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JLHE fiiTounUe leoqpdoD wliicfa the fenner part of this 
ivork had, together with the new matwiah that were aent 
me firom noUe and worthy handa, have enocMiraged me to 
proaecute it, and to cany down the Hiatoiy of the BdEcct* 
matioQ of thia Church till it was brought to a complete aet* 
tkment in the beginning of.queenEliabeth^a reign; which 
I DOW offer to the workL 

The great seal of this 1^ fbr what was done in that about 
rdif^oo, has made the Hiitofy of it to be reoaTed and rea^ 
"witfa more than ordinaiy attention andba)rf^: imd many hay^; 
expressed their satisfaction in what was formerly^ publishcyf, 
by contributing sereral papers of great oonisqulR^ jjto f^fint 
remained. And since I found no part of t]^]fii3|t yoTufloe - 
was more uniyerBally acceptable, than th^t jrberqn \ i^f^ 
only a transcriber; I mean the Collection of Records and 
authentic Fapersj which I had set down in confirmation of 
the more remarkable and doubtful parts of the History ; I 
continue the same method now. I shall repeat nothing 
here that was in my former preface; but refer the reader 
to such things as concern tins History in general, and my 
encouragement in the undertaking and prosecution of it, to 
what is there premised to the whole work : and therefcHfe I 
shall now enlarge on such things as do more particularly re« 
late to thb volume* 

The papers, that were conveyed to me from several 
hands, are referred to, as the occarion to mention them oc- 
curs in the History, with such acknowledgments as I thought 
best became this way of writing, though fiur short of the 
merits of those who furnished me with them. But the 
storehouse from whence I drew the greatest part both of the 

VOL. II. a 


History and Collection, is the often celebrated Cotton li- 
brary, out of which, by the noble favour of its truly learned 
owner, nr John Cotton, I gathered all that was necessary for 
composing this part, together with some few things which 
had escaped me in my former search, and belong to the 
first part; and those I have mixed in the Collection added 
to this volume, upon such occasions as I thought most per- 
dnent. But among all the remains of the last age, that are 
with great industry and order laid up in that treasury, none 
pleased me better, nor were of more use to me, than the 
Journal of king Edwa^'^s rdgn, written all with his own 
hand; with some other papers of his, which I have put by 
themselves in the beginning of the Collection : of these I 
shall say nothing here, having ^ven a full account of them 
in the History of his reign, to which I refer the reader. I 
find most of our writers have taken parcels out of them, and 
. ^ lyr Jciin Hey ward has transcribed from them the greatest 
• : •*part]*d€'hft<iKJo1(^: t^ I thought this a thing of such 

coi^i^ueiidie,*tbirt (iipon good advice I have publii^ied them 
4} J&itlijEn^i^ toj^ed from the originals. 
* /.Buly aiL <{tbers,asasted me towards the perfecting this 
)MEff>*co *Chi^*&a£ned divine, and most exact inquirer into 
historical learning, Mr. Fulman, rector of Hamton-Meysey 
m Gloucestei;Bhire, did most signally oblige me, by a collec- 
tion of some mistakes I had made in the former work. He 
had for many years applied his thoughts with a very search* 
ing care to the same subject, and so was able to judge 
more critically of it than other readers. Some of those had 
escaped me, others had not come within my view ; in some 
particulars my vouchers were not good, and in others I had 
mistaken my authors. These I publish at the end of this 
volume, being neither ashamed to con£ess my faults, mnr 
unwilling to acknowledge from what hand I received better 
information. My design in writing is to discover truth, 
and to deliver it down impartially to the next age ; so I 
should think it both a mean and criminal piece of vanity to 
suppress this discovery of my errors. And though the 
number and consequence of them had been greater than it is. 


I should rather have submitted to a much severer penance, 
than have left the world in tlie mistakes I had led them 
into : yet I was not a little pleased to find that they were 
nnther many, nor of importance to the main parts of the 
History ; and were chiefly about dates, or small variations 
in the order of time. I hope this part has fewer faults, 
since that worthy person did pursue his former kindoeas so 
htrasto review it beforehand ; and with great judgment to 
correct such errors as he found in it : those I had formerly 
fallen into made me more careful in examining even the 
smallest matters. Yet if, after all my care, and the kind 
censures of those who have revised this work, there is any 
thing left that may require a further retractation, I shall 
not decline to make it so soon as I see there is need of it ; 
being, I hope, raise<l above the poor vanity of seeking my 
own reputation, by sacrificing truth to it. 

Those to whose censure I submitted this whole History 
in both its parts, were chiefly three great divines, whose 
lives are such examples, thor sermons such instructions, 
th^ writings such unanewerable vindications of our church, 
and their irhole deportment so suitable to their profesnon, 
that, as I reckon my being admitted into some measure of 
fnendsfatp with them among the chief blesungs of my life, 
■0 I know nothing can more efl^ectually rectHumend this 
work than to say, that it passed with th^ hearty appmba- 
tioD, after they had examined it with that care, whidi their 
great zeal for the cause concerned in it, and their goodness 
to the author, and freedom with him, obliged them to use. 
They are so well known, that, without naming them, those, 
o( this age will easily guess who they are ; and th^ will be 
so well known to posterity by their excellent writingB, that 
the naming them is so high an advantage to my book, that 
I much doubt whether it is decent for me to do it. One of 
them. Dr. Lloyd, is now, while I am writing, by his majes- 
ty*s &Tour, promoted to the bishopric of St. Asaph : a dig- 
mty to which how deservedly soever his great learning, 
pety, and merit, has advanced him, yet I particularly know 
bow far he was from any aspirings to it ; it was he I de- 


scribed in my fonner preface, that engaged me first to this 
dengn, and &r that reason he has been more than ordinary 
careful to examine it with that exactness that is pecuUiur to 
him. The other two are the reverend, learned, and judi- 
cious deans of Canterbury and St. PaulX Dr. TlUotson and 
Dr. StiUingfleet, too well known to receive any addition 
from the characters I can ^ve of them. 

Others gave me sup}dies of another sort, to enable me to. 
go through mth an undertaking that put me to i^o small 
expense. I am not ashamed to acknowledge^ that the strait- 
ness of my condition made this uneasy to me, being desti- 
tute of all public provifflon : but I should be much ashamed 
of my ingratitude, if I did not celebrate their bounty who 
have taken sudi care of me, as not to leave this addition of 
charge on one who lives* not without difficulties, I must 
again repeat my thanks for the generous kindness, protect 
tion, and liberal supplies of sir Harbottle Grimstone, master 
of the rolls, this being the axth year of my subnstence under 
him, to whom I must ever acknowledge that I am more be- 
holding than to all men living* The noble Mr. Boyle, as 
he employs both his time and wealth for the good of man- 
kind, (for which he considers himself as chiefly bom, and 
which he has promoted not only in his own excellent writ^ 
ings, that have made him so famous over all the world, but 
in many other designs that have been chiefly carried on at 
his cost,) so hath he renewed his kindness to me in largesses 
suitable to so great a mind. Others were also pleased to 
join their help. The right honourable the lord Finch, now 
lord high chancellor of England, whose great parts, and 
greater virtues, are so conspicuous, that it were a high pre- 
sumption in me to say any thing in his commendation, 
bdng in nothing more eminent than in his zeal for, and care 
of this church, thought it might be of some importance to 
have its history well digested ; and therefore, as he bore i^ 
large share of my expense, so he took it more particularly 
under his care, and, under all the burdens of that high em- 
ployment which he now bears, yet found time fpr reading 
it in manuscript, of which he must have robbed himself. 


aoce he nener denies it to those who have a right to it on 
' inj public account; and hath added such remarks and cor- 
ttctioDs as are no small part of any finisliing it may be 
judged lo have. The lord Russel, the inheritor' of that 
leal for true rchgion, and the other virtues that have from 
the fir^t beginnings of the reformation, in a continued entali, 
idorned that noble family of Bedford, beyond most otherv 
of the kingdom, did espouse the interest of the proteatant 
religion in this particular, as he has done on all other more 
public occasions; and by a most liberal supply encouraged 
me lo prosecute this undertaking. That worthy counsellor^ 
vhose celebrated integrity and clear judgment have raised 
him so high in his profession, Anthony Keck, esq. did also 
concur in easing me of the charge that searching, copying, 
and gathering materials put me to : and having received as 
much from these my noble benefactors as did enable me to 
tmny on 117 deogi^ I did caumae tajadl ait other pemoa' 
handt, who -very generously offered to supply me in the 
expoue which this work brought with it. Hat vas done 
m a most extraordinary maimer by the right honourable 
the earl of Halifax, whcun if I reckon among the greatest 
paims this aga has produced, I am sure all that know him 
win allow that I speak modestly of him : be indeed offered 
ae the yearly continuaDce of a bounty, that would not only 
ban dt£ray«l all this expense, but have been an entire ai^ 
bonourable subristeoce to me ; and though my necesmtiea 
nre not so presnng as to persuade me to accept it, yet so 
unusual a generosity doth certainly merit the faig^test ac- 
kDowledgmeots I can make for it. 

But I now turn to that which ought to be the chief sub* 
ject of this preface ; to remove the prejudices, by which 
weak and imwary poaons have been prepossessed in their 
judgments omceming the reformation, during that period 
trf' it that &lls witlun this vdume. I know the duty of an 
historian leads him to write as one that is of neither party, 
and I have endeavoured to follow it as carefully as I could, 
neither concealing the faults of the one party, nor doiying 
the just fnaiaea that ware due to any of the other ride> and 


have delivored things as I found them, making diem nd- 
ther better nor worse than indeed they were: but now that 
I am not yet entered into that profince, and am here writ* 
ing my own thoughts, and not relating the actions <^ other 
men, I hope it will be judged no indecent thing to dear the 
reader^s mind of those impresaons, whidi may either have 
already biassed him too mudi, or may, upon a slight reading 
of what follows, arise in his thoughts: unless he were prepared 
and armed with some necessary reflectioos> which every one 
that may posnbly read this History has not had the leisure, or 
other opportunities, to make to sudi a degree as were needful 
It is certainly an unjust way of proceeding, in any that 
is to be a judge, to' let himself be secretly possessed with 
such impressions of perscms and things as may bias his 
thoughts : for where the scales are not well adjusted, the 
weight cannot be truly reckmied. So that it is an in£rect 
method to load men^s minds with prejudices, and not to let 
them in to die trial of truth till dieir inclinations are first 
swayed such a way. I deny not but in matters of idigion 
most commonly men receive such notions, before they can 
well examine them, as do mudi determine them in the in- 
quiries they make afterwards, when their understandings 
grow up to a fuller ripeness : but thote preoocupatioiis, if 
>^gbdy infused, are rather sudi as give them general nodons 
of what is good and honest in the abstracted ideas, than 
concerning matters of fact : for every wise and pious man 
must avoid all such methods ioi instrucdon as are founded 
on falsehood and craft : and he that will breed a man to 
love truth, must form in him such a liking of it, that he 
may clearly see he would bribe him into no <^inion or party 
by false or indirect arts. But ance men are generally so 
apt to let some easy notions enter into their minds, which 
will preengage their a£Pecdons, and for most part those who 
set themsdves to gain proselytes, do begin with such arts ; 
it will not be amiss to give the reader such an account of 
these, as may prepare him against them, that so he may 
with a clearer mind consider what is now to be delivered to 
him, concemii^ the reformadon of religion among us. 


I shall begin with tliat which is most commonly urged ; 
d»t the whole church b^g one body, the changes that 
were made in religion did break that unity, and dissolve the 
bond by which the catholic churcli is to be knit together ; 
and that therefore the first reformers began, and we still 
continue, a schism in the church. 

In answer to this, it is to be considered, that the bishops 
and pastors of the church are obhged to instruct their peo- 
ple in the true faith of Christ, according to the scriptures : 
the nature of their function, being a sacred trust, Unds 
them to this ; they were also at their consecration engaged 
to it by a formal sponsion, according to the questions and 
answers that are in the Roman Pontifical to this day. 
Pastors owe it as a debt to their people to teach them ac- 
cording to the scriptures : they owe a chanty to their bre- 
thren, and are to live with them in the terms of brotherly 
love and friendly correspondence ; but if that cannot be 
had on easier terms than the concealing necessary truths, 
and the delivering gross errors to those committed to their 
charge, it is certain that tbey ought not to purchase it at ao 
dear a rate. When the pastors of this church saw it over- 
run with errors and corruptions, they were obliged, by the 
duty they owed to God and to their people, to discovn 
them, and to undec^ve th«r misled flocks. It is of great 
impcntance to maintain peace and unity ; but if a party in 
the church does set up some doctrines and practices, that 
do much endanger the salvation of souls, and makes ad- 
vantages by these, so that there is no hope left to gain them 
by rad<xial and softer methods ; then, as St. Peter was to 
be withstood to his face in a lesser matter, much more are 
those, who pretend no higher than to be his successors, to 
be withstood, when the things are of great moment and 
consequence. When herenes sprung up in the primitive 
church, we find the neighbouring bishops condemned them 
without staying for the concurrence of other churches ; as 
in the case of Samosatenus, Arius, and Pelagius : and even 
when the greatest part oS the church was become Semi> 
Ahan, and many great councils, chiefly that at Ariminum, 


oonnstmg of above eight hundred bishops, as some say, had 
through ^norance and fear complied, the orthodox bishops 
did not forbear to instruct those committed to their care ac- 
cording to the true faith. A general concurrence is a thing 
much to be laboured for ; but when it cannot be had, every 
bishop must then do his duty so as to be answerable to the 
chief bbhop of souls. 

So that, instead of b^g led away by so slight a prejudice, 
we must turn our inquiries to this. Whether there were 
really such abuses in the church, as did require a reforma- 
tion? and whether there was any reason to hope for a 
more general concurrence in it? In the following History 
the reader will see what corruptions were found to be both 
in the doctrine and worship of this church: fix>m whence 
he may infer what need there was of reformation. And it 
is very plain, that they had no reason to expect the concur- 
rence of other churches ; for the council of Trent bad al- 
ready made a great progress, and it was very visible, that» 
as the court of Bome governed all things there, so they 
were resolved to admit of no effectual reformation of any 
conaderable matters; but to estabUsh, by a more formal 
decision, those errors and abuses that had given so much 
scandal to the Christian world for so many ages* 

This being the true state of the case, it is certain, that if 
there were really great corruptions, either in belief or man- 
ners, in this church, then the bishops were bound to reform 
them : since the backwardness of others in their duty could 
not excuse them from doing thars, when they were clearly 
convinced of it. So that the reader is to shake off this pre- 
judice, and only to examine whether there was really such 
need of a reformation ; since, if that be true, it is certain 
the bishops of this, as well as of other churches, were bound 
to set about it ; and the faultiness of some could be no ex- 
cuse for the rest. 

The second prejudice is, that the reformation was begun 
and carried on, not by the major part of the bishops and 
^'^^gy> but by a few selected bishops and divines, who 
bai^ supported by the name of the king's authority, did 


fiame things as they plea^d ; and by their interest at cmtn 
got them lo be enacted in parliiunent : and after they had 
Kmovcd such bishops as opposed them, then they procured 
the ronvocatJOD to consent to what was done : so that upon 
the matter, the reformation was the work of Cranmer, with 
» few more of his party, and not of this church, which never 
agreed wholly to it, till the bishops were so modelled as lo 
be compliant to the designs of the court. In short, the re- 
wlution of this is to be taken from a common case ; when 
ttie major part of a church is, according to the conscience 
of the supreme civil magistrate, in an error, and the lesser 
psrl is in the right. The case is not hard, if well under- 
Rood : for in the whole scripture there is no promise made 
to the major part of the pastors of the church ; and there 
being no divine promise made about it, it is certain that the 
nature of man is such, that truth, separated from interest, 
hatii few votaries : but when it is opposite to it, it must have 
a very small party. So that most of those things wliich 
needed reformation, being such as added much to the wealth 
and power of the clergy, it had been a wonder indeed, if 
the greater part had not opposed it. In that case, as the 
snaiicr part were not to depart from their sentiments, be- 
lause opposed in them by a more numerous party that was 
too deeply concerned in the matter ; so it was both natural 
for them, and very reasonable, to take sanctuary in the 
luthority and protection of the prince and the law. That 
princes have an authority in things sacred, was so univer- 
lally agreed to in king Henry's reign, and was made out 
upon such clear evidence of reason and precedents, both in 
the Jewish state, and in the Roman empire, when it turned 
Christian, that this ground was already g^ned. It is the 
fint iaw in JuMiiuan's Code, made by Theodomus when he 
cime to the empire. That all should every where, und^ 
■evere psins, follow that futh which was receved by Da- 
mum biaht^ of Rome, and Peter <^ Alexandria. And 
why might Jiot the lung and laws of England ^ve the like 
authority to the onhlssbopi of Canterbury and York P 
When the aapxe, and e^iedally the eoBtern part of it. 


had beeiiy during the reign of Constantiii8» and Vakna 
ceeding him after a short interval, so overspread with Anao^ 
ism, it is scarce to be imagined how it could have been re- 
formed in any other manner: for they durst not at fint 
trust it to the discretion of a synod ; and yet the questioo 
then on foot was not so linked with interest, b^ng a specu^ 
lative point of divinity, as those about which the contests 
were in the beginnings of the reformation. 

It is not to be imagined how any changes in religion can 
be made by sovereign princes, unless an authority be lodged 
with them of giving the sanction of a law to the sounder, 
though the lesser part of a church : for as princes and law* 
^vers are not tied to an implicit obechence to clergymen, 
but are left to the freedom of their own discerning, so th^ 
must have a power to choose what ade to be of, where 
things arc much inquired into. The jurisdiction of synods or 
councils is founded either on the rules of expediency and 
brotherly correspondence, or on the force of civil laws : fat 
when the Christian belief had not the support of law, everyr 
bishop taught his own flock the best he could, and gave his 
neighbours such an account of his faith, at, oar soon after, 
his consecration, as satisfied them, and so maintained the 
unity of the church. The formality of synods grew up in the 
church fix>m the division of the Roman empire, and the 
dignity of the several cities; which is a thing so well 
known, and so plainly acknowledged by the writers of all 
sides, that it were a needless imposing on the reader's pa- 
tience to spend time to prove it. Such as would understand 
it more p^ecUy, will find it in De Marca, the late archbi* 
shop of Paris^s books De Concordia Imperii et SacerdotUj 
and in Blondell'^s works, De la Primaui^de TEglise, None 
can imag^ there is a divine authority in that which sprang 
fixHn such a beginning. The major part of synods cannot 
be supposed to be, in matters of faith, so asnsted from 
Heaven, that the lesser part must necessarily acquiesce in 
their decrees, or that the civil powers must always measure 
their laws by their votes: especially where interest does 
viaUy turn the scales. And this may satisfy any reason- 


Mb wn as to tUt prqodioe} tint if ndifanbap CnuaoBMr 
od Hrigififj the two priiMtei and metnqKditus d Urn 
ckndiy none in the nf^tf in the thingB thtt tliejr pcoeimd 
t> he idhtmcdf thoog^ the gwttter pert of the biihfl|M» be* 
mg hiewpiil bjr bMe cnd% end generelly both sopentitious 
ad little convenent in the true tfaeokgicel leernhigy did 
CfpoK thefliy and th^wera tberdbjfbroed to order nietteia 
m, that aft fint tfaejr woe prepered lijr eome idected biahope 
ad dhrinei^ and afte rw anb enacted by^king and peffiament^ 
Ab ie no juit exception to what was ao managed. And 
wdi a n^i a lh mean no more be bleated faj being called a 
prntmrntmi fdigiom^ than the rffbrwutHam made by the 
U^gi of larady aitbout or againat the miyoriQr of the 
Iiicat% oonU be bkmidied by being called <Jb Ui^# fdi. 

A third prqodioe ia, that the persona who goremed the 
dBnrs aft court were weak tx ill men: that the kiiig being 
under age, dunga were carried by those who had him in 
their power. And for the two great mimaters of that reign^ 
or nuher the adminiatratom of it, the dukea oi Someraet 
and NcHthumberiand, aa their violent and untimely deatha 
may aeem to be eflecta <^ the indignation, of Heaven for 
what they did; ao they were both eminently fiiulty in 
their adminiatradon, and are auppoaed to have sought too 
vucfa their own enda. Thia aeema to cast a blemiah on their 
actions, and to give some reason to suspect the things were 
not good whidi bad such inatrumenta to advance than. 

But thia prgudioe^ compounded of many particulara 
when taken to jnecea, will afqpear of no force to Uaat the 
credit of what they did. By our law, the king never diea, 
and ia never young nor old ; so that the authority of the 
king is the same^ whether administered by himself or by hia 
governors, when he is under age : nor are we to judge of 
men by the events that befall them. These are the deepest 
aecreta of Divine Proridence, into which it is impoanble for 
men of limited understandings to penetrate: and if we 
make judgments of persons and things by accidents, we 
shall very often most certainly amdude falsely. Solpmon 


made the observation, which the series of human afiairs ever 
ance hath fully justified, thai there are just men, to tchoni U 
happens according to the work of the wicked; and wicked 
meti, to whom it happens according to ihe work of the 
righteous : and the inquiring into these seemingly unequal 
steps of Grod^s goveming the worid, is a vanity. As for 
the duke of Northumberland, the reformation is not at all 
concerned in him; for if we beheve what he said, when 
there was the least reason to suspect him, on the scaffold, 
he was all the while a papbt in his heart: and so no won- 
der if such a man, striking in for his own ambitious ends 
with that which was popular, even against the persuasions 
of his conscience, did very ill things. The duke of Somer- 
set was indeed more nncere ; and though he was not with- 
out his faults, (which we may safely acknowledge, once the 
man of infallibility is not pretended to be without an,) yet 
these were not such heinous transgresaons, but rather sudi 
as human infirmity exposes most men to, when they are 
raised to an high condition. He was too vain, too much 
addicted to his own notions, and, being a man of no extra- 
ordinary parts, he was too much at the disposal of those^ 
who by flatteries and submissions insinuated themselves 
into him; and he made too great haste to raise a vast 
estate to be altogether innocent: but I never find him 
charged with any personal disorders, nor was he ever 
guilty of falsehood, of perverting justice, of cruelty, or of 
oppression. He was so much against the last of these, that 
he lost the affections of the nobility for being so careful of 
the commons, and covering them from the oppression of 
their landlords. The business of his brother, though it has 
a very ill appearance, and is made to look worse by the 
lame account our books give of it, seems to have been 
forced on him : for the admiral was a man of most inciu*able 
ambition, and so inclined to raise disturbance, that, after so 
many relapses and such firequent reconciliations, he still 
breaking out into new disorders, it became almost necessary 
to put him out of a capacity of doing more mischief. But 
if we compare the duke oi Somerset with the great minis- 


ters even in the best courts, we shall find him better than 
most of them : and if some few have carried their prosperity 
better, many more, even of those who are otherwise re- 
corded for extraordinary persons, have been guilty of far 
greater faults. He who is but a little acquainted with his- 
tory, or with the courts of princes, must needs know bo 
much of this argument, that he will easily cure himself of 
any ill effects which this prejudice may have on him. 

A fourth prejudice is r^sed from the great invasions 
vhich were then made upon the church -lands, and things 
dedicated to pious uses; which is a thing hated by men of 
all religions, and branded with the odious names of sacri- 
kgtj and robbing of God ^ so that the spoils of religious 
bouses and churches seem to have been the secret motives 
that at first drew in, and still engage, so many to the re- 
£)rmation. This has more weight in it than the former, 
Uid therefore deserves to be more fully conadcred. 

The light of nature teaches, that those who are dedicated 
to the sc^^^ce of God, and for instructing the people, ought 
to be so well provided for, that tliey may be delivered from 
the distractions of secular cares, and secured from the con- 
tempt which follows poverty ; and be furnished with such 
means as may both enable them to know that well wherein 
they are to instruct others, and to gain such an interest in 
tbe affections of those among whom they labour, as modest 
hospitality and liberal almsgiving may procure. In this all 
nations and reli^ons have so generally agreed, that it may 
be welt called a law of nations, if not of nature. Had church- 
men been contented with this measure, it is very probable 
things had never run to the other extreme so much as they 
have done. But as the pope got to himself a great prind- 
pality, so the rest of his clergy designed to imitate him in 
that as much as was possible: they spared no pains, nor 
thought they any methods too bad, that could set forward 
these projects. The belief of purgatory, and the redeeming 
of souls out of it by masses, with many other public cheats 
imposed on the world, had brought the wealth of this and 
other nations into their hands. Upon the discovery of this 


impofltme, it iras but a reasonable and just proceeding of 
the government to reassume those lands, and dispose other- 
wise <^ them, which had been for most part fraudulently 
drawn from the former agesr for indeed the best part of 
the soil of England being in such ill hands, it was the in* 
terest of the whole kingdmn to have it put to better uses. 
So that the abbeys being generally raised and endowed by 
the efficacy ci those false opinions, which were infused into 
the people, I can see no just exception against the dissolu- 
tion of them, with the chantries, and other foundations of 
like superstidon; and the ^Euilt was not in taking them 
away, but in not applying a greater part of them to uses 
truly religious. 

But most of these monasteries had been enriched by that, 
whidi was indeed the spcnl of the church : for in many 
{daces the tithes which belonged to the secular clergy were 
taken' from them, and by the authority of papal bulb 
were given to the monasteries. This was the original of 
the greatest mischief that came on this diurch at the re^ 
formation : the abbots having possessed themselves of the 
tithes, and having left to those who served the cure, either 
some small donative or stipend, and at best the small tithes 
or vicarage, those who purchased the abbey-lands from the 
crown in the former reign, had them with no other charge 
reserved {<x the incumbents but that small pittance that the 
abbots had formeriy given them : and this is now a mudi 
less allowance than the curates had in the times of popery ; 
for though they have now the same right by their m- 
cumbency that they then had, yet in the time of supersti- 
tion, the fees of obits, exequies, soul-masses, and such other 
perquisites, did furnish them so plentifully, that, connder* 
ing their obligation to remain unmarried, they lived well, 
though their certain maintenance was but small : but these 
things falling off by the reformation, which likewise leaves 
the clergy at liberty in the matter ci marriage, thb has oc- 
casioned much ignorance and scandal among the cl^gy. I 
shall not enter into the debate about the divine ri^t of 
tithes : this I am sure of, a decent maintenance of the clergy 


kiimtmd n^ ad that it ii Ml bettar looked to is a 
pdblEc iqpniMh to tlie whok natioB; wImb, in all other m. 
%ns and iiatioii% those who aerv« at the altar live by it* 
He ancient aHofwanoea for the ciuaiee in maihet towns 
hmggmBoSkj wo nally because the number and wealth cf 
tk-people made the peiquiates so oonsiderable^ has made 
isse plaees to be too often hot ill siipidied : andw;haiwa]r 
tkimudus far the sednoen cf all hands, when the ministar 
imf so mean a eondKtiony and hath so incompetent a main* 
toumoe^ that he can scarce secure himsdf from extreme 
taat and great contempt, I leave it to every man to judge. 
lUs b as U^ a contempt cf religion and the goepd m 
mf csn b^ and is one ct those things for which this nation 
fai noch to answer to God ; that now, in one hundred and 
tna^ jean tiaae^ so little has been done by public authov^ 
kjT fr the redress cf andi • cryii^p oppression. Some pri- 
^ile pencms have done great thii^ thk way, but the puUic 
hm jet done nothing suitable to the oocasicm : though their 
fioghbour nation of Scotland has set them a very good ex- 
anple; where, by the great zeal «nd care of king James, 
aid the late blessed king, acts and orders <^ parliament have 
ken made Sot examining the whole state of the clergy, and 
far supplying all poor livings so plentifully, that in glebe 
nd tithes all benefices are now raised to at least fifty pounds 
teling yeariy. What greater scorn can be put upon reli- 
gion, than to provide so scantly for those that are trusted 
vidi the care of souls, that some hundreds of parishes in 
Pjigland pi^ not ten pounds a year to th^ pastors, and 
pnfaapa aome thousands not fifty ? This is to be numbered 
snoDg those crying sins that are brining down vengeance 
on ns, since by this many souls are left to perish, because it 
is not possible to provide them with able and faithful shep- 
hods. I shall not examine all the particular reasons that 
have obstructed the redress of this mischief; but those oon- 
cened in it may soon find some of them out in themselves. 
And here I acknowledge a great and just prejudice lies 
i^ainst our refonnadon, which no man can fully answer. 
But how faulty soever we may be in this parUcular, they of 


the church of Rome have little reason to dbgect it to 11% 
since the first and true occasion of it was <^ their own 
doing. Our fault is, that, at the dissolution of the mooM- 
teries, restitution was not made to the parish priests of what 
the popes had sacrilegiously taken from them. And lumr 
that we are upon the utter extirpation of popery, let us not 
retain this relic of it And I pray God to insjnre and diraet 
his majesty and his two houses of parliament efiectuaUy t0 
remove this just, and, for aught I know, only great scandal 
of our English reformation. 

A fifth prejudice, which seems to give ill impresnons of 
our reformation, is, that the clergy have now no interest in 
the consdences of the people, nor any inspection into their 
manners ; but they are without yoke or restraint. All the 
ancient canons for the public penance of scandalous oflfend- 
ers are laid aside, and our clergy are so little admitted. to 
know or direct the lives and manners of their flocks, that 
many wiU scarce bear a reproof patienUy from them: our 
ecdesiastical courts are not in the hands of the bishops and 
their clergy, but put over to the civilians, where too ofken 
fees are more stricdy looked after than the correction of 
manners. I hope there is not cause for so great a cry ; but 
so it is, these courts are much complained of; and public 
vice and scandal is but little inquired after, or punished 1 
exc(»nmunication is become a kind of secular sentence, and 
is hardly now considered as a spiritual censure, being judged ; 
and given out by laymen, and often upon grounds, whidi^ 
to speak moderately, do not merit so severe and dreadful a 
sentence. There are, besides this, a great many other 
abuses, brought in in the worst times, and now puiged out 
of some of the churches of the Boman communion, whidi 
yet continue, and are too much in use among us; such as 
pluralities, non-residences, and other things of that nature; 
so that it may be said, that some of the manifest corruptions 
of popery, where they are recommended by the advantage '^ 
that accompany them, are not yet throughly purged out, noU j 
withstanding all the noise we have made about refiDrmation j 
in matters much more disputable, and of far less consequence^ 

THE PRErACK. xvii 

wliote objection, when all acknowledged, &a the 
Mtest pari of il cannot be denied, amounts indeed to this ; 
kt our reftMnnation is not yet Hrrivcd at that full perfection 
a to be desired. The want of public penance, and pe- 
DDtisry canons, ia indeed a very great defect : our church 
9 not deny it, but acknowledges it in the Preface to the 
s of CoDiroi nation. It was one of the greatest glories 
r tlie primitive church, that ihey were so governed, that 
; of their number could sin openly without public cen- 
1 3 long separation from the holy communion; 
Iriiicfa they judged was defiled by a promiscuous admitting 
iCall persona lo it. Had they consulted the arts of policy, 
Phey would not have held in converts by bo strict a way of 
kocieeding, lest their discontent might have driven them 
pray ; at a time when to be a Christian wad attended with 
ID many discouragements, that it might seem dangerous, by 
m aexere a discipline, to frighten the world out of their 
communion. But the pastors of that time resolved to follow 
tfae mles ddivered them by the apostles, and trusted Ghid 
with the fuocesi, whidi answered and exceeded all tJmr e«- 
prttatjons : for nothing conrinced the world more at the 
tmtfa of that rdigioD, than to see those trusted with the cs» 
of aouls watch so efiectually ever their manners, that for 
■Mne ns, whidi in these loose ages in which we live pots 
htt for ccminxM eSects of human frailty, men were made to 
■^m-™ &om the communkHi for many years, and did cbeer- 
Uly a^imit to such rules as mi^t be truly medicinal fm- 
eotiDg those diseases in thor minds. 

Bat, aiaa ! the cburdimen of the latter ages being onae 
ntted with thU authmity, to which the wra^d Bubmitted as 
Img as it saw the good effects of it, did soon learn to abuw 
it; and to bring the peof^ to a blind subjecUon to then. 
It -was one of the diief arts by wbich the papacy swelled to 
its bd^it i fiir confe aiu rs, instead of bringing thinr penitents 
loopen peaano^ set up other things in the room of tt; pre> 
temfag they canld commute it, and in the name of God ac- 
eept of csie dung £or another : and they accepted of a pem- 
tm^a goii^) cither to the holy war, or, which was more holy 



of the two, to one of the pope^s wars against heretics, or de- 
posed princes ; and gave full pardons to those who thus en- 
gaged in their designs. Afterwards (when the pope had no 
great occasion to kill men, or the people no great mind to 
be killed in his service) they accepted of money, as an alms 
to God: and so all public penance was laid down, and 
murder or merchandise was set up in its room. This bang 
the state of things at the reformation, it is no wonder if the 
people could not be easily brought to submit to public 
penance; which had been for some ages entirely laid aside: 
and there was reason why they should not be forward to 
come under the yoke of their priests, lest they should have 
raised upon that foundation such a tyrannical dominion over 
them, as others had formerly exercised. This made some 
reformed churches beyond sea bring in the laity with than 
into their courts, which if they had done merely as a good 
expedient, for removing the jealousy which the world then 
had of ecclesiastical tyranny, there was no great objeetion to 
have been made to it ; but they made the thing liable to 
very great exception, when they pretended a divine institu- 
tion for those lay-elders. Here in England, it is plain the 
nation would not bear such authority to be lodged with the 
clergy at first: but it will appear in the following work, 
that a platform was made of an ecclesiastical discipline, 
though the bishops had no hope of reducing it into prac- 
tice till the king should come to be of age, and pass a law 
for the authorizing of it; but he djring before this was 
effected, it was not prosecuted with that zeal that the thing 
required in queen Elizabeth'*s time : and thai those who in 
their exile were taken with the models beyond seas, contend^ 
ing more to get it put in the method of other churches, than 
to have it set up in any other form, that contention begat 
such heat, that it took men off from this and many other 
excellent designs. And whereas the presbyters were found 
to have had anciently a share in the government of the 
churches, as the bishop^s counsel and assistants ; some of 
them, that were of hot tempers, demanding more than their 
share, they were by the immoderate use of the counterpcNse 


hpt out of any part of eoclegiastical discipline ; and all 
not into thofie courts commonly called the spirUual courts ,- 
without making distinction between those causes of testa- 
ments, marriages, and such other suits that require some 
levning in the civil and canon law, and the other causes of 
the censures of the clergy and laity, which are of a more 
qiritual nature, and ought indeed to be tried only by the 
liihops and clergy ; for they are no small part of the care 
of souls, which is incumbent on them : and by them only ex- 
communications ought to be made, as being a suspension 
fiom the sacred rites of Christians, of which none can be the 
oompetent judges, but those to whom the charge of souls is 
committed. The worst that can be said of all these abuses 
ii, that they are relics of popery, and we owe it to the un- 
bippy contests among ourselves that a due correction has 
not been yet given to them. 

From hence one evil has followed, not inferior to these, 
from whence it flows ; that the pastoral charge is now looked 
OQ by too many, rather as a device only for instructing peo- 
ple, to which they may submit as much as they think fit, 
tlian as a care of souls, as indeed it is. And it is not to be 
denied but the practice of not a few of us of tlic clergy has 
confirmed the people in this mistake ; who consider our 
function as a method of living, by performing divine offices, 
and making sermons, rather than as a watching over the 
souls of the flocks committed to us, visiting the sick, reprov- 
ing scaindalous persons, reconciling difierences, and being 
strict at least in governing the poor, whose necessities will 
oblige them to submit to any good rules we shall set them 
for the better conduct of their lives. In these things does 
the pastoral care chiefly consist, and not only in the bare 
performing of offices, or pronouncing sermons, which every 
one almost may learn to do after some tolerable fashion. If 
men had a just notion of this holy function, and a right 
sense of it before they were initiated into it, those scandalous 
abuses of plurality of benefices with cure, (except where 
diey are so poor and contiguous, that lx)th can scarce main- 
tain one incumbent, and one man can discharge the duty of 



both very well,) non-residenoes, and the hiriiig out iimt 
sacred trust to pitiful mercenanes at the cheapest rate% 
would soon fall off. These are things of so crying a ui^ 
ture, that no wonder if the wrath of God is ready to break 
out upon us. These are abuses that even the church of 
Rome, after all her impudence, is ashamed of; and are at 
this day generally discountenanced all France over. Queen 
JVfary here in England, in the time of popery, set heradf 
effectually to root them out : and that they should be atiU 
found among protestants, and in so reformed a church, is a 
scandal that may justly make us blush. All the honest pre* 
lates at .the council of Trent endeavoured to get residence 
declared to be of divine right, and so not to be dispensed with 
upon any consideration whatsoever. And there is nothing 
more apparently contrary to the most common impressiaiiSi 
which all men have about matters of religion, than that 
benefices are given for the office to which they are annexed: 
and if in matters of men^s estates, or of their health, it 
would be a thing of high scandal for one to receive the fee% 
and commit the work to the care of some inferior or raw 
practitioner, how much worse is it to turn over so important 
a concernment, as the care of souls must be confessed to ba^ 
to mean hands ? And, to conclude, those who are guilty of 
such disorders have much to answer for ; both to God, fbr 
the neglect of those souls for which they are to give an ao» 
count ; and to the world, for the reproach they have brought 
on this church, and on the sacred functions, by their ill pra^ 
tices. Nor could the divisions of this age ever have risen to 
such a height, if the people had not been possessed with ill 
impressions of some of the clergy, from those inexcusable 
faults that are so conspicuous in too many that are called 
shepherds ; WTio clothe themselves xoith the wocl^ btd kao$ 
not fed thefiock ; that have not strengthened the diseasedf 
nor healed the siek, nor bound up that which was broken^ 
nor brought again that which was driven away^ nor sougki 
thai which was losty but have ruled them mthjbrce and 
cruelty. And if we would look up to God, who is visibly 
angry with us, and has made us ba>se and contemptiUs 


ike people, we should find great reason to reflect on 
diote words of Jeremy, The pastors are become bruHsh^ and 
have not sought the Lord; there/ore they shall not prosper, 
mtd aU iknrfiocks shall be scattered. 

But I were very unjust, if, having ventured on so plain 
and necessary a reprehension, I should not add, that God 
has not so left this age and church, but there is in it a great 
number in both the holy functions, who arc perhaps as emi- 
nent in the exemplariness of their lives, and as diligent in 
their labours, as has been in any one church in any age 
snee miracles ceased. The humility and strictness of life 
in many of our prelates, and some that were hi^Iy bom, 
and yet have far outgone some others, from whom more 
might have been expected, raises them far above censure, 
chough perhaps not above envy. And when such think 
not the daily instructing their neighbours a thing below 
them, but do it with as constant a care as if they were to 
earn their broad by it; when they are so affable to the 
meanest clergymen that come to them ; when they are so 
nicely scrupulous about those whom they admit into holy 
orders, and so large in their charities, that one would think 
they were furnished with some unseen ways ; these things 
must raise great esteem for such bishops, and seem to give 
some hopes of l)etter times. Of all this I may be allowed 
to speak the more freely, since I am led to it by none of 
those bribes, either of gratitude, or fear, or hope, which are 
wont to corrupt men to say what they do not think. But I 
were much to blame, if, in a work that may perhaps live 
some time in the world, I should only find fault with what 
is amiss, and not also acknowledge wliat is so very com- 
mendable and praiseworthy. And when I look into the in- 
ferior clergy, there are, chiefly about this great city of Lon- 
don, so many, so eminent, lx)th for the strictness of their 
lives, the constancy of their labours, their excellent and 
plain way of preaching, (which is now perhaps brought to 
as great a perfection as ever was since men spoke as they 
received it immediately from the Holy Ghost,) the great 
gentleness of their deportment to such as differ from them, 



their mutual love and charity, and, in a word, for all the 
qualities that can adorn ministers or Chrisdans, that if audi 
a number of such men cannot prevail with this debaudied 
age, this one thing to me looks more dismally than all the 
other affrighting symptoms of our condition ; that God hav- 
ing sent so many faithful teachers, their labours are still so 

I have now examined all the prejudices that either occui 
to my thoughts, or that I have met with in books or dis- 
courses, against our reformation ; and I hope, upon a fi«c 
inquiry into them, it will be found that some of them are d 
no force at all, and that the other, which are better ground- 
ed, can amount to no more than this, that things were not 
managed with that care, or brought to that perfection, thai 
were to be desired ; so that all the use we ought to make d 
these objections is, to be directed by them to do those thioga 
which may complete and adorn that work, which was ma- 
naged by men subject to infirmities, who neither could see 
every thing, nor were able to accomplish all that they had 
projected, and saw fit to be done. 

But from the matter of the following History another ob- 
jection of another sort may arise, which, though it has no re- 
lation to the reformation, yet leaves no small imputation on 
the nation, as too apt to change, and be carried about with 
every religion in vogue ; since in little more than twenty 
years time there were four great changes made in religioa: 
and in all these the main body of the nation turned with 
the stream, and it was but a small number that stood firm, 
and suffered for their consciences. But if the state of the 
nation be well considered, there will be nothing in all this 
so strange as at first view it may perhaps appear : for in 
the times of popery the people were kept in such profound 
ignorance, that they knowing nothing of religion beyond 
the outward forms and pageantry, and being highly disaatift- 
fied with the ill lives of the clergy, and offended with their 
cruelty against those that contradicted their opinions, it is 
no wonder that they were inclined to hear preachers of any 
sort, who laid out to them the reasons of die doctrine they 


vered, and did not impose it on them in gross, as ihe 
era had done. These teachers, being also men of inno- 
I tempers and good lives, and Iwing recommended to the 
Ifwsston of the nation by their sufferings, and to their 
im by their zeal and readiness to run all hazards for 
ir consciences, had great advantages to gain on the be- 

and affections of the people. And, to speak freely, I 
|e no doubt but if tlie reformation liad been longer a 
ihiog under the heat of persecution, it had come forth 
Teeter than it was. This disposition of the people, and 
5 Henry's quarrelling with the pope, made the way easy 

the first change: but then the severities about the su- 
niacy on one hand, and the six articles on the other, 
le peopie to stagger and reel between the two religions. 
i all people being fond of new things, and the discoveries 
he impostures of the priests and lewdness of the monks 
easing tlieir dislike of them, it was no wonder ihe reform 1 
ion went on with so little tnnuilt and pretipilation till 
f Edward's time. But though there were then very 
ned and zealous divines, who managed and earned od 
dunges that were made, yet still the greater part of the 
gy was very ignorant and very corrupt ; which was oc- 
Doed by the penaons that were reserved out of the rents 
he Bupprewed monasteries to the monks during their 
I, or till they were provided with livings. The abbey- 
Is that were sold, with tfae charge of these annexed to 
D, coming into the hands of persons who had no mind 
lave that burden lie Icoiger on them, they got these 
iks fvovided with benefices, that so they might be eased 
bat ctu^. And for the other abbeys that still remained 
I the crown, tbe same course was taken ; for the monks 
e put into all the small benefices that were in the king''B 
So that tfae greatest part of the clergy were such as 

been Irainerly monks or friars, very ignorant for most 
, and generally addicted to th^ former superBtitJCMi ; 
tgh otberwise men that would mmply with any thing 
«r than forfeit their livings. Under such incumbents 
ling but igoorance and unconcemedness in reti^on could 


pi^vail. By this means it was that the greater part of the 
nation was not well instructed, nor possessed with anj 
warmth and sincere love to the reformation ; which made 
the following change under queen Mary more easily effected. 
The proceedings in king Edward'^s time were likewise so 
gentle and moderate, flowing from the calm temper of arch* 
bishop Cranmer, and the policy of others, who were willing 
to accept of any thing they could obtiun, hoping that time 
would do the business, if the overdriving it did not preci* 
pitate the whole affair ; that it was an easy thing for a eon* 
cealed papist to weather the difficulties of that reign. There 
were also great scandals given by the indiscretion of many 
of the new preachers. The misgovemment of affairs under 
the duke of Somerset, with the restless ambition of the duke 
of Northumberland, did alienate the nation much from 
them : and a great aversion commonly begets an universal 
dislike of every thing that is done by those whom we hate. 

All these things concurred to prepare the minds of the 
people to the change made by queen Mary. But in her 
reign popery did more plainly discover itself in the many 
repeated burnings, and the other cruelties then openly ex« 
ercised : the nation was also in such danger of being brought 
under the uneasy yoke of Spanish government ; and they 
were many of them in fear of losing their new-gotten church- 
lands. These things, together with the loss of Calais in the 
end of her reign, which was universally much resented aa a 
lasting dishonour to the nation, raised in them a far greater 
aversion to her government, and to every thing that had 
been done in it, than they had to the former. The genius 
of the English leads them to hate cruelty and tyranny ; and 
when they saw these were the necessary concomitants of po» 
pery, no wonder it was thrown out with so general an agree^ 
ment, that there was scarce any considerable oppositioii 
made to it, except by some few of their clergy, who, having 
changed so oft, were ashamed of such repeated recantations, 
and so resolved at last to stand their ground ; which was 
the more easy to resolve on under so merciful a prince, who 
punidied them only by a f(nf<nture of their benefices, and. 


thit being done, took care of their subsisCence for the reH 
of tbeur lives; Bonner himself not being excepted, though 
10 deeply dyed in the blood of so many innocents. 

All these things laid together, it will not seem strange 
that such great alterations were so eaaly brought about in 
so short a time, fiut from the days of queen Elizabeth, 
that the old monks were worn out, and new men better 
educated were placed in churches, things did generally put 
on a new visage : and this church has since that time con- 
tinued to be the sanctuary and shelter of all foreigners^ and 
the chief object of the envy and hatred of the pojHsh church, 
and the great glory of the reformation; and has wisely 
aivoided the splitting asunder on the high points of the 
Avine decrees, which have broken so many of the reformed 
beyond sea ; but in these has left divines to the freedom of 
their several opinions: nor did she run on that other rock, 
of defining at first so peremptorily the manner of Christ^s 
presence in the sacrament, which divided the German and 
the Helvetian churches ; but in that did also leave a lati- 
tude to men of different persuasions. From this great tern* 
per it might have reasonably been expected, that we should 
hare continued united at home ; and then for things sacred, 
as well as civil, we had been out of the danger of what all our 
foreign enemies could have contrived or done against us. 

But the enemy, while the watchmen slept, sowed his tares 
even in this fruitful field ; of which it may be expected I 
should give some account here ; and the rather, because I 
end this work at the time when those unhappy differences 
first arose, so that I give them no part in this History : and 
yet I have, in the search I made, seen some things of great 
importance, which are very little known, that give me a 
cWrer light into the beginnings of these differences than is 
commonly to be had ; of which I shall discourse so as be- 
comes one who has not blindly given himself up to any 
party, and is not afraid to speak the truth even in the most 
critical matters. 

There were many learned and pious divines in the be- 
ginning of queen Elizabeth^s reign, who, being driven be- 


yoad sea, had obserred the new modela set up in Goiera, 
and otlicT placea, for the censuring of scandalous penoas, 
of niixL-d judicatories of the ministers and laity ; and these, 
reflecting on the great looseness of life which had heen uni- 
versally complained of in king Edward's time, thought such 
a platform might be an effectual way for keeping out a re- 
turn of the like disorders. There were also some few rites 
reserv'ed in this church, that had been either used in the 
primitive church, or, though brought in of later time, yet 
Bci-nied of excellent use to beget reverence in holy perfonn- 
ances; which had also this to he said for them, that the 
kevjHng these still was done in imitation of what Christ and 
his apostlfs did, in symbolizing with the Jewish rites, to 
g»in ihc .Ti-ws thereby as much as could be; so it was 
judgt-d mvcKstiry to preserve these, to let the world see, 
ilml. iliDiifrh curniptions were thrown out, yet the reftxrnen 
(lid iHit love to chunge tmly for change sake, when it was 
nirt oihiTK'isc netnlful : and this they hoped might draw in 
iiwny. wliii oihiTwiso would not so eaaly have forsaken ifce 
Homan (iinnnunion. Yet these divines excepted to those, 
«» rtiinpliaiu'c* with jmjx'ri- ; and thou^ they professed no 
urciu itixlilto In ttu> ivrx>nu<nies themselves, or doubt of-tb^ 
l«H(■uhll•^s. vi't wiTc they against their continuance upon 
■ hat Miiiilo atwiMH. which was indeed the chief reason why 
ihi-y H.-r.' .•..uiimirtl. Hm all ihis debate was modestly mi- 
«««»sl. aitd «lih.nii vi,>Knn heal or separation: afienvardt 
mine of iIh^ .pirt^.-s rt» bad an e>e to the fair manws 
I* ""WW »»f ih,> gn'ator sixs. snd. Iving otherwise wen of 
, W MlMltMra and hv,'*. and ]>i\4vibly of no rvligion, would 
J the queen, thai ni>ihin(! could unite all the 
I »» rtRx-nialJy, as to bring the English 
W hryond ai^ ; and that it would much 
It if Ac »»x^ iho ix-^-enucs of lusbopric* 
*^ Iwr t*»n batv^A. This made thoae on 
I to h<«n :hi- true interest of the 
Katvt iSoivf.'n- t^iv^i-jiv.Mired to preserve 
»Mi\n^ »n.1 ,,> p.>.\i<<:*d frame to which 
«KH,»ai-:x ihc W.- Bi-.rWicK the wiaeit 


of that age, and perhaps of any other) study how 
the cjucea out of inlerest lo support it ; and ihey 
ited to her, that these new models would certainly 
h them a great ahatement of her prerogative; 
he concerns of religion came into popular )mnd§. 
Id be a power set up distinct from hers, over which 
have no authority. 

!ie perceived well, and therefore resolved to main- 
ancient government of the church : but hy this 
became a matter of interest ; and so these differ- 
ch might have been more easily reconciled before, 
into formed factions; so that all expedients were 
emptetl which might have made up the breach : 
oming the interest of some to put it past reconcil- 
was too easily effected. Those of the division, 
ley could not carry their mtun design, raised all 
urs they could against the churchmen ; and put 
:o the parliament against the abuses of pluralities, 
'Dces, and the escesoes of the spiritual courts. 
]ueen being possessed with this, that the parlia- 
ddhng in these matters tended to the lessening of 
irity, of which she was extremely sennble, got all 
to be thrown out. If the abuses, that gave such 
o the malecontented to com|dain, -had been effect- 
'essed, that party must have had little to work on : 
things fum'i^ed them with new complaints stilL 
:et-towns being also ill provided for, there were vo. 
mtributions made for lectures in these places. The 
wcK genendly men that overtopped Uie incumbents 
it and sealouB preaching ; and they depending on 
y of the people for their subsistence, were engaged 
the humours of those who governed those volun- 
ibutions. All these things tended to the increase 
-ty ; which owed iu chief growth to the scandalous 
ice oi the ministers of great towns, for which rea- 
were addom of great al^ties ; and to the scandals 
the pluralities and non-rewdences of others that 
rpronded. Yet the government in civil matters 


yond sea, had observed the new models set up in Grenen^ 
and other places, for the censuring of scandalous persons, 
of mixed judicatories of the ministers and liuty ; and these, 
reflecting cm the great looseness of life which had been uni- 
versally complained of in king Edward'^s time, thought sud] 
a platform might be an effectual way for keeping out a le 
turn of the like disorders. There were also some few rita 
reserved in this church, that had been either used in the 
primitive church, or, thou^ brought in of later Ume, yet 
seemed of excellent use to b^et reverence in holy perfcmn- 
ances ; which had also this to be said for them, that the 
keeping these still was done in imitation of what Christ and 
his apostles did, in .symbolizing with the Jewish rites, tG 
gain the Jews thereby as much as could be; so it waf 
judged necessary to preserve these, to let the world see^ 
that, though corruptions were thrown out, yet the reformers 
did not love to change only for change sake, when it was 
not otherwise needful : and this they hoped might draw in 
many, who otherwise would not so ea»ly have forsaken the 
Roman communion. Yet these divines excepted to those, 
as compliances with popery ; and though they professed no 
great dislike to the ceremonies themselves, or doubt of*thdi 
lawfulness, yet were they against their continuance upcm 
that angle account, which was indeed the chief reason why 
they were continued. But all this debate was modestly ma- 
naged, and without violent heat or separation : afterwards 
some of the queen^s courtiers had an eye to the fair manors 
of some of the greater sees, and, being otherwise men of 
ill tempers and lives, and probably of no religion, would 
have persuaded the queen, that nothing could unite all the 
reformed churches so effectually, as to bring the English 
church to the model beyond sea ; and that it would much 
enrich the crown, if she took the revenues of bishoprics 
and cathedrals into her own hands. This made those on 
the other hand (who laid to heart the true interest of the 
protestant religion, and therefore endeavoured to preserve 
this church in that strong and well moddlled frame to which 
it was brought, particularly the lord Burleigh, the wisest 


ntenoan of that age, and perhaps of any other) study how 
to engage the queen out of interest to support it: and they 
denoostrated to her, that these new models would certainly 
hmg with them a great abatement of her prerogative; 
fliiioe, if the concerns of religion came into popular hands, 
there would be a power set up distinct from hers, over which 
Ae could have no authority. 

This she perceived well, and therefore resolved to main- 
tab the ancient government of the church : but by this 
means it became a matter of interest ; and so these differ<« 
eoces, which might have been more easily reconciled before, 
grew now into formed factions ; so that all expedients were 
left unattempted which might have made up the breach : 
and it becoming the interest of some to put it past recondl* 
ng, diis was too eaaly effected. Those of the divisicm, 
finding they €X>uld not carry thdr main design, raised all 
the clamours they could against the churchmen ; and put 
in IhUs into the parliament against the abuses of pluralities, 
non-residences, and the excesses of the spiritual courts. 
But the queen being possessed with this, that the parlia- 
ment's meddling in these matters tended to the lessening of 
her authority, of which she was extremely sensible, got all 
these bills to be thrown out. If the abuses, that gave such 
occaaon to the malecontented to complun, had been effect- 
ually redressed, that party must have had little to work on : 
but these things furnished them with new complaints still. 
The marketr-towns being also ill provided for, there were vo- 
luntary contributions made for lectures in these places. The 
lecturers were generally men that overtopped the incumbents 
in diligent and zealous preaching ; and they depending on 
the bounty of the people for their subsistence, were engaged 
to follow the humours of those who governed those volun- 
tary contributions. All these things tended to the increase 
of the party ; which owed its chief growth to the scandalous 
maintenance of the ministers of great towns, for which rea- 
son they were seldom of great abilities ; and to the scandals 
given by the pluraUties and non-residences of others that 
were overprovided. Yet the government in civil matters 

xxviii THE PREFACE. 

was flo steady all tbe queen'^s reign, that they could do no 
great thing, after she once declared herself so openly and 
resolutely against them. 

But upon king Jameses coming to the crown, and the di- 
visions that came to be afterwards in parliaments, between 
the too too often named parties for the court and country^ 
and clergymen being linked to the interests of the crown ; 
all those who in civil matters opposed the designs of the 
court resolved to cherish those of the division, under the 
colour of their being hearty protestants, and that it was the 
interest of the reformed religion to use them well, and that 
all protestants should unite : and indeed the differences be- 
tween them were then so small, that if great art had not been 
used to keep them asunder, they had certainly united of their 
own accord. But the late unhappy wars engaged those who 
before only complained of abuses into a formed scparadon ; 
which still continues, to the great danger and disgrace of 
the protestant religion. I shall not make any observations 
on latter transactions, which fall within all men'^s view ; but 
it is plain, that from the beginning there have been laboured 
designs to make tools of the several parties, and to make a 
great breach between them, which lays us now so open to 
our common enemy. And it looks like a sad forerunner of 
ruin, when we cannot, after so long experience of the mis- 
chievous effects of these contests, learn to be so wise as to 
avoid the running on those rocks, on which our fathers did 
so unfortunately split : but, on the contrary, many steer as 
steadily towards them, as if they were the only safe bar*, 
hours, where they may securely weather every storm. 

