that the papists were not like to on the pro! 
be more favourably dealt with than they were under ^^^^* ^^^' 
the duke of Somerset, the bishop of Arras did ex- 
postulate upon it with Hobby. He said, they had 
been assisting to the pulling down of the duke of 
Somerset, and that hopes of better usage had been 
given them ; yet things went worse with them than 
before : upon that he fell to rail at Bucer, and said, 
he believed he inflamed matters in England as much 
as he had done in the empire. For at this time 
many were forced to come to England for shelter, 
the chief of whom were Bucer, Fagius, Peter Mar- 
tyr, and Bemardin Ochinus : all these were enter- 
tained by Cranmer, till he got good provisions to be 
made for them in the universities ; which were now 
most violently set against every step that was made 
towards a reformation. Hobby came over to Eng- 
land, and tried what service he could do to his friend 
the duke of Somerset : but the faction was grown 
too strong to be withstood. Upon his 



IJH KS'vt 



868 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the matter went for some time very high against 
' him and his friends. On the ISth of October, sir 



coifd? Thomas Smith, sir Michael Stanhope, sir John 
book. Thynne, and Edward Wolfe, called adherents to 
the duke of Somerset, and the principal instruments 
of his ill government, were sent to the Tower; and 
on the 14th he himself was sent thither. No more 
mention is made of them till the 6th of Febniaiy, 
that the duke of Somerset was set at liberty; but 
bound in a recognizance of 10,000/. not to go above 
four mile from Sheen, or Sion, nor to come into the 
king's presence, unless he was called for by the king 
and his council. And when he knew that the king 
was to come within four miles of these houses, he 
was to withdraw from them. Yet, it seems, his 
enemies were still in some apprehension of him; 
and probably some messages went between him and 
his friends in the Tower : for, on the 18th of Fe- 
bruary, they were all made close prisoners, and their 
servants were not suffered to attend upon them. 
But it seems, upon examination, this was found not 
to be of a criminal nature ; so, on the 22d, they were 
dismissed upon tlieir recognizances. And, upon the 
10th of April, the duke of Somerset was again 
brought to the council-board, being that day sworn 
of the privy-council. 

On the 20th of April, Hobby being sent back to 
tlie emperor's court, had orders to try if the propo- 
sition for a marriage of the lady Mary to the prince 
of Portugal might be again set on foot ; and, in ex- 
cuse for its being rejected before, he had orders to 
say, that few of the council had been made ac- 
quainted with it : he was desired therefore to in- 
quire what that prince's estate was. Whether this 



THE REFORMATION. 96Q 

flowed from the earl of Warwick's ambitious de^ book 

IV. 

dgnsy which might make him wish to have her sent ^ 

awaj far out of England ; or, if it flowed from the ^^^^* 
uneasinesa the council was in, by reason of her per- 
sisting in the old way of religion, I cannot deter- 
mine. Hobby had also orders to represent to the 
emperor, that they had hitherto connived at her 
mass, in hopes that she would by that connivance be 
moved to conform herself to the laws : diversity of 
rites in matters of religion ought not to be suffered. 
The laws were so strict, that no license could be 
granted in opposition to them : yet they were re- 
solved to connive a little longer, though she abused 
the king's favour ; for she kept as it were an open 
diurch, riot only for her servants, but for aU her 
neighbours : they therefore wished that the emperor 
would give her good advice in this matter. The 
letter was signed by Cranmer, by the earls of Wilt- 
shire and Warwick, the marquis of Northampton, 
the lord Wentworth, and Paget, Petre, Herbert, 
Darcy, and Mason. To all this it seems the empe- 
ror had little regard : for not long after that, the am- 
bassador wrote over, that, by the emperor's com- 
mand, an order was served on him, not to have the 
£Inglish service in his house. The council looked 
oo tills as contrary to the privileges of ambassadors, 
by the law of nations. So they ordered, that the 
emperor's ambassador should not have mass in his 
house, and gave him notice of it. When the empe- 
ror knew this, he complained of it, as a high viola- 
tioD of the dignity of that character : but the coun- 
dlUbooks show that they stood firm, and would not 
recall their order till the emperor recalled his order 
the new service in the English ambassador's 



VOL. in. B b I 



370 THE HISTORY OF 

PART house. What further proceedings were of either 
side in this matter, does not appear to me. I find 



1549. jjy ^|jg council-books, that the carrying on the refor- 
mation was cordially espoused and pursued at that 
board. 
Proceed. Grardiuer had been long a prisoner ; and his being 
Gardiuer. detained in the Tower, no proceedings being had 
against him, occasioned a great outcry : so, on the 
8th of June 1550, it was resolved to send some to 
him, to see if he repented of his former obstinacy, 
and would apply himself to advance the king^s pro- 
ceedings; upon which the king would receive him 
into favour, and all past errors should be forgiven. 
So the duke of Somerset, and others, were sent to 
him. They made report, on the 10th of June, that 
he desired to see the book of the king's proceedii^ 
and then he would make a full answer. He seemed 
to them in all things willing to conform himself to 
it, promising that if he found any thing in it against 
his conscience, he would open it to none but to the 
council. So the book was sent him; and he was 
allowed the liberty of the gallery and gardens in the 
Tower, when the duke of Norfolk was not in them. 
On the 13th of June, the lieutenant of the Tower re- 
ported, that he had given him back the king's book ; 
and that he said, he would make no answer to it till 
he was set at liberty ; and that then he would speak 
his conscience : so the lords, who had been with him, 
were appointed to go to him again. The matter 
rested till the 8th of July. 

In an imperfect book of the minutes of the council, 
that I have by me, it is set down, that Gardiner did 
at last subscribe six articles. The two first appear 
not. The third is, " that the Book of Common 






1550. 



€€ 



THE REFORMATION. 871 

^ Prayer was a godly and Christian book, to be book 
'* allowed and observed by all the king's true sub- 
jects. 4th, That the king, in his young and ten- 
der age, was a full and entire king : and that the 
subjects were bound to obey the statutes, procla- 
*' mations, and commands set forth in this age, as 
•• well as if he were thirty or forty years old. 5th, 
^' That the statute of the six articles was, for just 
causes, repealed by the authority of parliament. 
6th, That the king, and his successors, had full 
authority in the churches of England and Ireland, 
** to refiorm and Correct errors and abuses, and to 
** alter rites and ceremonies ecclesiastical, as shall 
^ seem most tonvenient for the edification of his 
^ peojde ; so that the ^alteration is not contrary to 
*' the scriptures, and the laws of God." To all this 
be subscribed his name: but no date is added in 
those minutes ; but it is entered, that he did it in 
the presence of the council, who also subscribed as 
witnesses to it. Their names are, E. Somerset, W. 
Wiltshire, J. Warwick, J. Bedford, W. Northampton, 
E. ainton, G. Cobham, W. Paget, W. Herbert, W. 
Petre, E. North. It was resolved to carry his sub- 
missions further ; so twenty new articles were drawn 
up : in which, ^* the obligation to celibacy, and all 
** the vows made by the monks, all images, relics, 
*' and pilgrimages, are condemned. It is affirmed, 
** that the scriptures ought to be read by all : that 
** the mass was full of abuse and superstition, and 
** was justly taken away : that the eucharist ought 
'^ to be received in both kinds : that private masses 
were not agreeable to scripture: that the sacra- 
ment ought not to be adored: that the book of 
^^ Homilies was godly and wholesome : that the book 

Bb2 






872 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « of ordaining bishops, priests, and deacons onght td 

HI 

** be received and approved by all ; and thai the 






a 



€i 



^^^^' " lesser orders were not necessary: that the sctip- 
^^ tures contained aU things necessary to salvation i 
** and that Erasmus' Paraphrase was, upon good and 
** godly considerations, ordered by the king to be put 
" in all churches." 

But to this a preface was added, setting forth, 
that whereas he had been suspected as favouring 
the bishop of Rome's authority, and that he did 
*' not approve of the king's proceedings in altering 
some rites in reb'gion : upon which he had be^n 
brought before the council and admonished; and 
was ordered to preach, declaring himself in those 
^* things. But though he promised to do it, he had 
** not done this as he ought to have done : by which, 
he had not only incurred the king's displeasure, 
but divers of the king's subjects were encouraged 
by his example (as the king's council was certainly 
informed) to repine at his majesty's proceedings; 
" for which he was very sorry, and confessed that 
" he had been condignly punished. And he thanked 
the king for his clemency, treating him not with 
rigour, but mercy. And, that it might appear 
" how little he did repine at his highness' doings, 
" which in religion were most godly, and to the 
" commonwealth most prudent ; he did therefore of 
" his own will, and without any compulsion, sub- 
" scribe the following articles." But on the margin 
of the minutes the bishop's answer to this is thus set 
down : " I cannot in my conscience confess the pre- 
" face : knowing myself to be of that sort I am in- 

*^ deed, and ever have been ." The rest is torn 

out. On the 15th of July it is entered, that report 



€€ 
€€ 






1550. 



THE BEFORMATION. S78 

was loade, by those who were sent to him, that he book 
said he had never offended the king : so he prayed 
that he mlghjt be brought to his trial, in which he 
asked no mercy, but only justice. When he had 
passed his itrial, and was released, it should then ap- 
pear what he would do with relation to the articles : 
but it was not reasonable that he should subscribe 
them while he was yet in prison. 

Sonde of the privy counsellors were sent again to 
him, and they were ordered to carry with them a 
divine and a temporal lawyer; so they took with 
them Ridley bishop of London, and Mr. Goodrick* 
His answer was to the same purpose, and was next 
council-day reported. Upon which he was brought 
before the council, and required to subscribe the 
paper ; but he still refusing to do it, the sentence of 
sequestration was read, with a denunciation of depri- 
vation, if he did not conform within three months : 
nevertheless, (it is added in the council-book,) upon 
divers good considerations, and especially upon hope 
that within that time he might be yet reconciled, it 
was agreed, that the said bishop's house and servants 
should be maintained in their present estate, until 
the time that this intimation should expire : and the 
matter in the mean time was to be kept private. 
These are all the additional passages taken from the 
council*book relating to Gardiner. 

Those steps, in which the reformation was advanc- 
ing but slowly, occasioned great distractions over 
most parts of the kingdom ; while those who ad- 
hered to the old practices and doctrines preached 
severely against all innovations, and others as se- 
verely against aU corruptions and abuses. The ill 
effects of these contradictory sermons had given oc- 

Bb3 



S74 THE HISTORY OP 

PART casion to a proclamation od the 24th of April 1550, 
prohibiting all preaching, except by persons licensed 



1550. jjy ^j^g jj.j^g Qj. ^jjg archbishop of Canterbury : and 
the disorders occasioned by men's divorcing their 
wives, or marrying more wives than one, were lito- 
wise ordered to be proceeded against by the same 
proclamation. On the 9th of August there came 
out another proclamation, prohibiting all (days tiB 
AUhollontide : what the reason of this last was, does 
Au preach- not appear. That against all preaching was mucb 
bidden, ex. censured. It was represented, that, by reason of 
•oos MpcT' the proclamation against preaching, the people were 
^^"" running into great ignorance and dissoluteness. So 
letters were ordered to be written to the bishops of 
Duresme and Ely ; and eight days after to the bi- 
shop of Lincoln, and other bishops, to appoint their 
chaplains, and others by their discretion, to preach 
in their dioceses, notwithstanding the proclamation 
against preaching. There was also an order made 
in council, that some bishops, and other learned men, 
should devise an order for the creation of bishops 
and priests. I use the words in the council-book. 
Heath re- Twclvc wcrc appointed to prepare it. Heath, bi- 
•ubscribe shop of Worcestcr, was one of them. It seems there 
o^in*^ ^ was a digested form already prepared, probably by 
tions. Cranmer, for that service : for the order was made 
on the 2d of February, and on tlie 28th it was 
brought to the council, signed by eleven of the 
number, Heath only refusing to sign it. He said, as 
it is entered in the council-book, that all that is 
contained in the book was good and godly ; he also 
said he would obey it : but added, that he would 
not sign it. The matter was respited for some days, 
and great pains was taken by Cranmer and others to 



THE REFORMATION. 875 

peradade him to sign it; but he still refusing it (as book 

* V • 



the council-book has it) obstinately, he was on the - 
4th of March sent to the Fleet. He was in Septem- ^^^^• 
her called again before the council, and required to 
subscribe the book ; and divers learned men argued 
to persuade him that the book was expedient and 
allowable: his obstinacy was charged on him, for 
which they said he had deserved a longer imprison- 
ment ; but he might still recover the king's favour, 
if he would subscribe it. He acknowledged he had 
Ijeen very gently used, rather like a son than a sub- 
ject. He insisted on what he had formerly said, 
that he would not disobey the order set forth in the 
book. Every one in the council took pains on him ; 
for it seemed a contradiction to say he would obey 
it, vad yet not subscribe it. He was offered more 
tiflie for conferences. He said, he knew he could 
never be of another mind ; adding, that there were 
other things to which he would not consent, as to 
take down altars, and to set up instead of them 
tables. The matter ended with a charge given him 
to subscribe under the pain of deprivation. At this 
tin^ two entries made in the councU-books show 
the good effects of Latimer's zealous preaching. On 
the 10th of March he brought in 104/. recovered of 
one who had concealed it from the king : and a little 
after 363/. of the king's money : of which, for his 
attendance in Lent, 50/. was allowed to him. I find 
there was in this reign, as in the former, a peculiar 
seal for ecclesiastical matters, which was in secretary 
Petre's keeping. Many took out licenses under this 
seal for eating meat in Lent ; some only for a man 
and his wife ; and some for four, six, or ten, that did 
eat with them; and some for as many as should 

Bb4 



876 THE HISTORY OF 

PART come to their house. Ldcensei of another iMitiwe I 
find were often taken out, for keeping a number of 



1550. retainers, above what was allowed by the statute. 
Dajbuhop All endeavours were too weak to overcome the 
ter^in ^ aversion that the people had to the steps that were 
We for not mgde towards a reformation. Dr. Cox, the kina^ 

mnoTiDg 

•itvt. almoner and preceptor, was sent to Sussex, to preach 
and instruct the people there, who were much dis- 
turbed (as the council4x)ok has it) by the ^seditious 
preaching of Day bishop of Chichester, and others. 
Day denied this : so an order was made in council, 
that he should bring in writing that which he had 
preached. The duke of Somerset reported to the 
council, that Day had been with him, aiid owned that 
he had received the order that the council had made 
for the taking down of altars, and setting tables in 
their stead ; but answered, that he could not in con- 
science obey it : this seemed indeed unaccountable ; 
but he insisted that he could not in conscience obey 
it, and prayed to be excused. Upon that he was 
summoned to appear before the council, and there 
he said, he could not conform himself to their order: 
for he thought he followed in that both the scrip- 
tures, and the doctors and fathers of the church; 
and that he did not perceive any strength in the six 
reasons, given by the bishop of London, to justify 
the change. He quoted a passage in Isaiah, which 
the archbishop, with the bishop of London, and the 
rest of the council, thought not at all to the purpose: 
so he was ordered to confer witli the archbishop, and 
the bishops of Ely and London, and to appear before 
them on the 4th of December. When he was again 
before the council, he entered into a dispute with 
the archbishop and the bishop of Ely. They pressed 



THE REFORMATION. 877 

Idm to gi?e his reasons for being so positive ; he in* book 

Bitted on those words in the Epistle to the Etebreirs, 1^ 

We have an altar : and though they thought it was ^^^^' 
ctear^ that by the altar CSurist himself was meant, 
yet that did not satisfy him. They also showed him 
finom Origen, that the Christians in those days had 
no altars: he might call the table an altar if he 
pleased ; so the ancient writers did : but all this had 
no effect on him. A few more days were given him 
to consider of the matter : he positively answered, he 
could not obey their order with a good conscience ; 
and rather than do it, he was resolved to suffer the 
loss of all he had. Two dajrs more were given him ; 
but he was still firm. So, on the 11th of December 
1550, he was sent to the Fleet. Further proceed- 
kigs against- him were stopped for many months ; in 
which time it is said that the king himself wrote to 
him : but all was in vain. So, in September 1551, 
a commission was given to judge him ; and, on the 
14th of October, it seems both Heath and he were 
deprived: for then an order passed in council for 
seizing the temporalities of both their bishoprics. 
Letters were written, in June 1552, concerning 
them to the bishops of Ely and London ; the former 
was to receive Day, and the latter Heath, and to use 
them as in Christian charity should be most seemly. 
It seems that both Heath and Day saw the change 
of doctrine that was preparing, with relation to the 
sacrament : so they were willing to lay hold on the 
first colour to break off from any further compli- 
ances ; for the points they stood upon did not seem 
of such importance as to suffer deprivation and im- 
prisonment for them. 
There was at that time a very scandalous venality ^^!^y 

maoy. 



378 THE HISTORY OF 

PART of all offices and employments, which was so much 
talked of at the court of France, that the ambassador 



1550. ^hQna the king had there wrote over an account of 
it ; and it was said, that whereas king Henry had 
by his endowments made some restitution, yet, for 
all the wealth they had seized on in chantries and 
collegiate churched, no schools nor hospitals were 
yet endowed. Here a very memorable passage in 
Ridley's life deserves to be remembered. He wrote 
to Cheke, that he being to give Grindal a prebend 
in St. Paul's, had received a letter from the council 
to stop collation : for the king was to keep tliat 
prebend for the furniture of his stable. ^^ Alas, sir, 
^* (he writes,) this is a heavy hearing. Is this the 
** fruit of the gospel ? Speak, Mr. Cheke, speak for 
^* God's sake, in God's cause, unto whomsoever yoa 
** think you may do any good withal : and if you 
will not speak, then I beseech you let this my let- 
ter speak." There was nothing that opened all 
men's mouths more than a complaint entered in the 
council-book, made by one Norman against the arch- 
bishop of York, that he took his wife, and kept her 
from him. The council gave such credit to this, 
that as a letter was written to that archbishop not 
to come to parliament, so they ordered a letter to be 
written to sir Thomas Gargrave and Mr. Chaloner 
to examine the matter. What they did, or what re- 
port they made, does not appear to me. Holgate, 
during all the time he was archbishop of York, was 
more set on enriching himself than on any thing 
else. He seemed heartily to concur in the reforma- 
tion, but he was looked on as a reproach to it, rather 
than a promoter of it. This might have a share in 
the censure, that, as was reported, king Edward 






THE REFORMATION. 879 

passed on the bishops in that time; Some for sUdh^ book 
womefor ignorance^ some for luxury^ and some for 



popery f are unfit for discipline and government. ^^^^' 
At this time the anabaptists were again inquired 
after, and a commission was granted to Cranmer, 
Thirleby, Cox, and sir Thomas Smith, to inquire 
after them, and to judge them. 

Now Gardiner's business was brought to a conciu- oardiner u 
sioD. On the 28d of November a committee of the ^'^"^ 
council was appointed to consider how to proceed 
ftirther against him. On the 14th of December an 
order was sent to the lieutenant of the Tower to 
carry him to Lambeth on the 16th, and after that as 
often as they required him. The commission to try 
him was directed to Cranmer, and others. He de- 
sired counsel : it was granted ; and his lawyers had 
free access to him. On the 19th of January his 
servants moved in council, that some of that board 
might be sworn as his witnesses : they said they 
would answer upon their honour, but would not be 
sworn. And on the 15th of February, the last 
mention made of him in the council-book is in 
these words : *^ Forasmuch as the bishop had at all 
times, before the judges of his cause, used himself 
unreverently to the king's majesty, and very slan- 
" derously towards his council ; and especially yes- 
terday, being the day of the judgment given 
against him, he called the judges heretics and sa- 
cramentaries ; these being there as the king's com- 
" missioners, and of his highness's council, it was or- 
" dered that he should be removed from his present 
" lodging into a meaner one in the Tower, and have 
" but one servant to wait on him : that his books 
'* and papers should be taken from him, and that 






tt 



€€ 



S80 THE HISTOBY OF 

PART *' irom henceforth he should have neither pen, kik, 
"^' << nor paper given him, but be sequestered from aD 



1550. ^ conference, and from all means that may serve 
<< him to practise any ways.** Here was severi^ 
upon severity; which, as it raised him to be de^ 
pended on as the head of the popish party, so it mast 
have recommended him to the compassions of aD 
equitable people. 

Whether these hard orders were rigorously ea^ 
ecuted, or not, does not appear to me. I 6nd hi t 
letter of Hooper's to Bullinger, one circumstance rei- 
lating to Gardiner. It is without date. In it, as 
he tells him that Crome did with zeal oppose tbm 
doctrine concerning the sacrament; but commrads 
him, as a person of great learning, and a man of a 
most holy life ; he tells him also, that Grardiner had 
a month before sent him a challenge to a public dis- 
putation upon that head ; promising, that if he did 
not clearly carry away the victory, he would submit 
himself to the laws, and would willingly suffer the 
cnielest hardships. Hooper accepted the challenge, 
and a day was set for them to dispute ; but whea 
the day came near, Gardiner said, he must be first 
set at liberty : so all this show of a readiness to 
maintain the old doctrine vanished to nothing. Con- 
cerning the king. Hooper writes in that same letter, 
that these thousand years there had not been any 
person of his age, who had such a mixture both of 
piety and lecirning, with so true a judgment as ap- 
peared in him. If he lived, and went on suitably to 
these beginnings, he would be the wonder and the 
terror of the world. He took notes of all the ser- 
mons he heard ; and after dinner he asked the young 
persons that were bred up with him an account of 



THE REFORMATION. 881 

what thej remembered of the sermon, and went book 
•rer the whole matter with them. He wrote further 1— 



m this letter, that then they were every day expect- ^^^^* 
ing that the duke of Somerset should be again called 
I to sit in the council. 
f Poinet, bishop of Rochester, was translated to 
■ Winchester, being nominated to it the 8th of March ; 
and on the 5th of April he took his oath of homage. 
While he was bishop of Rochester, he had no house 
to live in, so he kept his benefice in London. But 
it is entered in the council-book, that no bishop 
aaer him was to have any benefice besides his bi- 
shopric. 

A new scene of contention was at this time very An acooant 
imhappily opened. Hooper, a zealous, a pious, and hmp^.^ 
a learned man, had gone out of England in the 
latter years of king Henry's reign ; and had lived at 
Zurick, at a time when all Germany was in a flame 
on the account of the Interim. Upon that a great 
question arose among the Germans, concerning the 
use of things in themselves indifferent. For a great 
part of the design of the Interim was, to keep up 
the exterior face of things, as it had been in popery, 
with the softenings of some other senses put on them. 
It was said, ^^ If things were indifferent in themselves, 
it was lawful, and that it became the subjects' 
duty to obey them when commanded." Many 
thought that Melancthon himself went in that mat- 
ter too far. It was visible the design in it was to 
make the people think the difference was not great 
between that and popery ; so the rites were ordered 
to be kept up on purpose to make it easy to draw 
the people over to popery. Out of this another 
question arose ; Whether it was lawful to obey in 






98St THE HIS1X)RY OF 

PART indifferent things, when it was certain they were en- 

'. — joined with an ill design ? Some said, the designs of 

J 550. legislators were not to be inquired into nor judged : 
and whatever they were, the subjects were still 
bound to obey. This created a vast distraction in 
Germany; while some obeyed the Interim^ brt 
many more were firm to their principles, and were 
turned out of all for their disobedience. Those 
who submitted were for the most part Lyiherans, 
and carried the name of adiaphorists, from the Greek 
word that signifies things indifferent. The reformed 
were generally firmer. Those of Switzerland, par- 
ticularly at Zurick, had at this time great apprehen- 
sions of a design of introducing popery, by keeping 
up an exterior that resembled it. Of this I find a 
very late instance, the year before this, in a letter 
that Mont wrote from Strasburg, on the 18th of 
February 1548, to Musculus, which will be found in 
Collect, the Collection. 

Numb. 3. "iT'-i 1 1 /> A 1 

" VVhen he left Augsburg, there were no changes 
" then begun there ; but they expected every day, 
** when the new superstitious practices were to be 
" set up. One of the ministers told him, that the 
" magistrates had desired the ministers not to for- 
" sake them in that time of distress. They pro- 
" mised that they would give them timely notice 
" when those rites were to be brought in among 
" them. They prayed them likewise to recommend 
*' the Interim in the softest manner, and with the 
" best colours they could. This was refused by the 
" greater number of them, who said, they could never 
" approve that which was by an unanimous con- 
" sent condemned. He did not doubt but they had 
" heard what was done in Saxony. He wishes the 



€€ 
€€ 



THE REFORMATION. 88S 

*' Germaii coarage and firmness might now appear: book 
" that if they could not act with their usual courage, ' 
" they might at least show their courage in suffer- ^^^^* 
^ ing. The duke of Deux-Ponts had left Augsburg ; 
^ and said, the publishing the Interim did not be- 
long to him, but to the bishops. Those of Breme 
had such a heavy composition laid on them by the 
emperor, that they said it was not in their power 
to jcomply with it, though they had a mind to it. 
So it was thought this was done on design to take 
their town, as a convenient post for a garrisoned 
^ place, to keep that country in order. He con- 
*^ eludes, desiring to know what agreement there 
'* was, as to these matters, in the Helvetic churches.'' 
They were indeed much inflamed on this occasion ; 
and very zealous again^ any compliance with the 
Interim^ or the use of the rites prescribed by it : so 
Hooper came from Zurick, in the heat of this de- 
bate, and with this tincture upon his mind. 

When he came to Brussels, on the 20th of April 
1549, he wrote a letter to Bullinger, that is in the 
CoUection. " He sets forth in it, very tragically, collect. 
*' the misery of the Netherlands, under the violent 
" oppressions of the Spaniards. Complaints were 
heard in all places of rapes, adulteries, robberies, 
and other insolences, every day committed by 
** them : so that an hostess of a public house said to 
him. If she could but carry her children in her 
arms with her, she would choose to go and beg 
" from door to door, rather than suffer their brutal- 
" ities every day, as they were forced to do. He 
" hoped this would be a warning, to put others on 
" their guard. 

" The emperor came seldom out of his chamber. 















8M THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^ Hooper had been at the duke of Saxony^ house, 

' << who had about thirty of his servants still attend- 

1550. €t Jug Qn iiim^ {{^ designed to have talked with 

** Hooper, but the Spaniards hindered it. He had no 
'< hope of obtaining his liberty, though his health 
*' was much broken : but he continued firm in his 
'* religion, and did not despair of things, but hoped 
^* religion would be again revived. The landgrave 
** was kept at Oudenard. He was both uneasy and 
*' inconstant. Sometimes he was ready to submit 
^ to the emperor, and to go to mass : at other times 
he railed at the emperor; and at the Interim; 
(Hooper was entertained by Hobby, the English 
** ambassador, from whom probably he heard these 
things ;) he prayed God to pity him, for he suf- 
fered justly for his treachery. The pope's legate 
^* was there, and preached all that Lent in his own 
" court. 

" The pope and the emperor were then in very 
" ill terms. The pope pressed the emperor to own 
" the council at Bologna ; for he was afraid to let 
^* it sit again in Trent : but the emperor was as 
" positive for their coming back to Trent ; and said 
roundly, he would break with the pope, if that 
were not done. The ambassador told him, that if 
*' the emperor's confessor were to any degree right 
" set, there might be good hope of the emperor : 
" but both he and all his ministers were strangely 
" governed, and in a manner driven by the confessor. 
" About seven months before this, he had left the 
" emperor, because he would not be more severe, 
^ and would not restore popery entirely in Ger- 
many. The emperor had offered him a bishop- 
ric in Spain, worth 20,000 crowns: but he re- 






it 



THE REFORMATION. 885 

^ Aised it, and said, he would be tied to the church, book 

IV. 

^ but not to him, unless he would senre the church 



^ with more zeal. The emperor seemed to design '^^' 
^ to break the peace of Switzerland, and Hooper 
*^ understood that some of Lucerne were then hang«- 
^ ing on at court, probably with no good design. 
^ He wishes thef would fear Gk>d, lead hdiy lives, 
^ and fight bravely ; and so they might expect to be 
^ ixt>tected by God : yet he understood that the em- 
^ peror was trouUed that he had meddled so much 
^ as he had done in matters of religion in Germany: 
** he found that was like to cross his other designs, 
^ which might have succeeded better, if he had left 
** that matter more at liberty. His army, lay then 
*^ near Bremen, but was undertaking nothing. The 
^ cities there had furnished themselves with stores 
^ and provisions for five years ; and were making no 
^ submissions." This account I thought no digres* 
sion from my chief design in writing, since this intel- 
ligence came no doubt from the ambassador. Upon 
Hooper's coming to England, he applied himself 
much to preaching, and to the explaining the scrips 
tures. He was much fDllowed, and all churches 
were crowded where he preached. He went through 
the Epistle to Titus, and ten chapters of the Gospel 
of St. John. His fame came to court. Poinet and 
he were ordered to preach all the Lent at court; 
Hooper on Wednesdays, and Poinet on Fridays : he 
was also sent to preach both in Kent and in Essex. 
At this time BuUinger wrote to the king, and sent 
with it a book that he dedicated to him, which was 
presented to the king by the marquis of North- 
ampton ; for an order was made, that none but privy 
counsellors might bring books or papers to the king. 

VOL. III. c c 



r 



386 THE HISTORY OF 

PART The king said to Hooper, that he had read the 
letter, and would read Bullinger^s book ; and spoke 



'^^^' to the marquis of a present to be sent him: but 
Hooper told him, he never took any ; besides, that 
it was forbidden by the laws of Zurick. Hooper, in 
his letters to BuUinger, on the 8th of February 
1550, says, the archbishop of Canterbury, the U- 
shops of Rochester, Ely, St. David's, Lincoln, and 
Bath, were sincerely set on advancing the purity of 
doctrine, agreeing in all things with the Helvetic 
churches. He commends particularly the marquis 
of Dorchester, afterwards duke of Suffolk, and the 
earl of Warwick, afterwards duke of Northumber- 
land, who at that time put on such a show of zeal, 
that Hooper calls him a most holy instrument, and 
the best affected to the word of God. He writes of 
Cranmer, that he wishes he were not too feeUe. He 
was at London when the council divided from the 
duke of Somerset, but had not meddled in that mat- 
ter : and he says not a word of it, but that he blesses 
God the duke of Somerset was to be set at liberty. 
In June, he was named to be bishop of Gloucester ; 
for he gives an account of it in a letter to BuUinger, 
on the 29th of June. He declined it, as he writes, 
Fctdum et both for the oath, which he says was Jbul and iVm- 
piouSy and by reason of the Aaronical habits. The 
king asked, what his reasons were ? He told them 
very freely to him. He says of him, that the world 
never saw such a prince as he was for his age. He 
likewise says, the lady Elizabeth, his sister, was 
wonderfully zealous, and very knowing: she read both 
Greek and Latin ; and few could maintain an argu- 
ment against her, particularly in matters of religion. 
Among the letters sent me from Zurick, I find 



THE REFORMATION. 887 

some written upon the occasion of the difficulty that book 

was made in Hooper's business to BuUinger and 1— . 

Gnalter, pressing them very earnestly to write to ^^^^' 
ihe king to let fall all the ceremonies : they tell them, 
that Ridley, though he stood upon the forms of the 
laWy yet Was very earnest to have Hooper made a 
bishop. They seem also to reflect on the bishops 
Sat their earnestness in that matter, as if they were 
ashamed to have that to be blamed, to which they 
themsdv^ had submitted : and they reflect on Bu- 
oer fcxr supporting the matter too much. Those of 
Zurick were more discreet and modest than to inter- 
pose in such a manner. It would have been too 
great a presumption in them tq have made any such 
iqpplication ; but it seems BuUinger wrote about it to 
the king's preceptor. Cox. I have not found bis let- 
ter : but I find, by Cox*s letter to him, that he him- 
self was for proceeding easily in this matter* He 
wrote to him in May, in these words : *^ I think all 
^ things in the church ought to be pure and simple, 
^ removed at the greatest distance from the pomps 
*^ and elements of this world. But, in this our church, 
what can I do in so low a station ? I can only en- 
deavour to persuade our bishops to be of the same 
mind with myself. This I wish truly, and I com- 
^ mit to God the care and conduct of his own work.^' 
Of the king he writes, " Believe me, there appears 
in him an incredible beginning of learning, with a 
zeal for religion, and a judgment in affairs almost 
already ripe." Traheron, at the same time, writes 
of him, " We are training up a prince that gives the 
** greatest hopes of being a most glorious defender of 
*• the faith, even to a miracle : for, if God is not so 
** provoked by our sins as to take him too early from 

c c 2 






t€ 



€* 



888 THE HISTORY OP 

FART «< U8, we do not doubt but tlmt Boi^tand atuffl tgnb 
™' ^ give the world another Coiiitaiitliie» or mtber one 



U80. « om^ii better than he was.' 

This matter took up much timei ttd wm md- 
ni^;ed with more heat than m^ht have been ex- 
pected, considering the drcuBistancet of that reign. 
He being named to be bishop of Gkmoester, waa le* 
commended by Dudley to Granmert that he wviuld 
not charge him with an oath that was (as is es» 
pressed) burdenous to his oonseienoe. This waa the 
oath of supremacy. He next desired to be excused 
from accepting the bishopric, or from the ceremoaiei 
used in the consecration ; upon which the king writ 
to Cranmer in August, freeing him from all dangcn 
and penalties that he might incur by omittii^ those 
rites, but left the matter to the archbishop's dis- 
cretion, without any persuasion or command to oarit 
them. The archbishop did not think fit upon that 
letter to act against the laws. There were sererd 
conferences between Ridley and Hooper, not with- 
out heat: Hooper maintaining, that if it was not 
unlawful, yet it was highly inexpedient to use those 
ceremonies. The council, apprehending the ill ef- 
fects of controversies between men of the same pro- 
fession, sent for Hooper, and wished him to let this 
opposition of his fall. He desired leave to put his 
reasons in writing; that was granted him: and 
when he offered his reasons, they were communi- 
cated to Ridley. I gave an account in my former 
work how honestly and modestly both Bucer and 
Peter Martyr behaved themselves on this occasion. 
Peter Martjrr mentions Hooper's unseasonable and 
bitter sermons, which it seems his heat carried him 
to; and probably that was the reason that moved 



THE REFORMATION. 880 

council to cofninand him to keep his house, un- book 

less it were to go to the archbishop of Canterbury ; ! 

or to the bishops of Ely, London, or Lincoln, for ^^^^* 
the satisfaction of his conscience ; and not to preach 
or read till he had fiirther license. But he did not 
€bey this order : he writ a book on the subject, and 
printed it. This gave more distaste. He also went 
about and complained of the council; for which, 
being called before the board, he was committed 
to the archbishop's custody, to be reformed by him^ 
or to be further punished. The archbishop repre* 
sented) that he could in no sort work upon him, but 
that he declared himself for another way of ordiua^ 
tion: upon that, he was on the 27th of January 
committed to the Fleet. 

Micronius, a minister of the German church at 
London, in a letter to BuUinger, on the SSth of 
August 1550, tells him, that the exception that 
Hooper had to the oath of supremacy was, because the 
form was hy Gody hy the saints^ and hy the holy 
Crospels. This he thought impious ; and when he 
was before the council, the king being present, he 
argued, that Ood only ought to be appealed to in 
an oath, for he only knew ,the thoughts of men« 
The king was so fully convinced by this, that with 
his own pen he struck these words out of the oath, 
sa3ring, that no creature was to be appealed to in an 
oath. This being cleared, no scruple remained but 
with relation to the habits. The king and council 
were, inclined to order him to be dispensed with as 
to these. But Ridley prevailed with the king not 
to dis^nse in that matter. The thing was indif-^ 
feient, and therefore the law ought to be obeyed. 
This had such an effect, that all Hooper's exceptions 

c c 8 



390 THE HISTORY OF 

PART were after that heard with great prejudice. Mi- 
cronius was on Hooper's side as well as Alasoo. 



1550. i{,i(iiey had opposed the settling the German churdi 
in a different way from the rites of the church of 
England : but Alasco had prevailed to obtiun an en- 
tire liberty for them to continue in the same forms 
of worship and government, in which they had been 
constituted beyond sea, in which he had been as- 
sisted by Cranmer. It is added in that letter, that j 
it was believed that the emperor had sent one over 
to carry away the lady Mary secretly, but the de- 
sign was discovered and defeated. To explain this 
Collect, matter of the oath, I shall insert in the Collections 
the oaths of the bishops, as it was practised in king 
Henry's reign, and continued to be used to that 
time, which is on record, and is among Mr. Rymer's 
manuscripts. Hooper's matter hung in suspense 
nine whole months ; in which time he seemed posi- 
tively resolved not to yield, not without severe and 
indecent reflections on those who used the habits. 
Cranmer expressed a willingness to have yielded to 
him, but Ridley and Goodrick stood firm to the law; 
while many reflected on them, as insisting too much 
on a thing practised by themselves, as if vainglory and 
self-love had been their chief motives : they said they 
wished that distinction of habits was abolished, but 
they thought the breaking through laws was so bad 
a precedent, and might have such ill consequences, 
that they could not consent to it. Bucer and Peter 
Martyr expressed their dislike of the habits, but 
thought the thing was of itself indiflerent ; so they 
blamed him for insisting so much on it. Alasco, on 
the other hand, encouraged him to continue in his 
refusal to submit to the laws in that matter : in con- 



J 550. 



THE REFORMATION. 891 

tduaion, he was prevailed on to submit, and was cx)n- book 
•ecrated. This was written to BuUinger by one of 
the ministers of the German church. His standing 
out so long, and yielding in the end, lost him much 
of the popularity, that, to spef)k freely, he seemed to 
be too fond of; yet his great labours in his diocese, 
and his patience and constancy during his imprison- 
ment, and in his last most extreme sufferings, made 
aU good people willing to forget what was amiss, 
and to return to a just esteem of what was so truly 
valuable in him. 

In conclusion, he submitted, and was consecrated 
according to the established form, and went into his 
diocese, which he found overrun with ignorance and 
saperstition : he applied himself to his duty with 
great and indefatigable industry; preaching often 
twice, sometimes thrice in a day, to instruct the 
people, and to reform the clergy : he did earnestly 
wish that the Articles, of Religion, which he knew 
were under consideration, might be quickly pub- 
lished. He found the greatest opposition in his 
diocese rose from the prebendaries of his church. 
Of this he made great complaints ; as indeed all the 
bishops that were well affected to the reformation 
found the greatest opposition in their cathedrals; 
though none of them expressed it so severely as 
Ferrar, bishop of St. David's, who wrote to a lord, 
desiring that he might have leave to defend himself 
against those high-minded, arrogant, stubborn am* 
bitious, covetous canons, who for private revenge 
were set against him : yet on the other hand there 
were great complaints made of his behaviour in his 
diocese, as both indiscreet and contentious. A peti- 
tion was sent up to the council in the name of the 

c c 4 






SOS THE HISTORY OF 

PART inhabitants of his diocese against him, cam^aiiniig 



III. 



. of his insatiable covetousness, and his daily Texing 

^^^^' his poor tenants and clergy without canse; and in* 

deed his firmness and sufferings afterwards raised 

his character more than his conduct in his dioooe 

had done. 

The last and the most eminent of all the popidi 
clergy that fell in trouble during this reign, wss 
Tonstall, bishop of Duresme. He was a generoii 
and well*tempered man, learned fiEur above the com» 
mon rate. He retained his old opinion conoermag 
the presence in the sacrament ; but he had hitherto 
submitted, and gone along in all that was done : he 
had no heat, nor a spirit of opposition in his temper, 
yet his opinion was known. The true account of 
his matter has been taken out of the council-booh;i 
which has come to light since I wrote my Histoiy. 
One Ninian Mainvil charged him as consenting to a 
conspiracy in the north, for raising a rebellion there: 
to this the bishop answered, and Mainvil made re- 
plication : the council-book only refers to these, and 
gives no account of the bishop's answer. Mainvil 
had a letter of the bishop's, which was his main 
evidence, upon which the issue of the trial de- 
pended: but that was then wanted; and, as ap- 
peared afterwards, the letter was put in the duke 
of Somerset's hands, and he still kept it : but whe- 
ther he did it out of kindness to him, or to have 
this as a check to overawe Tonstall, does not ap- 
pear. 