But being now to lead the reader into so agreeable a pro- 
spect, as I hope the reformation of the church will be to 
him, I will hold him yet a little longer before I open it; 
and desire him, for his better preparation to it, to reflect on 
the nature of religion in general, and of the Christian in 
particular. That religion is chiefly designed for perfect- 
ing the nature of man, for improving his faculties, govern- 
ing his actions, and securing the peace of every man'^s oon- 
scienoe, and of the societies of mankind in conunon, is a 


^xuth so plaiiiy that, without further arguing about it, aU 
-will agree to it. Evary part of religion is then to be judged 
by its relatioD to the main ends of it : and since the ChrisU 
ian doctrine was revealed from Heaven, as the most perfect 
and proper way that ever was for the advancing the good 
of mankind, nothing can be a part of this holy faith but 
-what is proportioned to the end for which it was designed. 
And all the additions that have been made^ it, since it was 
first ddivered to the world, are justly to be suspected ; eqpe- 
^ally where it is manifest at first view that they were in- 
tended to serve carnal and secular ends. What can be rea- 
flonably supposed in the papacy, where the popes are chosen 
liy such intrigues, either of the two crowns, the nephews of 
the former pope, or the craft of some aspiring men, to enti- 
tle them to infisllibiUty or universal jurisdiction ? What can 
we think of redeeming souls out of purgaltory, or preserving 
ibem from it, by tricks, or some mean pageantry, but that 
it b a foul piece of merchandise ? What is to be said of im- 
plicit obedience, the priestly dominion over consciences, the 
keepng the scriptures out of the people'^s hands, and the 
worship of God in a strange tongue, but that these are so 
many arts to hoodwink the world, and to deliver it up into 
the hands of the ambitious clergy P What can we think of 
die superstition and idolatry of images, and all the other 
pomp of the Roman worship, but that by these things the 
people are to be kept up in a gross notion of religion, as a 
^lendid business, and that the priests have a trick of saving 
them, if they will but take care to humour them, and leave 
that matter wholly in their hands ? And, to sum up all, 
what can we think of that constellation of prodigies in the 
sacrament of the altar, as they pretend to explain it, and 
all really to no purpose, but that it is an art to bring the 
world by wholesale to renounce their reason and sense, and 
to have a most wonderful veneration for a sort of men, who 
can with a word perform the most astonishing thing that 
ever was ? 

I should grow too large for a preface, if I would pursue 
this argument as far as it will go. But if, on the other 


hand, we reflect on the true ends of this holy religion, we 
must needs be convinced, that we need go no where else 
out of this church to find them ; but are completely in- 
structed in all parts of it, and furnished with all the helps 
to advance us to that which is indeed the end qfcurJiuAj 
the salvation of our sotils. Here we have the rules criF hcdy 
obedience, and the methods of repentance and reoonciliatioii 
for past sins, cleftrly set before us : we believe all that doc- 
trine which Christ and his apostles delivered, and the jni* 
mitive church received : we have the comfort of all thos^ 
sacraments which Christ instituted, and in the same manner 
that he appointed them : all the helps to devotion that the 
gospel ofiers are in every one^s hand. So what can it be 
that should so extravagantly seduce any who have been 
• bred up in a church so well constituted, unless a Uind 
superstition in their temper, or a desire to get heaven in 
some easier method than Christ has appointed, do strangely 
impose on their understandings, or corrupt their minda. In- 
deed the thing is so unaccountable, that it looks like a cune 
from Heaven on those who are given up to it for their other 
sins ; for an ordinary measure of infatuation cannot cany 
any one so far in folly. And it may be laid down for a 
certain maxim, that such as leave us have never had a true 
and well formed notion of rehgion, or of Christianity in its 
main and chief design; but take things in parcels, and 
without examining them suffer themselves to be carried 
away by some prejudices which only darken weaker judg- 

But if it is an high and unaccountable folly for any to 
forsake our communion, and go over to those of Rome, it is 
at the same time an inexcusable weakness in others, who 
seem full of zeal against popery, and yet upon some incon- 
siderable objections do depart from the unity of this body, 
and form separated assemblies and communions, though 
they cannot object any thing material either to our doctrine 
or worship. But the most astonishing part of the wonder 
is, that in such differences there should be so little mutual 
forbearance or gentleness to be found ; and that these should 


h heats as if the f<ubstance of religion were con- 

them. Tliis is of God, and is a stroke from Hea- 
)olh sides for their otiier sins : we of the chureh 
on have trusted too much to the supports we re- 
in the Jaw, we have done our duties too slightly. 
■ minded the care of souls loo little ; therefore God, 
1 and awaken us, has suffered bo many of our peo- 
; KTesled out of our hands ; and those of the sepa- 
.»e been too forward to biiwd and war, and thereby 
vwn much guilt on themselves, and have been too 
t with the leaders of their several factions, or rather 
utnm them. It i« plain, God is ofiended H-ith ub 
therefore we are punished with this fatal blindnesB, 
e at this time the tiling that belong to our peace, 
this leads me to reflections of another sort, wiUl . 
ihall conclude this preface, which I have now drawn 

greater length than at first I )ntendc<l. It iti ap> 
fie wrath of God hangs over our heads, and is ready 
out upon us. Tlii' symptoms of our ill condition 
i &8 they are viuble : and one of the worst is, that 

and party is very ready lo throw the guih of it (^ 
es, and cast it on others, with whom they are dis- 

but DO man says. What have I done f The clergy 
le laity, and the laity condemn the clergy ; those in 
iiliarge the country, and the country complains of 

every one finds out somewhat wherein he thinks 
(t I mil I iiUli, and is willing to fix on that all the in- 
1 of Heaven ; which, God knows, we ourselves have 
■gainst ourselves. It cannot be denied, since it is 
!, that univeraally the whole uauoa is corrupted, 
: the gospel has not had those effects among us 
ight have been expected, after so long and so free 
as it has had in this island. Our wise ^d worthy 
>r8 reformed our doctrine and worship ; but we 

reformed our lives and manners : what will it aviul 
Jersland the right methods of worshipping God, if 
vithout true devotion, and coldly perform public 
ithout sense and affection ; which is as bad as a 


bodioll of pnjen, in whaterer hmgimge they be f 
nouDoed ? What agDiSes our harii^ the sacnonentii pin 
•dhninifltcred among ua, if we either eootemptuously neg 
them, or in ref e rcDtly handle them, more perhapa in o 
plianoe with law, than «M]t of a sense of the holy duties 
cnmbent on us? For what end are the scripUires put in 
hands, if we do not read them with great attention. 
Older our lives aooordii^ to them? And what does 
preaching ngnify, if men go to diurch merdy for to 
and hear sermons only as set discourses, which they 
c e n sui e or commend as they think they see cause ; but 
leaolTed never to be the better for them ? If to all these 
considerations we add the gross sensuality and impm 
that b so avowedly practised that it is become a fiuhion 
fiur is it from being a reproach ; the o p pr e s s ion, injust 
intemperance, and many <ither immoralities among us ; w 
can be expected, but that these abominations receivii^ 
highest aggravation they are capable of from the clear li 
of the gospel which we have so long enjoyed, the just ju 
ments of Heaven should fall on us so signally, as to mak< 
a reproach to all our neighbours ? But as if all this n 
not enough to fill up the measure <^ our iniquities, m 
have arrived at a new pitch of impiety, by defying Hea 
itself with their avowed blasphemies and atheism: an 
they are driven out of their atheistical tenets, which 
indeed the most ridiculous of any in the world, they set 
their rest on some general noticms of Morality and nati 
religion, and do boldly reject all that is revealed; a 
where they dare vent it, (alas ! where dare they not do i 
they reject Christianity and the scriptures with open i 
impudent scorn, and are absolutely insensible of any o 
gation of conscience in any thing whatsoever : and evei 
that morality which they for decency'^s sake magnify 
much, none are more barefacedly and grossly faulty. 1 
is a direct attempt against God himself; and can we th 
that he will not visit for such things, nor be avenged 
such a nadon ? And yet the hypocrisy of those who < 
guise their flagitious lives with a mask of religion is perh 

THE PRErACE. ^xxiii 

a degree above all; though not so scandalous till the mask 
falls off. Bad ihat they appear to be what they truly are. 
When we are all so guilty, and when we are bo alarmed by 
the black clouds that threaten such terrible and lasting 
Btonn-o, what may be expected but that we should be gene- 
rally struck with a deep sense of our crying sins, and turn 
to God with our whole souls? But if, after all the loud 
awakenings from Heaven, we will not hearken to that voice, 
but will still go on in our sins, we may justly look for un- 
of calamities, and such miseries as shall be propor- 
led to our offences ; and then we are sure they wiU be 
grtrat and wonderful. 

Vft if, on the other hand, there were a general turning 
to God, or at least if so many were rightly sensible of this, 
as, accurdtng to the proportion that the merdes of God 
allow, did some way balance the wickedness of the rest ; and 
if these were as zealous in the true methods of imploring 
GmTb favour, as others are in procuring his displcostu'v, 
Hid vere not only mourning for their own sins, but for the 
nns of others ; the prayers and »ghs of many such might 
disapate that dismal cloud which our sins have gathered, 
and we might yet hope to see the gospel ukc root among 
us : since that God, who is the Author of it, is merciful, and 
full of compassion, and ready to forgive ; and this holy re- 
ligion, which by his grace is planted among us, is still so 
dear tu him, that if we by our own uuworthiness do not 
render ourselves incapable of so great a blessing, we may 
reasonably hope that he will continue thnt which at first 
wa« by so many happy concurring providences brought in, 
and was by a continued series of the same indulgent care 
advanced by degrees, and at last raised to that pitch of per.- 
fection which few things attain in this world. But tliis will 
best appear in the ensuing History, from which I fear I may 
have too long detained the reader. 








*ihe life and reign of king Edward the Sixth. 


Exlward's birth and 
n P. I, 2 

ation and temper 3 
character of him 3 
to create him prince 
les 5 

tnry dies, and he suc- 

nry's will 6 

ibout choosing a pro- 

of Hartford is chosen 


ared in council 10 

ops take out commis- 

for a creation of peers 


Scotland 1 5 

in ecclesiastical digni- 

iken away in a church 
don 17 

ress of image- worship 


Many pull down images 22 

Gardiner is offended at it ib. 

The protector writes about it ib. 

Gardiner writes to Ridley about 
them 23 

Commissions to the Justices of 
peace 25 

The form of coronation chang- 
ed 26 

King Henry's burial ib. 

Soul-masses examined 27 

A creation of peers 30 

The king is crowned ib. 

The lord chancellor is turned 
out 31 

The protector made by patent 

The affairs of Germany 38 

Ferdinand made king of the 

Romans 39 

The diet at Spire ib. 

Emperor makes peace with 

France and with the Turk 40 
And sets about the ruin of the 

protestants ib. 

Protestant princes meet at 

Frankfort 43 

c 2 



Duke of Saxe and landgrave of 

Hesse arm 45 

Peace between England and 

France 46 

Francis the First dies 47 

A reformation set about in 

England 48 

A visitation resolved on 52 

Some homilies compiled 54 

Injunctions for the visitation 

Iiyunctions for the bisbops 58 
Censures passed upon them 59 
Protector goes into Scotland 63 
Scotland said to be subject to 
England 63 

Protectoi: enters Scotland 66 
Makes ofifers to the Scots 67 
The Scota' defeat at Musad- 
burgh 70 

Protector returns to England 7 1 
The visitors execute the injunc- 
tions 73 
Bonner protests and recants 74 
Ghmiiner would not obey ib. 
His reasons againat them ib. 
He complains to the protector 7 6 
The lady Mary complains also 79 
The protector writes to her 80 
The parliament meets 81 
An act repealing severe laws ib. 
An act about the communion 84 
Communion in both kinds 85 
Private masses put down 86 
An act about the admission of 
bishops 88 
Ancient ways of electing bi- 
shops 89 
An act against vagabonds 93 
Chantries given to the king 93 
Acts proposed, but not passed 

Tne convocation meets 96 
And makes some petitions ib. 
The clergy desire to have repre- 
sentatives in the liouse of 
commons 97 

Tlie grounds of th^t 98 

The affidrs of Germany 103 

Duke of Saxe taken 
The archbishop of Cole 

A decree made in the diel 
Proceedings at Trent 
The council removed to I 

The French quarrel abou 

The protector and the w 



Gardiner is set at liberty 
Marquis of Northamptoi 

a divorce 
The ai^uments for it 
A progress in the refon 

Proclamation against ii 

All images taken away 
Restraints put on preache 
Some bishops and docto 

amine the public office 

Corruptions in the office 

A new office for the oc 

It is variously censured 
Auricular confession lefl 

Chantry lands sold 
Gardiner £edls into new 

He is ordered to preach 
But gives ofience, and is 

A Catechism set out by 

A farther reformation of 

lie offices 
A new Liturgy resolved upc 
The changes made in it 
Preface to it 
Reflections made on it 
All preaching forbid for 1 



A&in of Scotland 167 

Ik queen of Sools sent lo 
ftaoee ^169 

Ik siege of Hadingtoun 170 
A fleet sent agamst Soodand 

Bui without sooceas ib. 

Ihe tiege of Hadingtoun raised 

Discontents in Scotland 1 75 
Ibe aflUrs of Germany 176 
The book of the Interun 178 
Both sides offended at it ib. 
Cslm writes to the protector 

Beeer writes against Gardiner 

^^ 181 

A sonon of pariiament i8a 
Aet for the mairiage of the 
deigy 183 

WUch was much debated ib. 
Afgnments for it from scripture 

And from the fathers 185 

The reasons against it examined 

An act confirming the Liturgy 

Censures passed upon it 193 
The sii^^g of psalms s^ up 194 

An act about fasts 196 

Some bills that did not pass 198 
A design of digesting the com- 
mon law into a body 199 
The admiral's attainder ib. 
He was sent to the Tower 201 
The matter referred to the par- 
liament 203 
The bill against him passed 204 
The warrant for his execution 

It is signed by Cranmer ib. 
Censures upon that ib. 

Subsidies eranted 209 

A new risitation ib. 

All obey the laws, except the 
lady Mary 212 

A treaty of marriage for her 2 1 3 
The council required her to 
obejr 2x4 

Christs presence in the sacra* 
ment examined 215 

Public disputations about it a 1 7 
The manner of the presence ex- 
plained 221 
Proceedings against anabiptists 

Of these there were two sorts 

Two of them burnt 231, 232 
Which was much censured ib. 
tism 10. 

Pkedestinationmuch abused 233 
Tumults in England 234 

Some are soon quieted 236 
The Defonshire rebellion 237 
Their demands 238 

An answer sent to them 239 
They make new demands 241 
Which are rejected ib. 

The Norfolk rebellion 242 

The Yorkshire rebellion 243 
Exeter besieged 244 

It is relieved, and the rebels 
defeated 245 

The Norfolk rebels are dis- 
persed 246 
A general pardon 247 
A visitation of Cambridge ib. 
Dnpute about the Greek pro- 
nunciation 249 
Bonner in new troubles 250 
Injunctions are given him 251 
He did not obey them 252 
He is proceeded against ib. 
He defends himself 254 
But is deprived 261 
Censures passed upon it 262 
The French fall into Bulloigne 

III success in Scotland 266 
llie afikirs of Crermany 267 
A Action against the protector 

Advices about foreign affairs ib. 



Paget sent to the emperor 271 
But can obtain nothing 275 
Debates in council ib. 

Complaints of the protector 276 
The counsellors leave him 279 
The city of London joins with 

them 281 

The protector offers to submit ib. 
He is accused, and sent to the 

Tower 285 

Censures passed upon him 286 
The papists much lifted up ib. 
But their hopes vanish 287 
A treaty with the emperor 288 
A session of parliament 289 
An act against tumults ib. 

And against vagabonds 290 
Bishops move for a power of 

censuring ib. 

An act about ordinations 292 
An act about the duke of So- 
merset ib. 
The reformation carried on 294 
A book of ordinations made ib. 
Heath disagrees to it, and is 

put in prison 295 

Interrogations added in the new 

book 298 

Bulloigne was resolved to be 

given to the French 301 
Pope Paul the Third dies ib. 
Cardinal Pool was elected pope 

Julius the Third chosen 304 


A treaty between the English 

and French ib. 

Instructions given the English 

ambassadors ib. 

Articles of the treaty 306 

The earl of Warwick governs 

all 308 

Ridley made bishop of London 

Proceedings against Gardiner 

Articles sent to him 310 

He signed them, with excep- 

tions 311 

New articles sent him ihi 

He refuses them> and is hardly 
used 31a 

Latimer advises the king about 
his marriage 313 

Hooper made bishop of Glo- 
cester 314 

But refuses the episcopal gar- 
ments ih. 
Upon that great heats arose 3 15 
Bucer s opinion about it 316 
And Peter Martyrs 317 
A German congregation at 
London 318 
Polidore Viigil leaves EngLuid 

A review made of the Common- 

Prayer-Book ib. 

Bucer*s advice concerning it iK 
He writ a book for the king 33I 
The king studies to reform a* 
buses 324 

He keeps a journal of hit reign 

Ridley visits his diocese 335 
Altars turned to communion- 
tables 327 
The reasons given for it ib. 
Sermons on working-days for- 
bidden 339 
The afiairs of Scotland 330 
And of Germany 33 1 

The compliance of the popish 
clergy 334 

Bucer*s death and funeral 337 
His character 338 

Gardiner is deprived 340 

Which is much censured 34 s 
Hooper is consecrated 343 
Articles of Religion prepared 

. 343 

An abstract of them ib. &c. 

Corrections in the Common- 
Prayer-Book 349 

Reasons of kneeling at the 
communion 35 1 

<Men for tJie king's chaplai 
The lady Mary has maaa it 

The CI 


t ngninst it 
o iicr Hlwut 
n 357 

But ibe was intractable 359 
And would not hear Ridley 
prcacb 361 

Tbe deaigns of the earl of War- 
wick 363 
The aw«atiiig sicltoess 363 
A ireatT Tor a marriage with 
the daughter of France 364 

A bill ugHJnst aiiiiuny not passed 


Ihe entail of the duke of So-' 

meraet's estate cut off 39$ 
The conimona refuse to attaint 

the bishop of Duresnic by 



The parliament is dissolved 403 
A rcforinaiion of the ecclesJaa- 
ticaJ courta is considered ib. 
The chief he^s of it 406 

Rules about excoinmunicDtion 

ProjecU for relieving the poor 

clergj- 417 

Heath and Day deprived ib. 

C<Hupit«cy i^inst the duke of The affairs of Ireland 

The king is alienated froi 


s order of the 

A change in 

garter 43* 

Paget degraded from the order 


The increase of trade 416 

Cardan pusses through England 


374 Tbe affairs of Scotland 429 

taVeu from the lord The affairs of Germany 43 a 

Proceedings at Trent 434 

An account of the council there 


A judgment of the histories of 

He is brought to his trial 369 
Acquitted of treason, but not 

of felony 371 

^omc others condenmed with 

him ^rx 

And gi»en to the bishop of Ely 

37 f^ 

Churchnieti's being in secular 

employments much censured 

Doke of Somerset's 

His character 
A&ii^ of Germany 




A teasion of parliament 390 
The Common - Prayer - Book 

eon firmed ib. 

Censures passed upon it 391 
An act concerning treasons 392 
An act about fasts and holy- 

d«ys 393 

Ad act lor the married clergy 

An act agaiiisi usury 




The freedom of religion esta- 
blished in Germany 439 
The emperor is much cast down 


A r^ulation of the privy-coun- 
cil 441 

A new parliament ib. 

The bishopric of Duresme sup- 
pressed, and two new onei 
were to be raised 443 

A visitation for the plate in 
churches 444 

Instructions for the president 
of the north 445 

The form of the bishops' let- 
ters pateulu 447 


A tieatj with the emperor 450 
The king's sickneas 453 

His care of the poor 454 

Several marriages 455 

He ioteods to leave the crown 

to lady Jane Gray 456 

Which the Judges opposed at 

first ib. 

Yet thcj coiiswiten to ity en^t 

Hales 457 

Cranmer is hardlj pievaiM indi 

The Hog's 
His Int prayer 
His death and character 460, fte. 


BOOK 11. 

The life and reign qf queen Mary. 

Queen Mary 8ucceed8» but is 

in gpreat danger 467 

And retires to Suffolk ib. 

She writes to the council 468 
But they declare for the lady 

Jane ib. 

The lady Jane's character 469 
She unwillii^ly accepts the 

crown 470 

The council writes to queen 

Mary 471' 

They proclaim the lady Jane 

queen ib. 

Censures passed upon it 472 
The duke of Northumberland 

much hated 475 

The council send an army 

against queen Mary 476 
Ridley preaches against her 477 
But her party grows strong ib. 
The council turn, and proclaim 

her queen 478 

The duke of Northumberland is 

taken 479 

Many prisoners are sent to the 

Tower 480 

The queen comes to IxNidon 

She was in danger in her father's 

time ib. 

And was preserved by Cranmer 


She submitted to her lather 483 
]>e8ign8 for changiog reli§m 

Gardiner's policy ft. 

He is made chancellor 485 

Duke of NorthumberhuMl Ml 

othen attainted* 486 

He at his death professes he bid 

been always a papist 487 
His character 488 

King Edward's funeral 489 
The queen declares she will fcwoe 

no conacienee 490 

A tumult at Paul's ih 

A proclamation against preadi- 

'^^ 49» 

Censures passed upon it 493 

She uses those of Suffolk ill 

Consultations among the re- 
formed 495 
Judge Hales barbarously lued 

Cranmer declares against die 
moss 497 

Bonner s insolence ib. 

Crenmer and Latimer sent to 
the Tower 500 

Foreigners sent out of Engnnd 

Many English fly beyond sea 


crowDed. and dbcba^es 
» 504 

iamenl lummoned 505 
rormed bishops thrust out 
be house of lords ib. 

disorders in elections 506 
t iDoderating Bevere laws 

arriage of the qiie«n-mo- 
conBrmed 508 

'es piused upon it jag 
leen is severe to the lady 
nbelb 510 

Edward's laws about rdi< 
. repealed 5 1 1 

•ggtinst injunea to priests 

gainst unlawful asaem- 
; 5i« 

IS of Nortbitniptoa'a se- 
I niarriagc brokcu j 1 3 
ke of Norfulk'a ■itlaitiUer 
"IW ,-. S14 

er and others atfunted 
I see IS not declared void 

cen resolves to reconcile 
Bonn J16 

d Pool aeot legate 518 
Btoppod hy tti* emperor 

eea seodi to Iti^i 530 
tiem to the queilii 59 1 
er's methods are pre- 
d 533 

>uae of commons oEfend- 
vilb the qiieeo's mar- 
1, then treated aboat 524 
Hiament is dissolved ib. 
XM crowna sent to cor- 
the nert pariiameni 535 
lii^ in the coovooatioD 

M coBcemiag the Mcm- 
t ib. 

npasiediipoo them 535 


Ambassadors treat with tlw 
queen for her marriage 5j6 

Articles agreed on 537 

The match generally dialiked 

riots to oppose it are discovered 
Wiat breuks out In Kent 539 
His demands ^41 

He is defeated, and taken 543 
The lady Jane and her biisband 
executed 544 

Her preparationa for dealh 545 
The duke of Suffolk is executed 
foe lady Elizabeth is unjustly 
suspected iU 

Many severe proceedings 548 
The imposture in the wall ib. 
Instructions for the bishops 549 
Bishops that nilhcre to the re- 
formation deprived 5^0 
He mass every when set up 
Booka against the married cJ«Kr 
A newpariMuneot 556 
The queen's regal power asaert- 

nJ^ 557 

Tbe secret reasons for that Mt 
Great Jealousies of the Spaiuaidi 
The Irisbopric of Dureeme re- 
stored ib. 
Disputes at Oxford 563 
With Cruimer ib. 
And Ridley 565 
And Latimer jfiy 
Censures passed upon them 568 
They are all condemned ib. 
The prisoners in ZjoimIob give 
reasons why they would not 
^pute 570 
Prince Philip lands 573 
And ia married to tbe queen 



He brings a great treasure with 

him 575 

Acts of fi&vour done by him ib. 

He preserves the lady Elizabeth 

He was little beloved 577 

But much magnified by Gardi- 
ner 578 

Bonner s carriage in his visita- 
tion 579 

No reordination of those or- 
dained in king Edward's time 

Bonner*s rage 582 

The sacrament stolen 583 

A new parliament 584 

Cardinal Pool's attainder re- 
pealed ib. 
He comes to London 585 
And makes a speech to the par- 
liament 586 
The queen is believed with 
child ib. 
The parliament petition to be 
reconciled 587 
The cardinal absolves them ib. 
Laws against the see of Rome 
repealed 589 
A proviso for church-lands 590 
A petition from the convocation 


An address from the inferior 

clergy 592 

Laws against heretics revived 

An act declaring treasons 594 

Another against seditious words 

Gardiner in great esteem 596 

The fear of losing the church- 
lands 597 

Consultations how to deal with 
heretics 598 

Cardinal Pool for moderate 
courses 599 

But Gardiner is for violent ones 


To which the queen is inclined 



They b^n with Rogers. 

Who, refusing to comph 

Rogers and Hooper burnt 

Sanders and Taylor burnt 
These cruelties are much 

Reflections made on Ho< 

The burnings much dislike 
The king purges himself 
A petition against persec 

Arguments to defend it 
More are burnt 
Ferrar and others burnt 
The queen gives up the ch 

Pope Julius dies, and Mar 

Paul the Fourth succeedt 

English ambassadors at 1 

Instructions sent for persec 

Bonner required to burn 

The queen's delivery in vai 

Bradford and others burnt 
Sir Thomas More*s Works 

His letter of the Nun of 

Ridley and Latimer burnt 
Gardiner's death, and chai 

The temper of the parliam 

much changed 
The qeeen discharges tentl 

An act against those tha 

beyond sea rejected 
An act debarring a roui 

n Uie benefit of clergy op- 
ed 649 
Dthony KiDgslon jnit in 
ToW«r 650 
lolds a convocation 65 1 
eads of his decrees ib. 
design for reforming of 
ses 6ss 
pill not admit the Jesuits 
ingland 657 
il'a manyrdom 658 

;n affiiin 659 

■a the Fi fill's resigimticin 
ler'H trial 664 

degnded 668 

■anta 669 

jcDtx of it 67 1 

artyrdoni 673 

lanicter 673 

1 sufieron the like account 
id bom in the fire, and 
nt ' 678 

jfbrmation growa 680 
lea at Frankfort among 
English there 681 

t nnule archbishop of Can- 
lury 683 

religious houses are en* 
red 684 

[b are razed 685 

vours for the abbey of 
saenbury 686 

71 tiJbira 688 

>pe is extravagantly proud 
^wnsea with the French 
(» oath 690 

takes war with Spun 691 

tuioa of the nniversitlea 
necutioD set forward 695 
gn for MtUng np tbe in- 
lition 697 

Burnings for religion 700 

Lord Stourion handed for mur- 
der 703 
The queen is jealous of the 
French jofi 
The bnttle at St. Quintiu 707 
The pope olTendi^ with cardinal 

fool ;o8 

He recalls him jjo 

The queen refuses to receive 

cardinsil Peito 71 1 

A peace between the jKipe and 

Spain ib. 

A war between Engluiid und 

Scotland 713 

The afikire ofGenuany 7 14 

A persecution in France 715 

Calais is besieged 71 7 

AnditandGuisnesare taken 718 
Sarke taken by the French 711 
And retaken strangely ib. 

Great discontents in England 

A padiament is called 713 

King of Sweden courts the lady 
Elizabeth ' 735 

But is rejected by her 737 
She was ill used in this reign ib. 
The progress of the persecution 

The methods of it 733 

An expedition against France 

Many strange accidents ib. 

, A treaty of peace 735 

The battle of Graveling 736 
Mftny Protestants in France ib. . 
Daaphin marries the queen of 
Scots 737 

A convention oTestMes in Scot- 
land 738 
A parliament in England 740 
The queen's Hckness and death 
ib. 74 1 
Cardinal Pool dies ib. 
His character i;ib> 
The queen's character 743 




Yemeni tfthe rffbrmation qfreUgion 
ginning rfq^en ElisuibetiC$ reign* 

Queen Elizabeth Bvcoeodf 

And comes to London 748 
She sends a despatch to Rome 

But to no effect 750 

King Philip courts her ib. 

The queen s coundl 75 1 

A consultation about the change 

of religion 752 

A method proposed for it 754 
Many forward to reform 757 
Fu^er named to be archbishop 

of Canterbury 758 


Bacon made lord keeper 760 
The queen's coronation 761 
The parliament meets 763 
The treaty at Cambray 764 
A peace agreed on with Frimce 

The proceedings of the parlia- 
ment 767 
An address to the queen to 
marry ib. 
Her answer to it 768 
They recognise her title 769 
Acts concerning religion 770 
The bishops against the supre- 
macy 773 
The banning of the high com- 
mission 774 
A conference at Westminster 

Arguments for the Latin service 

Arguments against it 779 

The conference breaks up 783 

Ihi Lituigy corrected and ex- 

tfcined 783 

Debates about the act 

Arguments for the chan 

Bills proposed, but rejec 
The bishops refuse the 

The queen*s gentleness 

Injunctions for a visitat 
The queen inclined 

images retained 
Reasons brought agains 
The heads of the inji 

Reflections made on th 
The first lugh commissi 
Parker's unwillingness t 

of the archbishopric 

His consecration 
The fable of the Naj 

The Articles of Religion | 

An explanation of the ] 

in the sacrament 
The translation of the E 
The beginnings of the 1 

The reformation in i 

MiU*s martyrdom 

It occasions great dia 

A revolt at St. Johnstoi 

The French king int 

grant them liberty of 

But U killed 
A truce agreed to 

•ea regent li deposed 824 
»ts implore the queen of 
uid'a aid 825 

lesi^^ by the English 
een regent dies ib. 

: is concluded S37 

a settled by par- 

the Second diea S39 
U wan of France 830 

ENTS. xlv 

The wars of the Netherlands 

The nitsfortunes of the queen of 
Scotland S35 

Queen Elizabeth deposed by the 
pope 836 

Sir Francis Walsingham'a letter 
concerning the queen's pro- 
ceeding with papists and pu- 
ritans 837 

The conclusion 84^ 







ty&te life and reign of king Edward the Sixth. 

CiDWARD, the sixth king of England of that name, booi 

»18 the only son of king Henry the Eighth, by his L 

best beloved queen Jane Seimour, or St. Maur, daugh- '5'*'' 
ter to sir John Seimour, who was descended from 
Roger St, Maur, that married one of the daughters 
and heirs of the lord Beauchamp of Hacche. Their 
ancestors came into England with ^Villiam the Con-- 
queror, and had at several times made tliemselves 
considerable by the noble acts they did in the wars. 
He was bom at Hampton-Court on the twelftli dayEdwud 
of October, being St. Edward's eve in the yearn, i's3 
1537, and lost his mother two days after he was 


PART bom*; who died, not by the cruelty of the chirur- 
*'' geons ripping up her belly to make way for the 

1547. prince's birth, (as some writers gave out, to represent 
king Henry barbarous and cruel in all his actions ; 
whose report has been since too easily followed;) 
but, as the original letters that are yet extant, show, 
she was well delivered of him, and the day following 
was taken with a distemper incident to women in 
that condition, of which she died. 
And chrut. He was soou after christened ; the archbishop of 


Canterbury, and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, 
being his godfathers, according to his own journal; 
though Hall says, the last was only his god&ther 
when he was bishopped. He continued under the 
charge and care of the women till he was six years 
old ; and then he was put under the government of 
Dr. Cox and Mr. Cheek : the one was to be his pre- 
ceptor for his manners, and the knowledge of philo- 
sophy and divinity; the other for the tongues and 
mathematics. And he was also provided with mas- 
ters for the French, and all other things becoming 
a prince, the heir of so great a crown. 
His difpo. He gave very early many indications of a good dis- 
position to learning, and of a most wonderful probity 
of mind ; and, above all, of great respect to religion, 
and every thing relating to it. So that, when he was 
once in one of his childish diversions, somewhat 
being to be reached at, that he and his companions 
were too low for, one of them laid on the floor a 
great Bible that was in the room to step on ; which 

* The queen died on the 14th, ter of the physicians be true, in 

say Hall, Stow, Speed, and Her- Fuller's Church Hist. p. 422. 

bert; on the 15th, saith Hen- Cott. Libr. 
Dings; on the 17th, if the let- 



e betudding with indignatkm, took up the Bible book 
imsdf, and gave over his play for that time. He- 

as in all things subject to the orders laid down for '^^^' 
is education, and profited so much in learning, that 
I about him conceired great hopes of extraordinary^ 
lings from him, if he should live : but such unusual 
ginninga seemed rather to threaten the too early 
id of a life, that by all appearance was likely to 
ive produced such astonishing things. He was so 
rvard in his learning, that, before he was eight 
■ars old, he wrote Latin letters to his father, who 
Eu a prince of that Btexn severity, that one can 
iT^ think those abont his son durst cheat him by 
Eiking letters for him. He used also at that age to 
rite both to his godfather the archbishop of Canter- 
iry, and to his uncle, who was first made viscount 
eauchamp, as descended from that family, and soon 
ter earl of Hartford. It seems queen Catherine 
irr understood Latin, for he wrote to her also in 
e same language. But the full character of this 
lung prince is given us by Cardan, who writ it 
ter his death, and in Italy, where this prince was 
counted an heretic ; so that there teas nothing to 
■ got or expected by flattering him : and yet it is 
great, and withal so agreeing in all things to 
iith, that, as I shall begin my Collection of Papers Coiitct. 
the end of this volume with his words in Latin, 
it will be very fit to give them here in English. 
" All the graces were in him. He had many card»n'» 
tongues when he was yet but a child: together of him. 
with the English, his natural tongue, he had both 
Latin and French. Nor was he ignorant, as I 
hear, of the Greek, Italian, and Spanish, and per- 
haps some more : ,but for the English, French, and 


PART << Latin, he was exact in them; and apt to team 

<< every thing. Nor was he ignorant of logic, oi th$ 

1547. €t principles of natural philosophy, nor of music. The 
** sweetness of his temper was such as became a 
<' mortal, his gravity becoming the majesty of a Idng, 
<< and his disposition suitable to his high degree. In 
'* sum, that child was so bred, had such parts, was 
'* of such expectation, that he looked like a miracle 
^* of a man. These things are not spoken rhetori- 
« cally, and beyond the truth, but are indeed short 
*^ of it." And afterwards he adds, '* He was a mar- 
« vellous boy. When I was with him, he was m 
** the fifteenth year of his age, in which he spake 
** Latin as politely and as promptly as I did : he asked 
'* me what was the subject of my books, de Serum 
^ Farietate, which I had dedicated to him ? I an* 
** swered, that in the first chapter I gave the true 
<< cause of comets, which had been long inquired into^ 
*^ but was never found out before. What is it ? siud 
^ he. I said, it was the concourse of the light of 
<< wandering stars. He answered, how can that be, 
^ since the stars move in different motions ? how 
<< comes it that the comets are not soon dissipated^ 
'^ or do not move after them according to their mo- 
*^ tions ? To this I answered, they do move after 
** them, but much quicker than they, by reason of the 
** different aspect, as we see in a crystal, or when a 
** rainbow rebounds from the wall : for a little 
change makes a great difference of place. But 
the king said, how can that be, where there is no 
subject to receive that light, as the w^U is the 
subject for the rainbow ? To this I anlswered^ that 
'^ this was as in the milky-way, or where many 
^ candles were lighted, the middle place where their 




** shining met was white and clear. From this lit- book 
^ tie taaie it may be imagined what he was. And— il— 

II ; I M ;.! 

^ indeed tte ingenuity and sweetness of his disposi- '^^^* 
^ ikm bad raised in all good and learned men the 
^greatest expectation of him possible. He began 
^ to love the liberal arts before he knew them ; and 
** to know them before he could use them : and in 
" him there was such an attempt of nature^ that not 
^ only En^nd, but the world, has reason to lament 
^ bis beii^ so early snatched away. How truly was 
^it said of sucb ^eltraordinary persons, that their 
*^ UwcB are shorthand selddm do they come to be okL 
^ He gave. us an essay of virtue, thoi^h he did not 
^ live to give a pattern of it When the gravity of a 
^ king was needftd, he carried himself like an old 
^' man ; tmd yet he was always affable and gentle, 
^as became bis age. He played on the lute: he 

in affairs of state : and for bounty, he 
in that emulate his father ; though he, evte 
^' when he endeavoured to be too good, might appear 
" to have been bad : but there was no ground of sus- 
" pecting any such thing in the son, whose mind 
" was cultivated by the study of philosophy." 

It has been said, in the end of his father's life, a design to 
that he then designed to create him prince of prince of 
Wales : for though he was called so, as the heirs of ^'*'*'*' 
this crown are, yet he was not by a formal creation 
invested with that dignity. This pretence was made 
use of to hasten forward the attainder of the duke 
of Norfolk, since he had many oflBces for life, which 
the king intended to dispose of ; and desired to have 
them speedily filled, in order to the creating of his 
son prince of Wales. In the mean time his father King Hen- 
died; and the earl of Hartford and sir Anthony^ 



PART Brown were sent by the council to give him notice 
of it, being then at Hartford, and to bring him to the 

1547. Tower of London ; and, having brought him to En- 
field, with his sister the lady Elizabeth, they let him 
know of his father's death, and that he was now their 

Jan. 31. king. On the thirty-first of January the king's death 
was published in London, and he proclaimed king. 

King Ed- ^i jjie Tower, his Cither's executors, with the rest 

ward came 

to tiie of the privy-cbuncil, received him with the respects 
due to their king : so tempering their sorrow for the 
death of their late master, with their joy for his son's 
happy succeeding him, that by an excess of joy they 
might not seem to have forgot the one so soon, nor to 
bode ill to the other by an extreme grief. The first 
r*'" wifr" thing they did was, the opening of king Henry's will : 
opened. \yj which they found, he had nominated sixteen per-^ 
sons to be his executors, and governors to his son, 
and to the kingdom, till his son was eighteen years 
of age. These were, the archbishop of Canterbury ; 
the lord Wriothesley, lord chancellor ; the lord St 
John, great master of the household ; the lord Rus- 
sel, lord privy seal ; the earl of Hartford, lord great 
chamberlain ; the viscount Lisle, lord admiral ; Ton- 
stal, bishop of Duresme ; sir Anthony Brown, miuk 
ter of the horse; sir William Paget, secretary of 
state ; sir Edward North, chancellor of the court of 
augmentations; sir Edward Montague, lord chief 
justice of the common pleas; judge Bromley, sir 
Anthony Denny, and sir William Herbert, chief 
gentlemen of the privy^hamber ; sir Edward Wot- 
ton, treasurer of Callice ; and Dr. Wotton, dean of 
Canterbury and York. These, or the major part of 
them, were to execute his will, and to administer 
the affairs of the kingdom. By their consent were 


tfae king and his Urten to be disposed of in mar- book 

riage: but with this difference; that it was only or *" 

dered that tfae king should many by thdr advice j '^^^' 
bntthetwoBisten were so limited in their niarriaget 
that tfa^ were to finieit their right of saccestioo, 
if they married without their consent ; it bdng of 
&r greater importance to the peace and intoest of 
the nation who riiould be their husbands, if tfae 
crown did derdre on them, than who should be 
the king's wife. And by the act passed in the 
thirty-fifth year of king Henry, he was empowered 
to leave the crown to them, with what HmitatiMis 
be should think fit. To the executors, the kdn^ 
added by his will a privy-council, who should be as- 
sisting to them. These were, the earis o[ Arundel 
and £s5ex ; sir Thomas Chejney, treasurer of the 
bousehotd; sir John Gage, comptroller ; sir Anthony 
VVingfield, vice-chamberlain ; sir William Petre, se- 
cretary of state ; sir Richard Rich, sir John Baker, 
sir Ralph Sadler, sir Thomas Seimour, sir Richard 
Southwell, and sir Edmund Peckham. The king 
also ordered, that, if any of the executors should die, 
the survivors, without giving them a power of substi- 
tuting others, should continue to administer affairs. 
He also charged them to pay all his debts, and the 
legacies he left, and to perfect any grants he had 
b^un, and to make good every thing that he had 
promised. The will being opened, and read, all the 
executors, judge Bromley and the two Wottons only 
excepted, were present, and did resolve to execute 
the will in all points, and to take an oath for their 
faithful discharge of that trust. 

But it was also proposed, that, for the speedier de- about 
^tch of things, and for a more certain order and di- , prow'^tor. 


PART rectioD of all affairs, there should be one chosen to 
"* be head of the rest# tp whom ambaasadors and others 

1547. might address themselves. It was added, to caution 
this, that the person to be raised to that dignitjr 
should do nothing of any sort without the adirioe 
and consent of the greater part of the rest. But 
this was opposed by the lord chancellor, who though^ 
that, the dignity of his office setting him next the 
archbbhop of Canterbury, who did not much follow 
secular affairs, he should have the chief stroke in the 
government ; therefore he {nressed, that they might 
not depart from the king's will in any particular^ 
neither by adding to it, nor taking from it : it was 
plain, the late king intended they should be all alike 
in the administration, and the raising one to a title 
or degree above the rest was a great change from 
what he had ordered. And whereas it was now 
said, that the person to be thus nominated was to 
have no manner of power over the rest, that was 
(Hily to exalt him into an high dignity with the less 
envy or apprehension of danger ; for it was certain 
great titles always make way for high power. But 
the earl of Hartford had so great a party among 
them, that it was agreed to; the lord chancellor 
himself consenting, when he saw his oppositicHi was 
without effect, that one should be raised over the 
rest in title, to be called the protector qfthe lnn^9 
realnu, and the governor qf his person. The 
next point held no long debate, who should be no^ 
minated to this high trust; Ibf they unanimously 

The e^i of agreed, that the earl of Hartford, by reason of 

choMQ. nearness of blood to the king, and the great expe* 

rience he had in affairs, was the fittest person. ** So 

'^ he was declared protector of the realm, and go* 


" vernor to the king's person; but with that special book 
" aod express condition, that he should not do any '' 
"act but by the advice and consent of the other '^'*^- 
" executors, according to the will of the late king." 
Then they all went to take their oaths ; but it was 
proposed, that it should be delayed till the next 
day, that so they might do it upon better considera- 
tion. More was not done that day, save that the 
lord chancellor was ordered to deliver up the seals 
to the king, and to receive them again from his 
hands ; for king Henry's seal was to be made use 
of, either till a new one was made, or till the king 
was crowned : be was also ordered to renew tlie 
commissions of the judges, the justices of peace, the 
presidents of the north, and of Wales, and of some 
other officers. Tliis was the issue of the first coun- 
cil-day under this king : in which, the so easy ad- 
vancement of the earl of Hartford to so high a dig- 
nity gave great occasion to censure ; it seeming to 
be a change of what king Henry had designed. 
But the king's great kindness to his uncle made it 
pass so smoothly ; for the rest of the executors, not 
being of the ancient nobility, but courtiers, were 
drawn in easily to comply with that which was so 
acceptable to their young king. Only the lord chan- 
cellor, who had chiefly opposed it, was to expect 
small favour at the new protector's hands. It was 
soon apparent what emulation there was between 
them : and the nation being then divided between 
those who loved the old superstition, and those who 
desired a more complete reformation ; the protector 
set himself at the head of the one, and the lord chan- 
cellor at the head of the other party. 
The next day the executors met again, and first 


PART took their oaths most solemnly far their fiuthfiil 
executing the will. They also ordered all those 

whi^u'dc ^^^ were By the late king named privy counsellor 

dared ID to comc into the king's presence, and there they de^ 
clared to the king the choice they had made of his 
uncle ; who gave his assent to it* It was also signi- 
fied to the lords of the council, who likewise with one 
voice gave their consent to it. And despatches wete 
ordered to be sent to the emperor, the French king, 
and the r^ent of Flanders, giving notice of the 
king's death, and of the constitution of the council, 
and the nomination of the protector during the mi-^ 
nority of their young king. All despatches were (nr- 
dered to be signed only by the protector ; and all 
the temporal lords, with all the bishops about the 
town, were commanded to come and swear all^ionoe 

F«b. a. to the king. On the second of February the pro- 
tector was declared lord treasurer and earl marshal, 
these places having been designed for him by the 
late king upon the duke of Norfolk's attainder. Let- 
ters were also sent to Callice, BuUoign, Ireland, the 
marches of Scotland, and most of the counties of 
England, giving notice of the king's succession, and 
of the order now settled. The will was also ordered 
to be enrolled, and every of the executors was to have 
an exemplification of it under the great seal: and 
the clerks of the council were also ordered to give 
to every of them an account of all things done in coun- 

Tbe bishops dl uudcr their hands and seals. And the bishops were 

take out • 1 ■ . . « 

a>iiii»is. requured to take out new commissions of the same 

ftHbeir form with those they had taken out in king Henry's 

^'^■'"^P""' time ; (for which see the former part, vol. i. p. 585 ;) 

only with this difference, that there is no mention 

made of a vicar-general in these commissions, as 


was in the former, there being none after Cromwel book 

advanced to that dignity. Two of these commis '- 

sions are yet extant ; one taken out by Cranmer, '^■*^' 
Ik other taken out by Bonner. But this was only 
done by reason of the present juncture, because the 
bishops being generally addicted to the former su- 
perstition, it was thought necessary to keep them 
under so arbitrary a power as that subjected them 
lo ; for they hereby held their bishoprics only dur- 
ing the king's pleasure, and were to exercise them 
as his delegates in his name, and by his authority. 
Cranmer set an example to the rest, and took out 
his commission; which is in the CoUection. But t^"""*- 
thii was afterwards judged too heavy a yoke ; and 
therefore the new bishops that were made by this 
king were not put under it; (and so Ridley, when 
made bishop of London in Bonner's room, was not 
reijiiired to take out any such commission ;) but 
they were to hold their bishoprics during life. 

There was a clause in the king's will, requiring The nsmn 
his executors to make good all that he had promised cnsai^ri^ 
in any manner of ways. Whereupon sir William ",'^''^°"' 
Paget, sir Anthony Denny, and sir William Her- 
bert, were required to declare what they knew of 
the king's intentions and promises ; the former being 
the secretary whom he had trusted most, and the 
other two, those that attended on him in his bed- 
chaml^er during his sickness ; though they were 
called gentlemen of the privy -ehamber ; for the ser- 
vice of the gentlemen of the bed-chamber was not 
then set up. Paget declared, that, when the evi- 
dence appeared against the duke of Norfolk and his 
son the earl of Surrey, the king, who used to talk 
ofi in private with him aione, told him, that he in- 


:PART tended to bestow their lands liberally : and siiioe bj 
attainders, and other ways, the nobility were muck 

^^^7. decayed, he intended to create some peers; and or* 
dered him to write a book of such as he thought 
meetest : who thereupon proposed the earl of Hart* 
ford to be a duke ; the earl of Essex to be a nuu> 
quis; the viscount Lisle to be an earl; the loidf 
St. John, Russel, and Wriothesley, to be earls ; and 
sir Thomas Seimour, sir Thomas Cheyney, sur Bit 
chard Rich, sir William Willoughby, sir Thomas 
Arundel, sir Edmund Sheffield, sir Jo. St. Leiger, 
sir — Wymbish, sir — Vernon of the Peak, and sir 
Christopher Danby, to be barons. Paget also pro- 
posed a distribution of the duke of Norfolk's estate. 
But the king liked it not, and made Mr. Gates 
bring him the books of that estate; which being 
done, he ordered Paget to tot upon the earl ^ 
Hartford (these are the words of his deposition) a 
thousand marks; on the lord Lisle, St. John, and 
Russel, 200/. a year ; to the lord Wriothesley 100^ 
and for sir Thomas Seimour 300/. a year. But 
Paget said it was too little ; and stood long arguing 
it with him : yet the king ordered him to propose it 
to the persons concerned, and see how they liked it 
And he putting the king in mind of Denny, who 
had been oft a suitor for him, but he had never yet 
in lieu of that obtained any thing fitnr Denny, the 
king ordered 200/. for him, and four hundred marks 
for sir William Herbert ; and remembered some 
others likewise. But Paget having, according fo 
the king's commands, spoken to these who were to 
be advanced, found that many of them desired to 
continue in their former ranks, and thought the 
lands the king intended to give were not 

II MU^f 


ir the nuintenuice of the honour to be cmfttred book 

a them: widch he reported iu the beet advsntdge --^ 

e cooU Cor erery man, and endearoured to raise '''^■' 
be khi^s iavour to them as h^ as he could. But 
rinks this was in consultation, the duke of Norfolk, 
ery {nrudentlj apprehending tlie ruin of faia pos- 
eritj if his lands were divided into many hands, 
ot f^ whidi he could not so easily recover them; 
rbereas, if they continued in the crown, some 'tura 
f affiurs might again establish his Ihmily ; and tu- 
ending also to oblige the king by so unusual a com^ 
liment, sent a desire to him, that he would be 
leased to settle all bis lands on the. prince, (the 
ow king,) and not give them away : &fr, said he, 
ccording to the phiase of that time, /icy ore gaed 
md ttatek/ gear. This wrdught so iar on the king, 
bat he resolved to reserve them for himself, and to 
eward his servants some other way. Whereuptm 
*aget pressed him once to resolve on the honours he 
rould bestow, and what he would give with them, 
od they should afterwards consider of the way how 
a give it. The king growing still worse, said to 
im, " that, if aught came to him but good, as he 
thought he could not loi^ endure, he intended 
to place them all about his son, as men whom he 
trusted and loved above all other : and that there- 
fbre he would consider them the more." So, after 
oany consultations, he ordered the book to be 
bus filled up: " The earl of Hartford to be eari 
' marshal and lord treasurer, and to be duke of Sv- 
' merset, Exeter, or Hartford ; and his son to be 
' earl of Wiltshure, with 800/. a year of land, and 
' 300/. a year out of the next bishop's land that fell 
' void; the earl of Essex to be marquis of Essex; 



]PART ** the viscount Lisle to be earl of Coventry ; tbt 
' " lord Wriothesley to be earl of Winchester*; m 
1547. « Thomas Seimour to be a baron and lord ad- 
<< miral ; sir Richard Rich, sir Jo. St Leiger, sir 
William Willoughby, sir Ed. Sheffield^ and sir 
Christopher Danby, to be barons : with yearly r&- 
^* venues to them, and several other persons.** And 
having, at the suit of sir Edward North, promised 
to give the earl of Hartford six of the best prebends 
that should fall in any cathedral, except deaneries 
and treasurerships ; at his suit he agreed, that a 
deanery and a treasurership should be instead of 
two of the six prebendaries. And thus, all this 
being written as the king had ordered it, the king 
took the book, and put it in his pocket, and gave 
the secretary order to let every one know what he 
had determined for them. But before these things 
took effect the king died : yet, being on his death- 
bed put in mind of what he had promised, he or- 
dered it to be put in his will, that his executors 
should perform every thing that should appear to 
have been promised by him. All this Denny and 
Herbert confirmed; for they then waited in his 
chamber: and when the secretary went out, the 
king told them the substance of what had passed 
between them, and made Denny read the book over 
again to him; whereupon Herbert observed, that 
the secretary had remembered all but himself: to 
which the king answered, he should not forget him ; 
and ordered Denny to write 400/. a year for him. 
All these things being thus declared upon oath, and 
the greatest part of them having been formerly sig- 
nified to some of them, and the whole matter being 
well known and spread abroad, the executors, both 


:of awsdeoce to the king's will, and for thdr own book 

iDuis, resolred to fulfil what the king had intended, 

t was hindered by death to accomplish. But, being '^^^- 

nchenmve both of wars with the emperor and 

ench king, they resolved not to lessen the king's 

aaure nor revenue, nor to sell his jewels or plate, 

t to find some other ways to pay them ; and this 

t them afterwards on selling the chantry lands. 

The business of Scotland was then so presnogjiiie *fiuii 

It Baloaves, who was ^^t for those that had 

It themadres within the castle o£ St. Andrew*^ 

d this day IISOZ^ ordered to be carried to them 

' an half year's pay to the soldiers of that garrison: 

>re were also pensions iqipbiQted fiir the most 

iding men in that business. The earl of Rothes* 

lest son had SSOl. sir James Kircaldy bad SOO/. 

d many others had smaller pensions allowed them, 

' iheir amtly, as it is expressed in the council- 

oks. That day the lord protector knighted the^ebe, 

jg, being authorized to do it by letters patents, tiie king 

it seems, that as the law of chivalry required that "'* 
2 king should receive knighthood from the hand 

some other knight ; so it was judged too great a 
esumption for his own subject to give it, without 
n'arrant under the great seal. The king at the 
me time knighted sir John Hublethorn, the lord 
iyor of London. When it was known abroad what 
distribution of honour and wealth the council had 
solved on, it was much censured : many saying, 
at it was not enough for them to have drmned the 
ad king of all his treasure, but that the first step 

their proceedings in their new trust was to pro- 
ie honour and estates for themselves : whereas it 
d been a more decent way for them to have re- 


PART served their pretenrions till the king had come to be 
"* of age. Another thing in the attestations aeemed 

1547. much to lessen the credit of the king^s will, wfaieh 
was said to be signed the thirtieth of December, and 
so did bear date : whereas this narration insinuate^ 
that it was made a very little while before he diedi 
not being able to accomplish his design in these thiojp 
which he had projected : but it was well known that 
he was not so ill on the thirtieth of December. 
sc^„ It may perhaps seem strange, that the eail of 

tbeTr^J^e- Hartford had six good prebends promised him ; two of 
tiMticai these being afterwards converted into a deanery and 
a treasurership. But it was ordinary at that tidie. 
The lord Cromwel had been dean of Wells ; and 
many other secular men had these ecclesiastical be- 
nefices without cure conferred on them. For whidi, 
there being no charge of souls annexed to them, tUs 
might seem to be an excuse. Yet even those had a 
sacnred charge incumbent on them in the cathedrals ; 
and were just and necessary encouragements, either 
for such as by age, or other defects, were not fit for 
a parochial charge, and yet might be otherwise ea^ 
pable to do eminent service in the church ; or fbr 
the support of such as in their parochial labours did 
serve so well as to merit preferment, and yet per* 
haps were so meanly provided for, as to need some 
further help for their subsistence. But certainly 
they were never intended for the enriching of such 
lazy and sensual men, who, having given themselves 
up to a secular course of life, had little of a church- 
man but the habit and name ; and yet used to rail 
against sacrilege in others, not considering how 
guilty themselves were of the same crime, enriching 
their families with the spoils of the church, or with 


the goods of it, which were put into their hands for book 
better uses. And it was no wonder, that, when ' 
clergymen had thus abused these endowments, se- '''''^■ 
cular men broke in upon them ; observing plainly, 
that the clergy who enjoyed them made no better 
nse of them than laics might do : though, instead of 
reforming an abuse that was so generally spread, 
they, tike men that minded nothing more than the 
enriching of themselves, took a certain course to 
make the mischief perpetual, by robbing the church 
of those endowments and helps it had received from 
the munificence of the founders of its cathedrals, 
who were generally the first Christian kings of this 
nation ; which, had it been done by law, would have 
been a thing of very bad consequence ; but as it 
was done, was directly contrary to tlte magHa 
charta, and to.the king's coronation oath. 

Bat now they that were weary of the popish su- 
pmtHions, observing that archbishop Cranmer had 
so great a share of the young king's affection, and 
that the protector and he were in the same interests, 
began to call for a further reformation of religion, 
and some were so full of zeal for it, that they would 
BOt wait on the slow motions of the state. So theimige. 
curate and churchwardens of St. Martin's in Iron-"iX"t 
monger-lane, in London, took down the images and "^po/gj^j 
iHCtures of the saints, and the trucifix, out of their*'"""'''" 

' , Lcindan. 

church, and painted many texts of scripture upon 
the walls ; some of them according to a perverse 
tranalation, as the complaint has it: and in the 
place where the crudfix was, they set up the king's 
arms, with some texts of scripture about it. Upon 
this, the bishop and lord mayor of London com- 
plained to the council. And the curate and church- 
VOL. II. c 


PART wardens being cited to appear, answered for them- 

! selves, that the roof of their church being bad, they 

^^'^^* had taken it down; and that the crucifix and 
images were so rotten, that, when they removed 
them, they fell to powder : that the charge they had 
been at in repairing their church was such, that 
they could not buy new images : that they had taken 
down the images in the chancel, because some had 
been guilty of idolatry towards them. In condu* 
sion, they said, what they had done was with a 
good intention ; and if they had in any thing done 
amiss, they asked pardon, and submitted themselves. 
Some were for punishing them severely : for all the 
papists reckoned, that this would be a leading case 
to all the rest of this reign : and if this was easily 
passed over, others would be, from that remissness, 
animated to attempt such things every where. But 
on the other hand, those at court, who had designed 
to set forward a reformation, had a mind only so far 
to check the heat of the people, as to keep it withiii 
compass, but not to dishearten their friends tOQ 
much. Cranmer and his party were for a general 
removing of all images ; and said, that in the late 
king's time, order being given to remove such as 
were abused to superstition ; upon that, there ware 
great contests in many places, what images had been 
so abused, and what not; and that these disputes 
would be endless, unless all were taken away. 
An account jn the purcst times of Christianity they had no 

of the pro- , '^ , , J J 

pessof images at all in their churches. One of the first 

•hi^*"^° councils, namely, that at Elvira in Spain, made a 

canon against the painting what they worshipped 

on the walls. Epiphanius was highly offended wfaeQ 

he saw a veil hanging before the door of a churchf 


with a picture on it ; wliich he considered so little, i 
as not to know well whose picture it was, but - 
thought it might I)e Christ's, or some other saint's ; 
yet he tore it, and gave them of that place money to 
buy a new veil in its room. Afterwards, with the 
rest of the pomp of heathenism, images came to be 
set up in churches ; yet so as that there was no sort of 
worship paid to them. But, in the time of pope Gre- 
gory the First, many went into extremes about them; 
some were for breaking them, and others worshipped 
them. That pope thought the middle way best ; 
neither to break, nor to worship them ; but to keep 
them only to put the people in mind of the saints. 
Afterwards, there being subtile questions started 
ibout the unity of Christ's person and will, the 
Greek emperors generally inclined to have the ani- 
mosities raised by these removed by some compre- 
hensive words, to which all might consent ; which the 
interest of state, as well as religion, seemed to re- 
quire: for their empire every day declining, all me- 
thods for uniting it were thought good and prudent. 
But the bishops were stiff and peremptory : so, in 
the sixth general council, they condemned all who 
differed from them. Upon this, the emperors that 
succeeded would not receive that council; but the 
Kshops of Rome ordered the pictures of all the bi- 
Bfaops, who had been at that council, to be set up in 
the churches : upon which the emperors contended 
s^;ainst these, or any pictures whatsoever in churches. 
And herein that happened which is not unusual ; 
that one controversy rising occasionally out of an- 
other, the parties forsake the firstcontest, and fall into 
iharp conflicts about the occasional differences. For 
now the emperors and popes quarrelled most vio- 


PART lently about the use of images ; and ill names go 

! a great way towatds the defaming an opinion, 

'^^^' popes and their party accused all that were agai 
images as favouring Judaism, or Mahometanif 
which was then much spread in Asia and Afric : ' 
emperors and their party accusing the others of O 
tilism and heathenish idolatry. Upon this occasi 
Gregory III. first assumed the rebellions pretens 
to a power to depose Leo the emperor from all 
dominions in Italy. There was one general coui 
at Constantinople, that condemned the use or 1/9 
ship of images ; and, soon after, another at Nice < 
establish it. And yet, at the same time, Charles i 
Great, though not a little linked in interest to i 
bishops of Rome, holding both the French and i 
parial crowns by the favour of the popes, wrote, 
employed Alcuinus (a most learned countryman 
ours, as these times went) to write in his nai 
against the worship of images. And in a council 
iVankfort it was condemned ; which was also d< 
afterwards in another council at Paris. But, in si 
ages of ignorance and superstition, any thing tl 
wrought so much on the senses and imaginations 
the people, was sure to prevail in conclusion. A 
this had, in a course of seven more ages, been i 
proved (by the craft and impostures of the mon 
so wonderfully, that there was no sign of divine a 
ration that could be invented, that was not appl 
to these images. So in king Henry's time that t€ 
per was found, that such images as had been abu 
to superstition should be removed; and for ot 
images, external worship (such as kneeling, censi 
and praying before them) was kept up ; but the p 
pie were to be taught, that these were not at all 


tended to the image, but to that which was repre- book 
seated by it. And upon this there was much inHil^ '' 
arguing. Among Cranmer's papers, I have seen se- '^^^■ 
reral arguments for a moderate use of images. But 
to all tliese iiiey opposed the second Comnjandment, 
as plainly forbidding all visible objects of adoration, 
together with what was in the scriptures against the 
idolatry of the heathens, and what the fatliers had 
vritteo against the gentiles. And they added, that 
Jkow excusable soever that practice might have been 
in such dark and barbarous ages, in which the jko- 
ple knew little more of divine matters than what 
Ijbej learned from their images ; yet the horrible 
abuses that followed, on the bringing them into 
churches, made it necessary now to throw them all 
out. It was "notorious, that the people every where 
doated on them, and gave them divine honour. Nor 
did the clergy, who were generally too guilty them- 
lelves of such abuses, teach them how to distinguish 
aright : and the acts of worship, tliat were allowed, 
were such, that, beside the scandal such worship had 
in it, and the danger of drawing people into idolatry, 
it was in itself inexcusable to offer up such external 
parts of religious adoration to gold or silver, wood or 
stone. So Cranmer and others, being resolved to 
pui^ the church of this abuse, got the worst part of 
the sentence, that some had designed against the 
curate and churchwardens, to be mitigated into a re- 
primand ; and, as it is entered in tlie council-books, 
" In respect of their submbsion, and of some other 
" reasons, which did mitigate their offence," [these 
were Cranmer's arguments against images,] "they 
"did pardon their imprisonment, which was at first 
" determined ; and ordered them to prqvide a cruci- 


PART « fix, or at least some painting of it, till one w 
*^ ready ; and to beware of such rashness for 

1647. (t future." But no mention is made of the ot 
ManybegiD The Carriage of the council in this matter dis 

to pull ••»•%•• n t n-i 

down venng the mclinations of the greatest part of th< 
^'^'' ' and Dr. Ridley having in his Lent sermon preacl 
against the superstition that was generally had 
images and holy water, it raised a great heat o 
Garti***'^- England : so that Grardiner, hearing that on May-< 
miicb of. the people of Portsmouth had removed and brol 
the images of Christ and the saints, writ about 
with great warmth, to one captain Vaughan, t 
waited on the protector, and was then at Portsmou 
" He desired to know whether he should send < 
** to preach against it ; though he thought that i 
" the casting precious stones to hogs, or worse tl 
** hogs, as were these Lollards. He said, that Lut 
*^ had set out a book against those who remo^ 
'* images, and himself had seen them still in the J 
^* theran churches : and he thought the remov 
<« images was on design to subvert religion and 
" state of the world : he argues for them from 
** king's image on the seal, Caesar's image on 
^^ coin brought to Christ, the king's arms carried 
** the heralds : he condemns false images : but 
** those that were against true images, he thou 
" they were possessed with the -Devil." Vaugl 
sent his letter to the protector, with one from G 
diner to himself; who, finding the reasoning ir 
not so strong but that it might be answered, wr 
The pro- to him himsclf, ''that he allowed of his zeal agai 

tector writ 

to bim " innovations, but that there were other things t 
* " " needed to be looked to as much. Great differe 


" there was between the civjl respect due to the book 
- king's ahns, and the worship given to images. ^' 
* lliere had been a time, in which the ^use of the^'***^- 

The Icltcri 

" scnptures was thought a good reason to take them ■» in va^' 

" from the peofde ; ^ea, and to bum them : though Honn-' 

" be looked on them as more sacred than images ; '^**' 

"Whidi, if thej stood merelj as remembrancers, he 

" thoi^t the hurt was not great : but it was known 

" that for the most part it was otherwise : and upon 

"abuse the brazen serpent was broken, though made 

" at Gkid's commandmoit : and it being pretended 

" .th^ they were tke book* qfthe people, he thought 

"the KUe a mndi more intelligible and usefiil 

" book. There were some too rash, and others too 

" obstinate : the magistrate was to steer a middle 

" course between them ; not considering the anti- 

" quity of things so much as what was good and ex- 

" pedieot." Gardiner writ again to the protector, 

" com[daining of Bale and others, who published 

" books to the dishonour of the late king ; and that 

" an were running after novelties ; and oiten incul- 

" cates it, that things should be kept in the state 

" they were in till the king were of age : and in his 

" letters reflects both on the archbishop of Canter- 

" bury and the bishop of Duresme for consenting to 

" such things." 

But, finding his letters had no eflect on the pro- ^^j^'Jjj 
tector, be wrote to Ridley, " that by the law of Mo- I'j, «i"> ^ 
" ses we were no more bound not to have images rd agumt 
"than not to eat blood-puddings. Image and idol""''"" 
" might have been used promiscuously in former 
" times, as king and tyrant were ; yet there was a 
" great difference between these, according to the 
" notions we now have. He cites pope Gregory^ 
c 4 


PART *^ who was against both adoring and breaking theoi : 
_Jll__" and says, the worship is. not given to the imager 


1547. « 80 there is no idolatry; but to him reiH^esented bj 
it : and as the sound of speech did by the ear beget 
notions in us, so he did not see but the dght of an 
" image might stir up devotion. He confessed there 
" had been abuses, as there is in every thing that is 
** in men's hands : he thinks imagery and graving to 
^* be of as good use for instruction^ as writing or 
^^ printing : and, because Ridley ha4 also preached 
** against the superstition of holy witter to drive 
^* away devils, he added, that a virtue might be in 
water as well as in Christ's garoient^ St. Peter's 
shadow, or Elisha's staff. Pope Marcellus ordered 
" Elquitius to use it : and the late king used to Uess 
" cramp-rings, both of gold and silver^ which were 
** much esteemed every where; and when he was 
abroad, they were often desired from him. This 
gift he hoped the young kiog would not neglect. 
'* He believed the invocation of the name oi God 
** might give such a virtue to holy water as wel) as 
'' to the water of baptism." For Ridley's answer to 
this, I never saw it ; so these things must here pass 
without any reply: though it is very prohfible an 
ordinary reader will, with a very small measure of 
common sense and learning, see how they might have 
been answered* The thing most remarkable here is 
about these cremp-rings, which king Henry used to 
blessi of which I never met with any thing brfore I 
saw this letter : but sinc^ I understand the office <^ 
blessing of these rings is extant, as it was prepared 
for queen Mary's use, as shall be told in her reign ; 
it must be left to conjecture, whether he did it as a 
practice of former kings, or whether, upon his bdng 




made supreme head, he thought fit to take on him, book 
as the pope did, to consecrate such things, and send '" 
them about : where, to be sure, fancy and flattery '^'*?- 
would raise many stories of tlie wonderful effects of 
what he had so blessed ; and perhaps these might 
have been as true as the reports made of the virtues 
of Agnus Dei's, touched beads, blessed pebbles, with 
such other goodly ware, which the fi-iara are wont to 
carry about, and distribute to their benefactors, as 
things highly sanctified. This I set down more 
iully, and have laid some things together that fell 
not out till some months after this, being the first 
step that was made towards a reformation in this 

Upon this occasion, it is not unlikely that thepeb. i», 
council wrote their letters to all the justices of peace x^t^com. 
of England, on the twelfth of February, letting them "■":'"'»' 
know, that they had sent down new commissiMis "' "« 
to them for keeping the peace : ordering them 
to assemble together, and first to call earnestly oa 
God for his grace to discharge their duties futhfully, 
according to the oaths which they were to take ; 
and that they should impartially, without corruption 
or sinister aflection, execute their office, so that it 
might appear that they had God, and the good of 
their king and country, before their eyes ; and that 
they should divide themselves into the several hun- 
dreds, and see to the public peace ; and that all va- 
gabonds and disturbers of the peace should be duly 
punished ; and that once every six weeks they should 
write to the lord protector and council the state in 
which the county was, till they were otherwise com- 
manded. That which was sent into the county of 
Norfolk will be found in the Collection. coii<ci. 


IPART But now the funeral of the deceased king, an 

'. — coronation of his son, were to be despatched. I 

^*^7. coronation ceremonies that had been formerly 
there were some things that did not agree wit 
present laws of the land ; as the promise ma 
the abbots for maintaining their lands and dign 
they were also so tedious, that a new form wa 
dered to be drawn, which the reader will find i 
Collect. Collection. The most material thing in it i 
°" ' **' first ceremony, whereby the king being show< 
the people at the four comers of the stage, the 
bishop was to demand their consent to it ; an* 
in such terms as should demonstrate he wa 
elective prince : '^ for he being declared the rig 
** and undoubted heir both by the laws of God 
** man, they were desired to give their good- 
** and assents to the same, as by their duty of 
Feb. 13, " giance they were bound to do." This being a{ 
iuigHenry ^° ^^^ thirteenth of February, on the day foUo 
buried. ^jjg Henry's body was, with all the pomp of a 
funeral, removed to Syon, in the way to Win 
There great observation was made on a thing 
was no extraordinary matter : he had been ext 
corpulent, and, djring of a dropsy, or some! 
like it, it was no wonder if a fortnight after, 
so long a motion, some putrid matter might 
through the coffin. But Syon having been a I 
of religious women, it was called a signal 1 
of the displeasure of Heaven, that some ol 
blood and fat dropped through the lead in the n 
and, to make this work mightily on weak peop 
was said, that the dogs licked it next mor] 
This was much magnified in commendation of 
Peto, afterwards made cardinal^ who (as was 


io die former part, vcd. i. p. 906.) had threatened book 
Um, in a sermon at Greenwich, that the dagg whfmM '' 
Udt kU blood: though, to consider things more '^^^■ 
eqoaUy, it had been a wonder indeed if it had been 
otbo^rise. But having met with this observation in 
I manuscript written near that time, I woirid not 
envj the world the pleasure of it. Next day he 
was broo^t to Windsor, and interred in St. Ge<nge's 
chapeL And he baring by Jiis will left that churdi 
60(W1 a year for ever, for two priests to say mass at 
liis tomb daily, for four t^ts yearly, and a sermon 
at ereiy obit, with lOl to the poor, and for a sermon 
erery Sunday, tt^ether with the maintenance of 
thirteen poor knights; the judges were consulted 
bow this should be well settled in law : who adrised, 
that the lands, which the king had given, should be 
made over to that collie by indentures tripartite ; 
the king being one party ; the protector, and the 
other executors, a second ; and the dean and chapter 
of Windsor, a third party. These were to be signed 
with tbe king's hand, and the great seal put to 
them, with the hands and seals of all the rest : and 
then patents were to be given for the lands, founded 
on the king's testament, and the indentures tripar- 

But the pomp of this business ministered an occa-Sfmi- 
sion of inquiring into the use and lawfulness of soul- imiMd. 
masses and obits, which came to be among the first 
things that were reformed. Christ had instituted 
the sacrament to be celebrated in remembrance of 
hb death, and it was a sacrament only to those who 
did participate in it : but that the consecrating the 
sacrament could be of any use to departed souls, 
seemed a thing not easy to be conceived ; for if they 


FART are the prayers of the livii^ that profits the dead, 
L_then these would have done as well without a 

1547. iim3s. Sut the people would not have esteeme4 bure 
prayers so much, nor have paid so dear for them : so 
that the true original of soul-masses was thought ta 
have been only to increase the esteem and wealth of 
the clei^. It is true, in the primitive church Ui^i^e 
was a commemoration of the saints departed in ti^ie 
daify sacrifice; so they termed the communion; 
and ^uch as had given any offence at their death 
were not remembered in it : so that for so slight an 
c^ence as the leaving a priest tutor to pp^'s dtu}- 
dren, which ipight distract them from their spirituf4 
care, one's name was to be left out of that coipm&r 
moratioii in Cyprian's time ; which was a very ^ 
proportioped punishment to that offence, if such 
con^memorations had been thought us^ul or neces^ 
sary to the souls departed. But all this was nothing 
to thQ private masses for them, and w^ indeed no- 
thing at tot but an honourable mention pf such as 
h«d died in the faith* And they believing (hen ge^ 
Ber^Iy that there was a glorious thousand years to 
be 1^ f arthf and that the saints should rise, some 
SQQP^r, and ^nie later, to have their part in it ; they 
prayed in general for their quiet rest, and their 
speedy resurrection. Y^t these prayers grpiifing, as 
aU superstitious devices do, to be more consifiered, 
some begap to frapi^ aq hypothesis tq justify them 
by ; that of the thousand years being gaierpdjy e^-^ 
ploded. Ami ip St, Austin's time they begi^n tq 
fanc^y th^re was a state of pupishmept, even for thg 
good, in another life ; put of which, soipe were 
soop^, wd 9ome later freed, according to the ipea- 
sprif pf their repentance lor their sins ip this life. 


But he teUs us, this was taken up without any sure B6AK 
ground; and that it was no way certain. Yet by— 1— 
visions, dreams, and tales, the I>elief of it was so far '^• 
promoted, that it came to be generally received in 
the next age after him : and then, as the people 
were told that the saints interceded for them, so it 
Was added, that they might intercede for their de- 
parted friends. And this was the foundation of all 
that trade of soul-masses and obits. Now the de- 
ceased king had acted like one who did not believe 
that these things signified much ; otherwise, he was 
to have but ill reception in purgatory, having by the 
subversion of the monasteries deprived the departed 
aouls of the benefit of the many masses that were 
said for them in these houses : yet it seems at his 
death lie would make the matter sure ; and, to show 
he intended as much benefit to the living, as to him- 
self being dead, he took care that there should be 
not only masses and obits, but so many sertnons at 
Windsor, and a firequent distribution of alms for the 
relief of the poor. But upon this occasion it came 
to be examined, what value there was in such 
things. Yet the archbishop plainly saw that the 
lord chancellor would give great opposition to every 
motion that should be made for any further altera- 
tion, for which he, and all that party, had this spe- 
cious pretence always in their mouths ; that their 
late glorious king was not only the most learned 
prince, but the most learned divine in the world ; 
(for the flattering him did not end with his life ;) 
and that therefore they were at least to keep all 
things in the condition wherein he had left them, 
till the king were of age. And this seemed also 
necessary on considerations of state : for changes in 


PART matter of religion might bring dn commotion^ and 
, — disorders, which they, as faithful executors, ought 
'^^^' to avoid. But to this it was answered, that as their 
late king was infinitely learned, (for both parties 
flattered him dead, as well as living,) so he had re- 
solved to make great alterations, and was contriving 
how to change the mass into a communion : that 
therefore they were not to put off a thing of such 
consequence, wherein the salvation of people's souls 
was so much concerned, but were immediately to 
set about it. But the lord chancellor gave quickly 
great advantage against himself to his enemies, who 
were resolved to make use of any error he might be 
guilty of, so far as to ease themselves of the trouble 
he was like to give them. 
The cre». The kiug's fuueral being over, order was given for 
p^n? the creation of peers. The protector was to be duk6 
of Somerset ; the earl of Essex to be marquis of 
Northampton ; the viscount Lisle to be earl of War- 
wick ; the lord Wriothesley earl of Southampton ; 
besides the new creation of the lords Seimour, Rich, 
Willoughby of Parham, and Sheffield : the rest it 
seems excusing themselves from new honours, as it 
appeared from the deposition of Paget, that many 
of those, on whom the late king had intended to con- 
Feb. 3o, fer titles of honour, had declined it formerly. On 
nation. the twentieth of February, being Shrove-Sunday, 
the king was crowned by the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, according to the form that was agreed to: the 
protector serving in it as lord steward ; the marquis 
of Dorset as lord constable ; and the earl of Arundel 
as earl marshal, deputed by the protector. A pardon 
was proclaimed, out of which the duke of Norfolk^ 
cardinal Pole, and some others, were excepted. 


The 6rst business of importance after the corona- book 
tion was the lord chancellor's fall : who, resolving to - 

give himself wholly to matters of state, had on the^^[^^^* 
eighteenth of February put the great seal to a com- f""""""^ 
mission, "directed to sir Richard Southwell, master rraoi his 
"of the rolls; John Tregonnel, esq. master of chan-" **' 
" eery ; and to John Oliver, and Anthony Bellasis, 
" clerks, masters of chancery ; setting forth, that the i; 

" lord chancellor being so employed in the affairs of 
" state that he could not attend on the hearing of 
" causes in the court of chancery, these three masters, 
" or any two of them, were empowered to execute the 
"lord chancellor's office in that court in as ample 
"manner as if he himself were present; only their 
" decrees were to be brought to the lord chancellor 
" to be signed by him, before they were enrolled." 
This being done without any warrant from the lord 
protector, and the other executors, it was judged a 
high presumption in the lord chancellor thus to de- 
volye on others that power which the law had trusted 
in his hands. The persons named by him increased 
the ofifence which this gave, two of them being ca- 
Bouista i ao that the common lawyers looked upoo 
this as a precedent of very high and ill consequence: 
and, being encouraged by those who had no good- 
will to the chancellor, they petitioned the council 
in this matter, and complained of the evil conse- 
quences of such a commission ; and set forth the 
fears that all the students of the law were under, of 
a change that was intended to be made of the laws 
of England. The council remembered well they had 
given no warrant at all to the lord chancellor for the 
issuing out any such commission ; so they sent it to 
Uie judges, and required them to examine the com- 


PART tfiigrioD, with the petition gMunded upon it : who 

1 — delivered their opinions on the last of Februanr, thai 

^X'S: ^ ^ chanceUor ought not, withoat warrant fron 
the council, to have set the seal to it ; and that, by 
Ms «o doing, he had by the common law fm^eited 
his place to the king, and was liaUe to fine and im- 
{Risonment at the king's {Measure. This lay sleep- 
March 6. ing till the sixth of March, and then the judges* an- 
swer being brought to the council, signed with all 
their hands, they entered into a debate how far it 
ought to be punished. The lord diancellor carriecl 
it very high ; and, as he had used many menaces tc 
those who had petitioned against him, and to the 
judges for giving • their opinions as they (fid, so he 
carried himself insolently to the protector, and UM 
him, he held his pkce by a better authority than he 
hdid his : that the late king, being empowered to it 
by act of parliament, had made him not only dhsoh 
cellor, but one of the governors of the realm during 
his son's minority ; and had by his will given none 
of them power over the rest to throw them out a( 
pleasure, and that therefore they might declare the 
commission void if they pleased, to which he should 
consent ; but they could not for such an error toro 
him out of his office, nor out of his share of the go- 
vemment* To this it was answered, that, by the 
late king's will, they, or the major part of them, 
were to administer till the king was of age ; thai 
this subjected every one of them in particular to the 
rest ; that otherwise, if any of them broke out intc 
rebellion, he might pretend he could not be attainted 
nor put from the government; therefore it wai 
agreed on, that every of them in particular was suh 
ject to the greater part. Then the lord chancelloi 


was required to show what warrant he had for that 
he had done. Being now di-iven from that which - 
be chiefly relied on, he answered for himself, that 
he had no warrant ; yet he thought by his office he 
bad power to do it; that he had no ill intention 
ia it, and therefore submitted himself to the king's 
mercy, and to the gracious consideration of the pro- 
tector and the council ; and desired, that, in respect 
of his past services, he might forego his office with 
as little slander as might be ; and that, as to his fine 
and imprisonment, they would use moderation : so 
he was made to withdraw. " The counsellors, (as it 
" is entered in the council-book,) considering in 
" tlieir consciences bis abuses sundry ways in his 
I ■ office, to the great prejudice and utter decay of 
" the common laws, and the prejudice that might 
" follow by the seals continuing in the hands of so 
" stout and arrogant a person, who would as he 
" pleased put the seals to such commissions without 
" warrant, did agree, that the seal should be taken 
" from him, and he be deprived of his office, and l>e 
" further fined, as should be afterwards thought fit- 
" ting; only they excused him from imprisonment." 
So he being called in, and heard say all he could 
think of for his own justification, they did not judge 
it of such importance as might move them to change 
their mind. Sentence was therefore given, that he 
should stay in the council-chamber and closet till 
the sermoQ was ended ; that then he should go home 
with the seal to Ely House, where he lived; but 
that, after supper, the lord Seimour, sir Anthony 
Brown, and sir Edward North, should be sent to 
him, and that he should deliver the seal into their 
hands ; and be from that time deprived of his office, 



VRT and confined to his house during jdeasiir^ and pay \ 

J. what fine should be laid on him. To all which he 

^^^' submitted, and acknowledged the justice d their 
sentence. So the next day the seal was put intd 
the lord St. John's hands, tiU they should agree ca 
a fit man to be lord chancellor; and it continued 
with him several months. On the day iblhywii^ 
the late king^s will being in his hands fi>r tiie grant!- 
ing of exemplifications of it under the great seal, it 
was sent for, and ordered to be laid up in the trea- 
sury of the exchequer : and the earl of Southampton 
continued in his confinement till the twenty-mnth 
of June, but then he entered into a recognneance of 
4000/. to pay what fine they should impose on him, 
and upon that he was discharged of his infprisan- 
ment. But in all this sentence they made no men- 
tion of his forfeiting his being one of the late Imigfs 
executors, and of the present king^s governors; either 
judging, that, being put in these trusts as he was 
lord chancellor, the discharging him of his office dM 
by consequence put an end to them : or perhaps they 
were not willing to do any thing that might seem 
to change the late king's will; and therefiove, by 
keeping him under the fear of a severe fine, thqr 
chose rather to oblige him to be absent, and to currf 
himself quietly, than by any sentence to exclude 
him from his share in that trust. Which I incline 
the rather to believe, because I find him afterwards 
brought to council without any order entered aboul 
it : so that he seems to have come thither rather on 
a former right, than on a new choice made of Um. 
Thus fell the lord chancellor, and in him the popish 
party lost their chief support, and the protector Us 
most emulous rival. The reader will fioid the 


Oi, with tbe opmicD of tiw judgn about it, in book 
Collection ; from which tM trifl be batter able to- 

s «f diese prooeediiigi agBinrt bin, wldeh ^rere ^i^' 
■aiy and aetrae, bejand the tUBge of the privy- Nunb. g. 
oflt and without the eoounoii fonnsiif l^al pro- 
«. But tbe anmdl'a authoritT' had been raised 
^ fajr the act mentioDed in the fivmer part, 
. p. AS8, that they were empowered auffieiently 
ntten of that nsinre. /' ^ » 

bnt wbidi foUowed a £ew dayi after made thisTht pio- 
le iuOTe censored, since the lord protector, w9tOh;.(.ffi« 
xto held ins office ^ut by the choice df tbe rest, ^^ '"'"^ 
oiidet great leshictions, was new resolved to 
it by patent, to which the late cfaancdlor bad 
linwilling to amseot. The pretence tor it was, 
the foreign ministers, the French ambassador 
articular, desired to be satisfied concemmg his 
!r, and how far they might treat witii him, and 
od on the assurances and promises he gave. So 
protector and council did on the thirteenth ofMmcb 13. 
:h petition the king, that they might act by a 
nission under the great seal, which might em- 
ir and justiiy them in what they were to do. 
that was to be done in this manner : the king 
the lords were to sign the warrant for it, upon 
fa the lord St. John (who, though he had the 
ing of tbe great seal, was never designed to be 
keeper, nor was empowered to hear causes) 
Id set the seal to it. The original warrant was 
i kept by the protector, and exemplifications of 
3« to be given to foreign, ministers. To this 
r sir Thomas Cheyney set his hand ; upon what 
ority I do not so clearly see, since he was none 
le executors. By this commission (which will 





PART be found in the Collection) it is set forth, '^ that the 
.— — ! — ** king, being under age, was desired, by divers d 
coiit^^ ** ^^ nobles and prelates of the realm, to name and 
Numb. 6. « authorize one above all others to have the charge 
** of the kingdom, with the government of his per- 
** son ; whereupon he had formerly by word of 
mouth named his uncle to be protector and govern- 
or of his person ; yet, for a more perfect declara^ 
^^ tion of that, he did now ratify and approve all he 
** had done since that nomination, and constituted 
" him his governor, and the protector of his Idng- 
** dom, till he should attain the full age of eighteen 
years ; giving him the full authority that belonged 
to that office, to do every thing as he by his wIb- 
** dom should think for the honour, good, and pros- 
** perity of the king and kingdoms : and, that he 
** might be furnished with a council for his aid and 
** assistance, he did, by the advice of his unde and 
** others, nobles, prelates, and wise men, accept of 
** these persons for his counseUors : the archbishop 
" of Canterbury ; the lord St. John, president ; the 
** lord Russel, lord privy-seal ; the marquis of Norths 
ampton, the earls of Warwick and Arundel, the 
lord Seimour, the bishop of Duresm, the lord Rich, 
sir Thomas Cheyney, sir John Gbge, sir Anthonj 
" Brown, sir Anthony Wingfield, sir William Paget, 
** sir William Petre, sir Ralph Sadler, sir Jofan 
" Baker, doctor Wotton, sir Anthony Denny^ sir 
" William Herbert, sir Edward North, sir Edward 
Montague, sir Edward Wotton, sir Edmund Peck- 
ham, sir Thomas Bromley, and sir Richard South- 
well; giving the protector power to swear sudi 
^* other commissioners as he should think fit : and 
** that he, with so many of the council as Jie should 




^ think meet, might annul and change what they book 

thought fitting ; restraining the council to act only ' 
f by his advice and consent." And thus was the *^*^- 
jrotector fully settled in his power, and no more 
trader the curb of the coexecutors, who were now 
mixed with the other counsellors, that by the late 
king's will were only to be consulted with as they 
saw cause. But, as he depressed them to an equahty 
with the rest of the counsellors, so he highly obliged 
the others, who had been formerly under them, by 
bringing these equally with them into a share of 
the government. He had also obtained to himself 
an high authority over them, since they could do 
'' nothing without bis consent ; but he was only bound 
to call for so many of them as he thought meet, and 
was not limited to act as they advised, but clothed 
with the full r^al power ; and had it in his hands 
to oblige whom he would, and to make his party 
greater by calling into the council such as he should 
nominate. How far this was legal, I shall not in- 
quire. It was certainly contrary to king Henry's 
will. Aifd that being made upon an act of parlia- 
ment, which empowered him to limit the crown and 
the government of it at his pleasure, this commis- 
sion, that did change the whole government during 
the king's minority, seems capable of no other de- 
fence, but that, it being made by the consent of the 
major part of the executors, it was still warrantable 
even by the will, which devolved the government 
[ on them, or the major part of them. 
I All this I have opened the more laigely, both be- 
[ cause none of our historians have taken any notice 
I of the first constitution of the government during 
I this reign, and, being ignorant of the true accoimt 
I d3 


PART of it, they have cammitted great errors : and htcuut, 

'- — having obtained, bj the favour of that moat indas- 

^^^^' trious GoUector of the transactions of this age, Mr. 
Rush w^orth, the original council4xiok for the two lint 
years of this reign, I had a certain authoritf to fid* 
low in it ; the exactness of that book being beTOod 
any thing I ever met with in all our records. For 
every council-day the privy counsellors that were 
present set their hands to all that was ordered; 
judging so great caution necessary when the king 
was under age. And therefore I thought this a book 
of too great consequence to lie in private hands; 
so, the owner having made a present of it to me^ I 
delivered it to that noble and virtuous gentleman 
sir John Nicolas, one of the clerks of the council, 
to be kept with the rest of their books. 
The state And having now given the reader a dear prospect 
Germany, of the State of the court, I shall next torn to the af* 
fiEurs that were under their consideration. That 
which was first brought before them was concerning 
the state of Grermany. Francis Burgartus, chancellor 
to the duke of Saxe, with others, firom.the other 
princes and cities of the empire, were sent over^ upon 
the news of the former king's death, to solicit for aids 
from the new king toward carrying on the war with 
the emperor. In order to the clearing of this, and to 
give a just account of our councils in reference to fi>* 
reign affairs, especially the cause being about religion, 
I shall give a short view of the state of Germany at 
this time. The emperor, having formed a design of 
an universal monarchy, laid hold on the differences 
of religion in Germany, as a good mean to cover 
what he did, with the specious pretence of puniahing 
heresy, and protecting the cathoUcs. But, beHire he 


asd this dengD, be procured bis brotber to book 
n .kmg ot tbe Bomans, and so declared bis- 

r in the ciiQfiire ; wbich faewasftucedtodo^jj^^y* 
liged to be mucb in Spain and bis other be- 'ss'- >^' 
dominions ; and being then so young as notcrwwned 

into such deep counsels as be afterwards R^HLm. 
Idt bis wars in Italy put bim oft in ill terms 
\ pope ; audi being likewise watched over in 
notions by Francis the First and Henry the 
and the Turk often breaking into Hungary 
■maoyj he was forced to great com]diances 
e pripces of the empire; who, being ani- 
tj the two great crowns, did enter into a 
x their mutual defence against all a^reasg r s. 
last, in tbe year 1544, in the diet held atrtb. w, 
be emperor, being engaged in war with bl^ it 
and the Turk, both to secure Germany, and ^^"*' 
1 money of the princes, was willing to agree 
diet made there ; which was, that, till there 
ee council in Germany, or such an assembly 
1 matters of religion might l>e settled, there 
le a general peace, and none was to be trou' 
religion ; the free exercise of both reli^oos 
Uowed ; and all things were to continue in 
X they were then in. And the imperial 
r at Spire was to be reformed ; for the judges 

court being all papists, there were many 
s depending at the suit of the ecclesiastics 
the protestant princes, who had driven them 
their lands : and the princes expecting no 
Ung from them, all these processes were now 
£d, and the chamber was to be filled up with 
Iges, that should be more favourable to them. 
btaining this decree, contributed very libe- 




?ART rtdly io the wars the emperor seemed to be engaged : 

: in: who, having his treasure thus filled, presently ' 

1547. made peace both with France and the grand signicNr, 
44. £m. and resolved to turn his wars upon the empire, and 
lice with to make use of that treasure and force they bad 
*""' ^ contributed, to invade their liberties, and to subdue 
•ace with them entirely to himself. Upon this he entered mto 

e Turk, 

a treaty with the pope, that a council should be 
opened in Trent ; upon which he should requure ^ 
princes to submit to it, which if they refiised to do, 
he should make war on them. The pope was to 
assist him with ten thousand men, besides heavy 
taxes laid on his clergy ; to which he willingly con- 
sented. But the emperor, knowing that if religion 
were declared to be the ground of the war, all the 
protestants would unite against him, who were the 
much greater number of the empire, resolved to di- 
vide them among themselves, and to pretend some- 
what else than religion as the cause of the war. 
There were then four of the electors of that religion; 
the count palatine, the duke of Saxe, the marquis 
of Brandenburg, and the archbishop of Colen; besides 
the landgrave of Hesse, the duke of Wirtemburg, 
and many lesser princes, and almost all the cities of 
the empire. Bohem, and the other hereditary do- 
minions of the house of Austria, were also generally 
of the same religion. The northern kings and the 
Swiss cantons were firmly united to them : the two 
crowns of England and France were likewise con- 
cerned in interest to support them against the Aus- 
trian family. But the emperor got France and 
England engaged in a war between themselves, so 
that he was now at leisure to accomplish his designs 
on the entire ; where, some of the princes 


3me old, as the count palatine, and Herman, book 
budu^ €£ Colen ; others, being of soft and no- ^' 
'eteraperstss the marquis of Brandenburg ; and '^^''■ 
ts discontented and ambitious, as Maurice of 
mft and the brothers of Brandenbui^ ; he had 
ed none of the first rank to deal with, but the 
; of Saxe and the landgrave of Hesse, who 
> both ^reat captains, but of such different 
jers, that, where they were in equal command, 
e was no great probability of success. The for- 
wBs a prince of the best composition oi any in ^ 
age ; he was sincerely religious, and one of the 
t equally tempered men that was then alive, 
iier lifted up with success, nor cast down with 
brtunesi; he had a great capacity, but was sbw 
lis resolutions. The landgrave, on the other 
1, had much more heat, was a quicker man, and 
n impatient temper, on which the accidents of 
made deep impressions. 

i^hen the emperor began to engage in this design, 
pope, being, jealous of his greatness, and dii^ous 
atangle him in a long and expensefut war, pub- 
id the secret ends of the league ; and opened the 
icil in Trent in November 1545, where a few 
ops and abbots, with his legates presiding over 
o, usurped the most glorious title of the most 
' (ecumenical council, representing the catho- 
hurch. They entered, by such slow steps as were 
cted from Rome, into the discussion of articles 
loctrine; which were, as they were pleased to 
it, explained to them by some divines, for most 
. friars, who amused the more ignorant bishops 
1 the nice speculations with which they had been 
x:ised in the schools ; where hard and barbarous 


PART word9 lerved in good stead to concetl M»e tUogi 
not BO fit to be proposed bare&oed, and ai plain 

^^^7. tenns. The emperor, haying done enough towards 
his design, that a council was opened in Germaajr* 
endeavoured to keep them from determining points 
of doctrine, and pressed them to examine some 
abuses in the government of the churdi, which had 
at least given occasion to that great alienation of m 
many from the see of Rome and the dergj. There 
were also divers wise and learned prekites, cbiefly of 
Spam, who came thither fiill of hopes of getting 
these abuses redressed. Some of them had observed* 
that in all times heresies and schisms did owe theb 
chief growth to the scandals, the ignorance» and 
negligence of the clergy, which made the laity con« 
ceive an ill opinion of them^ and so disposed them, 
both in inclination and interest, to cherish such as 
opposed them ; and therefore they designed to have« 
many great corruptions cast out: and observing 
that bishops' nonresidence was a chief occasicm of aU 
those '^vils, they endeavoured to have residence de- 
clared to be of divine right; intending thereby to 
lessen the power of the papacy, which was grown to 
that height^ that they were slaves to that see, taxed 
by it at pleasure, and the care of their dioceses ex- 
torted out of their hands by the several ranks of ex- 
empted priests : and also to raise the episcopal au- 
thority to what it was andently, and to cut off aU 
these encroachments which the see of Rome had 
made on them, at first by craft, and which they still 
maintained by their power. But the court of Botne 
was to lose much by all reformations; and some 
cardinals openly declared, that every reformation 
gave the heretics great advantages, and was a con^ 


D thftft ti>e diurdi had erted, and that tbeae book 
tlmgs, m audi comfdaioed ai, w«« the '•^-f 
s aitiie popedotD ; which beii^ cut, the gresU '^^^' 
if iSbtii court must needs &U: and thereftire 
Sd oppose aU theie inotipns, and weie itHI for 
adtng in establishing the dgctrine. Andthou^ 
ypomng a decree to oUige all to residence was 
Mslj BCBudaloaa that tbey were ashamed of it, 
tsy intended to secure the greatness of the court 
Mtkfo for the pope's privil^e and dignity in 
ii^ dispensations. These jHtweedings at Trent 
■ered what was to be e::q)ected from that coun- 
d alarmed all the protestanta to think what tbey 
to look ibr, if the onperor should force than 
ffioit to the decrees of sucA iin asseroUy, where 
whom they called heretics could expect little, . 
the emperor himself could not prevail so far 
ibtain or hinder delays, or to give preference for 
rs of discipline to points of docttine. So the pro- Jannur, 
ts met at Frankfort, and entered into councils pritcci 
ar common safety, in case any of them should p^jlJort. 
turbed about religion ; chiefly for preserving the 
r of Coleo, whom the pope had cited to Rome 
resy. They wrote to the emperor's ministers, 
^hey heard from all hands, that the emperor 
using great forces, and designing a war against 
: who thought themselves secured by the edict 
ire, and desired nothing but the confinnatioa 
.t, and the regulation of the imperial chamber, 
s then agreed on. A meeting being proposed 
en the emperor and the landgrave, the land- 
went to him to Spire, where the emperor de- 
iie had any design of a war, with which the 
charged him ; only he said, he had with great 


PART diflSculty obtained a council in Germany, and .tbere- 
"• fore he hoped they would submit to it But, after 

1547. some expostulations on both hands, the landgraye 
left him ; and now the thing was generally under- 
stood, though the emperor did still deny it, and said 
he would make no war about religion, but only 
against the disturbers of the peace of the em|nre. 
By this means he got the elector palatine to give 
little or no aid to the other princes. The marquis 
of Brandenburg was become jealous of the greatness 
of Saxe, and so was at first neuter ; but afterwards 
openly declared for the emperor. But Maurice, the 
duke of 8axe's near kinsman, who by that duke's 
means was settled in a fair principality, which his 
uncle George had left him only on condition that he 
turned papist, notwithstanding which he got him to 
be possessed of it, was made use of by the emperor 
as the best instrument to work his ends. To him 
therefore he promised the electoral dignity, with the 
dominions belonging to the duke of Saxe, if he 
would assist him in the war against his kinsman, 
the present elector ; and gave him assurance, under 
his hand and seal, that he would make no change in 
religion, but leave the princes of the Ausbui^ Con- 
fession the free exercise of their religion. And thus 
the emperor singled out the duke of Saxe and the 
landgrave from the rest, reckoning wisely, that, if 
he once mastered them, he should more easily over- 
come all the rest. He pretended some other quarrels 
against them, as that of the duke of Brunswick, 
» who, having begun a war with hi^neighbours, was 
taken prisoner, and his dominions possessed by the 
landgrave. That, with some old quarrels, was pre- 
tended the ground of the war. Upon which the 


princes pabUshed a wrtdbg to show that it wai re- book 

Hgion only, and a secret design to subdue Oennany^ '- 

that was the true ciaiise of the war; and those al- '^^^' 
l^ed were sought pretences to excuse so iu&mous 
a tveadi of &itfa, and of the public decrees ; that 
the pcqie, who designed the destruction of all of that 
coDfesnon, had set on the emperor to this, who 
easibf laid hold on it, that he might master the 
mmty of Germany ; therefore ihey warned all the 
princes of their danger. The emperor's forces being 
to be drawn together out of several [daces in Italy, 
Flanders, Burgundy, and Boheme, they whose forces 
lay nearer bad a great advantage, if they had known 
bow to use it; for in June they brought into tbeJooe. 
6eld seventy thousand foot and fifteen thousand '4 ci«im- 
horse, and might have driven the emperor out of"^,i'iJ^. 
Germany, had they proceeded vigorously at first: 
bat the divided command was fatal to them ; for 
when one was for action, the other was against it. 
So they lost their opportunity, and gave the em- 
peror time to gather all his forces about him, which 
were far inferior to theirs in strength : but the em- 
peror gained by time; whereas they, who had no 
great treasure, lost much. All the summer, and a 
great deal of the winter, was spent without any 
considerable action, though the two armies were oft 
in view one of another. But in the beginning of jui^ j^, 
the winter, the emperor, having proscribed the duke^sj^-^, 
of Saxe, and promised to bestow the principality on ^ "^ 
Maurice, he fell into Saxony, and carried a great pro«iib«i, 
many of the dti0s» which were not prepared for any Ji"ii«- 
such impression. " This made the duke separate bfel^J^"^' 
army, and return to the defence of his own country, "oj- 
which he quickly recovered, and drove Maurice al- 


PART most out of all his own principelity. The states of 
Boheme also declared for the elector of Saxony. 

J J^^^^- This was the state of affairs there. The princes 
1546, thought they had a good prospect for the next 
doded be- year, having mediated a peace between the crowns 
h!ndand°^'of Eu^and and France, whose forces &lling into 
Fmoce. Fiand^TS must needs have bred a great distrac- 
tion in the emperor's councils. But king Henry's 
death gave them great apprehensions, and not with* 
out cause ; for when they sent hither for an aid in 
money to carry on the war, the protector and coun^* 
cil saw great dangers on both hands : if they left llie 
Germans to perish, the emperor would be then sa 
lifted up, that they might expect to have an uneasy 
neighbour of him ; on the other hand, it was a thii^ 
of great consequence to engage an infant king in 
such a war; therefore their succours from Iienoe 
were like to be weak and very slow. Howsoever, 
the council ordered Paget to assure them, that 
within three or four months they should send fifty 
thousand crowns to their assistance, which was to 
be covered thus: the merchants of the StiUyacd 
were to borrow so much of the king, and to engage 
to bring home stores to that value ; they having the 
money, should send it to Hamburgh, and so to the 
duke of Saxe. But the princes received a second 
blow in the loss of Francis the First of France, who 
having lived long in a familiarity and friendship 
with king Henry, not ordinary for crowned 'heads, 
was so much affected with the news of his death, 
that he was never seen cheerful after it. He made 
royal funeral rites to be performed to his memory in 
the church of Nostredame, to which the clergy (wfao^ 
one would have thought, should have been glad to 


liave seen his funerals celebrated in any fashion) book 
were very averse; but that king hnd emancipated- 

hitnself to a good degree from a servile subjection '^'*^" 
to them, and would be obeyed : he outlived the 
other not long, for he died the last of March. HeM«f€ii3., 
was the chief patron of learned men, and advancer fvJ,Jti,t. 
of learning, that had been for many ages: he was*''"'" 
generally unsuccessful in his wars, and yet a great 
commander. At his death he left his son an advice, 
to beware of the brethren of Lon-ain, and to depend 
much on the counsellors whom he bad employed. 
But his son, upon his coming to the crown, did so 
deliver himself up to the charms of his mistress 
Diana, that all things were ordered as men made 
their court to her; which the ministers that had 
lerred the former king scoraing to do, and the bro- 
thers'of the house of LovraiD doing very submissively, 
tbe one were dtsdiarged of their employments, and 
the other governed all the councils. Francis had 
been oft fluctuating in the business of rdigion. 
Sometinies he had resolved to shake (^ the pope's 
obedience, and set up a patriarch in France, and had 
i^reed with Henry the £ighth to go on in the same 
coDDcab with him. But he was first diverted by his 
aDurace with Clement the Seventh ; and afterwards 
by the ascendant which the cardinal of Toumon had 
over faim, who engaged him at several times into se- 
voities against those that received the reformation ; 
yet be had such a close eye upon the emperor's mo- 
tions, that he kept a constant good understanding 
with the protestant {ninces, and had no doubt m- 
sisted them if he had lived. But upon his death 
new connsels were taken ; the brothers of Lorrain 
were itarioiisly addicted to the interests of the pa- 


PART pacy, one of them being a cardinal, who persuaded 

'- — the king rather to b^n his reign with the recoverj 

^^^^' of BuUoigne out of the hands of the English ; so 
that the state of Germany was almost desperate be- 
fore he was aware of it. And indeed the Germans 
lost so much in the death of these two kings, upon 
whose assistance they had depended, that it was no 
wonder they were easily overrun by the empaxM*. 
Some of their allies, the cities of Ulm and Frank- 
fort, and the duke of Wirtemburg, submitting them- 
selves to the emperor's mercy, the rest were much 
disheartened ; which is a constant forerunner of the 
ruin of a confederacy. Such was the state of reli- 
^on abroad. 
The design At home, mcu's minds were much distracted. 

laid for a 

further re. The pcoplc, espccHally in market-towns and jdaoes 
uhomt? of trade, began generally to see into many of the 
corruptions 'of the doctrine and worship, and were 
weary of them. Some preached against some abuses: 
Glasier, at Paul's Cross, taught, that the observance 
of Lent was only a positive law ; others went fur- 
ther, and plainly condemned most of the former 
abuses. But the clei^ were as much engaged to 
defend them. They were for the most part such as 
had been bred in monasteries and religious houses : 
for there being pensions reserved for the monks, 
when their houses were surrendered and dissolved, 
till they should be otherwise provided, the court of 
augmentations took care to ease the king of that 
chai^, by recommending them to such small bene- 
fices as were at the king's disposal ; and such as pur- 
chased those lands of the crown, with that charge of 
paying the peusions to the monks, were also careful 
to ease themselves by procuring benefices for them. 


The benefices were generall/ very smaU. so tjiat io book 
many places three or four benefices could hanlly af- 
fbrd enough for the maintenance of one man. And '^■''■ 
this gave some colour for that abuse of one man's 
having many benefices that have a care of souJs an- 
nexed to them; and that not only where they are 
so contiguous, that the duty can he discharged hy 
one, and so poor that the maintenance of both will 
scarce serve for the encouragement of one person, 
but even where they are very remote, and of consi- 
derable value. This corruption, that crept in, in the 
dark ages of the church, was now practised in Eng- 
land out of necessity. By an act made in king 
Henry the Eighth's time, none might hold two be- 
nefices without a dispensation, but no dispensation 
could enable one to hold three ; yet that was not at 
this time much considered. Tlie excuses made for 
this were, that in some places they could not find 
good men for the benefices, but in most places the 
litings were brought to nothing. For while the 
abbeys stood, the abbots allowed those whom they 
ai^KHDted to serve the cure in the churches that be- 
kn^ed to them (which were in vtXue above the half 
of Ellwand) a small stipend, of some little part o£ 
the vicarage tithes; and they were to raise their 
■ubnstence out of the fees they had by the sacra- 
ments, and other sacramentals ; and chiefly by the 
singing masses for the poor that died ; for the abbeys 
bad the profit of it from the rich. And masses went 
generally for two-pence, a groat was thought a great 
bounty. So they all concluded themselves undone, 
if these tilings were withdrawn. This engaged 
than against any reformation, since every step that 
ma made in it took their bread out of their mouths. 
VOL. n. E 


PART But they, being generally very ignorant, could op- 


. pose nothing with the force of reason or learning. 
^^^^' So, although they were resolved to comply with any 
thing, rather than forfeit their benefices ; yet in their 
hearts they abhorred all reformation, and murmured 
against it where they thought they might do it 
safely : some preached as much for the old abuses, 
as others did against them. Dr.Peru, at St. Andrew's 
Undershaft, justified the worship of images on the 
twenty-third of April; yet on the nineteenth of 
June he preached a recantation of that sermon. Be- 
sides these, there were great prelates, as Gardincar, 
Bonner, and Tonstall, whose long experience in 
affairs, they being oft employed in foreign embas- 
sies, together with their high preferment, gave them 
great authority; and they were against all altera- 
tions in religion. But that was not so decent to 
profess; therefore they set up on this pretence ; that, 
till the king, their supreme head, were of age, so 
as to consider things himself, all should continue 
in the state in which king Henry had left them: 
and these depended on the lady Mary, the king^s 
eldest sister, as theii* head, who now professed her- 
self to be in aU points for what her father had done ; 
and was very earnest to have every thing enacted 
by him, but chiefly the six articles, to continue in 

On the other hand, Cranmer, being now delivered 
from that too awful subjection that he had been held 
under by king Henry, resolved to go on more vigor- 
ously in purging out abuses. He had the protector 
firmly united to him in this design. Dr. Cox and 
Mr. Cheek, who were about the young king, were 
aslo very careful to infuse right principles of religicm 


iatohim; and, as he was very capable of understand- boob 
ing what was laid before him, so he had an early - 

liking to all good and generous principles ; and was '**^- 
of so excellent a temper of mind, that, as he natu- 
rally loved truth, so the great probity of his manners 
made him very inclinable to love and cherish true 
religion. Crannier had also several bishops of his 
side; Holgate of York, Holbeach of Lincoln, Good- 
rick of Ely, and, above all, Ridley elect of Roches- 
ter, designed for that see by king Henry, but not 
consecrated till September this year. Old Latimer 
was now discharged of his imprisonment, but had no 
mind to return to a more public station, -and did 
choose rather to live private, and employ himself in 
preaching. He was kept by Cranmer at Lambeth, 
where he spent the rest of his days, till he was im- 
prisoned in queen Mary's time, and attained the glo- 
rious end of his innocent and pious life. But the 
apprehensions of his being restored again to his old 
bishopric, put Heath, then bishop of Worcester, into 
great anxieties; sometimes he thought, if he con- 
sented to the reformation, then Latimer, who left 
bis bishopric on the account of the six articles, must 
be restored, and this made him join with the popish 
party : at other times, when he saw the house of ■'"""■»' <•' 
commons moved to have Latimer put in again, then«>D>D>oiu. 
he joined in the counsels for the reformation, to se- 
cure Mends to himself by that compliance. Others 
of the bishops were ignorant and weak men, who un- 
dostood religion little, and valued it less ; and so, 
although they liked the old superstition best, be- 
cause it encouraged ignorance most, and that was 
the only sure support of their power and wealth, 
yet they resolved to swim with the stream. It was 

E 2 


PART designed by Cranmer and his friends to cany on the 


-reformation but by slow and safe degrees, not ha- 
^^'*^- zarding too much at once. They trusted in the pro- 
vidence of God, that he would assist them in so good 
a work. They knew the corruptions they were to 
throw out to be such, that they should easily satisfy 
the people with what they did ; and they had many 
learned men among them, who had now for divers 
years been examining these matters. There ware 
also many that declared they had heard the late king 
express his great regret for leaving the state of rdi- 
gion in so unsettled a condition ; and that he had re- 
solved to have changed the mass into a communion, 
besides many other things. And in the act of parlia- 
ment which he had procured (see the first part, vol. i. 
p. 527.) for giving force and authority to his pro- 
clamations, a proviso was added, that his son's coun- 
sellors, while he should be under age, might set out 
proclamations of the same authority with these which 
were made by the king himself. This gave them a 
full power to proceed in that work ; in which they re^ 
solved to foUow the method begun by the late king, 
Antitation of sending visitors over England with injunctions and 

is made over , ^^ iii . ••• 

England, articles. They ordered them six several circuits 
or precincts. The first was, London, Westminster, 
Norwich, and Ely. The second, Rochester^ Canter- 
bury, Chichester, and Winchester. The third, Sa- 
rum, Exeter, Bath, Bristol, and Gloucester. The 
fourth, York, Durham, Carlisle, and Chester. The 
fifth, Peterborough, Lincoln, Oxford, Coventry, and 
Litchfield. And the sixth, Wales, Worcester, and 
Hereford. For every circuit there were two gentle- 
men, a civilian, a divine, and a register. They were 
designed to be sent out in the beginning of May, as 


appears by a letter, to be found in the Collection, book 
HTitten the fourth of May to the archbishop of \'ork. " 
(There is also In the registers of London another of l^"''^- 
the same strain.) Vet the visitation being put off^■|""l'-7. 
for some months, this inhibition was suspended, on 
the sixteenth of May, till it should l>e again renewed. 
The letter sets forth, that the king l>eing speedily to 
order a visitation over his whole kingdom, therefore 
neither the archbishop, nor any other, should exer- 
cise any jurisdiction while that visitation lasted. 
And since the minds of the people were held in 
great suspense hy the controversies they heard so 
variously tossed in the pulpits, that, for quieting 
these, the king did require all bishops to preach no 
where but in their cathedrals ; and that all other 
tlergyraen should not preach but in their collegiate 
or parochial churches, unless they obtained a special 
license from the king to that effect. The design of 
this was, to make a distinction between such as 
preached for the reformation of abuses, and sucli as 
did it not. The one were to be encouraged by li- 
censes to preach wherever they desired to do it ; but 
ihe others were restrained to the places where they 
were incumbents. But that which of all other 
things did most damp those who designed the refor- 
mation, was the misery to which they saw the clergy 
reduced, and the great want of able taeo to propa- 
gate it over 'England. For the rents of the church 
were either so swallowed up by the. suppression of 
litigious houses, to whom the tithes were generally 
^^Ht>priated, or so basely alienated by some lewd or 
superstitious iscumbents, who, to preserve tbetn- 
sAves, being otherwise obnoxious, or to purchaBe 
Mends, Tiad given away the best part of their reve- 
E 3 


ART Dues and benefices, that there was very little encou- 

II • 

.J ragement left for those that should labour in the 

^^'^' work of the gospel. And though many prefects 
were thought on for remedying this great abuse, yet 
those were all so powerfully opposed, that there was 
no hope left of getting it remedied, till the kii^ 
should come to be of age, and be able by his autlKH>- 
ity to procure the churchmen a more proportioned 

ne homi. Two thiugs ouly remained to be done at present. 

fd. The one was, to draw up some homilies for the in- 
struction of the people, which might supply the de- 
fects of their incumbents, together with the provid- 
ing them with such books as might lead them into 
the understanding of the scripture. The other was, 
to select the most eminent preachers they could find, 
and send them over England with the visitors, who 
should with more authority instruct the nation in 
the principles of religion. Therefore some were ap- 
pointed to compile those homilies ; and twelve were 
at first agreed on, being about those ailments 
which were in themselves of the greatest import- 
ance. The 1st was, about the Use of the Scrip- 
tures. The 2d, Of the Misery of Mankind by Sin. 
Sd, Of their Salvation by Christ. 4th, Of True and 
Lively Faith. 5th, Of Good Works. 6th, Of Chris- 
tian Love and Charity. 7th, Against Swearing, and 
chiefly Perjury. 8th, Against Apostasy, or dedin- 
ing from God. 9th, Against the Fear of Death. 
10th, An Exhortation to Obedience. 11th, Against 
Whoredom and Adultery, setting forth the State of 
Marriage, how necessary and honourable it was. 
And the 13th, Against Contention, chiefly about 
Matters of Religion. They intended to set out more 


afterwards; but these were all that were at this book 
time finished. The chief design in them was, to ac- _ 

quaint the people with the method of salvation ac- '^■'7. 
cording to the gospel; in which there were two 
dangerous extremes at that time that had divided 
the world. The greatest part of the ignorant com- 
mons seemed to consider their priests as a sort of 
people who had such a secret trick of saving their 
souls, as mountebanks pretend in the curing of dis- 
eases ; and that there was nothing to be done but to 
leave themselves in their hands, and the business 
could not miscarry. This was the chief basis and 
support of all that superstition which was so preva- ; 

lent over the nation. The other extreme was, of ^ 

some corrupt gospellers, who thought, if they mag- 
nified Christ much, and depended on his merits and 
intercession, they could not perish, which way soever 
they led their lives. In these homilies therefore 
special care was taken to rectify these errors. And 
the salvation of mankind was on the one hand 
wholly ascribed to the death and sufferings of Christ, 
to which sinners were taught to fly, and to trust to 
it only, and to no other devices for the pardon of sin. 
They were at the same time taught, that there was 
no salvation through Christ but to such as truly re- 
pented, and lived according to the rules of the gos- 
pel. The whole matter was so ordered, to teach 
them, that, avoiding the hurtAil errors on both hands, 
they might all know the true and certain way of at- 
taining eternal happiness. For the understanding 
the New Testament, Erasmus's Paraphrase, which 
was translated into English, was thought the most 
profitable and easiest book. Therefore it was re- 
solved, that, U^ther with the Bible, there should 


PART be one of these in every parish church over EogUmd. 