This letter was found among the duke of Somer- 
set's papers after his last apprehension : upon which 
Tonstall was sent for, and his letter was produced 
against him. He could not deny it to be of his 



THE REFORMATION. 89S 

own hand ; and» not being able to make any furthier book 
answer, he was on the 20th of December sent to the 



Tower. Whitehead^ dean of Duresme, and Hand- ^^^* 
marsh, Tonstall's chancellor, were accused of the 
same crime by MainvilL The dean's death put an 
end to his trouble, but Tonstall lay in the Tower till 
queen Mary set him at liberty: and there, in the 
77th year of his age, he wrote his book, asserting 
the corporal presence of Christ in the sacrament* 
It seems the evidence against Tonstall did not at 
all amount to a consent to a conspiracy, for he was 
only charged with misprision of treason; whereas 
the consenting to it would have been carried further, 
to high treason itself: but even that must have been 
by a stretch of his words ; since, if his letter had im- 
ported that, Cranmer could not have opposed, much 
less haye protested against the bill attainting him 
for misprision, if the evidence had been dear. This 
is confirmed by the opposition made in the house of 
commons, where the bill fell. So, since the parlia- 
ment would not attaint him, a commission was issued 
out some months after ; and, on the 22d of Septem^ 
ber 1552, a letter was written to the lord chief jus- 
tice, signifying to him, that there was a commission 
addressed to him, and to- some others, for determin- 
ing the bishop of Duresme's case, with eight letters, 
and other writings touching the same, which he is 
required to consider and to hear, and to give order 
in the matter as soon as the rest of his colleagues 
were brought together. He was brought before 
these commissioners : he desired counsel, and time 
convenient to make his answer ; both were denied 
him, as is set forth in the sentence that reversed 
this. He was chained as a conspirator against the 



i 



894 THE HISTORY OF 

PART king tLud the realm: the commission empowered 
them to proceed against him for all offences, both 



1550. according to the ecclesiastical and the temporal 
laws : he made divers protestations against the se- 
veral steps of their proceedings ; and at last he ap- 
pealed from them to the king. The commissioners 
on the 11th of October deprived him of his bishop- 
ric, but did not attaint him of misprision of treason ; 
for the judgment in that case must have been, the 
forfeiture of his goods, and imprisonment for life: 
but he was by order of council on the Slst of Octo- 
ber to receive money for his necessities, remaining 
prisoner in the Tower till further order should be 
given touching the money and goods lately apper- 
taining to him. 

This was one of the violent effects of the duke of 
Northumberland's ambition, who was all this while 
a concealed papist, as himself declared at his execu- 
tion. I have laid all these things relating to the 
deprivation of the bishops that opposed the reforma- 
tion together, to give a full view of that matter. 
But now I must look back to some matters that 
happened while these proceedings went on. There 
was an information brought to the council of some 
at Booking, who were irregular in the worship of 
God ; who thought that to stand or to kneel at 
prayer, or to be covered or bareheaded, was not 
material, and that the heart only was necessary. 
When they were brought before the council, they 
confessed that they met together ; sometimes to con- 
fer about the scriptures, and that they had refused 
to receive the communion above two years, as was 
judged upon very superstitious and erroneous princi- 
ples ; (so it is entered in the council-book ;) with 



THE REFORMATION. S96 

divers other evil opinions, worthy of great ,punish- book 
ment : five of them were sent to prison, and seven 



gave bonds to appear when called for: they were '^^^' 
required to resort to their ordinaries, if they had any 
doubt in religion, for resolution from them. These 
were probably some of the anabaptists, though that 
is not objected to them. 

The great point that was then most canvassed in 
the universities was the presence in the sacrament. 
Concerning this, I have, among the papers sent me 
from Zurick, a letter of Peter Martyr's to his friend 
BuUinger, dated from Oxford the 1st of. June 1550, 
which will be found in the Collection. " He ex- Collect 
'* cuses himself for his slowness in answering his let- 
ters by reason of the constant labours he was en- 
gaged in. For, besides his daily exposition of St. 
Paul, which might claim his whole time, there was 
a new load brought on him. He was commanded, 
by an order from the king, to be present at the 
public disputations upon theological matters; which 
were held once a fortnight. And in the college, 
in which he was placed, there was a disputation, 
where he was appointed to be present, and to mo- 
derate. He was in a perpetual struggle with most 
obstinate adversaries. The business of religion did 
not go on with the zeal and success to be wished 
for: yet it made a better progress than he had 
expected four months before. The number of 
** their adversaries was great : they had few preach- 
*^ ers on their side ; and many of those who professed 
** the gospel were guilty of gross vices. Some, by a 
*' human policy, were for purging religion, but for 
altering outward things as little as might be. 
They, being secular men, apprehended, that, upon 



«« 

M 






a96 THE HISTORY OF 



PART ** a more visible change^ such disorders would fblkm 
** as might prove fatal : whereas it was evident, that 



it 
«< 
« 

<« 



it 
« 
it 
t4 
tt 
tt 



1550. 44 ii^Q innumerable corruptions, abuses, and supersti- 
** tions, that had overrun the church, were such, that 
it was impossible to reform it without bringing 
matters back to those pure fountains, and to the 
first sound principles of religion. The Devil stu* 
died to undermine those good designs hj keeping 
up still many relics of popery, that by these the 
memory of the old abuses might be preserved, 
^* aind the return to them rendered easier. On the 
^ other hand, they had this great comfort, that thej 
had a holy king, full of fervent zeal for true reli- 
gion. He writes, that he speaks, in all this tender 
age, with that learning, that prudence, and that 
gravity, that it amazes all people who hear it 
Therefore they were all bound to pray Grod earn- 
estly to preserve him long for the good of the 
" church. There were several of the nobility well 
" inclined, and some bishops not of the worst sort, 
among whom the archbishop of Canterbury was 
the standard-bearer. Hooper was lately made a 
bishop, to the joy of all good men ; who was to 
pass through Oxford in liis way to his diocese. 
" He believed that he himself had given Bullinger 
" an account of his being made a bishop, otherwise 
** he would have wrote it. He also commends Co- 
" verdale's labours in Devonshire : and adds, that if 
they could find many such men, it were a great 
happiness. Alasco, being forced to leave Frieze- 
" land by reason of the Interim, was then about 
** the settling his congregation in London. He was 
" at that time in the archbishop's house. The peace 
with France gave them some hopes. All were 



tt 
tt 
tt 

tt 



tt 
tt 



u 



THE REFORMATION. 897 

imdar great apprehensions from the pope^s designs book 
of bringing his council again together: but tliey 



must still trust in God. And, after somewhat ^^^^* 
^ of their private concerns, he desires his prayers 
^ finr the prepress of God's word in this kingdom. 

^ He alto, in a letter written on the 6th of August 1551. 
^ 1551, laments the death of the young duke of Suf- 
^ fidk, looking on him as the most promising of all 
** the youth in the nation, next to the king himself." 
After some more on that subject, he adds this sad 
word, ** There is no end put to our sinSf nor anyP^«ii*ne- 
*' measure in sinning^. He commends Hooper's hL-nequemo- 

du9 trnprnU- 



^ boars in his diocese mightily, and wishes that i^. 
^ there were many more such bishops as he was.** 

Upon the death of the two young dukes of Suffolk, 
Ghray, marquis of Dorchester, was made duke of Suf« 
fdk. He had married their sister, but had no sons 
by her. He had three daughters, of whom the 
eldest, lady Jane, was esteemed the wonder of the 
age. She had a sweetness in her temper, as well as 
a strength of mind, that charmed all who saw her. 
She had a great aptness to leam languages, and an 
earnest desire to acquire knowledge. Her father 
found out a very extraordinary person to give her 
the first impressions ; Aylmer, who was afterwards, 
in queen Elizabeth's time, advanced to be bishop of 
London. Under his care she made an amazing pro- 
gress. He found, it seems, some difficulty in bring- 
ing her to throw off the vanities of dress, and to use 
a greater simplicity in it. So, on the 23d of Decem- 
ber 1552, he wrote to BuUinger, " That the lady 
** EUizabeth was a pattern to all in the modesty of 
** her dress ; and yet nobody was prevailed on by 
^* such an illustrious example to follow it, and, in 



898 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « all this light of the gospel, to abstain from wear- 
' << ing gold, or gems, or platting of hair." He was 

^^^^* particularly charged with the education of lady Jane 
Gray, whom he calls his scholar : but it seems he 
could not prevail in this particular ; so he desires 
BuUinger to write his thoughts to her on that 
head. 

There was nothing done for almost two whole 
years, pursuant to the act passed in November 1549» 
for making a new body of ecclesiastical laws : con- 
cerning which, it is not easy to guess what was the 
clause in it that gave the bishops so much offence, 
that the greatest part of the bench protested against 
it. For both the archbishops, and the bishops of Ely, 
Duresme, Worcester, Westminster, Chichester, Lin- 
coln, Rochester, and St. David's, joined in the pro- 
testation. There were only two clauses that I can 
imagine could give them this disgust. One is, that 
only four bishops, and four common lawyers, were 
made necessary to be of the number of the thirty- 
two persons. The other might be, the limitation 
of the time to three years ; though that seems de- 
signed to make the act have its effect in a little 
time. Two years were almost ended before any 
steps were made towards the execution of it. On 
the 6th of October 1551, the council wrote to the 
lord chancellor, to make out a commission for thirty- 
two persons, to reform the ecclesiastical laws. These 
were, the archbishop, the bishops of London, Win- 
chester, Ely, Exeter, Gloucester, Bath, and Roches- 
ter. The eight divines were, Taylor, Cox, Parker, 
Latimer, Cook, Peter Martyr, Cheke, John Alaseo. 
The eight civilians were, Petrt?, Cecyl, Smith, Taylor 
of Hadley, May, Trahern, Lyell, Skinner. The 






THE REFORMATION. 809 

eight common lawyers were, Hales, Bromley, Good^ boor 
rick, Gk)snald, Stamford, Caryl, Lucas, Brook. ^' 

This it seems brought Peter Martyr from Oxford ^^^2- 
to London in March 1552. And on the 8th of that 
month he wrote to BuUinger from Lambeth, being 
lodged with the archbishop. He tells him, ** That 
^* the kii^g did earnestly press the bishops, that, since 
^* the papal authority was cast out of this church, 
the ecclesiastical laws might be so reformed, that 
none of the papal decrees might continue to be of 
^' any authority in the bishops' courts ; and that an- 
^^ other body of laws ought to be compiled for them. 
*^ He had therefore appointed two and thirty persons 
^ to set about it, of which number he himself was 
^* one. He says, the greater number of them were 
^^, persons both eminently learned and truly pious : 
** in this he desires both their advices and their 
^ prayers. This work must be so prepared as to 
** receive a confirmation in parliament ; in which he 
** foresaw some difficulties." It seems that this num- 
ber was thought too great to bring any thing to a 
good conclusion, or these persons had not all the 
same views ; for soon after, on the 9th of November 
after this, a new commission was ordered to be made 
out to eight persons, for preparing the same work. 
These were, the archbishop, the bishop of Ely, doc- 
tor Cox, Peter Martyr, Taylor, May, Lucas, Good- 
rick. Strype tells us, he saw the digest of the eccle- 
siastical laws written out by the archbishop's secre- 
tary ; the. title being prefixed to each chapter, with 
an index of the chapters, in the archbishop's own 
hand. In many places there are corrections and 
additions in his hand, and some lines are scored out; 
some of them were also revised by Peter Martyr : 



i 



400 THE HISTORY OF 

PART the seventh chapter in the title de Pr^uertpUoimim 

' is all written by Peter Martyr. Several chapCa 

^^^^' are added to the first draught, which is prbbeht 

that which was prepared in king Henry's timi 

There was a later and more perfect drau^t of tU 

work prepared for king Edward, which coming int 

Fox's hands, he printed it in the year 1571 : th 

differences between the two draughts, as Mr. Stiyp 

assures us, are not very material. But all this wa 

brought to no conclusion. 

rhe duke of I find somewhat to be added concerning the duk 

Mtfou. ' of Somerset's tragical death, in a lett«r that on 

John ab Ulmis, a Switzer, then in England, wrol 

from Oxford the 4th of December, 1552, to Bo 

linger ; that the duke of Somerset was censured, f 

having been too gentle to the lady Mary, in connii 

ing at her mass : but, when he proposed the doin 

that in council, the earl of Warwick answeiei 

" The mass is either of God or of the Devil : if it 

" of God, we ought all to go to it ; if it is of tt 

Devil, why should it be connived at in any pe 

son ?" Yet still the gentleness of the duke of & 

merset made him suffer it to go on. But now I 

adds, since the earl of Warwick had the greate 

share in the government, he had put her priests i 

prison, and had given strict orders to suffer no ma 

to be said in her house. 

He tells one remarkable particular in the duke 

Somerset's trial : " That after he was found guill 

" of the conspiracy against the earl of Warwic 

(upon which the people expressed a great co 

cern,) the earl of Warwick addressed himself 

" the duke, and told him, that now, since by the la 

he was adjudged to die, he, as he had saved hi 









« 



THE REFORMATION. 401 

** fonnerly, so he would not now be wanting to serve book 



^* him, how little soever he expected it from him.- 
** He desired him therefore to fly to the king^s mercy, *^^^* 
** in which he promised he would faithfully serve 
** him. Upon this, the duke did petition the king ; 
** and it was hoped that he would reconcile those 
** two great men, and that by this means the duke 
** of Somerset should be preserved." 

It seems there was some treaty about his pardon : 
for though he was condemned on the 1st of Decem- 
ber, he was not executed till the 22d of January. 
What made it to be respited so long, and yet exe- 
cuted at last, does not appear. It is probable it 
was from a management of the duke of Northum- 
berland's, who, by the delay, did seem to act in his 
favour, that so he might be covered from the popular 
odium, which he saw his death was like to bring 
upon him ; and at the same time, by the means of 
some who had credit with the king, he possessed 
him with so bad an opinion of the duke of Somerset, 
that he, looking on him as an implacable man, capa- 
ble of black designs, resolved to let the sentence be 
executed upon him. 

In the same letter he gives an instance of Hoop- Hooper't 
er's impartial zeal in the discharge of his ftinction in ^^^^^ 
his diocese : that, while he was censuring some infe- 
rior people for their scandalous life, one said to him. 
We poor people must do. penance for these things; 
while great and rich men, as guilty as we, are 
overlooked. Upon that he said. Name any per- 
son, how great soever, that was guilty of adultery, 
so that it could be proved against him, and he 
*' would leave himself in their hands, to be used by 
** them as they pleased, if he did not proceed equally 

VOL. III. D d J 



€t 



408 THE HISTORY OP 

PAUT <^ against alL 80, in a few days, sir Anthony King- 
'''* ^ ston, a great man in those parts, being accused of 



.1652. « adultery, he cited him into his court He for 
*^ some time refused to appear. At last he came ; 
'* and, when the bishop was charging his sin severely 
^^ upon him, he gave him very foul language, and at 
« last fell to beat him. This was presently followed 
^* so severely, that he was fined in 500/. and forced 
<< to submit to do penance." 

This raised the bishop's character, as it contrir 
buted not a little to establish his authority in his 
diocese. He set himself to do his duty there with so 
much zeal, that his wife, who was a German, wrote 
to BuUinger, praying him to write to her husband 
to take a little more care of himself: for he preached 
commonly thrice, sometimes four times in one day. 
The crowds of those who came constantly to hear 
him made him look on them as persons that were 
hungering for the word of life. So she, apprehend- 
ing that his zeal made him labour beyond his 
strength, studied to get others to put some stop to 
that, which, it seems, she could not prevail with 
him so far as to restrain. 

About this time the bishops and divines were em- 
ployed in the review of the Common Prayer ; but I 
have met with nothing new with relation to that 
matter, save that on the 6th of May, 1551, there 
was an order of council for preserving peace sent to 
Reg. oxon. all the cathedrals, at least to that of Exeter, for it is 
in that roister. And on the 18th of January there 
was a commission issued out for the repressing of 
heresy, and for observing the Common Prayer. And 
on the 27th of October, 1552, the council-book men- 
tions also a letter, written to the lord chancellor, to 



THE REFORMATION. 408 

add io the edition of the new Common Prayer Book .book 
• declaration touching kneeling at the receiving the 



ocmimumon. ^^^*^' 

It remains that I give the best account I can of The Arti. 
the Articles of Religion. It seemed to be a great ;?gf,njl^ 
want that this was so long delayed^ since the old^^^^* 
doctrine had still the legal authority of its side. Okie 
jneascm of delaying the publishing them probably was, 
that the king» in whose name and by whose author- 
ity they were to be published, might be so far ad- 
vanced in years, and out of the time of pupilage, 
that they might have the more credit, and be of the 
more weight : for though it was a point settled in 
law, that the king^s authority was at all ages the 
same, yet the world would still make a difference in 
tbeir r^ard to things passed while he was a child, 
and those things authorized by him when he was in 
the I6th year of his age. 

The first impression of these Articles appeared n'o^ p^ted 

in convo* 

with a title apt to make one think they had been cation. 
agreed on in the convocation. It runs thus in Eng- 
lish : Articles which were agreed to in the synod 
qfljondonj in the year 1552, by the bishops and 
other godly and learned men, to root out the dis- 
cord of opinions, and establish the agreement of 
irue religion. But there is reason to believe that 
no such articles were offered to the convocation. 
Weston objected afterwards to Cranmer, that he 
had set forth a Catechism in the name of the synod 
in Ijondon ; and yet, said he, there be fifty, which, 
witnessing that they were of the number of the con- 
vocation, never heard one word of this Catechism. 
And in a long and much laboured sermon of Brooks, 
preached at St. Paul's Cross in November 1553, 

D d 2 



404 THE HISTORY OF 

PART there is an intimatioD^ that makes it indeed probable 
"'• that the Articles were brought into the upper house 



1553. Qf convocation. For when he complains that they 
were set forth as allowed by the clergy, he adds, 
Whereas the convocation without all doubt (for the 
lower house at least) was never made privy thereto : 
that reserve seems to make it probable that they 
were brought into the upper house. In the first 
impression of the Articles, the Catechism is {Hinted 
first before the Articles : so this is to be understood 
of that whole book, which is indeed a very small one. 

When this was objected to Cranmer, he answered, 
/ was ignorant of the setting to qfthat title ; and 
as soon as I had knowledge thereof ^ I did not like 
it. Therefore^ when I complained thereof to the 
council, it was answered by them, that the hook was 
so entitled, because it was set forth in the time of 
the convocation. In the interrogatories that were 
afterwards exhibited to him in order to his final cen- 
sure, the seventh ends thus, That he did compile, 
and caused to be set abroad, divers books : the last 
part of his answer to that was, As for the Catechism, 
the book of Articles, with the other book against 
Winchester, he grants the same to be his doings. 

It is true, in the first convocation under queen 
Mary, when the prolocutor charged Philpot with 
this, that a Catechism was put forth without their 
consent, he answered on the sudden, that the house 
had granted an authority to make ecclesiastical laws 
to certain persons to be appointed by the king's ma- 
jesty : and what was set forth by them might be 
well said to be done in the synod of London, although 
the house had no notice thereof before the promulga- 
tion. But Weston also said, That the Catechism 



THE REFORMATION. 406 

heareth the tide of the last synod before thie, book 

although many qfthem who were then present were — 

never made privy thereof in settifig it forth: so '^^^* 
that both Weston and Philpot agree that the book 
was never brought before the convocation. In this 
matter, Philpot, as he could not deny the fact, so he 
made use of the best answer that then occurred to 
him, without considering that the convocation had 
not agreed to any such deputation of thirty-two per- 
sons : for that was settled by an act of parliament ; 
nor did the deputation relate to matters of doctrine, 
but only to the canons and proceedings in the eccle- 
siastical courts : for as it was a revival of the acts 
passed in king Henry's time, so it run in the same 
strain with them. These evidences make it plain 
that the Articles of Religion did not pass in convo- 
cation. We have Cranmer's own word for it that 
he drew them, and that he, who was always plain 
and sincere, did not approve of that deceitful title 
that was prefixed to them, to impose upon the un- 
wary vulgar. He also owns that they were his 
doings. One reason that may seem probable for his 
not offering them to the convocation might be, that 
he had observed that many made a difference be- 
tween obeying orders already made, and the con- 
senting beforehand to the making of them : a greater 
degree of authority and evidence seemed necessary 
for the one than for the other; besides that the offer- 
ing things to debate, while it was free to argue on 
either side of the question, might carry some to en- 
gage themselves so far, that they rould not after that 
submit with any decency. This, as far as I can judge, 
seems to be Cranmer's reason for not offering the 
Articles to be debated and passed in convocation. 

DdS 



406 THE HISTORY OF 

PART But now that they were to be published with au* 
"'• thority, that was to be done in the king's name : so, 



€€ 
U 



1553. a very few days before the king*s death, he sent a 
luhJdby mandate to Cranmer to publish the Articles^ and to 
rathority! cause them to be subscribed : this was done pursuant 
to the archbishop's motion to the king and council ; 
for he had desired, ^^ That all bishops might have 
^ authority from him to cause all their preachers, 
*^ archdeacons, deans, prebendaries, parsons, vicars, 
^ curates, with all their clergy, to subscribe the said 
^* Articles : and he trusted that such a concord and 
quietness in religion should shortly follow thereon, 
as else is not to be looked for in many years. God 
shall thereby be glorified, his truth shall be ad- 
vanced, and your lordships (for he writes it to the 
privy-council) shall be rewarded of him as the set- 
^ ters forward of his true word and gospel.*' Dated 
from Ford the 24th of November. It seems they 
were prepared some time before that ; for on the 
20th of October, in the year 1552, the council had 
written to the six preachers, Harley, Bell, Horn, 
Grindall, Pern, and Knox, to consider of some arti- 
cles then offered to be subscribed by all preachers, 
which can be no other than these Articles : but as 
this matter was long delayed formerly, so, when it 
was now ordered, it was sent about with all the dili- 
gence that so important a work required. The king 
also directed his orders to all the archbishop's oflGlcers, 
enjoining them to cause all rectors, vicars, or those 
in any ecclesiastical employments, to appear before 
the archbishop, to obey and do on the king's part as 
shall be signified to them. 

And sent to ---, _ 

the arch. 1 he mandate that upon this was sent out by 
canurbary. the archbishop's officers, which is in the CoDection, 



THE REFORMATION. 407 

Aough it is in the kingfs name, yet was issued out book 
fa^ Cranmer himself, in execution of the mandate ; 



It is mentioned in it, that it was sent to him by the ^ |.^^^' 
king. It was thus put in the king's name, pursuant Numii. 7* 
to the act passed in the beginning of this reign, that 
all process in the ecclesiastical courts should be in 
the king^s name: but its being tested by. the arch- 
bishop, shows it was the act of his court. For though 
there is an exception in that act for the archbishops, 
yet that only related to what they should act in their 
provinces as metropolitans, but not to their proceed- 
ings in their particular dioceses ; in which it seems 
they were put on the same foot with the other bi- 
shops. This king's mandate to himself is not in any 
record that I was able to find out. After the man- 
date, the execution of it by his officers was certified 
to him on the 22d of June, which is in his register, 
and is added in the Collection to the mandate. But 
probably the time given them run farther than the 
king's life : for nothing further appears to have been 
done upon it. The clergy of the city of London 
(probably only his peculiars) appeared before him, 
and he exhorted them to subscribe the Articles. No 
mention is made of any one's refusing to do it ; but 
he compelled none to subscribe, which he affirmed in 
bis answer to an interrogatory put to him by queen 
Mary's commissioners ; for he said that he compelled 
none, but exhorted such to subscribe as were Willing 
to do it, before they did it. It came to Norwich, 
where Thirleby was bishop, who complied readily 
with every thing that he was required to do ; though 
by his sudden turn, and his employments in the 
next reign, it appears that he acted at least against 
his heart, if not against his conscience. 

D d 4 






408 THE HISTORY OF 

PK RT ' The mandate for Norwich, which will be found in 
III 
'- — jthe Collection, bears date the 9th of June, in the 

Amfthe "^'^ ^^^^ ^^ *^^ reign : and it is not to be doubted 
^>*<H»of but that the like mandates were directed to all the 

Norwich. 

Collect, bishops, though they do not appear upon record. 

Numb. 8. u j^ g^ts forth, that whereas, after a long time of 
'^ darkness, the light was now revealed, to the ines- 
'^ timable benefit of the nation ; the king thought it 
'^ his duty to have a uniform profession, doctrine, 
^^ and preaching, for the evading dangerous opinions 
'* and errors : and therefore he sent him certain arti- 
cles, gathered with great judgment of the greatest 
part of the learned bishops of the kingdom, and 
** sundry others of the clergy ; which he required 
" and exhorted him to sign, and in his preaching to 
*^ observe, and to cause them to be subscribed by all 
'^ others who do or shall preach or read within his 
'' diocese : and if any shall not only refuse to sub- 
scribe, but shall preach contrary to them, he is re« 
quired to give notice of it to the king and his 
•* council, that further order may be given in the 
^^ matter. And for such persons as came to be ad* 
" mitted to any benefice or cure, he was to confer 
'* with them on these Articles, and to cause them to 
*^ subscribe them, otherwise not to admit them to 
" any such benefice, to which they were presented. 
" But if the person was ignorant, and did not un- 
'' derstand them, pains was to be taken on him to 
*^ instruct him ; and six weeks time might be given 
" him to examine them by the scriptures : but at 
** the end of six weeks, if he did not subscribe them, 
" he was to be rejected. Then follows an order for 
him to receive the Catechism, and to give it to all 
masters of schools, that it may be taught in them 






6C 



THE REFORMATION. 409 



^ all ; aod he is required to make report to the arch- book 

*' iMshop of the province, of the obedience given to ! — 

" these orders.** This order was so readily executed, '^^^' 
that about fifty of the clergy subscribed it. This in- 
strument was examined, and sent to me by Dr. 
Tanner, the learned chancellor of Norwich. 

But besides the evidence that appears from theAnototbe 
registers of Canterbury and Norwich, I have a fur- of cam. 
ther proof that the Articles of Religion were only " ^' 
promulgated by the king's authority, in an injunc- 
tion sent to the university of Cambridge, signed by 
the bishop of Ely, sir Jo. Cheke, Mayo, and Wendy, 
who were the visitors of the university, bearing date 
the 1st of June 1553, directed to all the regents and 
non-regents ; setting forth, that great and long pains 
had been taken by the king's authority, and the 
judgments of good and learned men, concerning 
some articles described according to the title with 
which they were printed ; these being promulgated 
by the king's authority and delivered to all the bi- 
shops, for the better government of their dioceses, 
they did commend them to them, and, by their visi- 
tatorial authority, they do enjoin that all doctors 
and bachelors of divinity, and all doctors of arts, 
should publicly before their creation swear to them, 
and subscribe them ; and such as refuse to do it, are 
to be denied their degree. To this is added the form 
of the oath to be taken. The injunction will be 
found in the Collection. collect • 

Thus it appears, by a variety of evidences, that cmomer 
these Articles were not passed in convocation, nor so J^n^^. 
much as offered to it. And, as far as can be judged p~^*^* 
from Cranmer's proceedings, he intended to put the 
government of the church in another method, differ^ 



410 THE HISTORY OF 

PART ent from the common way by conTOcation ; and to 
set up provincial synods of bishops, to be called as 



^^^^- the archbishop saw cause, he having first obtained 
the king's license for it. This appears by the 18th 
chapter of the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical 
Laws, prepared by him ; in which it is plain, tiiat 
these provincial qmods were to be composed only of 
the bishops of the province. The convocations now 
in use by a long prescription, in which deans, arch- 
deacons, and cathedrals have an interest, far supericf 
in number to those elected to represent the deigy, 
can in no sort pretend to be more than a part of out 
civil constitution ; and have no foundation either in 
any warrant from scripture, or from the first ages of 
the church ; but did arise out of that second moddi 
of the church, set out by Charles the Great, and 
formed according to the feudal law; by which a 
right of giving subsidies was vested in all who were 
possessed of such tenures as qualified them to con- 
tribute towards the supporting of the state. 

As for the Catechism, it was printed with a pre- 
face prefixed to it in the king's name, bearing date 
the 24th of May, about seven weeks before his 
death : in which he sets forth, that it was drawn by 
a pious and learned man, (supposed to be bishop 
Poinet,) and was given to be revised by some bishops 
and other learned men ; he therefore commands all 
schoolmasters to teach it. 
King Ed- I come DOW to sct forth the dismal overturning of 
scheme of all that had been done now in a course of twenty 
the succet- y ggj.g King Edward was for some months under a 

visible decay: his thoughts were much possessed 
with the apprehensions of the danger religion must 
be in, if his sister Mary should succeed him. This 



«ion. 



THE REFORMATION. 411 

set him on contriving a design to hinder that. He book 
seemed to be against all females' succession to the 



M 

u 



crown. I have put in the Collection a paper that I ^,^j,^^^* 

copied out of a manuscript of the late Mr. Pety t's, Numb. lo. 

all written in that king's own hand, with this title ; 

Jfcfy Device for the Succession. " By it the crown 

^ was to go to the issue male of his own body ; or if 

^ he had only female issue, to the issue male coming 

^ of the issue female : next to the issue male of the 

** lady Frances ; then in succession to her three 

daughters, and to their issue male : and if they 

had only female issue, to the first issue male of any 

of her daughters. The heir male after eighteen was 

to enter upon the government: but his mother 

was to govern till he was of that age, with the ad*- 

• vice of six of that council of twenty persons, which 

^ he should name by his last will : but if the mother 

^ of the issue male should not be eighteen, then the 

** realm was to be governed by the council, provided 

'* that after the issue male was of the age of four- 

^ teen, all matters of importance should be opened 

•• to him. If at his death there were no issue male, 

^ the lady Frances was to be governess-regent ; and 

^ after her life, her three daughters were to be go- 

*• vemesses in succession, till an heir male was born : 

<* and then the mother of that heir male was to be 

** governess. If four of the council should die, the 

*• governess was ordered, within a month, to summon 

** the whole council, to choose four in their stead, in 

** which the governess was to have three voices. 

** But after the death of the governess, the council 

^ was to choose the new counsellors, till the king 

^ was fourteen ; and then he was to choose them, 

^ bat by their advice." 



412 THE HISTORY OF 

FART It may seem by this, that the king designed this 
' some time before his death ; while he thought that 
1553. ji^ himself might have issue : but he was prevailed 
on to change a great deal of this scheme ; especially 
those clauses, that kept the crown as in an abeyance 
till an issue male should be bom ; which would have 
totally changed the government: so he departed 
from these clauses. 
Muchai. This was afterwards put in another form by the 
judges ; and that scheme which they prepared was 
in six several places superscribed by the king's hand. 
Probably it consisted of so many pages. I never 
Collect, saw that paper; but I have put in the Collection 
* the paper that was subscribed by twenty-four coun- 
sellors and judges : in which they set forth, *' that 
they had often heard the king's earnest desire 
touching the limitation of the succession of the 
** crown, and had seen his device written in his own 
hand : and after that was copied out, and delivered 
to judges and other learned men, they did sign 
" with their hands, seal with their seals, and promise 
by their oaths and honours, to observe every article 
in that writing, and all such other matter, as the 
king should by his last will declare, touching the 
" limitation of the crown ; and never to vary from 
" it, but to defend and maintain it to the utmost of 
" their power. And they also promised, that they 
*' would prosecute any of their number, or any other 
" that should depart from it, and do their uttermost 
" to see them severely punished." 
oppo»ed I gave an account in my History of the opposition 
cmni/er. that Cranmcr made to this : but Mr. Strype has dis- 
covered more particulars concerning it. He tells us, 
^* that he argued with the king himself once about 



it 









THE REFORMATION. 413 



€€ 



• it, in the hearing of the marquis of Northampton bo ox 
" and the lord Darcy. He desired leave to speak to ' 



€€ 
€€ 
€€ 



*^ the king alone about it, that so he might be more ^^^^* 
'* free with him : but that was not allowed him. 
He hoped» if he had obtained that liberty, he 
should have diverted the king from it. He argued 
against it in council, and pleaded that the lady 
Mary was legitimate : but some lawyers were pre- 
vailed on to say, that the king, being in possession 
of the crown, might dispose of it as he pleased. 
^^ He stood firm, and said, that he could not sub- 
^* scribe it without perjury ; having sworn to the 
<^ observance of king Henry's will. Some counsel- 
^' lors said, they had sworn to that will as well as 
'^ he ; and that they had consciences as well as 
** he« He said. Every man was to answer to God 
^* for his own deeds, and not for other men's : he 
** did not take upon him to judge any man's con- - 
'^ science but his own. He spake with the judges 
** about the matter ; and they agreed, that the king 
'* might settle the succession, notwithstanding king 
Henry's will: yet he remained still unsatisfied, 
till the king himself required him to set his 
hand to his will; saying, he hoped he alone 
would not stand out, and be more repugnant to 
" his will, than all the rest of the council were. 
'* This made a great impression on him ; it grieved 
*^ him much : but such was the love that he bore 
** to the king, that in conclusion he yielded, and 
" signed it." 

A little before the king's death, a very extr&or- The pri. 
dinary thing happened in Ireland. I had told inireiAodpoi. 
my former work, that Goodacre and Bale were sent***"***' 
over to promote the reformation in Ireland. The 






414 THE HISTORY OF 

PART former was made primate of Armagh; of whoK 
^"' death there is a report, that has been all along be- 
1553. lieved by his posterity. A reverend and worthy 
clergyman of Hampshire, not far from Selisbuiy, 
(who is the fourth in descent from that primate, 
they having been all clergymen but one,) told me 
he had it from his grandfather, who was the pri- 
mate's grandson. ^^ That he being invited to a 
'^ popish lord's house, a monk there drank to him in 
<* a poisoned liquor, on design to poiscm him ; of 
'< which they both died." This I set down from the 
venerable person's own mouth, as a thing known and 
believed in the family. 
Aciianu:ter J havo uo particulars to add, neither oonceming 
in king the death nor the character of that good prince, king 
time. Edward ; whose untimely end was looked on by all 
people as a just judgment of Ood upon those who 
pretended to love and promote a reformation, bnt 
whose impious and flagitious lives were a reproach 
to it. The open lewdness in which many lived, with- 
out shame or remorse, gave great occasion to their 
adversaries to say, they were in the right to assert 
justification by faith without works, since they were, 
as to every good work, reprobate. Their gross and 
insatiable scrambling after the goods and wealth, 
that had been dedicated with good designs, though 
to superstitious uses, without applying any part of 
it to the promoting the gospel, the instructing the 
youth, and relieving the poor, made all people con- 
clude, that it was for robbery, and not for reformat 
tion, that their zeal made them so active. 

I will here give an eminent instance of fraudulent 
proceedings in the beginning of this reign ; of which 
the present learned and zealous dean of Norwich 



REFORMATION. 416 

was pletfled to send me a copious account out of book 
their registers* The prior, when inducted into that '^' 



dignity, took an oath not to alienate any of their ^^^^- 
lands; which was confirmed by injunctions, exhi- 
bited to the convent in the royal visitation. But 
the king, upon certain reasons su^ested by the 
prior and convent, and approved by him, did dis- 
pense with that oath ; so that, notwithstanding the 
oath, they were left at liberty to alienate some lands, 
let forth in the instrument dated the 1st of April 
lfiS8, countersigned by Cromwell. A month after 
that» on the. 2d of May that year, the church was 
converted from a prior and convent to a dean and 
chapter; and the last prior was made the first dean 
of the church. 

But on the 26th of May 1547, in the beginning 
of king Edward's reign, a letter was sent to that 
church, signed by the duke of Somerset, Rich the 
lord chancellor, and six other privy counsellors; 
pretending, that they designed the advancement of 
God's glory, and the truest intent of the late king's 
determination : by which sir Richard Southwell, sir 
Roger Townshend, and sir William Paston, were 
authorized to receive a full surrender of the whole 
chapter ; assuring both the dean, and every one of 
the prebendaries, that there should be no alteration 
made in their yearly profits ; and that there should 
be a just contentotion given to the residue of the 
ministers there. A commission was granted on the 
87th to these persons, to take the surrender, with 
articles and instructions annexed to it : which, be- 
cause probably many others were of the same sort, 
are put in the Collection. But, for all this appear- coUmc. 
ance of fair dealing, it being pretended, that this 



416 THE HISTORY OP 

PART was only designed that the king should be the 
founder, and that the church should lose nothing by 



1553. ^|jg surrender; yet when they had nmde the sur- 
render, in the hope of new letters patents, they 
could not obtain them : and lands, to the value of 
WOl. a year, were taken from them. Upon whicb, 
that corporation tried, in queen Mary's time, to get 
a bill to pass, to restore them to the state they were 
in before they were prevailed on to make the sur* 
render. But the bill did not pass. Perhaps it might 
be suggested, that it would alarm the nation too 
much, if any alienation of church lands, how £rao- 
dulently soever obtained, were meddled with. I 
give this as a well-attested instance; by which it 
may appear, how things of this kind were obtained 
and managed, chiefly in the b^nnings of this reign. 
For I am not so much set on justifying every thing 
coii. Ecci. that was done in this reign, as another voluminous 
333. Jol. 3. writer is on condemning almost every thing done in 
it, with a particular virulence against the memory 
of that pious prince. This, from one of another 
communion, is that which might have been expected; 
but it is a little singular, when it comes from one, 
who says he is of our church. 
The bad The irregular and immoral lives of many of the 

thMe**ti»o professors of the gospel, gave their enemies great ad- 
professed vantages to say, they run away from confession, 
penance, fasting, and prayers, only that they might 
be under no restraint, but indulge themselves in a 
licentious and dissolute course of life. By these 
things, that were but too visible in some of the more 
eminent among them, the people were much alien- 
ated from them: and as much as they were for- 
merly prejudiced against popery, they grew to have 



THE REFORMATION. 417 

kinder thoughts of it, and to look on all th^ book 
changes that had been made as designs to enrich 



some vicious courtiers, and to let in an inundation ^^^^' 
of vice and wickedness upon the nation. Some of 
the clergy that promoted the reformation were not 
without very visible blemishes : some indiscretions, 
both in their marriages and in their behaviour, 
contributed not a little to raise a general aversion 
to them. 

It is true, there were great and shining lights 
among them, whose exemplary deportment, conti-^ 
nual labours, fervent charity, and constant zeal, both 
during their lives, and at their deaths, kept up the 
credit of that work, as much as it was disgraced by 
others; but they were Jew j in comparison of the 
many bad: and those of the clergy in whom the 
old leaven had still a deep root, though they com- 
plied in every thing that was imposed on them, see- 
ing that they had lost those perquisites of masses, 
and other practices, which brought them their chief 
gains, and saw nothing came in lieu of them, for 
their subsistence; they, who in their hearts hated 
all that they were forced to profess outwardly, 
did secretly possess such as were influenced by 
them with an abhorrence of all that was done : and 
they disposed the nation to be ready to throw it 
aUoff. 

That which was above all, was, that Crod was Much im. 
highly dishonoured by men who pretended zeal for the reform- 
his glory, but with their works dishonoured him.*"* 
They talked of the purity of the gospel, while they 
were wallowing in all sensuality and uncleanness; 
pretending to put all their confidence in the merits 
and sufferings of Christ, while they were crucifying 

VOL. III. E e 



418 THE HISTORY OF 

PART him afresh, and putting him to open shame. In sudi 
'. — lamentations as these I find the good men of that 

*^^^" time did often vent their sorrows, in Uidr letters to 
one another, and break out into severe reflectioos 
on them. Some did it afterwards abroad in their 
exile, and others at home in their sufferings. Their 
only human hope was in the king himself; in whom 
tiiere appeared such a progress, both in knowledge 
and zeal, that thej expected to see him complete 
the reformation, and redress those ciying abuses, in 
which the men in power found their account too 
evidently to expect a remedy from them. They 
were men, in whose hands things grew every day 
worse and worse; and whose arrogance and other 
disorders our chief reformers were forced in some 
measure to connive at, that they might not provoke 
them to retard a work, that could in no wise be car- 
ried on without their countenance and authority; 
though they saw the prejudice it brought upon 
them, to be obliged to apply to, and to make use of 
such tools, with which the righteous souls of our 
best reformers were much grieved. They were en- 
gaged with men that were ready to piill down, 
especially when any thing was to be got by it ; but 
were as backward in building up, as they were for- 
ward in plucking down. So that they seemed to 
design to leave all in a great ruin. These were 
great hinderances to the progress of the reformation, 
as they were both the burden and the shame of our 
reformers. 

I thought it not amiss to open this as fully as I 
found it lying before me: and I hope the reader 
will not only consider this as a part of the history of 
a former age, but as an admonition to us in the pre- 



1553. 



THE REFORMATION. iig 

feat. If w% tail under the disorders and corruptions book 
that then reigned, why should not we expect such 
a calamity as overtook and ovierwhelinjbed them? 
We may justly look for worse, since we have the 
advantages of much more light, and many more bless- 
ifigs, as weU as many alarming terrors, which have 
all gone ovar us without those dismal convulsions 
that we might have looked for : and they have as 
easily dipped out of our thoughts, as if we had never 
seen <Nr felt them. To the viciousness of life, and 
the open inuooralities and n^plect of religion, that 
were the sins of the former age, many among us 
have added a studied impiety, and a laboured oppo- 
aition to all revealed religion; which some have 
owned in so barefaced a manner, that perhaps no age 
of the world can show any thing like it. If others 
with secular views have declaimed against this, and 
put oo some show of zeal, how much more of party 
than of true religion has appeared in it. The di- 
vided parties among us have showed little true re* 
gard to religion, and to a course of virtue and piety, 
which can only give both strength and honour to a 
church ; and this does too plainly appear in many, 
who talk the most of it, or for it. 

Have we of the clergy made the steps that be- 
came us, and that were designed in the former age, 
for throwing out abuses, for regulating the courts, 
and restoring discipline? While we have for above 
160 years expressed once a year a faint wish that 
the primitive discipline were again restored, and yet 
have not made one step toward it. What a venality 
of the advowsons to livings do we hear of; and at 
best the disposing of them goes generally by secular 
regards, by importunities, obligations, or friendship : 

£ e 2 



490 THE HISTORY OF 

PART and above aU, how few of those that labour in the 
gospel, do labour indeed, and give themselves wholly 



1553. iQ ii I [}q^ much of their time and zeal is employed 
in things that do not deserve it so well, as the 
watching over, the instructing, and the building up 
their flock in their most holy faith ! How few do 
fast and pray, and study to prepare themselves and 
their people for the evil day, that seems much 
nearer us than the greatest part are willing to ap* 
prehend ; that so we may by our intercessions de- 
liver our church and nation from that which ii 
ready to swallow us up ; or at least be so fortified 
and assisted, that we ourselves, and others, by what 
they see in us, may glorify God in that day of visi- 
tation ! 
Tbepnrn. I shall conclude this book with one reflection, 
c^^ that may make us hope, that the reformation was 
JJ^^* under a particular and watchful care of Providence : 
when the light seemed almost extinguished in one 
place, it broke out in another ; by which, as it was 
still kept shining somewhere, so there was a sanctuary 
opened, to which those who were forced to fly from 
one place, might in their flight find a covert in another 
from the storm. In the beginning of this reign, by 
the breaking of the Smalcaldic league, by the taking 
of the elector of Saxony, and the landgrave of Hesse, 
and by the Interim, the reformation seemed to be 
near extinguished in Germany. In this church it 
was at that time advanced ; and we kindly then re- 
ceived those who were forced to fly hither for shel- 
ter. And now, in the year before the death of this 
good king, there was not only a revival, but a last- 
ing settlement procured in Germany to the refor- 
mation there : so that those who fled from hence 



THE REFORMATION. 481 

found a safe and kind harbour in all the places of book 

IV. 

the empire, to which they were driven by the 



storm and tempest that arose here. Of which I go '^^^' 
next to gather up such gleanings as have come in 
my way. 



£ e 3 



.M '. ': 



BOOK V. 



Of what happened during queen Marxfs reign^ 
from the year 1553, to the year 1558. 

As soon as the queen came to the Tower of Lon* book 
don, she sent for the lord mayor and the aldermen 



of the city, and told them, " that though her own *^^^* 
'' conscience was stayed in matters of religion, yet she queen's 
^ meaneth graciously not to compel or strain other wen soft. 
^' people's consciences, otherwise than God shall, as 
^^ she trusteth, put in their hearts a persuasion of the 
** truth/* These soft words were not long remem* • . 
bered. Of the progress of the severities in her reign 
I have a very authentical account before me, in the 
original council-book, that begins on the 17th of 
August 1553, and goes to the end of the year 1557 : 
but from that to her death I have not so sure a 
thread. The book begins with orders for letters to 
be written to Coverdale and Hooper for their un- 
delayed repair to the court : and a complaint being 
made of a sermon preached by Fisher, parson of 
Amersham, he was ordered to appear the next day, 
and to bring the notes of his sermon with him. A 
parliament was summoned to meet in November. 
On the 14th of August the writ for the convocation 
was directed to Cranmer. A letter was soon after 
written by the queen and council to the bishop of 
Norwich, to suffer none to preach without a special 
license: the same order was intimated to the lord 

£ e 4 



424 THE HISTORY OF 

PART mayor of London ; and the same was no doubt uni- 
versaUy both ordered and executed. 






BaA^r * ^ **^® ^^^^ ^^ August there was an order for 
proceeding guards to defend the preacher at St. FauFs Cross, 
occasioned by what had happened to Bourn. It seems 
few came to hear the sermons, for the lord mayor 
was ordered *^ to make the ancients of the compa- 
nies resort to the sermons, lest the preacher should 
be discouraged by a small audience.** On the 2Sd 
of August Gardiner was declared lord chancellor. 
Rymer, Here I shall set down the appointments of the lord 
chancellor as they were settled at that time. There 
was a privy seal given for wages and diets, and for 
the masters in chancery, for 542/. 15^. yearly : 50^ 
was ordered for attending on the star-chamber ev^ 
term ; and, besides that, a salary was given of 300/. 
and 64/. for twelve tun of wine, and 16/. for wax. 
All these were granted the 21st of September, but 
were to commence from the 23d of August. On the 
24th of August there was an order sent to the 
keeper of Newgate to receive and keep John Mel- 
vil, a Scot, and a very seditious preacher ; so he was 
called in the warrant. On the same day a letter 
was written to the mayor of Canterbury, to set Pan- 
ton, vicar of St. Dunstan's, and one Burden, on the 
pillory for seditious words against the queen ; and 
to take bonds at their discretion for their good 
abearing. On the 26th of August a letter was writ 
to the mayor of Coventry to apprehend Symonds, a 
vicar there, and to send him up with such matter as 
can be procured to charge him with ; " and to pu- 
** nish at their discretion such slanderous talkers, as 
" by his lewd preaching have had dissolute and se- 
" ditious talk." 



THE REFORMATION. 4S5 

Here is a great deal of heat in ten days time, book 
]!rannier was called before the council in the begin- 



ling of August; probably on the account of his^^?^" 
igning king Edward's will, and acting upon it : but cnnmer. 

Hooper. 

ince so many of those who had signed it were then and oUitn. 
t the council-board, they were perhaps ashamed to 
iroceed further against him, who had opposed it so 
Quch. He had for that time only a severe repri- 
nand, and was commanded to keep his house. He was 
nrought again before some of the queen's commis- 
ioners, being dted to appear, and to bring the in- - 
rentory of his goods with him. He brought it, but 
lo further proceedings against him are mentioned 
it that time. On the 29th of August Hooper ap- 
peared before the council. On the 1st of Septem- 
ler he was sent to the Fleet, no regard being had 
o the active zeal that he had expressed in assert- 
ng the queen's right, and against the lady Jane; 
o sincerely did he follow the dictates of his con- 
oence, when he could not but see what conse- 
juences it was like to have. On the 2d, order was 
^ven that his servant might attend on him. On 
;he 31st of August, Coverdale appeared before them, 
md in respect that he was a foreigner, he was or- 
lered to attend till further order. On the 2d of 
September, Sanders, vicar in Coventry, appeared be- 
bre the council, and a letter was written to the 
nayor of Leicester to bring up their vicar. On the 
Ith of September, Latimer was summoned to ap- 
pear, and a letter was written to the mayor of Co- 
irentry to set Symonds at liberty, upon his repent- 
ance, for a wish he had uttered, wishing they were 
hanged that said mass : if he refused to do that, the 
mayor was to give notice of it. 



4^6 THE HISTORY OF 

PART On the 5th of September a letter was written to 
sir John Sidenham, to let the strangers depart, and 



J 553. ^ gjyg them a passport. This related to the coo* 
gregation of the foreigners that had settled, in <mier 
to set up a manufacture at Glassenburj. On the 
10th of September a letter of thanks was ordered 
for the gentlemen of Cornwall, for their honest pro- 
ceeding in electing knights for the parliament. It 
seems there was some debate about it with the 
sheriff; for a letter was written to him to accept of 
the election, and not to trouble the county for any 
alteration. On the 13th of September it is entered, 
that Latimer for his seditious demeanour should be 
close prisoner in the Tower, with a servant to at- 
tend him. On the same day, Cranmer was ordered 
to appear the 'next day at the star-chamber. On 
the 14th, in the star-chamber, Cranmer, as well for 
his treason against the queen, as for spreading se- 
ditious bills moving tumults, to the disquieting the 
present state, was sent to the Tower, and referred 
to justice. There are several orders made for re- 
storing all chalices to churches, together with all 
other goods belonging to them, though they had 
been sent into the great wardrobe. On the 4th of 
October the archbishop of York was committed to 
the Tower for divers offences ; and Horn, the dean 
of Duresme, was summoned again and again, but he 
thought fit to go beyond sea. Nothing gave more 
offence than the promoting petitions for retaining 
the doctrine and service settled in king Edward's 
time. Those of Maidstone were charged with it; 
and this is on several occasions mentioned in the 
council-book : but as the government was thus set 
to overthrow all that had been done in king Ed- 



THE REFORMATION. 4S7 

ward's time ; so the fierceness of the popish party book 

made them on many occasions outrun the govern 1— . 

ment. Some of the clergy continued to perform the '^^* 
daily worship, and to celebrate the sacrament : more 
they durat not do in public, all preaching being for- 
bidden. The people that favoured the reformation 
frequented the service with great devotion and zeal: 
for all saw what was coming on them ; and so they 
studied to prepare themselves for it. Some of the 
ruder multitudes came into their churches, and dis- 
turbed them while they were at their devotions: 
ibey insulted the ministers, and laughed at their 
wor^p; and there were every where informers 
with false stories to charge the more zealous preach- 
ers. In many places the people broke in violently 
into churches, and set up altars, and the mass in 
tbem, before the parliament met to change the 
laws. 

The duke of Northumberland showed that abject- The duke 
ness of mind, that might have been expected from umber- ' 
so insolent a man, loaded with so much guilt : he {iS^^li^ut 
begged his life with all possible meanness, that ^i°^»°- 
might do penance all the days of his life, if it were 
m a mousehole. He went to mass in the Tower, 
and received the sacrament in the popish manner. 
He sent for Gardiner, and asked him if there was no 
hope for him to live, and do penance for his sins. 
The bishop said, his offence was great, and he would 
do well to provide for the worst ; especially to see 
that he stood well with Gtod in matters of conscience 
and religion : for to speak plainly, he said, he 
thought he must die. The duke desired he might 
have a learned priest sent him, for his confession 
and spiritual comfort. ** For religion, he said, he 



488 THE HISTORY OF 

r ART " could be of no other tmt of his : he ne^er wu of 

III • 

« any other indeed : he complied in Idng Edwatfi 



1553. (c ^yg Q||]y out of ambition, for which he pv^^ed 
'* Grod to forgive him ; and he promised that he 
*' would declare that at his death." The bishop 
many many tears, and seemed to be troubled for 
and, as he reported himself, he pressed the 
much, that he had almost gained her consent tar im 
life. But the emperor, who was then designing tke 
marriage, that took effect afterwards, saw what a 
struggle there might be against that, and what n»- 
chief such a man might afterwards do. So he 
wrote his advice for his death positively to the 
queen : and he was executed, and died as he had 
lived. 
otbentuf- Gatcs and Palmer, who suffered with him, had 
hun. tried how far the going to mass, and recdving the 
sacrament in the popish way, could save them : but 
when they were brought to suffer, Grates confessed, 
" that he had lived as viciously as any in the world. 
He was a great reader of the scriptures ; but no 
man followed them less : he read them only to dis- 
pute. He exhorted people to consider how they 
** read God's holy word, otherwise it would be but 
poison to them. Palmer thanked God for his afflic- 
tion, and said, he had learned more in one dark 
" comer of the Tower, than he had ever learned 
" formerly : he had there come to see God in his 
" works, and in his mercies ; and had seen himself a 
" mass of sin, and of all vileness the vilest." He 
seemed not daunted with the fear of death, though 
he saw two die before him, and the bloody axe 
coming to finish the business on himself. I find no- 
thing new with relation to the session of parliament 



it 






THE REFORMATION. 408 

The writ, upon which the convocation was sum- book 
was directed to Cranmer, but eicecuted by 



, bishop of London. Weston was chosen pro-^J^^^^^ 
; and the queen sent a message to them to ^^^" *°°'- 
about religion. I gave formerly an account 
disputation, and can add little to it. The 
tell us, that Philips, who was one of the 
that refused to subscribe, did, on the 30th of 
^Apalf recant and subscribe. It is indeed of little 
[uence to inquire into the proceedings of the 
ivocation during this reign ; in which all the old 
motions of popery were taken up, even before they 
were enacted : though both this convocation and the 
next were summoned by the queen's writ, with the 
title of supreme head of the church. 

There was at this time an infamous slander set 
about, of the queen's being with child by Gardiner. 
The queen's whole life being innocent as to all such 
things, that might have made them to despise such 
a report, rather than to trace it up : besides, Gar- 
diner's great age made, that none could believe it. 
But the earl of Sussex, in his officious zeal, pursued 
it through eight or ten hands : and one at last was 
indicted for having reported it ; though such an ab- 
surd lie had, perhaps, been better neglected than 
so minutely inquired into. In the same letter that mss. p«. 
mentions this, the earl of Sussex gives an account of ^ ' 
examinations, touching a design for an insurrection, 
upon the arrival of the prince of Spain. 

The emperor had, on the 21st of December, a treaty oi 
signed a commission, empowering the count of Eg-JJuh'Jbe 
mond, and others, to treat a marriage between his g^^ °' 
son and the queen. Upon their coming to England, 
the queen gave a commission, on the 1st of January, 



4fS0 THE HISTORY OF 

FART to the lord chancellor, and others, to treat with 

' them. And prince Philip of Spain did, on the 28tk 

1553. Qf ApriU send from Vallidolid full powers to the 
same effect. That which quickened the treaty wai» 
an account of a vast treasure that was come with 
the fleet from the West-Indies to Seville ; reckoned 
to have brought over five millions, as Mason wrote 
from Brussels. He does not denominate the mil- 
lions, whether pounds, or crowns. He wishes the 
half were true. It was necessary to have a gnat 
treasure in view : for though I never found any hint 
of the corrupting of parliament-men before thii 
time, yet there was now an extraordinary occasioD 
for it ; and they saw where only the treasure to fur- 
nish it could be had. A concurrence of many cu> 
cumstances seemed to determine all things for this 
marriage. Every thing was agreed to : the condi- 
tions seemed to be of great advantage to the nation. 
Part iii. In this treaty of marriage, if Csesar Campana (who 
wrote Philip's life very copiously) was well informed, 
Philip himself was extremely disgusted at it : for he 
desired to be married to a wife more suited to his 
own age. He adds another particular, " that the 
" nation showed such an aversion to it, that the 
count of Egmond, with the others sent over to 
treat about it, saw themselves in such danger, that 
they were forced to fly away, that they might 
^' avoid it : and a parliament was to be called, to 
" approve of the conditions of the treaty." 
Wy»f8 ris- Sir Thomas Wyat was a man that had been oft 
prfncrpies. cmploycd iu embassies, particularly in Spain ; where 
he had made such observations upon the subtilty 
and cruelty of the Spaniards, and of the treatment 
that such kingdoms and provinces met with, that 






1554. 



THE REFORMATION. 481 

'came under their yoke, that he could not look on book 
the misery that his country was like to fall under - 
without a just concern about it. He was the duke 
of Northumberland's kinsman, yet he would not 
join in lady Jane's business : and before he knew 
that any others had done it, he proclaimed the 
queen at Maidstone ; bgt he did not, upon that, run 
to her for thanks, as others did : yet the queen was 
80 sensible of his loyalty and zeal for her, that she 
sent her thanks to him by the earl of Arundel ; to 
whom he appealed, as to this particular, when he 
was under examination in the Tower. He had ob- 
tained a pass to go beyond sea ; but his lady being 
with child, he stayed to see the end of that. No- 
thing set him on to raise the country as he did, but 
his love and zeal for the public. He never pretended 
that religion was his motive : many papists joined 
with him. When he passed by Charing-Cross, he 
might have turned to Whitehall, which was but ill 
defended ; for many of the earl of Pembroke's men 
came over to him. This showed that he meant 
no harm to the queen's person. His marching into 
London was on design to engage the city to come 
and join with him in a petition to the queen against 
the Spanish match. The queen herself was so satis- 
fied, as to his good intentions, that she intended to 
have pardoned him, had not a message from the 
prince of Spain determined her to order his head to 
be cut off. I suppose there may be a mistake.here ; 
and that it was the emperor, then in Flanders, and 
not the prince of Spain, who was yet in Spain, that 
sent this advice. He never accused the lady Eliza- 
beth : but being entangled by questions in one ex- 
amination, he had said somewhat reflecting on the 



4S2 THE HISTORY OF 

PART earl of Devonshire : for this he b^ged his pardon. 
'"• And when he was on the scaffold, he not only deared 



*^^^- the lady Elizabeth, but referred himself with relation 
to her innocence, and that she was not privy to their 
matters, to the declaration he had made to the coun- 
Ex MS. pe.cil. All this account concerning him I take from a 
^^*' relation that his son gave afterwards to the lord 
Burleigh, marked with that lord's hand on it. It 
seems the priests at this time understood the in- 
terests of their cause better than others did above 
an age after : for they moved the queen to show a 
signal act of mercy, and to pardon all that had been 
engaged in this rising. 
Lady Jane Only it gavc a colour to the severity against the 
c^^ lady Jane Gray and her husband. She was the 
wonder and delight of all that knew her. I have 
two of her letters in Latin, writ to Bullinger, copied 
from the originals all in her own hand, written in a 
pure and unaffected style. She was then entering 
on the study of the Hebrew, in the method that 
Bullinger advised her. She expresses in her letters 
a wonderful respect and submission to him, with a 
great strain of modesty, and a very singular zeal for 
religion. There being nothing in those letters that 
is in any sort historical, I thought it was not proper 
to put them in my Collection ; though one cannot 
read them, without a particular veneration for the 
memory of so young and so rare a creature. 
Severities And uow the govemmcnt, finding all things under 
mHrrieti their fcct, did begin to show to the whole nation 
cJe'^y- what was to be expected. All that adhered to the 
reformation were sure to be excluded from all fa- 
vour : commissions were sent over the whole king- 
dom, to proceed, as upon other points, so particularly 



THE REFORMATION. 483 

against the married clergy. These came to York, book 
directed to the guardian of the spiritualties in that ^' 



place : and the dean and chapter were authorized by l^^^- 

the queen to act pursuant to their instructions. And 

they acted as in a vacancy : though the commission 

to proceed against the archbishop bears date the I6th 

of March ; yet, on the 9th of March, they sent out 

a general citation of the clergy to appear before them 

on the 12th of March. They did not indeed befrin Reg. Ebor. 

Sede V»c f 

to deprive any before the 27th of April : and from 65, 66. 
that day to the 20th of December they deprived one 
and fifty, of whom several were prebendaries. 

I will here insert a short account of the unjust 
and arbitrary deprivations of the married clergy, 
that was published by Parker, afterwards archbi- 
shop of Canterbury. ^^ What examples have they 
'* in stories beforetime, that deprivations have been 
'' thus handled before our days ? I will not speak of 
particular cases ; where some men have been de- 
prived, never convict, no, nor never called : some 
** called, that were fast locked in prison ; and yet 
they were nevertheless deprived immediately. 
Some were deprived without the case of marriage 
" after their order : some induced to resign, upon 
** promise of pension, and the promise as yet never 
performed. Some so deprived, that they were 
spoiled of their wages, for the which they served 
" the half-year before ; and, not ten days before the 
receipt, sequestered from it. Some prevented from 
the half-year's receipt, after charges of tenths and 
subsidies paid, and yet not deprived six weeks 
after. Some deprived of their receipt somewhat 
" before the day, with the which their fruits to the 
'^ queen's majesty should be contented ; and some 

VOL. III. F f 






« 









434 THE HISTORY OF 

PART <* yet in the like case chargeable hereafter, if the 

.'_ " queen's merciful grace be not informed thereof, by 

1554. « |.jjg mediation of some charitable solicitor. And 

" a little after, there were deprived, or driven away, 

^' twelve of sixteen thousand, as some writer maketh 

Aggrmrated << his accouut." But thcrc are good reasons to think, 

bj some. 

that numbers have been wrong taken of this. Among 
other suggestions. Dr. Tanner has sent me this ; that 
the diocese of Norwich is reckoned almost an eighth 
part of all England ; and he finds, there were only 
335 clei^men deprived on that account: by this 
the whole number will fall short of 3000. This, it 
is true, is but a conjecture ; yet it is a very probable 
one : and the other account is no way credible. 

I shall, to this, only add another short account of 
the proceedings at that time, published by Aylmer, 
afterwards bishop of London. ** The bishops that 
** were married were thi*ust out of the parliament- 
*^ house ; and all married deans and archdeacons out 
" of the convocation. Many put out of their livings, 

" and others restored, without form of law. 

" Many churches were changed, many altars set up, 
" many masses said, many dirges sung, before the 
" law was repealed." From these accounts we may 
easily believe, that, when the laws were altered, 
there was a vigorous and a speedy execution of 
them. 
The queen After all matters relating to the queen's marriage 

writes the 

first letter wcrc Settled, the emperor sent a fleet for the prince 
PhUipf ^^ Spain : and upon that occasion the queen was 
prevailed on to break through all forms, and to write 
the first love-letter to him ; of which, having met 
Collect, with the original, I have put it in the Collection, as 
Numb. 13. ^ singularity in such matters. She tells him, " that 



THE REFORMATION. 436 

" she understanding that the emperor's ambassador book 

w m 



«( 

u 

£4 



€€ 
€€ 



was sending the bearer to him, though he had not-. 
written since their alliance had been a treating; ^^^'^• 
yet she, thinking herself obliged by the sincere 
** affection that he had for her, confirmed by good 
effects, and by the letters that he had written to 
the emperor's ambassador, could not restrain her- 
^ self from letting him know the duty, in which she 
** intended to correspond always with him : and she 
'* thanked him for all his good offices. She ac- 
quainted him, that her parliament had, without 
any opposition, agreed to the articles of their mar- 
riage, and thought them honourable, advantageous, 
** and more than reasonable. This gave her an en- 
tire confidence, that his coming to England should < 
be safe, and agreeable to him. She ends, recom- 
mending herself most affectionately and humbly to 
his highness, as being his entirely assured, and most 
obliged aUy." 

But, the matter of the marriage being settled, and Proceed- 
afterwards executed, I will now look again into the heretics. 
proceedings of the council. On the I6th of January, 
one Wotton, called an esquire, was committed to be 
close prisoner in the Fleet for his obstinate standing 
against matters of religion. On the 14th of Febru- 
ary, letters were written to the lord Rich, and to sir 
John Wentworth, to punish some in Colchester, 
Coxall, and other places, who dissuaded people from 
frequenting such divine service as was then ap- 
pointed by law to be observed. Upon this, many 
were committed, and others put under recognizances 
to appear. On the 8th of March, an order was sent 
to the lieutenant of the Tower, to deliver Cranmer, 
Ridley, and Latimer to sir John Williams, who was 

Ff2 \ 



€€ 



€€ 
€€ 
U 
M 
4€ 



486 THE HISTORY OF 

PART to carry them to Oxford. On the S6th of Maidi, 

III 

an order was given to send up Taylor, parson of 



1554. jiadley ; and Askew of West-Hillesly. Barlow, bi- 
shop of Bath and Welb, was carried beyond sea, by 
one Williams, a mariner of Bristol ; who, returning 
to Pembrokeshire, some gentlemen there seized on 
him, and sent him to London : so he was sent to the 
Marshalsea, and a letter of thanks was written to 
those who had seized on him ; so careful were they 
to encourage every officious show of zeal. 

A contoca. But uow Came on the second convocation in this 
reign, in which all that was done was, that the pro^ 
locutor Weston, with some deputed to go along with 
him, were ordered to go to Oxford, to dispute with 
the three bishops. Of which I can add nothing to 
the account I formerly gave of it. On the 27th of 
April, Weston returned and reported the conference 
or examination of Cranmer, and the two other bi- 
shops, attested under the seal of the university : and 
soon after that they were dismissed ; for the parlia- 
ment met on the 2d of April, and was dismissed on 
the 5th of May. 

cranmers On the 3d of May, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer 

treason par- , , , , 

doned,that being judged obstinate heretics, the judges were 
burntf ^ ^ asked what the queen might do, since Cranmer was 
attainted. He was a man dead in law, and not 
capable of any other censure ; and this seems to be 
the true reason that moved the queen to pardon the 
treason, upon which he was already condemned : for 
though he was very earnest to obtain a pardon for 
that, it does not appear that there was any regard 
had to him in granting it ; but, on the contrary, it 
seems it was resolved that he should be burnt as a 
heretic : and since that could not be done while he 



THE REFORMATION. 487 

ttood condemned of treason^ this seems to be the book 
only motive of that mercy, which, in this case, was 



certainly done out of cruelty. On the 20th of May, ^^^^' 
a servant of the lady Elizabeth's was brought before 
the council : but there is nothing in particular men- 
tioned, only he was required to attend. There were 
suspicions of her being concerned in Wyat's rebellion, 
as appeared in the account given of Wyat himself. 
It is alleged, that Grardiner studied to suborn false 
witnesses to charge her with that; and that this 
went so far, that a warrant was brought to Bridges, 
the lieutenant of the Tower, for her execution ; but Reply to 
that he would* not obey it, till he knew the queen's g^"** ^' 
pleasure. Some credit seems due to this, since it 
was published in her reign, and was not contradict- 
ed, nor denied, as far as I can find. But it seems to 
be denied in a declaration set forth many years after 
by herself when she was queen ; which shall be men- 
tioned in its proper place. On the 25th of May, 
some in Stepney were ordered to be set on the pil- 
lory for spreading false news ; the ears of one were 
ordered to be nailed to the pillory, and then cut off. 
On the 26th of May, sir Henry Bedingfield was sent 
with instructions, signed by the queen, for the order- 
ing the lady Elizabeth. 

On the 1st of June, an order was sent to the 
bishop of London, to send discreet and learned 
preachers into Essex, to reduce the people there. 
Bonner seemed to think of no way of reducing any, 
but by severity and force ; so that the council found 
it necessary to put him in mind of his pastoral care. 
Orders were then given for the reception of the 
prince of Spain. Some were ordered to be set on a 
pillory, and their ears were to be nailed to it, and 

Ff8 



438 THE HISTORY OF 

PART cut oflf. The duchess of Northumberland derired 

"'• that her sons might hear mass in the Tower : this 

1554, was granted, but order was given that none might 

speak with them. On the 11th of June, orders were 

given to receive the duke of Savoy at Dover. And 

on the 5th of July, order was given to punish those 

who were concerned in the imposture, called tiie 

spirit in the wall. On the 6th of July, some of the 

lady Elizabeth's servants were committed for lewd 

words of the state of the kingdom. On the 24th of 

July, two treaties for the queen's marriage, made by 

the lord Fitzwater, who had been ambassador in 

Spain, were given to the lord treasurer. 

The couD- Now the marriage was made, and the jollities on 

cu orders guch Qccasions put somc stop to severities: but it 

•erere pro- * * 

cecdinp. was a short one; for, on the 15th of August, letters 
were writ to the justices of peace in Sussex, to 
punish those who railed at the mysteries of Christ's 
religion. I must observe here once for all, that the 
letters themselves, writ by the council, are not en- 
tered in the book : these would have set out parti- 
culars much more clearly than those short entries 
do : but there were forms of those letters put in a 
chest, and the council-book refers us often to the 
letter in the chest. On the 19th of August, letters 
of thanks are ordered to Tiri'ell, and others, for their 
care, ordering them to imprison all such as came not 
to divine service; and to keep them in prison till 
they had the comfort of their amendment. Several 
men and women were imprisoned in Huntington- 
shire. The 20th of August, mention is made of 
' some in prison for words. On the 21st of August, 
an order was sent to examine into a conspiracy in 
Suffolk, by certain lewd persons. On the 16th of 



THE REFORMATION. ' 489 

September, a letter was ordered to the lord mayor book 
and aldermen of London, to punish the spreaders of. 



false rumours. ^^^'^• 

But now came on the great affair of the recon-Th«recon~ 

ciliatioo 

citing the nation to the see of Rome. The two for- with Rome 
mer parliaments could not be brought up to that ; so ^"^° 
the court was willing to accept all that they could y 

be brought to; but when they saw at what they 
stuck, they were sent home : and some were so weak 
as to think, that, by yielding in some things, they 
should give the court such content, as to save the 
rest. They were willing to return back to that state 
of religion, in which king Henry left it ; and did not 
rightly apprehend that nothing could give the queen 
an entire content, but a total reconciliation with 
the pope : whereas those who could not come up to 
this ought to have stood firm at first, and not, by 
giving ground, have encouraged the court to com- 
pass their whole design. The queen was more than 
ordinary solicitous to get a parliament chosen to her 
mind. She wrote a letter to the earl of Sussex ; and 
probably she wrote to all those in whom she con- 
fided, in the same strain. It will be found in the 
Collection. '' She had now summoned a parliament coUect. 
" to the 12th of November, in which she expected "" ''^ 
^ to be assisted by him ; and that he would admon- 
'* ish her good subjects, who had a right to elect the 
^* members, to choose men of the wise, grave, and 
^ catholic sort; such as indeed meant the true 
'^ honour of God, and the prosperity of the common- 
** wealth ; which she and the king her husband did 
** intend, without the alteration of any particular 
'* man's possession ; which, among other false ni- 

Ff4 



440 THE HISTORY OF 

PART '' mours, the hinderers of her good purposes, and 
"'• " the favourers of heretics, did most untruly report. 
1554. <c g^g desired him to come up against the feast of 
'* All-Saints at the furthest, that she might confer 
^^ with him about those matters, that were to be 
'< treated of in parliament." This is dated the 6th 
of October ; and so careful was that lord to merit 
the continuance of the queen's confidence, that, on 
the 14th of October, he wrote to the gentlemen of 
the county, to reserve their voices for the person 
whom he should name : he also wrote to the town 
of Yarmouth for a burgess. But now to open more 
V particularly the great matter that was to be trans- 
acted in this parliament, 
roieteni When the news of the change of government in 
that end. England, and of the queen's intentions, were brought 
to Rome, it was not possible to deliberate long, who 
was the properest person to be sent l^ate. Pole 
had so many meritorious characters on him, that, be- 
sides the signification of the queen's desire, no other 
person could be thought on. A. Harmer has given 
the bull, upon which he was sent from Rome. It is 
dated the 5th of August, 1553, though the queen 
came not to London till the 3d of August : and 
Comendone, who carried her message to the pope, 
was in London on the 23d ; for he saw the duke of 
Northumberland's execution. It seems that at Rome, 
upon king Edward's death, they took it for granted, 
both that her right would take place, and that she 
would reconcile her kingdom again to that see : and 
therefore the bull was prepared. Pole had at that 
time retired 300 miles from Rome, to an abbey upon 
the lake, now called De Garda: in his absence he 



THE REFORMATION. 441 

was declared legate ; upon which he wrote a letter to boo It 
the queen on the 13th of August, which I have put 



in the CoUection. ^ 1^^4- 

Collect. 

" He begins, expressing his joy at her exaltation. Numb. 15. 
« more particularly at the manner of it; which he^eq^n!*" 
** reckons a singular work of an immediate Provi- 
^ dence : in which, as indeed the subject seemed to 
** allow it, he enlarges very copiously. And since 
•* she carried the name of the blessed Virgin, he 
^ calls on her to say the Magnificat, applying it to 
^^ the late providences of God towards herself. He 
*^ desires her to consider what was the beginqing of 
*^ all the miseries that England had felt ; it was the «* 
'* king her father's departing from the apostolic see^ 
'^ and the catholic church. He was a witness to all 
'* the steps made in that matter. He had upon all 
** occasions asserted both her mother's marriage, and 
^ her own right : and had done and suffered much 
•' on that account. He was therefore now most par- 
ticularly concerned to know what her mind was 
with relation to religion ; and though he was then 
•• 300 miles from Rome, he was named legate, to be 
sent to her, to the emperor, and to the French 
king ; therefore he sent one to her to know her 
*^ mind. He did not doubt of it ; for no person owed 
** more to the apostolic see than she did, since it was 
** upon her account that so much outrage had been 
" done to it. So, before he would proceed in his 
•* legatine function, he desired to know her pleasure 
** more particularly." 

Upon this she wrote an answer on the 10th of The queen'i 
October, which is also in the Collection. " She coiiert. 
** thanked him for all the kind expressions in his^""**-'^- 
*' letter ; and in particular for the good advice he 






it 



U 



4452 THE HISTORY OP . 

' *' gave her. She was full of reverence and obedience 
_ '< to the holy see ; but it was a great trouble to her, 
'* that she could not yet declare her mind openly in 
** that matter. As soon as it was safe for her to do 
*' ity she would let him know it. His messenger 
'^ would tell him all particulars : she was thea 
^* crowned. She hoped the parliament would repeal 
^ all the bad laws : and that she should obtain the 
pope's pardon for all her own faults. She sends 
by him her most humble thanks to the pope for 
his clemency to her, and for his readiness to for- 
*^ get all that is past." With this she sent back Or- 
manet to him. The bull that the pope sent to Pole 
is all a rhetorical panegyric upon the queen's coming 
to the crown, and on her pious intentions. But 
bulls being often in a common form, it is not in it* 
but in the breves, that we are to seek the powers, or 
instructions, given to Pole. There was a part of 
cardinal Pole's register conveyed to me, about a 
year after my second volume was printed : a short 
account of the most remarkable things in it was then 
printed, in a letter directed to me. The characters 
of the truth of the papers are visible ; some of them 
are in Latin, and some in Italian : and because I 
look on this as a matter of great consequence, I wOl 
give a very particular account of them. 

The first paper, which will be found in the Col- 
lection, is the breve, that was at first sent him, of 
the pope's own motion ; and bears date the 8th of 
March 1554. By it, " Pole is empowered to receive 
" all heretics, of both sexes and of all ranks, even 
bishops and archbishops, communities as well as 
single persons, of what heresies soever guilty, 
though relapsed in them, upon their true and un- 






THE REFORMATION- 44S 

** feigned repentance; and to absolve them from all book 



f€ 
€€ 
€€ 
€€ 



^* pains and censures, how long soever they had con- - 
" tinned in their errors, and though their sins were *^^^* 
reserved immediately to the holy see. And he 
was empowered to pardon all irregularities run 
into by them, and all the bigamies of ecclesiastical 
persons ; they first relinquishing their wives : not- 
withstanding which, they might be continued in 
'* their orders and functions, and might be capable 
*' of all ecclesiastical promotions ; all infamy being 
pardoned, provided they, with a contri^ heart, 
should sacramentally confess their sins to any ca- 
'* tholic priest, at their choice, and submit to such 
penance as he should enjoin : excusing them from 
alf public confession, abjuration, or open penance. 
Absolving all communities from any unlawful pac- 
tions in favour of others, though confirmed by 
oaths. Empowering him to receive all regulars, 
and to absolve them from the censures of apostasy ; 
allowing them to possess benefices as seculars. 
Dispensing with the strict observation of Lent, as 
'' to milk, meats, and eggs; and even flesh, upon 
•• the allowance of either the confessor or the phy- 
" sician. Giving him authority to sufier such of the 
clergy, under the degree of a bishop, who were 
married, upon their true conversion, to live in that 
" state, so that no scandals were given by it : only 
" they were not to minister at the altar, nor to do 
•* any ecclesiastical function ; but they might law- 
" fully continue in the married state, the issue being 
" declared lawful. To this is added, a power of 
•* uniting of benefices." 

Next comes the clause concerning the possessors 
of ecclesiastical goods. '^ He is empowered to agree. 



4( 









444 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << transact, and dischai^ them, for all the profiti 
' << they had wickedly received, and for the moveable 
^^^^* << goods that they had consumed ; the immaceabk 
*^ good^f that have been hy them unduly detained^ 
** being first restored^ if that should seem to ht 
** convenient to him. And whatever should arise 
*' out of any such agreement, was to be applied to 
" the church, to which such goods had belonged, or 
*' for the advancement of studies, and to schoob. 
** There is likewise a power granted, to delegate 
*^ othersdunder him, for the care and performance of 
** all these particulars. But because he was to go 
^* first to Flanders, and stay in those parts for some 
time; the pope gave him authority to execute 
these powers, even while he was without the kiag- 
^* dom, to all persons belonging to it, that shook! 
** apply to him, particularly with relation to all 
** orders unduly received ; and to confirm bishops or 
archbishops, who had been promoted by a secular 
nomination, during the schism, and had assisted 
** the former kings, though they had fallen into he- 
resy, upon their return to the unity of the church: 
and to provide to metropolitical or cathedral 
churches such persons as should be recommended 
to him by the queen, according to the customs of 
the kingdom, upon any vacancy : and to absoKe 
*' and reabilitate all clergymen of all ranks, notwith- 
** standing their past errors. All these powers are 
•' confirmed, with a full nan ohstante to all constitu- 
" tions whatsoever." 
Cardinal Here was a great fulness of favour, with relation 

Pole stop- ° 

pedinFian-to all personal things. When Pole (whose name I 

emperor. * wrftc as he himsclf did, and not as we usually do) 

came to Flanders, he was stopped by the emperor's 












THE REFORMATION. 446 

order till his powers were seen, and sent to Eng- book 
land. When they were seen, they were considered 



as £eu* short of what was expected, and of what ^^^^' 
seemed necessary for the carrying on the reconcilia- 
tion quietly through the nation : so Pole sent Or- 
manet to Rome for fuller powers, and retired to Dili- 
gam-abbey, near Brussels. While he was there, he 
heard the news of Philip's arrival in England, and 
of the queen's being mamed to him : upon which 
he wrote a letter of congratulation to the bishop of 
Arras, which is in the Collection : and on Ihe same coUeet 
day he wrote this acceptable piece of news to the ""'•*" 
cardinal de Monte ; which is also in the Collection. coUect. 
In the postscript to the bishop of An*as, he tells him, "" ' *'' 
that Ormanet was returned with fuller powers. He 
brought with him two breves. 

The first is of no importance to this matter : but 
because it was thought to be suppressed on design, 
by the writer of the letter directed to me by him 
that wrote on this subject in king James's time, it is 
put in the Collection. It sets forth, " that he was coiiect. 
** sent first to the queen of England; and after that^"™**- *®- 
** he was constituted legate a latere, for mediating fuiier 
** a peace between the emperor and the king of ^^*" 
** France. He had also very ample powers given ^°^*- 
** him, while he remained in Flanders, with relation 
'^ to English persons and afiairs. But since, by 
** reason of the schism, and other errors, many cases 
" might happen, that wanted a provision from the 
** apostolical see, which could not be comprehended 
" within the faculties given him : and because it is 
** doubtful, whether he may yet use them in the 
'* queen's dominions ; and which of them shall be 
'^ made use of, while he is either with the emperor 



446 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « or the king of France: the pope gives him M 
_ " power to make use of all faculties sent to him, hj 

1554. u himself, or by any other deputed hy him ; and to 
^* do every thing that he shall think will conduce to 
" the glory of God, the honour of the holy see, and 
^^ the bringing the queen's dominions to the commu- 
*^ nion of the church, as fully as may be. And whik 
** he remained with the emperor, he gave him all the 
** powers of a legate a latere, for all his dominions : 
'* and he gave him the same powers, while he should 
" be with the king of France.'* 
Collect. The other breve, which is also in the Collection, 

wtih^re*! ^*^ forth, " that, upon the hopes of reducing the 
tioo to « kingdom of England, that had been torn from the 
lADdt. *< body of the catholic church, to an union with it, 
out of which there is no salvation ; the pope had 
sent him his legate a latere, with all the powers 
that seemed necessary or proper for effecting that 
work: in particular, to agree and transact with 
the possessors of church-goods concerning them. 
And whereas, by the beginnings and progress al- 
ready made, there is good hopes of bringing that 
" work to a full perfection ; which will go on the 
easier, the more indulgent and bountiful the pope 
shows himself, with relation to the possessions of 
those goods : the pope therefore, not willing that 
the recovering that nation, and the salvation of so 
many souls, should be obstructed by any worldly 
regards, in imitation of the good father, who re- 
" ceived the returning prodigal, he empowered Pole, 
" in whose prudence and dexterity he put an entire 
" confidence, to treat with all the possessors or de- 
" tainers of ecclesiastical goods, for whom the queen 
** should intercede ; and to transact and compound 



€i 

u 

it 
it 



a 
tt 

ii 



THE REFORMATION. 447 

•• with them, that they might, without any scruple, book 
^* enjoy and retain the said goods : and to conclude 






1554. 



every thing that was proper or necessaiy with re- 
lation to them. Saving always such things^ in 
which, for the greatness and importance of them, 
^ it shall seem ft to you to consult this holy see, 
^ to obtain our approbation and confirmation.*^ 
Upon which he is fully empowered to proceed, with 
a full non obstante, bearing date the 28th of June. 
With these breves, cardinal de Monte wrote him a 
letter, in the Roman way, of a high compliment; 
which is in the Collection. collect. 