! — They next considered the articles and ihjimcticfns 

^^"^7. ^i^^^ should be given to the visitors. The greatest 
part of them were only the renewing what had lieeD 
ordered by king Henry during Cromwera being 
vicegerent, whic^ had been much n^lected rinoe 
his fall. For as there was ih> vicegerent, so there 
was few visitations appointed after his death by the 
king*s authority ; but the executing fimner mjunc* 
tions was left to the several bishops, who were for 
the most part more careful about the six articles, 
than about the injunctions. 

Articles Rod « go QQw, all the orders about renouncinir the 

injUDCtlOQB , . , ** 

for the Ti. ** pope's power, and asserting the king^s supremacy ; 
(( about prteching, teaching the elements of religion 
*^ in the vulgar tongue ; about the benefices of the 
^^ clergy, and the taxes on them finr the poor, for 
^* scholars, and their mansion-houses ; with the other 
'' injunctions for the strictness of churchmen's lives ; 
<< and against superstitions, pilgrimages, imrages, or 
'* other rites of that kind, and for register-Ixxrira ; 
^' were renewed. And to these many others were 
'^ added ; as, that curates should take down audi 
'^ images as they knew were abused by pilgrimages 
'' or offerings to them ; but that private persons 
'^ should not do it. That in the confessions in Lent 
^* they should examine all people whether they could 
"' recite the dements of religion in the English 
'' tongue. That at Iiigh mass they should read the 
'' Epistle and Gospel in EngliBh ; and every Sunday 
'^ and bcdyday they should read M mattins one cbap- 
*^ ter out of the New Testament, and at even-song 
'' another out of the Old, in English* That the cu- 
'' rates should often visit the sick, and have many 


places of the scripture in Knglish in readiness, book 
'wherewith to comfort tliem. That there shfinIH '• 
* be no more processions about chuixhes, for avoid- '^''''• 
" ing coDtentioD for precedence in thera. And that 
" the Litany, formerly said in the processions, should 
" be said thereafter in the choir in English, as had 
'■ been ordered by the late king. That the holyday 
■ l>cing instituted at first that men should give them- 
" selves wholly to God ; yet God was generally more 
" dishonoured upon it than on the otiier days, by 
" idleness, drunkenness, and quarrelling, the people 
"thinking that they sufficiently honoured God by 
" hearing mass and mattins, though they understood 
" nothing of it to their edifying ; therefore thereafter 
" the holyday sliould be spent, according to God's 
" boly will, in hearing and reading his holy word, in 
" public and private prayers, in amending their lives, 
" receiving the communion, visiting the sick, and re- 
" conciling themselves to their neighbours. Vet the 
"curates were to declare to their people, that in 
" harvest-time they might ujton the holy and festi- 
" ral days labour in their harvest. That curates 
" ivere to admit noae to the communion who were 
" Dot reconciled to their neighbours. That all dig- 
" niiied cletgymen should preach personally twice a 
" year. That the people should be taught not to 
" despise any of the ceremonies not yet abrt^ted, 
" but to beware of the superstition of sprinkling 
" thdr beds with hcAy water, or the ringing of bells, 
" or using of blessed candles for driving away devils. 
" That aH monuments of idolatry should be removed 
" out of the walls or windows of churches, and that 
" there should be a pulpit in every church for 
" preadring. That there should be a chest with a 


PART « hole in it for the receiving the oblations of the 

• €i 



people for the poor ; and that the people should bie 
'^ exhorted to almsgiving, as much more pn^taUe 
than what they formerly bestowed on supersti- 
tious pilgrimages, trentals, and decking of images. 
That all patrons who disposed of their livings by 
simoniacal pactions should forfeit their right for 
** that vacancy to the king. That the Homilies 
** should be read. That priests should be used cha- 
ritably and reverently for their office sake. That 
no other primer should be used but that set out 
by king Henry. That the prime and the hours 
'^ should be omitted where there was a sermon or 
** homily. That they should in bidding the prayers 
remember the king their supreme head, the queen 
dowager, the king's two sisters, the lord protector 
and the council, the lords, the clergy, and the 
commons of the realm ; and to pray for souls de- 
^* parted this life, that at the last day we with 
^^ them may rest both body and soul. All which 
** injunctions were to be observed, under the pains 
** of excommunication, sequestration, or depriva- 
^^ tion, as the ordinaries should answer it to the 
^^ king, the justices of peace being required to assist 

*« them." 
injonctiont Bcsidcs thcsc, thcrc were other injunctions given 

Ao^. ** " to the bishops, " that they should see the former put 

*' in execution, and should preach four times a year 

** in their dioceses ; once at their cathedral, and 

** three times in other churches, unless they had a 

** reasonable excuse for their omission. That their 

*^ chaplains should be able to preach Grod's word, 

'^ and should be made labour oft in it : that they 

'* should give orders to none but such as would do 



"the same; and if anj did otherwise, that tJiey hook 
" should punish them, and recall their license." 

These are the chief heads of the injunctions, which '*"* 
being so often printed, I shall refer the reader, that 
would consider them more carefuDy, to the Collectitm 
of these, and other such curious things, made by the 
right reverend father in God Antbooj' Spamnr, now 
lord bishop of Norwich. 

These being published, gave occasion to tlM)wn-««a> 
who censured all things of that nature to examioe I^"** 

The removing images that had been abased gave 
great occasion of quarrel ; and the thiog Ijeing to 
be done by the clergy only, it was not like thai 
they, who lived chiefly by such things, would be 
very zealous in the removing them. Vet, (jo the 
other hand, it was thought necessary to set seme re- 
straints to the heats of the people, who were other- 
wise apt to run too far, where bounds were not set 
to them. 

The article about the strifrt obserrance of the boly> 
day seemed a little doubtful ; whether by the bofy- 
day was to be understood only the Lmxl's-day, or 
that and all other church-festivals. The naming it 
singularly the holyday, and in the end of that ar- 
ticle adding festival-days to the bolyday, seemed to 
&vour their opinion that thought this strict ctmerr- 
ance of the holyday was particularly intended lor 
the Lcotl's-day, and not for the other festirak. And 
indeed the setting aside of large portioas of time on 
that day for our spiritual edificatitm, and for the 
service of God, both in public and private, is lo ne- 
cessary for the advancement of true piety, that great 
and good effects must needs follow on it. But some 


PART came afterwards, who, not content to press great 
strictness on that day, would needs make ai contro- 

1547. versy about the morality of it, and about the fourth 
Commandment, and framed many rules for it, which 
were stricter than themselves or any other could 
keep, and so could only load men's conscidices with 
many scruples. This drew an opposition from othen, 
who could not agree to these severities ; and these 
contests were, by the subtilty of the enemies of the 
power and progress of religion, so improved, that, 
instead of all men's observing that time devoutly as 
they ought, some took occasion, from the strictness 
of their own way, to censure all as irreligious who 
did not in every thing agree to their notion concern- 
ing it ; others, by the heat of contradiction, did too 
much slacken this great bond and instrument of re- 
ligion, which is since brought under so much neg- 
lect, that it is for most part a day only of rest fit>m 
men's bodily labours, but perhaps worse employed 
than if they were at work : so hard a thing it is to 
keep the due mean between the extremes of super- 
stition on the one hand, and of irreligion on the 

The corruption of lay-patrons in their simoniacal 
bargains was then so notorious, that it was necessary 
to give a check to it, as we find there was by these 
' injunctions. But whether either this, or the oath 
afterwards appointed to be taken, has effectually de- 
livered this church of that great abuse, I shall not 
determine. If those who bestow benefices did con- 
fer, that, the charge of souls being annexed to 
them, they shall answer to God severely for putting 
so sacred a trust in mean or ill hands, upon any 
base or servile accounts, it would make them look a 

used in the times of popery, as Hill appear l)y 
form of bidding the beads in kiiifj Henry (lie 
nth's time, which will be found in the Collection ; cniieci 
re the way was, first, for the preacher to name 
(^KD his text, and then to call on the peo|^ to 
I theb -pr&yerSf and to tell them what they were 
■ay for; after which, all the people said their 
s in a general silence, and the minister kneeled 
1 likewise and said his. All the change king 
ry the Ei^th made in this was, that^ the pope 
cardinals' names being left out, he was ordered 
i mentioned with the addition of his title of Su- 
le Head, that the people, hearing that oft re~ 
sd 1^ their priests, might be better persuaded 
t it ; but his other titles were not mentioned. 
Uiis order was now renewed ; only the prayer 
leparted souls was changed from what it had 
It was formerly in these words : " Ye shall 
ly for the souk that be departed, abiding the 
•Tcy of Almighty God, that it may please him, 
: rather at the contemplation of our prayers, to 
int them the friiitinn nf his nresenre:" which 


PART most effectual means of reforming, at least the 

'• — next age, if not that wherein they lived. For if 

^^^^' holy orders were given to none but to those who 
were well qualified, and seemed to be internally 
called by a divine vocation, the church must soon 
put on a new face : whereas, when orders are too 
easily given, upon the credit of emendicated recom- 
mendations or titles, and after a slight trial of the 
knowledge of such candidates, without any exact 
. scrutiny into their sense of things, or into the dis- 
position of their minds ; no wonder,^ if, by th^ means 
of clergymen so ordained, the church l96e much in 
the esteem and love of the people, who, being pos- 
sessed with prejudices against the whole society ibr 
the faults which they see in particular persons, be- 
come an easy prey to such as divide from it. 
August, Thus were the visitors instructed, and sent out to 
t^torwent make their circuits in August, about the time that 
ilJJid^^^ the protector made his expedition into Scotland. 
For the occasion of it I shall refer the reader to 
what is already said in the former part of this work. 
Before they engaged deeper in the war, sir Francis 
Brian was sent over to France, to congratulate the 
new king, and to see if he would confirm these pro* 
positions that were agreed to during his fiither's life, 
and if he would pay the pension that was to be 
given yearly till Bulloigne was restored ; and chiefly 
Thuanus. to obtain of him to be neutral in the war of Scot- 
land, complaining of that nation, that had broken 
their faith with England in the matter of the mar* 
riage. To all which the French king answered, 
that for these articles they mentioned, he thought it 
dishonourable for him to confirm them; and said, 
his father's agent Poligny had no warrant to jrield 


to them, for by tbem the English were at lilierty to book 

fortify what they had about Bulloigne, which he '. 

would never consent to: that he was willing to pay '^'*^* 
what was agreed to by bis father, but would have 
first the conditions of the delivery of Bulloigne made 
more clear. As for the Scots, they were his per- 
petual allies, whom he could not forsake if they 
were in any distress. And when it was pressed on Qiwitiom 
him, and his ambassador at London, that Scotland tb«r Scot- 
was subject to the crown of England ; they had no f^ J" ' 
regard to it. When the council desired the French f'y^rt'io 
ambassador to look on the records which they should Kngisnd. 
bring him for proving their title, he excused himself, 
and said, his master would not interpose in a question 
of that nature, nor would he look back to what was 
pretended to have been done two or three hundred 
fears ago, but was to take things as he found them; 
and that the Scots had records likewise to prove 
Uieir being a free kingdom. So the council saw they 
could Dpt engage in the war with Scotland, without 
drawing on a war with France, which made them 
tiy their interest with their friends this year to see 
if the marriage could be obtained. But the castle 
of St. Andrew's was now lost by the assistance that 
Leo Strozi brought from France. And though they 
in .Bng^nd continued to send pensions to their 
party, (for in May 1300/. was sent down by Henry 
Balnaves, and in June 135/. was sent to the earl of 
Gleocaim for an half year's payment of his pension,) 
jet they could gain no ground there, for the Scots 
DOW diought themselves safbr than formerly ; the 
crown of England being in the hands of a child, and 
tbe court of France being much governed by their 
qaeen dowager's brothers. They gave way to the 


PART bordeners to make inroads, of whom about two tboa^ 
' sand fell into the western marches^ and made great 

1547. depredations. The Scots in Ireland were also very ill 
neighbours to the English there. There were manjr 
other complaints of piracies at sea, and of a ship- 
royal that robbed many English ships: but how 
these came to be complained of» I do not see ; fiir 
they were in open war, and I do not find any truce 
had been made. The French agent at London 
pressed much that there might be a treaty on the 
borders before the breach were made wider. But 
now the protector had given orders for raising an 
army, so that he had no mind to lose that summer. 
Yety to let the French king see how carefiil they 
were of preserving his friendship, they appointed 
the bishop of Duresme, and sir Robert Bowes, to 
give the Scotch commissioners a meeting on the 
borders the fourth of August ; but with these secret 
instructions, that, if the Scots would confirm the 
marriage, all other things should be presently fiuv 
given, and peace be immediately made up ; but if 
they were not empowered in that particular, and 
offered only to treat about restitutions, that then 
they should immediately break off the treaty. The 
bishop of Duresme was also ordered to carry down 
with him the exemplifications of many records, to 
prove the subjection of the crown of Scotland to 
England ; some of these are said to have been under 
the hands and seals of their kings, their nobles, their 
bishops, abbots, and towns. He was also ordered to 
search for all the records that were lying at Du^ 
resme, where many of them were kept, to be ready 
to be showed to the Scots upon any occasion that 
might require it. The meeting on the borders 


ame to a quick isnie, for the Scottish comimnia&cn book 
■d no power to tt«at about the marriage. Bat - 

romtall, seftrching the registers of bis see, found '°^^- 
aany mitisagt of great coasequence to dear that 
nliiection, of which the reader will see an account 
D a letter he writ to the council in the CoUectioD ccdiwt. 
t papers. The most remarkable of these was, the ""^ ' ^' 
mnage king William of ScotlaQd made to Henry 
be Seoimd, hy iduch he granted, that all the noUes 
flOB realm should be Us sabjects, and do homage 
o him ; and that all the bishops of Scotland shoiUd 
le vAder the arcblHshops of Yoi^; and that the 
dag of Eo^add shoald ^re aU the abbess and bo>- 
loum ia ScoUand, at the kast tbey should not be 
;lvett witbiMtt his cMMent ; with many other thiogs 
)f the like nature. It was said, that the monks in 
hose days, who generally kept the records, were so 
iccustomed to the forging of stories and writings, 
hat little credit was to be given to such records as 
ay in their keeping. But having so faithfully ac- 
inowledged what was alleged against the freedom 
if Scotland, I may be allowed to set down a proof 
m the other side for my native country, copied from 
he original writing yet extant under the hands and 
eals of many of the nobility and gentry of that 
ungdom. It b a letter to the pope ; and it was or- 
iinary, that of such public letters there were dupli- 
ates signed ; the one of which was sent, and the 
ither laid up among the records : of which I have 
net with several instances. So that of this letter, 
he copy which was reserved, being now in noble 
lands, was commenicated to me, and is in the C(4-c»ii«:t. 
ection. It was upon the pope's engaging with the 
dng of EnglatKt to assist him to subdue Scotland 



PART that they writ to him, and did assert most directly^ 
that their kingdom was at all times free and inde^ 

^^^^* pendent. But now, these questions being wETed, 
the other difference about the marriage was brought 
to a sharper decision. 

Augiut 21. On the twenty-first of August the protector took 
out a commission to be general, and to make war 
on Scotland ; and did devolve his power during Ui 
absence on the privy-council; and appointed his 
brother to be lord lieutenant for the south, and the 
earl of Warwick (whom he carried with him) lord 
lieutenant for the north ; and left a commission of 
array to the marquis of Northampton for Esso, 
Suffolk, and Norfolk, to the earl of Arundel £nr 
Sussex, Surry, Hampshire, and Wiltshire; and to 
sir Thomas Cheney for Kent. All this was in case 
of an invasion from France. Having thus settled 
affairs during his absence, he set out for Newcastle 
having ordered his troops to march thither before; 

August 27, and, coming thither on the twenty-seventh of that 
month, he saw his army mustered on the twenty- 
eighth, and marched forward to Scotland. The lord 
Clinton commanded the ships, that sailed on as the 
army marched ; which was done, that provisions and 
ammunition might be brought by them from New- 
castle or Berwick, if the enemy should at any time 

September fall in behind their army. He entered into Scotch 
ground the second of September, and advanced to 
the Paths the fifth ; where, the passage being narrow 
and untoward, they looked for an enemy to have 
disputed it, but found none ; the Scots having only 
broken the ways, which, in that dry season^ signified 
not much but to stop them some hours in their 
march. When they had passed these, some little 


castles, as Dunglas, Thornton, and Innerwick, hav- book 
ing but a few ill-jirovided men in them, surrendered - 

to them. On the ninth they came to Falside, where o^'J*^?" 
thei-e was a Inng fight in several parties, in which "i- 
there were one thousand three hundred of the Scots 
' slain. And now they were in sight of the ScotcJi 
army, which was, for numbers of men, one of the 
greatest that they had ever brouglit togetlier, con- 
sisting of thirty thousand men ; of which ten thou. 
sand vere commanded by the gOTemor, eight thou- 
sand by the earl of Angus, eight thousand by the 
eaii of Huntley, and four thousand by the earl of 
Aigyle, with a fiur tnun of artiUery, nine brass, and 
twenty-one iron gans. On the other side, the Eng- 
lish army connsted of about fifteen thousand foot 
and three thousand horse, but all well appointed. 
The Scots were now heated with the old national 
quarrel to England. It was given out, that the 
protector was come with his army to carry away 
their queen, and to enslave the kingdom. And, for 
the encouraging the army, it was also said, that 
twelve galleys and fifty ships were on the sea from 
France, and that they looked for them every day. 

The protector, finding an army brought togetherTiiepro- 
so soon, and so much greater than he expected, be- f<^n ti> ii>e 
gan to be in some apprehension, and therefore he 
writ to the Scots to this effect : that they should re- 
member they were both Christians, and so should he 
tender of the effusion of so much blood ; that this 
n'ar was not made with any design, but for a per- 
petual peace, by the marriage of their two princes, 
which they had already agreed, and given their pub- 
lic faith upon it; and that the Scots were to be 
much more gainers by it than the English ; the 
F 2 


PART island seemed made for one empire; it was pity it 
should be more distracted with such wars^ when 

^^^7. there was so fair and just a way offered for uniting 
it ; and it was much better for them to many their 
queen to a prince of the same language, and on the 
same continent, than to a foreigner: but if thej 
would not agree to that, he offered that their queen 
should be bred up among them, and not at all con- 
tracted, neither to the French, nor to any oth^ fo- 
reigner, till she came of age, that by the consent of 
the estates she might choose a husband for herselE 
If they would agree to this, he would immediatdy 
return with his army out of Scotland, and make sa- 
tisfaction for the damages the country had suffered 
by the invasion. This proposition seems to justify 
what the Scotch writers say, though none of the 
English mention it, that the protector, what fir 
want of provisions, and what from the apprehensions 
he had of so numerous an army of the Scots, was in 
great straits, and intended to have returned back to 
England without hazarding an engagement. But 
the Scots thought they were so much superior to 
the English, and that they had them now at such a 
disadvantage, that they resolved to fall upon them 
the next day. And, that the fair offers made by 
the protector might not raise division among them« 
the governor, having communicated these to a few 
whom he trusted, was by their advice persuaded to 
Rejected supprcss them : but he sent a trumpeter to the Eng« 
by them, jj^j^ army with an offer to suffer them to return 
without falling upon them ; which the protector bad 
reason to reject, knowing that so mean an action in 
the b^inning of his administration would have quite 
ruined his reputation. But to this, another, that 


; with the trumpeter, added a message from the book 
of HuDtlej, that the protector and he, with ten- 

wenty of a side, or singly, should decide the '*'*^* 
Tdl bjr their persona] ralour. The protector 
. this was no private quarrel, aod the trust he 
in oUiged him not to expose himself in such a 
; and therefore he was to fight no other way 
at the head of his army. But the earl of War- 
: offered to accept the challenge. The earl of 
itley sent no such challenge, as he afterwards 
;ed himself when he heard of it. For as it was 
■asonaUe for him to expect the protector should 
i answered it, so it had been an affronting the 
mor of Scotland to hare taken it off of his 
Is, since he was the only person that might hare 
lenged the protector on equal terms. The truth 
be matter was, a gentleman, that went along 
: the trumpeter, made him do it without war- 
, fancying the answer to it would have taken up 
; time, in which he might have viewed the 
nj's camp. 

n the tenth of September the two armies drew Sept. lo, 
and fought in the field of Pinkey, near Mussel- of piDkey 
;h. The English had the advantage of the;'X„;jr 
ind. And in the beginning of the action a can- 
ball from one of the English ships killed the 
Grames' eldest son, and twenty-five men more ; 
rh put the earl of Aisle's Highlanders into such 
ght, that they could not be held in order. But, 
' a charge given by the earl of Angus, in which 
English lost some few men, the Scots gave 
md ; and the English observing that, and break- 
in furiously upon them, the Scots threw down 
■ arms and fled : the English pursued hard, and 
F 3 


PART dew them without mercy. There were redomed 
— '. — to be killed about fourteen thousand, and fifteen 

A ^relf de h^n^^'^d taken prisoners, among whom was the eari 
feat given of Huntlcv, and five hundred gentlemen; And all 
the artillery was taken. This loss quite disheartened 
the Scots, so that they all retired to Strivling^ and 
left the whole country to the protector^s mercy : who 
the next day went and took Leith ; and the sdidiertf 
in the ships burnt some of the sea-towns of Fife, and 
retook some English ships that had been taken hf 
the Scots, and burnt the rest. They also put a gar^ 
rison in the isle of St. Columba in the Frith, of about 
two hundred soldiers, and left two ships to wait on 
them. He also sent the earl of Warwick's brother^ 
sir Ambrose Dudley, to take Broughty, a castle in 
the mouth of Tay ; in which he put two hundred 
soldiers. He wasted Edinburgh, and uncovered the 
abbey of Holyrood-house, and carried away the lead 
and the bells belonging to it. But he neither to<^ 
the castle of Edinburgh, nor did he go on to Striv* 
ling, where the queen, vdth the stragglers of the 
army, lay. And it was thought, that, in the con- 
sternation wherein the late defeat had put them, 
every place would have yielded to him. But he had 
some private reasons that pressed his return, and 
made him let go the advantages that were now in 
his hands, and so gave the Scots time to bring suc- 
cours out of France ; whereas he might easily have 
made an end of the war now at once, if he^had fol- 
lowed his success vigorously. The earl of Warwick, 
who had a great share in the honour of the victory, 
but knew that the errors in conduct would much di- 
minish the protector's glory, which had been other- 
wise raised to an unmeasurable height^ was not dis- 


t it. So, on the eighteenth of September^ book 

jctor drew his army back into England;—!— 
ng received a message from the queen and ^^^ '^^* 
mor of Scotland, offering a treaty, he or* 
^m to send commissioners to Berwick to 
1 those he should appoint. As he returned 
;he Merch and Teviotdale, all the chief men 
counties came in to him, and took an oath 
Idward, the form whereof will be found in 
:tion ; and delivered into his hands all the coiiect. 
strength in their counties. He left a gar- 
two hundred in Home-castle, under the 
of sir Edward Dudley ; and fortified Rox- 
lere, for encouraging the rest, he wrought 
s with his own hands, and put three hun- 
ters and two hundred pioneers into it, giv- 
ilph Bulmer the command. At the same 
earl of Lenox and the lord Wharton made 
1 by the west marches; but with little 

twenty-ninth of September the protector Sept. 29. 
into England full of honour, having in alltectorre- 

J... 1. .1 •- turned to 

edition lost not above sixty men, as one England, 
writ the account of it says : the Scotch 
y, he lost between two and three hundred, 
aken eighty pieces of cannon, and bridled 
hief rivers of the kingdom by the garrisons 
them ; and had left many garrisons in the 
ices on the frontier. And now it may be 
igined how much this raised his reputation 
id ; since men commonly make auguries of 
le of their rulers from the successes of the 
ns they undertake. So now they remem- 
at he had done formerly in Scotland ; and 

F 4 


PART how he had in France, with seven thousand men, 
^'' .raised the French army of twenty thousand, that 

1547. ^Qg 3^1; down before Bulloigne, and had forced them 
to leave their ordnance, ba^age, and tents, with 
the loss of one man only, in the year 1544 ; and 
that, next year, he had fallen into Picardy^ and 
built New-Haven, with two other forts there. So 
that they all expected great success under his go- 
vernment. And indeed, if the breach between his 
brother land him, with some other errors, had not 
lost him the advantages he now had, this prosperous 
action had laid the foundation of great fortunes to 

He left the earl of Warwick to treat with those 
that should be sent from Scotland. But none came ; 
for that proposition had been made only to gain time. 
The queen-mother there was not ill pleased to see 
the interest of the governor so much impaired by 
that misfortune, and persuaded the chief men of 
that kingdom to cast themselves wholly into the 
arms of France, and to offer their young queen to 
the dauphin, and to think of no treaty with the 
English. So the earl of Warwick returned to Iioa* 
don, having no small share in the honour of this ez« 
pedition. He was son to that Dudley, who was at- 
tainted and executed the first year of king Henry 
the Eighth's reign. But whether it was that the 
king afterwards repented of his severity to the fa-* 
ther, or that he was taken with the qualities of the 
son, he raised him by many degrees to be admiral^ 
and viscount Lisle. He had defended BuUoigne, 
when it was in no good condition, against the dau* 
phin, whose army was believed fifty thousand strong; 
and when the French had carried the basse-towii» 


i recovered it, and killed eight hundred of their book 
en. The year after that, being in command at - 

■a, he offered the French fleet battle ; which they '^^^' 
edining, he made a dewent upon Normandy with 
re thousand men, and, having burnt and spoiled a 
reat deal, he returned to his ships with the liDssonly 
P one man. And he showed he was as fit for a 
jurt as a camp ; for being sent over to the French 
lurt upon the peace, he appeared there with much 
dendour, and came off with great honour. He 
as indeed a man of great parts, had not insatiable 
nbition, with profound dissimulation, stained his 
iier noble qualities. 

The protector at his retom was advised presentij 
I meet the parliament, (for which the writs had 
•en sent out before he went into Scotland,) now that 
; was so covered with glory, to get himself esta- 
ished in his authority, and to do those other things 
hich required a session. He found the visitors ti« vUiton 
ui performed their visitation, and all had given I'nJ^rtioM. 
>edience. And those who expounded the secret 
•ovidences of God with an eye to their own opin- 
ns, took great notice of this ; that on the same day ^<^ "^ 

which the visitors removed, and destroyed mostmeau. 
' the images in London, their armies were so suc- 
:ssful in Scotland in Pinkey-field. It is too com- 
on to all men to magnify such events much, when 
ley make for them ; but if they are against them, 
ley turn it off by this, that God's ways are past 
ading out. So partially do men argue where they 
■e once engaged. Bonner and Gardiner had show- 
1 some dislike of the Injunctions. Bonner re- 
lived them with a protestation that he would ob- 
Tve them, if they were not contrary to God's law. 


PART and the ordinances of the church. Upon whicdi air 
'. — Anthony Cook, and the other visitors, complained to 

« l^^^' the coundL So Bonner was sent for, where he of- 

But they ^ ^ ^ •■»-»• • 

were not fercd a submission, but full of vain quidatties; (so 
ed by Bon. it is cxpresscd in the council-book.) But they not 

accepting of that, he made such a fiill one as they 
Collect, desired, which is in the Collection. Yet, for giving 

terror to others, he was sent to lie for some time in 
Nor by the prison called the Fleet. Gardiner seeing the Ho- 

Gardiner. , 

mines, was also resolved to protest against them. 
Sir John Grodsave, who was one of the visitors, 
wrote to him not to ruin himself, nor lose his bi- 
shopric by such an action. To whom he wrote a 
' letter, that has more of a Christian and of a bishop 
in it than any thing I ever saw of his. He ex- 
presses, in handsome terms, a great contempt of the 
world, and ' a resolution to suffer any thing rather 
than depart from his conscience. Besides that, (as 
he said,) the things being against law, he would not 
deliver up the liberties of his country, but would 
petition against them. This letter will be found in 

Collect, the Collection, for I am resolved to suppress nothing 
'of consequence, on what side soever it may be. On 

Sept. 2$. the twenty-fifth of September, it being informed to 
the council that Gardiner had written to some <^ 
that board, and had spoken to others, many things 
in prejudice and contempt of the king's visitation^ 
and that he intended to refuse to set forth the Ho- 
milies and Injunctions ; he was sent for to the coun- 
cil : where, being examined, he said he thought they 
were contrary to the word of God, and that his con- 
science would not suffer him to observe them. He 
excepted to one of the homilies, that it did exclude 
charity from justifying men, as well as faith. This he 


sakt^lrai'coiitnir^to the book set out in the late king's book 

time, which was afterwards confirmed in, parliament ' 

in the year 1542. He said further, that he could '^^^* 
never see cme place of scripture, nor any ancient doc- 
tm-, that favoured it. He also said, Erasmus's Para- 
phrase was bad enough in Latin, but much worse in 
En^^ish ; fin* the translator had oft out of ignorance, 
and oft out of design, misrendered him palpably, and 
was one tbat neither understood Latin nor English 
vdL He offered to go to Oxford to dispute about 
justification, with anj thej should send him to ; or 
to enter in conference with any that would undertake 
bis instruction in Town. But this did not satisfy 
the council ; so tiiey pressed him to declare what he 
intended to do when the visitors should be with 
him. He said, he did not know ; he should further 
study these pmnts : for it would be three weeks be- 
fine they could be with him ; and he was sure he 
would say no worse, than that he should obey them 
as &r as could consist with God's law and the king's. 
Tlie f:ouncil ui^;ed him to promise, that he would 
without any limitation set forth the Homilies and 
the Injunctions : which be refusing to do, was sent 
to the Fleet. Some days after that, Cranmer went 
to see the dean of St. Paul's, having the bishops of 
Lincoln and Rochester, with Dr. Cox, and some 
others, with him. He sent for Gardiner thither, 
and entered into discourse with him about that pas- 
sage in the homily, excluding charity out of oxa jus- 
tification ; and urged those places of St. Paul, T%at 
we are Justified by Juith without the works ^ 
the law. He said his design in that passage was 
only to draw men ftom trusting in any thing they 
did, and to teach them to trust only to Christ. But 


PART Gardiner had a very different notion of justification ; 
— ! — for, as he said^ infants were justified by baptism, and 

^^^^' penitents by the sacrament of penance; and, that 
the conditions of the justifying of those of age were 
charity as well as faith ; as the three estates make a 
law all joined together : for by this simile he set it 
out in the report he writ of that discourse to the 
lord protector, reckoning the king one of the three 
estates ; (a way of speech very strange, especially in 
a bishop and a lawyer.) For Erasmus it was said, 
that, though there were faults in his Paraphrase, as 
no book besides the scriptures is without &ults, yet 
it was the best for that use they could find ; and 
they did choose rather to set out what so learned a 
man had written, than to make a new one, which 
might give occasion to more objections ; and he was 
the most indifferent writer they knew. Afterwards 
Cranmer, knowing what was likdy to work most on 
him, let fall some words (as Grardiner writ to the 
protector) of bringing him into the privy-coundl, if 
he would concur in what they were carrying on. 
But that not having its ordinary effect on him, he 
was candied back to the Fleet. 

There were also many complaints brought by 
some clergymen, of such as had used them ill for 
their obeying the king's Injunctions, and for remov- 
ing images. Many were upon their submission sent 
away with a severe rebuke; others, that offended 
more heinously, were put in the Fleet for some time, 
and afterwards, giving bond for their good behaviour, 
were discharged. But, upon the protector's return, 
the bishop of Winchester writ him a long letter in 
his own vindication. ^* He complained of the visitors 
'^ proceeding in his absence in so great a matter. 


* He said the Injunctioiia vere contraiy to them- book 
^ aelTea; for they apptunted the Homilies to be read, _ 

" and Erasmus's Paraphrase to be put in all churches: '^^^■ 

** so he selected manj passages out of these that were 

" contrary to one another. He also gathered many 

** things out of Erasmus's Paraphrase that were cod- 

" trary to the power of princes, and several other 

" censurable things in that work, which Erasmus 

** wrote when he was young, being of a far different 

** strain ftam what he writ when he grew oldo', and 

'* better acquainted with the worid. But he con-coiiut. 

« duded his kttar with a discourse of the extent gf "^ ■ '*■ 

** the king and coundl's power, whidi is aU I tran- 

** scribed of it, being very h>ng, and fuU of things of 

** no great consequence. He questions how &r the 

** king could command against common or statute 

" law, of which himself had many occasions to be 

" well informed. Cardinal Wolsey had obtained his 

" l^antine power at the king's desire, but, notwith- 

" standing that, he was brought into a pramunire ; 

" and the lawyers upon that argument cited many 

" precedents of jodges that were fined when they 

" transgressed the laws, though commanded by war- 

" rants from the king ; and earl Typteft, who was 

" chancellor, lost his head for acting upon the king's 

" warrant against law. In the late king's time, the 

" judges would not set fines on the breakers of the 

" king's proclamations, when they were contrary to 

" law, till the act concerning them was passed, about 

" which there were many hot words when it was de- 

" bated. He mentions a discourse that passed be- 

" tween him and the lord Audley in the parliament, 

" concerning the king's supremacy. Audley bid him 

" look the act of supremacy, and he would see the 


PART '* king's doings are restrained to spiritual jurisdic- 
^^' " tion. And by another act no spiritual law could 


1547. <« take place against the common law, or an act of 
parliament ; otherwise the bishops would strike in 
with the king, and, by means of the supremacy^ 
^* would order the law as they pleased ; but we will 
provide, said he, that the pnemunire shall never 
go off of your backs. In some late cases he heard 
^' the judges declare what the king might do against 
'^ an act of parliament, and what danger they were 
*^ in that meddled in such matters. These things 
^^ being so fresh in his memory, he thought he might 
'* write what he did to the lords of the coundl." 
But by this it appears, that no sort of men is so 
much for the king's prerogative, but, when it be- 
comes in any instance uneasy to them, they will 
shelter themselves under the law. He continued 
afterwards, by many letters to the protector, to com- 
plain of his ill usage : ^* that he had been then seven 
*^ weeks in the Fleet without servants, a chaplain, or 
a physician ; that, though he had his writ of sum- 
mons^ he was not suffered to come to the parlia- 
" ment, which might be a ground afterwards of 
questioning their proceedings. He advised the 
protector not to make himself a party in these 
matters ; and used all the insinuations of decent 
^* flattery that he could invent, with many sharp re- 
^^ flections on Cranmer, and stood much on the force 
" of laws, that they could not be repealed by the 
king's will ; concerning which he mentions a pas- 
sage that fell out between Cromwel and himself 
before the late king. Cromwel said, that the king 
might make or repeal laws as the Roman emperors 
did, and asked his opinion about it, whether the 


** kii^s ivill was not a lair? To which he answered book 
** &ce&futAj, that he thought it was much better for '' 
" the king to make the law his will, than to make '^^^- 
" his will a law." But, notwithstanding all his let- 
ters, (which are printed in the second volume of 
Acts and Monuments, edit. 1641.) jet he continued 
a prisoner till the parliament was over, and then by 
the act of pai:don he was set at liberty. This was 
much censured as an invasion of hherty ; and it was 
said, these at court durst not suffer him to come to 
the house, lest he had confounded them in all thej 
did. And the explaining justification with so much 
nicety, in homihes that were to he read to the peo- 
jde, was thought a needless subtiltj. But the for- 
mer abuses of trusting' to the acts of charity that 
men did, by which they fancied they bought heaven, 
made Cranmer judge it necessary to express the 
matter so nicely ; though the expounding those places 
of St. Paul was, as many thought, ratherj according 
to the strain of the Germans, than to the meaning 
of these Epistles. And, upon the whole matter, they 
knew Gardiner's haughty temper, and that it was 
necessary to mortify him a little ; though the pre- 
tence on which they did it seemed too slight for 
such severities. But it is ordinary, when a thing is 
once resolved on, to make use of the first occasion 
that offers for effecting it. The party that opposed The iiujjr 
the reformation, finding these attempts so unsuc- >at»iie<i 
cessful, engaged the lady Mary to appear for them.J^rmminn. 
She therefore wrote to the protector, that she thought 
all changes in reli^on, till the king came to be of 
age, were very much contrary to the respect they 
owed the memory of her father, if they went about 
to shake what he had settled; and against their 


PART duty to their young master to hazard the peace of 
his kingdom, and engage his authority in such points 

^^^^' before he was capable of judging them. I gather 
this to have been the substance of her letter, fipom 
The protec- the auswcf which the protector wrote, which is in 
her. the Collection. In it he wrote, *^ that he beUeved 
Namb. 15. *^ her letter flowed not immediately from herself, but 
** from the instigation of some malicious persons 
^^ He protests they had no other design but the glmy 
*^ of God, and the honour and safety of the king; 
and that what they had done was so well oonsi- 
'^ dered, that all good subjects ought rather to re- 
joice at it than find fault with it. And whereas 
she had said, that her father had brought religion 
to a godly order and quietness, to which both spir 
ritualty and temporalty did without compulsioii 
give their assent ; he remembers her what opposiF 
tion the stiff-necked papists gave him, and what 
rebellions they raised against him, which he won- 
ders how she came so soon to forget ; adding, that 
death had prevented him before he had finished 
these godly orders which he had designed; and 
that no kind of religion was perfected at his death, 
" but all was left so uncertain, that it must inerit- 
ably bring on great disorders, if God did not help 
them; and that himself and many others could 
^^ witness what r^et their late master had, when he 
^* saw he must die before he had finished what he ui« 
^* tended. He wondered that she, who had been 
^^ well bred, and was learned, should esteem true re- 
ligion and the knowledge of the scriptures nev* 
fangtediiCBS ox fantasy. He desired ste woidd 
** tarn the leaf, and look on the other side, and 
<* would with an humble spirit, and by the assist- 


" ance of the grace of God, consider the matter bet- book 
ter." iL_ 

Thus things went on till the parliament met, ^.^^^^J.;_ 
which was summoned to meet the fourth of No- ""^ "» ™^''' 
▼ember. The day before it met, the protector gave Not. 3. 
too public an instance how much his prosperous suc- 

had lifted him up. For, by a patent under the Rut. Pit. 1. 
great seal, he was warranted to sit in parliament on"^'^'"""* 
the right hand of the throne, and was to have all the 
honours and privileges that at any time any of the 
uncles of the kings of England, whether by the fa- 
ther's or mother's side, had enjoyed ; with a non oh- 
ttante to the statute of precedence. The lord Rich 
had been made lord chancellor on the twenty-fourth 
of Octolier ; but whether the protector, or he, opened 
the parliament by any speech, does not appear from 
the Journal of the lords* house. On the tenth of ^ov. 10. 
November a bill was brought in for the repealing se- 
veral statutes. It was read the second time on the 
twelfth, and the third time on the sixteenth day. 
On the nineteenth some provisos were added to it, Not. 19. 
and it was sent down to the commons, who sent it 
up the twenty-fourth of December, to which the Dec. 14. 
royal assent was given. The commons bad formed 
a new bill for repealing these statutes, which upon 
some conferences they were willing to let fall ; only 
some provisos were added to the old one ; upon 
which the bishops of London, Duresme, Ely, Here- 
ford, and Chichester, dissented. The preamble of it 
sets forth, " That nothing made a government hap-*" "^' ^^- 
" pier, than when the prince governed with much mer «y*rc 
" clemency, and the subjects obeyed out" of love. " 
" Yet the late king and some of his progenitors, 
" being provoked by the unruliness of some of their 


PART << people, had made severe laws ; but they, judging 

! ^* it necessary now to recommend the king^s govern- 

1547. u ment to the affections of the peojAe, repealed all 
'^ laws that made any thing to be treason, but what 
<' was in the act of S5 Edward the Third ; as also 
*^ two of the statutes about LoUardies, together with 
** the act of the six articles, and the other acts that 
followed in explanation of that. All acts in king 
Henry the Eighth's time, declaring any thing to 
^* be felony that was not so declared before, were also 
repealed, together with the acts that made the 
king's proclamations of equal authority with acts 
of parliament. It was also enacted, that all who 
denied the king's aupremacy, or asserted the pope's 
^^ in words, should for the "first offence forfeit their 
** goods and chattels, and suffer imprisonment during 
'< pleasure ; for the second offence should iiunir the 
^ pain oi pnemunire ; and for the third offence be 
^' attainted of treason. But if any did in writing, 
^ printing, or by any overt-act or deed, endeavour to 
^* deprive the king of his estate or tities, particularly 
*^ of his supremacy, or to confer them on any other, 
^* after the first of March next, he was to be ad- 
** judged guilty of high treason : and if any of the 
^^ heirs of the crown should usurp upon' another, 
^^ or did endeavour to break the succession of the 
'^ crown, it was declared high treason in them, their 
^< aiders and abettors. And all were to enjoy the 
benefit of clergy, and the privilege of sanctuary, 
as they had it before king Henry the Eighth's 
reign, excepting only auch as were guilty of mur- 
der, poisoning, burglary, robbing on the hi^way, 
^^ the stealing of cattle, or stealing out of churches 
or chapels : poisoners were to suffer as other mur- 






" derers. None were to be accused of words, but book 
" within a month after they were spoken. And- 

' those who called the French king by the title of '^^^• 
" king of France, were not to be esteemed guilty of 
" the pains of translating the king's authority or 
" titles on any other." This act was occasioned by i" cor, cb. 
a speech that archbishop Cranmer had made in con- noon); p^r- 
vocation, in which he exhorted the clergy to givep"i''"'" 
themselves much to the study of the scriptui-e, and 
to consider seriously what things were in the church 
that needed reformation, that so they might throw 
out all the popish trash that was not yet cast out. 
Upon this some intimated to him, that, as long as 
the six articles stood in force, it was not safe for 
them to deliver their opinions. This he reported to 
the council, upon which they ordered this act of re- 
peal. By it the subjects were delivered from many 
fears they were under, and had good hopes of a mild 
government, when, instead of procuring new severe 
laws, the old ones were let fall. The council did 
also free the nation of the jealousies they might have 
of them by such an abridgment of their own power. 
But others judged it had been more for the interest 
of the government to have kept up these laws still 
in force, but to have restrained the execution of 
them. This repeal drew on another, which was 
sent from the commons on the twentieth of Decem- 
ber, and was agreed to by the lords on the twenty- 
first. It was of an act in the twenty-eighth year of 
the last king, by which all laws made while his son 
was under twenty-four years of age, might be by his 
letters patents, after he attained that age, annulled 
as if they had never been. Which they altered 
thus : th^t the king, after that age, might by his let- 


PART ters patents void any act of parliament for the fii- 

'. — ture ; but could not so void it from the beginnings 

^^^^* as to annul all things done upon it between the mak* 
ing and annulling of it, which were still to be lawful 
Act about The next bill of a public nature was conoeming 

the oomma- * ** 

nion. the sacrament, which was brought in, and read tiie 
first time, on the twelfth of November ; the seocmd 
time on the fifteenth, and was twice read on the 
seventeenth. And on the twenty-fourth a bill was 
brought in for the communion to be received in both 
kinds; on the third of December it was read the 
second time, and given to the protector ; on tiie fifth 
read again, and given to two judges ; on the seventh 
it was read again, and joined to the other bill about 
the sacrament. And on the tenth the whole Inll 
was agreed to by all the peers, except the bishops of 
London, Hereford, Norwich, Worcester, and Chi- 
chester; and sent down to the commons. On the 
seventeenth a proviso was sent after it, but was re- 
jected by the commons, since the lords had not 
agreed to it. On the twentieth it was sent up 
agreed to, and had afterwards the royal assent. 
** By it, first, the value of the holy sacrament, com- 
^^ monly called the sacrament of the altar, and in 
'^ the scripture the supper and table qfthe Lard^ 
was set forth ; together with its first institution : 
but it having been of late marvellously abused^ 
some had been thereby brought to a contempt of 
it, which they had expressed in sermons, dis- 
^' courses, and songs, {in words not Jit to he repeat^ 
** ed;) therefore whosoever should so offend, after 
** the first of May next, was to suffer fine and impri- 
<^ sonment at the king's pleasure ; and the justices 



" of the peace were to take infbrmatioD, and make book 

" presentments of peraoDa bo offending, within three '■ 

« months after the offences bo ctHnmitted, allowing '^^^' 
** them witnesses fin- their own puigatioii. And it 
*■ bdng more agreeabte to Christ's arst institutioD, 
" and Uk pnuiice of the dinrcfa for five hundred 
" years after Cairist, that the sacrament shonld be 
" given in both the kinds of bread and wine, rather 
" than in one kind only ; therefisre it was enacted, 
" that it Bhonld be commonly given in both kinds, 
" excqit necessity did otherwise require it. And it 
" being also more agreeable to the first institution, 
^ and the primitive practice, that the people should 
** receive with the priest, Uuo that the priest tbanid 
" receive it alone; there&re, the day before eveiy 
" sacrament, an exhortation was to be made to the 
" people to prepare themselves for it, in which the 
" benefits and danger of worthy and unworthy re- 
" ceiving were to be expressed : and the priests were 
" not without a lawful cause to deny it to any who 
*' humbly asked it." 

This was an act of great consequence, since it re- CDmma. 
formed two abuses that had crept into the church. |Ii"°wd'iQ 
The one was, the denying the cup to the laity ; the '"*'' '''"'^ 
other was, the priest's communicating alone. In the 
first institution it is plain, that, as Christ bade all 
drink of the cup, and his disciples all drank of it, so 
St. Paul directed every one to examine himself, that 
he might eat of that bread and drink oj" that cup. 
From thence the church for many ages continued 
this practice ; and the superstition of some, who re- 
ceived only in one kind, was severely censured ; and 
such were appointed either to receive the whole sa- 
crament, or to abstain wholly. It continued thus till 
G 3 


PA RT the belief of the corporal presence of Christ was set 
up ; and then the keeping and carrying about the 

'^^^* cup in processions not being so easily done, some 
began to lay it aside. For a great while the bread 
was given dipped in the cup, to represent a bleeding 
Christ, as it is in the Greek church to this day. In 
other places the laity had the cdp given them, but 
they were to suck it through pipes, that nothing of 
it should fall to the ground. But since they believed 
that Christ was in every crumb of bread, it was 
thought needless to give the sacrament in both 
kinds : so in the council of Constance the cup was 
ordered to be denied the laity, though they acknow- 
ledged it to have been instituted and practised other- 
wise. To this the Bohemians would never submit ; 
though to compel them to it much blood was shed in 
this quarrel. And now in the reformation this wm 
every where one of the first things with whidi the 
people were possessed, the opposition of the Romax 
church herein to the institution of Christ being sc 

And all pri- At first this sacrament was also understood to Im 

Tate masses 

put down, a communion of the body and blood of Christ, o 
which many were to be partakers : while tiie fervou 
of devotion lasted, it was thought a scandalous am 
censurable thing if any had come unto the Christiai 
assemblies, and had not stayed to receive these hd; 
mysteries ; and the denying to give any one the sa 
crament was accounted a very great punishment : s 
sensible were the Christians of their ill conditio 
when they were hindered to participate of it. Bi] 
afterwards, the former devotion slackening, the goo 
bishops in the fourth and fifth centuries complaine 
oft of it, that so few came to receive ; yet the cui 


torn being to make oblations before the sacrament, book 

out of which the clergy had been maintained during '■ — ■ 

the poverty of the church, the priests had a great '^ 
mind to keep up the constant use of these oblations, 
and so persuaded the laity to continue them, and to 
come to the sacrament, though they did not rec«»e 
it: and in process of time they were made to belier^ 
that the priest received in behalf of the whole people. 
And whereas this sacrament was the commemora- 
tion of Christ's sacrifice on the cross, and so, by a 
phrase of speech, was called a sacrifice ; they came 
afterwards to fancy that the priest's consecrating 
and consuming the sacrament was an action of itself 
expiatory, and that Iwth for the dead and the living. 
And there rose an infinite number of several sorts of 
masses ; some were for commemorating the saints, 
and those were caUed the masses of such saints; 
others for a particular blessing, for rain, health, &c. 
and indeed for all the accidents of human life, where 
the addition or variation of a collect made the differ- 
ence : so that all that trade of massing was now re- 
moved. An intimation was also made of exhorta- 
tions to be read in it, which they intended next to 
set about. These abuses in the mass gave great ad- 
vantages to those who intended to change it into a 
commuQion. But many, instead of managing them 
prudently, made unseemly jests about them; and 
were carried by a lightness of temper to make songs 
and plays of the mass: for now the press went 
quick, and many books were printed this year about 
matters of religion, the greatest number of them 
being concerning the mass ; which were not written 
in so decent and grave a style as the matter re- 
quired. Against tlds act only five bishops protested. 


PART Many of that order were absent from the paitia- 
ment^ so the opposition made to it was not oonsi- 

^^^7. derable. 
An act a. The next bill brought into the house of lords was 
admission conceming the admission of bishops to their sees by 
of bishops. ^^ yjjgg letters patents. Which being read, was 

committed to the archbishop of Canterbury's care 
on the fifth of November, and was read the second 
time on the tenth, and committed to some of liie 
judges ; and was read the third time on the twen^- 
eighth of November, and sent down to the commons 
on the fifth of December. There was also another 
bill brought in, conceming the ecclesiastical juris- 
diction in the bishops' courts, on the seventeenth of 
November, and passed^ and sent down on the thir- 
teenth of December. But both these bills were 
put in one, and sent up by the commons on the 
twentieth of that month, and assented to by the 
king. By this act it was set forth, '^ that the way 
^^ of choosing bishops by conge dilire was tedious 
and expenseful ; that there was only a shadow aH 
election in it, and that therefore bishops should 
^^ thereafter be made by the king's letters patents^ 
upon which they were to be consecrated: and 
whereas the bishops did exercise their authority, 
*^ and carry on processes, in their own names, as 
they were wont to do in the time of pc^ry ; and 
since all jurisdiction, both spiritual and tempcnal, 
*' was derived from the king, that therefore their 
*^ courts, and all processes, should be fh>m henceforth 
'* carried on in the king^s name, and be sealed by 
^^ the king's seal, as it was in the other courts of com* 
^' mon law, after the first of July next ; excepting 
only the archbishop of Canterbury's courts, and all 




" collations, presentations, or letters of orders, which book 

" were to pass under the bishops* proper seals as '. 

" formerly." Upon this act great advantages were '^''^' 
taken to disparage the reformation, as subjecting 
the bishops wholly to the pleasure of the court. 

At first bishops were chosen and ordained by theTi.*«ii- 
other bishops in the countries where they lived, onitrt'^ 
The apostles, by that spirit of discerning, which was ''"'"'P''- 
one of the extraordinary gifts they were endued 
with, did ordain the first fruits of their labours ; 
and never left the election of pastors to the discre- 
tion of the people ; indeed, when they were to or- 
dain deacons, who were to be trusted with the dis- 
tribution of the public alms, they appointed such as 
the people made choice of; but when St. Paul gave 
directions to Timothy and T'itus about the choice 
of pastors, all that depended on the people by 
them was, that they should be blameless and qf 
good report. But afterwards, the poverty of the 
charch being such, that churchmen lived only by the 
free bounty of the people, it was necessary to con- 
sider them much ; so that in many places the choice 
b^an among the people ; and in all places it was 
done by their approbation and good liking. But 
great disorders followed upon this, as soon as, by the 
emperors turning Christians, the wealth of church- 
benefices made the pastoral chai^ more desirable ; 
and the vast numbers of those who turned Chris- 
tians with the tide, brought in great multitudes to 
have their votes in these elections. The inconveni- 
ence of this was felt early in Phrygia, where the 
council of Laodicea made a canon against these po- 
pular dections. Yet in other parts of Asia, and at 
Rome, there were great and often contests about it 


PART In some of these many men were killedL In manj 


- places the inferior clergy chose their bishops : but in 
^^^^- most places the bishops of the province made the 
cIuNce» yet so as to obtain the consent of the ciergj 
and people. The emperors by their laws made it 
necessary, that it should be confirmed by the me- 
tn^Mditans : they reserved the elections of the great 
sees to themselves, or at least the confirmation of 
them. Thus it continued till Charies the Great's 
time. But then the nature of church-employments 
came to be much altered : for though the church had 
predial lands with the other rights that belonged to 
them by the Roman law, yet he first gave bishops 
and abbots great territories, with some branches of 
royal jurisdiction in them, who held these lands of 
him, according to the feudal laws. This, as it car- 
ried churchmen off from the humility and abstraction 
from the world, which became their function ; so it 
subjected them much to the humours and interests 
of those princes, on whom they had their depend- 
ance. The popes, who had made themselves, heads 
of the hierarchy, could not but be glad to see church- 
men grow rich and powerful in the world ; but they 
were not so well pleased to see them made so much 
the more dependent on their princes : and no doubt 
by some of those princes, that were thus become pa- 
trons of churches, the bishoprics were either given 
for money, or charged with reserved pensions. Upon 
this the popes filled the world with the complaints 
of simony, and of enslaving churchmen to court in- 
terests ; and so would not suffer them to accept of 
investitures from their princes ; but set up for free 
elections, as they called them, which they said were 
to be confirmed by the see-apostolic. So the canons 


secular or regular in cathedral churches were to book 
choose the bishops, and their election was to be con- - 

firmed at Rome. Yet jirinces in most places got 
some bold of those elections, so that still they went 
as they had a mind they should : which was oft 
complained of as a great slavery on the church ; and 
would have been more universally condemned, if the 
world had not been convinced that the matter would 
not be much the better if there should have been 
set up either the popular or synodical elections, in 
which faction was like to sway all. King Henry 
had continued the old way of the elections by the 
dergy, but so as that it seemed to be little more 
than a mockery; but now it was thought a more 
ingenuous way of proceeding, to have the thing done 
directly by the king, rather than under the thin co- 
vert of an involuntary election. 

For the other branch about ecclesiastical courts, 
the causes before them concerning wills and mar- 
riages, being matters of a mixed nature, and which 
only belong to these by the laws of the land, and 
being no parts of the sacred functions, it was thought 
DO invasion of the sacred offices to have these tried 
in the king's name. But the collation of benefices 
and giving of orders, which are the chief parts of 
the episcopal function, were to be performed still by 
the bishops in their own names. Only excommu- 
nication, by a fatal neglect, continued to be the pu- 
nishment for contempts of these courts; which be- 
lon^ng only to the spiritual cognizance, ought to 
have been reserved for the bishop, with the assist- 
ance of his clergy. But the canonists had so con- 
founded all the ancient rules about the government 
of the church, that the reformers being called away 


PART ]jj considerations that were move obvious and (nress- 


ing, there was not that care taken in this that the 

thing required. And these errors or oversights in 
Uie first concoction have bjr a continuance growD 
since into so formed a strei^h, that it is easier to 
see what is amiss, than to know how to rectify it. 