The next letter is from cardinal Morone ; which 
is likewise in the Collection. By this it appears, coucct 
that Pole had gone to France, upon his legatine 
commission : and, after the usual Roman civilities, 
^ he tells him, he had laid his letter before the pope, 
** who was beginning to despair of the affairs of 
*' England : and though the pope had not the pa- 
** tience to read, or hear his letter, which was his 
" ordinary custom, yet he told him the sum of it; 
*^ with which he was satisfied : and said, he had 
" given no cause, neither to the emperor, nor to any 
" other, to use such extravagant words to him. It 
^ seems Pole had desired to be recalled ; but the 
'* pope said, that could not be done. It would be a 
** great disgrace both to the pope and to the apo- 
** stolical see, to the emperor himself, and to cardi- 
'* nal Pole ; and a great prejudice to England. But 
" h6 would not write to the emperor upon it : nor 
** was he resolved about the goods of the church ; 
*• concerning which he spoke often very variously. 
'^ He resolved to write both to the queen and to the 
^* prince of Spain ; which letters, he adds, will be 



44S THE HISTORY OF 

PART « sent by Ormanet, who is despatched with everj 

'. — ** thing necessary for the business, conform to hb 

1554. "desire." The rest is all compliment; dated the 
13th of July. Then follows a breve, merely in pdnt 
of form, extending the former powers, that were ad- 
dressed only to the queen, to Philip her husband; 
dated the 10th of July. 
AU wM Upon this, the emperor being then at Valenci- 

fore the euucs, the cardinal sent Ormanet thither ; who gave 
emperor. ^^ accouut of his audicucc to Priuli, the legate's 
great and generous friend, which will be found in 
couect. the Collection. The bishop of Arras told him how 
™ * *^* much the emperor had the matters of religion at 
heart ; and that he would be always ready to pro- 
mote them. But when Ormanet pressed him for a 
present despatch, he said they had no news from 
England since the marriage: and that before any 
other step was made, it would be necessary to know 
what ply the affairs of that kingdom were like to 
take. It was fit to consider, whether the powers of 
securing the goods of the church should come from 
the legate, or from the king and queen. Then he 
desired to see the copy of the cardinal's faculties. As 
to the point of time, Ormanet said, it was not fit to 
lose a moment, since so many souls were endangered 
by the delay ; and the first coming of the prince of 
Spain ought not to be let slip, by which the honour 
of the work would be chiefly due to him. As for 
his faculties, all things necessary were committed to 
the cardinal in the amplest manner ; and more par- 
ticular resolutions could not be taken but upon the 
place. Somewhat further passed between them, 
which Ormanet reserves till he saw the cardinal. 
The bishop of Arras promised to lay all before the 



THE REFORMATION. 440 

^emperor, and to do all good offices. The emperor book 
was at that time so well, that he was often on horse '• — 



bBck> to view his army, which had then marched to ^^^^' 
St. Amand ; and the two armies were very near one 
another. This is dated the last of July. 

On the 3d of August, the bishop of Arras wrote vet be 
to the cardinal, ^* that the emperor received his con- bj delays^. 
^ gratulations on the marriage very kindly ; but did 
^ not think it was yet proper for him to go to Eng- 
•• land, till they had a perfect account of the present 
^ state of affairs there. To know that, he had that 
^ day sent an express thither : upon his return, he 
^' should be able to give him a more positive answer. 
^ He knew the zeal of the king and queen was 
** such, that they would lose no time ; but yet they 
^ must proceed with such moderation, that the way 
•• to a true remedy might not be cut off by too 
*• much haste.*' This is in the Collection. The car- coUect. 
dinal had a letter from Bartholomew de Miranda, a ^^^^' **' 
friar, who (I suppose) was king Philip's confessor, 
and afterwards archbishop of Toledo, from Winches- 
ter, July 28. It is only a letter of respect, desiring 
his commands. The cardinal wrote to the bishop of 
Arras on the 5th of August : he sent him the copy of ^ 
his faculties, and expressed a great earnestness in 
his design of going speedily into England, as soon as 
the courier sent by the emperor should return. He 
showed himself as impatient of the delays, as in 
good manners he could well do. This is also in the 
Collection. coUcct. 

King Philip stayed at Winchester some days after 
the marriage : for, on the 4th of August, he sent 
the count of Horn over to the emperor from thence ; 
and by him he wrote a letter, partly of respect, 

VOL. III. G g 



460 THE HISTORY OF 

PART partly of credit, to the cardinaL To this the cardi- 
' nal wrote an answer, which I have put in the Col* 



1554. lection : though, besides such high compliments u 
Numb. a;, are usuallj given to princes, there is nothing par- 
ticular in it ; only he still insists earnestly for lea?e 
to come over. On the 11th of August, the bishc^ 
of Arras wrote to him, '* that he had seen the copy 
** of his faculties, and he joins with him in his 
<^ wishes, to see that kingdom restored to its ancient 
** obedience : he assures him, the emperor was press* 
^^ ing the despatch of the matter, and he did not 
^^ doubt but that it would be speedily accomplished.* 
Pole wrote on the 2d of September to Soto» the em- 
peror's confessor, ** thanking him for those pressing 
^^ letters that he had written, both to the emperor, 
** and to duke Alonso d'Aquilara ; with which the 
^^ legate was so delighted, that he writes as one in a 
** rapture upon it ; and he animates him to persist 
** in that zeal, for promoting this great work." 

ofThow*de- ^^ ^^ ^*'*^ P^^ ^^ ^^^^ "^^ delays ; of which, 
i«7«v the best account I can give is, that this being the 

decisive stroke, there was a close canvassing over 
England for the elections to this parliament. Since 
nothing can effectually ruin this nation, but a bad 
choice ; therefore, as it is the constant character of 
a good ministry, who design nothing but the welfare 
and happiness of the nation, to leave all men to a 
due freedom in their elections ; so it is the constant 
distinction of a bad ministry, that have wicked de- 
signs, to try all the methods of practice and cor- 
ruption possible, to carry such an election, that the 
nation being ill represented by a bad choice, it may 
be easy to impose any thing on a body of vicious, 
ignorant, and ill-principled men, who may find their 



THE REFORMATION- 461 

own mercenarj account in seUing and betraying book 
their country. It appeared in the two former par- ' 
liaments, who they were that could not bear the re- ^^^^' 
taming to their old. servitude to the papacy. It was, 
no doubty spread over England, that they saw the 
legate was kept in Flanders, and not suffered yet to 
ocmie over : this seems the true cause, why his com- 
ing was so long put off. It might be likewise an 
artifice of Gardiner's, to make the difficulties appear 
the greater, and by that to enhance his own merit 
the more. It is plain, that till the election was over, 
and till the pulses of the majority were first tried, it 
was resolved not to suffer the legate to come over. 
This seems to be that which he insinuates in his 
letter to the confessor, when he says, that the wis- 
dom of the tvUe has kept the gate so long shut 
against him. 

On the 18th of October, Pole wrote the pope an couect. 
account of what had passed between him and the 
bishop of Arras, ^nd the emperor himself: the bi- 
shop of Arras, as he writes, came to him, and as- 
sured him that the emperor was in the best disposi- 
tion possible ; but it was necessary to come to par- 
ticulars, to examine all the impediments, and the 
best methods to put them out of the way. The le- 
gate said he had full powers, and desired to know 
firom England what impediments were suggested. 
He added, this was not a negotiation like that in 
making a peace, where both sides did conceal their 
own designs all they could, till they discovered 
those of the contrary side : here all had but one de- 
sign, and he was ready to enter into particulars 
when they pleased. He had an audience of the em- 
peror, none but the nuncio and the bishop of Arras 



46« THE HISTORY OF 

PART being present. In it, after usual compliments, the 
' impediments proposed were two : the first related to 

1554. ^j^^ doctrine, in which there was no abatement to be 
made, nor indulgence to be showed. The other was 
concerning the lands; for the usurpers of them, 
knowing the severity of the ecclesiastical laws, were 
afraid to return to the obedience of the church. To 
this the legate answered, that the pope was resolved 
to extend his indulgence in this case : first, as to all 
the mean profits already received, and the censures 
incurred by that, which was a great point ; the pope 
was willing freely to discharge that entirely: nor 
did he intend to apply any part of these to himsdf, 
or to the apostolical see, as many feared he would; 
though that might seem reasonable, as a compensa- 
tion for damages sustained; but he would convert 
all to the service of God, and to the benefit of the 
kingdom : and he had such regard to the piety of 
those princes, that he had empowered him to grant 
such favours as they should intercede for, and to 
such persons as they should think worthy to be gra- 
tified, and were capable to assist him in the matter 
of religion. The emperor understanding all this, 
thanked the pope very heartily for his favour in 
that matter: he said he had granted enough; he 
excused himself, that, being wholly taken up with 
the present war, he had no sooner applied himself to 
consider the matter : now he knew it well : he had 
already written to England, and he expected a 
speedy answer from thence, by which he would 
know the state of affairs there. He knew, by 
his own experience in Germany, that this of the 
church-lands was the point that was most stood on : 
as to matters of doctrine, he did not believe that 



THE REFORMATION. 463 

they stood much upon that, they neither believing book 

the one nor the other; yet those lands (or goods) — 

being dedicated to God, he thought it was not fit to ' ^^'*- 
yield all up to those who possessed them : he added, 
that though the legate had told him the whole ex- 
tent of his powers, yet he would do well not to open 
that to others. He then desired to see his faculties. 
The legate upon that apprehending this would give 
a handle to a new delay, said he had already showed 
them to the bishop of Arras ; and he told the em- 
peror, what a scandal it would give to the whole 
world, if the reconciliation should not be settled by 
this parliament. The queen did not think fit to 
press it formerly, till she had received that mighty 
assistance which was now come to her by her mar- 
riage ; yet if this, which ought to have been the be- 
ginning and the foundation of all the rest, were de- 
layed any longer, it must give great offence both to 
God and man. The emperor said, regard was to be 
had to the ill disposition of the people concerned^ 
who had formed in themselves and others an aver- 
sion to the name of obedience, and to a red cap, and 
a religious habit. He said, some friars, whom his 
son had brought with him out of Spain, were ad- 
vised to change their habits. They had not indeed 
done it, nor was it convenient that they should do 
it. He also touched on the ill offices that would be 
done them by their enemies abroad, in order to the 
raising of tumults: (meaning the French.) The 
legate answered, if he must stay till all impediments 
were removed, that would be endless. The audience 
ended with this, that he must have a little patience, 
till the secretary whom he had sent into England 
should return. 

Cxg3 



THE HISTORY OF 1 

. ., ^_j vai then the queen's ambassador at the ' 

.JSp_ CBywflH^t opmt : he in a letter ou the 5th of Octo- 

'J2' hw» writ towards the end of it (the rest being a k)Dg 

**iMjh apconnt of the war between the emperor and tfae 

^taBBg-FpOich king) concerning the cardinal, (which will be 

■iN. IbUBd iq the Collection,) that he was sent by ths 

JJU" pO|>* 00 tW designs ; the one to mediate a peace 

be^een tboae two powers ; the other, to mediate i 

^ifaitml ItMU^, as he called it, in the kingdom oC 

Bn^and : twt seeing uo hope of succeeding either ia 

the cne qr the other, he began to despair : and if be 

did not quifUy see some appearance of success in 

^»e last, he would go back to Rome a sorrowful man. 

And hm Maion runs out, either to make his court 

to the tfUBtn Or to the legate, or that he was really 

peiBei*ed with a very high opinion of him, which 

■efflU the more probable, as well as the more honest 

VlotiTe: he nO's, " All the world adores him for his 

** wisdom, learning, virtue, and godliness. Giod 

" seema to dwell in him ; bis conversatioii, with hii 

" other godly qualities, was above the ordinary sort 

** of men. It would be a strong heart that he would 

" not soften in half an hour's talk." 

He writn At this time the cardinal wrote a loog letter to 

Philip. king Philip in Latin ; he tells him, be had been now 

^°^j^ fbr a year knocldog at the gates of the palace, sod 

nobody opened to him ; though he is the persoB 

that was driven from his country into an exile of 

above twenty years continuance, because he was 

against shutting the queen out of that palace* in 

which he now lived with her : but he comes with a 

higher authority, in the name of the vicar (^ the 

great king and shepherd, St. Peter's successor, or 

rather St. Peter himself; who was so long driven 



THE REFORMATION. 456 

tmt of England. Upon this he runs out into a long book 
all^ory, taken from St. Peter's being delivered out ^' 



of prison from Herod's cruel purpose, and coming to ^^^^' 
the gate of Mary, where though his voice was known, 
yet he was kept long knocking at the door ; Mary 
not being sure that it was he himself. He dresses 
this out with much pomp, and in many words, as a 
man that had practised eloquence much, and had 
allowed himself in flights of forced rhetoric ; liker 
indeed to the declamation of a student in rhetoric^ 
than the solemn letter of so great a man on such an 
occasion. It is true that this way of writing had 
been early practised, and had been so long used, even 
by popes themselves, that these precedents might 
seem to warrant him to copy after such originals. 

At last the queen sent the lord Paget and lord The qoeeo 
Hastings to bring him over : their letter upon their bring him 
coming to the emperor's court is dated from Brus- ^ngUaid. 
sels the 13th of November. In it they give an ac-couect. 
count of their waiting upon the emperor with the ^ '^^' 
king and queen's compliments. The emperor had 
that day received the sacrament^ yet they were ad- 
mitted to audience in the afternoon : he expressed 
great joy when he heard them give an account how 
matters were in England, and roused himself up in 
a cheerful manner, and said, that, among many 
great benefits^ he was bound to thank God for this 
as a main one ; that he now saw England brought 
back to a good state. He had seen what the king- 
dom had once been, and into what calamities it fell 
afterwards : and now he thanked Grod for the mira- 
cles showed to the queen, to make her the minister 
to bring it again to its ancient dignity, wealth, and 
renown. He also rejoiced that God had given her 



456 THE HISTORY OF 

FART 80 soon such a certain hope of succession : these 

III 

tidings of the state of her person, with the report 






1554. ^£ ^jjg consent of the noblemen and others touching 
the cardinal, and their obedience and union with the 
catholic church, were so pleasant to him, that if he 
had been half dead, they would have revived him. 
He promised them all assistance, as they should come 
to need it. 

From the emperor they went to the cardinal, who 
welcomed them with great joy, and with expressioDi 
full of duty and thankfulness to the queen. Here 
they enlarge on his praises : ** they call him the man 
^^ of God, full of godliness and virtue ; and so emi- 
nently humble, that he was contented to come into 
England in such sort as the queen had command- 
^* ed ; not as a legate, but as a cardinal, and an am- 
^^ bassador sent to the queen : and they assured the 
queen, that, touching the matter of possessions, 
all things should pass on the pope's behalf, so that 
every man there shall have cause to be contented." 
Pole took leave of the emperor on the 1 2th ; he was 
to set out in slow journeys, his body being then too 
weak for great ones ; in six days he was to be at 
Calais, where they had ordered every thing to be 
ready for his transportation. 
The queen It sccms by this, that the queen reckoned on it, 
hereeifto ^s surc, that shc was with child: though in that, 
chiiT."' ^^^^^ ^^^ hopes of it were published with too much 
precipitation, she found herself so much mistaken, 
that it was believed the grief and shame of it, both 
together, had an ill effect on her health and life. 

About this time there was a very abusive libel, 
printed in the form of a letter, as writ by Bradford 
to the queen ; in which it was said, " that it was be- 






THE REFORMATION. 457 

^ Ueved tfae queen intended to give the crown to the book 
*' king, hoping that then he would keep company 



** with her more, and live more chaste, contrary to 
** his nature : for peradventure after he was crowned 
^ he would be content with one whore ; whereas he 
^ had then three or four in a night : and these not 
** ladies, but common prostitutes.'^ One John Cap- Ry»«f» 
stoke, the printer, was discovered; he was condemned 
to be imprisoned^ and to have his ears nailed to the 
pillory^ and cut off; yet he was pardoned. The con- 
sideration is not mentioned ; it may be easily ima- 
gined it was no small one, probably enough ii was 
upon the discovery of some of those whom they were 
seeking out for the slaughter. 

I have nothing to add to what I wrote formerly cardinal 
with relation to this parliament, and the reconcilia- bu powera 
tion made in it: no doubt Pole, according to thcj^^^ 
powers in his breve, desired the queen would name **'"*• 
such persons, to whom the favour of confirming them 
in their possessions should be granted ; but it seems 
they durst not venture on any discrimination, lest 
that should have made the excepted persons despe- 
rate. So it is evident, that the confirming of all 
without exception was, if not beyond his powers, 
yet at least a matter of such importance, that he 
ought to have consulted the pope upon it, and to 
have stayed till he had new and special orders to 
pass it in so full a manner as he did. But still it is 
plain, by the message sent to Rome, that he made 
the council at least to apprehend that it was neces- 
sary to send thither for a confirmation of what he 
had done, without any limits, upon powers that were 
expressly limited, and reserved to a confirmation. 

On the 12th of December, Mason wrote from ^'^'jj^*^ ^ 



MB THE K8T0ET m ^ 

MAT BkwMli: midirflerhel»dgii«iihiilrtMr«i.ft»k 
'"* eowit of. what paiiedn fbe dfie^ «po« • kitef 




I5M. tentottl^the Frenck Jdng; teabowii^ 
fcr ** one of the empenic^s ooonoU had told hirn^ lliak 

^SSmn^ ** ^^ martv waa dispkated to hnr that • 
<« WM beating the pidint joDilj (I we fab own 
"^ fiv the reaHtntioii of the abbej4aiida: upmHk 
^ he writes, that if j^ he ao ineaDt bj the prinDibaai 
« the thing be thought coDTenient, he did faia dttlyt 
^^butifitwaanotso^itwaa a itnnge tUng^thai^ 
'* in a wdl-ordefed cammonwaaUh* a aolgect riMaU 
^ be 80 hardy as to cry thus to the people to 
^ atorms nest summer, against what they were 
** doing in winter: and if the thing were to hi 
^ talked q& it ought to be to the prince and ceuncl, 
** and not to the people. He reflecta on Ihr un- 
^ bridled sermras in the ftrmer tisMi, thttt Hmf 
^ were mudi misUked : so he hoped* that ha a gsad 
^ goTemment that should luiTe been amended. He 
<< thought the person that preached this might be 
" well put to silence ; for he being a monk, and 
** having vowed poverty, possessed a deaneiy and 
*^ three or four benefices. He tells them he had 
** heard, by the report of other ambassadorst that 
^ England was now returned to the unity of Ifce 
*< Christian church. He should have been glad that 
** he might have been able to confirm this by some 
^ certain knowledge of it ; but it was ordinary for 
^ the ambassadors of England to know the least of 
** all others of the matters of their own kingdom." 

Piper. A custom of a long continuance, of which I have 
heard great complaints made of a later date. On 
the 25th of December he wrote, that, according to 
his orders, he had let the emperor know the i^ipre- 



THE REFORMATION. 459 

houions the queen had of the progress of her big book 
belly ; and that all was quiet, and every thing went 



on happily in England. Upon this the emperor fell ^^^^' 
into a free discourse with him of the difference be- 
tween governing with rigour and severity ; and the 
governing in such sort, that both prince and people 
might Centre entendre et s^entre aimer ^ mutually 
understand and mutually love one another. This, as 
it is at all times a noble measure of government ; so 
it was more necessary to offer such an advice, at a 
time in which it was resolved to proceed with an 
unmerciful rigour against those whom they called he« 
retics. The queen seemed to be so sure that she was 
quick with child, that the privy-coundl wrote upon 
it a letter to Bonner, and ordered him to cause Te 
JOeum to be sung upon it. With such a precipita* 
tion was this desired piece of news published. 

Some small favour was, at king Philip's desire, Jm. is, 
showed to some. The archbishop of York was re- *£ *** ^ 

* The arch- 

leased, upon a bond of 20,000 marks for his goodbubopof 

behaviour. How far he recanted, or compUed, doesuSirty*!" *' 
not appear : one thing may be reasonably concluded ; 
that since no more mention is made of the complaint 
-|mt in against him, for keeping another man's wife 
from him, there is no reason to think there was any 
^Irath in it : for there being so particular a zeal then 
on foot, to disgrace the marriage of the clergy, so 
flagrant an instance as this, in a man put in so emi- 
nent a post, would not have been passed over, if 
there had been any colour of truth, or proof for it. 
On the 27th of January, Hopkins, sheriff of the city 
of Coventry, was put in the Fleet for ill religion. 
On the 19th of February, some small regard was 
had to Miles Coverdale, as being a foreigner; for 



460 THE HIS'iX)RY OF 

PART he was a Dane: he had a passport to go to Den- 
mark, with two servants, without any unlawful let 



1666. Qj. search. 

On the 29th of January, cardinal Pole gave de- 
puted powers to the bishops, to reconcile all persons 
to the church, pursuant to the first breve he had 
from the pope; by which the reconciliation was 
made very easy ; every one being left at his liberty 
to choose his own confessor, who was to enjoin him 
his penance : upon which the clergy, both regulars 
and seculars, were to be entirely restored, confirmed 
in their benefices, and made capable of all fiirther 
favours : but those who were accused, or condemned 
for heresy, were only to be restored to the peace of 
the church, for the quiet of their consciences. AU 
canonical irregularities were also taken off; all pub- 
lic abjurations, or renunciations, were, at discretion, 
to be either moderated or entirely forgiven ; with a 
power to the bishop to depute such rectors and cu- 
rates as he shall think fit to absolve and reconcile all 
lay-persons to the church. That sent to the bishop 
of Norwich is still upon record, and was collated 
with the register, and sent me by Dr. Tanner. With 
Collect, this, I have likewise put in the Collection the me- 

Numb. 33. 

thod in which it was executed. First, the Articles 
Collect, of the Visitation are in it, in English ; then follow 
' rules in Latin, given by the cardinal to all bishops 
and their officials. The most material of these is, 
" that all who were empowered to reconcile persons 
" to the church, were required to enter into a re- 
" gister the names of all such as they should re- 
^^ ceive ; that it might appear upon record, who 
" were, and who were not, reconciled ; and to pro- 
" ceed against all such as were not reconciled ; in 






THE REFORMATION. 461 

** particular, they were to insert Thomas Becket's book 
" name, and also the pope's, in all their offices.'' ^' 

Now came on the burning of heretics. Many had 1^^^* 
been kept above a year and a half in prison, when 
yet there was no law against them : and now a law 
was made against them, which it could not be pre- 
tended that they had transgressed. But articles 
were objected to them, to which they were by the 
ecclesiastical law obliged to make answer : and upon 
their answers they were condemned. Sampson, in 
a letter to Calvin, wrote on the 23d of February, 
** that Gardiner had ordered fourscore of the pri- i^^" •*"* 

^ from Zo- 

soners to be brought before him, and had tried to nek. 

prevail on them, both by promises and threaten- The n- 
** ings, to return, as he called it, to the union of the wbl^ tried 
** church : but not one of them 3delded, except Bar- ^J^^^JJI^" 
*• low, that had been bishop of Bath and Wells ; and ®"°' 
^ Cardmaker, an archdeacon there." So this proved 
ineffectual. How far these yielded, does not ap- 
pear. 

It was resolved to begin with Hooper; against 
whom both Gardiner and Bonner had so peculiar 
an ill-will, that he was singled out of all the bishops 
to be the first sacrifice. A copy of his process and 
sentence was sent me by Dr. Tanner, which I have 
put in the Collection. On the 28th of January, he collect. 
was brought before Grardiner in his court in South- °" ' ^^' 
wark, and is called only John Hooper, clerk. Gar- 
diner set forth, " that the day before he had been 
" brought before him, and others of the privy-coun- 
** cil, and exhorted to confess his errors and heresies, 
" and to return to the unity of the church ; a par- 
^* don being offered him for all that was past ; but 
** that his heart was so hardened, that he would not 



THE HISTORY OF 



answer 



; so he was tlten brought to . 
I articles: but he had again the offer 
OMi. «j«ad» Um, to be Tbcdrcd Mt» «h»>ln«m«ff the 
H^Amb, a be derind it. M$ iijiiNi llplt Miij 
<f M the arte ef the oiiitft<tan iMM>4U inpaiwltr 
«lmift out into ■dm» lih iffc iWi '^^:^:gTi»iMKMw 
tbMt wcrt ot^eded-to Ite ttflte «awc^ 41^ «IlMl4ii 

" being a priest, and of a religious order, had mai^ 
" ried a wife, and lived with her ; and did, both by 
" preaching and writing, justify and defend that his 
*' marriage. To which he answered, acknowledging 
" it was true ; and that he was still ready to defend 
" it. 2. That persons married might, for the cause 
" of fornication or adultery, according to the word 
" of God, be so divorced, that they might lawfully 
" marry again. To this he likewise answered, con- 
" fessing it, and saying, that he was ready to defend 
" it, against all who would oppose it. 3. Tliat he 
" had publicly taught and maintained, that in the 
" sacrament of the altar the true and natural body 
" and blood of Christ are not ju'esent under the ac- 
** ddents of bread and wine ; so that there is no 
« mBtezial bread and wine in it." To which hii 
answer is set down in En^^h words ; " That tbe 
** very natural body and blood of Christ is not really 
** and substantially in the sacrament of the altar: 
" saying also, that the mass was of the Devil, and 
" was an idol." Gardiner, upon thisj ordered him 
to come again into court the next day ; and then be 
did again try, by many persuasions, to prevail on 
him : but he continued sUll obstinate, and said far- 
ther, " that marriage was none of the seven saora- 
" ments ; and if it was a sacnmient, he conkt pnm 
" there were sevenscore sacraments." After all tfai^ 



THE REl^ORMATION. 46S 

Gardiner gave sentence, and delivered him over to book 
the secular arm. Upon which, the sheriffs of Lon- 






don took him into their hands, as their prisoner: but^ ^^^^'^ 
it was resolved to send him to Glocester, there to fi<^t b>*bop 
receive his crown of martjrrdom. And there was aed, barbarl 
particular order sent along with him to Glocester \^^^ 
in which he is designed, " John Hooper, that was^^ 
called bishop of Worcester and Glocester, who was 
judged to be a most obstinate, false, detestable 
*' heretic, and did still persist obstinate, and refused 
** mercy, though it was offered to him : he was sent 
'^ to be burnt at Glocester, to the example and ter- 
*' ror of those whom he had seduced. Order is also 
^ given, to call some of reputation in that shire, to 
** assist the mayor and the sheriffs of that city. And 
^' because this Hooper is, as all heretics are, a vain- 
*' glorious person ; and if he have liberty to speak, 
^* he may persuade such as he has seduced, to persist 
'^ in the miserable opinions that he hath taught 
" them ; therefore strict order is given, that neither 
'* at his execution, nor in going to the place of it, 
^* he be suffered to speak at large ; but that he be led 
*' quietly, and in silence, for avoiding further infec- 
** tion.** This will be found in the Collection. But couect. 
though his words could not be suffered to be heard, '^ 
yet the voice of his sufferings, which were extremely 
violent, had probably the best effect on those who 
saw both them, and his constancy in them. He had 
been above a year and a half in prison, under much 
hard usage. He sent his wife out of England, to 
deliver himself from that which might raise too 
great tenderness in him, especially if he had seen 
her ill used, which the wives of the clergy were in 
danger of daily. He wrote several letters to Bui- 



464 THE HISTORY OF 

PART linger from the prison ; but was so watched, thatk 
^"' durst not enter into any particulars. Most of )b 



1555. letters were recommendations of some, who were 
then flying out of England : he in them all exprenel 
much constancy and patience ; and he was preparing 
himself for that, in which he reckoned his im{Hi8QD- 
ment would soon end. He had no other prospect, 
but of sealing the truth with his blood. He wa 
very glad, when he knew his wife had got safe to 
Frankfort ; where she lived, and wrote several let- 
ters to BuUinger in a very clean and natural style 
of Latin: they do chiefly relate to her husband's 
condition. 

Among several letters that Hooper wrote, durii^ 

his imprisonment, to Bullinger, I find one that is so 

full, and shows so clearly the temper of that h6tj 

man in his imprisonment, that I have put it in the 

Collect. Collection. He had written several letters to him, 

Numb. 37. 

that it seems fell mto ill hands, and so came not to 
Zurick, as they were directed ; as he found by Bul- 
linger's last letter, that some of his were also inter- 
cepted. " That last which he had, was directed to 
** him, to be communicated to all his fellow-prison- 
" ers : he promised, that he would take care to send 
" it round among them. The wound that the papacy 
" had received in England was then entirely healed: 
** the pope was now declared the head of that church. 
The prisoners, who had been shut up for a year 
and a half, were daily troubled by the enemies of 
•' the gospel : they were kept asunder from one an- 
" other, and treated with all manner of indignities ; 
and they were daily threatened with the last ex- 
tremities, which did not terrify them. 
" They were so inwardly fortified, that they de- 






6i 
t6 



THE REFORMATION. 465 



** spised both fire and sword. They knew in whom book 






€€ 



** they believed ; and were sure they were to suffer 
" for well-doing. He desires the continuance of *^^^* 
their prayers ; let God do with them what seemed 
good in his eyes. He sent over to him two books 
'* that he had written, the one of true religion, and 
the other of false religion, which he had dedicated 
to the parliament, as an apology for the reforma- 
tion. He gives them liberty to correct them as 
they thought fit ; and desired, that they might be 
quickly printed ; for they were well approved by 
the pious and learned about him. He desires they 
may not be frighted from doing it, by the appre- 
^ hensions of any harm that might happen to him- 
** self upon that account : he committed himself to 
^* Grod, who was his defence and his guard, through 
^ Jesus Christ ; to wh6m he had entirely dedicated 
himself. If Grod would prolong his life, he prayed 
it might be to the glory of his name ; but if he 
would put an end to this short and wicked life, 
** which of these soever it pleased God to order, his 
" will be done." This is dated from his prison, the 
11th of December, 1554. It appears that Hooper's 
wife was a German ; so his sending her in time 
out of England was a just expression of his care 
of her. 

On the 1 8th of March, some sacrificesT being to be 
made in Essex, " letters were written by the coun- 
** dl to the earl of Oxford, and the lord Rich, to be 
"present at the burning of those obstinate heretics, 
*^ that were sent to divers parts of that county." 
And on the 1st of April, informations being brought 
that there were preachers at work in several parts 
of the kingdom, a general order was sent to allj 

VOL. III. H h 



«4 




466 THE HISTORY OF 

PART sheriffs to seize on them. When that madman 
III. William Thomas, called otherwise Flower, or Branch, 



1555. was seized on, for wounding a priest in the church, 
they found a cloth about his neck, with these words, 
Deum time, idolum Jisge ; Fear God, and (Lj from 
idolatry. He was seized on by sir Nicholas Hare 
and sir Thomas Cornwall : they had letters of thanks 
from the council for their pains. They were ordered 
first to examine him, then to send him to the bishop 
of London, to proceed against him for heresy ; and 
to the justices of peace, to punish him for the shed- 
ding of blood in the church : and if he persists in his 
heresy, order is given, that he be executed in the 
latter end of the week; but that his right hand 
should be cut off the day before. 
JlJTJJ^^' On the I6th of May, some persons were named, 
«»*^*^«, and their appointments ordered, who should be in 

news of the , . 

queen's rcadiuess to carry the news of the queen's dehvery 
livered.*" to foreign princes. The lord admiral was appointed 
to go to the emperor ; and was allowed 4/. a day, 
and 200/. for equipage. The lord Fitzwater was to 
go to the French court, and was to have 200 marks 
for equipage. Sir Henry Sidney was to go to the 
king of the Romans, and to have 500 marks : and 
Shelley was to carry the news to the king of Portu- 
gal, and to have 400 marks. This was repeated on 
the 28th of May. The money was ordered to be 
ready, for the immediate despatch of those envoys. 
And on the 29th of May, order was given, that the 
persons named should be ready to go when warned. 
On the 1st of June, a letter was ordered to the bi- 
shop of London, to proceed against some, who were 
suspected to be of evil religion. And on the 3d of 
June, letters were written to the lord Rich to assist 



THE REFORMATION. 467 

at the execution of some heretics at C!olchester, Har- book 

V 

wich, and Meaintru: a letter was also written to ! 



the earl of Oxford, to send his servants to attend on ^^^^* 
the lord Rich at those executions. It is not easy to 
guess whethei^ the many letters written upon those 
occasions were to prevent tumults, because they ap- 
prehended the people might rescue those victims out 
of the sheriff's hands, if he had not been well 
guarded; or whether it was to celebrate those 
triumphs over heresy with much solemnity ; which 
is commonly done in those countries where the in- 
quisition is received. At the same time entries are 
made in the council-books of the examinations of 
several persons for spreading false rumours. 

On the 9th of June, letters were written to theordenfor 
lord North, and others, to put such obstinate persons di>creUon. 
as would not confess to the torture^ and there to 
order them at their discretion: and a letter was 
written to the lieutenant of the Tower to the same 
effect. Whether this pretended obstinacy was a 
concealing of heretics, or of the reporters of false 
news, does not appear: but whatever the matter 
was, the putting people not yet convict, by that 
which the civil law called a half proof, {semiplena 
probation) to the torture^ because they were thought 
obstinate, and would not confess, and the leaving 
the degree of the torture to the discretion of those 
appointed for their examination, was a great step 
towards the most rigorous part of the proceedings of 
inquisitors. On the 12th of June, orders were given 
fbr making out writs for the burning of three persons 
condemned for heresy in Sussex. On the 13th of 
June, letters of thanks were ordered to ' sir Henry 
Tirrel, and Mr. Anthony Brown, for their assisting 

Hh 2 I 



468 THE HISTORY OF ' 

PART at the execution of heretics. And on the 15th of 

"'' June, letters of thanks were ordered to the earl of 

1555. Oxford, and the lord Rich, on the same account 

On the 17th of June, letters of thanks were written 

to those in Cambridge, who had committed some 

priests to prison : but they are ordered to release 

them, if thoroughly penitent. And on the 18th of 

June, a letter was written to the bishop of London, 

informing him that four parishes in Essex did still 

use the English service : he is required to examine 

into this, and to punish it, and to send some of his 

chaplains to preach to them. 

Tiie queen Qn that day a letter was written from London to 

still looked '' 

to be deu- Petcr Martyr, telling him that it was given out that 

child. the queen had said, she could not be happily deli- 

Lod Com. vered till all the heretics then in prison were bum- 

1696. foi. ^. f^j. gjjg continued still expecting to be delivered: 

and on the 24th of June, an order was given to have 

a passport ready for Shelley, that was to carry the 

news to Portugal. On the 27th of June, letters 

were written to the lord Rich, to give the queen's 

thanks to some gentlemen of Rochford in Essex,yJ>r 

coming so honestly of themselves to Cohhester^ and 

other places J to assist the sheriff at executions. At 

this time a condition was put in all passports and 

licenses to go beyond sea, that they shall avoid all 

heretics, and all places infected with heresy. 

Fox, p. I, shall here add a passage recorded by Fox, of a 

A practice declaration that was made to himself, before wit- 
that gives , •» A 

suspicion of nesses, in the year 1568. A woman told him that 

esigns. gj^^ lived near Aldersgate, and was delivered of a 

boy on the 11th of June 1555; and after she had 

borne it, the lord North and another lord came to 

her, and desired to have her child from her, with 



THE REFORMATION. 469 

very fair offers, as that her child should be well pro- book 
vided for ; so that she should take no care for it, if — Sl — 
she would swear that she never knew, or had such *^^^' 
a child : and after this some women came to her, of 
whom one, they said, was to be the rocker. But she 
would in no case part with her child. This being 
at the time that the queen seemed to be every day 
looking for her delivery, may give some suspicions, 
and puts us in mind of the words of the preacher. 
That which is, is that which has been. On the 
80th of June, letters were written to the gentlemen 
in Kent, to assist the sheriff at the execution of 
heretics in Rochester, Dartford, and Tunbridge. 

On the 2d of July, upon an information of a com- 
motion designed in Sussex, the opinion of the judges 
was asked about it ; and some judges were sent to 
proceed in it according to law. Great occasion was nou pre- 
taken from foolish discourses to alarm the nation 
with the apprehension of plots, and the blame of all 
was to be cast on the concealed preachers, that were 
now hid in comers, instructing the people at the 
peril of their lives : twelve persons were brought up 
out of Sussex, as guilty of a conspiracy ; but I find 
no more of that matter. Bird, that had been bishop 
of Chester, and was deprived for his marriage, did 
now think fit to repent ; and engaged so far, that 
Bonner made him his suffragan. He was blind of 
an eye ; and being appointed to preach before the 
bishop, he chose those words for his text. Thou art 
Peter: but whether his conscience smote him, or 
his memory failed, he could go no further : so, in- 
stead of matter of triumph upon the apostasy of such 
a man, the shame of such a dumb action turned the 
triumph to the other side. 

H h 3 



^ 



«0' THK HISTORY OF 

RT On tde 9th of July, n letter was written to tbt 

^MfopiOf London, direciiiig liim, that the three cm- 

^' flsQiiMKL heretics should be burnt at Uxbridge, Strat- 

ffr^,:m6 Walden : and lie was ordered to proceed 

■ii- tgp^l* the rest. At this time Pole thought it be- 

Mr.QNiK Um to write to Cranmer, to try how far a piece 

<tf huit-flowii rhetoric could work on him ; thou^ 

lOn^.^nk this letter was written a very little while 

fkefim CVanmer's execution : the original is yet extant 

{t dqf0 very little honour to his memory-, beiog ootr 

^ dfitduiatioD against heresy and schism, against a 

Durcied clergy, and separation from the see of Rome, 

and the rejecting of transiihstantiatioH. In it aH 

ll|f lirgnres nothing, and argues nothing, but supposes 

pU^ awn principles to be true and sui-e : be !»• 

vdlilbi Against the jwor prisoner with some seeming 

, J twdwitess, but with a gi-cat acrimony of style, and in 

WPJxWtdting manner, like one that knew he might 

»y what he pleased, and that there was no room 

for making remarks and answers to so poor an cfi- 

atle ; which Mr. Le Grand has thought fit to trant* 

late into French, but I do not think it worth tiw 

while to put it in the Collection. 

On the 14th of July, the archbishop of Yotk ms 
ordered to appear ; but no more is said conceniiDg 
him. There were intimations given of commptiiOiv 
designed at fairs, and orders were sent to sherift 
and gentlemen to watch them: informations wen 
also brought of a conspiracy in Essex and Suffolk, 
and of another in Dorsetshire. On the 6tb of Au- 
gust, thanks were written to the eari of Oxford and 
the lord Rich, with the other justices of peace in 
Essex, for their diligence ; desiring them to pcoceed 
in their examination of the late intended conajiirac^, 



THE REFORMATION. 471 

and to bring the offenders before them : if their of- book 

Sexice was found to be treason, they were to suffer '. — 

as traitors ; or if their guilt did not rise up to that, *^^^- 
4hey were to order them to be punished according 
to the statutes. 

On the 28th of August, notice was given to theAmbafsa. 
sheriffs and justices of peace, that the king wastouie" 
going to Flanders. The ambassadors sent to Rome b^'^* 
did return about the middle of September : and in * ^^^}' 

* erecting 

council, on the 16th of September^ the bishop of Ely i«i*nd into 
produced the pope's bull, erecting Ireland into a* *° 
kingdom ; and bestowing on the crown of England 
the title of king of Ireland. This was given to the 
Inshop of Dublin, with an order to publish it in Ire- 
land : for that insolent pope would not give them 
audience upon their powers from the king and queen 
of England and Ireland^ pretending that none had a 
right to assume the title king, but as it was derived 
from him. So, as a special grace, he conferred that 
regal title on the queen, and then admitted them to 
audience, after he had made them stay a month 
waiting for it at Rome. It seems they knew the 
bigotry of the English court too well to dispute this 
point: so they yielded it up very tamely, fearing 
that they should be disowned, if they had made any 
opposition to it. But the main errand they came 
upon was, to obtain a confirmation of the settlement 
of the church-lands made in parliament by cardinal 
Pole : that was not only flatly refused, but a bull 
was published, that in effect repealed it all. 

" It begins setting forth what pope Symmachus ^** **** . 
'* decreed against the alienating of any lands be- former 
*^ longing to the church upon any pretence whatso-Numb.i. 
" ever, or farming out the rights of the church : bJ| ^f^^l 

H h 4 



472 THE HISTORY OF. 

PART << he laid an anathema on all who should be any 

' << way concerned in such bargains ; and gave aa 

^•'^^^aii " authority to any ecclesiastical person to recover 

chnrcb. << all^ with the mean profits ; and this was to take 

** place in all churches. Pope Paul the Second had 

" likewise condemned all alienations of church goods 

** and all farms of leases beyond the term of three 

'^ years^ and had annulled all such agreements, farmsi 

** or leases. Both the parties, as well the granter 

^* as the receiver of such leases, were put under ex- 

^^ communication ; and the goods so alienated were 

*^ to revert to the church. But these prohibitions 

** notwithstanding, of late years several persons, 

** both of the laity and of the clergy, had possessed 

themselves of castles and lands, belonging both to 

the church of Rome, and to other cathedrals, and 

even to metropolitan churches ; and to monasteries, 

regular houses, and hospitals, under the pretence 

^' of alienations, to the evident damage of thoae* 

" churches and monasteries, without observing the 

" solemnities required by law in such cases : and 

" they continue their possession, by which the in- 

" cumbcnts in those churches are great sufferers ; 

'* and the popes themselves, who were wont to sup- 

" ply the poor who came to Rome out of these lands, 

*' are no more able to do that, and can scarce main- 

" tain themselves and their families ; which turns to 

" the offence of God, the reproach of the clei^, 

" and is matter of scandal to the faithful : therefore 

•* the pope of his own motion, upon certain know- 

" ledge, and by virtue of the plenitude of the apo- 

" stolic power, does annul all the alienations or im- 

" propriations, either perpetual, or leases to the 

'• third, or to a single life, or l^eyond the term of three 






THE REFORMATION. 478 

** years; or exchanges and farms of cities, or lands, book 
^ or goods, or rights belonging to the Roman 



1555. 






church; or to any cathedral^ monastery, r^ular 
** house, or to any ecclesiastical benefice, with or 
^' without cure ; to seculars, or regulars ; hospitals, 
*' and other pious foundations, by whomsoever made, 

though by popes, or by their authority ; or by the 

prelates of cath^rals, monasteries, or hospitals; 

or the rectors of churches, though cardinals^ that 
** had been made without the solemnities required 
" by law, in what form of words soever they have 
** been made, though confirmed by oath, and esta- 
** blished by a long prescription : all these are by 
^* the apostolic authority rescinded, annulled, and 
^ made void, and the possessors of such lands are to 
^^ be compelled by all censures, and pecuniary pains, 
*' to make satisfaction for all the mean profits re- 
" ceived, or to be received ; and all judges are re- 
** quired to give judgment conform to this bull.** 
Dated the 12th of July. 

Thus the pope, instead of confirming what the Reflections 

Di&dc on 

legate had done, did in the most formal terms pos-it. 
sible reverse and annul it all. Even papal aliena- 
tions, or made by the papal authority, are made 
void. The pretended consent of the convocation is 
declared null ; and all ratifications of what was at 
first illegally made are annulled. By this also, not 
only the possessors of church-lands, but all the te- 
nants to any estate belonging to the church, who 
hold for lives, or years, beyond the term of three 
years, may see in this bull how that all that they 
now hold by those tenures is made void. No doubt 
the ambassadors of England did all that in them lay 
to have this bull softened, or to have an exception 



^4 THE HISTORY OF 

r made for England : but that pope was not to be 1 

— moved, and perhaps he thought he showed no small I 

- favour to England, on the qvieen's account, in not I 
naming it in this bull; and in not fulminating oa 1 
me account of the late settlement. Thus the matter I 

.||f securing the abbey-lands by that fraudulent tram- 
taiCtion i(< now pretty apparent. 

Pope Paul was in the right ia|i^ thing, to press 
the setting up courts of inquisition every wlierc, 
as the only sure method to extirpate heresy. And 
k is highly probable that the king, or his Spanish 
Ministers, made the court of England apprehend, 
'tfaat torture and inquisition were the only sure 
courses to root out heresy. It has appeared already 
what orders were given about torture, even to use 
it at discretion : but another step was made, that 
iCBrried this matter much further. 
' Instructions had been given, in March 1555, to 
the ju9tifX9 of peace to faarc one or more hooen 
men in every parish secretly instructed to give in- 
formation of the behaviour of the inhabitants amongst, 
or about them. One of these vas directed to the 
earl c^ Sussex, who acted with a superlative mea- 
sure of zeal: he wrote, on the 18th of April this 
year, to the bishop of Norwich, complaining, that at 
a town near him there had been no sepulchre, nor 
creeping to the cross before Easter. The day after 
he wrote that letter^ it appears, by another of hit 
letters, that Ket, who led the insurrection in Nor- 
folk in king Edward's reign, and whose body was 
hanged in chains, had feUen down Irom the gallows; 
and that prophecies were spread about the country, 
of what should fallow when that should h^pen. 
He ordered the body to be hanged up again, if it 



THE REFORMATION. 476 

was not wasted; and he imprisoned those that gave book 
out these prophecies. He went on to greater mat-_..l_ 
ters, and drew up an account of the obedience that ^^^^* 
the justices had paid to all the instructions and 
orders that had been sent them. I had a volume of 
his letters in my hands some years ago ; but I wrote 
QMt of it only the answers he returned to the sixth 
article, in these words : ** It is agreed, that the jus- 
*' tices of the peace, in every of their limits, shall 
^ call secretly before them one or two honest and 
^ secret persons, or more, by their discretions, and 
** such as they shall think good, and command them, 
^ by oath or otherwise, as the same justice shall 
** think good, that they shall secretly learn and 
^ search out such person and persons as shall evil- 
*^ behave themselves in the church, or idly, or de- 
*^ spise openly by words the king's and queen's pro- 
^* ceedings ; or go about to make or move any stir, 
commotion, or unlawful gathering together of the 
people; or that tell any lewd or seditious tales, 
^* rumours, or news, to move or stir any person or 
persons to rise, stir, or make any commotion or 
insurrection, or to consent to any such intent or 
purpose. And also, that the same persons so to be 
appointed shall declare to the same justices of peace 
** the ill behaviour of lewd, disordered persons ; whe- 
** ther it shall be for using unlawful games^ idleness, 
^* and such other light behaviour of such suspected 
^^ persons, as shall be in the same town, or near there. 
^* abouts : and that the same informations shall be 
** given secretly to the justices ; and the same justices 
*' shall call such accused persons before them, and ex- 
^* amine them, without declaring by whom they be 
*' accused: and that the same justices shall, upon their 



it 



(€ 
tt 
tt 
it 



4m I^HE HISTORY OF 

94mT « examination, puniBh theoffenden, aiccordii^ as 
_! ^ offences shall appear to them, upon the 

^^^' ^ ment and exaniination, by their discretion, 
^ by open punishment, or hj good abearing.* 

Here was a great step made towards an ini 
tion ; this being the settled method of that court, 
have sworn spies and infimners every where, updl] 
whose secret advertisements persons are taken 
And the first step in their examination is, to 
of them, fi)r what reason they are brought 
them : upon which, they are tortured, till they tdli 
as much as the inquisitors desire to know, eithe# 
against themselves, or others. But they are not 
suffered to know, neither what is informed againtf 
them, nor who are the informers.. Arbitrary torture^ 
and now secret informers, seem to be two great step^,* 
made to prepare the nation for an inquisition. 

In September, the duchess of Suffolk, who had 
married Mr. Bertie, went out of the kingdom with- 
out a license ; upon which, a commission was sent 
into Lincolnshire to take an account of her estate. 
On the 19th of September, there was a paper cast 
into a house near Fulham, with some intimations 
of ill designs in Essex. The master of the house 
brought it to the council; upon which they sent 
orders to that country, to see what foundation there 
was for such suspicions. Tracy (probably the son 
of him, concerning whose will there was much ado 
made in king Henry's time) had been brought be- 
fore the bishop of Glocester ; and he, as was in- 
formed, behaved himself stubbornly towards him: 
upon which he was brought before the council, and 
was required to declare his conformity in matters of 
religion. He promised to do it ; and upon that he 



THE REFORMATION. 477 

was sent back to his country. On the 23d of Sep- 
tember» there was some hopes given of the king's - 
coming back ; upon which, sir Richard Southwell 
was sent to attend on him. On the 9th of October, 
the governor of Jersey having examined one Gar- 
diner for speaking some indecent words of the king, 
dedred orders how to proceed against him: upon 
vhich he was ordered tq||)roceed according to the 
statutes, if these took place in that island : but if 
not, according to the custom of the place. 
On the 12th of September, Brooks, bishop of 61o-^> 

pr 

cester, who was constituted subdelegate to cardinal ag 
Puteo the pope's delegate, to try Cranmer, (it being, 
it seems, thought indecent, that Pole, who was to 
succeed him, should be his judge,) came to Oxford, 
with Martin and Story, who were the king and 
queen's commissioners, to demand justice against 
Cranmer; exhibiting articles against him. Cranmer 
made a long apology for himself. Among other 
things, he said, " the loss of his promotion grieved 
" him not : he thanked God as heartily for that poor 
" and afflicted state in which he was then, as ever 
** he did for the times of his prosperity. But that 
" which stuck closest to him, and created him the 
greatest sorrow, was, to think that all that pains 
and trouble, that had been taken by king Henry 
and himself for so many years, to retrieve the an- 
" cient authority of the kings of England, and to 
" vindicate the nation from a foreign yoke, and 
" from the baseness and infinite inconveniences of 
crouching to the bishops of Rome, should now 
thus easily be quite undone: and that the king 
and queen should, in their own realm, become his 
accusers, before a foreign power. If he had trans- 






(€ 



'V 



478 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « grened the law, thejr had mdtamt mtAnatj 



.** piioish him; and to that he woald afcall tilBB|^1 
165S. u subadt himadfi" They exhibited inl 

to him ; and he gave his answer to tbem^ In 
dusion, thqr reqvired him to go to- Bome» wiiUl 
fiNincoM days, to make his answer in person. Hk 
said he was most willing to go» if the kii^ sni 
queen would send him. ^ 

On the I6th of October, Ridley and Latimer sab 
fisred martyrdom: but Gardiner, who was wilii iw 
patience waiting for the news, was, soon after he 
heard it, struck with an illness, in which he lan^ 
guished for some time. FiUdngton, bishop "of Da* 
resm, in a sermon that he preached, said, he retted 
aieve ground, so that it woe ecaree poeeibk to get 
imjf to come near him. He died on Uie Ltth of Nb^ 
Tember. On the 5th of November, orders were 
{^▼en for to diqpose of many prisoners. 

Cranmer was now to be offered up. Some have 
thought, that upon his attainder the see of Canter- 
bury was vacant ; and indeed, the chapter of Can- 
terbury acted accordingly : but the papal authority 
being restored, he was still, according to the papal 
law, archbishop, till by a commission from Rome he 
was judged an obstinate heretic, and was thereupon 
deprived. When the eighty days were out, a mock 
process was made at Rome ; in which it was falsely 
said, that he did not care to appear; upon which 
he was declared contumacious: and then a formal 
sentence was given in the pope's name, as sitting on 
the throne qf justice^ having before his eyes Gfod 
alone f who is the righteous Lordj andjudgeth the 
world in righteousness. With such specious words 
was that grossly unrighteous judgment introduced. 



THE REFORMATION. 479 

npaa that, a letter came from Rome^ on the book 
^ of December, mentioning his being condemned 



deprived^ and delivering him over to the secu- ^^^^• 
lar arm. The deprivation must have passed some 
days before: for, on the 11th of December, Pole's 
bulls were granted; in which mention is made of 
the see's being vacant by the deprivation of Cranmer; 
The writ for burning him mentions his being judged 
an obstinate heretic by the pope, and deprived by 
lum ; and that he had been degraded by the bishops 
of London and Ely, by commission from the pope : 
so on the 24th of February the writ was sealed. I 
have nothing to add to the sad narration I gave,^ 
both of his fall, and of his repentance, and his firm 
constancy to the last, in that amazing instance of 
holding his hand in the fire till it was almost burnt 
away; of which Thuanus gives a very particular 
account, so that the truth of the fact cannot be dis- 
puted. 

On the 13th of March, the privy-council were 
concerned^ when they heard his paper of recanta^ 
tioQ was printed. Rydall and Copeland, two print- 
ers, were required to deliver to Cawood, the queen's 
printer, the books of his recantation, to be burned 
by him. One part of his character may be added 
out of Pole's letter to him. In one place he says, 
he hears *' it was pretended that he forced no man < 
'* in points of religion, but behaved himself mildly 
^^ towards all persons." And in another place he 
writes, ** that it was said his life was unblameable." 
But though Pole throws that oflf, as of no import- 
ance, yet, upon his mentioning these good charac- 
ters, it may be depended on that they were true. 
Ridley, in that noble letter that he wrote to Grin- 



-^ — 



480 THE HISTORY OF 

PART daily when they were every day looking for thdr 
crown, says of him, ^^ that he then showed how wd 



1556. u jjg deserved the great character of the chief paAf 
** and archbishop of this church :" to which he addi 
of Latimer, ^* that he was the ancient and tne 
** apostle of Christ to the English nation." In a 
word, if it had not been for Cranmer^s too feehk 
compliance in king Henry's time, and this last in- 
excusable slip, he might well be proposed as one d 
the greatest patterns in history. And if the exceoei 
to which some opinions had formerly carried men, 
did in some particulars incline him to the opposite 
extremes, this must be reckoned a very pardonabk 
instance of managing the counterpoise without dne 
caution. He was a pattern of humility, meeknesi, 
and charity. He had a true and generous contempt 
of wealth ; and of those shows of greatness, that 
belong to a high station. His labours, in searchii^ 
into all ecclesiastical authors, both ancient and mo- 
dern, are amazing to those, who have seen the vast 
collections that he liiTit out, on all matters of di- 
vinity, with his own hand. But now, after a long 
course of vexation and contradiction, and, in conclu- 
sion, after a long and severe imprisonment, he was 
put to a cruel death, by persons whom he had served 
faithfully and effectually : for he had both served the 
queen, and reconciled her to her father ; and he had 
showed a most particular favour to Thirleby, and 
others who concurred to finish this tragedy. I have 
put all this matter together ; and now I must look 
back to public affairs. 
Proceeding* Thcrc was a convocation sat with the parliament 
mconvoca. .^ Octobcr ; and to the middle of November 1555. 
Chistopherson was chosen prolocutor : and after Bon- 



THE REFORMATION. 481 

ner had confirmed him, he desired that the lower book 
house would name eight or ten persons, to hear some ' 
secret propositions that were to be made to them by ^^^^• 
the king and queen, and by the cardinal, concerning 
the public good of the kingdom, and of the church. 
They upon that did choose the prolocutor, and ten 
more : and to these the bishop of Ely proposed to 
offer the queen a subsidy, in return for the great 
favour she had showed the clergy, in forgiving the 
first-fiiiits and tenths, and in restoring to the church 
all the impropriations of benefices, that were then, 
by the suppression of the monasteries, vested in the 
crown : for all which the bishop of Ely proposed a 
subsidy of eight shillings in the pound, to be paid 
in four years. The last session of the convocation 
was on the 15th of November; and a memorandum 
was inserted in these words : '* After this convoca* 

tion was begun, there was a national sjniod ; the 

clergy of York being joined with them." For 
which, the cardinal thought it safe and fit to take 
out a license under the great seal. The first session 
was on the 4th of November : and in this the cardi- 
nal set himself so zealously to remove many abuses, 
that Mason wrote, that many of the clergy wished 
he were in Rome again. 

The earl of Devonshire went out of England this 
summer. As he passed through Flanders, he waited 
on the emperor; and, as Mason wrote, he owned 
that he owed his liberty to him. The queen sent, 
and offered her mediation between the emperor and 
the French king : the emperor accepted it ; but with 
very sharp reflections on the French king. 

There was in April a treaty of peace between the 
emperor and the king of France set on foot : in which 

VOL. III. 1 i 






48S THE HISTORY OF 

the queen was mediator, and sent over both Pole aoA 
. Gardiner to Calais in order to it. The constable aad 
the cardinal of Lorrain were ordered to come fttNi 
the court ; but the pope's death made it be thou^ 
more necessary to send that cardinal to Rome : what 
further progress was made in this does not appear to 
me» for I take it from a letter of Mason's to Vaniiei» 
then the queen's ambassador at Venice. It will be 
found in the Collection, the original being in Dr. 
Tanner's hands, who sent me this copy. By this 
letter it appears, that Bolls of Cambridgeshire, and 
S. Peter Mewtas, were there in prison upon suspi* 
cion; but nothing appeared against them. That 
letter telb us, that the princes of Grermany were 
alarmed upon the cardinal Morone's coming to Augi- 
burg, apprehending probably that he came to disturb 
the settlement then made in the matters of religion 
in the empire: but the emperor had sent such 
powers to his brother Ferdinand, that his coming 
was like to have no effect. He also tells in that 
letter, that the dean and prebendaries of Westmin- 
ster were using all endeavours to hinder the convert- 
ing that foundation into an abbey: and that Dr. 
Cole was active in it, affirming that monks had not 
their institution from Christ, as priests had : but he 
saw the court was resolved to have no regard to the 
opposition they made. He adds, that the duke of 
Alva was still in England, though he had sent his 
baggage and servants to Calais. 
I Mason writes news from the diet, that matters of 
e. religion had not been quite settled, but all were to 
continue in the state in which they were then till 
the next meeting ; and it was provided, that all par- 
ties should live according to the religion then ac- 



THE REFORMATION. 488 

cepted of them. The emperor seemed resolved not book 
to consent to this. He writes, that the allowance 



of the marriage of the clergy, and in particular of '^^^' 
bishops, had been earnestly demanded, but was ut- 
terly refused. On the 28th of October he writes, 
that two monks of the Charter-house had desired 
the king's letter that they might return to their 
house, and at least receive their pension : the king 
answered, that, as touching their house, since the 
parliament was then sitting, it was not a proper time 
to move it ; but when he should come to England^ 
he would help them the best he could : and as to 
their pensions, he ordered Mason to write concern- 
ing that to secretary Petre. On the 7th of Janu- 
ary, 155|, a letter was written to the mayor and 
aldermen of Coventry, to choose some catholic grave 
man for their mayor for that year: a list of three 
persons was sent to them, and they were required 
to give their voices for one of them. These were 
John Fitz-Herbert, Richard Wheeler, and one Cole- 
man. 

On the 14th of January, a letter of a very singular compawion 
nature was Written to the lord mayor and the she- those who 
riffs of London, " requiring them to give such sub- pu^j^. 
** stantial order, that when any obstinate man, con- 
demned by the order of the laws, shall be delivered 
to be punished for heresy, that there be a great 
number of officers, and other men, appointed to be 
^ at the execution ; who may be charged to see such 
as shall misuse themselves, either by comforting, 
aiding, or praising the offenders ; or otherwise use 
" themselves to the ill example of others, to be ap- 
'^ prehended and committed to ward : and besides, to 
** give commandment that no householder suffer any 

I i2 






€€ 
€€ 



484 THE HISTORY OF 

PART <^ of his apprentices, or other servants, to be abroad, 

, << other than such as their master will answer ftr. 

1556. «( ^jjj jjjj^^ ^l^jg order be always observed in like 

" cases hereafter." Philpot's martTrdom had been 
about a month before this; and he being a mtn 
highly esteemed, who went through all his sufferh^ 
with heroic courage and Christian constancy, it is 
probable there was more than ordinary concern ex- 
pressed by the people at his sufferings ; which drew 
this inhuman letter from the council ; for they had 
no sacrifices at that time ready to be offered. 
chmri the While thcse things passed in England, the scene 
resignation abroad was considerably altered, by the resignatioD 
pwn. ^£ Charles the Fifth, who delivered over his heredi- 
tary dominions to his son Philip. He b^an that 
with the dominions derived from the house of Bur- 
gundy ; after that, he resigned up to him the crown 
of Spain, and all that belonged to it : upon that, let- 
ters were written to the several states and cities of 
Spain, on the 17th of January. These were all in 
one form : so that which was addressed to the city 
of Toledo was sent over to the queen, translated out 
of Spanish into English, which, for the curiosity of 
the thing, I have put into the Collection. 

In it, " he tells them, that which he always de- 
" nied to the Germans, that for religion's sake he 
" had enterprised the war of Germany, upon the de- 
" sire he had to reduce those countries to the unity 
" of the church ; that so he might procure an uni- 
" versal peace to all Christendom, and to assemble 
" and assist at a general council, for the reformation 
of many things, that so with the less difficulty he 
might bring home those who had separated them- 
selves, and departed from the faith. This he had 






Collect. 
Numb. 39. 






€€ 

€i 

€€ 



THE REFORMATION. 486 

brought to a very good point, when the French bamok 
king allured the Germans to a. league with him,_^ 



€€ 
€€ 
€€ 



against their oaths and fidelity to the emperor, and ^^^^• 
so they made war on him both by sea and land ; 
** and then the French king procured the coming of 
" the Turk's army into Hungary, to the great da- 
mage of Christendom ; upon which he was forced 
to bring down an army, to the great prejudice of 
his own person, by his being obliged to keep the 
field so long, that it had brought on him painful 
*^ infirmities : he was upon that become so destitute 
*' of health, that he was not able in his own person 
** to endure the travel, and to use that diligence that 
" was requisite ; which proved a great hinderance to 
*' many things, of which he had a deep sense : he 
** wished he had taken the resolution he was now 
*^ taking sooner ; yet he could not well do it, by rea- 
*^ son of his son's absence ; for it was necessary to 
*^ communicate many things to him. So he took 
" order for his marriage, and to bring him over to 
^^ him ; and soon after that he resigned to him all 
^* his states, kingdoms, and the seigneuries of the 
crown of Castile and Leon, with all their appurte- 
nances, which are more amply contained in instru- 
ments which he had signed of the same date with 
this letter : trusting that he, with his great wis- 
dom and experience, of which he had great proof 
*^ in all that he had hitherto handled in his father's 
*^ name, would now order and defend the same with 
peace and justice. He therefore, having had large 
experience of their loyalty, fidelity, and obedience, 
" did not doubt but that they would continue to 
" serve and obey him in the same manner and sort 

ii3 



it 

€t 



tt 



I 486 THE HISTORY OF 

T'AttT " as if God had taken him into his mercy. Dated 
" • " at Brussels the 17th of January 1556." 
I55fi. gQoi, afjer timt, he retired to the place he had de- 
think u signed to spend the rest of his days in ; and, accord- 
ttriwi."' ing to the account given by my worthy friend Dr. 
Geddes, there is great reason to believe, that he ap- 
plied himself to serious reflections on religion. No 
prince knew better than he did, both the corruptions 
and the practices of the court of Rome, and the ar- 
tifices and methods by which two sessions of the 
council of Trent bad been conducted. He must like- 
wise have understood the grounds upon which both 
the Lutherans, and the reformed in Germany, built 
their persuasions. He had heard them often set 
out; but the hurry of business, the prepossession of 
education, and the views of interest, had prejudiced 
him so far against them, that he continued in a most 
violent enmity to them : but now that he was at full 
leisure to bring all his observations tf^ther, and 
that passion and interest had no more power over 
him, there are great presumptions to believe, that 
he died persuaded of the doctrines of the reibrmed 
religion. Augustin Casal, a canon of the church of 
Salamanca, was his preacher, and was esteemed the 
most eloquent preacher that Spain ever produced ; 
he was taken up in the year 1558, and with thirteen 
more was publicly burnt at Vallidolid, in the year 
1559 ; the unfortunate prince Charles, and his uint, 
Donna Juana, then governess, looking on that bar- 
barous execution. Constantine Pontius, a canon of 
Sevil, who was his confessor, esteemed a man of great 
piety and learning, was likewise taken up by the in- 
quisition for being a protestant : he died in prison, 



THE REFORMATION. 487 

probably enough by the torture the inquisitors put book 
him to ; but his bones, with his effigies, were burnt 



at Sevil: so were the bones of the learned Egidius, *^^^' 
whom the emperor had named to the bishopric of 
Tortosa, one of the richest in Spain : and at the 
same time eighteen were burnt alive for being pro- 
testants ; of which the History of the Inquisition 
gives this account, that had not the holy tribunal 
put a stop to those reformers, the protestant religion 
had run through Spain like wildfire : people of all 
degrees, and of both sexes, being wonderfully dis- 
posed at that time to have embraced it. And the 
writer of the Pontifical History, who was present at 
some of those executions, says, that had those learned 
men been let alone but three months longer, all 
Spain would have been* put into a flame by them. 

The most eminent of them all was Bartholomew 
de Caranza, a Dominican, who had been confessor to 
king Philip and to queen Mary, and had been by 
her recommended to the archbishopric of Toledo. 
He had assisted Charles in the last minutes of his 
life. He was within a few months after his death, 
upon suspicion of his being a protestant, first con- 
fined by the inquisition to his own palace at Torde- 
laguna : and after he had been for seven years kept 
within that confinement, he was carried to Rome> 
and kept ten years a prisoner in the castle of St. 
Angelo; and was at last condemned as one- sus- 
pected of heresy. That great man had been sent by 
Charles as one of his divines to the council of Trent, 
where he preached, and wrote a treatise of the per- 
sonal residence of bishops. These things put toge- 
ther, make it highly probable, that Charles himself 
was possessed with that doctrine that was so much 

I i 4 



it 



488 THE HISTORY OF 

RT spread among those who were then most about fana. 

1!; Mezeray tells us, *' that, at Philip's arrival in Spain, 

^^* '< he caused a great many to be burnt for heretics in 
^* his own presence, both at Sevil and at Vallidolid, 
^* both seculars and ecclesiastics, men and women, 
and in particular the efiigies of his father's confes- 
sor : and if reports may be beUeved, he intended 
to have made his father's process, and to have had 
his bones burnt for heresy ; being only hindored 
from doing it by this consideration^ that if his fii- 
ther was an heretic, he had forfeited aU his domin- 
^< ions, and by consequence he had no right to resign 
** them to his son." This digression will be forgiven 
me, I hope, both because it belongs to the main design 
upon which I write, and since our queen was queen 
of Spain, when this persecution was first begun. 
method There are in my hands two papers concerning the 
)aeen method in which the queen ordered her councflto 
„" proceed : there is no date put to them ; but they 
were written, either soon after the king went beyond 
sea, or perhaps about this time ; for now king Philip 
having the Spanish monarchy put in his hands, 
and being engaged in a war with France, the 
queen had reason to expect that her dominions 
might feel the war very sensibly, as afterwards they 
did : and so it might seem necessary to put the ad- 
ministration of her affairs into a good method. One 
of these papers is writ in cardinal Pole's own hand, 
and is a memorial prepared for the queen, of the 
things that she was to recommend to her council, 
for she had ordered them to attend on her. It is in 
lect. the Collection. " First, she was to put them in mind 
° ' ^^' " of the charge that the king gave them at his de- 
parture, which was to be rehearsed to them ; and 






€€ 
t€ 

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tt 
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€C 
tt 
ft 



1556. 



THE REFORMATION. 489 

" that is, perhaps, the following paper: they were book 
'' still to attend at court, the matters they were to - 
treat about being of great weight ; and they were 
to lay such matters as were proposed in councU 
before the king, that they might have his pleasure 
before they -were to be executed. They were in 
particular to know the resolution of the council, 
touching those things that were to be proposed in 
this parliament, and these were to be sent to the 
king that very day : and since the king delayed 
** his coming over, they were to consider whether it 
" were not better to delay the parliament till Can- 
^ dlemas, if there should be no prejudice to her 
affairs, that money was so long wanted ; for there 
was great need of it at present, for the setting out 
of ships, both for the emperor's passage to Spain, 
and for the king's return, for the payments due at 
** Calais, for the debt owing to the merchants, the 
** day of payment approaching, and for the debt of 
'^ Ireland : and she was to ask of her council an ac- 
•• count concerning all these things ; she was like- 
wise to charge them to call in her own debts, as 
the best way to clear what she owed to others: and 
she was to offer them all authority for doing it 
effectually ; and to require them, that at the end 
" of every week she might know what came in that 
" week, and what order was taken for the rest. 
** And that all those who have any commission to 
" execute any matter, shall at the end of every week 
" inform the council what progress they have made 
** that week : and that the council should never be- 
gin to treat of any matter in the second week, till 
they were informed of what was done in the former 
" week." Thus she was to be taught what she was 



€t 
€t 






490 THE HISTORY OF 

VAJLT to say to them : upon which they, who did not know 
, ^nar wcak 3 womaD she was, might imagine, that 

. **••■ she understood her own affairs well, and thought 
much of them : whereas the poor bigoted woman was 
only as a machine, made to speak and to act as she 
was prompted by those who had the management of 
her: for of herself she seemed capable to think of 
nothing, hut how to destroy the heretics, and to ex- 
tirpate heresy. j 
The other paper is in Latin, and seems to be liiK ] 
which the king had left behind him. It is alaoll ' 

oiBMt> tfae CoUeotioD. . ■*. He namod in it a select com- 
"-Biittee^ to iriMHK the special care of matters of 
*f fltati^ <rf the Teroiue, and the weighty affairs of 
?.tfae kingdom, were to be referred. These (in a 
*f.'nodeni term) woe the cabinet-council; and the 
*f pwaou w«Kf the cardinal, (in all great mat- 
*.t«s, when he oouU conveniently come,) then the 
'^ lord chanceUor, the lord treasurer, the eail ctf 
" Arundel, the earl of Pembroke, the bishop of Ely, 
" the lord Paget, Rochester the comptroller, and Pe- 
" tre the secretary. Every one of these was con- 
*• stantly to attend, to determine in all matters of 
" state and revenue, and to make honourable pay- 
" ment of all debts, and to do every thing in which 
" the honour and dignity of the crown was con- 
" cerned. They were also earnestly prayed to lay 
** all differences, or quarrels among themselves, aside; 
" that so they might amicably, and in the fear of 
" God, deliver such things in council, as might tend 
" to the glory of God, and the honour and good of 
" the crown and kingdom. And when there ia oc- 
" casion for it, they were either to come to the 
" queen, or to send some of their body, to inform 



THE REFORMATION. 491 

** her of every thing that came before them : and at book 
" least thrice a week they were to give her an ac- 



count of all their consultations and actings. In '^^^' 
" particular, they were to consider when the parUa- 
** ment was to meet, and what things were to be 
*' proposed and done in it, and to digest all that in 
** writing. On Sundays they were to communicate 
** such things to the whole council as should be 
** thought convenient to be laid before them. They 
^ were to take special care for the payment of debts, 
^' for the retrenching of expense, and for the good 
** management of the queen's estate, revenues, and 
*^ customs, and for the administration of justice." 
Such were the orders laid down : how they were 
executed, does not appear. 

The queen herself never came to council, and the Prooecdings 
cardinal very seldom. Sometimes they were veryhSltia. 
few that attended at that board : often not above 
three or four. And now I return to give an account 
of what I find in the council-book. On the 19th of 
January, a letter of thanks was ordered to the lord 
Willoughby, and others, in Lincolnshire. At first, 
upon the condemnation of heretics, notice was given 
to the council, before the execution, to see if a par- 
don should be ofiered them : but they found so few, 
if any, inclined to accept of it, that they did not 
think fit to expose the queen's pardon to any further 
contempt : so those persons are required to proceed 
thereafter, against all such as should be condemned 
before them, according to the laws, and not to stay 
for any order. On the 20th of January, letters were 
written to the sheriflTs of Warwickshire, Bedfordshire, 
and Cambridgeshire, ordering them, that though the 
prisoners should be acquitted by order of law, yet to 



4e> TBB MSWSOia^ .Of i 

itBT detain them in Mfis cuBtodjr, till ttefiboald hiu 
"^ fiom the eail of SttsMX, On the 14th of Fdmny, 



#^*i 






^^^* tiie councU was alarmed wUb tliu^ tiiat a rti^^^ 
waa to be acted in ShroTetide; and that maigr wjne 
to niti to it : M the lord Badi was odtered to Ubder 
tiie acting ^itt and to ezanune mod report what he 
cciAild learn concerning it. On the i6th t>f Fdmnr^ 
tiiere was an enter senjfc io m^Hettj^ledin^fiM^ 
lieutenant of the Tower^ to put two to the i^rtmn, 
md io fH^ tikem €a ku di§erMm. On: the ISA of 
W^AmOB^, ^ lettor oi thanki was ordered tP the inrd 
Eidi finr stc^iping the stage-play. He had put the 
actors in pmon, but he gave a .good character of 
tfieoi : so he was ordered to set them aft liberty; bat 
to have an eye on all such me^^tings^ Several iw|pii« 
I were made at this time allisr seditioiis boioiDi: 
qtany eumiostions and commitaents wwe maifefiii 
tfaatacdount. a 

On the 20th of April, one Harris, a carpenter and 
gunner at Deptford, was brought before the council, 
for having said on Maundy-Thursday, " The queen 
hath this day given a great alms ; and has given 
that away, that should have paid us our wages. 
'^ She hath undone the realm too ; for she loveth an- 
" other realm better than this." He confessed the 
words, but asked pardon, ami was dismissed. It 
seems, about that time, they expected the king's 
coming over : for, on the 1st of June, the lord admi- 
ral was ordered to attend on him. On the 21st of 
June, an order was sent to the lieutenant of the 
Tower, and to a master of requests, to put one to 
the torture^ if he thought it convenient. Informa- 
tion was given to the queen by Wotton, her ambas- 
sador in France, that several heretics had fled over 






THE REFORMATION. 498 

\X) France, and were well received there : in particu- book 
iar, that Henry Dudley (perhaps a son of the duke 



rf Northumberland's) and Christopher Ashton were ^^^^' 
plotting there against the queen. Upon that, a let-Sffi^' 
ter was written to Wotton, to demand that they 
might be seized on, and sent at her charge to the 
Frontier, to be delivered to her officers. When the 
iraught of this was brought to her to be signed by 
ber, she with her own hand interlined these words ; 
considering that when the king my husband and 
he were enemies, I neither did, nor would have 
done the Uke. 
Wotton wrote over, that the heretics took great '^^ p**p* 

' D gets on a 

idvantaffe from the new war that the pope eusased °*^ "^ 

. , 1 . A. afteratnice 

the French king to make on the king, after a truce was swom 
for five years had been agreed to, and sworn by both pen*^ with 
kings. But the pope sent a legate to France, to^*^JJ^"2i. 
persuade that king to begin the war. And though 
the consciences of princes are not apt to be very 
scrupulous in the observing or breaking their trea- 
ties ; yet a treaty, made and confirmed by an oath 
so very lately, it seems, made such an impression on 
that king, that so great an authority was to be inter- 
posed, to give a colour for the breaking it. Those 
called heretics took great advantages from this to in- 
fuse a horror in people at the papacy, since one who 
pretended to be the vicar of the Prince of peace be- 
came thus an open and a perfidious incendiary. 

This of the pope's dispensing with a prince's oath 
gave so great a distaste every where, that I do not 
remember an instance in which it was openly put in 
practice since that time. But the protestant princes 
of Germany do believe, as one of the greatest of them 
told me, that the confessors of the princes of that 



494 TH£ history OF 

PART communion have secret faculties to dispense witk 
"'' their breach of faith ; which is so much the more 
^^^7. dangerous, the more secretly it may be managed. 
On that ground it was» that the prince, who told me 
this» said, that in all their dealings with princes of 
that communion, they took their word, but would 
never put any thing to their oaths : for they knew 
that the popish princes reckoned they were bound 
by their word, as they were men, and members of 
human society ; but for their oaths, they reckoned, 
these being acts of religion, their confessors had it in 
their breast to tell them how far they were bound 
to keep them ; and when they were absolved from 
any obligation by them. But we have seen in our 
days, to the no small reproach of the reformatioD» 
that princes professing it have in an avowed manner 
shaken off their leagues and alliances, with this 
short declaration. That they reckoned themsdvei 
Jreedjrom them : as if they had been things of so 
little force, that they might be departed from at 
pleasure. 
Poie'8 Pole was now in his synod, labouring to bring the 

national i-i ^^ % in-r-*.. 

•ynod. clergy to their duty. On the 13th of December, 
The Institution of a Christian Man was divided 
in parcels, to be examined by them : and some were 
appointed to prepare a book of Homilies. On the 
I6th of December, a translation of the New Testament 
was ordered, and parcelled out : the Seven Sacra- 
ments were also treated of. On the 20th of Decem- 
ber, the cardinal sent an order to the prolocutor, to 
intimate to all the clergy, more particularly to all 
deans, that they should confirm no leases, that had 
been made of their benefices : this seems to be done 
in obedience to the pope's bull, formerly mentioned, 



THE REFORMATION. 495 

.that condemned all leases for a longer term than boor 

three years. There was offered to them a schedule -1 — 

:Of some terms that were to be carefully considered '^^'^• 
in the translation of the New Testament. On the 
8th of January, that was again considered : proposi- 
tions were also made for having schools in all cathe- 
dral churches. Thus Pole found it necessary to give 
some instruction in the matters of religion to the 
nation : for an earnest desire of knowledge in these 
points being once raised and encouraged, it was 
neither safe nor easy quite to extinguish that, which 
IS so natural to man ; and therefore, instead of dis- 
couraging all knowledge, and bringing men to the 
state of implicit faith, without any sort of inquiry, he 
chose to give them such a measure of knowledge, as 
might be governed and kept within its own bounds. 
There was in this synod a question moved ; what 
should be done with such of the clergy, as should 
refuse to say or come to mass ? but I do not see 
what was determined upon it. Nor do I see what 
reason was given them for another petition to the 
queen, lords, and commons, for maintaining their 
liberties and immunities, nor what effect it had. 

Pole prorogued the synod to the 10th of Novem^ Pro certhre 
ber, and from thence to the 10th of May. The rea- Eccienatti- 
son given is, because the bishops were m their yisi- guoHtuaiit 
tations, which could not be soon ended ; since a large ^J^'^ 
space of time seemed necessary for their takins: an ?*~'*» "^ 
exact account of the quantity and quaUty of all ec-v«^»"«- 
clesiastical goods. I suppose this ^as the procuring bahw. 
terriers of the lands, and inventories of the goods be- 
longing to the churches : for many orders were given 
out for restoring such plate and furniture, as could 
be found, that had belonged to any church. 



496 THE HISTORY OF 

RT From the 10th of May, Pole prorogued the synod 

— — to the 10th of November: the reason given is, for 

^^' the great want and penury of victuals. For I find 

!7 of the dearth at this time was very great. Wheat was 

at four marks the quarter ; malt, at two pound four 

shillings; pease, at two pound five shillings: but 

the next harvest proving plentiful, it fell as low as 

it had been high. Wheat was at five shillings, malt 

at a noble, and rye at three shillings and four pence 

a quarter. 

On the 28th of July, the council hearing that 
some naughty books were sent over, and concealed 
in the duchess of Suffolk's house, ordered the bishop 
of Lincoln to search for them, and to send them up. 
On the 19th of July, the council was alarmed with 
reports of conspiracies in Suffolk and Essex : so tfaejr 
sent orders to inquire about them ; and about a zeal- 
ous man, that went about carrying letters and books 
over the country, from whence he was called Trudge- 
over ; so he was ordered to be sought for. On the 
15th of August, a letter was written to the mayor, 
jurats, and commons at Rye, to choose one of the 
queen's servants to be mayor for the ensuing year. 
cution On the 21st of August, a letter of thanks was or- 
' dered for the earl of Sussex, for his diligence in ap- 
prehending those who spread about lewd and sedi- 
tious reports ; with whom he is desired to proceed 
according to the laws : and as for those lewd priests 
that had been married, and were found still to repair 
to their women ; they tell him, they had written to 
the bishop of Nor\\4ch, to cause them to be appre- 
hended and punished. And a letter was at the same 
time ordered for the bishop of Norwich, to that pur- 
IK)se. On the 23d of August, a letter of thanks wa> 



€€ 
€€ 



THE ȣFORIiMLTI(XN. 407 

<MdwQ$l toklhQ; lord D^rcy, for his i^pfehexMli^g sqi»^ booi^ 
illrdiapQ^ peirsons, who, used conventicles, and— 1— 
TeBdingSj abouik Harwicb. He was to get them to ^^^^* 
Im fined according to theiir quality, and as he thought 
fit; and to bind them to appear before the bishop 
9§ Londpn : and a letter was ordered to the bishop^ 
eidier to reduce them to the chmrchf or to order 
tbem accwding to. tb^ laws. 

On the 4tth of September^ the earl of Sussex had 
moved*, that offenders should Ve proceeded against 
Igf; inmtiaj. taw : his zeal is commended ; and it was 
wnftten back to him» ** that these deserved to be 
^ 80 itfHed; but that is not thought best : they are to 
be punished as the laws order. But when they 
have had their pumsbment, he shall cause them to 
be kept in prison, and in irons, tiU they know 
^ ^henoiselves and their duty.*" On this 15th of Sepr 
tember^ a lettei; of thanks was written to the earl of 
SiW^e^ and the justices of Norfolk, for their dill- 
g^ce in punishing one Thomas Long. 

At this time they were called on to consider of caiau in 
th^ danger Calais might be in : so a sta^e of the for- fftiiing into 
tiAc»tions» and of what was necessary to maintain of^he" ' 
the p]ace> was laid before the council: but the^"***"*** 
^ving orders in that matter was delayed till the 
king should come over, of which they were in daily 
eaq^ectation : for on the 17th of September they un- 
derstood thait the emperor, wijbh his two sisters, had 
eo^barked on the Tuesday before; and that the 
king was to come to Calais, and from thence to 
Bngland. Privy-seals were at thjis tvne sent about 
every where, for a loan of money ; but it came in 
very slowly. Some took the privy -sealf but did npt 
payiA the money. There was al^out lOOQ priyy^ 
vol.. III. K k 



4d8 THE HISTORY OF 

PART seals given out, at 100/. apiece. On the 6th of 
^^' October, a letter was sent to Calais, to search ftr 



^^^^* some who had iSed from England thither: it is di- 
rected to the earl of Sussex ; which makes it pro- 
bable they were heretics: fw in that matter hk 
heart was entirely as the queen's heart was. Od 
the 7th of October, the lady Throgmorton was be- 
fore the council, asking leave to send sonae sujqilj 
to her husband sir Nicholas, who was then in 
France : the cardinal bad told her, in the presence 
of the lord chancellor, and others, that for this one 
time the queen allowed of it, so it did not exceed 
forty crowns. It seems the way of exchange was 
much beset, when so small a supply, from so near a 
relation, could not be conveyed without such an ap- 
plication. On the 17th of November, a letter was 
ordered for the bishop of London, to receive a com- 
panion of him who was called Trudge-over, to be 
ordered by him according to law; and they complain 
to him, that a man and a woman of Colchester, that 
had been sent to him, charged with heresy, were re- 
turned back discharged by him, but were now worse 
than they were before. In another book, that seems 
to be the minutes of the council, it is entered, that 
twenty-four persons were discharged by him, who 
were still rank heretics. 

I find at this time the council was much employed 
in the matter of the privy-seals. Our fleet was then so 
inconsiderable, that 14,000/. being ordered to be ap- 
plied to the fleet, by the lord treasurer, and the lord 
admiral, both for repairing, furnishing, and victual- 
ling it, they reckoned, that, when that was done, 
10,000/. a year afterwards would answer what was 
necessary. On the 19th of February, one Christo- 



THE REFORMATION. 499 

pher Howe was ordered to be proceeded against for book 
some detestable words, not fit to be heard : so it was ' 



ordered, that only such parts of them should be '^^^' 
opened^ as might serve for evidence to the jury. On 
the 21st, complaints were brought of a jailor who 
suffered heretics to go freely about. On the 24th, 
the queen expected hourly to hear of the king's ar- 
rival ; so the lord admiral and others were ordered 
to attend on him. An ambassador came at this time 
fitim Russia : he landed in the north of Scotland, 
and was well received, and nobly treated by the lord 
Wharton ; for which, thanks were written to him. 
Here several orders are entered concerning the lord 
Sturton and his servants : three of them were or* 
dered to be hanged in chains at Mere. 