^•^ T»- ^ ^^^ twenty-ninth of November the bill against 
gtboDdi. vagabonds was brought in. Bj this it was enacted, 
^ That all that should anj where loiter without 
^ wcnrk, or without offering themselves to work 
** three days together ; or that should run away 
** from work, and resolve to live idly, should be 
** seized on ; and whosoever should present them to 
*^ a justice of peace, was to have them adjudged to 
*^ be his slaves for two years, and they were to be 
^* mariced with the letter V. imfMrinted with a hot 
** iron on their breast.** A great many provisos 
follow concerning clerks so convict; which show 
that this act was chiefly levelled at the idle monks 
and friars, who went about the country, and would 
betake themselves to no employment ; but, finding 
the people apt to have compassion on them, they 
continued in that course of life : which was of very 
ill consequence to the state ; for these vagrants did 
every where alienate the people's minds from the 
government, and persuaded them, that things would 
never be well settled till they were again restored 
to their houses. Some of these came often to Lon- 
don, on pretence of suing for their pensions, but 
really to practise up and down through the country : 
to prevent this, there was a proclamation set out, on 
the eighteenth of September, requiring them to stay 
in the places where they lived, and to send up a 
where they were to the coyjrt of aug- 

; and perhaps there is no punishment too 
r persons that are in health, and yet prefer 
]g couirse of life to an honest employment 
tllowed in the act manj excellent rules for 
^ for the truly poor and indigent in the 
>Iaces where they were born and had their 
Of which this can only be said, that as no 
as laid down more effectual rules for the 
% the poor than £ngland, so that indeed 
1 be in al»oIute want; so the neglect of 
rs ia a just and great reproach on those who 
;ed with the execution of them, when such 

of poor vagabonds swarm every where, 
the due restraints that the laws hare ap- 

e sixth of December, the bill for goring the An act, 
I to the king was brought into the house of^uuia" 
't was read the second time on the twelfth, yj'^,' 
1 time on the thirteenth, and the fourth 
the fourteenth of that month. It was much 
both by Cranmer on the one hand, and the 


PART verished by the sale of the impropriated tithes, that 
ought in all reason to have returned into the church, 

'^^^* but upon the dissolution of the abbeys were all sdd 
among the laity ; he saw no probable way remaining 
for their supply, but to save these endowments till 
the king were of age, being confident he was so 
piously disposed, that they should easily persuade 
him to convert them all to the bettering of the con- 
dition of the poor clergy, that were now brought 
into extreme misery. And therefore he was for re- 
forming and preserving these foundations till the 
king's full age. The popish bishops liked these en- 
dowments so well, that, upon fiEur different motives, 
they were for continuing them in the state the^ 
were in. But those who were to gain by it were . 
so many, that the act passed; the archbishop of 
Canterbury, the bishops of London, Duresme» Ety» 
Norwich, Hereford, Worcester, and Chichester ^ 
senting. So it being sent down to the house of com- 
mons, was there much opposed by some buigesses ; j 
who represented, that the boroughs, for which thef i 
served, could not maintain their churches, and other | 
public works of the guilds and fraternities, if the ^ 
rents belonging to them were given to the king; ftr ; 
these were likewise in the act. This was chiefly^ 
done by the burgesses of Lynn and Coventry, who j 
were so active, that the whole house was much set ^ 
against that part of the bill for the guild-lands:^ 
therefore those who managed that house for tbe» 
court took these off by an assurance, that thdfj 
guild-lands should be restored to them ; and so they ^ 
desisted from their opposition, and the bill passed oa , 
the promise given to them, which was afterwardi 
made good by the protector. In the preamble oC 


tbe act it 18 set forth, ^that the great superstition book 

^ of diristians, rising out of their ignorance of the ^ 

« true way of salvation by the death of Christ, in- *^*^- 

^ stead of which they had set up the vain conceits 

^ of purgatorjTy and masses satisfactory, was much 

^supported by trentals and chantries. And since 

^ the converting these to godly uses, such as the en* 

* dowing of schools, provisions for the poor, and the 

« augmenting of places in the universities, could not 

** be done by parliament, they therefore committed 

^ it to the care of the king. And then, reciting the 

« act made in the thirty-seventh year of his &ther's 

^ reign, they give the king all such chantries, col- 

^ kges^ and chapek, as were not possessed by the 

« late king, and all that had been in being any time 

" these five years last past ; as also aU revenues be- 

*^ longing to any church for anniversaries, obits, and 

^ lights, together with aU guild-lands which any fra- 

^ temity of men enjoyed for obits, or the like ; and 

^ appoint these to be converted to the maintenance 

** of grammar-schools, or preachers, and for the in- 

•• crease of vicarages.** After this followed the act, 

giving the king the customs known by the name of 

tonnage and poundage, besides some other laws of 

matters that are not needful to be remembered in 

this History. Last of all came the king's general 

pardon, with the common exceptions, among which, 

one was of those who were then prisoners in the 

Tower of London, in which the duke of Norfolk 

was included. So, all business being ended, the 

parliament was prorogued from the twenty-fourth 

of December to the twentieth of April following. 

But, having given this account of these bills that acu that 
▼ere passed, I shall not esteem it an unfruitful piece po^d, but 

- not canied. 


PART of history to show what other bills were designed. 
There were put into the house of lords two bills that 

^^^^' were stifled: the one was, for the use of the scrip- 
tures, which came not to a second reading; the 
other was, a bill for erecting a new court of chanceiy 
for ecclesiastical and civil causes ; which was com- 
mitted to some bishops and temporal lords, but nerer 
more mentioned. The commons sent up also some 
bills which the lords did not agree to. One was 
about benefices, with cure and residence; it was 
committed, but never reported. Another was, for 
the reformation of divers laws, and of the courts of 
common law ; and a third was, that married men 
might . be priests, and have benefices. To this the 
commons did so readily agree, that, it being put in 
on the nineteenth of December, and read then for 
the first time, it was read twice the next day, and 
sent up to the lords on the twenty-first. But, being 
read there once, it was like to have raised such de- 
bates, that, it being resolved to end the session be- 
fore Christmas, the lords laid it aside. 
The con- But, whilc the parliament was sitting, they were 
^uT not idle in the convocation ; though the popish party 
was yet so prevalent in both houses, that Cranmer 
had no hopes of doing any thing till they were freed 
of the trouble which some of the great bishops gave 
The lower them. The most important thing they did was, the 
nu^tome canying up four petitions to the bishops, which will 
petition., j^ f^^jj^ j^j ^Yie Collection. First, that, accordinir 

Numb. i6. . ' ' '^•^ 

to the statute made in the reign of the late king, 
there might be persons empowered for reforming the 
ecclesiastical laws. The second, that, according to 
the ancient custom of the nation, and the tenor of 
the bishops' writ to the parliament, the inferior deiigy 


n^it be adiaitted again to at m the boitae of cca^ book. 
noBi^ CK Aafe no acts oonccming mtttCii of ■"f'giiTti 
nig^fWM without flie light and aswnt of the clergy. "^- 
Vbe tluid* that, ^nce divera prdates, and other ^ 
iinea» had isen in the kle kdag'i time ai^MiDted to 
iltar the aBnice of the church, and had.nade sonifr 
i re gi e M in it, that thif nd^t be brought to its £iiU 
letfectaoD. The fourth^ that some consideration 
ni^ be had for the maintaiance of the deigy the 
■at year they came nto their tivi^gf, in whidi th^ 
ten duxged with Uie fink-frniti; to whieh tb^ 
idded a desiie to know, iriiether thcj naght aakfy 
tptaik tbair minds about reU^oo, without the dang^ 
imtf law. Fer tbe fint of these four pefitioaB, an 
Hooont of it shaU be gtrcn hereafter. As to tbe s«* 
eood, it wai a tinng of great consequence, and de^ 
Mrres to be futlier considered in this place. 

Anciently, all tlie free men of England, or at least T**" ■■■^ 
those that facU of the crown in chief, came to par-dtiin to ba 
lisment: and then the inferior d.&gy had writs ash>ni*pn- 
aeli as the superior; and tbe first of the three estates! 
if the k^dons were liie bMiops, the other prelates, 
ind tbe inferior derg;^ . But when the pariiament 
aas divided into two hoasca, then the de^ij made 
ifcawise a body of their own, and sat in conrocation, 
abich was tbe third estate. But the b»bof» having 
■ double csfnctty, the one of ecclesiastical prelature, 
Ac other of beii^ the king's barons, they had a 
riglit to sit with the lords as a part of their estate* 
M wett as in the convocation. And tfaoof^ by pa- 
rity of aeason^ it might seem that the rest of tiie 
^agy, being iretsbeUsn as w^ as derks, had an 
equal right to f^ooK tm be chosen into the hoose of 
OMinons ; yet, whether they were ever in possession 




PART of it, or whether, according to the clause pnnuh 

'• — nentes in the bishops' writ, they were ever a part of 

'^^^* the house of commons, is a just doubt. For, besides 
this assertion in the petition that was mentioned, 
and a more large one in the second petition which 
they presented to the same purpose, which is Uke- 

Numb. 17. wise in the Collection, I have never met with any 
good reason to satisfy me in it. There was a gene- 
ral tradition in queen Elizabeth's reign, that the in- 
ferior clergy departed from their right of bdng in 
the house of commons, when they were all brought 
into the praemunire upon cardinal Wolsey's legan- 
tine power, and made their submission to the king. 
But that is not credible ; for as there is no footstep 
of it, which, in a time of so much writing and print- 
ing, must have remained, if so great a change had 
been then made ; so it cannot be thought, that those 
who made this address but seventeen years after 
that submission, (many being alive in this who were 
of that convocation, Polidore Virgil in particular, a 
curious observer, since he was maintained here to 
write the history of England,) none of them should 
have remembered a thing that was so fresh, but 
have appealed to writs and ancient practices. But 
though this design of bringing the inferior clergy 
into the house of commons did not take at this tiine, 
yet it was again set on foot in the end of queen 
Elizabeth's reign, and reasons were offered to per- 
suade her to set it forward ; which not being then 
successful, these same reasons were again offered to 
king James, to induce him to endeavour it. The 
paper that discovers this was communicated to me 
by Dr. Borlace, the worthy author of the History of 
the Irish Rebellion. It is corrected in many places 


the han^^ ef bishop Ravis, then bishop of London, book 
lan of great worth. This, for the aiBSinity of the ^' 

ter, and the curiosity of the thing, I have put ^^^^* 

• the Collection, with a huge marginal note, as itNunb.iS. 

desiginedL to be transcribed for king James. But 

•ther this matter was ever much considered, or 

Sj laid aaide, as a thing unfit and unpracticaUe, 

B not appear ; certain it is, that it came to no« 

ig. Upon the whde matter, it is not certain 

It was the power or right of these proctors of the 

igr ia fbnner times. Some are of opinion, that 

7 were only assistants to the bishdps, but had no ^^^ 4- 

ioe in either house of paiiiament. This is much ^' ^ 

nfimied by an act passed in the parliament of Ite- 
sd, in the twentj-eighth yeair of the former reign, 
faidi sets forth in the preamble, *' that though the 
proctors of the clergy were alwaysT summoned to 
paiiiament, yet they were no part of it, nor had 
tiiey any right to vote in it, but were only assist- 
ants in case matters of controversy or learning 
came before them, as the convocation was in Eng- 
land ; which had been determined by the judges 
of England, after much inquiry made about it. 
Bat the {nroctors were then pretending to so high 
an authority, that nothing could pass without 
their consents; and it was presumed they were 
' aet on to it by the bishops, whose chaplains they 
' were for the most part. Therefore they were by 
^ that act declared to have no right to vote.** 

From this, some infer there were no other in 
Sagland, and that they were only the bishops' as- 
jatants and council. But asthe clause pnenumentes 
a the writ seems to make them a part of the parlia- 
aent, so these petitions suppose that they sat in the 

H 2 


PART house of commons anciently; where it cannot be 

\ — imagined they could sit, if they came only to be as- 

^^^^- sistants to the bishops; for then they must have 
sat in the house of lords rather as the judges, the 
masters of chancery, and the' king's council do. Nor 
is it reasonable to think they had no voice ; for then 
their sitting in parliament had been so insignificant 
a thing, that it is not likely they would have used 
such endeavours to be restored to it; smce their 
coming to parliament upon such an account most 
have been only a charge to them. 

There is against this opinion an objection of great 
force from the acts passed in the twenty-first year 
of Richard the Second's reign. In the second act 
of that parliament it is said, ^' that it was first 
^* prayed by the commons ; and that the lords ipi- 
*^ ritual, and the proctors of the clergy, did assent 
*^ to it ; upon which the king, by the assent of aB 
'^ the lords and commons, did enact it." The twelftb 
act of that parliament was a repeal of the whole 
parliament that was held in the eleventh year of 
that reign ; and concerning it, it is expressed, ** that - 
the lords spiritual and temporal, the proctors <rf • 
the clergy, and the commons, being severally ex- > 
*^ amined, did all agree to it." From hence it ap- i 
pears, that these proctors were then not only a part I 
of the parliament, but were a distinct body of men, ^ 
that did severally from all the rest deliver thdr I 
opinions. It may seem strange, that, if they wenft )| 
then considered as a part of either house of parlia- \ 
ment, this should be the only time in which thej t 
should be mentioned as bearing their share In the ) 
legislative power. In a matter that is so perplexed \ 
and dark, I shall presume to offer a oonjectun^ ^ 





b will not appear perhaps improbable. In pagi 
of the former part, I gave tlie reasons tlial . 
; me think the lower house of convocation con- 
1 at first only of the proctors of the clergy. So 
by the proctors of the clergy, both in the sta- 
of Ireland, and in those made by Richard the 
id, is perhaps to be understood, the lower house 
avocation : and it is not unreasonable to think, 
upon so great ao occasion as the annulling a 
s parliament, to make it pass the better, in an 
□ which the people paid so blind a submission 
e clergy, the concuirence of the whole repre- 
tive of the church might have been thought 
sary. Jt is generally believed, that the whole 
unent sat together in one house before Edward 
'bird's time, and then the inferior clergy were a 
f that body without question. But when the 
and commons sat apart, the clergy likewise 
two houses, and granted subsidies as well as 
oporalty. It may pass for no unlikely con- 
that the clause preemonentes was first put 
ishops' writ for the summoning of the lower 
^ convocation, consisting of these proctors ; 
rwards, though there was a special writ for 
ocatioQ, yet this might at first have been 
\ in the bishops' writ by the neglect of a 
\ from thence be still used. So that it 
ae most probable, that the proctors of the 
e, both in England and Ireland, the lower 
onvocation. Now before the submission 
clergy made to king Henry, as the con- 
ve the king great subsidies, so the whole 
religion lay within their sphere. But 
bmission, they were cut off from med- 


PART dling with it, except as they were authorized by 
the king : so that, having now so little pow^ left 

'^'*7. them, it is no wonder they desired to be puc in the 
state they had been in before the convocation was 
separated from the parliament; or at least that 
matters of religion should not be detenxdned till 
they had been consulted, and had reported their 
opinions and reasons. The extreme of raising the 
ecclesiastical power too high in the times of popery, 
had now produced another, of depressing it too 
much. For seldom is the counterpoise so justly bar 
lanced, that extremes are reduced to a well-tempered 

For the third petition, it was resolved that many 
bishops and divines should be sent to Windsor to 
labour in the matter of the church service. But 
that required so much consideration, that they could 
not enter on it during a session of parliament. And 
for the fourth, what answer was given to it^ doth 
not appear. 

On the twenty-ninth of November a declaration 
was sent down from the bishops concerning the 
sacraments being to be received in both kinds; 
to which Jo. Taylour, the prolocutor, and several 
others, set their hands: and being again brought 
before them, it was agreed to by all without a con- 
tradictory vote; sixty-four being present^ among 
whom I find Polidore Virgil was one. And on 
the seventeenth of December the proposition con- 
cerning the marriage of the clergy was also sent to 
them, and subscribed by thirty-five affirmatively, 
and by fourteen negatively : so it was ordered, that 
a bill should be drawn concerning it. I shall not 
here digress to give an account of what was alleged 


for or ^puntt thii, reserving fhat to its proper place» book 
when the tl^ng was finally settled. 

Andr this is all the account I could recover of this '^^* 
ooDTocation. I have chiefly gathered it from some 
notes and otha- papers of the then Dr. Parker, 
(afterwards archbishop of Canterbury,) which are 
CBiefuDy preserved with his other MSS. in Corpus 
Christi odlege library at Cambridge. To which li- 
brary I had free access by the fiavour of the most 
karnisd master. Dr. Spencer, with the other worthy 
fidlows of that house ; and from thence I collected 
many remarkable things in this history. 

Thd parliament being brought to so good a con- 
dnwm, the protector took ont a new commission ; 
in which all the addition that is made to that au- 
thority he formerly had, is^ that in his absence he 
is empowered to substitute another, to whom he 
might delegate his power. 

And thus this year ended in England. But as The tute 
they were carrying on the reformation here, it was Tn 0^^ 
dedining apace in Germany. The duke of Saxe*"^^* 
and the landgrave were this year to command their 
armies apart. The duke of Saxe kept within his 
own country; but having there unfortunately di- 
vided his forces, the emperor overtook him near 
the Alb at Mulbeig, where the emperor's soldiers 
crossing the river, and pursuing him with great 
'fury, after some resistance, in which he himself per- 
fimned all that could be expected from so great 
a captain, was taken prisoner, and his country all Apr. 94, 
possessed by Maurice, who was now to be invested dakrof 
with the electoral dignity. He bore his misfortunes ^"^ ^*''' 
with a greatness and equality of mind that is 
acarce to be paralleled in history. Neither could 

H 4 


PART the insolence with which the emperw treated him» 
— '. — nor the fears of death, to which he adjudged him, 

^^^^' nor that tedious imprisonment which he suffered so 
long, ever shake or disorder a mind that was raised 
so far above the inconstancies of human affain. 
And though he was forced to submit to the hardest 
conditions possible, of renouncing his dignity and 
dominions, some few places being onlj reserved fiff 
his family; yet no entreaties nor fears could ever 
bring him to jrield any thing in matters of religioa. 
He made the Bible his chief companion and oomfint 
in his sharp afflictions ; which he bore so^ as if he 
had been raised up to that end, to let the world see 
how much he was above it. It seemed uninutabb; 
and therefore engaged Thuanus, with the otiier ex- 
cellent writers of that age, to set it out with all the 
advantages that so unusual a temper of mind de- 
served. Yet had those writers lived in our age, 
and seen a great king, not overpowered by a supe- 
rior prince, but by the meanest of his ovm people^ 
and treated with equal degrees of malice and scorn, 
and at last put to death openly, with the pageantry 
of justice ; and bearing all this with such invincible 
patience, heroical courage, and most Christian sub* 
mission to God, they had yet found a nobler subject 
for their eloquent pens : but he saved the world the 
labour of giving a just representation of his behaviour 
in his sufferings, having left his own portraiture 
drawn by himself in such lively and lasting colours. 
The landgrave of Hesse saw he could not long 
withstand the emperor's army, now so lifted up with 
success ; and therefore was willing to submit to him 
on the best terms that his sons-in4aw, the elector 
of Brandenbui^ and Maurice of Saxe, oould obtain 


for him. Which were very hard ; only he was to en- book 
joy his libei-ty, without any imprisonment, and to- 

preserve his dominions. But the emperor's ministers '^■*''" 
dealt most unfaithfully with him in this : for in the 
German language there was but one letter differ- 
ence, and that only inverted, between per|)etual im- 
prisonment, and any imprisonment, {ewig for €mig\) 
so, by this base artifice, he was, when he came and 
submitted to the emperor, detained a prisoner. He 
had not the duke of Saxc's temper, but was out of 
measure impatient, and did exclaim of his ill usage ; 
but th«¥ was no remedy, for the emperor was now 
absolute. All the towns of Germany, Magdeburg 
aikd Breme only excepted, submitted to him, and 
redeemed his favour by greet sums of money, and 
many pieces of ordnance. And the Bohemians were 
also fiirced to implore his brother's mercy, who, be- 
fixe he would receive them into his hands, got his 
revenue to be rdsed vastly. And now the empire 
was wholly at the emperor's mercy. Nothing could 
withstand him, who had in one year turned out two 
electors. For Herman bishop of Colen, as he was Apr. iS, 
before condenmed by the pope, so was also degraded H^'tl'u, 
from UiKt dignity by the emperor; and Adolph, ^J^^^^^" 
whom he had procured to be made his coadjutor, was k<"°<- 
dedared elector. Many of his subjects and neighbour 
princei offered their service, if he would stand to his 
own defence; but he was very. old, and of so meek 
a temper, Uiat he would suffer no blood to be shed on 
las acooant ; and therefore withdrew peaceably to a Nor. 4, 
retirement, in which he lived four years, till \ns^^'"' 
death. His brother, that was bishop of Munster, 
ntd dean of Bonne, who had gone along with him 
in his refinmation, was also turned out ; and 6rop- 


PART per was made dean, who was esteemed one of the 

leamedest and best men of the clergy at this time. 

1547. Hq |g g^l^ iQ }|aye expressed a generous contempt 
of the highest dignity the see of Rome could bestow 
on him, for he refused a cardinal's hat when it was 
offered him ; yet in this matter he had not behaved 
himself as became so good a man and so learned a 
divine : for he had consented to the changes which 
had been made, and was in a correspondence with 
Martin Bucer, whom Herman brought to Colen; 
(as will appear by an excellent letter of Bucer^s to 
Collect, him, which will be found in the Collection^ concern- 
Numb. 19. j^g ^jj^^ matter ;) by which it is plain, he went 

along with them from the beginning. But it seems 
he did it covertly and fearfully, and was afterwards 
drawn off, either by the love of the world, or the 
fears of the cross : of which it appears Bucer had 
then some apprehensions, though he expressed them 
veiy modestly. Cropper's memoiy being in such high 
esteem, and this letter being found among Buoer^s 
papers, I thought the publishing of it would not be 
unacceptable, though it be of a foreign matter 

Germany being thus under the power and dread 
of the emperor, a diet was summoned to Ausburg; 
where the chief church was taken from the pro- 
testants, and put into the cardinal of Ausbuig's 
hands, to have the mass set up again in it ; though 
the town was so much protestant, that they could 
find none that would come to it, but some poor pec^ 
pie who were hired. The emperor, among othar 
propositions he put into the diet, pressed this, that 
all differences in religion, which had so distracted 
Germany, might be removed. The ecclesiastical 
princes answered, that the only way to effect that 


was, to submit to the general council that was at book 
Trent. Those that were for the Ausburg Confession ' 
said, they could submit to no council where the pope '^'*''' 
presided, and where the bishops were sworn to obey 
him; but would submit to it, if that oath was dis- 
pensed with, and their divines admitted to defend 
their opinions, and all the decrees that had been 
made were again considered. In this diflerence of 
pinion, the emperor thought, that, if the whole 
matter should be left to his discretion, to which all 
diould be bound to submit, he would then be able 
to determine it as he pleased. So he dealt privately 
with the electors palatine and Saxe ; and, as they 
published it aftem-ards, gave them secret assurances 
about the freedom of their reHgion, and that he only 
desired this to put him in a capacity of dealing on 
other terms with the pope. Upon which they con- 
sented to a decree, referring the matter of religion 
wholly to his care. But the deputies from the cities, 
who looked on this as a giving up of their religion, 
could not be wrought to do it without conditions, 
which they put into another writing, as explanatory 
of the submission : but the emperor took no notice 
of that, and only thanked them for their confidence 
in him ; and so the decree was published. All this 
was in some sort necessary for the emperor, who 
was then in very ill terms with the pope about the 
business of Flacenzia. For the pope's natural son,Scpt. lo 
Petrus Aloisius, being killed by a conspiracy, the [4*™ 
governor of Millain had seized on Placen2da, which ^',^'^" 
made the pope believe the emperor was accessary to 
it ; for which the reader is referred to the Italian 
historians. The pope saw the emperor in one sum- 
mer delivered of a war, which he had hoped would 


PART have entangled him hia whole life ; and though in 
decency he could not but seem to rejoice, and did so^ 

1547. no doubt, at the ruin of those whom he called here- 
tics, yet he was not a little grieved to see the em- 
peror so much exalted, 
rhe pro- At Trent the legates had been oft threatened and 
^otT "' affronted by the emperor's ambassadors and bishops, 
who were much set on reforming abuses, and less^i* 
ing the power of the see oE Rome. So they had a 
mind to break up the council : but that would have 
been so scandalous a thing, and so resented by the 
emperor, that they resolved rather on a translation 
into some town of the pope's, to which it was not 
likely the imperialists would follow them ; and so at 
least the council would be suspended, if not dissolv- 
April ai. ed. For this remove, they laid hold on the first co* 
lenionof lour they could find. One dying of a malignant 
Bologna, gg^^y^ jj. ^^^ giveu out, and certified by physicians, 

that he died of the plague; so in all haste they 
translated the council to Bologna. The imperialists 
protested against it, but in vain ; for thither they 
wetit. The emperor was hereby quite disappointed 
of his chief design, which was, to force the Grermans 
to submit to a council held in Germany ; and there* 
fore no plague appearing at Trent, he pressed the 
return of the council thither. But the pope said, it 
was the counciFs act, and not his ; and that their 
honour was to be kept up; that therefore such as 
stayed at Trent were to go first to Bologna, and 
acknowledge the council, and they should then 
consider what was to be done. So that now all 
the hope the Germans had was, that this difference 
between the pope and emperor might give them 
some breathing ; and time might bring them out of 


these extremities, into which they were then driven, hook 
Upon these disorders the foreign reformers, who ge- '" 
nerally made Germany their sanctuary, were now '^^^' 
forced to seek it elsewhere. So Peter Martyr, in 
the end of November this year, was brought over to 
En^nd, by the invitation which the archbishop of 
Canterbury sent him in the king's name. He was 
horo in Florence, where he had been an Augustinian 
monk. He was learned in the Greek and the He- 
brew, which drew on him the envy of the rest of bis 
wder, whose manners he inveighed oft against. 80 
he 1^ them, and went to Naples, where he gathered 
■n assembly of those who loved to worship God more 
purely. This being made known, he was forced to 
lave that place, and went next to Lucca, where he 
Kved in society with Tremeltius and Zanchius. But 
being also in danger there, he went to Zurick with 
Bemardinus Ochinus, that had been one of the most 
celebrated preachers of Italy, and now forsook his 
fOTmer superstitions. From Zurick he went to Basil ; 
and from thence, by Martin Bucer's means, he was 
brought to Strasburg, where Cranmer's letters found 
both him and Ochinus. The latter was made a 
canon of Canterbury, with a dispensation of resi- 
dence ; and, by other letters patents, forty marks 
were given yearly to him, and as much to Peter 

There had been this year some differences be-riiE French 
tween the English and French concerning the forti- alJ'u^Bui- 
Scations about Bulloigne. The English were raising '"'*'"• 
a great fort by the harbour there. This being sig- 
nified to king Henry by Gasper Coligny, afterwards 
the famous admiral of France, then governor of the 
neighbouring ports to BuUoigne ; it was complained 


PART of at the court of England. It was answered, that 
this was only to make the harbour more secure ; and 

J 547. 

so the works were ordered to be vigorously carried 
on. But this could not satisfy the French^ who 
plainly saw it was of another sort than to be in- 
tended only for the sea. The king of France came 
and viewed the country himself, and ordered Co- 
ligny to raise a fort on a high ground near it, whidi 
was called the Chastilian fort, and commanded both 
the English fort and the harbour. But the pro- 
tector had no mind to give the French a colour for 
breaking with the English; so there was a truce 
and further cessation agreed on in the end of Sep- 
tember. These are all the considerable foreign 
transactions of this year in which England was con- 
cerned. But there was a secret contrivance laid at 
home of a high nature, wliich though it broke not 
out till the next year, yet the beginnings of it did 
now appear. 
The breach The protcctor's brother, Thomas Seimour^ was 
^te^or ^ brought to such a share in his fortunes, that he was 
mlni!"^ ^ made a baron and lord admiral. But this not satis- 
fying his ambition, he endeavoured to have linked 
himself into a nearer relation with the crown, by 
marrying the king's sister, the lady Elizabeth. But, 
finding he could liot compass that, he made his ad- 
dresses to the queen dowager, who, enjoying now the 
honour and wealth the late king had left her, re- 
solved to satisfy herself in her next choice, and en- 
tertained him a little too early ; for they were mar- 
ried so soon after the king's death, that it was 
charged afterwards on the admiral, that, if she had 
brought a child as soon as might have been after the< 
marriage, it had given cause to doubt whether it 


md not been bj the bte king, which might have book 


■ised great disturbance afterwards ; but, being thus ~ 
narried to the queoi, he concealed it for some time» ^^^^' 
in he procured a letter from the king, recommend- 
ag him to her for a husband ; upon which they de- 
dared their marrii^ey with which the protector' was 
snich offended. Being thus possessed of great wealth, 
md being husband to the queen dowager, he studied 
to ei^age all that were about the king to be his 
ftjeada; and he corrupted some of them by his 
pitsentey and finrced one on sir John Cheek. That 
which he designed was, that whereas in former 
times the infant kings of England had had governors 
of their personsf, distinct from the protectors of their 
realms, which trusts were divided between their 
undes, it being judged too much to join both in one 
perMn, who was thereby too great: whereas a go- 
Temor of the king's person might be a check on the 
protector : he would therefore himself be made go- 
veraor of the king's person ; ailing, that, since he 
was the king's uncle, as well as his brother, he ought 
to have a proportioned share with him in the go- 
vernment. About Easter this year he first set about ' 
this design, and corrupted some about the king, who 
should. bring him sometimes privately through the 
gpDery to the queen's lodgings ; and he desired they 
would let him know when the king had occasion for 
money, and that they should not always trouble the 
treasury, for he would be ready to furnish him : and 
be thought a young king might be taken .with this. 
So it happened, that the first time Latimer preached 
at court, the king sent to him to know what present 
he should make him : Seimour sent him 40/. ; but 
said, he thought 20/. enough to give Latimer, and 


PART the king might dispose of the rest as he pkase( 
— i — Thus he gained groond with the king, whose swei 
^^^^' nature exposed him to be easily won bj such art 

It is generaU J said, that all this difference betwec 
the brothers was begun by their wives, and that tl 
protector^s ladj, being offended that the younger br 
therms wife had the precedence of her, which d 
thought belonged to herself, did thereupon raise ai 
inflame the differences. But in all the letters th 
I have seen concerning this breach^ I could nevi 
find any such thing once mentioned ; nor is it re 
sonable to imagine that the duchess of Somois 
should be so foolish as to think that she ought 
hare the precedence of the queen dowager ; ther 
fore I look upon this story as a mere fiction : thoof 
it is probaUe enough there might, u})on some otb 
accounts, have been some animosities between ti 
two high-spirited ladies, which might have afte 
wards been thought to have occasioned their h« 
bands' quarrel. 

It is plain in the whole thread of this affair, th 
the protector was at first very easy to be recondli 
to his brother, and was only assaulted by him ; b 
bore the trouble he gave him with much patien 
for a great while ; though in the end, seeing his ft 
tious temper was incuraUe, he laid off nature t 
much when he consented to his execution. Yet i 
along till then he had rather too much encouragi 
his brother to go on, by his readiness to be sA 
every breach reconciled to him. When the pi 
tector was in Scotland, the admiral then began tana 
more avowedly, and was making a party for himm 
of which Paget took notice, and chai^gei hni ili 



it in jAain terms. He asked him, why he would go book 
aboDt to reverse that which himself and others had '' 

ocmsented to under their hands? Their family was '^'^^- 
now 80 great, that nothing but their mutual quar- 
relling oouki do them any prejudice: but there 
would not be wanting officious men to inflame them, 
if tbej once divided among themselves ; and the 
breaches among near friends commonly turned to 
the moat irreconcileable quarrels. Yet all was in- 
effectoal ; fiir the admiral was resolved to go on, and 
cither get himself advanced higher, or to perish in 
the attempt. It was the knowledge of this which 
fiirced the protector to return from Scotland so 
diraptly and disadvantageously, for the securing of 
Us interest with the king, on whom his brother's ar- 
tifices had made some impression. Whether there 
was any reconciliation made between them before 
the parliament met, is not certain : but, during the 
session, the admiral got the king to write with his 
own hand a message to the house of commons, for 
the making of him the governor of his person ; and 
he intended to have gone with it to the house, and 
had a party there, by whose means he was confident 
to have carried his business : he dealt also with 
many of the lords and counsellors to assist him in it. 
When this was known, before he had gone with it 
to the house, some were sent to him in his brother's 
name, to see if they could prevail with him to pro- 
ceed no further. He refused to hearken to them, 
and said, that if he were crossed in his attempt, he 
would make this the blackest parliament that ever 
was in England. Upon that he was sent for by or- 
der firom the council, but refused to come : then they 
threatened him severely, and told him, the king's 



PART writing was nothing in law; but that he, who had 
' procured it, was punishable for doing an act of such 

^^^^' a nature, to the disturbance of the government, and 
for enga^ng the joung king in it. So they re- 
solved to have sent him to the Tower, and to have 
turned him out of all his offices ; but he submitted 
himself to the protector and council ; and his brother 
and he seemed to be perfectly reconciled. Yet, as 
the protector had reason to have a watchful eye over 
him, so it was too soon visible, that he had not laid 
down, but only put off, his high projects till a fitter 
conjuncture; for he began the next Christmas to 
deal money again among the king's servants, and 
was on all occasions infusing into the king a dislike 
of every thing that was done, and did often persuade 
him to assume the government himself. But the 
sequel of this quarrel proved fatal to him, as shall 
be told in its proper place. And thus ended the 
year 1547. 

1548. On the eighth of January next year Gardiner was 
Jan. 8. brought bcforc the council, where it was told him, 
that his former offences being included in the king^s 
general pardon, he was thereupon discharged. A 
grave admonition was given him to carry himself re- 
verently and obediently, and he was desired to de^ 
clare whether he would receive the Injunctions and 
Homilies, and the doctrine to be set forth from time 
to time by the king and clergy of the realm. He 
answered, he would conform himself as the other bi- 
shops did, and only excepted to the homily of JustiU 
fication, and desired four or five days to consider rf 
it. What he did at the end of that time does not 
appear from the council- book, no further mention 
being made of this matter ; for the clerks of council 


id not then enter every thing with that exactness book 
lat is since used. He went home to his diocese, " 

here there still appeared in his whole hehaviour '*^^' 
reat malignity to Cranmer, and to all motions for 'J 

formation ; yet he gave such outward compliance, , 

rat it was not easy to find any advantage against 

m, especially now since the council's great power 
as so much abridged. 

In the end of January the council made an order The nmr- 
tncerning the marquis of Northampton, which will Nnniiamp- 
ilige me to look back a little for the clear account d"°„'r^*fo* 
it. This lord, who was brother to the queen *^''""'' 
iwager, had married Anne Bouchier, daughter to 
le earl of Essex, the last of that name ; but she J 

ring convicted of adultery, he was divorced from 
n-, which, according to the law of the ecclesiastical 
urts, was only a separation from bed and board, 
pon which divorce it was proposed in king Henry's 
me to consider what might be done in Ikvour of 
e innocent person, when the other was convicted 
'adultery. So, in the beginning of king Edward's 
ign, on the seventh of May, a commission was 
■anted to the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops 
' Duresme and Rochester, (this was Holbeach, who 
as not then translated to Lincoln,) to Dr. Ridley, 
id six more, ten in all, of whom six were a quorum, 
' try whether the lady Anne was not by the word 
' God 90 lawfully divorced, that she was no more 
9 wife, and whether thereupon he might not marry 
■other wife. This being a new case, and of great 
iportaoce, Cranmer resolved to examine it with 
B ordinary diligence, and searched into the opinions 
' the fathers and docti»8 so copiously, that his 
flections about it gr&w into a large book, (the ori- 
I 2 


PART ginal whereof I have perused;) the greatest {Mfft of 
it being either written or marked, and interlined, 

ExM^' with his own hand. This required a longer time 
T. suiuog- than the marquis of Northampton could stay ; and 
therefore, presuming on his great power, without 
waiting for judgment, he solemnly married EIubbp 
beth, daughter to Brooke, lord Cobham. On the 
twenty-eighth of January information was brought 
to the council of this, which gave great scandal, 
since his first marriage stood yet firm in law. So 
he, being put to answer for himself, said, he though 
that by the word of God he was discharged of his 
tie to his former wife ; and the making marriages 
indissoluble was but a part of the popish law, fay 
which it was reckoned a sacrament; and yet the 
popes, knowing that the world would not easSiy 
come under such a yoke, had, by the help of the ca- 
nonists, invented such distinctions, that it was no 
uneasy thing to make a marriage void among them : 
and that the condition of this church was very hard, 
if upon adulteries the innocent must either live with 
the guilty, or be exposed to temptations to the like 
sins, if a separation was only allowed, but the bond 
of the marriage continued undissolved. But, since 
he had proceeded so far before the delegates liad 
given sentence, it was ordered, that he and his new 
wife should be parted ; and that she should be put 
into his sister the queen dowser's keeping, till the 
matter were tried, whether it was according to the 
word of Grod, or not ; and that then further order 
should be given in it. Upon this the delegates 
made haste, and gathered their arguments together, 
of which I shall give an abstract, both for the clear- 
ing of this matter, (concerning which not many 


are ago there were great debates in parliament,) book 
id also to show the exactness of the proceedings in ' 
at time. 'a'JS. 

Christ condemned ali marriages upon divorces, ti^'! 
cept in the case of adultery ; which seemed ma- «hith \xT 
Festly to allow them in t)iat case. And though this h™d to 
not mentioned by St. Mark and St. Luke, yet it ia^^^ 
oogh that St. Matthew has it. Christ also de6ned 
e state of marriage to be, that in which two are 
e flenh ; so that, when either of the two hath 
(^en that union, by becoming one with another 
rson, then the marriage is dissolved. And it is 
t repeated in the gospel, that married persons have 
•teer over one anolher''s bodies, and that they are 

give due heneeolence to each other; which is 
linly contrary to this way of separation without 
ncdving the bond. St. Paul, putting the case of 
I UDbeUever departing from the partner in mar- 
ige, says, the believing party, whether' briber or 
Her, is not under bondage in such a case ; which 
ems a discharge of the bond in case of desertion : 
id certainly adultery is yet of a higher nature. 
It against this was alleged, on the other tide, that 
T Saviour's allowing divorce iii the case of adultery 
H only for the Jews, to whom it was spoken, to 
itigate the craelty of their law, by which the 
lidterew was to be put to death ; and therefore be 
dded divorce in that case to mitigate the siererity 

the other law. But the apmtle, writii^ to the 
entile CSuistiana at Rome and Corinth, s^d, the 
ife was tied by the law to the huMband a* long 
r he kved; and that other general rale, Whtm 
lod haa Joined Uigether, let no Htm put tuunder, 
«ma against the disBcdnng the bond. To this it was 
I 3 


PART answered, that it is against separating as weU as 

; solving; that the wife is tied to her husband; but 

^^^^' if he ceaseth to be her husband, that tie is at an 
end : that our Saviour left the wife at liberty to di- 
vorce her husband for adultery, though the law of 
Moses had only provided, that the adulterous wife, 
and he who defiled her, were to die ; but the hus- 
band who committed adultery was not so punishable; 
therefore our Saviour had by that provision declared 
the marriage to be clearly dissolved by adultery. 

From hence they went to examine the authorities 
of the fathers. Hermes was for putting away the 
adulteress, but so as to receive her again upon re- 
pentance. Origen thought the wife could not marry 
again after divorce. Tertullian allowed divorce, and 
thought it dissolved the marriage as much as death 
did. Epiphanius did also allow it. And Ambrose 
in one place allows the husband to marry after di- 
vorce for adultery, though he condemns it always in 
the wife. Basil allowed it on either side upon adul- 
tery. Jerome, who condemns the wife's marrying, 
though her husband were guilty of adultery ; and 
who disliked the husband's marrying again, though 
he allowed him to divorce upon adultery, or the sus- 
picion of it ; yet, when his friend Fabiola had mar- 
ried after a divorce, he excuses it, saying, it was 
better for her to marry than to bum. Chromatius 
allowed of second marriages after divorce. And so 
did Chrysostome, though he condemned them in 
women so divorcing. St. Austin was sometimes for 
a divorce, but against marriage upon it ; yet in his 
Retractations he writ doubtfully of his former opin« 
ion. In the civil law, the Christian emperors al- 
lowed the power of divorcing both to husband and 


wife, with the riglit of marrying afterwards. Nor book 
1 did they restrain the grounds of divorce only to_ 

adultery, but permitted it in many other cases; as, '^''®' 
if the wife were guilty of treason, had treated for 
another husband, had procured an abortion, had 
been whole nights abroad, or had gone to see the 
public plays without leave from ber husband ; be- 
sides many other particulars : against which none 
of tbe fathers had writ, nor endeavoured to get them 
repealed. AU tliese laws were confirmed by Justi- 
nian, when he gathered the laws into a body, and 
added to it where they were defective. In the ca- 
non-law, it is provided, that he whose wife is defiled 
must not be denied lawful marriage. Pope Gregory 
denied a second marriage to the guilty person, but 
allowed it to the innocent after divorce. Pope Za- J 

chary allowed the wife of an incestuous adulterer to 1 

be married, if she could not contain. In the canon- I 

law, the council of Tribury is cited for allowing the 
hke privilege to the husbands. By the council of 
Elvira, a man that finds that his wife intends to kill 
him, may put her away, and marry another ; but 
ihe must never marry. The council of Aries re- 
commended it to husbands, whose wives were found 
in adultery, not to marry during tlieir lives. And 
that at Elvira denied the sacrament to a wife, who 
left an adulterous husband, and married another ; 
but she might have the communion when her first 
husband died : so the second marriage was accounted 
good, but only indecent. But the council of Milevi 
fitrbids both man and wife to marry after divorce. 
All these were collected by Cranraer, with several 
rery important reflections on most of the quotatious 
out of the fathers. With these, there is another 


PART paper, given in by one who was against the dissobr* 

! ing the bond, in which there are manj qnotatidnt 

^^^^' brought, both from the canon4aw, and the £idhcn^ 
tor the contrary opinion. But most of the fathen 
there dted are of the latter ages ; in which the state 
of celibate had been so exalted by the monks, that, 
in all doubtful cases, they were resolved still to pre- 
fer that opinion which denied liberty for further 
marriages. In conclusion, this whole question was 
divided into eight queries, which were put to some 
learned men; (who these were does not appear;) 
and they returned their answer in favour of the se- 
couect. cond marriage, which will be found in the Collect 
tion. In the end, sentence was given, allowing the 
second marriage in that case^ a»d by canaeqaeaot 
confirming the marquis of Northampton's marriage 
to his second wife, who upon that was suffered to 
cohabit with him. , Yet, four yeairs after, he was ad- 
vised to have a special act of parliament £Dr confirm- 
ing this sentence; of which mention shsdl be made 
in its doe time and place. 
Some fur. The ncxt thing that came under comsideratkn 
vance in ^^^9 ^hc great coutradiction that was in moat of the 
fo^tion. sermons over England. Some were very earnest to 
justify and maintain all the old rites that yet re* 
mained ; and others were no less hot to have tbem 
laid aside. So that, in London especiaUy, the peopte 
were wonderfully distracted by this variety among 
their teachers. The ceremooies of Candlemstt^ and 
their observance of Lent, with the rites used on 
Palm-Sunday, Good-Friday, and E^ter, were no^ 
approaching. Those that were against them con- 
demned them as superstitions additions to thd wor- 
ship of God, invented in the dark ages, pAmt on 



oot^ad pageantoy had been the duef thing that boos 
waa hKflBBd after. But others set out the good use '' 

that «a^t be made of these tbnigs; and taught^ '^^ 
thatjtiH they irera abolished by the king^s authority^ 
they amf^ to be still observed. In a visitation that 
had bdan madei (when I cannot learn^ only it seems 
to have been about the end of king Henry's rdgn,) 
it had been cfedared, that £utiAg in Lent was onlf 
a positive law. Several directions were also given 
about the use of the ceremonies, and some hints, as 
if thflj were not to be long continued ; and all wakes 
aisd FlougbJtfondi^s were supfHresM^ since they 
item gretft assemblies ci peq>le together, which 
ended in drinking and quarreUing. These I have 
aha iliaerted in the Cofiection ; having had a ccfpy^^^ 
of the articles, left at the visitation of the deanery of 
Dottcaster, communicated to me by the favour of a 
BM»t learned physician and curious antiquary, Dr« 
Naihand Johnston, who sent me this, with several 
other papers, out of his generous zeal for contribute 
11^ every thing in his power to the perfecting of this 

The country people generally loved all these 
shows, processions, and assemblies, as things of di^ 
versioo ; and judged it a dull business only to come 
to Ghorch for divine worship, and the hearing of ser-^ 
Bona : ther^re they were mudi delighted with the 
gaiety and cheerftdness of those rites. But others, 
sbsenring that they kept up all these things, just as 
the heathens did their plays and festivities for their 
gods, judged them contrary to the gravity and sin^- 
plici^ of the Christian religion, and therefore were 
earnest to hatve them removed. This was so effec- 
toally represented to the council by Cranmer, that 


PART an order was sent to him about it. He sent it to 
Bonner, who, being dean of the college of bishops in 

^^^^- the province of Canterbury, was to transmit all such 
orders over the whole province. By it^ the canying 
of candles on Candleroas-day, of ashes on Ash-Wed- 
nesday, and palms on Palm-Sunday, were forbidden 
to be used any longer. And this was signified 
by Bonner to Thirleby, bishop of Westminstar, on 
the twenty-eighth of June, as appears by the re- 
A procia- After this, on the sixth of February, a proclama- 
^^°^^tion was issued out against such as should on the 

Tated°^*th ^^^^ hand rashly innovate, or persuade the people 
out author- from the old accustomed rites, under the pains of 
imprisonment, and other punishments, at the king's 
pleasure; excepting only, the formerly-mentioned 
rites : to which are added, the creeping to the cross 
on Good-Friday, taking holy bread and water^ and 
any other, that should be afterwards at any time 
certified by the archbishop of Canterbury to the 
other bishops, in the king's name, to be laid aside. 
And, for preventing the mischiefs occasioned by rash 
preachers, none were to preach without license from 
the king or his visitors, the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, or the bishop of the diocese where they lived ; 
excepting only incumbents preaching in their own 
parishes. Those who preached otherwise were to be 
imprisoned till order were given for their punishment; 
and the inferior magistrates were required to see to 
the execution of these orders. This proclamation. 
Numb. 22. which is in the Collection, was necessary for giving 
authority to the archbishop of Canterbury's letters^ 
which were censured as a great presumption for him, 
without any public order, to appoint changes in sa- 


cred rites. Some observed, that the council went on book 

makiiig proclamations, with arbitrary punishments, 

though the act was repealed that had formerly given '^^^* 
so great authority to them. To thb it was answer- 
edy that the king by his supremacy might still 
in matters of religion make new orders, and add 
punishments upon the transgressors; yet this was 
much questioned, though universally submitted to. 

On the eleventh of February, there was a letter 
sent from the council to the archbishop, for a more 
considerable change. There were every where great Tbecennu 
heats about the removing of images, which had been of au'imZ^ 
abused to superstition: some affirming, and others fj^b, ^, 
denying, that their images had been so abused. 
There were in the churches some images of so 
strange a nature, that it could not be denied that 
they had been abused. Such was the image of the 
blessed Trinity, which was to be censed, on the day 
of the Innocents, by him that was made the bishop ProceMsUh- 
of the children : this shows it was used on other h^^^^ 
days, in which it is like it was censed by the bishop **^' 
where he was present. How this image was made, 
can only be gathered from the prints that were of it 
at that time : in which the Father is represented 
sitting on the one hand as an old man with a triple 
crown and rays about him, the Son on the other 
hand as a young man with a crown and rays, and 
the blessed Virgin between them, and the emblem of 
the Holy Ghost a dove spread over her head. So it 
is represented in a fair book of the hours according 
to the use of Sarum, printed anno 1526. The im- 
piety of this did raise horror in most men's minds, 
when that unconceivable mystery was so grossly ex- 
pressed. Besides, the taking the Virgin into it was 


PART done in pursuance to what had been said bf some 
blasphemous friars, of her being assumed into the 
Trinity, In another edition of these, it is represent- 
ed by three faces formed in one head. These things 
had not been set up by any public warrant; but, 
having been so long in practice, they stood upon 
the general plea that was for keeping the traditions 
of the church ; for it was said, that the promises 
made to the church were the same in all ages, and 
that therefore every age of the church had an equal 
right to them. But for the other images, it was 
urged against them, that they had been all con- 
secrated with such rites and prayers^ that it was 
certain they were every one of them superstitious : 
since it was prayed, that they might be so blessed 
and consecrated, that whosoever worshipped them 
might, by the saints' prayers and aid, whom they 
represented, obtain every thing that he desired. So 
they resolved on an entire removal of all images. 
And the protector, with the council, wrote to Cran- 
mer, that, for putting an end to all these contests, 
and that the living images of Christ might not quar^ 
rel about the dead ones, it was concluded they should 
all of them be taken down ; and he was to give 
order to see this executed in his own diocese, and 
to transmit it to the other Ushops, to be in like num- 
ner executed by them. There were also orders 
given, that all rich shrines, with all the plate beloi^- 
ing to them, shoukl be brought in to the kill's use, 
and that the ck)thes that covered ih&a should be 
converted to the use <^ the poor. This gave Gardft- 
»er, and thjse of his party, a nem- aflBiction : for in 
to diocese he had been always on their side that 
^ keepicDg up the images. But tfaey all sab- 


nutted; and ao the churches were emptied of all book 
theae picturea and itatuea, which had been fiir diiren 

agea the diief otgecta. of the people's worship. '^^^' 

And Bow» the greatest care of the reformers was, some n- 
to find the best men they could, who should be li» TJ^iJIllLI. 
oenaed bj the king^s authoritj to preach. To whom^' ^^^^ 
the ooondl sent a letter in the beginning of May, iui- Namb. ^4. 
timatiD^ tihat» by the restraint put on preaching, 
tfaej only intended to put an end to the rash conten- 
tiana <if indiacreet men, and not to extinguish the 
lively pieadiii^ of the pure word of Ood» made 
after aoch aort as the Holy Ghost should for the 
time pot in the preacher's mind : they are therefi>re 
dunged to preach sincerely^ and with that caution 
and moderatiim, that the time and place shall re- 
quire ; and particularly, that they should not set on 
the people to make innorations, or to run before 
those whom they should ob^ ; but should persuade 
them to amend their lives, and keep the command- 
ments of Ood, abd to fbrsake all their old supersti- 
tions. And for the things not yet changed, they 
ouffat to wait patiently, and to conclude, that the 
prince did either allow, or suffer them ; and in deli- 
vering things to the people, they were ordered to 
hive a special regard to what they could bear. 

But this temper was not observed. Some plainly 
condemned it as a political patching, and said. Why 
should not all these superstitions be swept away at 
once ? To this it was answered by others, that, as 
Christ forbade the pulling up of the tares, lest with 
them they should puU up good wheat ; so, if they 
went too forwardly to the changiug of things, they 
Blight in that haste change much for the worse : and 
great care was to be had not to provoke the people 


PART too much, lest, in the infancy of the king, or in some 


- ill conjuncture of affairs, they might be disposed to 
1548. xn^iie commotions. And the compliances that both 
Christ and his apostles gave to the Jews, when they 
were to abn^te the Mosaical law, were often in- 
sisted on. It was said, if they who were clothed 
with a power of miracles, for the more effectual con- 
viction of the world, condescended so far; it was 
much more reasonable for them, who had not that 
authority over men's consciences, and had no imme- 
diate signs to show from heaven, to persuade the 
people rather by degrees to forsake their old mis- 
^ takes, and not to precipitate things by an over- 

This winter there was a committee of selected bi- 
shops and divines appointed for examining all the 
offices of the church, and for reforming them. Some 
had been in king Henry's time employed in the 
same business, in which they had made a good pro- 
gress, which was now to be brought to a full perfec- 
Bisbops an(] tion. Therefore, the archbishops of Canterbury and 
amine the York ', the bishops of London, Duresme, Worcester, 
the^urch. Norwich, St. Asaph, Salisbury, Coventry and Litch- 
field, Carlisle, Bristol, St. David's, Ely, Lincoln, Chi- 
chester, Hereford, Westminster, and Rochester; 
with doctors Cox, May, Tailor, Heins, Robertson, 
and Redmayn ; were appointed to examine all the 
offices of the church, and to consider how far any of 
them needed amendment. 

The thing they first examined was, the sacrament 
of the eucharist ; which being . the chief symbol of 
Christian communion, was thought to deserve their 
chief care. And here they managed their inquiries 
in the same manner that was used in the former 


reign ; in which, when any thing was considered in book 


Older to a change, it was put into several queries, to ^ 
which every one in commission was to give his an- '^^* 
swer in writing. It is no wonder if the confusions 
that fbliowed in queen Mary's reign have deprived 
us of mojBt of these papers ; yet there is one set of 
them preserved relating to some questions about the 
priests* single communicating ; Whether one man's 
receiving it can be useful to another ? What was the 
oblation or sacrifice that was made of Christ in the 
mass? Wherein the mass consisted? When the 
priests' receiving alone b^an ? Whether it was con- 
venient to retain that, and continue masses satisfac- 
tory for departed souls ? Whether the gospel ought 
to be taught at the time of the mass ? Whether it 
were convenient to have it all in a known tongue or 
not? And when the reserving or hanging up of the 
sacrament first began ? To these the bishops made 
their several answers. Some answered them all : 
others answered only a few of them ; it is like sus- 
pending their opinions about those which they an- 
swered not. The bishops of London, Worcester, 
Chichester, and Hereford, gave in their answers 
ODce in one paper together; but afterwards they 
joined with the bishops of Norwich and St. Asaph, 
and all those six gave a joint answer in one paper. 
Those are not all subscribed, as those which I in- 
serted in the former volume were ; or at least the 
papers I have are not the originals. But Cranmer's 
hand is over every one of theni, marking the name 
of the bishop to whom they belonged ; and Dr. Cox 
hath set his hand and seal to his answer. By these, 
which are in the Collection, the reader will perceive Numb. 25. 
how generally the bishops were addicted to the old 


PART superstitioD, aad how few did agree in all things 
with Cranmer. It may be thought, that these quei- 

^^^^' tions were given out before the act of parliament 
passed, in which the priests' single communicating 
is turned into a communion of more : yet by that 
act it was only provided, that all who came to re- 
ceive should be admitted ; but priests were not finr- 
bid to consecrate, if none were to communicate^ 
which was the thing now inquired into. 
Sm^c" ^^ ^ certain there was no part of worship more 
office of the corrupted than this sacrament was. The first insti- 

oommoDion * 

oauDined. tutiou was SO plain and simple^that, except in the 
words. This is my body, there is nothing which 
could give a colour to the corruptions that were 
afterwards brought in. The heathens had their 
mysteries, which the priests concealed with hard 
and dark words, and dressed up with much pomp^ 
and thereby supported their own esteem with the 
people^ since they looked on these to be of so high a 
nature, that all those who had the ordering of them 
were accounted sacred persons. The primitive Chris- 
tians retained the first simplicity of divine institu- 
tions for some ages. But afterwards, as their num- 
ber increased, they made use of some things not un- 
like those the heathens had practised, to draw the 
Gentiles more easily into their belief, since external 
shows make deep impressions in the vulgar. And 
those that were thus brought over might afterwards 
come to like these things for their own sakes, which 
were at first made use of only to gain the world. 
Others, finding some advantage in such services, that 
were easy, and yet appeared very pompous, that they 
might cover great faults by countenancing and com- 
plying with the follies that were in vogue, contri* 


buted liberally to the improvement of them. And, book 

after the Roman emperors turned Christian, much of ! — 

that vast wealth, oif which they and their people *^^®' 
were masters^ was brought into the church, and ap- 
plied to these superstitions. Yet it became not so 
uniYersally corrupted, till, by the invasion of the 
Gotbsy Vandals, and other barbarous nations, the 
Roman empire was broken and divided into many 
kingdoms. These new conquerors were rude and 
ignorant, wholly given to sensible things ; and learn- 
ing being universally extinguished, gross superstition 
took place ; for more refined superstitions would not 
serve the turn of darker ages : bu|; as they grew in 
ignoraiice, they continued in the belief and practice 
of more absurd things. 

The high opinion they justly had of this sacra- 
ment being much raised by the belief of the corporal 
presence of Christ in it, which came in afterwards, 
then the dull wits of the priests, and the wealth of 
the people, were employed to magnify it with all the 
pomp possible. All the vessels and garments be- 
longing to it were consecrated and anointed with 
mach devotion ; the whole office was in an unknown 
tongue. A great part of it was to be secretly whis- 
pered, to make it appear the more wonderful charm. 
But chiefly the words of consecration were by no 
means to be heard by the people ; it being fabled, 
that, when the words were spoken aloud, some shep- 
herds had repeated them over their bread, which 
was thereupon presently turned into flesh. Besides 
that, it was but suitable, that a change, which was 
not to be seen, should be made by words not to be 
heard. The priest was not to approach it but after 
so many bowings, crossings, and kissings of the altar; 



PART and, all the while he went through with the offia 
'^' the people were only now and then blessed by 

1548. short blessing, The Iiord he with you, and even tha 
in Latin. Then, after consecration, the bread ws 
lifted up, and all the people worshipped it as : 
Christ had appeared in the clouds. It was oft ei 
posed on the altar, and carried about in proeessiom 
with the ceremonies of carrying flambeaux before i 
which the greatest persons accounted it an honov 
to do ; the priest that carried it all the while goin 
pompously under a rich canopy. 

This was also thought most effectual for all tli 
accidents of life. And whereas it was at first onl 
intended to be a commemoration and communion i 
the death of Christ ; that seemed almost foi^ttei 
but it was applied to all other ends imaginabli 
That which brought in most custom was tiental 
which was a method of delivering souls out of puj 
gatory by saying thirty masses a year for them. An 
whereas it was observed, that men, on the annivei 
saries of their birthdays, wedding, or other happ 
accidents of their lives, were commonly in betti 
humour, so that favours were more easily obtained 
they seemed to have had the same opinion of Gc 
and Christ : so they ordered it, that three of thes 
should be said on Christmas-Day, three on Epiphan; 
three on the Purification of the blessed Virgin, thn 
on the Annunciation, three on the Resurrectio] 
three on the Ascension, three on Whit-Sunday, thn 
on Trinity-Sunday, three on the Assumption of tt 
blessed Virgin, and three on her birthday ; hopin 
that these days would be the moUia temparay whc 
Grod and Christ, or the blessed Virgin, would be i 
easier access, and more ready to grant their 


Yet the most unaccountable part of all was, the book 

masses on the saints* days ; praying that the inter — -—^ 

cession of the saint might make the sacrifice accept- '^'^^' 
able ; that the saint, for whose honour these obla- 
tions were solemnly offered, would by his merits pro- 
cure them to be accepted, and that the sacrifice 
might bring to them a greater indulgence, being 
offered up by the suffrages of the saint. If the sa- 
crifice was of Jesus Christ, and was of its own na- 
ture expiatory, how this should be done in honour 
to a saint, and become of greater virtue by his in- 
tercession, was a thing very hard to be understood. 
There were many pieces of ridiculous pageantry 
also used in it, as the laying the host in the sepul- 
chre they made for Christ on Good-Friday ; and 
that, not only the candles that were to burn at the 
Easter celebration, but the very fire that was to 
kindle them, was particularly consecrated on Easter- 
Eve. Some masses were believed to have a pecu- 
liar virtue in them : for, in the mass-book printed 
at London, anno 1500, there is a mass for avoiding 
sudden death, which pope Clement made in the 
college, with all his cardinals, and granted to all 
who heard it two hundred and seventy days of in- 
dulgence, chai^ng them, that they should hold in 
tbnr hand a burning candle all the while it was 
saying, and for five days after should likewise hold 
a candle, kneeling during the whole mass; and to 
ihose tbat did so, sudden death should do no harm. 
And it is added, that this was certain and approved 
in Avignon, and all the neighbouring places. All 
this I have opened the more largely, to let the 
reader plainly understand what things were then in 
tliia sacrament that required reformation; and I 
K 2 


PART have gathered these thmgs out of the ina8s4xx)l 
then most used in England, and best known by thi 


name of the Missal after the use ofSamm. 