I had in my former work giv^n a due commenda- ^" ■f?*"°* 
tion to that which seemed to me a just firmness in stnrtop't 
the queen, not to pardon the lord Sturton for so 
heinous a crime as the murdering father and son in 
so barbarous a manner. But since I have lived long 
in Wiltshire, I find there is a different account of 
this matter in that neighbourhood. The story, as it 
has been handed down by very old people, is this : 
The day before the execution was appointed, there 
was a report set about, that a pardon or a reprieve 
was coming down ; upon which the sheriff came to 
the earl of Pembroke, who was then at Wilton, for 
advice. That lord heard the report, and was much 
troubled at it : so, apprehending some message 
might come to him from the court, he ordered his 
gates to be shut somewhat early, and not to be 
opened till next morning. My lord Sturton's son 
came down with the order: but since the gates 
were not to be opened, he rode over to his father, 

K k 2 



500 THE HISTORY OF 

PART who received the news with great joy. In the ni|^ 
"'' th^ sheriff left Wilton, and came so secretly to Siii»* 



1557. bury, that Sturton knew nothing ci it, and bdiefed 
he was still at Wilton, where he knew he was the 
night before. But when he was so far gone, thit 
the sheriff knew he could not come back in time to 
hinder the execution, he brought his men together 
whom he had ordered to attend on him that day; 
and so the lord was executed before his sod ooaU 
come back with the order to stop it. I set down 
this story upon a popular report, of which I hare 
had the pedigree vouched to me, by those whose sh- 
thors, upon the authority of their grandSathera^ did 
give an entire credit to it. So meritorious a man m 
the lord Sturton was, who had protested agaimt 
every thing done i]\ king Edward's parliament, bad 
no doubt many intercessors to plead for him in this 
. his extremity. I leave this with my reader as I 
found it. 

On the 20th of March, the king came to Eng- 
land. Orders being sent into Kent, that the gentle- 
men should attend upon him in their best apparel; 
thanks were afterwards written to them for their 
readiness in furnishing him with post horses. On 
the 17th of April, proceedings are ordered to be 
made upon a book that is called lewd and seditious: 
and the countess of Sussex coming over at this time, 
and bringing letters which gave some suspicion, she 
was sent to the Fleet. She had been for some years 
separated from her husband : she was ordered to be 
examined strictly ; but upon this and many other oc- 
casions, particulars are not set forth, and only a gene- 
ral mention is made of the minutes put in the chest. 

There is, besides the great council-book, another 



THE REFORMATION. 601 

coumnl-book^ wkich» I suppose, mi^t be the minute book 
bo(^ which was perused by my learned friend doc*. 



tor Keimet, and who communicated to me all the ^^^* 
extracts that he had made out of it, and some other 
manuscripts, which I never saw. It seems, it was ap- 
prehended that the French designed a descent in 
Dorsetshire: so orders were sent to make musters 
in that county, and to have them in readiness, in 
case of an invasion, or a rebellion : and 300 men 
were sent over to Calais, with orders concerning the 
fortifications. 

On the 14th of June, complaint was made of some The tims 
naughty plays and lewd bodu. The council waspiou!^^ 
often alarmed with these plays : but it does not ap- 
pear whether there was any thing in the plays with 
relation to religion, or the government ; or whether 
it was, that they apprehended some mischief friom 
the concourse of the people that those representa- 
tions brought together. One sir Thomas Cawwar- 
den wais committed to the Fleet for his misbehaviour 
to the state : he was ordered to be kept a dose pri- 
soner, with only one servant, since he had made no 
manner of submission, and had not acknowledged 
his ofience : but what this offence was, does not ap- 
pear to me. On the 29th of June, orders were 
given for sending 2,000 men to Calais, with direc- 
tions to distribute them to the places about, that 
wanted a reinforcement the most. 860 of them 
were ordered for Guisnes ; and a letter was written 
to the mayor and jurats of Calais, to continue their 
mayor for another year. On the 8d of July, the 
cardinal made an offer of 100 men to serve the 
queen : he was ordered to levy them immediately, 
and to send them to Dover. 200 foot, and 600 

Kk3 



502 THE HISTORY OF 

PART horse more, were ordered in all haste for Calais: 
' and assurance was given, that more should quickfy 
1557- follow. There were then great apprehensions of 
disorders on the borders of Scotland, which were 
wholly in the hands of the French. 
A severe Bonner at this time gave the city of London t 
uodT"' most dismal spectacle, a little removed from the dfy, 
perhaps for fear of a tumult, at Stratford, where 
thirteen persons, eleven men and two women, woe 
burnt in one fire. He had condemned sixteen to be 
Cardinal ^"^ Sacrificed : but cardinal Pole heard there was 
pok saved gome hopc of working on three of them ; so there 
•ons* came an order to put them in his hands : and he, bj 
Mssr the 26th of July, prevailed so far on two of them, 
^^^^IJ^ ''" that a pardon was granted to those two who had 
*''^- been condemned by the bishop of London, but were 
prevailed on by the cardinal to abjure, (a very extra- 
ordinary thing, as is mentioned in the pardon,) and 
had received them into the communion of the 
church ; " and he had upon that interceded with the 
" king and queen for their pardon, which they, as 
** true sons of the church, did willingly imitate, and 
" embraced this occasion of showing their zeal." I 
cannot tell what became of the third person, whom 
he had taken out of Bonner's hands. 

But here I must lessen the character of the car- 
dinal's mildness towards heretics: for on the 28th 
of March this year, he sent orders to proceed against 
the heretics in his diocese ; and on the 7th of July, 
he sent a signijicavit of some heretics to be delivered 
to the secular arm. 

I find likewise, by other evidences, suggested to 
me by the laborious Mr. Strype, that Pole was not 
so mild as I had represented him. Parker in his 



THE REFORMATION. 508 

British Antiquities, which Strjpe believes assuredly book 

he can prove that it was written by him ; he calls '■ — 

him EcclesiiSB Anglicarue camifex et flageUum ; *^^'* 
the whip and the executioner of the church of Eng- 
land : and Calf hil, a canon of Christ-Church in Ox- 
ford, in a letter he wrote to Orindal bishop of Lon- 
don, mentions the proceedings of the visitors sent to 
Oxford by Pole ; who were, Brooks, bishop of Glou- 
cester ; Cole, dean of St. Paul's ; and Ormanet : he 
sent them thither, not only to restore the pope's au- 
thority, but diligently to inquire if there were any 
who neglected the pope's ceremonies ; and if there 
were any found, that were under the least suspicion, 
{levissima suspicion) they were without any delay to 
eject them : he writes, there was nothing eminent in 
Ormanet, but intolerable insolence ; nothing could be 
imagined more arrogant than he was. They raged, 
as he adds, against a great many in the university ; 
and burned in the open market-place an infinite 
number of Bibles, and other books. The like severity 
was practised at Cambridge; of which Mr. Strype 
promises an account in the Life of Whitgift, now 
ready for the press. 

The nation began to grow every where weary of 
the cruel executions of so many heretics : the great 
promoter of these barbarous proceedings was the 
earl of Sussex. He died in March this year: for 
his son Thomas, who succeeded to him in his honour, 
was then deputy of Ireland ; and on the 1st of April, 
order was given for a new patent to him, by the title 
of the earl of Sussex. 

At one time complaints were brought of th? she- The natioii. 
riffs of Kent, Essex, Suffolk, and Staffordshire, and this croeity, 
of the mayor of Rochester, and the bailiff of Col- 

K k 4 



604 THE HtSlYmY OF 



V. I . i It . .1 I ; . < '. t 



aT cbe^ter^ that when some jpersons, beltog 

i for heresy, wete delivered to them %y their wdiin- 

^7* ries, they, instead of proceeding to a ]p)?ediGnt exMh 
tion, had delayed it : so letters were brdcftvd tb 
them, requiring them to signify what it was tlMt 
had moved them to stop the usual proceedings. In- 
formation was also given of some lewd and seditiMs 
words, spoken by some of the queen's househdd; 
upon which they were sent to prison : and orden 
were given to prosecute them. On tiie Sd of Au- 
gust, thanks were ordered to be given to sei^geart 
Brown for his proceedings with Trudge-over; fnd 
orders were given for the disposing of his head and 
quarters. On the 7th of August, sir John Butler, 
sheriff of Essex, was fined 10/. because his deputy 
had respited the execution of a woman^ condemned 
for heresy, that should have been executed at Col- 
chester; and he was to answer for his depoty^ 
fault. This perhaps is the same with that whick 
was mentioned on the 28th of July. Many were 
ordered to be proceeded against for writing and 
spreading lewd and seditious books. It seems the 
lord Rich continued to give the council notice, be^ 
fore they proceeded to any executions in Essex, and 
so laid the odium of the severity on the council, for 
showing no pity: so, on the 6th of August, they 
wrote to him to proceed according to law, and not 
to give them any more trouble on those occasions. 
' Complaint was made, on the 1 0th of August, of a 
bad choice that the town of Calais had made of a 
mayor for the ensuing year ; especially in so critical 
a time. They were told, that, by such an election, 
they might have their charter to be brought in ques- 
tion. On the 12th of August, orders were sent to 



THE REFORMATION. MSB 

Oa&teAiny to proceed ^thcfut delay ftgttki^ thdtfe book 
who ^cted t^ere a le#d play that was itetft up. 



On the 15th of August, uews came of the grewt^ '^7* 
defeat given the French at St. Quinthi's : so an co\dntm m 
order was sent to the bishbp of Ldhdon to publish ten at 
that at St. PauFs Cro^. On the 24th of August, ®™*^^* 
letters were ordered to he written to the mayor 
and aldermen of Bristol, requirilog them to conform 
themselves, hi frequenting sermons, processions, and 
other ceremonies, at the cathedral : and not to ai>- 
f^tA themselves, as they had done of late, nor to <£k:- 
pect that the doan and chaptor should come with 
their cross, and itt procession, to fetch them out Of 
liie tity ; Which was a thing tinseemly, and out of 
ottkei*. On the 2d of September, news came of the 
taitfaig of St. Quintin's ; upon which, an order was 
sent to the lord mayor of London to have bonfires 
alt night, and to come the next day to high mass. 
On the 6th of September, an order was sent to the 
lord m^yor of London to apprehend those who had 
acted a play, called A SMk fuU of News; bnt 
Hiere was an order sent soon after to set them at li- 
borty. On the 6th of October, news came that 
peace was made between the pope and the king; 
upon which the council ordered high mass to be M 
St. Paul's ; and the lord mayor was required to be 
there, and to have bonfires over the city. The coun- ^ 
dl was for some time wholly taken up with the 
matter of the loan, and the privy-seals ; and though 
the goveitiment had certain notice of the design df 
tiie Frendi upon Calais, yet no parliament was 
caUed, by which money, and every thing ^Ise that 
was necessary to the preserving it, could have been 
famished. But the spirit of the nation was now 




THE HISTORY OF I 

■Bed ; and compassion began to rise towards ' 
gr people, that were thus sacrificed to the 
' cf the priests, and the bigotry of a weak 
li woman, so that they would not venture m 
', one, but tried other ineffectual methods H 
[ Awney ; which increased the jealousy of tbe 
i than it added to the queen's treasure. 
--_ . _i„_— ' was again quickened, by another letta, 

ibi mmJt tQ, pmeed against heretics : upon which, he sent 
Mw^"" dawn Sr< Chedsey to Colchester ; who, io a letta 
that be wrote to Bonner, on the 21st of April 155S, 
* Adb lliin* that, while he was sitting at Colchester, 
\ heretics, he received a summons to ap- 
; the council : but he desires that Bonner 
ke his excuse, since he was on the great 
LVvfc of finding out heretics, anabaptists, and otba 
annilif persons, such as the like was never heard. 
,. TliQce i^ also in the minute-book an entry of tht 
letter of the 1st of August 1558, written on Ben- 
bridge's account; who, when he was ready to be 
burnt, offered to recant : upon which the sheriff of 
Hampshire stayed the execution : for that he was 
chid ; but a letter was written to the bishop of Win- 
chester, to examine whether his conversion was en- 
tire and siucere. 

And now I have no more light from the council- 
book : for that authentic volume goes only to the end 
of the year 1557 ; the last passage I find in it relat- 
ing to religion being on the 15th of December : tbm 
they wrote & letter to the bishop of London, and 
sent with it the examination of John Rough, a Scot- 
tish minister, whom they had sent to Newgate, and 
required him to proceed against him according to 
the laws. It may be, perhdps, thought, that I bate 



THE REFORMATION. 607 

taken out of it nothing but what related to proceed- book 
ings against heretics : but that is, because there is ^' 
scarce any thing else in it; for I have taken out of ^^^7- 
it every tfiing that related to the government, or 
that was in any sort historical. But the council 
knew what it was that the queen's heart was set on, 
and what would please her most ; and so they ap- 
jdied their care and diligence chielSy to that. 

There was a strange spirit of cruelty, that run 
through the body of the clergy : it was animated by 
the government, and showed itself in so many dis- 
mal instances, in all the parts of the nation, that it 
struck people with horror. This, joined with the 
intolerable haughtiness of the king, and the shame- 
ful loss of Calais, brought the government under a 
universal hatred and contempt. In a book, correct- 
ed, if not written by the lord Burleigh, in queen 
Elizabeth's time, entitled. The Executions for 
Treason, the sum of those who suffered in this 
wretched reign is thus reckoned : '^ Four hundred 
persons suffered publicly in queen Mary's days, 
besides those who were secretly murdered in pri- 
son : of these, twenty were bishops and dignified 
clergymen; sixty were women; children, more 
than forty : some women big with child ; one bore 
** a child in the fire, and the child was burnt." 

It does not appear that the bishops or clergy 
showed any great inclination to entertain Pole's pro- 
ject for the reformation of abuses ; or that they were 
at much pains, in the way of instruction, to reduce 
the people. All that I find in this way is, that Bon- 
ner set out an instruction for his diocese in the year 
1555. The people had heard so much of the Second 
Commandment, that he did not think fit to leave it 



ft 

€( 

€€ 
t€ 



808 THE HISTORY OF 

PART quite out, as is done in most catechisms of the churdi 
^^^' of Rome : but yet he durst not venture on giving it 



^^^^- honestly; therefore, instead of the words, nor wor- 
ship them : he gave it thus, nor adore ^em wiA 
Goats honour. Watson, bishop of Lincoln, did, in 
June 1558, put another out for his diocese. It 
seems he was in a high degree of favour with the 
cardinal; since, notwithstanding the zeal he ex- 
pressed against plurality of benefices in one person, 
he was allowed to hold the deanery of Duresme in 
commemdam^ when he was promoted to Lincdn^ 
Pftper- The license is in January 1557 ; in which it is said, 

Office 

that the cardinal consented to it. 

The first public occasion, that the ill-natured pope 
found to express his displeasure at Pole, was, upon 
the death of Day, bishop of Chichester. The pope 
Would not suffer Christopherson, the new bishop, to 
be preconized in Pole's name, but did it himself, as 
Kam wrote over on the 10th of April, Kam after 
that, on the 15th of June, wrote to the queen, that 
the pope had ordered cardinal Morone to be impri- 
soned on the account of religion. Four cardinals 
were sent to examine him. Karn adds, that he was 
in high reputation at Rome for his sanctity : and he 
Rymer. belicved him a good catholic, and a holy man. 
The papal The stylc in which all the bishops' bulls during 
?n"thu**°' this reign did run, was, that the pope, by his apo- 
'**^°' stolical authority, did provide the person to the 
see, and set him over it. Upon which the bishop 
so named did renounce every clause in his bull, that 
was in any sort prejudicial to the crown : and the 
renunciation being so made, the custody of the tem- 
poralties was given to the bishop elect. In the bulls, 
no mention is made either of the queen's recommend- 



>in OODTOOU 



THE REFORMATION. 509 

I iPi^ Wff of tbe chapter's el^ctiiig. Rymer Iwf g^ book 
. ;tliared the bulls for Exeter, Bangor, St. Asaph, Caiv ' 
■ Mik, Chester, Peterborough, and Iiiucoln, besides ^^^^* 
li ibase for Canterbury and York ;. and thej all run in 
/ tbe style of papal provisions. Nor does he mention 
• ^^wgd d'elirey except for Chester, Winchester, Car- 
lisle, Lincoln, Chicliester, and Peterborough. Ther^ 
ji eomething particular in the restitution of the tem- 
pofalties of Carlisle to Oglethorpe : it is added, that 
1ms was to pay 400 marli^s. I do not comprehend 
wbat could be the^ reason of this singularity. 

There was another convocation in January !ld5^. Prooeedingi 
Harpsfield was chosen prolocutor. On the 88th of^! 
January, Bonner, as the cardinal's comnoissary, pro- 
posed some heads of reformation ; and the lower 
.^puse desired leave, to offer their propositions. On 
thq 4th of Febniary, a subsidy was agreed to of eight 
shillings in the pound, to be paid in £3ur years ; and 
OB the 9th, he told the bishops, that the lower house 
had agreed to it. Complaint was made of a want 
of jHriests to $erve the cures : in order to remedy 
thi^ and to provide a supply for the smaller bene- 
fices, it was proposed^ that no pi^est should be taken 
up to serve in the war9. 8- That the bishops might 
have authoHty to unite small benefices^ which the 
priest should serve by turns. 3. That the parish- 
ioners of chapels of ease might be obliged to onne to 
the parish church, till curates could be provided. 
4. That bishops might be authorized by the pope to 
ordaiui extra tempera. There was also some consi- 
deration had about the furnishing of arms ; and a 
decree passed for the provision of them, after the 
same rate that the laity had agreed to. But then 
the convocation was prorogued, first to the 11th of 



610 THE HISTORY OF 

PART NoYember, and then to the 17th ; on whidi daj fhe 
queen died. 



A mmi ^"^ ^^^ ^ ^P^*^ ^'^ ^''^^ ^ ^'''^ nation : CaUi^ 
traity «f and the phioes about» were lost ; and the nation w» 

opmd. 80 exhausted, that the supporting the govemmcit 
was no easy thing. The persons most in &vour witk 
the two kings of France and I^Mun were two deigj- 
men, the cardinal of Lorraine and the bishop of Aira^ 
soon after promoted to be a cardinal. Thejr mw, 
that the continuance of the war made it reaacmafale 
on both sides not to put a stop to the progress of he- 
resy ; though it had not that effect in England : thej 
therefore, at an interview, projected a peace ; that 
so both kings might be at fiiU leisure to extirpate 
heresy out of their dominions. 

In order to this, France was wrilling to make greit 
restitutions: only, from the first opening of the 
treaty, they declared very positively, that they re- 
solved never to part with Calais. A treaty was 
opened ; and the earl of Arundel, the bishop of Ely, 
and dean Wotton, were sent to treat in the queen's 
name. I shall here only give the abstract of two 
papers, which I found relating to this matter, 
^f- The first is the council's letter to the ambassadcH^ 

Snudi hope Written on the 8th of November ; which is in the 
aioTiS! Collection. The ambassadors saw no hope of the 
itored. restoring of Calais ; so they had moved the council 
Nanib.'4a. to lay the matter before the parliament. *' It was 
not thought convenient to break it to the whole 
house : it was thought best to begin with the no- 
bility, and some of the best and gravest sort. But 
before they made that step, they thought it neces- 
sary to ask the queen's mind : she thought it was 
best to lay it first before the king. Upon which. 






THE REFORMATION. 511 

'* they sent the ambassadors with a letter to the book 

^^ king ; and resolved to stay till his answer came. ! 

" They write, that the queen was still sick and ^^^^' 
'' weak : they hoped for her amendment ; but they 
'f were driven to fear and mistrust the worst. In a 
**. postscript, they tell them they had received the am- 
<* bassadors' letters of the 4th, by which they saw 
*fthe French were resolved not to restore Calais: 
^ and that the king told them, that his commis- 
^ sioners had almost agreed with the French in all 
^ other matters ; but he would agree to nothing, un- 
^ less the queen was satisfied. The council ordered 
'< the ambassadors to lay before the king the import- 
'* ance of leaving Calais in the hands of the French ; 
** and how much it would touch the honour of the 
^ king and queen, that, so many restitutions being 
^ to be made on both sides, this alone should not be 
•* restored. The subjects of this realm would cer- 
** tainly be very uneasy at this. The war was begun 
^ at the king's request, and for his sake. If to other 
'* of the king's allies, places are to be restored, that 
** were taken from them some years ago ; what then 
^^ can be judged, if a peace is concluded without this 
** restitution ? Yet, on the other hand, if there is an 
'< agreement in all other matters, (which is like a 
** giving up of the point,) much were to be endured 
** for the wealth of Christendom. In these matters, 
^ the ambassadors were ordered to deal plainly with 
^* the king, and to study to know his mind ; since 
*' the French keeping these places might be as great 
^ prejudice to his Low-Countries, as to England. 
" They desire a plain and speedy answer, that they 
** might know what to offer to the nobility and par- 
'^ liament, with relation to this matter." 






512 THE HISTORY OF 

PART I'h^ answer to thb belongs to this reign; thou^ 
'"• it was written on the day after the queen died^ 
1558. signed by the three ambassadors. It is ia theCoUou 
Ni!!Jb!*43. tion. " They had written formerly^ that the Frenck 
king had said he would hazard his crown rather 
than restore Calais : yet for all those high words 
*^ they did not quite despair. The commissioners of 
** both kings had broke up their conferences, and le- 
*^ turned to their masters, to give an account d 
*' what they had done, and to receive their findl 
'^ orders. The ambassadors believed, that if the king 
** insisted positively on the restitution of Calais, that 
this might induce the French to agree to it: where- 
as, if the king and his ministers spoke but fiadntljr 
'* of that matter, they were sure the fVench woqU 
'< still refuse to do it. Therefore they did not think 
'^ fit to use any words to the king, to make him 
imagine that the queen or the kingdom would 
consent to a peace, without the restoring of Ca- 
** lais : because their instructions were express in 
** that point. The king continued to say, that he 
^^ would make no peace, unless the queen should be 
^^ satisfied : so that if she and her council continued 
to insist on that point, they did believe the French 
would restore it, rather than lose the view they 
*^ liad of peace. And whereas the council wrote to 
^^ them, that if all other things were near agreed, 
much were to be endured for tlie peace of Christ- 
endom ; yet that all others should have restitution, 
^^ and that poor England should only bear the loss, 
^* was hard ; especially so great a loss : and thej 
^' were so far from thinking that the leaving Calais 
to the French would purchase a sure peace, that 
they thought, on the contraiy, that nothing showed 












it 



it 



THE REFORMATION. BIS 

^ more endentlj that the French did not intend to book 
^continue the peace, with England especially, than 



ۤ 



their keeping of Calais. The French oouM easily ^^^ 
aanoj England on the side of Scotland ; the dau- 
phin being then married to the queen of Scots : 
and what the French pretend to by that marriage 
was not unknown to them. (This probablj was, 
** to daim the crown of England upon the queen's 
" death.) Now if the French kept Calais, the Eng- 
^.Ush could neither hurt their enemies, nor assist 
^ their friends, or be assisted by them so easily, as 
^ wheaa, that place was in their hands. England 
"^ would be shut out from the rest of Europe : the 
'* Yery knowledge of the transactions abroad would 
^ come late to them, and that place would be a 
^ sconge for England, as it was before Edward tibe 
^ Third took it ; which made him come with his 
son, vand but with a small army from Normandy 
^ into France, and to march through Picardy to be- 
side it, the enemy pursuing him with a greater 
army : but he fought through them, till at last he 
fought them at Cressy ; where, though the French 
were three to one, yet he totally defeated tiiem, 
^ and contmued the siege till he took it. So the 
French having Scotland on the one hasd, and Ca- 
^' lais on the other, it was easy to apprehend what 
might £9llow on this. The French would aagn 
oiy terms with them to keep that place. These 
would be only parchment and wax. They knew 
^ bow numy parchments king fVancis sealed to king 
^ Henry ; and the present king to king Edward. 
*^ They saw the effects they had ; and if a war 
^ should follow between England and France, tbey 
*^ were not sure that Spain would join with Eng- 

VOL. III. L 1 



€€ 



TITE HISTORT I 



1 



"•Iflld: whereas now the king could not hononraWy 
^^•'■•ke any peace without us; and he himself said 
•*!» would not; so they did not think Christendom 
** dKNdd have a good peace, if Calais were left to 
^ dw French ; and it was certainly more the interert 
•*of England to continue the war in , conjunction 
H'witfa the king, than to make a peace, letting it go, 
** and then be forced to b^n a new war, and to 
**'liave all the burden of it lie upon England. All 
^ tiBb they thought themselves bound to lay before 
•<tlie council. The bishop of Kly adds, that he 

* wn with the commissioners by the king's order; 
"-tbej had not yet agreed concerning the matters of 
^Oonicaand Sieoa: the French have likewise de- 
•T manded the i-estitution of Navarre ; so that some 
^tboBght the treaty would be broken off without 

* coiifcluding in a peace. The earl of Arundel adds. 
"that, after they had gone so far in their letter, he 
" received a letter from the bishop of Arras, dated 
*• the 17th, in which he writes thus; The bishop of 
** Ely has told you on what terms we were in this 
" pu^atory, at his leaving us. The French told us 
" yesterday that they would condescend to every 
" thing rather than yield in the matter of Calais, ot 
" let that place go out of their hands. And we on 
" OUT part told them, that, without full satisfaction to 
" the kingdom of England, we would not treat with 
" them in any sort. And we parted so, that there is 
" more appearance of a rupture than of a conclusion of 
" the treaty." But after all, our ambassadors doubted 
much whether it would break off only on the account 
of Calais. If they were in doubt about it, while the 
queen was yet alive, it may be easily supposed that 
her death put them out of all doubt concerning it. 



THE REFORMATION. 516 

And now I am come to the conclusion of this in- book 
l^rious reign. Campana gives a different account ^' 
of the immediate occasion of the queen's death, firom ^^^®* 

, A particular 

what is to be found in other authors. He tells us, relation of 
that king Philip, seeing no hope of issue hj her, and sioV^he 
that she was in an ill state of health, designed a^|^,'' 
marriage between the duke of Savoy and the lady 
Elizabeth : the queen had a very bad opinion of her 
sister, suspecting she had ill principles in religion. 
King Philip thought the duke of Savoy would be a 
firm friend to him, and a constant enemy to France. 
Bat he could never bring the queen to hearken to 
this : yet now that she was declining very &st, he 
sent over the duke of Feria to propose the match to 
the privy-council, without any regard to the queen, 
or to the opposition she might make to it. And he 
ordered him to use all possible means to bring it to 
a conclusion. The queen resented this highly ; and 
when she saw it was designed to force her to itf she 
fell into an extreme melancholy. The privy-council 
did not entertain the motion ; and the queen dying 
in a few days, an end was put to it : for though I 
find the duke of Feria was in England upon queen 
Elizabeth's coming to the crown, it does, not appear 
that he made any proposition of that matter to her. 
What truth soever may be in this, the nation was 
now delivered from a severe and unhappy, though 
short reign : in which superstition and cruelty had 
the ascendant to such a degree, that it does not ap- 
pear that there was any one great or good design 
ever set on foot, either for the wealth or glory of the 
nation. The poor queen delivered herself up to her 
peevish and fretful humours, and to her confessor ; 
and seemed to have no other thoughts, but about the 

Ll2 



r 



510 THE HISTORY OF 



FART extirpation oi heresy, and tlie endowing of tnomu- 
" • teries. Even the war, that commonly slackens ti* 
1558, g(,f(^3 proceedings, had not that effect here. Ho 
inexorable hatred of all she accounted heretics was 
such, that I find but one single instance of a pardtm 
of any condemned of heresy : and that was upon the 
cardinal's intercession, God shortened the time of 
her reign for his elect's sake : and he seemed to have 
suffered popery to show itself in its true and natural 
colours, all over both false and bloody ; even in a 
female reign, from whence ail mildness and gentle- 
ness might have been expected ; to give this nation 
such an evident and demonstrative proof of the bar- 
barous cruelty of that religion, as might raise a last- 
ing abhorrence and detestation of it. 
A p«»iiei It was visible that the providence of God made a 
M.^*Md very remai'kable difference, in all respects, between 
bett'i n^. tl"^ V^^ short and despised reign, and the glory, the 
Imgtii, and the pros{>erit7 of tlw BQcceedii^ rtapL 
So that, as far as we can reason from the outward 
characters of things, the one was all over mean ^m1 
black, while the other shitted with a supuior bright* 
ness, to the adroiratioa of all the worid. It wanted 
no foil to s^ it off, being all over lustre and f^rj. 
But if that was wanting, the base and contemptible 
reign that went before it could not but add to its 
tightness. 

One amazittg character of Prondenoe in ber de^h, 
and in the great successor that came after her, was, 
that at the time that the two ministers, bring bodi 
ecdesiastic* of the kings of France and Spain, woe 
designing a peace, with the view of destroying he- 
resy upon the conclusion of it ; their project was en- 
tir^ blasted in ao cntical a minute : first by the 



THE REFORMATION. 617 

death of queen Maiy^ and the succession of queen book 

Elizabeth; and next bj the unlooked-for death of 1- 

the king of France in July after: so that not only ^^^®' 
the design totally miscarried, but France fell under 
the confusions of a minority ; under which, that they 
called heresy gathered great strength : and the 
cruelty of the Spanish government occasioned the 
revolt of the Netherlands ; while the glorious queen 
of England protected and assisted both so effectu- 
ally, that king Henry the Fourth owned his being 
supported by her in his lowest state was the chief 
means that brought him to the possession of the 
crown of France : and the United Provinces had 
their main dependance on the protection and assist- 
ance that they had from her. So mercifully did 
God deal with this nation, by removing that queen, 
that he had set over it in his wrath, and so graciously 
did he watch over the reformation, that in the very 
time, in which the enemies of that work reckoned it 
was to be rooted out, he raised up a glorious instru- 
ment, that not only revived it among us, but by a 
kind and tender influence watched over it, and pro- 
tected it every where. So I now turn to view the 
auspicious beginnings of that blessed reign. 



Lis 



BOOK VI 



Of the beginnings of queen Elizabeth's reign. 

No prince ever came to the throne in a moi'e book 

clouded state of affairs than this queen did : the na '• — 

tion was engaged in a war, both with France and 
Scotland. The queen had no ally but king Philip : 
and though she was sensible of her particular obli- 
gations to him, yet being resolved to make altera- 
tions in religion, she knew she could depend no 
longer on him, when once these should be begun. 
The duke of Feria, then his ambassador in England, 
took all occasions to let her understand, that his 
master was the catholic king^ and that therefore he 
must protect that religion. The papists whom she 
found in the ministry possessed her with fears of 
rebellions at home, and of wars from abroad, if she 
set herself to alter religion. Those she brought into 
her councils, in conjunction with the papists, chiefly 
Bacon and Cecil, had been so accustomed to comply 
with what they condemned in matters of religion, 
that they brought themselves to bear what they did 
not approve: and they apprehended great danger 
if they should proceed too quick in those matters. 

The queen's inclinations to the reformation were Her indi. 

, . . natioos in 

universally relied on : h&r education and knowledge, reiigioa 
her bad usage during the former reign, and her title ^a^ 
to the crown, that was grounded on a marriage, 
made in defiance to the pope, led all people to con- 

Ll4 



620 THE HISTORY OF 

T clude» that, what slow steps soever she might make 

; in it, she would certainly declare for it, as soon as 

^' she saw she could be safe in doing it. Upon tlm 
some, whether out of a forwardness of zeal, or on 
design to encourage her, began earlj to pull down 
images, and to make changes: but on the other 
hand, the priests, apprehending what was like to 
follow, begun at the same time to alarm the people: 
some broke out into seditious words, to animate the 
people against all changes ; and the pulpits being afl 
in their hands, they had free scope there to give the 
alarm : some went further, and called her title to 
the crown in question ; and set up the pretensions 
of the queen of Scotland. Of these, the industriost 
Mr. Strype has gathered many instances, that showed 
on the one hand their seditious tempers ; and on the 
other hand, the great mildness of the government, 
different from the cruelty of the former reign. To 
put a stop to these, she did by one proclamation pro- 
hibit all preaching ; and by another, all alterations 
by private hands. 

As her ministers advised this caution in matters of 
religion, so they persuaded her to digest the loss of 
Calais, and to come into a peace with France and 
Scotland, 
t sent They likewise thought of new alliances. In order 
to this, Mount was brought into England again ; and 
had secret instructions given him by Cecil, to go to 
all the princes of Germany, to know how far the 
^.jj queen might depend on their assistance ; and to re- 
^^ ceive the advices that the princes offered, with rela- 
• »d- tion to the affairs of England, and in particular, con- 
cerning a proper marriage for the queen. He found 
them ready to receive the queen into the Smalcaldic 



THE REFORMATION. 621 

leagoe ; chiefly, if the reformation that was intended ^^k 
migfat be made upon their model. The match they 



<( 

€€ 



all proposed was with Charks of Austria, the empe- 
ror Ferdinand's second son, brother to Maximilian, 
the king of Bohemia and Hungary ; who was known 
to be a protestant : for though he complied in the 
outward acts of the popish worship, yet he had a 
minister in his court, whom he heard frequently 
preach. Both the elector palatine, and the duke 
of Wirtemberg, assured Mount, that Charles de- 
signed, as soon as he durst, for fear of his father^s 
displeasure, to declare himself of their religion. He 
said to one of these princes ; ** I love the religion 
that my brother holds, and approve of it ; and will, 
by the grace of God, profess it openly. He told 
** him, that his father suspected this ; and had 
** pressed him to take an oath, that he would never 
** change his religion. He refused that ; but said to 
^' his father, that he believed, as he did, all that was 
in the New Testament, and in the orthodox Fa* 
thers. Upon which the emperor said, I see this 
son is likewise corrupted." They thoughf this 
match would be a great strengthening of the queen : 
it would engage the whole house of Austria in the 
protestant religion, and unite the whole empire in an 
alliance with the queen. This was writ to the queen cottoniibr, 

. * « • 1 -r OftlMy II* 

m the year 1559 ; but m the copy I saw, the par- 
ticular date is not added. 

The news of the queen's coming to the crown no The le- 
sooner reached Zurick, than all those who had re- ta™ to ^' 
tired thither resolved to return to England. They^"*^*^ 
had been entertained there both by the magistrates, 
and the ministers, BuUinger, Gualter, Weidner, Sim- 
ler, Lavater, Oesner, and all the rest of that body. 






52S THE HISTORY OF 

ART with a tenderness and affection, that engaged them 
*"• to the end of their lives to make the greatest acknow- 
1558. ledgments possible for it. The first of these was is 
aU respects the chief person of that society, with 
whom they held the closest correspondence. Peter 
Martyr was likewise there, and was treated by them 
all with a singular respect, even to a submisnon. 
Jewel was first formed by him at Oxford, and so 
continued to his death in a constant commerce of 
letters with him, writing always to him by the titk 
of Father. I saw a great volume of those letters as 
I passed through Zurick in the year 1685 ; so I was 
desirous to have the volume sent me : but I found, 
that, by their rules, that could not be done. I also 
understood, that there were several letters reladng 
to our affairs, scattered through several other vo- 
lumes ; so professor Otto did kindly and with much 
zeal undertake to get them to be copied for me. The 
person who managed and procured this for me was 
that pious and learned professor at Geneva, Alphon- 
sus Turretin, born to be a blessing to the state he 
lives in. He has given the world already, on many 
occasions, great instances of his exquisite learning, 
and of a most penetrating judgment, having made a 
vast progress in a few years ; in which a feeble and 
tender body, though it is a great clog, that gives his 
friends many sad apprehensions, yet cannot keep 
down an exalted mind from many performances, 
that seem to be above both his years and his strength. 
But how valuable soever these qualities are, yet his 
zeal for the great things of religion, and his modera- 
tion in lesser matters, together with a sublime and 
exalted piety, is that which I observed in him, even 
when he was scarce out of childhood, and have, with 



THE REFORMATION. BUS 

a continual joy and delight^ seen the advances of it book 
ever since. This grateful account of him I owe not 



so much to his friendship, (though I owe a great deal ^^^^' 
to that,) but to his rare and singular worth. By his 
means I procured copies of the letters that our re^ 
•formers continued to write, chiefly to Peter Martjrr, 
BuUinger, and Gualter: and with them I have a 
solemn attestation, under the seal of that noble can- 
ton, of their being true copies, carefully collated with 
the originals ; which I have put at the end of the 
Collection. If there had not been many interrup- 
tions in the series of those letters, th^ are so par- 
ticular, that from them we should have had a clear 
thread of the history of that time : but many of them 
are lost ; and they are wanting on some of the most 
critical occasions. I shall make the best use of them 
I can, as far as they lead me. 

Horn and Sands went ^rst to England : so Jewel, Tbey wtn 
who was following them, writes from Strasbui^, on ed by the * 
the 26th of January 1559, to Peter Martyr: and**"^' 
adds, " that they were well received by the queen ; coUect. 
that many bishoprics were void; Christopherson '*""'• '"' 
was certainly dead : that White, whom Martyr 
** knew well, had preached the funeral sermon when 
" queen Mary was buried ; the text was, I praised 
'* the dead mare than the Uving: in which he 
charged the audience, by all means not to suffer 
any change to be made in religion. Inveighing 
against the fugitives, that might perhaps return 
into England, he said, whosoever should kill them 
would do a deed acceptable to God. Upon this he 
writes, that both the marquis of Winchester, and 
Heath archbishop of York, seemed highly displeased 
at it. He adds, that Bonner was obliged to restore 






€4 



524 THE HISTORY OF 

PART '^ to Ridley's execotors all his goods that he hii 

''^' ^ violently seized od, and was confined to his home." 

1559. I have seen a copy of White's sermoa. In it he com- 

mends queen Mary for this, that she would never be 

called head of the church : though the falsehood of 

that is on record, in the ^writs that were sealed fiv 

above a year after she came to the crown. He nnu 

out with great fury against heresy : Geneva is, is 

particular, named the seat of it. He says, queeo 

Mary's death was like the death of an angel, if tbcj 

were mortal. He insinuates his fears otjfyitigm 

the mnter, an the sabbath, or beings with child: aO 

which he represents as allegorical. Yet he has some 

decent words of the queen ; and says, they were to 

comfort themselves for the death of one sister, in the 

other that survived. 

Those of Gualter wrote to one Masters, who was the queen's 

TiMatho- physician, and was well known to him, on the 1 6th 

fbmation ^^ January. " He congratulates the happy change 

Collect. " of their affairs. He wishes (I translate his words 

"™ • ^5- «< strictly) that they would not hearken to the coud- 

" sels of those men ; who, when they saw that po- 

" pery could not be honestly defended, nor entirely 

** retained, would use all artifices to have the out- 

" ward face of religion to remain mixed, incertain, 

" and doubtful : so that, while an evangelical refor- 

" mation is pretended, those things should be ob- 

** truded on the church, which will make the retum- 

" ing back to popery, to superstition, and to idolatry, 

very easy. I write not these things to you, he adds, 

as knowing that there are any such among you ; 

but I write, from a fear that there may be some 

" such : for we have had the experience of this for 

'* some years in Grermany, and know what influence 






THE REFORMATION. 525 

^ such persons may have. Their counsels seem to a book 
<< carnal judgment to be ftill of modesty, and well 



t€ 



•• fitted for carrying on an universal agreement : and *^^^' 
^ we may well beUeve, that the common enemy of 
^^ our salvation will find out proper instruments, by 
^ whose means the seeds of popery may still remain 
^ among you. A little after he writes, that he ap- 
^* prebends, that in the first beginnings, while men 
may study to avoid the giving some small offence, 
many things may be suffered under this colour^ 
that they will be continued but for a little while ; 
and yet afterwards, it will scarce be possible, by 
^^ all the endeavours that can be used, to get them 
^ to be removed, at least not without great strug- 
^* glings." Dr. Masters, in answer to this, tells him, 
he had laid his letter before the queen, and that she 
had read it all. He promises to use his best endear 
vours for carrying on a sound reformation. This 
plainly insinuated their fears of somewhat like what 
was designed by the Interim in Germany. 

Francis earl of Bedford had ffone out of England The eari 
in queen Mary's time, and had stayed some time at had cuyed 
Zurick : he had expressed a true zeal for the refor- S^ zuHci! 
mation, and a particular regard for the divines there; J^^^^® 
of which a letter in the Collection gives a clear couect. 
account : and upon that they wrote often to him, "" ' ^ • 
and pressed him vehemently to take care in the first 
b^nnings to have all things settled upon sure and 
sound foundations. 

On the 24th of January the convocation was Proceedings 
opened ; but the bishops, in obedience to the queen's Mtion!^ 
proclamation against preaching, did not think fit to 
open it with a sermon. Those who I find are marked 
as present are, the bishops of London, Winchester, 



526 THE HISTORY OF 

PART Lincoln, Worcester, Coventry and Ldtcfafidd, and 
^^^' the abbot of Westminster. These appeared persoa- 



1559. ojjy . QQ^ the bishops of Ely, Peterborough, and 8t 
Asaph sent their proxies : but no mention is made 
of the bishops of Bath and Wells, St. David's, Lan- 
daffe, and Exeter. All the other sees were then 
vacant ; Canterbury, Salisbury, Norwich, Chichester, 
Hereford, Glocester, Oii^ford, Bangor^ Bristol, and 
Rochester : ten in alL Harpsfield was chosen pro- 
locutor. He asked, What they had to do, and what 
was to be done, to preserve religion ? The bishops 
answered, They must pray the queen, that no new 
burden might be laid on the clergy in this parlia- 
ment. This was to prevent the demand of a new 
subsidy, the former not being yet paid. In the 
seventh session the prolocutor offered to the bishqs 
the five articles mentioned in my History. These 
they had drawn up for the discharge of their con- 
sciences, and they desired the bishops to be their 
leaders in this matter. The bishops received their 
paper, and promised to offer it next day to the house 
of lords. In the next session, the prolocutor and 
clergy came up, and asked the bishops, if they had 
delivered their paper to the house of lords ? Bonner 
answered, that they had delivered it to the lord 
keeper, the mouth of that house ; who, to all ap- 
pearance, received it kindly, or thankfully, {gratan- 
ter^) but gave them no answer. The clergy desired 
the bishops to get an answer from him, or at least 
to know his pleasure, before their next meeting. In 
the ninth session the bishops told the clergy, that 
they had not yet found a fit opportunity to obtain 
an answer from the house of lords. On the tenth 
session Bonner told the clergy, that all their articles, 



THE REFORMATION. 6«7 

eiLcept the last, which was, ^^ That the authority of book 

** treating and defining, in matters of the faith, of '. — 

'^ the sacraments, and of ecclesiastical discipline, be- ^^^^' 
^ longed to the pastors of the church, and not to 
•* the laity ;" were approved by the two universities. 
After this came only perpetual prorogations from day 
to day, without any business done, till the ninth of 
Hdajf in which the convocation was dissolved. So 
this was the last and feeble struggle that the popish 
dergy made in convocation. 

The bishops stood firm in the house of lords. The bishops 
where there were none of the other side to answer ^^^ 
them ; few of the temporal lords being very learned, house'of''* 
They seemed to triumph there, and hung so upon the ***"*•• 
wheels, that there was a slow progress made. On 
the 20th of March, Jewel writes to Peter Martyr, collect. 
^ That after a journey of fifty-k)ne days from the "" ' ^^* 
^* time he left Zurick, he got to London ; where he 
^* was amazed to find the pope's authority was not 
yet thrown off: masses were still said; and the 
bishops continued still insolent. Things were be- 
ginning to mend a little : a public disputation was 
^^ then resolved on ; and he adds, that the queen 
** spoke with great esteem of Peter Martyr. The 
^^ inferior soi*t of the populace was both ignorant 
** and perverse. He tells him, Brooks, bishop of 
" Glocester, whom he calls an impure beast, was 
^' newly dead ; and cried out> as he was dying, that 
" he was damned." 

Jewel, in a letter to Bullinger from London on 
the 22d of May 1559* which is in the Collection, Collect, 

... Numb. 48. 

after great acknowledgments of his obligations to 
him and to all Zurick, '^ thanks him for quickening 
^' them to act with zeal and courage. There was 



€€ 



588 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << need of it ; fivr besides those who had been alinqfi 
"'• « their enemies, the deserters, who had left them in 



1559. sc |.|je former reign, were now their most bitter cm- 

^ mies. Besides this, the Spaniards had comi|ited 

** the morals of the nation to a great degree. Tbey 

** were doing what they could, and all things were 

'* coming into a better state. The queen did ycij 

** solemnly refuse to be called head of the church . 

** she thought that title was only due to Christ. The 

*' universities were strangely corrupted by Soto, and 

** another Spanish monk : it was scarce credible hoir 

^ much mischief they had done in so little time. Ife 

<' teUs him, that the lord Bedford had asked him, 

<' What would be the most acceptable present that 

** he could send to him and his brethren ? He an- 

^ swered, Nothing could be so acceptable to them, 

** as his expressing a zeal for promoting the gospd, 

'^ and against popery. That lord assured him, he 

** would do that faithfully : which, as he writes, he 

was doing very sincerely. He writes also, how 

that several princes were making addresses to the 

queen for her marriage ; but many suspected her 

inclinations lay to one Pickering, a worthy and 

pious man, and one of a most noble figure, as to 

his person. He refers him for other things to his 

" letters to Peter Martyr." On the sixth of April, 

Jewel wrote a particular account of the disputation ; 

which though it is upon the matter the same that is 

in my History, yet since it is both a confirmation of 

it, and has some circumstances that are new, I have 

Collect, put it in my Collection. " He tells him that Cole 

" treated the reformers with many reproaches and 

** much scorn, and called them seditious incendiaries. 

" He delivered his speech with great emotion, stamp- 






Nnmb. 49. 



THE REFORMATION. 5»9 

** ing with his feet, and putting himself as in convul- book 
^ sions. He said, the apostles divided their work 



^ into two provinces, the western and the eastern : ^^^^• 
^ the first St. Peter and St. Paul had given to them, 
^ where the worship was to be aH in Latin ; the 
^ eastern division fell to the other apostles, where 
*^ all was to be performed in Greek. This he intro- 
^ duced with pomp, as a thing certain. He affirmed, 
^' that it was not fit the people should understand 
^ the public worship ; for ignorance was the mother 
^ of devotion. The paper prepared by the reformers 
** was read gravely and modestly by Horn : so that 
^ all who were present (he names the earl of Shrews- 
^^ bury in particular) acknowledged the victory was 
*^ clearly on their side. By this, and by what hap- 
^^ pened the second day, the popish cause sunk much 
** in the opinion of the people.** 

On the 28th of April, in another letter, which is collect. 
in the Collection, he tells Peter Martyr how earn- °" ' ^^* 
estly the bishops contended in the house of lords. 
^^ Fecknam defended monastic orders from the sons 
^' of the prophets, and the Nazarites among the 
*' Jews ; and said, Christ and his apostles were 
^ monks. None struggled more vehemently than 
Thirleby. He saw a design at court of seizing on 
the bishops' manors, and assigning parsonages to 
'* them instead of them : but he laments most of all, 
** that no care was taken of schools, or of promoting 
** learning ; the universities were in a most misera- 
^^ ble condition. The earl of Bedford pressed the 
** queen to send for Peter Martyr ; she said she 
'* would do it : but as much as Jewel desired to see 
** him, he writes, that he would not advise his com- 
** ing over, if he was not sent for with such an eam- 

VOL. III. M m 






t€ 
i€ 



680 THE mSTORY OF 

PART «< est and honourable invitation as he deaenred to 
" have. He saw many of the queen's ministen 
1559. a ^^pg Jq ii^pe ijQ enter into the Smalcaldic kagoe; 

and one who had been a bishop possessed them 
with an opinion, that if Martyr were brought over, 
that would obstruct the other design : he expresies 
*^ an ill opinion of that person, but does not name 
'^ him :** it must have been either Barlow, Sooiy, or 
Coverdale, for these were all the bishops of the refivr- 
mation that were then alive ; Cov^rdale, aa being a 
Dane, is the likest to have been engaged in the Lu- 
theran (pinion. He concludes his letter, that those 
who had returned from their exile were yet in great 
misery, no care being taken of them. 

S^wTf H^s ^^^^ *s ^^ ^^^ *^"* <rf April: « He lament! 
want of « the want of zeal and industry in promoting the 
an excess ** reformation ; far short of what the papists showed 
m queen Mary s time. Then every thing was car- 
ried on violently, without staying either for law 
" or precedent. But now every thing is managed 
^^ in so slow, so cautious and prudent a manner, as 
" if the word of Grod was not to be received upon 
his own authority : so that, as Christ was thrown 
out by his enemies, he is now kept out by his 
friends. This caution made that the spirits of 
" those that favoured them were sunk, while their 
enemies were much exalted upon it. Yet he ac- 
knowledges, that though no law was made abro- 
gating the mass, it was in many places laid down. 
The nobility seemed zealous in their hatred of 
popery. The queen had indeed softened her mass 
" much ; but there were many things amiss that 
" were left in it : if she could be prevailed on to put 
" the crucifix out of her chapel, it would give a ge- 






it 



it 



THE REFORMATION. 631 

^ neral encouragement; she was truly pious, but book 

^' thought it necessary to proceed by law, and that ^ — 

•• it was dangerous to give way to a furious multi- ^^^^' 
*« tude.'' 

Cox, on the 20th of May, wrote to Weidner, an- 
other divine of Zurick, whom he calls a venerable 
did man. ** He tells him, that they found the short 
^ reign of queen Mary had such effects in hardening 
5^ the minds of the people in their superstition, that 
^^ it would not be easy to change the nation. Great 
^ exposition was made to every good motion by the 
^ Scribes and Pharisees in the house of lords ; for 
^ there was none there that could maintain argu- 
^ ments against the bishops : but the divines who 
^ were returned from their exile were called to 
/^"preach at court before the queen; where they 
<« plainly affirmed that the pope was Antichrist, and 
^ that their traditions were blasphemies. Some of 
'^ the nobility came every day over to them, and 
many of the people, but not one of the clergy ; 
they stuck all together as a body that was not to 
be moved. He tells him the event that the public 
disputation had ; and that now king Edward's laws 
were to be revived. Thus, says he, God has re- 
garded the low estate we were in, and with his 
fatherly compassion has pitied us, and taken off 
the cross we lay under. Grod grant these his great 
and inestimable benefits may never be forgotten 
by us. But he laments, that, while there was so 
great a harvest, there were so few labourers." 
All business was brought to a good conclusion in 
parliament. The king of France's unlooked-rfor death 
had given such a change to the face of affairs abroad, 
that the queen and her ministers seemed to be ani- 

M m 2 



€€ 
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U 
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« 
« 
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5dS THE HISTORY OF 

PART mated with more courage than had appeared In- 
"'• therto. Of this there is a letter of Jewel's in tk 



(( 
(( 



it 
U 
€( 
(t 

it 



1559. Collection. In the beginning of August, it appean, 
Numb. 51. from another letter in the Collection, that preadios 
N^b!'s2. were sent to many different parts. " Many north- 
em counties were assigned to Sands. Jewel had a 
large province ; he was to make a circuit of aboot 
** 700 miles, through Berkshire, Gloucestershhe, 
^' Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall, Dorsetshire, 
and Wiltshire. The popish bishops made a veiy 
poor address to the queen, persuading her not to 
change the state of religion ; to which she answered 
very resolutely : and they, rather than abjure the 
pope once more, which they had often done befiire, 
" were resolved now to relinquish their bishoprics. 
*^ It was plain they had no religion among them; yet 
" now they pretended conscience : they were full of 
^^ rage ; and one of the artifices they used at that 
" time to keep the people from receiving the refor- 
** mation was, the giving out of prophecies, that this 
" change would be short-lived : howsoever the queen 
" had courage ; so he thanks God for the state to 
which their affairs were then brought. Matters 
went well in Scotland; Knox was preaching m 
many places of the country, well guarded: the 
" monasteries were every where pulled dowTi, and 
" all the superstitious stuff that was in them was 
" destroyed. The young king of France took among 
" his titles both England and Scotland. He under- 
" stood it was designed to make himself bishop of 
" Salisbury ; but he was positively resolved to de- 
" cline it." In the letters sent me from Zurick I 
find none of Grindal's on this occasion ; but Mr. 
Strype in his Life has informed the world, that 



if 
it 



THE REFORMATION. 588 

Grindal, when he knew he was designed to be a ^^p^ 
bishop, wrote to Peter Martyr for his opinion in 



€€ 
€€ 
St 
S€ 



several matters. I shall give the substance of his 
letter. ** He did not approve of the queen's taking 
^* away the estates of the bishoprics, and giving them 
^* parsonages instead of them : he thought this was 
the patrimony of the inferior clergy ; so he did not 
see how they could be supplied, if these were given 
to the bishops. He had also a doubt concerning 
the popish vestments. At another time he asked 
his advice, whether the popish priests, upon their 
changing again, should be received and continued 
^^ in their functions ? or whether such of them as 
'^ had been concerned in the late cruelty ought not 
to be prosecuted for that ?" 

To all this Peter Martyr answered, " That for Peter mit- 
the taking away the bishops' estates, and giving ^^' 
them parsonages for them, they could neither^""*"* 
hinder nor help it ; but they ought out of them to 
support the clergy that laboured in those parishes. 
" For the habits, he confessed he did not love them; 
" for while he was a canon in Oxford, he never would 
use the surplice. He thought they ought to do 
what they could to get them to be laid aside ; but 
" that, if that could not be done, he thought he 
** might do more good, even in that particular, by 
submitting to it, and accepting a bishopric, which 
might give him an interest to procure a change 
afterwfffds. As for the popish priests, he advised 
the forgiving all that was past ; and the receiving 
them, according to the practice of the primitive 
" church, in the return of the Arians to the ortho- 
" dox body. But they were to watch over them, 
'^ and to instruct and examine them with more care.*' 

M m 3 



« 
tt 









684 THE HISTORY OF 

PART This answer came too late, for Orindal was come- 
^''' crated before he got it; but it was, no doubt, a 



1559. great satisfaction to him, to find that a person, whom 
he esteemed so highly, approved of the resdutkm 
that he had taken : in which it was probable Jewcfs 
opinion, of whom they had all a high esteem, might 
contribute to settle him ; for though he disliked the 
use of those vestments, and treats the insisting so 
much on it with great contempt ; yet, on the other 
hand, he blames those who laid too much weight 
upon that matter, and so looked on it as a tbiiig 
of more importance than truly it was. 

They all rejoiced in the happy turn of affairs then 

in Scotland, the much greater part of that nation 

declaring themselves openly and zealously against 

popery. 

The begin- Here I shall insert an account concerning Scot- 

^ra'^^land, of what happened in the reigD of king Henry, 

tioninthe jj„^ f^^^ camc uot to mv knowledge till the impres- 

parliament •' ^o t- r 

<»f Scotland, sion of thls volume was advanced to the reign of 
queen Mary. The Scottish nation was so well dis- 
posed towards the reformation, that immediately 
upon king James the Fifth's death, which was in 
December 1541, there appeared a wonderftil incli- 
nation among them to be better informed in matters 
of religion. Cardinal Beaton, to prevent this, had 
got a will to be forged, in the name of the deceased 
king, constituting him regent : but as that was dis- 
covered to be a forgery, so the nobility had no re- 
gard to it, but owned the earl of Aran to be the se- 
cond person in the kingdom ; and that he was, next 
to the young queen, and the heirs of her body, the 
heir of the crown. So they took the oaths of alle- 
giance to the queen as their sovereign, and to the 



THE REFORMATION. 685 

earl of Aran as their governor, till the queen was of book 

perfect age: and upon that the cardinal was se 1— 

cured *^^^- 

A parliament was summoned to meet in May 
1542, in which the regency of the earl of Aran was 
of new confirmed on the ISth of May ; and all the 
subjects were required to obey him in all things 
pertaining to that office, conform to the acts for- 
merly made ; which were again ratified by that par- 
liament. They also ratified the oaths that had been 
taken to him by some lords spiritual and temporal ; 
and aU who were present were requu^ to confirm 
these oaths by solemn oaths in full parliament; 
which they all did by the holding up of their right 
hands, swearing that they would be true and obe- 
dient to the lord governor, and serve him with their 
persons, kindred, friends, and goods, and no other, 
during the queen's nonage. 

On the 15th of May, they ordered an authentic 
publication to be made of all they had done under 
the great seal ; and they all affixed their seals to the 
instrument made to confirm this settlement. On 
the same day a council was named ; six of these was 
the number that was at the least necessary to con- 
cur with the governor. The cardinal was not one 
of them. The archbishop of Glasgow, who was lord 
chancellor ; with' the bishops of Aberdeen, Murray, 
Orkney, Ross, and firichen ; and the abbots of Dun- 
fermUn and Cowper; were for the ecclesiastical 
state. The earls of Angus, Huntly, Murray, Ar- 
gyle, Bothwell, Marshall, Cassilis, and Glencaim; 
and the lords Erskin, Ruthven, Maxwell, Seton, and 
Methuen; for the nobility: with some other com- 
.moners of the boroughs. After whom, the treasurer, 

M m 4 



M6 THE HISTORY OF 

IT the secretary, the derk of register, the justice clerlcr 

'. and the queen's advocate, are named. It seems they 

^' intended that no peers should be created, but with 
the concurrence of the parliament : for the governor, 
with the advice and consent of the estates of par- 
liament, made the loi-d Stewart of Ocliiltry a peer, 
to have vote and place in parliament. In the same 
record, mention is made of the draught of an act 
offered by the lord Maxwell to the lords of the arti- 
cles, in these words : 

It is statute and ordained, that it shal he latC' 
Jul to all our sovereign lady's lieges, to have the 
holy writ of the New Testament and the Old, in 
the vulgar tongue, in Inglis or Scotts, of a good 
and tru translation ; and that they shall incurrt 
HO crime, for the having, or reding of the same. 
Provided always, that no man dispute, or hold 
opinions, under the pains contained in the acts of 
parliament. 

The lords of articles found this reasonable ; and 

thought, that the Bible might be used among all 

the lieges of the realm,'in our vulgar tongue, of a 

good, true, and just translation, because there wai 

no law showed to the contrary. And therefore they 

agreed, that none should incur any crime for having 

or reading it, nor be accused for it : but added the 

proviso that was added to the draught offered to 

them. 

be DM of But the archbishop of Glasgow did in his own 

\^^' name, and in the name of all the prelates of the 

« TQigu realm that were present in parliament when the act 

■Kb op- came to be read in full parliament, dissent (simpli- 

citer) to it, at being one t^f the three estettes of the 

parliament : and they oppoi^d them thereto, umt» 



THE REFORMATION. 587 

the time thuU a provincial council nUght he had of book 
aU the clergy of thin realm^ to advise and conclude 



thereupon ; if the same be necessary to he had in ^^^^' 
the vulgar tongue^ to he used among the queen^s 
lieges or not ; and thereafter to show the utter de- 
termination that shall he done in that hehalf. Upon 
this he demanded an instrument to be made, accord- 
ing to the forms in that kingdom. But notwith- 
standing this opposition, the act passed. For in the 
same record, there is an order entered, as signed by 
the governor, requiring the clerk of register to cause 
the acts passed in parliament to be proclaimed ; a^i/Biitgnnt- 
im special, the act made for having the New Tes- 
tament in vulgar tongue, with certain additions. 
In the copy sent me, this bears date the 19th of 
March, but I believe it should be May; since the 
matter was not before the parliament till May. I 
have set down all this matter, almost in the words 
of the record of parliament, that was sent me. 

In the same record, the instructions are set down 
that were given to the ambassadors, that were sent 
to treat concerning the queen's marriage with Ed- 
ward, then prince of Wales : in which it appears, 
that they thought it necessary, if their sovereign 
went out of the kingdom, even after she was of per- 
fect age, yet that the governor of the realm should 
continue to exercise his authority all the days of his 
life: and that after his death, the nearest lawftil 
person of the blood should succeed to the said office^ 
by a large and ample commission ; of which they 
order a form to be devised. 

The free use of the scriptures was a great step to 
let the nation look into the nature of the Christian 
religion: and the clergy foresaw well the conse- 



538 THE HISTORY OF 

PART queoces that would naturally follow upon it; so it 
'"• was no wonder that this was opposed so zealously 
1559. |jy them. It was a great piece of foresight, to se- 
cure the nation, by having a governor with full 
powers still residing amongst them. In the subse- 
quent treaty with France, there was not that care 
nor precaution used : hut, at the conclusion of the 
marriage, the French proceeded in so perfidious a 
manner, as to give a warning to all, who in future 
. times should treat with that court. For on the iiOi 
of April 1558, (a fortnight l)efore the articles of the 
marriage were settled, which was on the 19th of 
April,) the young queen being then but little more 
than fifteen, a secret act was passed ; in which, after 
she had set forth the ancient alliance between the 
two crowns, and the honourable entertainment that 
she had received from the present king of France ; 
hpcTiidiDm " She, to Confirm and establish the affection be- 
^mwtiJing (I t^rggn the two kingdoms, and in order to unite the 
oiMut of << Icingdom of Scotland to the crown of France, iu 
'* case she should die without heirs of her body, bad 
" made some dispositions in favour of the crown of 
" France, which she intended should bare their full 
" effect : yet she, by a communication with the depu- 
** ties sent from Scotland, saw into the secret designs 
" of some, who were practising to the effect, that, in 
« default of heirs of her body, the crown should de- 
" scend to some lords of the country ; depriving her 
" by that means, to ber great regret, of the power 
" of disposing of it. Yet since she could not at that 
" time openly oppose tbem, for certain just causes 
** of fear ; and considering that she was out of her 
" kingdom, and had no strong places in it at ber 
" ovt-n disposal ; and that great troubles might arise, 



THE REFORMATION. 689 

'* if what she was then doing should be publicly book 
^^ known ; especially considering the present war ■ 

" with the kingdom of England : she therefore did *^^^' 
*^ protest, that what consent or agreement soever 
^ she should make to the articles and instructions 
** sent over by the states of her kingdom, with rela- 
'* tion to the succession, in case she should die without 
** heirs of her body ; she intended still, that the dis- 
** position then made in favour of the crown of 
** France should have its full and entire effect, not- 
** withstanding any agreement she had made, or 
** should yet make, conform to these instructions, as 
^* a thing contrary to her will and intention." Upoii 
which she demanded an act from the keeper of the 
great seal, Bertrandi, who was made a cardinal that 
year. 

This instrument was signed by her, and by the J^ecueu da 
dauphin; and is printed in that great collection oft. u. p. 508. 
the treaties of France, that was published twenty 
years ago. It opens a scene of treachery, that, how 
much soever the design was suspected, (as will ap- 
pear by the paper, of which an account will be given 
in the foUowing relation,) yet it was never certainly 
known, till they themselves have made their own 
shame thus known to the world. But at that time 
this was so carefiiUy concealed, that Francis the Se- 
cond sent a formal obligation under his great seal ; 
by which he bound himself to the duke of Chatel- 
herault, to maintain his right of succeeding to the 
crown of Scotland, in case the queen should die 
without heirs of her own body. The original obli- 
gation is still preserved in Hawdton. The queen's 
secret act was as ill-gi'ounded in law, as it was per- 
fidious in itself: for certainly, what power soever 



540 THE HISTORY OF 

fART our princes, with the concurrence of their pailia- 
, ments, have to limit the succession to the crown, 



1559. jjyp pj-inces themselves cannot, by any private act of 
' their own, alter the succession, or dispose of it at 

pleasure. But to return to that which has led me 
into this digression. 

The knowledge of religion, that the free use of 
the scriptures brought the nation to, had such an 
effect, that the reformation was every where desired; 
and the vices and ignorance of the popish dergy 
gave all people an aversion to them. This was long 
connived at even by the queen mother, during 
her government : hut now that she thouglit all waa 
sure, she threw off the mask, and declared herself 
an open enemy to those whom she had courted hi- 
therto, and seemed to favour. Upon this there was 
a great and a sudden turn. Popery was the object 
of all men's hatred: the churches were pui^d from 
idolatry and superstition : the monasteries were 
broke into ; and many acts of hot and irregular zeal 
were complained of in all the comers of the king- 
dom. 
■jvsMiwn One thing is not a little to the hoDour of Knox 
tiiiriMg,. and his followers in that tumultuary reformatioa, 
JJj^J^'^^^that the multitude was so governed, even amidst all 
iBteiHM that popular heat, that no blood was shed, and no 
A>, fuorfm man was killed in it: which being positively de- 
^^'^.'iiveTed by ' licsley, bishop of Rasse, that must be 
^^'^^ looked on as a testimony beyond exception. 
'^I"^,^ But since the affairs of Scotland have not hitherto 
rttcarcfr^, been SO clearly represented, as I find them stated in 
Am. some original papers, that I fell on in the Cotton li- 

Beba Soot, brary ; I will give a full account of them, as far as 
'■ '"■ those papers do guide me. 



THE REFORMATION. 641 

There is a loDg representation drawn up, of the book 
breach of faith, and of the violation of their laws. 



during the government of the queen regent of Scot- ^^^^' 
land : at the end of which, there is a petition to the 
queen, signed by the great lords of that kingdom, in 
which both papists and protestants concurred-. And 
in order to obtain that concurrence, the matters of 
religion are not insisted on; but the continued 
course of a perfidious and illegal administration is 
charged on the queen dowager. So that from this 
it appears, that the war was not begun, nor carried 
on, upon the account of religion, but upon the pre- 
tence of public and national rights. I have put it 
in the Collection. couect. 

Numb. 53 1 

'* They begin it to show, that the arms that they 
were forced to fly to was no rebellion. They run 
the matter back to the first proposition for carry* 
ing their queen into France : which, they say, was 
obtained, partly by corruption with money, partly 
by authority, and partly by fair promises : yet be- • 
fore that was agreed to, a treaty was made by the 
parliament, and sworn to, as well as ratified by 
the great seals of the king and dauphin of France, 
that Scotland should be governed by their own 
" laws, and by the nobility and people of Scotland : 
that all offices should be given to them ; and, that 
no garrisons of the French should be admitted to 
** settle in the kingdom. Great practice was made 
after that to bring the parliament to consent that 
their queen should marry the dauphin : and to ob- 
*^ tain that, the succession to the crown was declared 
** to belong to the duke of Chatelheraut and his 
** heirs, after the heirs of the queen's body. New 
^* oaths were then taken, and charters given under 



€€ 
C< 
€€ 
€€ 
€4 
S€ 









54S THE HISTORY OF 

PART ^ the great seal of France, and under their queen 



^' and the dauphin's seal, that Sootland sboald be gh 
1559. €€ verned by a council of natives : the castles irere 
«< also to be put in sure hands. Duplicates of theK 
^ were lodged in the castle of Eidinburgh, and with 
** the duke of Chatelherault. Upon this, an embiaj 
<< was sent to France, of two bishops, two earls^ sod 
^ four lords ; and the marriage, was concluded. Th^ 
*^ were upon that dealt with, to endeavour that tbe 
^ crown of Scotland might be given to the dauphin. 
** They refused to undertake that ; and believed, 
<* that it could not be brought about. The woid 
** upon that was changed. And it was desired only, 
** that the matrimonial crown might be sent him;* 
(which was afterwards explained in the act of psiiii- 
ment that granted it, that he should be king of Scot- 
land during life.) *< The lords weoe suffered to re- 
** turn : but when they came to Diep, one Usbop^ 
two earls, and two lords died in one night. Tlie 
three that were left came home much amazed, be- 
'* lieving that the others had been poisoned.** 

Here I must add another particular relating to 
that deputation. In the council-book, that goes from 
April 1554, to January 1558, that was cast by aod 
neglected, many leaves being cut out of it, and was 
first discovered by a nephew of mine, whom I de- 
sired to search their register for me ; it appears, that 
on the 13th of December 1557, there was a tax laid 
on the kingdom, to be paid in before Easter, for the 
expense of that embassy, of 15,000/. Scots money, 
that is, 1250/. sterling ; which was to be levied by the 
same proportion that all the taxes were then levied ; 
of which there are several instances in that book : 
the one half was levied on the spiritualty ; and two 






THE REFORMATION. 548 

thirds of the other half was on estates in land« and book 

VI. 

the other third was levied on the boroughs. This — 

shows that the estates of the spiritualty were then ^^^^" 
reckoned by a settled proportion, the full half of the 
kingdom. The persons deputed were, the archbishop 
of Glasgow, the bishop of Orkney, and the prior of 
St. Andrew's, (afterwards earl of Murray ;) the earls 
of Cassiles and Rothes, and the lord Fleming ; with 
the provost of Edinburgh, and of Montross. When 
I wondered how so small a sum could answer the 
expense of so great an embassy, on such an occasion ; 
he showed me, that either the value of money, or, 
which is the same thing, the value of things to be 
purchased by money, is almost incredibly changed 
now, in the course of 1 60 years ; of which he gave 
me this instance : the tun of wine was then by act 
of parliament to be sold at twenty livres; or, in 
sterling money, at 1/. 13^. 4£?; and in the retailing 
it, their pint, which is four English pints, was to be 
sold at four farthings, their penny having six far- 
things ; so that, reducing this to English mea&ures, 
three quarts of wine were to be sold at a penny. 
This I thought was a small digression which the 
reader would not be ill pleased to find laid in his 
way. To return to the Scotch memorial. 

The queen dowager took two methods to gain 
her point : the one was, to show favour to all those 
who had received no favour of the duke during 
his government, because they were in the interest 
of England ; whereas he was at that time in the 
** interest of France. The other was, she offered 
'^ them a permission to live according to their con- 
science in religion : in conclusion, the queen dow- 
ager brought the parliament to give the matri- 



€6 
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€6 






6M THE HISTORY OF 

PART •< monial crown to the dbophiD ; Imt wiA thit o» 

Iff 

.*« dition, that the duke's right should not be ia 



€€ 
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1569- « paired by it-- 

When all this was obtained, the queen, forgot al 
her promises : ** She bq;an with the greatest of the 
^ Scottish lords then in office, the earl of Himdji 
^ who was then lord chancellor^ and the duke's |M^ 
^ ticular friend ; she took the great seal from Urn, 
«< and gave it to one Rubay, a French advocate : she 
<« also put the earl of Huntly in prison, and set a 
great fine on him, and left him only the name d 
chancellor. She made another Frendunan comp* 
trailer, who had the chaige of the reroiue of the 
'* crown : and she put all Scotchmen out of the se- 
** crets of the council, committing these only to 
^ Frenchmen. She kept in several places g a mso m 
^ of Frenchmeni who lived on discretion. She gvre 
^ them no pay. She sent the revenue of the crowa 
*' to France ; and brought over some base monej 
'* that was decried in France, and made it current 
^* in Scotland. She also set up a mint for coining 
base money^ with which she paid the soldiers. 
She tried to get the castle of Edinburgh into her 
^^ han(}s, but that failed her. She gave such abbeys 
" as fell void to Frenchmen, as to her brother the 
** cardinal of Guise, and others : and for the space of 
** three years she kept all that fell void in her own 
** hands, except such as were of any value ; and these 
" she bestowed on Frenchmen. Nor did she ever 
" follow the advice of those lords, who, upon her 
first entering upon the government, were named 
to be of the council. Many intercessions were 
^* made to her, upon these proceedings, by the no- 
bility : sometimes companies of them joined toge- 









€€ 



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€4 






*4 



THE REFORMATION. 545 

** ther; and sometimes they applied to her more pri- book 

▼ately, for they foresaw that they could not be 

borne long. '*^^* 

The queen dowager set herself next to a prac- 
^' tice, which of all others was both the most dan- 
gerous and the most dishonourable, to set aside the 
'* duke and his house : pains was taken to engage 
^' the lord James, and other lords, in it, who had no 
friendship for the duke ; to whom the queen dow- 
ager promised that she would bear with their de- 
votion in religion, if they would join with her 
against the duke, in favour of the French. This 
encoun^ed them to do those things, by which they 
^' incurred the censures of the church ; and were by 
^ reason of a law not much known brought in danger 
*' of the guilt of treason. So process was ordered 
** against them : and upon that the queen dowager 
^ tempted them to engage in the French interest ; 
** but that not prevailing, they were declared trai- 
^ tors. The rest of the nobility being alarmed at 
^ this, the queen dowager brought out her French 
** garrisons, and disposed of their estates, and en- 
^^ tered into St. John's town in a warlike manner : 
** she changed the magistrates, and left a garrison 
*< in the town. The whole nation was alarmed at 
^ this, and were coming together in great numbers; 
^* But she not having force enough to conquer the 
^* nation, sent for the duke and the eari of Huntly, 
*' and employed them to quiet the country ; promis- 
^ ing that every thing should be redressed in a par- 
^< liament that should be held next spring, with 
^* many other more particular promises : upon this 
^ assurance, these lords quieted the country. While 
** this was a doing, the duke's eldest son, being then 

VOL. III. N n 



646 THE HISTORY OF 

PART <^ in France, was sent for to court; but he had'se- 
* " cret advertisements sent him, that it was resolved 






it 
it 



\^59. tf ^ proceed against him to the utmost extremity for 
<^ heresy : upon which he kept out of the way, till 
*^ an order was sent to bring him in dead or alive : 
** upon that he made his escape ; but they seized on 
<^ a younger brother of his> of the age of fifteen, and 
*^ put him in prison. 

** In Scotland the nobility had separated them- 
** selves, trusting to the faith that the duke had 
given them, that all things should be kept quiet 
till the parliament. But some companies coming 
** out of France to Leith, the queen dowager ordered 
that town to be fortified, and put twenty-two en- 
signs of foot, with one troop of horse, in it. The 
nobility upon that charged the duke with breach 
^* of faith, who could do no more but press the queen 
** to forbear to give such cause of jealousy ; but all 
^* was to no purpose. The town was fortified ; all the 
" ammunition she had was carried into it, and the 
" French continued still to be sending over more 
" forces. The duke, with the nobility, represented 
" to the queen dowager, that it was now plain she 
designed a conquest : but she despised all their re- 
quests ; for by this time the French thought they 
" were so strong, that they reckoned it would be a 
" short work to subdue Scotland. There were but 
" two or three mean lords, Bothwell and Seaton, that 
kept company with the queen dowager ; yet even 
these signified to their friends, that their hearts 
were with their countrymen. Upon all this, the 
" duke, with the rest of the nobility, and with the 
" barons and burgesses of the realm, seeing an im- 
" minent danger to the whole nation, and no hope 









THE REFORMATION. 647 

** of remedy at her hatfds, b^an deeply to consider book 



4t 

€€ 






*^ the state of the kingdom : their sovereign lady . 
was married to a strange prince out of the realm, ^^^^' 
and wholly in the hands of Frenchmen, without 
any council of her own natural people ; and they 
^ considered the mortality of her husband, or of her- 
'^ self without issue. The queen dowager, sister to 
** the house that ruled all in France, persisted in 
ruining the liberties of her daughter the queen's 
subjects, on design to knit that kingdom for ever 
^ to France ; and so to execute the old malice of the 
•* French on the crown of England, of which they 
had already assumed the title. 

They upon all these grounds were constrained 
to constitute a council for the government of the 
kingdom, and for the use of their sovereign, to 
whom they had signified the suspension of the 
queen dowager's authority ; maintaining, that, 
being sore oppressed with French power, they 
had, as natural subjects, sufficient strength for 
that, though they are not able to stand against 
^* the power of France : but partly for the right of 
^ their sovereign, and partly for the ancient rights 
** of the crown, they have been forced to spend their 
** whole substance ; yet they cannot longer preserve 
themselves from being conquered by the power 
sent over from France, a greater force being pro- 
•* mised to be sent next spring. They therefore lay 
^* the whole matter before the queen of England's 
*^ ministers, then upon their borders, and commit 
^* their cause to her protection ; desiring nothing but 
" that their country may be preserved from France, 
*' t(^ther with the rights of their sovereign, and of 
•* the whole nation." 

N n 2 



C( 
U 
t€ 

4€ 






648 THE HISTORY OF 

RT To this they add a petition^ ^ that the nuiaben 

J << of French soldiers then within the kingdom nught 

^^' ^< be removed speedily ; that so they might five 
^< quietly, and be suffered to offer to the king and 
<^ queen such articles as were necessary for the peace 
<^ and good government of the kingdom^ without 
^< alteration of their ancient liberties :" this was sign- 
ed by the earl of Aran, as he was then called^ but that 
was his father's title ; for he had no higher title in 
Scotland : the son therefore signed James HamiltOD. 
It was also signed by the earls of Argyle and GHoi- 
caim ; by lord James, afterwards ^ created earl of 
Murray ; and by the lords Boyd, Uchiltry, Maxwdl, 
and Ruthen ; and by a son of the earl of Hnntlj'si 
and a son of the earl of AthoFs ; both these fiunilies 
being at that time papists. And thus» by the tenor 
of this whole paper, it aj^iears, that religion was not 
pretended to be the cause of the war. 

Upon the suspending the authority of the queen 
regent, I will here add a particular reflection, which 
will show what archbishop Spotswood's sense was, 
when he first wrote his History of that transaction. 
He gives an account of the opinion that Willock and 
Knox delivered, when they were called and required 
to give it, which they did in favour of that suspen- 
sion ; for which he censures the opinion itself in 
these words : Howheit the power of the nuigUtnde 
be limited^ and their qffice prescribed by God, and 
that they may likewise fall into great offences ; yet 
it is no where permitted to subjects to call their 
princes in question, or to make insurrection against 
them : God having reserved the punishment of 
princes to himself Yet in a fair manuscript of that 
history, written with great care, as for the press, this 



THE REFORMATION. 549 

whole period was first penned quite in another book 
stnun : j40awing the stales qfthe kingdom a right 



to restrain their prince, when he breaks through ^^^^* 
rules; only censuring clergymen^ s meddUng in 
tisose matters : this is scored through, but so that it 
18 still l^;ible ; and Spotswood interlined with his 
own hand the alteration; according to which his 
hodt was printed. This manuscript belonged to 
me ; and forty-two years ago I presented it to the 
duke of Lauderdale, and showed him that passage, 
on which be made great reflection. I cannot find 
oat in whose hands that manuscript is fallen ; but 
whosoever has it, will^ I hope, justify me in this par- 
ticular : for though I am not sure as to the words^ 
3ret I am very sure they are to this purpose. 

When thiZrepresentation and petitio^ brought 
to the queen, Cecil drew up a state of the matter, 
which will be found in the Cdlection ; putting this couect. 
as the question. Whether it was meet that England ™ ' ^ 
should help Scotland to expel the French or not f 
For the negative he says, ^^ It was against God's 
^ law to aid any subjects against their natural prince^ 
^^ or their ministers : it was also dangerous to do it : 
^ for an aid secretly given would be to no purpose : 
*' and an aid publicly given would draw on a war ; 
^ and in that case, the French would come to any 
*^ composition with the Scots, to join with them 
against England : since they will consent to any 
thing, rather than suffer Scotland to be united to 
^^ the crown of England. He adds. It may also be 
^< apprehended, that the emperor, the king of Spain, 
^' the pope, and the duke of Savoy, with the poten- 
^* tates of Italy, will join with the French king, ra- 
^ ther than suffer these two kingdoms to be joined 

Nn 3 









550 THE HISTORY OF 

>ART *' in one manner of religion ; and many within both 

III 

* << kingdoms will not approve of this. But, in op- 
1559. «< position to all this, he concludes for amisting the 
" Scots. 

<^ He lays it down for a principle, that it is agree- 
** able to the laws of God and of nature, that everj 
<' prince and state should defend itself; not onlj 
^< from perils that are seen, but from those that msj 
<< probably come after : to which he adds, that nature 
<< and reason teach every person politic, or other, to 
<< use the same manner of defence that the adversary 
'^ useth of offence. Upon these grounds he cod- 
*^ eludes, that England might and ought to asssist the 
Scots to keep out the French : and so earnest was 
that great statesman in this matter, that he prose- 
" cutes it very copiously. 

** His first reason is that which the Scots wouU 
** never admit, biit he might think it proper to oflfer 
^^ it to an English council ; that the crown of Eng- 
" land had a superiority over Scotland, such as the 
" emperor had over Bohemia or Milan. He next 
shows that England must be in gi'eat danger from 
the French, if they became the absolute masters 
of Scotland. Upon this he runs out to show, that 
" the French had been long enemies to England; 
" that they had been false and double in all their 
" treaties with them these 700 years ; and that the 
" last peace was forced from them by their poverty. 
" That France could not be poor above two years ; 
nor could it be long without war ; beside the ha- 
tred that the house of Guise, who then governed 
the French councils, bore to England. They call 
in question the queen's title, and set up their own 
against it : and at the treaty of Cambray they set 



it 



i( 



THE REFORMATION. 561 

** that pretension on foot; but it was then stopped book 

"by the wisdom of the constable: yet they used 1-— 

" means at Rome to get the queen to be declared *^^^* 
*^ illegitimate ; upon which the bull was brought 
*' into France : and at the solemnities^ in which 
" the king was killed^ the arms of England and 
" Ireland were joined with the queen of Scots' arms. 
" The present embroilment in Scotland is the stop 
''that now restrains them irom carrying these pre- 
tensions further; but as soon as they can, they 
will certainly set them on foot : and the assaulting 
England by the way of Scotland is so easy, that it 
is not possible to avoid it, but by stopping the pro- 
gress of that conquest. A war by the way of Scot- 
land puts France in no danger, though it should 
miscarry ; but England is in the utmost danger, if 
''it should succeed. He concludes. That as the mat- 
" ter was of the last importance, so no time was to 
" be lost ; since the prejudice, if too long delayed, 
" would be irrecoverable." 

What further steps were made in the secret debat- 
ing of this point, does not appear to me, but by the 
conclusion of the matter : for the queen sent forces, 
under the command of the duke of Norfolk, to the 
borders of Scotland. What followed upon that is set 
out folly in the common historians, and from them 
in my former work. 