A new of- The first step these deputed bishops and divine 
commu. made was, to reform this. But they did not at one 
"it? **^ mend every thing that required it, but kft the offio 
of the mass as it was, only adding to it that whid 
made it a communion. It began first witib an es 
hortation, to be used the day before, which differ 
not much from that now used ; only, after the ad 
vice given concerning confession, it is added, tha 
such as desired to make auricular confession shoul 
not censure those who were satisfied with a genei^ 
* confession to Grod; and that those who used on! 

confession to Grod and to the church should not b 
offended with those who used auricular confessio 
to a priest; but that all should keep the rule c 
charity, every man being satisfied to follow his ow 
conscience, and not judging another man's in thing 
not appointed by God. After the priest had re 
ceived the sacrament, he was to turn to the peopli 
and read an exhortation to them ; the same we noi 
use, only a little varied in words. After that fo! 
lowed a denunciation against sinners, requiring thei 
who were such, and had not repented, to withdrav 
lest the Devil should enter into them, as he did int 
Judas. Then, after a little pause, to see if an 
would withdraw, there was to follow a short exhoi 
tation, with a confession of sins, and absolution, tt 
very same which we do yet retain. Then thos 
texts of scripture were read which we yet read, fo 
lowed with the prayer. We do not presume^ &( 
After this, the sacrament was to be given in bot 
kinds ; first, to the ministers then present^ and Uie 


to all the people, with these words: The body of book 
amr Ijord Jesus Christy which was given /or thee. 

preserve thy body unto everlasting life; and, The ^^^* 
Mood qf our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed 
for thee, preserve thy soxd unto everlasting life. 
When all was done, the congregation was to be 
dismissed with a blessing. The bread was to be 
soch as had been formerlj used, and every one of 
tiie breads so consecrated was to be broken in two 
or more pieces ; and the people were to be taught, 
that there was no difference in the quantity thej re- 
ceived, whether it were small or great, but that in 
each of them they received the whole body of 
Christ. If the wine that was at first consecrated 
did not serve, the priest was to consecrate more; 
but all to be without any elevation. This office 
being thus finished, was set forth with a proclama- 
tion, reciting, that whereas the parliament had 
enacted, that the communion should be given in 
both kinds to all the king's subjects; it was now 
ordered to be given in the form here set forth ; and 
all were required to receive it with due reverence 
and Christian behaviour, and with such uniformity 
as might encourage the king to go on in the setting 
forth godly orders for reformation, which he in- 
toided most earnestly to bring to effect by the help 
of God ; willing his subjects not to run before his 
direction, and so by their rashness to hinder such 
things ; assuring them of the earnest zeal he had to 
set them forth, hoping they would quietly and reve- 
rently tarry for it. 

This was published on the eighth of March ; and 
on the thirteenth, books were sent to all the bishops 
of England, requiring them to send them to every 

K 3 


LT parish in their diocese, that the curates might have 

time both to instruct themselves about it, and to 

^' acquaint their people with it ; so that by the next 
Easter it might be universally received in all the 
- churches of the nation. This was variously cen- 
>d. sured. Those that were for the old superstition 
were much troubled to have confession thus left in- 
different, and a general confesdon of sins to be used, 
with which they apprehended the people would for 
,^ the most part content themselves. In the scripture 
'"' there was sL power of binding and loosing sins given 
w» to the apostles. And St. James exhorted those to 
whom he wrote, to confess their faults to one on- 
other. Afterwards penitents came to be reconciled 
to the church, when they had given public scandal 
either by their apostasy or ill life, by an open con- 
fession of their sins ; and, after some time of separa- 
tion from the other pure Christians in worship, and 
an abstention from the sacrament, they were ad- 
mitted again to their share of alLthe privileges that 
were given in common to Christians. But, accord* 
ing to the nature of their sins, they were, besides 
the public confession, put under such rules as might 
be most proper for curing these ill inclinations in 
them ; and, according to the several ranks of sin^ 
the time and degrees of this penitence was propor^- 
tioned. And the councils that met in the fourth 
and fifth centuries made the r^ulating these peni- 
tentiary canons the chief subject of their consultan- 
tions. In many churches there were penitentiary 
priests, who were more expert in the knowledge of 
these rules, and gave directions about them, whidi 
were taken away in Constantinople, upon the India* 
cretion of which one of them had been guilty. For 


secret nas there was no oldigatioii to confess, since book 
aB the canons were about puUic scandab ; yet for ^' 

flieKy the devout people generally went to their '^^^* 
priMs tor their counsel, but were not obliged to it; 
and so went to them for the distempers of their 
niiida, as they did to physicians for the disease of 

About the end of the fifth century they b^an in 
some places' to have secret penances, either within 
monasteries, or other places which the priests had 
appointed; and, upon a secret confession and per- 
fimning the penance imposed, absolution was alsd 
giren secretly; whereas in finrmer times confession 
and absolution had been performed openly in the 
dnirdi. In the seventh century it was every where 
practised, that there should be secret penance for 
secret sins, which Theodore, archbishop of Canter- 
imry, did first bring into a method and under rules. 
But, about the end of the eighth century, the com- 
mutation of penance, and exchanging it for money, 
or other services to the church, came to be prac- 
tised: and then b^an pUgrimages to holy places, 
and afterwards the going to the holy war ; and all 
the severities of penance were dispensed with to 
8iidi as undertook these. This brought on a great 
rdaxation of all ecclesiastical discipline. Afterwards 
cnnsades came in use, against such princes as were 
deposed by popes ; and to these was likewise added, 
to encourage aU to enter into them, that all rules of 
penitence were dispensed with to such as put on 
that cross. But penitence being now no more pub- 
lic, but only private, the priests managed it as they 
pleased ; and so by confession entered into all men's 
secrets, and by absolution had their consciences so 

K 4 


PART entirely in their power, that the people were gene- 

_L_ rally governed by them. Yet because the seca- 
1548. i^Y priests were commonly very ignorant, and were 
not put under such an association as was needfiil to 
manage those designs, for which this was thought 
an excellent engine ; therefore the friars were em* 
ployed every where to hear confessions, and to give 
absolutions. And, to bring in customers to them, 
two new things were invented. The one was, a re- 
serving of certain cases, in which such as were guilty 
of them could not be absolved but by the popes^ or 
those deputed by them ; and the friars had faculties 
in the pope's name to absolve in these cases. The 
other was, on some occasion the use of certain new 
secrets, by which men were to obtain great indul* 
gences ; either by saying such prayers, or perform^ 
ing such impositions : and these were all trusted to 
the friars, who were to trade with them, and bring 
all the money they could gather by that means to 
Rome. They being bred up to a voluntary poverty, 
and expecting great rewards for their industry, sold 
those secrets with as much cunning as mountebanks 
use in selling their tricks : only here was the dif- 
ference, that the ineffectualness of the mountebanks' 
medicines was soon discovered, so their trade must 
be but short in one place ; whereas the other could 
not be so easily found out ; the chief piece of the 
religion of those ages being to believe all that their 
priests taught them. Of this sort the reader will 

N*m1f' 6 ^"^ ^° ^^^ Collection an essay of indulgences as they 
were printed in the Hours after the use of Sarum, 
which were set down in English, though the prayers 
be all Latin, that so all the people might know the 
value of such ware. Those had been all by degrees 


Lroug h t fimn Boiiie» and put into people's hands, book 
and afterwards laid tc^^ether in their offices. B7 

them, iadolgenoes of many years, hundreds, thou- ^^^' 
sands, and millions of years, and of all sins what- 
soe?er, were granted to such as devoutly said such 
ooHecta; hot it was always understood, that they 
most omfess and be absolved, which is the mean- 
ing of those expressions concerning their being in a 
stele ^ grace. And so the whole business was a 

And now all this trade was laid aside, and con- 
fession of secret sins was left to all men's firee 
choice; since it was certain that the confessbn to a 
priest was no where enjoined in the scriptures. It 
was a reasonaUe olgection, that, as secret confession 
and private penance had worn out the primitive 
practioe of the public censuring of scandalous per- 
sons, so it had been well if the reviving of that dis- 
cipline had driven out these later abuses ; but to let 
that lie unrestored, and yet to let confession wear 
out, was to discharge the world of all outward re- 
itnints, and to leave them to their full liberty, and 
n to throw up that power of binding and loosing, 
irhkh ought to take place chiefly in admitting them 
to the sacrament. This was confessed to be a great 
defect, and effectual endeavours were used to re- 
trieve it, though without success : and it was openly 
dedared to be a thing which they would study to 
lepair: but the total disuse of all public censure had 
Blade the nation so unacquainted with it, that, with- 
out the effectual concurrence of the dvil authority, 
they could not compass it. And though it was ac- 
knowledged to be a great disorder in the church, 
yet, as they could not keep up the necessity of pri- 


PART vate confession, since it was not cominanded in the 

'. — gospel ; so the generality of the clergy being super- 

^^^^' stitious men, whose chief influence on the people 
was by those secret practices in confession, they 
judged it necessary to leave that free to all peqde, 
and to represent it as a thing to which they were 
not obliged, and in the place of that ordered the 
general confession to be made in the church, 
the absolution added to it. For the power of 
and loosing, it was by many thought to be only de- 
clarative ; and so to be exercised, when the gospel was 
preached, and a general absolution granted, accord* 
ing to the ancient forms. In which forms, the abso- 
lution was a prayer that God would absolve ; and so 
it had been still used in the absolution which was 
given on Maunday-Thursday ; but the formal ahsda^ 
tion given by the priest in his own name, / absohe 
thee^ was a late invention to raise their authority 
higher, and signified nothing distinct from those 
other forms that were anciently used in the church. 
Others censured the words in distributing the 
two kinds in the Lord's supper; the body being 
given for the preserving the body^ and the bhod cH 
Christ for preserving the soul. This was thought 
done on design to possess the people with an high 
value of the chalice, as that which preserved their 
souls ; whereas the bread was only for the preserva- 
tion of their bodies. But Cranmer, being ready to 
change any thing for which he saw good reason, did 
afterwards so alter it, that in both it was said, /Ve- 
serve thy body and soul: and yet it stands so in the 
prayer, We do not presume ^ &c. On all this I have 
digressed so long, because of the importance of the 
matter, and for satisfying the scruples that many 


till bare vfiod the hying aside of con&sribn in our booc 

GonAuflrioofl ware niext given to examine the '^^^* 
tate 1^ the diantries and guildatde lands. The in- 
itmcfiim abotit them 'will be found in the CoUeo- 
tion; txf which I need give no abstract here, forcoiieoi. 
tej* were otdj about the methods of inquiring into ^^^^' '^' 
their value, and how thej were possessed, or what 
dienaCioiis had been made of thenu 

The protector vand council were now in much 
bPOHUe. The war with Scotland they found was 
like to grow chargedble, since they saw it was sup- 
ported from France. There was a rebellion also 
betake out in Ireland ; and the king was much in«* 
debted: nor could thejr expect any subsidies from 
the parliament ; in which it had been said, that they 
gave the chantry-lands, that they might be delivered 
from all subsidies : therefore the parliament was 
prorogued till winter. Upon this the whole council 
Ai on the seventeenth of April unanimously resolve, 
that it was necessary to sell 5000/. a year of chan* 
tiy4aiid8 for raising such a sum as the king's occar 
sons required; and sir Henry Mildmay was appointed 
to treat about the sale of them. 

The new communion-book was received over Enir- Gwii''n«>' 

^ falls iuto 

hnd without any opposition. Only complaints were new trou- 
brought of Oardiner, that he did secretly detract 
from the king's proceedings. Upon which the coun«- 
cil took occasion to reflect on all his former beha^ 
Yionr. And here it was remembered, how at first, 
Qpon* his refusing to receive the king's injunctions, 
he had been put into the Fleet, where he had been 
u well used as if it had been his own house ; (which 
is fiEur contrary to his letters to the protector, of which 


PART mention has been already made ;) and that he, upon 
— ^i — promise of conformity, had been discharged. But 
'^^^* when he was come home, being forgetful of his pro- 
mises, he had raised much strife and contention, and 
had caused all his servants to be secretly armed and 
harnessed, and had put public affronts on those whom 
the council sent down to preach in his diocese ; fiir 
in some places, to disgrace them, he went into the 
pulpit before them, and warned the people to beware 
of such teachers, and to receive mo other doctrine 
but what he had taught them. Upon this he had 
been sent for a second time ; but again, upon his pro- 
mise of conformity, was discharged, and ordered to 
stay at his own house in London. That there he 
had continued still to meddle in public matters ; of 
which being again admonished, he desired that he 
might be suffered to clear himself of all misrepresen- 
tations that had been made of him, in a sermon 
which he should preach before the king, in which he 
should openly declare how well he was satisfied with 
his proceedings : yet it is added, that in his sermon, 
where there was a wonderful audience, he did most 
arrogantly meddle with some matters that were con- 
trary to an express command given him, both by 
word of mouth, and by letters ; and in other matters 
used such words as had almost raised a great tumult 
in the very time, and had spoken very seditiously 
concerning the policy of the kingdom. So they 
saw that clemency wrought no good effect on him ; 
and it seeming necessary to terrify others by their 
proceedings with him, he was sent to the Tower, 
and the door of his closet was sealed up. Thus it 
is entered in the council-book, signed, M. SomcT'- 
set, T. Cantuarien, W. St. Johns, J. Mussel, and 


T. €%emey. Yet it seems this order wzb not signed book 
when it was- made, bot some years after: for the— L_ 

lord Russel signed first Bedfbrd; but, remembering ^^^®- 
that at the time when this order wbb made he had 
not that title, therefore he dashed it out, (but so as 
it still appears,) and s^ed, J. Riuaeh 

The account that Gardiner himself gives of this Fox's Acts 
business is, that, being discharged upon the act of oMiitt.^'^ 
pardon, he was desired to promise that he would set 
forth the Homilies ; and a form was given him, to 
whidi he should set his hand : but he, considering 
of it a fortnight, returned, and said, he could not 
sobscribe it ; so he wbb confined to his house. Then 
Ridlejr and Mr. Cecil (afterwards the great lord 
Burleigh, lord treasurer to queen Elizabeth, at that 
time secretary to the protector) were sent to him, 
and so prevailed, that he did set his hand to it. But, 
upon some complaints that were made of him, he 
was sent for after Whit-Sunday, and accused, that 
he had carried palms, liad crept to the cross, and 
had a sepulchre on Good-fViday, which was contrary 
to the king's proclamation : all which he denied, and 
said, he had and would still give obedience to what 
the king should command. That of affronting the 
king's preachers was objected to him ; to which he 
answered, telling matters of fact how it was done, 
bot he does not in his writing set it down. Then it 
was complained, that in a sermon he had said, The 
apostles came away rejoicing from the cauncUj the 
council, the council ; repeating it thus, to make it 
8eem applicable to himself. This he denied. Then 
it was objected, that he preached the real presence 
in the sacrament, the word real not being in scrip- 
ture; and so it was not the setting forth the pure word 


PART of God : he said, he had not used the word real, only 
— ! — he had asserted the presence of Christ in such words 
^^^^* as he had heard the archbishop of Canterbury dis- 
pute for it against Lambert, that had been burnt. 
He was commanded to tarry in London ; but he de- 
sired, that, since he was not an offender, he might 
be at his liberty. He complained much of the songs 
made of him, and of the books Mrritten against him, 
and particularly of one Philpot in Westminster, 
whom he accounted a madman. 

Then he relates, that Cecil came to him, and pro- 
posed to him to preach before the king, and that he 
should write his sermon ; and also brought him some 
notes, which he wished him to put in his sermon : 
he said, he was willing to preach, but he would not 
write it, for that was to preach as an offender ; nor 
would he make use of notes prepared by other men. 
Then he was privately brought to the protector, 
none but the lord St. John being present, who show- 
ed him a paper, containing the opinion of some law- 
yers of the king's power, and of a bishop's authority, 
and of the punishment of disobeying the king : but 
he desired to speak with those lawyers, and said, no 
subscription of theirs should oblige him to preach 
otherwise than as he was convinced. The protector 
said, he should either do that, or do worse. Secre- 
tary Smith came to him to press him further in 
some points ; but what they were is not mentioned. 
Yet by the other papers in that business it appears, 
they related to the king's authority when under age, 
and for justifying the king's proceedings in what had 
been done about the ceremonies ; and that ajuricular 
confession was indifferent. So the contest between 
him and the protector ended, and there was no 


writing required of him ; but he left the whole mat- book 
ter to him, so that he should treat plainly of those 

things mentioned to him by Cecil. He chose St. ^^^^' 
Peter's day, because the gospel agreed to his pur- 
pose. Cecil showed him some notes, written with 
the king's hand, of the sermons preached before him, 
especially what was said of the duty of a king ; and 
warned him, that, whenever he named the king, he 
should add, and his council. To this he made no 
answer ; for though he thought it wisely done of a 
king to use his council, yet, being to speak of the 
king's power according to scripture, he did not 
think it necessary to add any thing of his council ; 
and hearing, by a confused report, some secret mat- 
ter, he resolved not to meddle with it. Two days 
before he preached, the protector sent him a mes- 
sage not to meddle with those questions about the 
sacrament, that were yet in controversy among 
kamed men ; and that therefore he was resolved 
there should be no public determination made of 
them beforehand in the pulpit. He said, he could 
not forbear to speak of the mass, for he looked on it 
as the chief foundation of Christian religion ; but he 
doubted not that he should so speak of it, as to give 
them all content. So the day following the protec- 
tor writ to him, (as will be found in the Collection,) Numb. aS. 
requiring him, in the king's name, not to meddle 
with these points, but to preach concerning the arti- 
cles given him, and about obedience and good life, 
which would afford him matter enough for a long 
sermon ; since the other points were to be reserved 
to a public consultation. The protector added, that 
he held it a great part of his duty, under the king, 
not to suffer wilful persons to dissuade the people 


PART from receiving such truths as should be set forth by 
others. But Grardiner pretended, that there was no 

^^^^' controversy about the presence of Christ. And so 

the next day he took his text out of the Gospel for 

Parker's the dav, Tkou art Christ. &c. In his sermon (of 

ceil. Col. which I have seen large notes) he expressed himself 

^^ very fully concerning the pope's supremacy as justly 

ed before abolishcd, and the suppression of monasteries and 

°^* chantries ; he approved of the king's proceedings ; 

he thought images might have been well used, but 

yet they might be well taken away. He approved 

of the sacrament in both kinds, and the taking away 

that great number of masses satisfactory, and liked 

well the new order for the communion. But he as- 

serted largely the presence of Christ's flesh and 

Uood in the sacrament : upon which many of the 

assembly, that were indiscreetly hot on both sides, 

cried out, some approving, and others disliking it. 

Of the king's authority under age, and of the power 

of the council in that case, he said not a word ; and 

upon that he was imprisoned. 

The occasion of this was, the popish clergy b^n 
generally to have it spread among them, that, though 
they had acknowledged the king's supremacy, yet 
they had never owned the council's supremacy. 
That the council could only see to the execution of 
the laws and orders that had been made, but could 
not make new ones ; and that therefore the supre- 
macy could not be exerci^, till the king, in whose 
person it was vested, came to be of age to consider 
of matters himself. Upon this the lawyers were 
consulted ; who did unanimously resolve, that the 
^"^remacy, being annexed to the regal dignity, was 
le in a king under age, when it was executed 


the eomldQU thftt it ww in a k^ at Ml ige; boos 
1 thevefove tUdgi ordered by tiie oovncil mm 

1 the sttPM anthorily in law fhaA they conld hove ^^^ 
es the king did act himself. But this did ndt 
id^r the gieater pirt of the dnrgy:^ some <^ whom» 
the hi|^ flaMeiies that had been giren to kings 
hi^g Henvy's time^ seemed to Ikncy that there 
He degrees of divine iUnmination derired nnto 
neea by the aaomting them at the c(»enatien} 
I thtae not exertii^ themsehres till a king at« 
Bed to a ripeness of understanding; they thougirt 
f su p re mac y was to lie dormailt while he was so 
mg^ The protector and eoimcil endeavoured to 
re get Gardiner to declare against this^ but he 
uld not meddle in it. How &r he might set fm<* 
rd the other opinion^ I do not know. These pro^ 
dings against him were thought too severe, and 
thout law ; but he beiug generally hated, they 
re not so much censured as they had been, if they 
1 fidlen on a more acceptable man. 
\nd thus were the orders made by the council 
lerdly obeyed; many being terrified with the 
ige Gtardiner met with, from which others infer-* 
I what th^ might look for, if they were refrac- 
y» when so great a bishop was so treated. 
The next thing Cranmer set about was, the pub-cnmmer 
img of a Catechism, or large instruction or young catechism. 
vons in tiie grounds of the Christian religion. In 
le reckons the two first commandments but one, 
Migh be says many of the ancients divided them 
two. But the division was of no great conse- 
mce, so no part of the Decalogue were suppressed 
the church. He showed,' that the excuses the 
lists had for images were no other than what the 



PART heathens brought for their idolatry; who also said. 


- they did not worship the image, but that only whidi 
^^^^' was represented by it. He particularly takes notice 
of the image of the Trinity. He shows how St 
Peter would not suffer Cornelius, and the angd 
would not suffer St. John, to worship them. The 
believing that there is a virtue in one image more 
than in another, he accounts plain idolatry. Ezekiai 
broke the brasen serpent when abused, though it 
was a type or image of Christ, made by God's com- 
mand, to which a miraculous virtue had been once 
given. So now there was good reason to break 
images, when they had been so abused to supersti- 
tion and idolatry ; and when they gave such scan- 
dal to Jews and Mahometans, who generally ac- 
counted the Christians idolaters on that account 
He asserts, besides the two sacraments of baptism 
and the Lord's supper, the power of reconciliDg 
sinners to God, as a third ; and fully owns the di- 
vine institution of bishops and priests; and wishei 
that the canons and rites of public penitence were 
again restored ; and exhorts much to confession^ and 
the people's dealing with their pastors about their 
consciences, that so they might upon knowledge 
bind and loose according to the gospel. Having 
finished this easy, but most useful work, he dedi- 
cated it to the king : and, in his epistle to him, com- 
plains of the great neglect, that had been in former 
times, of catechising; and that confirmation had 
not been rightly administered, since it ought to be 
given only to those of age, who understood the prin« 
ciples of the Christian doctrine, and did upon know- 
ledge, and with sincere minds, renew their baptis- 
mal vow. From this it will appear, that^ from the 


^nhig of this refinrmation, the practice of the book 
man churdi in the matter of images was held 

tbtrous. Cranmer^s zeal for restoring the peni- '^^®* 
itiary canons is also dear : and it is plain, that he 
1 now quite laid aside those singular opinions 
ich he formerly held of the ecclesiastical func- 
Ds; for now, in a work which was wholly his 
By without the concurrence of any others, he 
ly sets forth their divine institution. 
AU these things made way for a greater work,Ag«neni 
dch these selected bishops and divines, who had of «u um 
ioured in the setting forth of the office of the com-thl^^ 
inkm, were now preparing; which was, the entire ^•*^'**^ 
bnnation of the whole service of the church. In or- 
r to this, they Inrought tc^ther all the offices used 
En^nd. In the southern parts, those after the 
^Qf Sarum were universally received, which were 
lieved to have been compiled by Osmund bishop 
Serum. In the north of England, they had other 
ices after the use of York. In South Wales, they 
1 them aft;er the use of Hereford. In North 
ales, after the use (^ Bangor. And in Lincoln, 
other sort of an office proper to that see. 
In the primitive church, when the extraordinary 
is ceased, the bishops of the several churches put 
*ir offices and prayers into such a method, as was 
surest to what they had heard or remembered from 
t apostles. And these liturgies were called by the 
38tles' names, from whose forms they had been 
nposed ; as that at Jerusalem carried the name of 
James, and that of Alexandria the name of St. 
irk ; though those books that we have now under 
*ae names are certainly so interpolated, that they 
J of no great authority : but in the fourth century 



PART we have these liturgies first mentioned. The oonn- 
^ dl of Laodicea appointed the same oflke of prayers 

1548. (Q ^ iig^ Jq ii^Q mornings and evenings. The bi- 
shops continued to draw up new additions, and to 
put old forms into other methods. But this was 
left to every bishop's care : nor was it made the sub- 
ject of any public consultation till St. Austin's time ; 
when^ in their dealings with heretics, they found 
they took advantages firom some of the prayers that 
were in some churches. Upon this, he tdls us^ it 
was ordered, that there should be no prayers used 
in the church but upon common advice ; after that 
the liturgies came to be more carefully considered. 
Formerly, the worship of Gk>d was a pure and sim« 
pie thing ; and so it continued till superstition had 
so infected the church, that those forms were thought 
too naked, unless they were put under more artifi« 
cial rules, and dressed up with much ceremony. 
Gregory the Oreat was the first that took much 
care to make the church-music very regular; and 
he did also put the liturgies in another method than 
had been formerly used. Yet he had no such fbnd^ 
ness of his own composures, but left it to Austin 
the monk, whom he sent over into England when 
he consulted him in it, either to use the Roman or 
French rituals, or any other, as he should find they 
were most likely to edify the people. After this, in 
most sees there were great variations; for as any 
prelate came to be canonized, or held in high esteem 
by the people, some private collects or particular 
forms that he had used were practised in his, or per- 
haps, as his fame spread, in the neighbouring dio- 
ceses. In every age there were notable additions 
made : and all the writers almost, in the eighth and 


th ootturiest en^yed tiieir fimdes to find out book 
itkal wgnifaitioiis for every rite thbt was then 

1; and so^ as a new rite was added, it was no ^^^ 
i mattar to add some mystery to it. This had 
ie the offices swell out of measure, and there was 
reat variety of tbem ; missals, breviaries, rituals, 
itificals, portojses, pies, graduals, antiphonals, 
Iteries, hours, and a great many more. Every re* 
oiis ofder had likewise their peculiar rites, with 

saints* days that belonged to their ordw, and 
rices for them; and the underatandii^ how to 
jate was become so hard a piece of the trade, 
I it was not easy to learn it exactly, without i^ 
If practice in it. So now it was resolved to cor*- 
; and examiiie these. 

do not find it was ever brought under considera- it was re. 
I, whether they should compose a form for allbhoaidbe 
parts of divine worship, or leave it to the sudden mur^. 
. extemporary heats of those who were to offid- 
. which some have called, since that time, the 
-shipping by the Spirit : of this way of serving 
1 they did not then dream ; much less that the 
ointing of forms of prayer was an encroaching 
the kingly office of Christ ; but thought, whatever 
lying in the S^rit might have been in the apo* 
8* time, (where yet every man brought his psalms, 
ich are a sort of prayers as well as praises, and 
se look like some written composures, as St. Paul 
fresses it,) that now, to pray with warm affection 
[ sincere devotion was spiritual worship ; and that, 
3re it was the same thing that was to be daily 
ed of Grod, the using the same expressions was 

sign of a steady devotion, that was fixed on the 
ig prayed for ; whereas the heat that new words 



PART rauedy looked rather like a warmth in the fimgr. 
Nor could it agree with the principles of a refinrma- 

^^^' tion, that was to divest the churchmen of that unli- 
mited authority which they had formerly exerdsed 
over men's consciences, to leave them at liberty to 
make the people pray after them as they pleased; 
this being as great a resignation of the people, when 
their devotion depended on the sudden heats of their 
pastors, as the former superstition had made of their 
faith and conscience to them. So, it being resolved 
to bring the whole worship of Ood under set forms, 
they set one general rule to themselves, (which they 
afterwards declared^) of changing nothing for no- 
velty's sake, or merely because it had been formeily 
used. They resolved to retain such things as the 
prinutive church had practised, cutting off 'such 
abuses as the later ages had graft;ed on them ; and 
to continue the use of such other things, which, 
though they had been brought in not so early, yet 
were of good use to beget devotion ; and were so 
much recommended to the people by the practice of 
them, that the laying these aside would perhaps 
have alienated them from the. other changes they 
made. And therefore they resolved to make no 
change without very good and weighty reasons ; in 
which they considered the practice of our Saviour, 
who did not only comply with the rites of Judaism 
himself, but even the prayer he gave to his disciples 
was framed according to their forms ; and his two 
great institutions of baptism, and the eucharist, did 
consist of rites that had been used among the Jews. 
And since he, who was delivering a new religion, 
and was authorized in the highest manner that ever 
any was, did yet so far comply with received prac- 


tieeiy as firom Ihem to.take those which he sanctified rook 
&r the uae of his church, it seemed much fitter for— i— . 
those, who had no such extraordinary warrant to '^^* 
pwe them authoritjr in what thej did, when they 
were refivming abuses, to let the world see they did 
it not finom the wanton desire of change, or any 
affectati<m of novelty : and with those resolutions 
they entered on their work. 

In the search of the former offices, they found 
an infinite deal of superstition, in the . consecrations 
of water, salt, bread, incense, candles, fire, bells, 
churdies, images, altars, crosses, vessels, garments, 
palms, flowers ; all looked like the rites of heathen- 
ism, and seemed to spring firom the same fountain. 
When the water or salt were blessed, it was ex- 
pressed to be to this end, that they might be health 
both to soul and body ; and devils (who might well 
laugh at these tricks which they had taught them) 
were adjured not to come to any place where they 
were sprinkled ; and the holy bread was blessed to 
be a defence against all diseases and snares of the 
Devil ; and the holy incense, that devils might not 
come near the smoak of it, but that all who smelled 
at it might perceive the virtue of the Holy Ghost ; 
and the ashes were blessed so, that all who were co- 
vered with them might deserve to obtain the remis- 
sion of their sins. All those things had drawn the 
people to such confidence in them, that they gene- 
rally thought, that, without those harder terms of 
true holiness, they might upon such superstitious ob- 
servances be sure of heaven. So all these they re- 
solved to cast out, as things which had no warrant 
in scripture, and were vain devices to draw men 
away firom a lively application to God through 



PART Christy aooordiDg to the method of the goiptL 
Then the mimy rites in sacramental actiopa wcm 

^^^* consideied, all whidi had svrdled up to an iirfHsite 
heap. And as some of these^ wbadx had no fixind^ 
tion in scripture, were thrown ooty so the othen 
were brought back to a greater simplici^. In no 
part of rdigion was the corruption of the ftnncr 
offices more remarkable, than in the priestf* gnnt* 
ing absolution to the liring and the dttd* To audi 
as confessed, the absolution was thus granted : lai* 
solve thee in the name qfihe Father^ ike Semy and 
the Holy Ghoet. To which this was added : .dnd 
I grant to thee, that all the indulgences ghem^ or 
to be given thee, hy anyprelate, with the hleeeings 
of them, aU the eprinkUnge of holy water^ aU the 
devout beatings of thy breasty the contritions f^Uny 
heart, this confession, and aU iky other devoml eee^ 
Jessions, all thyjastings, abstinences, alm^mmge^ 
watchings, disciplines, prayers, and pUgrimagee^ 
and all the good thou hast done or shaU do, and all 
the evils thou hast sifffered or shall stffferjbr Chd; 
the passions of our Lord Jesus Christ, the merits 
qf the glorious and hlessed Virgin Mary, and qf 
all other saints, and the storages qf all the holy 
catholic church, turn to thee for the remission qf 
these and all other thy sifts, the increase of thy 
merits, and the attainment qf everlasting rewards. 
When extreme unction was given to dying persons^ 
they applied it to the ears, lips, nose, and other 
parts, with this prayer : JBy this holy unction, and 
his awn most tender mercy, and by the intercession 
of the blessed Virgin, and all the saints, may Ood 
pardon thee whatever thou hast sinned, by thy 
hearing, speaking, or smelling; and so in the othw 


pirts. And wfaea the dead bodj ww laid in the looc 

gniYe, Ihia ahwdiition was aaid over it; The Ijord 

j€M9 Chrut^ wko gave to St.Feter and Us other ^^^ 
aedpUe pauiar to hindand loose, ahsohe thee from 
ell Ae gmiU qf thif sine ; and in so Jar as is com^ 
mUtedio nsg weakness, be thou absolved before the 
tribmnal qfaurZdOrd, and may thou have eternal 
t^, and Uvejbr evermore. Thifl was thought the 
l^l^ieit abuse possiUe ; when, in giving the hope& of 
heaveop and the pardon of sins, which were of all the 
other parts of religion the most important, there 
weK wdi mixtures : and that which the scriptures 
bad taught could be only attained bj Jesus Christ, 
snd that upon the sincere belief and obedience of his 
goapeU was now ascribed to so many other procuru 
ing causes. These things had possessed the world 
with that conceit, that there was a trick for saving 
soulf, besides that plain method which Christ had 
taught» and that the priests had the secret of it in 
their handi; so that those who would not come 
under the ydi^e of Christ, and be saved that way, 
needed only to apply themselves to priests, and pur* 
chase their favour, and the business would be done. 
Th^^ were two other changes, which run through 
the whole offices. The one was, the translating them 
into a vulgar tongue. The Jewish worship was either 
in Hebrew, or, after the captivity, in the Syriac, 
the vulgar tongues of Palestine. The apostles always 
officiated in the tongues that were best understood ; 
so that St. Paul did copiously censure those who in 
prayers or psalms used any language that was not 
understood. And Qrigen, Basil, with all the fathers 
that had occasion to mention this, toolc notice, that 
every one in their own tongue worshipped God* 


'1l ^ After the renting of the Roman eminre by the Goths 
and other barbarous nations, the Roman tongue did 

* slowly mix with their tongues, till it was nradi 
changed and altered from itself by d^rees ; yet it 
was so long a doing that, that it was not thought ne- 
cessary to translate the liturgy into their lai^ages. 
But in the ninth century, when the 81avons were 
converted, it being desired that they might have di- 
vine offices in their own language, while some op- 
posed it, a voice was said to be heard. Let every 
tongue praise God: upon which pope John the 
Eighth writ to Methodius, their bishop, that it 
might be granted ; and founded it on St. Paul's 
Epistle to the Corinthians, and on these words at 
David, Let every tongue praise the Lord. And in 
the fourth council of Lateran it was decreed, that bi- 
shops, who lived in places where they were mixed 
with Greeks, should provide fit priests for perform- 
ing divine offices, according to the rites and lan- 
guage of those to whom they ministered. But the 
Roman church, though so merciful to the Greeks 
and Slavons, was more cruel to the rest of Europe; 
and since only Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, had been 
written on the cross of Christ by Pilate, they ar- 
gued, that these languages were thereby consecrated ; 
though it is not easy to apprehend what holiness 
could be derived into these tongues by Pilate, who 
ordered these inscriptions. It was also pretended, 
that it was a part of the communion of saints, that 
every where the worship should be in the same 
tongue. But the truth was, they had a mind to 
raise the value of the priestly function, by keeping 
divine offices in a tongue not understood ; which 
otherwise well seasoned with auperstitioD, 



might have that effect ; but it did very much alien- book 
ate the rest of the world from them. There wnq '• . 

also a vast number of holydays formerly observed, '^'**- 
R-ith so many prayers and hymns belonging to them, 
and so many lessons that were to be read ; which 
were many of them such impudent forgeries, that, 
the whole breviary and missal being full of these, a 
great deal was to be left out. There is in the whole 
breviary scarce one saint, but the lessons concerning 
bim contain some ridiculous legend, such as indeed 
could not be well read in a vulgar tongue without 
the scorn and laughter of the hearers ; and for most 
part the prayers and hymns do relate to these lying 
stories. Many of the prayers and hymns were also 
in such a style, that the pardon of sin, grace, and 
heaven, were immediately desired from the saints ; 
as if these things had come fi'om their bounty, or by 
their merits, or were given by them only ; of which 
the reader shall have a little taste in the Collection, Ca]i«t. 
in some of the addresses made to them. 

The reformers, having thus considered the corrup- 
tions of the former offices, were thereby better pre- 
pared to frame new ones. But the priests had offi- 
ciated in some garments which were appropriated to 
that use, as mrpUces, copes, and other vestments ; 
and it was long under consideration whether these 
diould continue. It was objected, that these gar- 
ments had been parts of the train of the mass, and 
had been superstitiously abused only to set it off 
with the more pomp. On the other hand it was ar- 
gued, that, as white was anciently the colour of the 
priests* garments in the Mosaical dispensation, so it 
vas used in the African churches in the fourth cen- 
tury ; and it was thought a natural expression of the 


^ART purity and decencj that became priests : besides, the 
dergj were then generally extreme poor^ so that 

1548. n^^ could scarce afford themselves decent dothes ; 
the people also, running from the other extreme of 
submitting too much to the (A&tgjj were now as 
much indined to despise them, and to make light of 
the hdy function ; so that, if they should aS&date in 
their own mean garments, it might make the divine 
offices grow also into contempt. And therefiMie it 
was resolved to continue the use of them ; and it 
was said, that their being Uessed and used supersti- 
tiously, gave as strong an argument against the use 
of churches and bells ; but that St. Paul had saidi 
That every creature qfGod was good; and even 
the meat of the sacrifice ofiered to an idol^ than 
which there could be no greatar abuse, m^ht law- 
fully be eaten ; therefore they saw do necessity, be- 
cause of a former abuse, to throw away habits that 
had so much decency in them, and had been ibrmeriy 
in use. 

In the compiling the offices, they began with 
morning and evening prayer. These were put in the 
same form they are now, only there was no confession 
nor absolution ; the office banning with the Lord's 
Prayer. In the Communion Service the Ten Com- 
mandments were not said as they are now, but in 
other things it was very near what it is now. All 
that had been in the order of the communion fw- 
merly mentioned was put into it. The offertory was 
to be made of bread, and wine mixed with water. 
Then was said the prayer for the state of Christ's 
church, in which they gave thanks to God for his 
wonderful grace declared in his saints, in the blessed 
Virgin, the patriarchs, apostles, prophets, and mar* 


tjTs; and they commended the saints departed to book 
God's mercy and peace, that, at the day of the resur- . 

rectioD, we with them might be set on Christ's right '^■*^' 
hand. To this, the consecratory prayer which we 
now use was joined as a part of it, only with these 
WMtls, that are since left out ; With thy holy Spirit 
tovchsafe to bless and sanctifij these thy gifts and 
creatnres of bread ami wine, that they may he unto 
as the body and blood of thy most dearly beloved 
Son, inc. To the consecration was also joined the 
prayer of thanksgiving now used. After the conse- 
cration, aU elevation was forbidden, which had been 
first used as a rite expressing how Christ was lifted 
up on the cross ; but was, after tlie belief of the cor- 
poral presence, made use of to show the sacrament, 
that the people might all fall down and worship it. 
And it was ordered, that the whole office of the com- 
mnnioo, except the consecratory prayer, ^oald be 
Bsed on all hdydays, when there was no communion, 
to pat people in mind of it, and of the sufferings of 
Christ. The bread was to be unleavened, round, 
bat no [vint on H, and somewhat thicker than it was 
fbnnerly. And though it was anciently put in the 
people's hands, yet, because some might cany it 
away, and triply it to superstitious uses, it was or- 
dered to be put by the priest into their mouths. It 
is clear, that Christ delivered it into the hands of 
the apostles, and it so continued for many ages ; as 
appears by several remarkable stories of holy men 
carrying it with them in their journeys. In the 
Greek church, where the bread and wine were min- 
I^bA bother, some began to think it more decent to 
receive it in little spoons of gold, than in their 
hands ; but that was condemned by the council in 


PART Tnillo: yet soon after they began in the Latin 
'- — church to appoint men to receive it with their hands, 

1548. jjy^ women to take it in a linen cloth, which was 
called their dominical. But when the belief of the 
corporal presence was received, then a new way of 
receiving was invented, among other things, to sup- 
port it : the people were now no more to touch that 
which was conceived to be the flesh of their Saviour, 
and therefore the priest's thumb and fingers were 
particularly anointed, as a necessary disposition for 
so holy a contact ; and so it was by them put into 
the mouths of the people. A litany was also ga^ 
thered, consisting of many short petitions, inter- 
rupted by suffrages between them ; and was the same 
that we still use, only they had one suffrage that we 
have not, to be delivered from the tyranny of the bi- 
shop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities. 

In baptism, there was, besides the forms which we 
still retain, a cross at first made on the child's fore- 
head and breast, with an adjuration of the Devil to 
go out of him, and come at him no more. Then the 
priest was to take the child by the right hand, and 
to place him within the font ; there he was to be 
dipped thrice, once on the right side, once on the 
left, and once on the breast ; which was to be dis- 
creetly done : but if the child were weak, it was suf- 
ficient to Sprinkle water on his face. Then was the 
priest to put a white vestment or chrysome on him, 
for a token of innocence, and to anoint him on the 
head, with a prayer for the unction of the Holy 
Ghost. In confirmation, those that came were to be 
catechised ; which having m it a formal engagement 
to make good the baptismal vow, was all that was 
asked: (the Catechism then was the same that is 



Kur, only there is lince added an explmiation of the book 
tacnunents.) This being said, the bishop was to sign 

Jiem with the cross, and to lay his hands on them, ^^^ 
md saj, I sign thee with the sign qfthe crass, and 
Eoy wsy hands on tikee, in the name qf the Father, 
kc. The side, who desired to be anointed, might 
hare the unction on their forehead, or their breast 
Doljr ; with a prayer, that, as their body was out- 
irardly amunted with oil, so they might receive the 
Soly Ghost, with health, and victory over sin and 
death. At funerals, they recommended the soul de- 
parted to God's mercy, and prayed that his sins 
might be pardoned, that he might be delivered from 
bdi, and carried to heaven, and that his body might 
be raised at the last day. 

They also took care that those who could not 
come, or be brought to church, should not therefore 
be deprived of the use of the sacraments. The church 
of Rome had raised the belief of the indispensable 
necessity of the sacraments so highf that they taught 
they did ex apere aperato, by the very action itself, 
vrithout inward acts, justify and confer grace, unless 
there were a bar put to it by the receiver : and the 
first rise of the questions about justification seems to 
bave come from this ; for that church teaching that 
men were justified by sacramental actions, the re- 
formers opposed this, and thought men Were jus- 
tified by the internal acts of the mind : if they had 
bdd at this, the controversy might have been ma- 
naged with much greater advantages; which they 
lost in a great measure by descending to some mi- 
miter subtilties. In the church of Rome, pursuant 
to their belief concerning the necessity of the sacra^ 
Bents, women were allowed in extreme cases to 


PART baptize; and the midwives oommontydid it; which 
: — might be the beginning of their being licensed bf 

1548. iijjihops to exercise that calling. And they also be* 
Ue^ed that a simple attrition with the sacraments 
was sufficient for salvation in those who were grown 
up; and upon these grounds the sacraments were 
administered to the sick. 

In the primitiye church, thej sent portions of the 
sacrament to those who were sick, or in prison : aatd 
did it not only without pomp or processions, but 
sent it often by the hands of boys, and other laica^ 
as appears from the famed story of Serapioa ; which 
as it shows they did not then believe it was the 
very flesh and blood of Christ ; so, when that doc- 
trine was received, it was a natural effect of that be- 
lief, to have the sacrament carried by the priest 
himself with some pomp and adoration. The an^ 
dents thought it more decent^ and suitable to the 
communion of saints, to consecrate the elements 
only in the church, and to send portions to the siefcy 
thereby expressing their communion with the rest 
The reformers considering these things, steered a 
middle course : they judged the sacraments neces* 
sary, where they could be had, as appointments ii^ 
stituted by Christ; and though they thought it 
more expedient to have all baptisms done in the 
church at the fonts, than in private houses, thereby 
signifying that the baptized were admitted to the 
fellowship of that church; yet, since our Saviour 
had said. That where two or three are gathered 
together^ he wiU be in the midst of them ; they 
thought it savoured too much of a superstition to 
the walls or fonts of churches, to tie this action so 
to these, that where children, either through in^ 


firmity, or the sharpness of weather, could not be book 

without danger carried to church, they should be ' 

denied baptism. But still they thought public bap- '^"'^* 
tism more expressive of the communion of the saints ; 
so that they recommended it much, and only per- 
mitted the other in cases of necessity. This has 
since grown to a great abuse; many tliinking it a 
piece of state to have their children baptized in 
their houses; and so bringing their pride with them 
even into the most sacred performances. There 
may lie also a fault in the ministers, who are too 
easily brought to do it. But it is now lx;come so 
universal, that all the endeavours of some of our bi- 
shops have not been able to bring it back to the 
fint design of not baptizing in private houses, ex- 
cepting only where there was some visible danger 
in carrying the children to church. 

As for the other sacrament, it was thought by 
our reformers, that, according to the mind of the 
primitive church, none should be denied it in their 
extremities; it never being more necessary than at 
that time to use all means that might strengthen 
the faith, and quicken the devotion, of dying per- 
sons; it being also most expedient that they should 
then profess their dying in the faith, and with a 
good conscience, and in charity with all men : there- 
fijie they ordered the communion to be given to the 
rick; and that, before it was so given, the priest 
rfiould examine their consciences, and upon the sin- 
cere profession of their faith, and the confession of 
nich sins as oppressed their consciences, with the 
doing of all that was then in their power for the 
completing of their repentance, as the forgiving in- 
juries, and dealing justly with all people, he should 

vol,. II. M ^ 


PART give them the peace of the church in a fijnnai abso- 
lution, and the holy eucharist. But, that thejr 

1548. mjgiit avoid the pomp of vain processions on the 
one hand, and the indecencies of sending the sacnu 
ment by common hands on the other, they thaught 
it better to gather a congregation about the ock 
person, and there to consecrate and give the sacra- 
ment to that small assembly ; where, as Christ's pro- 
mise, of being in the midst of two or three that 
were gathered together in his name, should hate 
put an end to the weak exceptions some have made 
to these private communions; so on the other hand 
it is to be feared, that the greater part retain still 
too much of the superstition of popery : as if the 
priest's absolution, with the sacrament, and some 
slight sorrow for sin, would be a sure passport for 
their admittance to heaven ; which it is certain caa 
only be had upon so true a faith, as carries a sincere 
repentance, with a change of heart and life, along 
with it; for to such only the mercies of Gkxi, through 
the merits of Jesus Christ, are applied in all ordi* 
nary cases. 
The pre- To all this they prefixed a preface conoeminff 

face to the , i • •«■, i « ■ ^ 

Book of ceremonies, the same that is still before the Common 
v^^^ Prayer Book. In which preface they make a differ- 
ence between those ceremonies that were brought in 
with a good intent, and were afterwards abused; 
and others, that had been brought in out of va- 
nity and superstition at first, and grew to be more 
abused : the one they had quite rejected, the other 
they had reformed and retained for decency and 
edification. Some were so set on their old fimns, 
that they thought it a great matter to depart firora 
any of them ; others were desirous to innovate in 

THK hefobmahon. les 

enatf tfaiog: between both which liiey had kept a book 
mean. The bnden of cer^moiiies in St. Anstm's di^ 

WM Sdch^ that he comphdned of them then as in- ^^^* 
tolenU^ by whidi the state of Christians was worse 
tkaB that oTthe Jews ; but these were swelled to a 
fiur greater iramber since his days, whicii did indeed 
darken rdigion, and had brought Christians under 
a heavy yoke: therefoie they had only reserved 
•odi as waie decent, and apt to stir up men's minds 
with some good signification. Many ceremonies had 
been so abused by superstition and avarice, that it 
was neoeasary to take them quite away : but since 
it waa fit to retain some for decency and order, it 
better to keep those which were old than to 
new ones. But these that were kept were not 
thought equal with God's law, and so were upon 
just causes to be altered : they were also plain and 
easy to be understood, and not very subject to be 
abased. Nor did they, in retaining these, condemn 
other nations, or prescribe to any but their own 
peq[ile. And thus was this book made ready against 
the next meeting of parliament. 

In it the use of the cross was retained, since it Reflections 
had been used by the ancient Christians as a pubhcu^e new 
dedaration that they were not ashamed of the cross ^'^'^- 
rf Christ : *though they acknowledged this had been 
strangely abused in the later ages, in which the bare 
use of the cross was thought to have some magical 
virtue in it ; and this had gone so far, that in the 
Roman Pontifical it was declared, that the crosier*' 
staff was to be worshipped with that supreme de- 
gree of adoration called Latria. But it was thought 
fit to retain it in some parts of worship ; and the 
mtber, because it was made use of among the people 

M 2 


PART to defame the reformers, that they had no venerR^ 

II • 
: tion for the cross of Christ. And therefore, as an 

1548. outward expression of that in the sacrament of bap- 
tism, and in the office of confirmation, and in the 
consecration of the sacramental elements, it was or- 
dered to be retained, but with this difference ; that 
the sign of the cross was not made with the opinion 
of any virtue or efficacy in it to drive away evil spi- 
rits, or to preserve one out of dangers, which were 
thought virtues that followed the use of it in the 
Roman church: for in baptism, as they used the 
sign of the cross, they added an adjuration to the 
evil spirit not to violate it ; and in the making it 
said. Receive the sign of the cross both in thyjore^ 
head and in thy hearty and take the faith qf ike 
heavenly precepts. Thus a sacramental virtue was 
pretended to be affixed to it, which the reformers 
thought could not be done without a warrant from 
a divine institution, of which it is plain there was 
none in scripture. But they thought the use of it 
only as an expression of the belief of the church, 
and as a badge of Christianity, with such words 
added to it as could import no more, was liable to 
no exception. This seems more necessary to be 
well explained, by reason of the scruples that many 
have since raised against significant ceremonies, as 
if it were too great a presumption in any church to 
appoint such, since these seem to be of the nature 
of sacraments. Ceremonies that signify the convey- 
ance of a divine grace and virtue are indeed sacra- 
ments, and ought not to be used without an express 
institution in scripture; but ceremonies that only 
signify the sense we have, which is sometimes ex* 
pressed as significantly in dumb shows as in words» 


aie of anottier kind: and it is as much within the book 
power of die church to appoint such to be used, as ^ 

it is to order collects or prayers ; words and signs '^^ 
being but different ways of expressing our thoughts. 
The bdief of Christ's corporal presence was yet 
under consideration : and they, observing wisely 
how the Germans had broken by their running too 
soon into contests about that, resolved to keep up 
still tJie old general expressions of the sacraments, 
beh^ the whole and true body of Christ, without 
coming to a more particular explanation of it. The 
use of oil on so -many occasions was taken from the 
ancient Christians, who^ as Theophilus says, began «^ 
early to be anointed ; and understood those words 
of St. Paul, of God's anointing and sealing^ lite- 
rally. It was also anciently applied to the receiving 
of penitents. But it was not used about the sick, 
froni the apostles' times, till about the tenth cen- 
tury : and then, from what St. James writ to those 
in the dispersion, of sending for the elders to come 
to such as were sick, who should anoint them with 
oil, and their sins should be forgiven them, and they 
should recover ; they came to give it to those that 
were dying, but not while there was any hope of 
life left in them : though it is clear, that what St. 
James writ related to that extraordinary gift of 
healing, by imposition of hands, and anointing with 
dl, which yet continued in the church when he writ 
that Epistle. And it is plain, that this passage in 
St James was not so understood by the ancients, as 
it is now in the Roman church ; since the ancients, 
though they used oil on many other occasions, yet 
applied it not at all to the sick till after so many 
ages, that gross superstition had so disposed the 

M 3 


PART world to new rites, that there coukl be no dbcoveiy 

^ — or invention more acceptable than the addition of a 

^^^^ new ceremony, though they were then much op- 
pressed with the old ones. 

The changes that were made, and those that were 
designed to be made, occasioned great heats every 
where. And the pulpits generally contending with 
one another ; to restrain that clashing, the pow» of 
granting licenses to preach was taken firom the bi- 
shops of each diocese, so that none might give them 
but the king and the archbishop of Canterbury, 
All preach- Yet that not proving an effectual restraint, on the 

iDg was for i«>i«^ 1 1 •••- 

a time re- twenty-thu*d of September a proclamation is said to 
' ^" ' have come out, setting forth, that whereas according 
to former proclamations none was to preach but suA 
as had obtained licenses from the king or the archbi- 
shop ; yet some of those that were so licensed had 
abused that permission, and had carried themselves 
irreverently, contrary to the instructions ihat were 
sent them: therefore the king, intending to have 
shortly an uniform order over all the kingdom, and 
to put an end to all controversies in religion, aboot 
which some bishops and other learned men were 
then assembled ; and though many of the preachers 
so licensed had carried themselves wisely, to the ho* 
nour of God, and the king's great contentation ; yet, 
till the order now preparing should be set forth, he 
did inhibit all manner of persons to preach in any 
public audience, to the intent that the clergy might 
apply themselves to prayer for a blessing on what 
the king was then about to do ; not doubting but 
the people would be employed likewise in prayer, 
and hearing the Homilies read in their churches, and 
be ready to receive that uniform order that was to 


be set forth ; and the inferior magistrates were re- book 
quired to see to the execution of this. I never met- 

with any footstep of this proclamation, neither in re- '^^^• 
cords, nor in letters, nor in any book written at that 
time. But Mr. Fuller has printed it, and Ur. Heylin 
has given an abstract of it from him. If Fuller had 
told how he came by it, it might have been further 
examined. But we know not whether he saw the 
printed proclamation, or only a copy of it. And if 
he saw but a copy, we have reason to doubt of it; 
for that might Iiave been only the essay of some pro- 
jecting man's pen. But, because I found it in those 
authors, I tliought best to set it down as it is, and 
leave the reader to juilge of it. 

Having thus given an account of the progress of T""* »f»"f 
the reformation this summer, I shall now turn toitiiB^nr. 
transactions of state, and shall first took towards 
Scotland. The Scots, gaining time the last winter, 
and being in daily expectation of succours from 
France, were resolved to carry on the war. The 
governor began the year with the siege of Broughty 
Castle, a little below Dundee. But the English that 
were in it defended themselves so well, that, after 
tbey had been besieged three months, the siege was 
rused, and only so many were left about it as might 
cover the country from their excursions. The Eng- 
lish on the other side had taken and fortified Ha- 
dingtoun, and wa% at work also at Lauder to make 
it strcmg. The former of these lying in a plain, and 
io ooe of the most fruitful counties of Scotland, 
within twelve ^iles of Edinbui^h, was a very fit 
place to be kept as a curb upon the countiy. About 
the end of May six thousand men were sent from 
France under the ccmmand of Dessie : three thou- 

M 4 ^ 


PART sand of these were Gennans, commanded by the 


Rhin^rave ; two thousand of them were Frendi, 

^^^^' and a thousand were of other nations; they^ landed 
at Leith; and the governor having gathered eight 
thousand Scots to join with them, they sat down 
before Hadingtoun; and here the Scottish nobil- 
ity entered into a long consultation about thdr af- 

The protector had sent a proposition to them, that 
there might be a truce for ten years. (But whether 
he offered to remove the garrisons, does not appear.) 
This he was forced to upon many accounts. He 
saw the war was like to last long, and to draw on 
great expense, and would certainly end in another 
war with France ; he durst not any more go from 
court, and march himself at the head of the army, 
and leave the king to the practices of his brother. 
There were also great discontents in England ; many 
were offended with the changes made in religion ; 
the commons complained generally of oppressimi, 
and of the enclosing of grounds, of which the sad 
effects broke out next year : he began to labour un- 
der the envy of the nobility ; the clergy were almost 
all displeased with him ; and the state of affairs in 
Germany made it necessary to join with the king ci 
France against the emperor. All this made him 
very desirous of such a peace with Scotland as might 
at least preserve the queen from being disposed of 
for ten years. In that time, by treaty and pensions, 
they might hope to gain their ends more certainly 
than by a war, which only inflamed the Scots against 
them, according to the witty saying of one of the 
Scots, who, being asked what he thought of the 
match with England, said, he knew not how he 


should Uke the marriage, but he was sure he did not book 
like the way of wooing. On the other hand, the 

French pressed the Scots to send their young queen '^^* 
into France in the ships that had brought over their 
ibices, who should be married to the dauphin, and 
Uien they mi^t depend on the protection of France. 
Many were for accepting the proposition from Eng- 
land, (particularly all those who secretly favoured 
the reformation ;) they thought it would give them 
present quiet^ and free them from all the distrac- 
ti«Mi8 which they either felt, or might apprehend, 
from a lasting war with so powerful an enemy; 
whereas the sending away of their queen would put 
them out of a capacity of obtaining a peace, if the 
war this year proved as unsuccessful as it was the 
last; and the defence they had from France was 
almost as bad as the invasions of the English, for 
the French were very insolent, and committed great 
disorders. But all the clergy were so apprehensive 
of their ruin by the marriage with England, that 
they never judged themselves safe till the thing was 
out of their power by the sending their queen into 
France. And it was said, that when once the Eng- 
lish saw the hopes of the marriage irrecoverably lost, 
they would soon grow weary of the war ; for then 
the king of France would engage in the defence of 
Scotland with his whole force, so that nothing would 
keep up the war so much as having their queen still 
among them. To this many of the nobility yielded, 
being corrupted by money from France; and the 
governor consented to it, for which he was to be 
made duke of Chastelherault in France, and to have 
an estate of twelve thousand livres a year. And soTiie Scot. 