But a copy of the bond of association, into which 
the lords and others in Scotland entered, (the origi- 
nal of which remains still in the possession of the 
duchess of Hamilton,) will set out more particularly 
the grounds that they went on. It is in the Collec- coiiect. 
tion : and it sets forth, " that they promised faith- 
" fully, and in the presence of Grod, that they would 

N n 4 



« 
€4 
€€ 



662 THE HISTORY OF 

ART *' to the utmoBt of their power let forward the refor- 
"^' « mation of religum, accordii^ to God's word; thit 



1559. if the true preaching of it might have a finee 

** through the whole kiDgdom ; together with tbe 
^* administration of the sacraments* And that thef, 
^ considering the misbehaviour of the Frendi amoif 
<< them, and the intolonable oj^ressioQ of the poor 
** hj their soldiers, maintained b7 the queen dom- 
^ ager, under colour of authority, together with tbe 
^ tyranny of their captains, and the manifest danger 
^* of becoming their conquest, to which they were 
** then reduced by fortifications on the sea-coast, and 
*^ other attempts ; do promise to join with the queea 
^* of En^nd's army, then come in to their assist- 
ance, for driving out those their oppressors, and 
for recovering their ancient liberty ; that so tbej 
^* may be ruled by the laws and customs of Uieir 
country, and by the natives of the kingdom, under 
the obedience of the king and queen their sove- 
" reign. And they promise that they shall h<dd no 
" private intelligence with their enemies, but by the 
" advice of the rest, or at the least of five of their 
*' number : and that they shall prosecute this cause 
** as if it were the cause of every one of them in 
^* particular, and hold all who withstand it as their 
" enemies ; and that they will prosecute them as 
" such, according to the orders of the council ; to 
" whom they refer the direction of the whole mat- 
" ter, promising in all things to submit to their ar- 
" bitration." 

This was first subscribed at Edinburgh on the 
27th of April, in the year 1560 ; and is signed by 
the duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Aran, Huntly, 
Argyle, Mortoune, and some others, whose hands are 









THE REFORMATION. BBS 

not l^ble ; and by the lords Sdton, Buthen, Bojrd^ book 
C^ilbjy Uchiltre, the abbot of Kinloss, and the com- 



mendator ctf Kilwinniny : about 140 more subscribed ^^^* 
it. Tins was the bond that was signed by those who 
wene at that time at Edinburgh : and it is probable, 
that many other bonds of the same nature were 
signed about the same time, in other parts of the 
kingdom ; but they haye not been so carefully pre- 
aarved as this has been. The earl of Huntly, though 
he continued still a papist, signing it, diows, that 
either the iU usage he had met with from the queen 
dowager had shaken him in his religion, or that pro- 
Tocation and interest were then stronger in him than 
ius principles. But I leave my conjectures to go on 
with the history. 

On the 8d of Novembtf, Jewel being returned The prent 
firom the circuit which he was ordered to make, superstition 
wrote^ (in a letter to Peter Martyr, to be found in m^^ 
the Collection,) " that the people were much better ""^^ 

,. , \ if. , , -Collect. 

^ disposed to the gospel, than it was apprehended Numb. 56. 

^' they could be : but he adds, that superstition had 

^* made a most extraordinary progress in queen 

^* Mary's short reign. The people were made be- 

*^ lieve, they had in many places pieces of the true 

^^ cross, and of the nails with which Christ was cru- 

^* cified : so that the cathedral churches were dens 

^ of robbers ; and none were more violent and obsti* 

** nate, than those who had been before of their 

^^ body ; as if by that they would justify their fall- 

^ ing off from them. They had turned them all out. 

^ Harding went away, and would not change again. 

'< Smith, who had been a violent opposer of Peter 

^^ Martyr in Oxford, fled towards Scotland ; but was 

^ taken on the borders, and brought back ; and had 



«M .-'Omvj 








Pr^wM.kji.lnd hk JBMW ■tffl,.<fcit thw^ Ahy 

** adds> If^ are isiandera in all respects. Oxford 
*• wanted him extremely. The queen was then . 
f*. courted both by the king of Sweden, and bj 
*• Charles of Austria." It was then given out, that 
Sweden was full of mines of gold, und only wanted 
tt:iU and industry to work them : but he writes, 
*• Perhaps the queen meant to marry one Dearer at 

hand:" (he gives no other hint in that letter, to 
Set it be understood of whom he meant : probably it 
was Fickmng ; aa appears in another letter.) He 
£ondudeB, " that though religion did make a quick 
** progress in Scotland, yet that the French did not 
^' despair of bringing that kingdom back to their 
" obedience, and of restoring their religion in it," 

On the same day he wrote to Simler^ who had 
congratulated him upon the news they had of his 
being to be promoted to a bishopric. He wrot^ 
" that there was yet nothing but a nomination of 
*' him. He adds, We hope our bishops shall be 
" pastors, labourers, and watchmen. And that they 
" may be better fitted for this, the great riches o£ 
*' bishoprics are to be diminished, and to be reduced 
*' to a certain mediocrity : that so, being delivered 
" -from that kbg-like pomp, and the noisiness of a 



THE REFORMATION. 865 

'^ courtly famUy^ they may live in greater tranquil- book 
^ lity, and may have more leisure to take care of. 



" Christ's flock with due attention." *^^^- 

On the 5th of November he wrote, " that he couect. 

Numb. 57* 

** found debates raised concerning the vestments, jewel's 
** which he calls the habit of the stage, and wishesX"d?"puL 
" they could be freed from it. He says, they were <^"««™*"« 
'^ not wanting to so good a cause : but others seemed menu. 
** to love those things, and to follow the ignorance 
^ of some priests, who were stupid as logs of wood, 
** having neither spirit, learning, nor good life to 
*^ commend them ; but studied to recommend them- 
^^ selves by that comical habit ; while no care was 
^ taken of learning, or of breeding up of youth. 
•* They hoped to strike the eyes of the people with 
*^ those ridiculous trifles. These are the relics of 
'^ the Amorites : that cannot be denied. He wishes, 
that, at some time or other, all these may be 
taken away and extirpated, to the very deepest 
roots. He complains of a feebleness in the coun- 
cils : they still talked of bringing Martyr over ; 
*^ but he feared that we looked too much toward 
^^ Saxony, to expect that. Some among them, he 
says, were so much set on the matter of the habits, 
as if the Christian religion consisted in garments : 
but we (says he) are not called to the consultations 
concerning that scenical apparel : he could set no 
value on those fopperies. Some were crying up a 
golden mediocrity ; he was afraid it would prove 
** a leaden one." 

On the I6th of November he wrote, in a letter to 
be found in the Collection, " that the doctrine was collect. 
" every where purely preached. There was in many 
'^ places too much folly concerning ceremonies and 






€€ 



5S6 THE HISTORY OF 

PART << masks. The crucifix contiBued stiH in the qwet'k 
^"' "^ chapel. They all spake beAj against it, bnttiB 



1659. « tijgn without effect. There was a secret piece of 

Tlie queen *■ 

kept a era- «< worldly policy in this, which he did not like. He 
cbapei. ^* complains of the uncertain and island-like state of 



^ their affairs : all was loose at present. He 
^ not see in what they would settle ; and did not 
^ know but he should be obliged to return back to 
^ Zurick again.'' 
Bkbope In December and January, the consecration of 

coDtecrat- 

ed. the bishops came on. But here a stop lies in my 

way. For some months, the thread of the letters to 
Zurick, by which I have been hitherto guided, is dis> 

The em- coutinued. At this time an ambassador came over 

peror pro- 

poMtto from Ferdinand the emperor, with letters dated 
a ^teh*^ the 11th of February 1560, proposing a matdi be- 
^^^^' /°° tween his son, archduke Charles, and the queen. 
cott. libr. He had writ of it to her before, but thought fit to 
* follow these letters with a formal embassy. The 
originals are yet extant. The queen wrote an an- 
swer in form, and signed it : but it seems that was 
on some considerations not thought fit to be sent: 
for the original is in the Paper-Office. It will be 
Sumb'59. found in the Collection. 

She ex- " The quecu wrote, that, examining her own sen- 

^* *'^' " timents in that matter very carefully, she did not 
" perceive any inclination to change her solitary 
^^ life ; but found herself more fixed to continue still 
" in it. She hoped the emperor would favourably re- 
^' ceive, and rightly understand what she wrote to 
him. It might indeed seem strange, consider- 
ing her age and her circumstances: but this was 
^ no new resolution, nor taken up on the sudden, 
but was the adhering to an old settled purpose. 






t( 



THE REFORMATION. «57 

'^ There had been a time, in which her accepting book 
*^ aome honcmrable propositions might have delivered 



^ h» out of very great dangers and troubles: on ^^^* 
^ which she would make no other reflections, but 
^ that neither the fear of danger, nor the desire of U- 
^ berty, could then move her to bring her mind to 
<« hearken to them. She will not, by a plain refusal, 
*' seem to offend him ; yet she cannot give occasion, 
** by any of her words, to make him think that she 
^ accepts of that, to which she cannot bring her 
<< mind and will.'' Dated the 5th of January 1559- 
Signed, Your Majesty's good sister and cousin, EU' 
zabeth : countersigned, Eog. Aseham. 

The first letter of Jewel's, after his consecration, a oooCnu 
is on the 4th of February 1560. It is in the Col-Mrniagtte 
lection. He tells Petar Martyr^ ** they were then JrodSl 
^^ engaged in the question about the lawfulness of ^^^ 
having images in churches, (which he calls lis 
crucularia.) It could scarce be believed to what 
'^ a degree of folly some men, who were thought to 
^' have a right judgment of things, were carried in 
^* that matter. There was not one of all those whom 
'* he knew, that was drawn to be of that mind, be- 
<< sides Cox. There was to be a conference ooncem- 
'^ ing it the day following. Parker and Cox on the 
'^ one hand, and Grindal and he on the other hand, 
^ were to debate it in the hearing of some of the 
^' council : he could not but laugh within himsdi^ 
^< when he thought what grave and solid reasonings 
<« would be brought out on this occasion. He wds 
'' told^ that it was resolved on to have crucifixes of 
<< silver or tin set up in aU churches ; and that 
^^ such as would not obey this, would be turned out 
'< of their bishoprics : if that was true, he would be 






668 THE HISTORY OF 

PART « no longer a bishop. White, bishop of Winchester, 
** Oglethorp of CarlLsle, Bain of Coventiy and litdi- 






1560. „ g^jj^ ^^^ Tonstal of Duresme, were latdy dcii* 

In another he writes, ** that Bonner was sent to tbe 

** Tower, and that he went to see scMiie criminab 

that were kept there, and called them his Jriendi 

and neighbours : but one of them answered. Go, 

you beast, into hell, and find jonrjriends there; 

*^ for we are none of them. I killed but one man 

*^ upon a provocation, and do truly repent of it ; but 

'^ you have killed many holy persons, of all sortSi 

^' without any provocation from them, and are hard- | 

" ened in your impenitence." 

The se^ On the 5th of March he writes, ^^ that a change 

|wdmA!°^ ** appeared now more visibly among the peoj^i 

^< Nothing promoted it more than the inviting the 

people to sing psalms. That was b^iin in one 

church in London, and did quickly spread itself 

not only through the city, but iii the neighbouring 

places: sometimes at Paul's Cross there will be 

6000 people singing together. This was very 

" grievous to the papists : the children b^an to 

" laugh at the priests as they passed in the streets ; 

" and the bishops were called hangmen to their 

" faces. It was said, White died of rage. He com- 

" mends Cecil much." 

Sands, bi- Sands, bishop of Worcester, wrote in a letter on the 

Worcester, Ist of April 1560, which will be found in the Col- 

f2nde/lt Action, " that after he returned from executing the 

in*tb^*^* **" injunctions, and preaching in the north, he was 

queen's <« prcsscd to acccpt of thc bishopric of Worcester : 

Oil AD^l. 

Collect. " he saw, if he absolutely refused it, the queen would 

N.imb.6i. «have been highly offended. He found it more 

" truly a burden than an honour. The doctrine of 






THE REFORMATION. 659 

^ the sacrament was pure, to which he and his bre- book 
^^ thren were resolved to adhere firmly as long as 



•* they lived. There was yet a question concerning *^^* 

^ images : the queen thought that was not contrary 

^* to the word of Grod ; and it seemed convenient to 

'^ have a crucifix, with the blessed Virgin and St. 

'* John, still in her chapel. Some of them could not 

''^ bear this : we had, says he, according to our in- 

'^ junctions, taken away all the images that we 

** found in churches, and burned them. We see su- 

'^* perstitious people plainly worship this idol: upon 

'^ this, he had spoken freely to the queen ; with that 

^* she was so displeased as to threaten to deprive 

^* him : she was since that time more softened, and 

'^ the images were removed : but the popish vest- 

^ ments were still used ; yet he hoped that should 

*^ not last long. He laments much that Peter Mar- 

'* ijv was not sent for. It was easy to guess what it 

<* was that hindered it ; it was the pretence of unity, 

•* that gave occasion to the greatest divisions." 

Parkhurst came into England in the end of the 
year 1559. He went to his church of Cleve in 
Gloucestershire, and kept out of the way of the 
court. He writes, that many bishops would be glad 
to change conditions with him. He heard he had 
been named to a bishopric, but he had dealt ear- 
nestly with some great men to spare him in that : 
when he came through London, both Parker and a 
privy-counsellor had pressed him to accept of one, 
but he could not resolve on being miserable. 

Sampson had been with the other divines at Zu- sunpMn't 
rick, and was reckoned by them both a learned and ^u M^g 
a pious man : while he was coming to England with JJj^* • ^"^ 
the rest, he was informed that a bishopric wa& de- 









600 THE HISTORY OF 

PART signed for him ; so he wrote while he was on Us 

\ journey to Peter Martjrr for his advice, as will be 

\^^^' found in the Collection, in this, ^ whether it was 
limb. 6a. <« lawful to swcar to the queen, as sapreme head 
** of the church under Clhrist. He thought Christ 
'' was the sole head of the church, and no sudi ex- 
^ pression of any inferior head was found in the 
<^ scripture. He thought likewise, that the want of 
^ discipline made that a bishop could not do his 
duty. Many temporal pressures lay upon Inshops, 
such as first-fruits and tenths, beside the expense of 
their equipage and attendance at court : so that 
'^ little was left for the breeding up of youth, for the 
relief of the poor, and other more necessary occa- 
sions, to make their ministry acceptable. The 
^ whole method of electing bishops was totalty dif- 
*< ferent from the primitiye institution. The coo- 
^ sent either of the clergy or people was not so 
'^ much as asked. Their superstitious dress seemed 
likewise unbecoming. He wrote all this only to 
him, not that he expected that a bishopric should 
" be offered him ; he prayed God that it might never 
happen. He was resolved to apply himself to preach, 
but to avoid having any share in the government 
** till he saw a full reformation made in all ecclesi- 
*^ astical functions, both as to doctrine and discipline, 
" and with relation to the goods of the church. He 
" desires his answer as soon as was possible." 

Peter Martyr answered his letter on the 1st of 

November ; but what it was, can only be gathered 

from Sampson's reply to it: he received it on the 

3d of January, and answered it on the 6th, 1560. 

iiect. It is in the Collection. *^ They were then under 

tub. ^^, ^ -^ 

^* sad apprehensions, for which he desires their 



it 






THE REFORMATION. 561 

*' prayers in a very solemn manner. They were book 

■^ VI. 



€€ 

if 



** afraid lest the truth of religion should either be . 
overturned, or very much darkened in England. ^^^^' 
The bishops of Canterbury, London, Ely, and 
** Worcester, were consecrated : Pilkington was de^ 
signed for Winchester; Bentham for G)ventry 
and Litchfield; and Peter Martyr's Jewel for 
Salisbury. 

Things still stuck with him; he could neither 
" have ingress nor egress : God knew how glad he 
** would be to find an egress ; let others be bishops, 
** he desired only to be a preacher, but no bishop. 
** There was yet a general prohibition of all preach- 
ing : and there was a crucifix on the altar still at 
court, with lights burning before it : and though 
by the queen's order images were removed out of 
*^ churches all the kingdom over, yet the people re- 
joiced to see this was still kept in the queen's cha- 
pel. Three bishops officiated at this altar; one 
as priest, another as deacon, and a third as sub- 
'' deacon, all before this idol, in rich copes : and 
'^ there was a sacrament without any sermon. He 
*' adds, that injunctions were - sent to preachers not 
** to use freedom in the reproving of vice; so he 
*^ asks what both Martyr, Bullinger, and Bemardin 
thought of this : whether they looked on it as a 
thing indifierent, and what they would advise him 
to do, if injunctions should be sent out, requiring 
" the like to be done in all churches ; whether they 
ought to be obeyed, or if the clergy ought not 
to suffer deprivation rather than obey? Some 
among themselves thought that all this was in- 
** different, and so might be obeyed. He understood 
^* that the queen had a great regard to Bemardin 

VOL. III. O 












€4 



a 



568 THE HISTORY OP 

** Ochino ; so he desires that he would write to her, 
.<< to carry on the work of God diligently. He so- 
<* lemnly assures them, that she was truly a child of 
^' Grod : but princes had not so many friends to thdr 
*' sovis, as they had to their other concerns. He 
*' wishes they would all write to her ; for she under- 
** stood both Italian, Latin, and Greek welL So 
they might write in any language to her : but if 
they wrote, they must write as of their own mo- 
tion, and not as if any complaints had been writ 
*• over to them." 
^ On the 13th of May he wrote again, ^' that a 
*^ bishopric bad been offered to him, but that he had 
^' refused it : and he desires Peter Martyr, to whom 
'' he wrote, not to censure this tiU he knew the 
'' whole state of the matter : but he rejoices that 
" Parkhurst was made bishop of Norwich." And 
by his letter, it seems Norwich was the bishopric 
that was offered to him. Parkhurst wrote soon after 
his promotion to Martyr, and assured liim there was 
no danger of setting up Lutheranism in England: 
only he writes, " We are fighting about ceremonies, 
*^ vestments, and matters of no moment." 

Jewel wrote to Peter Martyr, on the 22d of May, 
** that the church of Salisbury was so struck with 
" thunder, that there was a clift all down for sixty 
*' foot : he was not got thither ; so he could not tell 
" whether foolish people made judgments upon this, 
"with relation to him, or not. He writes, that 
" Bonner, Fecknam, Pole, Scory, and Watson, were 
all put in prison for railing at the changes that 
were made. The queen expressed great firmness 
and courage in maintaining the establishment she 
" had made in matters of religion. He tells him, that 






THE REFORMATION. 563 

^^ not only Cecyl and Knolls desired to be kindlj re- book 
^* membered to him, but Fetre likewise, which per- 



4€ 



« haps he did not look for." ^^^^• 

On the 17th of Julj he writes to him, ^^ that there a peace 
« was a peace made in Scotland, and that the French sootL^d. 
were sent away, Scotland was to be governed by 
a council of twelve persons ; only all greater mat- 
ters were to be referred to a parliament. He writes, 
*' that the duke of Holstein was come over to see the 
^' queen, and was nobly treated by her, and made a 
^* knight of the garter : the king of Sweden's coming 
" over was still talked of." After Jewel had been 
some time in his diocese, he wrote to Gualter on the 
2d of November, 1560, " that he now felt what a 
** load government. was to him, who had led his life 
^^ in the shade, and at study, and had never turned 
^^ his thoughts to government ; but he would make 
'^ up in his diligence what might be otherwise want- 
^' ing : the opposition he met with from the rage of 
" the papists was incredible." 

On the 6th of November he wrote, that May, dean 
of St. Paul's, who was designed to be archbishop 
of York^ was dead : it does not appear on what views 
that see was so long kept void, after the rest were 
filled. Parker was much troubled at this, and wrote 
very earnestly about it to Cecyl. The letter will be 
found in the Collection. " There were great com- coiiect. 
^^ plaints in the north: the people there were of-^""*^^^* 
^^ fended to see no more care had of them ; and for care in the 
^^ want of instruction they were become rude : this Mes. 
'^ was like to have an. ill influence on the quiet, and 
^^ order of the country. It was perhaps so long de- 
" layed for the advantage the queen's exchequer 
** made by the vacancy : but if, for want of good in- 

o o 2 



564 THE HISTORY OF 

►ART " struction, the people should grow savage like the 
^"' " Irish, it might run to a far greater chai^ to re- 

1560. " duce them. Why should any person hinder the 
" queen's zeal to have her people taught to know 
" and to fear God? If those hitherto named for the 
** north were not liked, or not willing to go thither, 
" he proposed that some of those already placed 
" might he removed thither. And he named Young, 
" bishop of St. David's, for York ; and the bishop of 
*' Rochester, Guest, for Duresme : and if any suspi- 
" cions were had of any of their practising to the 
" prejudice of their successors, there were precedents 
" used in former times to take bishops hound to leave 
" their churches in no worse case than they found 
" them. He had pressed them formerly n-ith rela- 
" tion to those vacant sees ; he saw the matter was 
" still delayed : he would never give over his impor- 
" tunity till the thing was done; which he hoped he 
" would instantly promote, out of the zeal he bore 
" to souls 80 dear to Christ." 
Tiwpopiih This he wrote oo the l6th of October; so it does 

bbhopt 

m«ia gnat DOt appear if the design for May was then so well 
^ fixed as Jewel apprehended. The hint in this letter 
of the practices of bishops was occasioned by the 
ruinous leases that the popish bishops had made; 
for seeing the change that was designed, they had 
by the lav at that time so absolute a power over 
their estates, having no restraints laid on them but 
those of their own canons, that their leases, bow 
mischievous soever to their successors, were good in 
law. The new bishops in many places had scarce 
necessary subsistence, or houses left them, and were 
to be supported by dignities given them in eommen- 
dam .• and it was perhaps su^;ested, that they, to 



THE REFORMATION. 666 

procure a little better subsistence to themselves^ book 
might be prevailed on to prolong, or confirm such 



it 



leases. *^^^- 

The archbishop's importunity had its effect: for s«e more 
in February thereafter. Young was removed totheAnnait 
York; and Filkington, a learned and zealous man,cll«p.^2. 
was made bishop of Duresme. And thus the sees 
of England were filled. Jewel, in a letter soon after 
to Peter Martyr, in February 1560, which will be 
found in the Collection, " wishes that all the rem- coUect. 
*^ nants of former errors, with all the rubbish, and 
'^ even the dust that might yet remain, might be 
'^ taken away : he wishes they could have obtained 
it. It seems by this, that their wishes had not 
prevailed. The council of Trent was then to be 
opened again, but the queen was resolved to take 
** no notice of it. He gives an account of his Apo- 
" logy, that was then set out." This has been soJ«^e>'» 
often printed, and is so well known, that it is not pubiiihed. 
necessary to enlarge more upon it : as it was one of 
the first books published in this reign, so it was writ- 
ten with that strength and clearness, that it, to- 
gether with the defence of it, is still to this day 
reckoned one of our best books. In that letter he 
writes of the countess of Lenox, the mother to the 
lord Damly, *^ that she was a more violent papist 
than even queen Mary herself. Her son was gone 
to Scotland, and it was believed he might marry 
the queen of Scotland : the earl of Hartford had a 
son by the lady Catharine Gray ; some called him 
a bastard, but others affirmed that they were mar- 
ried. If that was true, then, according to king 
Henry's will, he must be the heir of the crown. 
But he adds. Ah ! unhappy we^ that cannot know 

o o 3 



€t 

tf 
tf 
*t 
€t 
St 



Mfl^ " tinder what prince tre are to live ! He com- 

..m^ir- " plains that schools are forsaken, and that the/ were 

'•™ " under a great want of preachers. The few they 

i' ; I " had were every where well received." He writes 

. !"■":■ in another letter, " that in queen Mary's time, for 

.1. •( want of good instruction, the anabaptists and 

" Arians did much increase ; but now they disap- 

" pcared every where." 

The popish clergy, when they saw no appearance 
.>s ,,'iy,' of fi"y ■J^"' change, did generally comply with the 
laws then made ; but in so untoward a manner, that 
they made it verj' visible that what they did was 
against both their heart and their conscience. This 
put the hishops on receiving many into orders that 
were not thoroughly well qualified; which exposed 
them to much censure. They thought that, in that 
necessity, men of good hearts that loved the gospel, 
" " though not so learned as might be wished for, were 
toi be btoii^t irtto the service at the church : but 
pain^ was taken, and methods woe laid down, to 
breed up a tnore knowing race of men, aa soon aa 
was possible. 

i turn nbw to show how the affairs of rd^on went 
on, particularly with relation to Scotland ; of which 
mention was made in some of Jewel's letters. 

But before I open this, I will give an account of 
tWo instruments sent me from Scotland, that came 
not to my hands but since the pages S38 and 589 
were printed off; yet they are so important, that, as 
Collect. I have put them in the CoIlectioD, bo I will give a 
""''•"' short account of them here. On the 19th of Ajnil, 
fifteen days after the queen of Scotland had passed 
that secret fraudulent protestation formerly mm- 
tioned, when the articles <tf the diarriage -vreee nm- 



THE REFORMATION. 667 

tually signed, it was not only provided that the b< 
crown of Scotland, in case she should die without — 
children, should descend to the duke of Chatelhe- ^' 
rault and his heirs, the instrument itself being pub- 
lished in the French Collection; but the dauphin 
did, on the same day, set his seal to a charter, still 
Iireserved at Hamilton, setting forth the faith and 
^i^g^^inents that the king his &ther had formerly 
made, to secure to the earl of Aran the succession 
to the crown of Scotland, in case the queen should 
die without children ; to which he promises he wiU 
'pay all obedience. He confirms and ratifies that pro- 
mise for himself and his successors ; . promising in 
good faith, (bana^fide,) that in that case he will not 
only sufier that lord to enjoy that crown, but that 
he will assist and maintain him in it. 

The promise made by his father, king Henry, to 
which this refers, bears date the 17th day of June, 
amio 1549 ; and was sent over to Scotland, in order 
to the getting of queen Mary to be sent to France. 
By it the king promised, in the word of a king, that 
in case the queen should die without children, he 
would assist the earl of Aran in the succession to 
the cro¥m, against all that should oppose him. 
These instruments I have put in the Collection, as 
lasting memorials of the fidelity and sincerity of that 
court ; to give a just precaution to posterity in fu- 
ture ages : by which it will appear, how little con- 
tracts, promises, and public stipulations are to be 
depended on, where a secret protestation, lodged 
in a dandestine manner, is set up to make all this 
void ; which, I hope, will not be soon forgotten, or 
n^ected. 

But to return firom this digression, which, thougl^ 

o o 4 



668 THE HISTORY OP 

PART a little out of its place, seemed too important to be 

! — omitted. 

1560. lYhe distraction that France was in, made it not 

lie French « « i j i^ 

:rew weary easj to them to carry on the war of Scotland, ogr 
io^thT^ reason of the charge that the sending forces to so 
n Scotland. ^^^^^ ^ distanco put them to : whereas it was bat a 

short march to the English, to go to the assistance 
of the lords of Scotland ; so thej were willing to 
make up matters the best they could by a trea^. 
Commissioners were appointed to treat on both 
sides. In the mean while, the queen r^ent of 
Scotland died; so Cecyl and Wotton, who were 
employed by the queen in that treaty, apprehend- 
ing the French might, upon this emergent, study 
to gain more time, wrote to the queen for positiye 
orders. 

A letter was written to them on the 15th of June, 
signed by five privy counsellors ; which is in the Cd- 
?"*b*'6 ^^^*^^°> taken from the original. By it it appears, 
that this treaty was then a secret, which they saw 
must soon break out ; so the persons employed in 
Scotland advised the acquainting king Philip with 
it, because they looked on it as brought very near a 
total agreement. To this the queen's council agreed. 
Those in Scotland apprehended, that perhaps the 
French would, upon the regent's death, go away and 
leave the kingdom without coming to any agree- 
ment. If they should do so, they did order them 
to advise with the duke of Norfolk, and the lords of 
Scotland in league with them, how the French may 
be forthwith expelled the kingdom, without any loss 
of time : for, by all the advertisements they had, 
they understood that the French intended to gain 
time as much as was possible. If the French desired 



THE REFORMATION. 569 

to have some of their colleagues in the town^ to boor 
assist them in managing the treaty, that was by no 



means to be granted : but if they desired the assist* ^^^* 
ance of suoh Scottish men as were of their faction, 
and if their friends in Scotland consented to it, that 
seemed reasonable. The rest of the letter relates to 
one Parrys, an Irishman. 

The treaty, by reason of the weakness of theitwts 
French force, was soon brought to a conclusion, a*^^ end. 
The French were to be sent away in three weeks. 
An assembly of the states was to meet, and to settle 
the affairs of the kingdom : it was to be governed by 
a council of twelve persons ; of whom the king and 
queen were to name seven, and the states to choose 
five : and by these, all affairs were to be governed, 
they being made accountable to the parliament. The 
last article was, '^ that the king and queen should 
^^ not use the title or arms of England and Ireland 
" any more.** 

When matters were brought to a settlement in 
Scotland, the Scots sent up the earls of Morton and 
Glencaim to the queen. Their message will best ap- 
pear from the instructions, which will be found in the 
Collection, copied from the original, that is still pre- CoUect. 
served, and in the possession of the duchess of Ha- 
milton : by which, '^ the estates of parliament, con- 
sidering how the two kingdoms lay joined together, 
and reflecting on the inconveniences, that they and 
their ancestors had suffered by continual wars, and 
on the advantages of a perpetual friendship be- 
** tween them ; therefore they did order a proposi- 
^^ tion of marriage to be made to the queen of Eng- 
" land, with the earl of Aran ; who, after his father, 
^* in default of succession of the queen's body, was 






570 THE HISTOHY OF 



1 

idtbey 
ited>to I 



T « the next heir of the crown of Scotland. And t! 

! " resolved, that an embassy should be appointed, ) 

'*■ " make the proposition in the honourablest manner 
" that could be devised. They also order thanks to 
" be given to the queen for the good-will she has oa 
" all occasions expressed for their kingdom ; which 
" she had particularly declared of late, by the sujv 
" port she had given them for their relief; by the 
" means of which, they enjoyed their present quiet. 
" And they were also ordered to move the queen, to 
" send strict commands to her wardens, and other 
" officei-3 on tlie borders, to suppress all broken mcD, 
" and to restrain all thefts." These instructions were 
appointed to be sealed, and subscribed by six of every 
estate ; and that was to be held as valid, as if all the 
estates had sealed and subscribed tliem. 
Di^nM by Thls Order of parliament is signed by the archbi- 
gj^tti!* shop of St. Andrew's, the bishops of Dunkeld, Gallo- 
way, Dumblane, Ai^le, and the elect bishop of Uie 
Isles : and by ag many abbots and priors ; the prior 
of St. Andrew's, afterwards earl of Murray ; the 
abbot of Arbroth, afterwards marquis of Hamiltoo ; 
the abbots of Newbotk and Culros; the commeD- 
dator of Kilwinning, and the prior of Lochlevin. So 
many of the eccleaiastical state of both ranks oon- 
eurring, shows, that they rejoiced in the deliyerance 
that they had from the serritude* under which the 
French had almost brought them. 

These instructions are also signed by the duke of 
ChatelherauU, who subscribed only Jawtes; and by 
the earls of Argyle, Athol, Morton, Crawfcmi, ^d 
Sutherland ; and by the lords Erskine, Gordcm, Sal^ 
ton. Hay, Uchiltry, Innennetb, Boyd, Lindsay, Gray, 
and some others, whose names cannot be read : and 



THE REFORMATION. 571 

hy eight provosts of boroughs. But no seals are in boo 
ibis noble instrument; so probably it was an au- ^^' 
thentic duplicate, that was deposited in that family, i^^O 
fo remain as an undoubted proof of the right of suc- 
ceeding to the crown of Scotland, if the queen had 
left no issue of her own body. 

To this an answer was given^ which I have put in 
the Collection, from the draught of it in Cecyl's collect. 

Nnmb I 

band. ** The queen received the hearty thanks that The qae 
** the three estates sent her very kindly ; and was ^jj^?^^ 
*^ glad the assistance she had given then, was so *^r ^^ > 
'' well accepted by them. She was so well satisfied 
^ with the effects it had, that if the like cause should 
^' happen, in which they might need aid from her, 
** she assures them it shall not be wanting. The 
queen did perceive the difference between the 
benefits bestowed by her father, on many of the 
nolnlity of that nation, which were supposed to be 
to the prejudice of the kingdom, and so had not 
the success expected; and those they had re« 
** ceived from her, which were directed to the safety 
** of the realm : so the diversity in the bestowing 
*' them^ had made this diversity in the acceptation 
^ of them. 

^ She received that proposition of marriage as a 
mark of the good intention of the estates tar kniu 
ting the kingdoms in amity; in offering to her 
the best and choicest person that they had, tboogii 
not wi^out danger of the displeasure of tke 
king. But the queen was not 
to many; though the necessity of 
might perhaps constrain her aftemnii «i ic Tc 
'^ she desired, that the earl of Aiaa naevL n^ a^ 
*' bear to marry on her 



4€ 
4€ 






672 THE HISTOHY OF 

" between the two kingdoms might remaio firm; 
_" since it was so necessary to their preservation, 
*' though no marriage were made upon it. The 
** queen had heard a very good report of the earl <i 
" Aran, and thought him a noble gentleman <tf 
♦* great worth and did not doubt but he would 
" prove to be such. In the last place, the queen de- 
" sired the states 'fv'ould reflect on Ibrmer practices 
*' among them, and would continue in a good agree- 
" ment among themselves, and not fall into factions. 
" And she concluded witli a promise, that on her 
" part no reasonable thing should he neglected, that 
" might tend to the common defence of both the 
" realms against any common enemy." 
^JiJ*"'.^ Things went on pursuant to this treaty ; to which 

rsrcoui). it was not thought the French would have any re- 
gard, when their affairs should be in a better condi- 
tion. The apprehensions of that were soon at an 
end. In December 1560, the union which that king- 
dom had .with France was totally broke by the death 
of Francis t^e Second : so that Mary queen of Scot- 
land had nothing left but her own strength to de- 
pend upon. The treaty of Leith being in all other 
points executed, the queen ordered both Throdt- 
morton, her ordinary ambassador in France, and the 
earl of Bedford, whom she had sent over extraordi- 
nary, to demand queen Mary's ratification of that 
treaty: which I shall open more particularly, be- 
cause, upon this occasion, that jealousy was raised 
between the two queens, that ended so fatally to the 
one. The queen of Scots used many shifts to excuse 
her not doing it. 

In a letter of Throckmorton's, of the l6th of 
^^- April, which is in the Collection, he tells the queen. 



THE REFORMATION. 578 

** that having pressed the queen of Scots to it; she book 

V X* 






'* said, She had not her council about her, particu- . 
" larly the cardinal of Lorrain her uncle^ by whom '^^^' 
^* she was advised in all her affairs : nor had she 
^' heard from her council in Scotland. She promis- 
^ ed, that when she heard from them, and had ad- 
^ vised with her council about her, she would give 
** an answer that should satisfy the queen. But her 
** natural brother, the lord James, being come over 
^^ to her, the queen had commanded Throckmorton 
to demand again the confirmation of the treaty. 
Upon which, the ambassador sent a gentleman to 
know her pleasure, when he should wait on her, to 
*^ receive it from her hand. This, as he wrote to 
*^ her, was desired by the queen, as a mean to make 
" them live hereafter in all love, peace, and amity 
together. And nothing could so demonstrate that 
queen's intention, to entertain this as the establish- 
ing that knot of friendship between them, for both 
their quiet and comfort, which was at that time 
the only refuge of them both." Of this he sent 
the queen his mistress a copy. 

On the 1st of May, Mr. Somer, whom the ambas- 
sador had sent to Nancy, where the queen of Scot- 
land was at that time^ came back with her answer ; 
which is in the Collection ; it being the only original collect. 
paper that ever I saw in her hand. Dated from "™ * ^'' 
Nancy, the 22d of AprU 1561. 

^' She writes, she was then leaving that place ; so The queen 
" she could give no answer till she came to Rheims, afd^t^^ 
" where she intended to be at the king's coronation : ™*'^y tiie 

o peace. 

and she says, that lord James was only come to do 
his duty about her, as his sovereign lady, without 



it 



4£ 



H rART ** any charge or commission whatsoever." Tlus 
m, " f hT""'""""*"" sent to the queen, together with a 
1561. |gttg|. from the cardinal of Lorrain to the same pur- 
pose, which he also sent her in a letter, which will 
^^J^jj_ be found in the Collection ; in which he writes, 

I" tliat though Somer had used the best means he 
" could, to put the Scottisli queen in mind of the 
" promise she had made to the earl of Bedford, and 
" to Throckmorton himself, yet he could get no 
" other answer from her." The ambassador wu 
ordered by the queen not to be present at the coro- 
nation : so he did not know when or where be 
should see her ; for it was said, she did not intend 

I for some time to come into the neighbourhood of 

Paris : lie therefore proposed to the queen to send a 
letter of credit by Mr. Somer to that queen ; ^d 
witli it to order him to go and demand lier answer. 
By that queen's discourse with lord James, it seemed 
she did not intend to give a plain answer, but still 
toihift it off: but he thought the queen insistii^oD 
it by a person sent express to stay for an answer, 
she would be able to judge irom thence what mea- 
sures she ought to take. The queen of Scotland 
had said to the ambassador, that she intended to 
give lord James a commission, with a charge to look 
to the affairs of Scotland during her absence ; and 
he, when he took leave of her, left one to Iving that 
after him : but that person was come with letten 
from that queen, hut with no commission ; and he 
understood by him that she had changed her mind, 
and would give no such commission, till she should 
come to Scotland herself; nor would she dispose of 
any thing till then. This was easily seen to be on de- 



B7i THE HISTORY OF 



THE REFORMATION. 676 

sign to let all people understand on what terms they book 
might expect benefices, grants, or other favours from ^' 



her. "S"- 

The true reason why she would not employ lord she u 

^ ^ ^ jealous 

James was, because she found she could not draw of lord 
him from his devotion to the queen, nor from his *°^* 
xesolution to observe the late treaty and league be- 
tween England and Scotland : and it is added, that 
the cardinal of Lorrain saw he could not draw him 
from his religion, though he used great persuasions 
to prevail on him. Upon these accounts the ambas- 
sador wrote over, ^^ that he saw he might be much 
'^ depended on : so he advises the queen to consider 
^^ him as one that may serve her to good purpose* 
'^ and to use him liberally and honourably. He had 
^< made great acknowledgments of the good recep- 
^' tion he met with as he came through London : so 
^ he on many accounts deserved to be both well 
'^ used and much trusted. The queen of Scotland 
had great expectations from the popish party; and 
from the earl of Huntly in particular. He gives 
in that letter an account of a great tumult that 
had then happened at Paris, upon occasion of an 
assembly of protestants for worship in a private 
^< house, in the suburbs. The rabble met about the 
*^ house, threatening violence : upon which those 
within, seeing persuasions had no effect, fired and 
killed seven or eight of them. The court of par- 
liament sent an order to suppress the tumult^ and 
^< disperse the multitude. This was plainly contrary 
'^ to the edict lately made : but the ambassador ap- 
*' prehended that greater disorders would follow." 
And that I may end all this matter at once^ 

I find in a letter of Jewel's that is in the CoUec- NumV 73. 






€€ 



676 THE HISTORY OF 

PART tion, that the duke of Guise sent to the princei d 
"^' Germany, to divert them from assisting the prin 



1561. q{ Conde; assuring them, that he himself wasvo; 
of GnUe' moderate in the points of religion, and had verj &- 
d^erttb^ vourable thoughts of the Augsburg Confession : k 
fromlisMst. studied also to persuade the queen, that the wa 
10^ the which was then breaking out in France was not fir 

prince of ^ , , 

cood^. religion ; but was a conspiracy against the goTen- 
ment : which he hoped she as a queen would not 
assist. At the same time the queen of Scotland 
sent the queen a present of a diamond of valne, 
with some very fine verses made by Buchanan, 
then in her court. She also in her letters vowed a 
perpetual friendship with her, and wrote, that she 

But in Tain, would pass through England. Yet the queen saw 
through all this, and was not diverted by it from as- 
sisting the prince of Cond^. Upon this the duke of 
Guise did openly charge all the disorders in France 
on her^ as the principal author of them : by this the 
mask was thrown away, and these jealousies broke 
out into an open war. Jewel wishes the queen had 
begun it sooner, and that the princes of Grermany 
would follow her example, now that she was en- 
gaged, and had sent one to engage them likewise. 

By that time the queen of Scotland had got by 
sea into her kingdom: she alone had her mass, 
which was put down all the kingdom over. 

There was this year an extraordinary bad season 
through every quarter of the year, and perpetual 
rains. There was also much talk of many mon- 
strous births, both by women, and beasts, hogs, 
mares, cows, and hens : some births were without 
heads, or heads of a strange form ; and some with- 
out arms or legs. Very probably things of that sort 



THE REFORMATION. 677 

were magnified by those who reported them ; and, book 
no doubt, they were made the presages of some dis- 



mal events to be looked for; it being ordinary in all *^^^' 
great changes to enlarge, and even to forge stories of 
that sort, on design to alarm people with the appre- 
hensions of some signal judgments to follow after such 
unusual warnings. This last letter being written 
some time afier the great convocation that settled our 
reformation, is mentioned here out of its place, to 
finish a matter to which I have nothing here to add. 

But now to return