, , tish queen 

it was agreed to send their queen away. This being u sent to 

. Fnnoe. 


PART gained^ the French ships set sail to aea^ as if they 
had been to return to France, but sailed round Soot* 

^^^^- land by the isles of Orkney, and came into Dunhti* 
ton Frith, near to which the queen was kept, in Dun- 
briton castle ; and, receiving her from thence with 
an honourable convoy that was sent to attend on 
her, they carried her over to Britaigne in France^ 
and so by easy journeys she was brought to court, 
where her uncles received her with great joy, hoping 
by her means to raise and establish their fortunes in 
The siege of Jd the mcau time the siege of Hadingtoun w9B 
"H^r carried on with great valour on both sides. The 
French were astonished at the courage, the nimble* 
ThiukDus. ness, and labours of the Scotch Highlanders, who 
were half naked, but capable of great hardships, and 
used to run on with marvellous swiftness. In one sally 
which the besieged made, one of those got an Eng- 
lishman on his shoulders, and carried him away with 
that quickness, that nothing could stop him; and 
though the Englishman bit him so in the neck, thi^ 
as soon as he had brought him into the camp, he 
himself fell down as dead, yet he carried him off, for 
which he was nobly rewarded by Dessie. The Ei^« 
lish defended themselves no less courageously ; and 
though a recruit of about one thousand foot, and 
three hundred horse, that was sent from Berwick, 
led by sir Robeit Bowes and sir Thomas Palmer, 
was so fatally intercepted, that they were alnQM)st 
all to a man killed, yet they lost no heart. Another 
party of about three hundred escaped the ambush 
laid for them, and got into the town, with a great 
deal of ammunition and provisions, of which the be- 
sieged were come to be in want. But at the aame 


tune botii Home Castle and Fascastle were lost, book 
The finrmer was taken hj treachery ; lor some coni- 

ng in as deserters, seeming to be very zealous for ^^^ 
the English quarrel, and being too much trusted by 
the governor, and going often out to bring intel- 
ligenoe, gave the lord Home notice, that on that 
ride where the rock was, the English kept no good 
watcdies, trusting to the steepness of the place : so 
they agreed, that some should come and climb the 
ToAj to whom they should give assistance ; which 
was accordingly done, and so it was surprised in the 
mi^t. The governor of Fascastle had summoned 
the countiy people to bring him in provisions ; upon 
which (by a common stratagem) soldiers, coming as 
countrymen, threw down their carriages at the gates, 
and fell on the sentinels ; and so, the signal being 
given, some, that lay concealed near at hand, came 
in time to assist them, and took the castle. 

The protector, till the army was gathered toge- a fleet sent 
tber, sent a fleet of ships to disturb the Scots, by the^j^^. 
descents they should make in divers places ; and his 
brother being admiral, he commanded him to go to 
his charge. He landed first in Fife, at St. Minins ; 
but there the queen's natural brother, James, after- 
wards earl of Murray, and r^ent of Scotland, ga^ 
thered the country people together, and made head 
against them. The English were twelve hundred, 
and had brought their cannon to land; but the 
Scots charged them so home, that they forced them 
to their ships : many were drowned, and many kill- 
ed ; the Scots reckoned the number of the slain to 
be six hundred, and a hundred prisoners taken. 
The next descent they made was no more pro»'^'J^^°* 
perous to them : for, landing in the night at Mount- 


PART ross, .Srskin of Dun gathered the country together, 
and divided them in three bodies, ordering one to 

^^^^' appear soon after the former had engaged; the 
enemy, seeing a second and a third body come 
against them, apprehending greater numbers, run 
back to their ships ; but With so much loss, that, of 
eight hundred who had landed, the third man got 
not safe to the ships again. So the admiral returned, 
having got nothing but loss and disgrace by the ex- 

But now the English army came into Scotland, 
commanded by the earl of Shrewsbury: though 
both the Scotch writers and Thuanus say, the eail 
of Lennox had the chief command; but he only came 
with the earl of Shrewsbury, as knowing the coun- 
try and people best, and so being the fitter both to 
get intelligence, and to negotiate, if there was room 
for it. The Scots were by this time gone home fiir 
the most part; and the nobility, with Dessie, agreed, 
that it was not fit to put all to hazard, and there- 
Aug. 3o. fore raised the siege of Hadingtoun, and marched 
^\ZTng- back to Edinburgh. The lord Gray, with a great 
toon raised, p^^ q( ^y^ English army, followed him in the rear, 

but did not engage him into any great action ; by 
which a good opportunity was lost, for the French 
were in great disorder. The Englbh army came 
into Hadingtoun.v They consisted of about seven- 
teen thousand men ; of which number seven thou- 
sand were horse, and three thousand of the foot 
were German landsknights, whom the protector had 
entertained in his service. These Grermans were 
some of the broken troops of the protestant army, 
who^ seeing the state of their own country despe- 
rate, offered their service to the protector. He too 





emfy entertaiiied them ; reckoning, that, being pro* book 
testant8» the^ woidd be sure to him, and would '' 
dqiend wholly on himself. But this proved a fiEital 
counsd to him ; the English having been always 
jealous of a standing, but much more of a foreign 
teoe about their prince : so there was great occasion 
given by this to tiiose who traded in sowing jea- 
lousies among the people. The English, having 
victualled Hadingtoun, and repaired the fortifica- 
tions, returned back into their own country: but 
had th^ gone on to Edinburgh, they had found 
dm^ there in great confusion. For Dessie, when 
he got thither, having lost five hundred of his 
men in the 'retreat, went to quarter his soldiers in 
the town ; but the provost (so is the chief magistrate 
there called) opposed it. The French broke in with 
force, and killed him and his son, with all they 
fimnd in the streets, men, women, and children : 
and, as a spy, whom the English had in Edinburgh, 
gave them notice, the Scots were now more alien- 
ated from the French than from the English. The 
French had carried it very gently, till the queen was 
sent away ; but reckoned Scotland now a conquered 
countiy, and a province to France : so the Scots be- 
gan, though too late, to repent the sending away of 
tlie queen. But it seems the English had orders 
not to venture too far ; for the hopes of the mar- 
nage were now gone, and the protector had no mind 
to engage in a war with France. These things hap- 
pened in the banning of October. Dessie, appre- 
hending that at Hadingtoun they were now secure, 
the ai^e being so lately raised, resolved to try if he 
QQuld carry the place by surprise. The English 
bom thence had made excursions as far as Edin* 


PART burgh ; in one of which the French ftil on them, 

'- — pursued them, and killed about two hundred, and 

*^^' took gixscore prisoners, almost within their worics. 
Soon after, Dessie marched in the night, and sur- 
prised one of their outworks^ and was come to the 
gates : where the place had been certainly lost, if it 
had not been for a French deserter, who knew, if he 
were taken, what he was to expect. He therefore 
fired one of the great cannon, which, being dis- 
charged among the thickest of the French, killed so 
many, and put the rest in such disorder, that Dessie 
was forced to quit the attempt. From thence he 
went and fortified Leith, which was then but a mean 
villi^ ; but the situation of the place being recom- 
mended by the security it now had, it soon came to 
be one of the best peopled towns in Scotland. From 
thence he intended to have gone on to take Brought 
Castle, and to recover Dundee, which were then in 
the hands q( the English ; but he was ordered bj 
the queen regent to make an inroad into England. 
There, after some slight engagements, in which the 
English had the worst, the Scotch and French came 
in as far as Newcastle, and returned loaded with 
spoil : which the French divided among themselves, 
allowing the Scots no share of it. An Englidi 
priest was taken, who bore that disgrace of bis 
country so heavily, that he threw himself on the 
ground, and would not eat, nor so much as open his 
but lay thus prostrate till he died: this the 
who seldom let their misfortunes aflict 
I, looked on with much astonishment. But at 
It time the English had fortified Inch4[eith| an 

Frith, and put eight hundred men in 
after that, Dessie brought Ms 


forces from Leith, and recovered it; having killed book 

four hundred English, and forced the rest to surren- ' 

der. '548. 

Thus ended this year, and with it Dessie's power Disconunu 
in Scotland. For the queen mother and the gover-' 
nor had made great complaints of him at the court 
of France, that lie put the nation to vast charge to 
little purpose ; so that he was more uneasy to his 
friends than his enemies : and his last disorder at 
Edinburgh had on the one hand so raised the inso- 
lence of the French soldiers, and on the other hand 
so alienated and inflamed the people, that, unless an- 
other were sent to command, who should govern 
more miJdly, there might be great danger of a defec- 
tion of a whole kingdom. For now the seeds of 
their distaste of the French government were so 
town, that men came generally to condemn their 
sending the queen away, and to hate the governor 
for consenting to it ; but chiefly to abhor the clergy, 
who had wrought it for their own ends. 

Monsieur de Thormes was sent over to command ; Moniuc 
and Wonluc, bishop of Valence, came with him to "It wj 
govern the counsels, and be chancellor of the king-'^''*"""'"' 
dom. He had lately returned from his embassy at 
Constantinople. He was one of the wisest men of 
that time, and was always for moderate counsels in 
matters of religion ; which made him be sometime 
■Dspected of heresy. And indeed the whole sequel 
of his life declared him to be one of the greatest 
men of that age ; only his being so long and so 
firmly united to queen Catherine Medici's interest, 
takes ofl" a great deal of the high character which 
the rest of his life has given of him. But he was at But "a» imt 
this time unkDOWD, and ill represented, in Scotland ;«!. 


PART where they, that looked for advantages from their 
alliance with France, took it ill to see a Frenchman 

^^^^' sent over to enjoy the best office in the kingdom. 
The queen mother herself was afraid of him : so^ to 
avoid new grounds of discontent, he left the king- 
dom, and returned into France. 

Thus ended the war between Scotland and Eng- 
land this year, in almost an equal mixture of good 
and bad success. The English had preserved Ha- 
dingtoun, which was the chief matter of this yearns 
action. But they had been at great charge in the 
war, in which they were only on the defensive : they 
had lost other places, and been unsuccessful at sea ; 
and, which was worst of all, they had now lost all 
hopes of the marriage, and were almost engaged 
in a war with France, which was like to fall on the 
king when his affairs were in an ill condition, his 
people being divided and discontented at home, and 
his treasure much exhausted by this war. 

o^Geman ^^^ ^*^*^ ^^ Germany was at this time most de- 
plorable : the pope and emperor continued their 
quarrelling about the translation of the council 
Mendoza at Rome, and Velasco at Bologna, declared, 
in the emperor's name, that a council being called 
by his great and long endeavours for the quieting of 
Germany, and he being engaged in a war to get it 
to be received ; and having procured a submission of 
the empire to the council, it was, upon frivolous and 
feigned causes, removed out of Grermany to one of 
the pope's towns : by which the Germans thought 
themselves disengaged of their promise, which was, 
to submit to a council in Germany : and therefore 
that he protested against it as an unlawful meeting, 
to whose decrees he would not submit ; and that, if 


they did not return to Trent, he would take care of book 
settling religion some other way. But the pope,- 

The rmpp. 

pleased to see the emperor anew embroil himself ™r, being 
with the Germans ; and therefore intended the b''u.™ 
council should be continued at Bologna. Upon thiso^'^'^^n. 
the emperor ordered three divines, Julius Flugius, jj,'; °^'',°"„ 
hishop of Naumburg, Michael Sidonius, and Islebius'"''^''™'™- 
Agricola, to draw a form of religion. The two for- 
mer had been alwaya papists, and the latter was for- 
merly a protestant, but was believed to he now cor- 
rupted by the emjjeror, that the name of one of the 
Ausburg Confession might make what they were to 
set out pass the more easily. They drew up all the 
points of religion in a book, which was best known 
by the name of the Interim, because it was to last 
daring that interval, till a general council should 
meet in Germany. In it all the points of the 
Romish doctrine were set forth in the smoothest 
terms possible : only married men might officiate as 
priests, and the communion was to be given in both 
kinds. The book being thus prepared, a diet was 
mmmoned to Ausburg in February, where the first Feb. Di«i nt 
thing done was, the solemn investiture of IWaurice "" °''^' 
in the electorate of Saxony. He had been declared 
dector last year by the emperor before Wittenb^ : 
hot now it was performed with great ceremony on 
the twenty-fourth of February, which was the em- Feb. 14- 
peror's Urthday; John Frederick looking on withnnuteeiedor 
Ids usual constancy of mind. All he said was." ' ""'' 
** Now they triumph in that dignity, of which they 
** have ag^nst justice and equity spoiled me: God 
** grant they may enjoy it peaceably and happily, 
" and may never need any assistance from me or 
VOL. 11. N 


FAftT " my posteritj." And, without expreasmg say 


further concern about it, he went to his studies, 
U4H, ||r}|i^*h were almost wholly emidoyed in the scrip- 

I'he lxK>k of the Interim being prepared, the elec- 
tor of Brandenburgh sent for Martin Bucer, who was 
lioth a learned and moderate divine, and showed 
it him. Bucer, having read it, plainly told him, 
that it was nothing but downright popery, only a 
little disguised : at which the elector was much of- 
fended, for he was pleased with it : and Bucer, not 
without great danger, returned back to Strasbuig. 
Mftrdi ig. Oil the fifteenth of March the book was proposed to 
r»miiv«d hi ttic dict ; and the elector of Mentz, without any or- 
(ler, did in all the princes' names give the emperor 
thanks for it : which he interpreted as the assent 
of tlie whole diet; and after that would not hear 
any tliat came to him to stop it, but published it as 
agivtnl to by the diet, 
^«r n'**^* ^^^ Home and Bologna it was much condemned, 
imm^vUmHs nn high attempt in the emperor to meddle with 
iMii«! innnts ot religion ; such as dispensing with the mar- 
riage of priests, and the communion in both kinds. 
Wherefore some of that church writ against it. And 
matters went so high« that wise men of that side 
be|pin to fear the breach between the emperor and 
them mights hefor>^ they wer>^ awan?, be past recoo- 
tiling : for they had not forgot that the Isst pope's 
$tifliiec» hail k^ England* and they vin« not a litr- 
tk afraid they might now kxse the emperor. But if 
the |v|^ wxM\^ odfended for the coocessiotts aa tbese 
tw\^ ivunktibrk the prvHe$tact$ thoifi^ tbey had 
iier caiKse to dislike it : »c^ ioi al other 


Teral of thfit side writ likewise against it. But the book 
emperor was now so much exalted with his success. 

that he rescued to go through with it, little regard- '^^- 
mg the opposition of either hand. The new elector 
of Saxony went home, and offered it to his subjects. 
But they refused to receive it, and said, (as sir Phi-j^li^- 
Up Hobbejr, then ambassador from England at the 
emperor^ court, writ over,) that they had it under 
the emperor^s hand and seal, that he should not med- 
dle with matters of religion, but only with reform- 
ing; the commonwealth : and that, if their prince 
would not protect them in this matter, they should 
find another, who would defend them frT>m such op- 
pRssion. An exhortation for the receiving of it was 
read at Ausburg ; but they also refused it. Many 
towns sent their addresses to the emperor, desiring 
iiim not to oppress their consciences. But none was 
of such a nature as that from Linda, a little town 
near Constance, which had declared for the emperor 
m the former war. They returned answer, that 
th^ could not agree to the Interim without incur- 
rii^ eternal damnation : but, to show their submis- 
flon to him in all other things, they should not shut 
their gates, nor make resistance against any he 
Aoold send, though it were to spoil and destroy 
their town. This let the emperor and his council 
aee how difficult a work it would be to subdue the 
coDsdences of the Grermans. But his chancellor, 
Giandvil, pressed him to extreme counsels, and to 
Bake an example of that town, who had so peremp- 
torily refused to obey his commands. Yet he had 
little reason to hope he should prevail on those who 
were at liberty, when he could work so little on his 
FriMmer, the duke of Saxe : for he had endeavoured, 

N 2 


PART by great offers, to persuade him to agree to it ; but 
all was in vain ; for he always told them that kept 

1548. y^j^^ ^Y^Q^ j^ person was in their power, but hii 
conscience was in his own ; and that he would not 
on any terms depart from the Ausburg Confession. 
Upon this he was severely used ; his chaplain was 
put fit)m him, with most of his servants; but he 
continued still unmoved, and as cheerful as in hit 
greatest prosperity. The Lutheran divines entered 
into great disputes, how far they might comply. 
Melancthon thought, that the ceremonies of poperj 
might be used, since they were of their own nature 
indifferent. Others, as Amstorfius, lUiricus, with 
the greatest part of the Lutherans^ thought the 
receiving the ceremonies would make way for aD 
the errors of popery ; and though they were of thar 
own nature indifferent, yet they ceased to be so 
when they were enjoined as things necessary to sal-^ 
vation. But the emperor going on resolutely, many 
divines were driven away; some concealed them^ 
selves in Grermany, others fled into Switzerland, and 
some came over into England. 

When the news of the changes that were made 
here in England were carried beyond sea, and, after 
Peter Martyr's being with Cranmer, were more co- 
piously written by him to his friends ; Calvin and 
M. Bucer, who began to think the reformation al* 
most oppressed in Germany, now turned their ejtM 
cdvin writ more upon England. Calvin writ to the protector, 

to the pro- .1 ^ * y t% r^ 

lector. on tlie twenty-mnth of October, encouraging him to 

go on notwithstanding the wars ; as Hezekias had 
done in his reformation. He lamented the heats of 
professed the gospel ; but complained^ 
there were few lively sermons preach* 


ed in England ; and that the preachers recited their book 
discourses coldly. He much approves a set form of '" 
prayers, whereby the consent of all the churches did '^'*^' 
more manifestly appear. But he advises a more 
complete reformation. He taxed the prayers Jxir 
the dead, the use of chrism and extreme unction, 
since they were no where recommended in scripture. 
He had heard, that the reason why they went no 
farther was, because the times could not hear it : but 
this was to do the work of God by political maxims ; 
which, though they ought to take place in other 
things, yet should not be followed in matters in 
which the salvation of souls was concerned. But 
above all things he complained of the great impieties 
and vices that were so common in England ; as 
swearing, drinking, and uncleaiiness; and prayed 
bim earnestly, that these things might be looked 

Martin Bucer writ also a discourse, congratulating uxccr wtn 
the changes then made in England ; which was G>r"aer. 
translated into English by sir Philip Hobbey's bro- 
ther. In it he answered the book that Gardiner had 
written against him ; which he liad formerly delay- 
ed to do, because king Henry had desired he would 
let it alone, till the English and Germans bad con- 
fcrred about religion. That book did chiefly relate 
to the marriage of the clergy. Bucer showed from 
many fathers that they thought every man had not 
the gift of chastity ; which Gardiner thought every 
one might have that pleased. He taxed the open 
lewdness of the Romish clergy, who, being much set 
aguoit marria^, which was Crod's ordinance, did 
gmtly pass orer the impurities which the forbidding 
k had' oocuioncd aiboDg themselves. He particu- 


PART larij taxed Gardiner himself, that he had his rent» 
paid him out of stews. He taxed him abo fiir his 


state, and pompous way of liTing ; and diowed, how 
indecent it was for a churchman to be sent in em- 
bassies : and that St. Ambrose, though sent to make 
peace, was ashamed of it, and thought it unbeoomiiig 
the priesthood. Both Fagius and he being fbroed 
to leave Germany upon the business of the Interim, 
Cranmer invited them over to England, and sent 
them to Cambridge, as he had done Peter Mar^ 
to Oxford. But Fagius, not agreeing with this 
air, died soon after ; a man greatly learned in the 
oriental tongues, and a good expounder of the scrip- 
N«»T. 34. This being the state of affairs both abroad and at 
•iu.^"'" home, a session of parliament was held in En^and 
on the 24th of November, to which day it had been 
prorogued from the 15th of October, by reason of 
the plague then in London. The first bill that was 
finished was that about the marriage of the priests. 
It was brought into the house of commons the 3d of 
Decreuiber, road the second time on the Sth^ and the 
third time the 6th. But this bill being only that mar- 
ried men might be made priests, a new bill was fram- 
ed, tliat, Upsides the former provision, priests might 
marry. 'I'his was read the first time the 7th, the 
second time the 10th, and was fully argued on the 
llth, uiul agreed on the 12th, and sent up to the 
UmU on the 13th of December. In that house it 
stuck as long, as it had been soon despatched by the 
(omniouN. It lay on the table till the 9th of Fe- 
bnuiry. Then it was read the first time, and the 
llth the seamd time: on the l6th it was commit- 
to the bishoiis of Ely and Westminster, the kxd 


dnef justice, and the attorney-geDeral : and on the book 
19th of February it was agreed to ; the bishops of* 

Iiondon, Duresme^ Norwich, Carlisle, Hereford, ^^^^ 
Worcester, Bristol, Chichester, and Landaff, and 
the Imids Morley, Dacres, Windsor^ and Wharton, 
iftwenting. It had the royal assent, and so became 
ahw. The preamble sets forth, ^Hhat it were bet* ^n acta. 
** ter finr priests, and other ministers of the church, marriage of 
''to lire diaste, and without marriage; whereby ^^^^'^' 
^ they m^t better attend to the ministry of the 
^ gpepdf and be less distracted with secular cares, 
" so that it were much to be wished that they would 
'^ of themselves abstain. But great filthiness of liv« 
^ ing, with other inconveniences, had followed on 
** the laws that compelled chastity, apd prohibited 
^ marriage ; so that it was better they should be 
^ suffered to marry, than be so restrained. There- 
'^fore all laws and canons that had been made 
-against it, being only made by human authority, 
''are repealed. So that all spiritual persons, of 
''what d^ree soever, might lawfully marry, pro- 
^ viding they married according to the order of the 
^ church. But a proviso was added, that, because 
" many divorces of priests had been made after the 
"six articles were enacted, and that the women 
" mi^t have thereupon married again ; all these di- 
'^ vorces, with every thing that had followed on 
" them, should be confirmed." There was no law 
that passed in this reign with more contradiction and 
censure than this ; and therefore the reader may ex- 
pect the larger account of this matter. 
The unmarried state of the clennr had so much to which was 

mach io- 

be said for it, as being a course of life that was more quired into. 
disengaged from secular cares and pleasures, that it 

K 4 


PART was cast on the reformers every where as a fbid 

. proach, that they could not restrain their appetij 

1 548. i^ij^ engaged in a life that drew after it domestic cai 
with many other distractions. This was an object 
so easy to be apprehended, that the people had b 
more prejudiced against the marriage of the der 
if they had not felt greater inconveniences by ' 
debaucheries of priests ; who, being restrained fir 
marriage, had defiled the beds, and defloured 
daughters, of their neighbours, into whose hou 
they had free and unsuspected access ; and whc 
under the cloak of receiving confessions, they ca 
more easily entice. This made them^ that they w 
not so much wrought on by the noise of chasti 
(when they sgiw so much and so plainly to the c 
trary,) as otherwise they would have been, bj 
thing that sounded so well. But, on the other ha 
there was no argument which the reformers I 
more considered. There were two things u] 
which the question turned : the one was, the ol 
gation that priesthood brought with it to live \ 
married ; the other was, the tie they might be un( 
AiKuineuu by any vow they had made. For the former, tl 

for it from . ^^ii. 1.1 

icripture ; Considered, that God, having ordamed a race of n 
to be priests under Moses' law, who should offer 
expiatory sacrifices for the sins of the Jews, did i 
only not forbid marriage, but made it necessary ; 
that office was to descend by inheritance, so tl 
priesthood was not inconsistent with that state, 
the New Testament, some of the qualifications oi 
bishop and deacon are, their being the husband 
one wife ; and their having well ordered their hou 
and brought up their children* St. Peter, and oil 
apostles, were married : it was thought St Fml v 


•Q likewiae. Aqidla was certainlj married to Prift- book 
ciDa, and carried her about with him. Our fto^ ^' 
vioar, Bpeaking of the help that an unmarried state ^^^ 
was to the kingdom of Qod, recommended it equally 
to all ranks of men» as they could bear it. St. Paul 
and» Ijti every man have his aum w{fe : It is beU 
kr to many than to bum ; and, Marriage is ho^ 
wmrable m aU: and ihi^ forbidding to marry is 
reckoned by him a mark of the apostasy of the latter 
timev; so that the matter seemed dear from the 

In the first ages, Satuminus, Basilides, Monta^Aadiirom 
BBi^ Novatusy and the Eucratites, condemned mar* 
nsge^ as a state of liberty more than was fit for 
Christians. Against those was asserted^ by the 
primitive fiEithers, the lawfulness of marriage to all 
Christians, without discrimination : and they, who^ 
entering into holy orders, forsook their wives, were 
levCTely condemned by the apostolical canons, and 
fay the council of Oangra, in the beginning of the 
fimrtb, and the council of Trullo in the fifth age. 
Many great bishops in these times lived still with 
their wives, and had children by them ; as namely, 
both Nazianzen's and Basil's fathers. And Hilary 
of Poictiers, when banished to Phrygia, and very old, 
writing to his own daughter Abra, bid her ask her 
mother the meaning of those things which she, by 
reason of her age, understood not : by which it ap- 
pears, that his daughter was then very young, and 
bf consequence, bom to him after he was a bishop. 
In the council of Nice, it being proposed that clergy- 
men should depart from their wives; Paphnutiuf^ 
though himself unmarried, opposed it as an unrea^ 
flonabie yoke. And Heliodorus, bishop of Trica^ the 


PART author of the first of those love-fables, now knoii 
Ky the name of romances, being suspected of t 

1548. mueh lasciviousness, and concerned to dear hims 
of that chaise, did first move, tl^^t clergymen shoi 
be obliged to live single : which, the historian sa; 
they were not tied to before ; but bishops, as tfa 
pleased, lived still with their wives. The fathers 
those times extolled a single life very high ; and 3 
they all thought a man once married might be a 
shop, though his wife were yet living. They c 
not allow it indeed to him that had married twic 
but for this they had a distinction ; that if a m 
had been once married before his baptism, and agi 
after his baptism, he was to be understood to be 
the state of a single marriage. So that Jerom, w 
writ warmly enough against second marriages, ] 
says, {ad Oceanum,) that the bishops in his aj 
who were but once married in that sense, were i 
to be numbered; and. that more of these could 
reckoned than were at the council of Ariminu 
who are said to have been eight hundred bisho 
It is true, that in that age they began to make ( 
nons against the marriage of those who were in 
ders, especially in the Roman and African churchi 
but those were only positive laws of the chun 
and the frequent repeating of those canons sho 
that even there they were not generally obeyed. 
Synesius we read, that, when he was ordained prii 
he declared that he would not live secretly with 
wife, as some did ; but that he would dwell publi 
with her, and wished that he might have many cl 
dren by her. In the eastern church, all their der] 
-below the order of bishops, are usually married 1 
fore they be ordained; and afterward live w 


their wives, and have children by them, without any book 
kind of prohibition. In the western church, the - 

married clergy are taken notice of in many of the '^■*^' 
Spanish and Gallican synods, and the bishops' and 
priests' wives are called ephcojits and preshyteres. 
In most of the cathedrals of England the clergy were 
married in the Saxon times ; but, as was shown in the 
first part, vol. i. p. 42, because they would not quit 
their wives, they were put out, not of sacred orders, 
but only out of the seats they were then in, and those 
were given to the monks. When pope Nicholas had 
pressed the celibate of the clei^, in the ninth cen- 
tury, there was great opposition made to it, chiefly 
by Huldericus, bishop of Ausburg, who was held a 
saint, notwithstanding this opposition. Restitutus, J 

bishop of London, lived openly with his wife. Nor 
nas the celiltate of the clergy generally imposed till 
pope Gregory the Seventh's time, in the eleventh 
century ; who, projecting to have the clergy depend 
wholly on liimseff, and so to separate them from the 
ioterests of those princes, in whose dominions they 
Kved, considered, that, by having wives and children, 
they gave pledges to the state where they lived ; and 
reckoned, that, if they were free from this incum- 
brance, then, their persons l>eing sacred, there would 
be nothing to Ijinder, but that they might do as 
they pleased, in obedience to the pope's, and opposi- 
tion to their own prince's orders. The writers near 
Gregory the Seventh's time called this a new tiling, 
against the mind of the holy fathers, and full of 
ndiness in him, thus to turn out married priests. 
Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, did not impose 
odibate on the clergy in the villages, hut only on 
Ibose that lived in towns, and on prebendaries. But 


PART Anselm carried it further, and simply imposed it od 

^ — aU the clergy : yet himself laments, that sodomy was 

'^^^* become then very common, and even puUic ; whidi 
was also the complaint of Petrus Damiani, in pope 
Gregory's time. Bernard said, that that sin was 
frequent among the bishops in his time ; and thai 
this, with many other abominations, was the natural 
effect of prohibiting marriage. This made abbot 
Panormitan wish that it were left to men's liberty 
to marry if they pleased. And Pius the Second 
said, there might have been good reasons for impoik 
ing celibate on the clergy, but he believed thers 
were far better reasons for taking away thea^ laws 
that imposed it. Yet, even since those laws had 
been made, Petrarch had a license to marry, and 
keep his preferments stilL Boniface archbishop ol 
Canterbury, Richard bishop of Chichester, and Geo* 
frey bishop of i&y, are said to have had wives ; and 
though there Ivere not so many instances of priests 
marrying after orders, yet, if there were any thing 
in the nature of priesthood inconsistent by the law 
of God with marriage, then it was as unlawful fiir 
them to continue in their former marriages as to 
contract a new one. Some few instances were also 
gathered out of church history, of bishops and priests 
manning after orders; but as these were few, so 
there was just reason to controvert them. 
The vows Upon thc wholc matter it was clear, that the celi«* 
^m1- bate of the clergy flowed from no law of God, nor 
»amiii!d. ^^^ ^°y general law of the church ; but the owi- 
trary, of clergymen's living with their wives, was 
universally received for many ages. As for vows, it 
was much questioned how far they did bind in such 
cases. It seemed a great sin to impose such on 


any, when they were yet young, and did not well book 
know their own dispositions. Nor waa it in a man's '" 
power to keep them : for, continence being none of '^''^■ 
those graces that are promised by God to all that 
ask it, as it was not in a man's power, without ex- 
treme severities on himself, to govern his own con- 
stitution of body, so he had no reason to expect 
God should interpose when he had provided another 
remedy for such cases. Besides, the promise made 
by clergymen, according to the rites of the Roman 
Pontifical, did not oblige them to celibate. The 
words were, Hlh ikoiijhilow ckastttij and sohrtetyi 
To which the sub-deacon answered, / wiU. By 
thaxtity was not to be understood a total abstinence 
from all, but only from unlawful embraces ; since a 
man might live chaste in a state of marriage as well 
as out of it. But whatever might be in this, the 
English clergy were not concerned in. it ; for there 
was no such question nor answer made in the forms 
of their ordination : so they were not by any vow 
precluded from marriage. And for the expediency 
of it, nothing was more evident, than that these 
laws had brought in much uncleanness into the 
church ; and those who pressed them most had been 
Bgnally noted for these vices. No prince in the 
English history lewder than Edgar, that had so pro- 
moted it. The legate, that in king Henry the Se- 
cond's time got that severe decree made, that put all 
the married clergy from their livings, was found the 
very aigbt after (for the credit of celibate) in bed 
with a whore. On this subject many indecent sto- 
ries were gathered, especially by Bale, who was a 
learned man, but did not write with that temper and 
discretion that became a divine. He gathered all 


PART the lewd stories that could be raked together to this 

. purpose ; and the many abominable things found in 
the monasteries were then fresh in all men*s memo* 
ries* It was also observed, that the unmarried 
clergy had been, as much as the married could be^ 
intent upon the raising families, and the enriching 
of their nephews and kindred, (and sometimes of 
their bastards; witness the present pope Paul the 
Third, and, not long before him, Alexander the 
Sixth;) so that the married clergy could not be 
tempted to more covetousness than had appeared in 
the unmarried. And for the distraction of domestic 
affairs, the clergy had formerly given themselves up 
to such a secular course of life, that it was thought 
nothing could increase it : but if the married deigj 
should set themselves to raise more than a decent 
maintenance for their children, such as might fit 
them for letters or callings, and should neglect 
hospitality, become covetous, and accumulate livings 
and preferments, to make estates for their children ; 
this might be justly curbed by new laws, or rather 
the renewing of the ancient canons, by which clergy- 
men were declared to be only intrusted with the 
goods of the church for public ends, and were not to 
apply them to their own private uses, nor to leave 
them to then- children and friends. 

Thus had this matter been argued in many books 
that were written on this subject by Poinet and Par- 
ker ; the one afterwards bishop of Winchester, and 
the other archbishop of Canterbury ; also by Bale, 
bishop of Ossory, with many more. Dr. Ridley, Dr. 
Taylor, (afterwards bishop of Lincoln,) Dr. Benson, 
and Dr. Redmayn, appeared more confidently in it 
than many others; being men that were resolved 


never to marry themselves, who yet thought it ne- boob 

cessary, and therefore pleaded, (according to the '— 

pattern that Paphnutius had set them,) that all '^'^'*- 
ibould be left to their liberty in this matter. 

The debate about It was brought into the convo- 
cation, where Dr. Redmayn's authority went a great 
way. He was a man of great learning and probity, 
aad of so much greater weight, because he did not 
in all points agree with the reformers ; but being at 
thb time sick, his opinion was brought under his 
band, which will be found in the Collection, copied coiitct. 
from the original. It was to this purpose ; " that "^ ' 
" though the scriptures exhorted priests to live 
"chaste, and out of the cares of the world, yet the 
" laws forbidding them marriage were only canons 
" and constitutions of the church, not founded on the 
" word of God ; and therefore he thought that a man 
"once married might be a priest ; and he did not 
"find the priests in the church of England had 
" made any vow against marriage ; and therefore he 
"thought that the king, and the higher powers of 
" the churchj might take away the clog of perpetual 
"continence from the priests, and grant that such as 
" could not or would not contain, might marry once, 
"and not be put from their holy ministration." It 
•as opposed by many in both bouses, hut carried at 
last by the major vote. All this I gather from what 
is printed concerning it : for I have seen no remains 
of this, or of any of the other convocations that 
csme afterwards in this reign ; the registers of them 
bring destroyed in the fire of London. This act 
Kerned rather a connivance, and permission of the 
dergy to marry, than any direct allowance of it. So 
ibe enemies of that state of life continued to reproach 


PART the married clergy still; and this was much height- 
ened bj many indecent marriages, and other light 


1548. behaviour of some priests. But these things made 
way for a more full act concerning this matter aboat 
three years after. 
An act The next act that passed in this parliament was 

cbTiital^. about the public service, which was put into the 
house of commons on the ninth of December, aod 
the next day was also put into the house of lords : 
it lay long before them, and was not agreed to till the 
fifteenth of January ; the earl of Derby, the bishops 
of London, Duresme, Norwich, Carlisle, Hereford, 
Worcester, Westminster, and Chichester, and the 
lords Dacres and Windsor, protesting. The pre- 
amble of the act sets forth, ^* that there had been se- 
^' veral forms of service, and that of late there had k 
^* been great difference in the administration of the - 
^^ sacraments, and other parts of divine worship; 
*^ and that the most effectual endeavours could not b 
stop the inclinations of many to depart from the ^ 
former customs, which the king had not punished, p 
believing they flowed from a good zeaL But, r 
** that there might be an uniform way over all the ja 
kingdom, the king, by the advice of the lord pro- . : 
tector and his council, had appointed the ardihi- ^ 
'^ shop of Canterbury, with other learned and dii- ; 
^^^ ** creet bishops and divines, to draw an order of di- > 
^^^^ ^ vine worship, having respect to the pure religion;; 
^VH^ ?* of Christ taught in the scripture, and to the prao* ^ 
\ « lice of the primitive church ; which they, by the i. 
J « aid of the Holy Ghost, had with one uniform agree- i 
Jr " ment concluded on : wherefore the parliament bar- j 
mj^ **ing^ maa^n!d the book, and the things that weiej 

in it, they gave their mu/k 




^ humble thanks to the king for his care about it ; book 

«. and did pray, that all who had formerly olSended '. 

•• in these matters, except such as were in the Tower '^^®- 
** of London, or the prison of the Fleet, should be 
** pardoned. And did enact, that, from the feast of 
^ Whitsunday next, all divine offices should be per- 
** formed according to it ; and that such of the 
<* clergy as should refuse to do it, or continue to offi- 
" date in any other manner, should, upon the first 
** conviction, be imprisoned six months, and forfeit a 
** yearns profit of their benefice ; for the second of- 
^. fence, forfeit all their church-preferments, and suf- 
^ fer a year's imprisonment ; and for the third of- 
** fence, should be imprisoned during life. And all 
''that should write, or put out things in print 
** against it, or threaten any clergymen for using it, 
** were to be fined in 10/. for the first offence ; 20/. 
^for the second; and to forfeit all their goods, 
^ and be imprisoned for life, upon a third offence. 
^ Only at the universities they might use it in Latin 
^ and Greek, excepting the office of the communion. 
^ It was also lawful to use other psalms or prayers, 
** taken out of the Bible, so these in the book were 
••not omitted." This act was variously censured byThecen- 

sti res Dftssf 

those who disliked it. Some thought it too much upon it. 
that it was said, the book was drawn by the aid of 
the Hdy Ghost. But others said, this was not to 
be so understood, as if they had been inspired by ex- 
traordinary assistance; for then there had been no 
room for any correction of what was now done : and 
therefore it was only to be understood in that sense, 
as all good motions and consultations are directed, 
or assisted, by the secret influences of God's holy 
Spirit ; which do oft help good men, even in their 
VOL. II. o 


PART imperfect actions, where the good that is done n 

: justlj ascribed to the grace of God. Others censured 

'^^^' it because it was said to be done by unifcnna agree- 
ment ; though three of the bishops that were em- 
ployed in the drawing of it protested against it 
These were, the bishops of Hjereford, Chichester, \ 
and Westminster ; but these had agreed in the main | 
parts of the work, though in some few particulan . 
they were not satisfied, which made them dissent i 
from the whole. i 

Singing of The proviso for the psalms and prayers, taken oot | 
brou'^ht in. of the Bible, was for the singing-psalms, which woe \ 
translated into verse, and much sung by all wlio j 
loved the reformation, and were in many places used i 
in churches. In the ancient church, the Christisiii -^ 
were much exercised in repeating the Psalms of j 
David : many had them all by heart, and used to be | 
reciting them when they went about their worict t 
and those who retired into a roonastical course of : 
life, spent many of their hours in repeating the - 
Psalter. Apollinaris put them in verse, as being = 
easier for the memory. Other devout hymns came , 
to be also in use. Nazianzen among the Gredo^ , 
and Prudentius among the Latins, laboured on that , 
argument with the greatest success. There weve ^ 
other hymns that were not put in verse ; the chief of , 
which were, that most ancient hymn, which we use 
now after the sacrament ; and the celebrated Ambro* ^ 
sian hymn, that begins Te Deum laudamus. But , 
as, when the worship of the departed saints came ta , 
be dressed up with much pomp, hymns were also 
made for their honour; and the Latin tongue, as 
well as prosody, being then much decayed, these ■ 
came to be cast into rhymes, and were written gene* 


rally in a fkntastical affected stjle : so now, at the book 
reformatioii, some poets^ such as the times afforded, ' 
translated David's Psalms into verse ; and it was a '^^* 
8%n, by which men's affections to that work were 
every where measured, whether they used to sing 
these, or not. But as the poetry was then low, and not 
laised to that justness to which it is since brought ; 
so this work, which then might pass for a tolerable 
composure^ has not been since that time so reviewed 
or changed as perhaps the thing required. Hence 
it is, that this jsece of divine worship, by the mean- 
ness of the verse, has not maintained its due esteem. 
Another thing, that some thought deserved to be 
considered in such a work, was, that many of the 
Ptelms, being such as related more specially to 
David's victories, and contained passages in them 
not easily understood ; it seemed better to leave out 
these, which it was not so easy to sing with devo- 
tion, because the meaning of them either lay hid, or 
did not at all concern Christians. 

The parliament was adjourned from the twenty- 1549. 
secondof December to the second of January. On the 
seventh of January the commons sent an address to 
the protector to restore Latimer to the bishopric of 
Worcester: but this took no effect; for that good 
old man did choose rather to go about and preach, 
than to engage in a matter of government, being 
DOW very ancient. A bill was put in by the lords jnumai 
fer appointing of parks, and agreed to, the earl of 
Arundel only dissenting ; but being sent down to the 
conunons, it was upon the second reading thrown 
out ; yet not so unanimously but that the house was 
divided about it. 

On the fourth of February a bill was put in 

o 2 


PART against eating flesh in Lent, and on fasting-days: it 
_!L_ was committed to the archbishop of Canterbury, the 

boat futt. 

1549. bishops of Ely, Worcester, and Chichester, and sent 

to the commons on the sixteenth ; who sent it up on 

the seventh of March, with a proviso, to which the 

An act a. lords agreed. In the preamble it is said; ^that 

" though it is clear, by the word of God, that there 

** is no day, nor kind of meat, purer than another, 

** but that all are in themselves alike ; yet many, oat 

** of sensuality, had contemned such abstinence as 

** had been formerly used : and since due abstinence 

<< was a mean to virtue, and to subdue men's bodies 

to their soul and spirit, and was also necessary to 

encourage the trade of fishing, and for saving of 

<^ flesh ; therefore all former laws about fasting and 

^* abstinence were to be after the first of May re- 

<< pealed : and it was enacted, that from the first of 

May none should eat flesh on Fridays, Saturdays, 

Ember-days, in Lent, or any other days that should 

be declared fish-days, under several penalties. A i 

^^ proviso was added for excepting such as should k 

" obtain the king's license, or were sick, or weak, or \. 

** that none should be indicted but within three L 

" months after the offence." 

Christ had told his disciples, that, when he should 'n. 
be taken from them^ then they should fast. Ac- *\ 
cordingly the primitive Christians used to fast oft, '^ 
more particularly before the anniversary of the pas- ; 
sion of Christ, which ended in a high festivity at 
Easter. Yet this was differently observed, as to the 
number of days. Some abstained forty days, in 
imitation of Christ's fast ; others, only that week ; 
and others had only an entire fast, from the time of 
Christ's death till his resurrection. On these fieists 



they eat nothing till the evening, and then they eat book 
most commonly herbs and roots. Afterwards, the 

Fridays were kept as fasts, because on that day ^^^^* 
Christ sulBTered. Saturdays were also added in the 
Roman church, but not without contradiction. Em- 
ber-weeks came in afterwards, heing some days be- 
fiire those Sundays in which orders were given. And 
a general rule being laid down, that every Christian 
fisstival should be preceded by a fast, thereupon the 
vigils of holydays came, though not so soon, into the 
nomber. But this, with the other good institutions 
of the primitive times, became degenerate, even in 
St Austin's time ; religion came to be placed in these 
observances, and anxious rules were made about 
them. Afterwards, in the church of Rome, they 
were turned into a mockery; for as on fast-days 
they dined, which the ancients did not, so the use 
of the most delicious fish, dressed in the most ex- 
quisite manner, with the richest wines that could be 
had, was allowed ; which made it ridiculous. So now 
they resolved to take off the severities of the former 
laws, and yet to keep up such laws about fasting and 
abstinence as might be agreeable to its true end ; 
which is, to subdue the flesh to the spirit, and not 
to gratify it by a change of one sort of diet into 
another, which may be both more delicate and more 
inflaming. So fond a thing is superstition, that it 
will help men to deceive themselves by the slightest 
pretences that can be imagined. 

It was much lamented then, and there is as much 
cause for it still, that carnal men have taken ad- 
vantages, from the abuses that were formerly prac- 
tised, to throw off good and profitable institutions ; 

o 3 


PART diice the frequent use of fastingy with prayer and 

! true devotion joined to it, is perhaps one of the 

1549. greatest helps that can be devised to advance one to 
a spiritual temper of mind, and to promote a holj 
course of life : and the mockery, that is diacemihle 
in the way of some men's fasting, is a very sligfat ex* 
cuse for any to lay aside the use of that whidi the 
scriptures have so much recommended. 
Some bills There were other bills put into both houses, but 
ed. did not pass. One was for declaring it treascm to 

marry the king's sisters without consent of the kiag 
and his council: but it was thought that kiag 
Henry's will disabling them from the suocessiini, in 
that case would be a stronger restraint ; and so it 
was laid aside. Another bill was put in for ecdesi- 
astical jurisdiction. Great complaints were made of 
the abounding of vices and immoralities, wliidi the 
clergy could neither restrain nor punish ; and so thej 
had nothing left but to preadi against them, whidi 
was done by many with great freedom. In some of 
these sermons, the preachers expressed their appre- 
hensions of signal and speedy judgments from Hea- 
ven if the people did not repent ; but their sermons 
had no great effect, for the nation grew very corrupt, 
and this brought on them severe punishments. The 
temporal lords were so jealous of putting power in 
churchmen's hands, especially to correct those vices 
of which themselves perhaps were most guilty, that 
the bill was laid aside. The pretence of opposing it 
was, that the greatest part of the bishops and dergy 
were still papists in their hearts : so that, if power 
were put into such men's hands, it was reasonable 
to expect they would employ it chiefly against those 


tkrmMnA the refiumatioD^ and would Tex them book 
that aoore^ thonf^ with pretenoes fetched fixmi— Jl. 

or tlringii, 1549. 

Then was abo put into the house of commons a a d«riga 
far lefisrming of processes at common law^ which ingtheoim 
I sent up bj the commons to the lords; but it|^i[^M, 
. IB that house. I have seen a large discourse 
itten then upon that argument, in which it is set 
th, that the law of England was a barbarous kind 
ftadf, and did not lead men into a finer sort of 
raini^ which made the common lawyers to be ge- 
ally 80 ignorant of foreign matters, and so unaUe 
BCgotiate in them ; therefore it was proposed, that 
oommon and statute laws should be, in imitation 
ht Roman low, digested into a body under titles 
I heads, and put in good Latin. But this was too 
at a design to be set on, or finished, under an in- 
t king. If it was then necessary, it will be rea-« 
^ acknowledged to be much more so now, the 
ime of our statutes being so much swelled since 
I time ; besides the Tast number of reports, aiid 
38, and the pleadings growing much longer than 
nerly : yet whether this is a thing to be much 
ected or desired, I refer it to the learned and vnse 
i of that robe. 

rhe only act that remains of this session of parlia^ i^« •^'oi- 
It, about which I shall inform the reader, is the uer. 
under of the admiraL The queen dowager^ that 
. married him, died in September last, not with- 
suspicion of poison. She was a good and vir- 
us lady, and in her whole life had done nothing 
eemty, but the marrying him so indecently, and 
lOon after the king^s death. There was found 
mg her papers a discourse written by her con- 

o 4 


PA RT cerning herself, entitled. The Lamentation of a Sin* 

'• — ner, which was published by Cecil, who writ a pre- 

1549. £^^Q ^Q j^^ i^ i^ g}jg y^^j^ great sincerity adcnow^ 

ledges the sinful course of her life for many years ; 
in which she, relying on external performances, sucii 
as £eists and pilgrimages, was all that while a stranger 
to the internal and true power of religion, which she 
came afterwards to feel by the study of the scripture; 
and the calling upon God for his holy Spirit. 8be 
explains clearly the notion she had of justification bj 
faith, so that holiness necessarily followed upon it ; 
but lamented the great scandal given by many gos- 
pellers : so were all those called who were given to 
the reading of the scriptures. 
The queen She being thus dead, the admiral renewed his ad* 


dying, he drcsscs to the lady Elizabeth ; but in vain : for as be 
My EiiL- could not expect that his brother and the council 
^^^' would consent to it, so, if he had married her with- 
out that, the possibility of succeeding to the crown 
was cut off by king Henry's will. And this attempt 
of his occasioned that act to be put in which was 
formerly mentioned, for declaring the marrying the 
king's sisters, without consent of council, to be trea^ 
son. Seeing he could not compass that design, he 
resolved to carry away the king to his house of Hcdt 
in the country ; and so to displace his brother, and 
to take the government into his own hands. For 
this end he had laid in magazines of arms, and 
listed about 10,000 men in several places; and openly 
complained, that his brother intended to enslave the 
nation, and make himself master of all ; and had 
therefore brought over those German soldiers. He 
had also entered into treaty with several of the no- 
bility, that envied his brother's greatness, and weie 


Mt ill pleased to see a breach between them, and book 

grown to be irreconcileable. To these he pro- '- 

fflised, that they should be of the council, and that '^'*^' 
would dispose of the king in marriage to one of 
daughters. The person is not named. The 
ijrotector had often told him of these things, and 
warned him ofthe danger into which he would throw 
bhnself by such ways : but lie persisted still in his 
1, though he denied and excused them as long 
aa was possible. Now his restless ambition seemingJnu. ig. 
incurable, he was on the nineteenth of January sent,«ntiotiie 
to the Tower. The original warrant, signed by all """* 
the privy-council, is in the council-book formerly 
ii mentioDed; where the earl of Southampton signs 
with the rest ; who was now, in outward appearance, 
reconciled to the protector. On the day following 
the admiral's seal of his office was sent for, and put 
into secretary Smith's hands. And now many things t 

broke out against him ; and particularly a conspiracy 
of his with sir W. Sharington, vice-treasurer of the 
mint at Bristol, who was to have furnished him with 
10,000/. and had already coined about 10,000/. false 
money, and had clipped a great deal more, to the 
ialue of 40,000/, in all; for which'he was attainted 
b^ process at common-law, and that was confirmed in 
parliament. Fowler also, that waited in the privy- 
chamber, with some few others, were sent to the 
Tower. Many complaints being usually brought 
against a sinking man, the lord Russel, the earl of 
Southampton, and secretary Petre, were ordered to 
recdye tiidr examinations. And thus the business 
was let alone till the twenty-eighth of February, in 
whicb time his brother did again try if it were pos- 
nUe-to bring him to a better temper: and as he 


PART had, since their first breach, granted him 8002. a 

'- — year in land to gain his friendship, so means were 

^^^^' now used to persuade him to submit himsdf, and to 
withdraw from court, and from all employment 
But it appeared, that nothing could be done to him 
that could cure his ambition, or the hatred he caiw 
ried to his brother. And therefore, on the twenty- 
second of February, a full report was made to the 
council of all the things that were informed against 
him ; consisting not only of the particulars formerly 
mentioned, but of many foul mi^emeanours in the 
discharge of the admiralty : several pirates being en- 
tertained by him, who gave him a share of their rob* 
beries, and whom he had protected, notwithstandiBg 
the complaints made by other princes ; by which the 
king was in danger of a war from the princes so 
complaining. The whole charge consists of thirty- 
coUfct three articles, which will be found in the CoUectioD. 
*^ ' '* The particulars, as it is entered in the coundl-bocA:, 
were so manifestly proved, not only by witnestei^ 
but by letters under his own hand, that it did not 
seem possible to deny them. Yet he had been sent 
to, and examined by some of the council, but refiised. 
to make a direct answer to them, or to sign those 
answers that he had made. So it was ordered, that 
the next day all the privy-council, except the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, and sir John Baker, speaker 
to the house of commons, who was engaged to at- 
tend in the house, should go to the Tower and ex* 
amine him. On the twenty-third the lord chancel- 
lor, with the other counsellors, went to him, and read 
the articles of his charge, and earnestly desired him 
to make plain answers to them, excusing himself 
where he could, and submitting himself in other 


things: and that he would show no obstinacy of Booic 
mind. He answered them, that he expected an '' 

open trial, and his accusers to be brought face to ^^^^* 
bee. All the counsellors endeavoured to persuade 
Idtn to be more tractable; but to no purpose. At 
list the lord chancellor required him on his alle- 
giance to make his answer. He desired they would 
leave the articles with him, and he would consider 
of them ; otherwise he would make no answer to 
them. But the counsellors resolved not to leave 
them with him on those terms. On the twenty- 
fourth of February it was resolved in council, that 
the whole board should after dinner acquaint the 
king with the state of that affair, and desire to know 
of him whether he would have the law to take place ; 
and since the thing had been before the parliament, 
whether he would leave it to their determination ; 
so tender they were of their young king in a case 
that concerned his uncle's life. But the king had 
begun to' discern his seditious temper, and was now 
much alienated from him. 
When the counsellors waited on him, the lord P? *^^""^'»' 

desired the 

dianceUor opened the matter to the king, and deli-i^inf^to 
vered fais opmion for leavmg it to the parbament. matter to 
Then every counsellor by himself spoke his mind, meutT'** 
all to the same purpose. Last of all the protector 
qpoke : he protested this was a most sorrowful busi- 
ness to him ; that he had used all the means in his 
power to keep it from coming to this extremity ; 
but were it son or brother, he must prefer his ma- 
jesty's safety to them, for he weighed his allegiance 
mare than his blood : and that therefore he was not 
a^^ainst the request that the other lords had made ; 
and said, if he himself were guilty of such offences. 


PART he should not think he were worthy of life ; and 

the rather, because he was of all men the most Ixmnd 

1549. jQ jjjg majesty, and therefore he could not refuse 
justice. The king answered them in these words : 
Who con- « We perceive that there are great things objected 
'^^ ^^'^* and laid to my lord admiral my uncle, and thqr 
** tend to treason ; and we perceive that you require 
^^ but justice to be done. We think it reasonaUe^ 
*^ and we will, that you proceed according to your 
^^ request." Which words (as it is marked in the 
council-book) coming so suddenly from his grace's 
mouth, of his own motion, as the lords might wdl 
perceive, they were marvellously rejoiced, and gave 
the king most hearty praise and thanks; yet re- 
solved that some of boCh houses should be sent to the 
admiral, before the bill should be put in against him, 
to see what he could, or would say. All this was 
done, to try if he could be brought to a submission. 
So the lord chancellor, the earls of Shrewsbuiy, 
Warwick, and Southampton, and sir John Baker, 
sir Thomas Cheyney, and sir Anthony Denny, wo* 
sent to him. He was long obstinate, but after much 
persuasion was brought to give an answer to the first 
three articles, which will be found in the Collecticm 
at the end of the articles ; and then on a sudden he 
stopped, and bade them be content, for he would go 
no further : and no entreaties would work on hhn$ 
either to answer the rest, or to set his hand to the 
answers he had made. 
The bill On the fifteenth of February the bill was put in 
Kthho^s.for attainting him, and the peers had been so ac-' 
customed to agree to such bills in king Henry's time^ 
that they did easily pass it. All the judges, and the 
king's council, delivered their opinions, that tbe arti- 


des were treason. Then the evidence was brought: boor 
many lords gave it so fnlly, that all the rest with one 

voice consented to the bill; only the protector* ^r ^^^^' 
natural pity's sake^ as is in the council-book, desired 
leave to withdraw. On the twenty-seventh the bill 
was sent down to the commons, with a message, that 
if they desired to proceed as the lords had done, 
those lords that had given their evidence in their 
own house should come down and declare it to the 
commons. But there was more opposition made in 
the house of commons. Many argued against at- 
tainders in absence, and thought it an odd way that 
some peers should rise up in their places in their own 
house^ and relate somewhat to the slander of another, 
and that he should be thereupon attainted : therefore 
it was pressed, that it might be done by a trial, and 
that the admiral should be brought to the bar, and 
be heard plead for himself. But on the fourth of 
March a message was sent from the king, that he 
thought it was not necessary to send for the ad- 
miral : and that the lords should come down and re- 
new before them the evidence they had given in 
their own house. This was done ; and so the bill 
was agreed to by the commons in a full house, 
judged about four hundred; and there were not 
above ten or twelve that voted in the negative. 
The royal assent was given on the fifth of March. 
On the tenth of March, the council resolved to press 
the king that justice might be done on the admiral; 
and since the case was so heavy and lamentable to 
the protector, (so it is in the council-book,) though 
it was also sorrowful to them all, they resolved to 
proceed in it so that neither the king nor he should 
be further troubled with it. After dinner they went 


PART 10 the king, the protector being with them. The \\ 
k ing said, he had well observed thdir proceedings, and 

J 549. 



than ked them for their great care of his safietjr, and \ 
commanded them to proceed in it without further |r 
molesting him or the protector^, and ended, Iprag |i 
yoUf my lords^ do so. Upon this they ordered the i 
bishop of Ely to go to the admiral, and to instruct ^ 
him in the things that related to another h'fe ; aod 
to prepare him to take patiently his deserved execo- 
tion. And on the seventeenth of March, he haviof 
made report to them of his attendance on the ad- 
miral, the council signed a warrant for his execu- 
coiiect. tion, which will be found in the Collection, to which 

Numb. 33. 

both the lord protector, and the archbishop of Can- 
March 20, terbury, set their hands. And on the twentieth his 

the adminil "^ 

beheaded, head was cut off. What his behaviour was on the 

scaffold I do not find. 

Thus fell Thomas lord Seimour, lord high admiral 

of England, a man of high thoughts, of great vie- 
Censures leoce of temper, and ambitious out of measure. The 


upon it; protector was much censured for giving way to his 
execution, by those who looked only at that relation 
between them, which they thought should have 
made him still preserve him. But others, who knew 
the whole series of the affair, saw it was scarce pos- 
sible for him to do more for the gaining his brother 
than he had done. Yet the other being a popular 
notion, that it was against nature for one brother to 
destroy another, was more easily entertained by the 
multitude, who could not penetrate into the myste- 
ries of state. But the way of proceeding was much 
condemned ; since to attaint a man without bringing 
him to make his own defence, or to object what he 
could say to the witnesses that were brought against 


lim, WHS 80 ille^l and unjust, that it could not be book 
l^ended. Only this was to be said for it, that it - 

a little more regular than parliamentary at- '^*'' 
taindcrs had been formerly ; for here the evidence 
upon which it was founded was given before both 

One particular seemed a little odd, that Cranmer And oa 
signed the warrant for his execution; which, being ,^™°"g'^be 
in a caUKe of blood, was contrary to the canon-law. J^"^"' 
In the primitive times, churchmen had only the "'^'"''"*- 
cure of souls lying on them, together with the re- 
conciling of such differences as might otherwise end 
in suits of law before the civil courts, which were 
made up of infidels. When the empire became 
Christian, these judgments, which they gave ori- 
ginally on so charitable an account, were by the 
naperial laws made to have great authority; but 
fartber' than these, or the care of widows and or- 
jduais, they were forlad, both by the council of ChaU 
cedon, and other lesser councils, to meddle in ■secular 
Batten. Among the endowments made to some 
churches, there were lands given, where the slaves, 
aooordnig to the Roman law, came within the petri- 
1110117 of these cburcbes ; and by that law masters 
had power frf" life and death over their slaves. 

In some churches this power had been severely Law> 
exercised, even to maiming and death, which seemed ^.^ 
Ytrj iadecent in a churchman. Besides, there was^*"'*)^"'' 
an ai^vdiension that some sev^« churchmen, who"*||^"^ 
were but mastors for liie, might be more profuse of 
the lives of such slaves than those that were to 
tiMtffmit them to their &milies. Therefore, to pre* 
vmt the waste that should be made in the church's 
patriiiwmyj it was agreed on, that churchmen should 


PART not proceed capitally against any of their vassals or 
— '- — slaves. And, in the confusions that were in Spain, 
^^^^' the princes that prevailed had appointed priests' to 
be judges, to give the greater reputation to their 
courts. This being found much to the prejudice of 
the church, it was decreed in the fourth council of 
Toledo, that priests, who were chosen by Christ to 
the ministry of salvation, should not judge in capitdi 
matters, unless the prince should swear to them that 
he would remit the punishment; and such as did 
otherwise, were held guilty of blood-shedding, and 
were to lose their d^ree in the church. This was 
soon received over all the western church ; and ar^ 
guments were found out afterwards by the canonirts 
to prove the necessity of continuing it : from Da- 
vid's not being suffered to build the temple, since he 
was a man of blood; and from the qualification re- 
quired by St. Paul in a bishop, that he should be no 
striker ; since he seemed to strike, that did it either 
in person, or by one whom he deputed to do it 
But when afterwards Charles the Great, and all the 
Christian princes in the west, gave their bishops 
great lands and dominions, they obliged them to be 
in all their councils, and to do them such services as 
they required of them by virtue of their tenures. 
The popes, designing to set up a spiritual empire, 
and to bring all church-lands within it, required the 
bishops to separate themselves from a dependance 
on their princes as much as it was possible: and 
these laws formerly made about cases of blood were 
judged a colour good enough why they should not 
meddle in such trials ; so they procured these cases 
to be excepted. But it seems Cranmer thought his 
conscience was under no tie from those canons, and 


so judged it not contrary to his function to sign tbat book 
order. ' 

The parliament was on the fourteenth of March , '?,1^' 

* Subsidiei 

prorogued to the fourth of November; the clergy K™ted by 
having granted the king a subsidy of six shillings and ^iiatyf 
in the pound, to be paid in three years. In the pre- 
amble of the bill of subsidy they acknowledged the 
great quietness they enjoyed under him, having no 
let or impediment in the service of God. But the 
laity set out their subsidy with a much fuller pream- 
ble, of the great happiness they had by the true re- 
ligion of Christ ; declaring, that they were ready to 
finrsake all things rather than Christ ; as also to as- 
sist the king in the conquest of Scotland, which 
they call a part of his dominion : therefore they give 
twelvepence in the pound of all men's personal 
estates^ to be paid in three years. 

But now to look into matters of religion : there ^ new tim- 
was, immediately after the act of uniformity passed, 
a new visitation, which it is probable went in the 
same method that was observed in the former. 


There were two things much complained of: the 
one was, that the priests read the prayers generally 
with the same tone of voice that they had used for- 
merly in the Latin service ; so that it was said, the 
people did not understand it much better than they 
had done the Latin formerly. This I have seen re- 
presented in many letters ; and it was very seriously 
laid before Cranmer by Martin Bucer. The course 
taken in it was, that in all parish churches the ser- 
vice should be read in a plain audible voice; but 
that the former way should remain in cathedrals, 
where there were great quires, who were well ac- 
quainted with that tone, and where it agreed better 



PART with the music that was used in the anthems Yet 

'. — even there, many thought it no proper way in the 

1549. Litany, where the greatest gravity was more agree- 
able to such humble addresses, than such a modular 


tion of the voice, which, to those unacquainted with 
it, seemed light ; and for others, that were more ac- 
customed to it, it seemed to be rather use that had 
reconciled them to it, than the natural decency of 
the thing, or any fitness in it to advance the devo- 
tion of their prayers. But this was a thing judged 
of less importance. It was said, that those who had 
been accustomed to read in that voice, could not 
easily alter it : but as those dropped olBT and diedt 
others would be put in their places, who would of* 
iiciate in a plainer voice. Other abuses were more 
Some of important. Some used in the communion-service 
ab^ con. many of the old rites ; such as kissing the altar» 
tiie^Mw" crossing themselves, lifting the book from one place 
wnrice. f^ another, breathing on the bread, shewing it openly 
before the distribution, with some other of the old 
ceremonies. The people did also continue the use 
of their praying by beads ; which was called an in- 
novation of Peter the Hermit, in the twelfth cen- 
tury. By it ten Aves went for one Pater-Noster; 
and the reciting these so oft in Latin had come to 
be almost all the devotion of the vulgar : and there- 
fore the people were ordered to leave that unrea* 
sonable way of prajdng; it seeming a most unac- 
countable thing, that the reciting the Angel's salu- 
tation to the blessed Virgin should be such a high 
piece of divine worship. And that this should be 
done ten times for one prayer to Grod, looked so like 
preferring the creature to the Creator y that it was 
not easy to defend it from an appearance of idolatry. 


The priests were aho ordered to exhort the people book 

to ghre to the poor. The curates were required to ! — 

presdi and declare the Catechism, at least every ^^^^- 
■xth week. And some priests continuing secretly 
the use of soul-masses ; in which, for avoiding the 
censore of the law, they had one to communicate 
with them» but had many of these in one day ; it 
was orderedy that there should be no selling of the 
communion in trentak^ and that there should be but 
one communion in one church, except on Easter- 
dqr and Christmas ; in which the people coming to 
the sacfament in greater numbers, there should be 
ose sacrament in the morning, and anothef near 
noon. And there being glreat abuses in churches 
and churchyards, in which, in the times of popery, 
markets had been held, and bargains made; that 
was finrbid, chiefly in the time of divine service or 

These instructions, which the reader will find in 
the Collection, were given in charge to the visitors. Coiiect. 
Granmer had also a visitation about the same time ; ^^ ' ^^' 
in which the articles he gave out are all drawn ac- 
cordiog to the king's injunctions. By some ques- 
tions in them, they seem to have been sent out be^ 
ton the parliament, because the book of service is 
not mentioned : but the last question save one being 
ai such as contemned married priests^ and refused to 
leoeire the sacrament at their hands, I concei\'e that 
were compiled after the act concerning their 
was passed, but before the feast of Whit- 
londay fcdiowing ; for till then the Common-Prayer- 
Bode was not to be received. There were also or- 
den sent by the council to the bishop of London, to 
that there should be no special masses in St. 

p 2 


PART Paul's church; which being the mother-chu 
the chief city of the kingdom^ would be an e3 

1549. ^ ^^ ^jjg rest; and that therefore there sho 
only one communion at the great altar, and 1 
the time when the high mass was wont to b 
brated, unless some desired a sacrament in the 
ing^ and then it was to be celebrated at th< 
altar. Bonner, who resolved to comply in 
thing, sent the council's letter to the dean an 
dentiaries of St. Paul's, to see it obeyed. A 
deed, all England over the book was so univ 
received, that the visitors did return no con 
All received from any comer of the whole kingdom. Oi 

the new ser- % t i^r ^* i^«. •i*'i. 

rice except l^dy Mary continued to have mass said m her i 

Mwy***^ of which the council being advertised, writ to 

conform herself to the laws, and not to cast 

proach on the king's government : for the neai 

was to him in blood, she was to give the bett 

ample to others; and her disobedience mig 

courage others to follow her in that contempt 

king's authority. So they desired her to s( 

them her comptroller, and Dr. Hopton, her 

lain ; by whom she should be more fully adv< 

of the king and council's pleasure. Upon th 

sent one to the emperor to interpose for he: 

she might not be forced to any thing again 


The ambat. At this time there was a complaint made 

emperor's ""cmperor's court of the English ambassador, sir 

wftred^to Hobby, for using the new Common-Prayer 

»•« »t. there : to which he answered, he was to be ob 

to the laws of his own prince and country : j 

the emperor's ambassador had mass at his cha 

London without disturbance, though it was co 


to the. law of England; so he had the same reason, book 
to expect the^ like liberty. But the emperor espous- 

ing the interest of t^e lady Mary, both Paget (who ^^^^' 
was sent over ambassador extraordinary to him^ 
upon his coming into Flanders) and Hobby pro- 
mised in the king's name, that he should dispense 
with her for some time, as. they afterwards declared 
upon their honours, when the thing was further 
qpiestioned; though the emperor and his ministers 
ptetendedy that without any qualification it was pro- 
mised* that she should enjoy the free exercise of her 
idigi0n. The emperor was now grown so high with 
Us socoess in Germany, and that at a time when a 
war was coming on with France, that it was not 
thought advisable to give him any offence. There a trenty or 
was likewise a proposition sent over by him to the the udy 
protector and council, for the lady Mary to be mar- ^' 
ried to Alphonso, brother to the king of Portugal. 
The council entertained it; and though the latecotub. 
king had left his daughters but 10,000/. a*piece, yet.ia. ' 
they offered to give with her 100,000 crowns in 
money, and 20,000 crowns worth of jewels. The 
infimt of Portugal was about her own age, and of- 
fered 20,000 crowns jointure. But this proposition 
i^ ; on what hand I do not know. The lady Mary she writ to 
writ on the twenty-second of June to the council, loDMra?Dg 
that, she could not obey their late laws ; and that ^.^T 
she did not esteem them Jaws, as made when the 
kii^ was not of age, and contrary to those made by 
her father, which they were all bound by oath to 
maintain. She excused the not sending her comp- 
troller, Mr. Arundel, and her priest : the one did all 
her business,. so that she could not well be without 
him ; the other was. then so ill, that he could not 



PART travel. Upon this the council sent a peremptoiy 

! command to these, requiring them to come up and 

'^^^- receive their orders. The lady Mary wrote a second 
letter to them on the twenty-«eventh of June, in 
which she expostulated the matter with the coundL 
She said she was subject to none of them, and would 
obey none of the laws they made; but jNrofessed 
great obedience and subjection to the king. When 
her officers came to court, they were commanded to 
declare to the lady Mary, that, though the king was 
young in person, yet his authority was now as grent 
as ever : that those who have his authority, and act 
^!|VV in his name, are to be obeyed : and though they, as 
y obey, m single pcrsous, wcrc her humble servants ; yet, when 
icudid. they met in council, they acted in the kill's name^ 
and so were to be considered by all the king^s sob* 
jects as if they were the king himself. Tb^ had 
indeed sworn to obey the late king's laws, but that 
could bind them no longer than they were in force ; 
and^ being now repealed, they were no more laws^ 
other laws being made in their room. There was 
no exception in the laws; all the king's subjects 
were included in them : and for a reformation of re- 
ligion made when a king was under age, one of the 
most perfect that was recorded in scripture was so 
carried on when Josiah was much younger than 
their king was ; therefore they gave them in chaige 
to persuade her grace (for that was her title) to be a 
good example of obedience, and not to encourage 
peevish and obstinate persons by her stiffness. But 
this business was for some time laid aside. 

And now the reformation was to be carried on to 
the establishing of a form of doctrine, ivhich should 
contain the chief points of religion. In order to 


wliidif there was this jear great inquiry made into book 
many paiticahar opinions, and chiefly concerning the '' 

vnmsD ce of Christ in the sacrament. There was no '^^^* 

The nuumer 

opudoQ for which the priests contended more igno-of chrut't 
nmtly and eageriy, and that the people generally be-tbT^^ 
Keved more Uindly and firmly, as if a strong belief J^^' 
were nothing else but winking very hard. The 
priests, because they accounted it the chief support 
BOW left of their £Edling dominion, which being kept 
up vqif^ in time retrieve all the rest : for while it 
WM bdieved that their character qualified them fixr 
10 stnnge and mighty a performance, they must 
Meds be lidd in great reverence. The people, be- 
craae they thought they received the very flesh of 
Christ; and so (notwithstanding our Saviour's ex- 
press declaration to the contrary, that ihefiesh pro^ 
fiteih nothing) looked on those who went about to 
persuade them otherwise, as men that intended to 
rob them of the greatest privilege they had. And 
therefore it was thought necessary to open this fully, 
before there should be any change made in the doc- 
trine of the church. 

The Lutherans seemed to agree with that which 
had been the doctrine of the Greek church, that in 
the sacrament there was both the substance of bread 
and wine, and Christ's body likewise : only many of 
them defended it by an opinion that was thought 
akin to the Eutychian heresy, that his human na- 
ture, by virtue of the union of the Godhead, was 
every whore; though even in this way it did not 
appear that there was any special presence in the 
■urament more than in other things. Those of 
Switseriand had on the other hand taught, that the 
■crament was only an institution to commemorate 

p 4 


PART the sufferings of Christ. This, because it was intel- 
ligible, was thought by many too low and mean a 

1549. thing, and not equal to the high expressions that 
are in the scripture, of its being the communUm of 
the body and hlood of Christ. The princes of Ger- 
many saw what mischief was like to follow on the 
diversity of opinions in explaining the sacrament; 
and as Luther, being impatient in his temper, and 
too much given to dictate, took it very ill to see his 
doctrine so rejected ; so, by the undecent way of 
writing in matters of controversy, to which the Ger- 
mans are too much inclined, this difference turned 
to a direct breach among them. The landgrave of 
Hesse had laboured much to have these diversities 
of opinion laid asleep, since nothing gave their com- 
mon enemies such advantage as their quarrelling, 
among themselves. Martin Bucer was of a mode- 
rate temper, and had found a middle opinion in this 
matter, though not so easy to be understood. He 
thought there was more than a remembrance, to 
wit, a communication of the body and blood of 
Christ in the sacrament ; that in general a real 
presence ought to be asserted, and that the way of 
explaining it ought not to be anxiously inquired 
into ; and with him Calvin agreed, that it was truly 
the body and blood of Christ, not fguratively, but 
really present. The advantage of these general ex- 
pressions was, that thereby they hoped to have si- 
lenced the debates between the Grerman and Helve- 
tian divines, whose doctrine came likewise to be re- 
ceived by many of the cities of the empire, and by- 
the elector palatine. And, among Martin Bucer s 
papers, I met with an original paper of Luther's, 
Na«*b!* (which wiU be found in the CoUection,) in which be. 


was willing to have that difference thus settled: book 
** Those of the Ausburg Confession should declare. 

^ that in the sacrament there was truly bread and ^^^^' 
** wine ; and those of the Helvetian Confession 
" should* declare, that Christ's body was truly pre- 
^aent: and so» without any further curiosities in 
^ the way of explaining it, in which divines might 
" use their liberty, the difference should end." But 
how this came to take no effect, I do not understand. 
It was aho thought that this way of expressing the 
doctrine would give least offence, for the people 
vera scarce able to bear the opinion of the sacra- 
ment's being only a figure; but wherein this real 
presemee consisted, was not so easy to be made out* 
Some explained it more intelligibly in a sense of 
law, that in the sacrament there was a real applica- 
tion of the merit of Christ's death, to those who re- 
ceived it worthily ; so that Christ as crucified was 
really present : and these had this to say for them- 
selves, that the words of the institution do not call 
the elements simply Christ's body and blood, but his 
body broken, and his blood shed, and thatj therefore 
Christ was really present as he was crucified, so 
that the importance of really was ^ectuaUy. Others 
thought all ways of explaining the manner of the 
presence were needless curiosities, and apt to beget 
differences: that therefore the doctrine was to be 
established in general words ; and, to save the labour 
both of explaining and understanding it, it was to 
be esteemed a mystery. This seems to have I)een 
Bucer's opinion ; but Peter Martyr inclined more to 
the Helvetians. 

There were public disputations held this year both PubUc db- 
at Oxford and Cambridge upon this matter. At^U^ 


PART and wine; nor, as others use to say^ under tke 
'*' bread and wine. 3. The body and blood of Chritl 




1549. ^f.^ united to the bread and wine sacramental^. 
Ridley was sent also to Cambridge, with some others 
of the king's commissioners; where, on the SOtb, 
24th, and 27th of June, there were public disputip 
tions on these two positions : 

Transubstantiation cannot be proved by the 
plain and manifest words of scripture ; nor .can it 
be necessarily collected from it ; nor yet confirmed 
by the consent of the ancient fathers. 

In the Lord's supper there is none other oUar 
^* tion and sacrifice than of a remembrance of Christ's 
^^ death and of thanksgiving." 

Dr. Madew defended these ; and Glyn, Langdale, 
Sedgwick, and Young, disputed against them the 
first day: and the second day Glyn defended the 
contrary propositions ; and Peru, Grindal, Gest, and 
Pilkington, disputed against them. On the third 
day the dispute went on, and was summed up in a 
learned determination by Ridley against the corporal 
presence. There had been also a long disputation 
in the parliament on the same subject; but of this 
we have nothing remaining, but what king Edward 
writ in his Journal. Ridley had, by reading Ber- 
tram's book of the body and blood of Christ, been 
first set on to examine well the old opinion concern- 
ing the presence of Christ's very flesh and blood in 
the sacrament : and, wondering to find that in the 
ninth century that opinion was so much controverted, 
and so learnedly writ against by one of the most es- 
teemed men of that age, began to conclude, that it 
was none of the ancient doctrines of the church, but 
lately brought in, and not fuUy received, till after 


Bertram's aire. He communicated the matter with book 

CSrannaer, aiMl they set themselves to examine it with - 
more than ordinary care. Cranmer afterwards ga- ^^^^* 
thered all the arguments about it into the book which 
be writ on that subject ; to which Grardiner set out 
m answ^, under the disguised name of Marcus Con- 
Btantius : and Cranmer replied to it. I shall offer 
the Teader in short the substance of what was in 
these bookSy and of the arguments used in the dispu- ^ 
tations ; and in many other books which were at that 
time written on this subject. 

Christ in the institution took bread, and ffave it:Tben«nM 
80 that his words, Thts is my ho€ly^ could only besenceex. 
meant of the bread. Now the bread could not be ImSn^ tT 
his body literally. He himself also calls the cup, j^^*'^ 
Thejruit of the vine. St. Paul calUrit, 7%e bread 
that we breakf and the cup that we bless; and, 
speaking of it after it was blessed, calls it, That 
breads and that cup. For the reason of that ex- 
pression, 7%!^ is my body ; it was considered, that 
the disciples, to whom Christ spoke thus, were Jews ; 
and that they, being accustomed to the Mosaical 
rites, must needs have understood his words in the 
same sense they did Moses's words concerning the 
paschal lamb, which is called the Lords passover. 
It was not that literally, for the Lords passover 
was the angel's passing by the Israelites, when he 
smote the first-bom of the Egyptians ; so the lamb 
was only the Lords passover, as it was the memo- 
rial of it : and thus Christ, substituting the eucharist 
to the paschal lamb, used such an expression, call- 
ii^ it his body J in the same manner of speaking as 
tfa^ lamb was called the Lords passover. This 
was plain enough ; for his disciples could not well 


PART understand him in any other sense than that to 

1_ which they had been formeriiy accustomed. In the 

'^^^' scripture many such figurative expressions occur fre- 
quently. In baptism, the other sacrament instituted 
by Christ, he is said to baptize with the Holy GhoH 
and with fire : and such as are baptized are said to 
put on Christ} which were %urative expressions. 
As also, in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, the 
cup is called the new testament in Chriefe bloody 
which is an expression full of figure. Further, it wti 
observed, that that sacrament was instituted for a 
remembrance of Christ, and of his death ; which im- 
plied, that he was to be absent at the time when he 
was to be remembered. Nor was it simply said, 
that the elements were his body and blood ; but that 
they were his body broken, and his bloodshed; that 
is, they were these, as suffering on the cross : which 
as they could not be understood literally, for Christ 
did institute this sacrament before he had suffered 
on the cross ; so now Christ must be present in the 
sacrament, not as glorified in heaven, but as suffering 
on his cross. From those places where it is said, 
that Christ is in heaven, and that he is to continue 
there ; they argued, that he was not to be any more 
upon earth. And those words in the sixth of St; 
John, of eating ChrisVs fl£sh^ and drinking his 
bloody they said were to be understood not of the sa- 
crament ; since many receive the sacrament unwor- 
thily, and of them it cannot be said that they have 
eternal life in them : but Christ there said of them 
that received him in the sense that was meant in 
that chapter, that aU that did so eat his flesh had 
eternal life in them ; therefore these words can only 
be understood figuratively of receiving him by/aith. 


as himself there explains it. And so, in the end of book 



that discourse^ finding some were startled at that 
way of expressing himself, he gave a -key to the 
whole, when he said, his words were spirit and 
Ijfe: and, that thefiesh prqfited nothings it was the 
spirit that quickened. It was ordinary for him t9 
teach in parables ; and the receiving of any doctrine 
being oft expressed by the prophets by the figure of 
eating and drinkingj he, upon the occasion of the 
people's coming to him after he had fed them with a 
kw loaves, did discourse of their believing in these 
dark expressions ; which did not seem to relate to 
the sacrament, since it was not then instituted 
They also ai^ed, from Christ's appealing to the 
tenses of his hearers in his miracles, and especially in 
his discourses upon his resurrection, that the tes* 
timony of sense was to be received where the object 
was duly applied, and the sense not vitiated. They 
also alleged natural reasons against a body's being in 
more places than one, or being in a place in the 
manner of a spirit, so that the substance of a com* 
plete body could be in a crumb of bread, or drop of 
wine ; and argued, that, since the elements after con- 
secration would nourish, might putrefy, or could be 
poisoned, these things clearly evinced, that the sub- 
stance of bread and wine remained in the sacrament. 

From this they went to examine the ancient fa- And from 
thers. Some of them called it bread and wine; 
others said, it nourished the hody^ as Justin Martyr ; 
others, that it was digested in the stoma^^h^ and 
went into the draughty as Origen. Some called it a 
figure of Christ's body ; so Tertullian, and St. Aus- 
tm : others called the elements types and sights ; so 
almost all the ancient Liturgies, and the Greek fa* 


PART thers generally. In the creeds of the church it wu 
' — professed, that Christ still sat on the right hand of 

^^' God ; the fathers ai^ed from thence» that he was in 
heaven, and not on earth. And the Marcionites, and 
other heretics, denying that Christ had a true body, 
or did really suffer ; the fathers appealed in that to 
the testimony of sense, as infallible. And St. Ant- 
tin giving rules concerning figurative speeches in 
scripture ; one is this, that they must be taken figu- 
ratively, where in the literal sense the thing were a 
crime ; which he applies to these words of eating 
Christ's fleshy and drinking his blood. But that 
on which they put the stress of the whole cause, as 
to the doctrine of the fathers, was the reasoning that 
they used against the Eutychians, who said, that 
Christ's body and human nature was swallowed up 
by his divinity. The Eutychians, arguing from the 
eucharist's being called Christ's body and blood, in 
which they said Christ's presence did convert the 
substance of the bread and wine into his own flesh 
and blood ; so in like manner, said they, his God- 
head had converted the manhood into itself. Against 
this, Gelasius bishop of Rome, and Theodoret, one of 
the learnedest fathers of his age, argue in plain words, 
that the substance of the bread and wine remained* 
as it was formerly, in its own nature and form ; and 
from their opinion of the presence of Christ's body in 
it, without converting the elements, they turned the 
argument to show how the divine and human nature 
can be together in Christ, without the one's being 
changed by the other. Peter Martyr had brought 
over with him the copy of a letter of St. Chrysos- 
tome's, which he found in a MS. at Florence, writ- 
ten to the same purpose, and on the same argument; 


which was the more remarkable, because that Chrys- book 

ostome had said higher things in his sermons and '. 

commentaries, concerning Christ's being present in '^^^" 
the sacrament, than any of all the fathers : but it 
appeared by this letter, that those high expressions 
were no other than rhetorical figures of speech, to 
b^et a great reverence to this institution ; and from 
hence it was reasonable to judge, that such were the 
like expressions in other fathers, and that they were 
nevertheless of Chrysostome's mind touching the 
presence of Christ in the sacrament. That epistle of 
his does lie still unpublished, though a very learned 
man, now in France, has procured a copy of it ; but 
those of that church know the consequence that the 
printing of it would have, and so it seems are re- 
sdved to suppress it if they can. From all these 
things it was plain, that though the fathers believed 
there was an extraordinary virtue in the sacrament, 
and an unaccountable presence of Christ in it, yet 
they thought not of transubstantiation, nor any 
thing like it. But when darkness and ignorance 
crept into the church, the people were apt to believe 
any thing that was incredible; and were willing 
enough to support such opinions as turned religion 
into external pageantry. The priests also, knowing 
little of the scriptures, and being only or chiefly con- 
versant in those writings of the ancients that had 
highly extolled the sacrament, came generally to 
take up the opinion of the corporal presence ; and, 
being soon apprehensive of the great esteem it would 
faring to them, cherished it much. In the ninth cen- 
tnry, Bertram, Rabanus, Maurus, Amalarius, Alcui- 
ans, and Johannes Scotus, all writ against it ; nor 
were any of them censured or condemned for these 



PART opinions. It was plainly and strongly oontradicted 


- by some homilies that were in the Saxon tongue, m 
1549. ^hich not a few of Bertram's words occur; particu- 
larly in that which was to be read in the churches 
on Easter-day. But in the eleventh or twelfth cen« 
tury it came to be universally received ; as indeed 
any thing would have been that much advanced 
the dignity of priesthood. And it was further ad- 
vanced by pope Innocent the Third, and so esta- 
blished in the fourth council of Lateran ; that same 
council in which the rooting out of heretics, and the 
pope's power of deposing heretical princes, and giv- 
ing their dominions to others were also decreed. 

But there was another curious remark made of 
the progress of this opinion. When the doctrine of 
the corporal presence was first received in the west- 
ern church, they believed that the whole loaf was 
turned into one entire body of Jesus Christ : so that 
in the distribution one had an eye, a nose, or an ear ; 
another a tooth, a finger, or a toe ; a third a coUop^ 
or a piece of tripe : and this was supported by pre* 
tended miracles suited to that ojHnion ; for some- 
times the host was said to bleed, parts of it were 
also said to be turned to pieces of flesh. This con- 
tinued to be the doctrine of the church of Rome for 
near three liundred years. It appears clearly in the 
renunciation which they made Berengarius swear. 
But when the schoolmen began to form the tenets of 
that church by more artificial and subtile rules; as 
they thought it an ungentle way of treating Christ 
to be thus mangling his body, and eating it up in 
gobbets, so the maxims they set up about the ex- 
tension of matter, and of the manner of spirit's fill- 
ing a space, made them think of a more decent way 


ifti^plaining this prodigious mystei^ They taught, book 
tfatt Christ was so in the host. and chalice, that 

there was one entire body in eyerj crumb and drop : ''^'** 
so that the body was no more broken ; but, upon 
every breaking of the host, a new whole body flew 
off from the other parts, which yet remained an 
entire body, notwithstanding that diminution. And 
then the fbrmer miracles, being contrary to this con^ 
cat, were laid aside, and new ones invented, fitted 
ftr this escplanation ; by which Christ's body was be- 
liered present after the manner of a spirit. It was 
given oat, thsit he sometimes appeared as a child all 
in rays upon the host, sometimes with angels about 
Um, or sometimes in his mother's arms : and, that 
the senses mi^t give as little contradiction as was 
possiUe, instead of a loaf they blessed then only 
wafiers, which are such a shadow of bread as might 
more easily agree with their doctrine of the acci«- 
dents of bread being only present ; and, lest a larger 
measure of wine might have encouraged the people 
to have thought it was wine still, by the sensible 
effects of it, that came also to be denied them. 

Tins was the substance of the aiguments that were 
m those writings. But an opinion, that had been 
80 generally received, was not of a sudden to be alter* 
cd: therefore they went on slowly in discussing it, and 
thereby did the better dispose the people to receive 
what they intended afterwards to establish concerning 
it And this was the state of religion for this year. 

At this time there were many anabaptists in se- Pro5««<i<BR» 
veral parts of England. They were generally Oer-anabap- 
mans, whom the revolutions there had forced to " 
diange their seats. Upon Luther's first preaching in 
Germany, there arose many, who, building on some 



PART of his principles, carried things much further than 
he did. The chief foundation he laid down was. 

^^^^' that the scripture was to be the only rule of Christ- 
ians. Upon this, many argued, that the mysteries 
of the Trinity, and Christ's incarnation and suffer- 
uigs, of the fall of man, and the aids of grace, were 
indeed philosophical subtilties, and only pretended 
to be deduced from scripture, as almost all opin« 
ions of religion were; and therefore they rejected 
them. Among these, the baptism of infiuits was 
one. They held that to be no baptism, and so were 
rebaptized: but from this, which was most taken 
notice of, as being a visible thing, they carried all 
Of whom the general name of anabaptists. Of these, there 
twotortT were two sorts most remarkable. The one was, of 
those who only thought that baptism ought not to 
be given but to those who were of an age capable of 
instruction, and who did earnestly desire it. This 
opinion they grounded on the silence of the New 
Testament about the baptism of children. They 
observed, that our Saviour, commanding the apo- 
stles to baptize, did join teaching with it : and they 
said, the great decay of Christianity flowed from 
this way of making children Christians, before they 
understood what they did. These were called the 
gentle, or moderate anabaptists. But others, who 
carried that name, denied almost all the principles 
of the Christian doctrine, and were men of fierce 
and barbarous tempers. They had broke out into a 
general revolt over Grermany, and raised the war, 
called the rustic war ; and, possessing themselves of 
Munster, made one of their teachers, John of Ley* 
den, their king, under the title of 7%^ JSSng of tke 
New Jerusalem. Some of them set up a &nta8ti« 


caly unintelligible way of talking of religion, which boos 
Aqr tamed all into all^^ories: these, being joined ^' 

in the ooinmmi name of anabaptists with the other, '^^^* 
brought them also under an ill character. 

On the twelfth of April there was a complaint 
brought to the council, that, with the strangers that 
were come into England, some of that persuasion 
had come over, and were disseminating their eru 
rors, and making proseljrtes: so a commission waaaocPtt. 
ordered for the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops |]^^. 
of Ely, Worcester, Westminster, Chichester, Ian- 
oobi, and Rochester, sir William Petre, sir Thomas 
Snith, Dr. Cox, Dr. May, and some others, (three 
of them being a quorum,) to examine and search 
after all anabaptists, heretics, or contemners of the 
Common Prayer. They were to endeavour to re- 
daim them, to enjoin them penance, and give them 
absolution : or, if they were obstinate, to excommu- 
nicate and imprison them, and to deliver them over 
to the secular power, to be further proceeded against. 
Some tradesmen in London were brought before 
these commissioners in May, and were persuaded to 
abjure their former opinions : which were, ** that a 
^nuin r^enerate could not sin; that though the 
^ outward man sinned, the inward man sinned not ; 
^ that there was no Trinity of Persons ; that Christ 
'^ was only a holy prophet, and not at all Grod ; that 
"^ all we had by Christ was, that he taught us the 
** way to heaven ; that he took no flesh of the Vir- 
^ gin ; and that the baptism of infants was not pro- 
^fitable." One of those, who thus abjured, was 
oommanded to carry a fagot next Sunday at St. 
Paul's; where there should be a sermon, setting 
ftith hia heresy. But there was another of these 



FART extreme obstinate; Joan Bocher, commonly called 
Joan of Kent. ** She denied that Christ was truly 


.1549. it incarnate of the Vii^n, whose flesh being nnfiil, 
he could take none of it : but the Word, by the 
consent of the inward man in the Virgin, took 
** flesh of her." These were her words.^ They took 
much pains about her, and had many conferences 
with her; but she was so extravagantly conceited 
of her own notions, that she rejected all they said 
with scorn : whereupon she was adjudged an obati- 
nate heretic, and so left to the secular power. The 

Collect sentence against her will be found in the Collection. 

Numb. 35. rpjjg being returned to the council, the good king 
was moved to sign a warrant for burning her, hot 
could not be prevailed on to do it : he thought it a 
piece of cruelty, too like that which they had con* 
demned in papists, to bum any for their conscienoes. 
And, in a long discourse he had with sir J. Cheek, 
he seemed much confirmed in that opinion. Cran- 
mer was employed to persuade him to sign the war- 
rant. He argued from the law of Moses, by which 
blasphemers were to be stoned. He told the kii^, 
he made a great difference between errors in other 
points of divinity, and those which were directly 
against the Apostles' Creed : that these were impie- 
ties against Grod, which a prince, as being God's de- 
puty, ought to punish ; as the king^s deputies were 
obliged to punish offences against the king*s person. 
These reasons did rather silence, than satisfy the 
young king ; who still thought it a hard thing (as in 
truth it was) to proceed so severely in such caaes : 
so he set his hand to the warrant, with tears in his 
eyes ; sajring to Cranmer, that if he did wrong, since 
it was in submission to his authority, he should an^ 


iwer finr it to God. This struck the archbishop book 

witfa mudi horror, so that he was very unwilling to 1— 

have the sentence executed And both he and Rid- ^^^^* 
ky took the woman then in custody to their houses, 
to see if they could persuade her: but she con* 
tinoed, by jeers and other insolences, to carry her- 
idf 80 contemptuously, that at last the sentence was 
esBcoted on her, the second of May the next year, 
bishop Scory preaching at her burning. She carried 4° ^^^^ 
herself then, as she had done in the former parts of 
her processi very undeoently, and in the end was 

• Tina action was much censured, as being contrary 
to the demency off the gospel ; and was made oft 
use of by the papists, who said, it was plain, that 
the reformers were only against burning when they 
were in fear of it themselves. The woman's car- 
riage made her be .looked on as a frantic person, 
fitter for Bedlam than a stake. People had gene- 
rally believed, that all the statutes for burning here- 
tics had been repealed: but now, when the thing 
was better considered, it was found, that the bum- 
ing of heretics was done by the common law ; so 
that the statutes made about it were only for mak- 
ing the conviction more easy ; and the repealing the 
statutes did not take away that which was grounded 
on a writ at common law. To end all this matter 
at once : two years after this, one George Van Pare, 
a Dutchman, being accused for saying that God the 
Father was only God, and that Christ was not very 
God, he was dealt with long to abjure, but would 
not : so, on the sixth of April, 1551, he was con- 
demned in the same manner that Joan of Kent 
; and on the twenty-fifth of April was burnt in 

a 4 


PART Smithfield. He suffered with great constancy of 
mind, and kissed the stake, and fiagots that were to 

Aoothe?" ^"™ ^™* ^^ *^^ Pare, I find a popish writer say* 
burnt. ing, that he was a man of most wonderful strict life ; 
that he used not to eat above once in two days; 
and, before he did eat, would lie some time in his 
devotion prostrate on the ground. All this th^ 
made use of to lessen the credit of those who had 
suffered formerly; for it was said, they saw now 
that men of harmless lives might be put to death tat 
heresy, by the confession of the reformers thea^ 
selves. And in all the books published in quera 
Mary's days, justifying her severity against the pro* 
testants, these instances were always made use of; 
and no part of Cranmer's life exposed him more 
than this did. It was said, he had consented both 
to Lambert's and Anne Askew's death, in the for- 
mer reign, who both suffered f(2r opinions which he 
Thiiwas himself held now: and he had now procured the 
mucjcen- j^^^j^ ^^P thcsc two pcrsous ; and, when he was 

brought to suffer himself afterwards, it was called a 

just retaliation on him. One thing was certain, that 

what he did in this matter flowed from no cruelty 

of temper in him, no man being further from that 

black disposition of mind; but it was truly the 

effect of those principles by which he governed 


Disputes For the other sort of anabaptists, who only de* 

the *baptum "^^^ infants baptism, I find no severities used to 

of infiinu. tijgm . jjyi; several books were written against them, 

to which they wrote some answers. It was said 

that Christ allowed little children to be brought to 

him, and said, of such was the kingdom of heaven, 

and blessed them. Now if they were capable of the 


Umgdam qf heaven, they must be regenerated; for book 
Christ said» none but such as were bom qf water ' 
mud of the S^rit could enter into it. St. Paul had ^^'^^• 
tbo called the children of believing parents holy; 
which seemed to relate to such a consecration of 
them as was made in baptism. And baptism being 
the seal of Christians, in the room of circumcision 
among the Jews, it was thought the one was as ap« 
piicaUe to children as the other. And one thilig 
was observed, that the whole world in that age hav- 
ing been baptized in their infancy, if that baptism 
was nothing, then there were none truly baptized in 
being; but all were in the state of mere nature. 
Now it did not seem reasonable that men who 
were not baptized themselves should go and baptize 
othars : and therefore the first heads of that sect, 
Oct being rightly baptized themselves, seemed not 
to act with any authority when, they went to bap- 
tize others. The practice of the church, so early 
begun, and continued without dispute for so many 
ages, was at least a certain confirmation of a thing 
which had (to speak moderately) so good foun- 
dations in scripture for the lawfulness, though not 
any peremptory, but only probable proof for the 
practice of it. 

These are all the errors in opinion that I find The doc 
were taken notice of at this time. There was an- destiDatioa 
other sort of people, of whom all the good men in Sliced. 
that age made great complaints. Some there were 
called gospellers, or readers of the gospel, who were 
a scandal to the doctrine they professed. In many 
sermons I have oft met with severe expostulatit)ns 
with these, and heavy denunciations of judgments 
against, them : but I do not find any thing objected 


PART to them, as to their belief, save only that the dec* 
trine of predestination having been generaUy taugbt 

1549. ))j ()|g reformers, many of this sect began to make 
strange inferences from it; reckoning, that since 
every thing was decreed, and the decrees of God 
could not be frustrated, therefore men were to leave 
themselves to be carried by these decrees. Hn 
drew some into great impiety of Ufe, and others into' 
desperation. The Germans soon saw the ill effects 
of this doctrine. Luther changed his mind about 
it, and Melancthon openly writ against it. And 
since that time the whole stream of the Lutheran 
churches has run the other way. But both Calvin 
and Bucer were still for maintaining the doctrine of 
these decrees ; only they warned the people not to 
think much of them, since they were secrets which 
men could not penetrate into ; but they did not so 
clearly show how these consequences did not flour 
from such opinions. Hooper, and many other good 
writers, did often dehort people from entering into 
these curiosities ; and a caveat to that same purpose 
was put afterwards into the article of the diurdi 
about predestination. 
Tumults in Ouc ill cffect of the dissoluteness of people's man- 
^ ' ners broke out violently this summer, occasioned 
by the inclosing of lands. While the monasteries 
stood, there were great numbers of people main- 
tained about these houses ; their lands were easily 
let out, and many were relieved by them. But now 
the numbers of the people increased much, marriage 
being universally allowed ; they also had more time 
than formerly, by the abrogation of many holydajrs, 
and the putting down of processions and pilgrim- 
ages; so that, as the numbers increased, they had 


ONxe tune than they knew how to bestow. Thoie book 
who honght in the church hmda^ at they everj—ll-. 
where raised theur rents, of which old Latimer ^^^^* 
■ade great complaints in one of his court-sermons, 
so thej resolved to inclose thdr grounds, and turn 
^ Am to pasture : for trade was then rising fast, and 
corn brought not in so much monej as wool did. 
Tbeir flocks also being kept by few persons in 
grounds so indosed, the landlords themselves en* 
joyed the profit which fixrmerly the tenants made 
eat of their estates : and so they intended to force 
them to senre about them at any such rates as th^ 
would nDow. By this means the commons of Ei^« 
haA msw they were like to be reduced to great mi» 
avy.' This was much complained of, and several 
little books were written about it. Some proposed 
s sort of Agrarian law, that none might have farms 
above a set value, or flocks above a set number of 
two thousand sheep; whidi proposal I find the 
joung king was much taken with, as will appear in 
one c£ the discourses he wrote with his own hand. 
It was also represented, that there was no care taken 
of the educating of youth, except of those who were 
bred for learning ; and many things were proposed 
to correct this : but in the mean time the commons 
saw the gentry were Uke to reduce them to a very 
low condition. 

The protector seemed much concerned for the 
commons, and oft spoke against the oppression of 
landlords. He was naturally just and compassionate, 
and ao did heartily espouse the cause of the poor 
peofde, which made the nobility and gentry hate 
him much. The former year, the commons about 
Hampton^Court petitioned th« protector and council. 


PART complaining, that whereas the late king in his sick- 
ness had inclosed a park there, to divert himself with 

J 549. private easy game, the deer of that park did overii^ 
the country, and it was a great burden to them ; and l^ 
therefore they desired that it might be disparked. P 
The council, considering that it was so near Wind* ' 
sor, and was not useful to the king, but a chaige 
rather, ordered it to be disparked, and the deer to be 
carried to Windsor ; but with this proviso, that if 
the king, when he came of age, desired to have a 
park there, what they did should be no prejudice to 
him. There was also a commission issued out to in* 
quire about inclosures and farms ; and whether those 
. who had purchased the abbey-lands kept hospitality, 
to which they were bound by the grants they had 
of them ; and whether they encouraged husbandly. 
But I find no effect of this. Anii indeed there 
seemed to have been a general design among the no* f 
bility and gentry to bring the inferior sort to that | 
low and servile state to which the peasants in many l 
other kingdoms are reduced. In the parliament an ' 
act was carried in the house of lords for imparking 
grounds, but was cast out by the commons ; yet gen* 
tlemen went on every where taking their lands into 
their own hands,: and inclosing them. 
Many are In May the commons did rise first in Wiltshire ; 


quieted, whcrc sir William Herbert gathered some resolute 
men about him, and dispersed them, and slew some of 
them. Soon after that, they rose in Sussex, Hamp* 
shire, Kent, Gloucestershire, Suffolk, Warwickshire, 
Essex, Hartfordshire, Leicestershire, Worcestershire, 
and Rutlandshire ; but by fair persuasions the fury 
of the people was a little stopped, till the matter 
should be represented to the council. The protector 


nidf ht did not wonder the commoDS were in sudi book 
dMtempera, they being so oppressed, that it was L 

to die once than to perish for want; and '^^^ 
the r efore he set out a prodamation, contrary to the 
nynd of the whole council, against all new indo^ 
sues; with another^ indemnifying the people for 
what was past, so they carried themselves obediently 
for the fliture. Commissions were also sent every 
where, with an unlimited power to the commission- 
era^ to hear and determine all causes about indo- 
sores, highways, and cottages. The vast power these 
commissioners assumed was much complained of; 
the landlords said, it was an invasion of their pro- 
pcrtrf to subject them thus to the pleasure of those 
who were sent to examine the matters, without pro-^ 
ceeding in the ordinary courts according to law. 
The commons, being encouraged by the favour they 
heard the protector bore them, and not able to go- 
vern their heat, or stay for a more peaceable issue, 
did rise again, but were anew quieted. Yet the pro^ 
tector being opposed much by the council, he was 
not able to redress this grievance so fully as the peo- 
ple hoped. So in Oxfordshire and Devonshire they 
rase again, and also in Norfolk and Yorkshire. 
Those in Oxfordshire were dissipate by a force of 
fifteen hundred men, led against them by the lord 
Gray. Some of them were taken and hanged by 
msrdal law, as being in a state of war ; the greatest 
part ran home to their dwellings. 

In Devonshire the insurrection grew to be better Bat thote 
fermed ; for that county was not only far from the ^hir« grew 
court, but it was generally inclined to the former su.'^"^*"^*'''- 
perstitioD, and many of the old priests run in among 


TART them. They came together on the tenth of June. 

'. being Whit-Sunday ; and in a short time they grem 

^^^^' to be ten thousand strong. At court it was hopec 
this might be as easily dispersed as the other risingi 
were. But the protector was against nimiing inti 
extremities, and so did not move so speedily as thi 
thing required. He, after some days, at last sen" 
the lord Russel with a small force to stop their pro 
ceedings. And that lord^ remembering well hon 
the duke of Norfolk had with a very small arm] 
tnroken a formidable rebellion in the former reign 
hoped that time would likewise weaken and disQniti 
these ; and therefore he kept at some distance, anc 
offered to receive their complaints, and to send then 
to the council But these delays gave advantagi 
and strength to the rebels, who were led on by sonv 
gentlemen ; Arundel of Cornwall being in chief com 
mand among them : and, in answer to the lord Rua 
sel, they agreed on fifteen articles, (before this the; 
drew up their demands in seven articles,) the sub 
stance of which was as follows t^ 
Their de- 1 . ** That all the general councils, and the decree 
"•"^ «< 0f tiieji. forefathers, should be observed. 

8. '^ That the act of the six articles should b 
'^ again in force. 

S. '^ That the mass should be in Latin, and tha 
'^ the priests alone should receive. 

4. ^* That the sacrament should be hanged up 
** and worshipped ; and those who refused to do i 
^ should suffer as heretics. 

5. '* That the sacrament should only be given t 
" the people at Easter in one kind. 

6* ** That baptism should be done at all times. 


7. ^ That holy bread, holy water, and palms be book 
^agaiii used; and that images be set up, with all 

^ the other ancient ceremonies. ^^^^* 

8. ^ That the new service should be laid aside, 
^ lince it was jike a Christmas game ; and the old 
** s^vice again should be used, with the procession 
^in Latin. 

. 9- ** That all preachers in their sermons, and 
^ priests in the mass, should pray for the souls in 

10. " That the Bible should be called in, since 
^ddierwise the dei^ could not easily con&und the 

11. ^ That Dr. Moreman and Crispin should be 
* lent to them, and put in their livings. 

1 S. ^ That cardinal Pole should be restored, and 
** made of the king^s counciL 

IS. ^^ That every gentleman might have only one 
^ servant for every hundred marks of yearly rent 
^ that belonged to him. 

14. '' That the half of the abbey and church lands 
** should be taken back, and restored to two of the 
** chief abbejrs in every county ; and all the church 
^ boxes for seven years should be given to such 
^ houses, that so devout persons might live in them, 
^ who should pray for the king and the conunon- 
*" wealth. 

15. ^' And that for their particular grievances, 
'^ they should be redressed, as Humphrey Arundel 
** and the mayor of Bodmyn should inform the kin^ 
^ finr whom they desired a safe conduct." 

These artides being sent to the council, the arch- cnnmer 
bishop of Canterbury was ordered to draw an an^swertoT^^ 
swer to them, which I have seen, corrected with hisj^^g ^, 

C. C. Cant. 

im THE 

^'AK? M«u tmod. The: 

§gt;wa^ cx/OEKils faad decaoed: nor was tkov anj 
itiif ig iu tbe cinifdb of FingJiid cnlijii to thoiii 
Ummii^i numj thii^ had bem IwbliIi recofed 
w}iiir;}i wiftf: io. And for the dnaves, tfaer were 
fnufK^ by the popes to endare the wiocld, of vhich 
tut ffMva mtviTBi instances. 

For the six articles, he saj^ they had not been 
irnrriird in [mrliament, if the late king had not gone 
ihith<;r in [lerson* and procured that act ; and yet of 
his own accord he slackened the execution of it 

To thi! third, it was strange that they did not de- 
sin) to linow in what terms they worshipped God. 
And ior tlie in ass, the ancient canons required tlie 
IH'opli* to c'oininiinicate in it ; and the prayers in the 
uttWv oi^llio nmss did still imply that they were to 
do it. I 

For \\u' liunging up and adoring the host, it was I 
hut liitt'ly srt up hv |K>{K' Innocent and Honorius, i 
nnil iu Muno pluix's it had never been received. 

K^o* tho tit^h: The amnent church received that 
^Aittiuu'ut tW>\iuenUy« and in both kinds. 

'r\« iho sixth ; liapti$ni« in cases of necessity, was 

lo )v ^huiuistenxl at anv liuie : but out of these 


^\A>\Nv it >^ as tit to \k^ it :k4euinlY : and in the andeot 
^*hui\^ u \fc ji* vivUtlv vkH.v oo the evw of Eaester and 
Whi|.^:xi4x ; ^>4' ifchx^ ttftigse^ :soflae foocstefa re- 

tV i^* >v'^c«;a ; I'V^se ^tfnf bice ^suptnrstkioasde- 
^ivvx Mi2a^>i >fcvre owcrMTi 51/ We jiripcafissw fcst 
:^n; -i^ vc ^vuicttiorutof,. but ^gim jAfe*r anaie directs 


To the eighth: The old service had many ludi- hook 

crous things in it; the new was simple and grave: '■ — - 

if it appeared ridiculous to them, it was as the gos- '*''^' 
pel was long agOfJooUs/iness to the Greeks. 

To the ninth : The scriptures say nothing of 
it: it was a superstitious invention, derogatory to 
Christ's death. 

To the tenth ; The scriptures are the word of 
God, and the readiest way to confound that which is 
heresy indeed. 

To the eleventh ; These were ignorant, supersti- 
tious, and deceitful persons. 

To the twelfth : Pole had been attainted in parlia- 
ment for his spiteful writings and doings against the 
late king. 

To the thirteenth : It was foolish and unreason- 
able. One serrant could not do a man's busineae ; and 
by this many sorvants would want employment. 

To the fourteenth : This was to rob the king, and 
titoae who bad these landa <tf him ; and would be a 
means to make so foul a rebellion be remembered in 
IImst prayers. 

To the fifteenth : These were notorious traitors, 
to wbora the king's coancU was not to submit them- 

After this> ihey grew more moderate, and sentThtjnui.* 
eigfat artides: 1. Concemiag baptism. S. About mudi > 
anfirmataoD. 8. Of the mas^ 4. Foe reserving 
Ae host. 5. For holy lH<eBd and water. 6. For 
Qie old service. 7- For the single liree of priests, 
a. For the six articles. And concluded, God save 
Ae king: for they were his, both body and goods. 
To this tliere was an answer sent, in the king's whidi 
SHDe, on the ^^th of July, (so long did the treaty rejected. 
VOL. II. a 


FART with them hold,) in which, after expressions of the 
king's affection to his people, he taxes their rising 

j549. Jq ^j.^g against him their king, as contrary to thie 
laws of God. He tells them, that they are abused 
by their priests, as in the instance of baptism ; which 
(according to the book) might, necessity requiring 
it, be done at all times : that the changes that had 
been set out were made after long and great consul- 
tation ; and the worship of this church, by the ad- 
vice of many bishops and learned men, was reformed 
as near to what Christ and his apostles had taught 
and done as could be ; and all things had been set- 
tled in parliament. But ^ the most specious thing 
that misled them being that of the king's age, it was 
showed them, that his blood, and not his years, gavjs 
him the crown. And the state of government re- 
quires, that at all times there should be the same 
authority in princes, and the same obedience in the 
people. It was all penned in a high threatening 
style ; and concluded with an earnest invitation of 
them to submit to the king's mercy, as others that 
had risen had also done ; to whom he had not only 
showed mercy, but granted redress of their just 
grievances ; otherwise they might expect the utmost 
severity that traitors deserved. ' 

But nothing prevailed on this enraged multitude; 
whom the priests inflamed with all the artifices they 
could imagine ; and^mong whom the host was car- 
ried about by a priest on a cart, that all might see it. 
But when this commotion was thus grown to a head, 
the men of Norfolk rose the sixth of July, being led 
rherebeK by one Kct, a tanner. These pretended nothing of 
folk headed religion, but only to suppress and destroy the gentry, 
Mnntr! and to raise the commons, and to put new counsel- 


Iocs tbout the king. Thej increased mightily, and book 
became tweoty thousand strong ; hut had no order - 

nor discipHoe, and committed many horrid outrages. '^^'' 
The riieriff of the county came boldly to thero, and 
required them, in the king's name, to disperse, and 
go home; but had he not been wtell mounted, they 
had put him cruelly to death. They came to Mous* 
hold-Hill, ahoFe Norwich, and were much favoured 
by many in that city. Parker, afterwards archbi- 
shop of CanteHjury, came among them, and preached 
irery fiedy to them of their ill lives, their rebellion 
againit tiie king, and the robberies they daily, com- 
nitted ; by which he was in great danger of bis life. 
Ketaasomedtohimself the powerof judicature; and 
onder an .old oak, called from thence the oak qfre- 
JbntaHott, did such justice as might be expected 
frnn such a judge, and in such a camp. The mar- 
quis .of Northampton was sent against them, but 
with orders to keep at a distance from them, and to 
cot off their provisions : for so it was hoped, that, 
without the shedding much blood, they might come 
to themselves again. When the news of this risings ruing in 
came into Yorkshire, the commons there rose also, 
being further encouraged by a prophecy, that there 
ihould be no king nor nobility in England : that the 
kingdom should be ruled by four govo-nors, chosen 
by the commons, who should hold a parliament, in 
ammotion, to b^n at the south and north seas. 
This they api^ed to the Devonshire men on the 
south seas, and themselves on the north seas. They, 
at their first rising, fired beacons, and so gathered 
the country, as if it had been for the defence of their 
coast : and meeting two gentlemen, with two othen 
with them, they, without any pi-ovocation, murdered 
E 2 



PART them^ and left their naked bodies unburied. At the 
same time that England was in this commotion, the 

A fast at 






c c* c» 


«,.'^^^' ,new8 came that the French king had sent a great 

The French ^ ** 

fau into the army into the territory of Bulloign ; so tnat the go- 
eae. vcmment was put to most extraordinary straits. 

There was a fast proclaimed in and about Ixm- 
don. Cranmer preached on the fast-day at court : I 
haye seen the greatest part of his sermon, under his 
own hand ; and it is the only sermon of his I ever 
saw. It is a very plain, unartificial discourse; no 
shows of learning, or conceits of wit in it : but he 
severely expostulated, in the name of God, with his 
hearers for their ill lives, their blasphemies, adul- 
teries, mutual hatred, oppression, and contempt of 
the gospel ; and complained of the slackness in pu- 
nishing these sins, by which the government be- 
came, in some sort, guilty of them. He set many 
passages of the Jewish story before them, of the 
judgments such sins drew on, and of God's mercy 
in the unexpected deliverances they met with upoD 
their true repentance. But he chiefly lamented the 
scandal given by many who pretended a zeal for re* 
ligion, but used that for a cloak to disguise their 
other vices. He set before them the fresh exam- 
ple of Germany; wheite people generally loved to 
hear the gospel, but had not amended their lives 
upon it ; for which God had now, after many years* 
forbearance, brought them under a severe scourge : 
and intimated his apprehensions of sofne signid 
stroke from Heaven upon the nation, if they did not 

The rebels in Devonshire went and besieged Ex- 
eter, where the citizens resisted them with great 
courage. They set fire to the gates of the dt^; 

Exeter be- 


which those within fed with much fuel, for hindering book 
their entry, till they had raised a rampart within the _ 

gates ; and when the rebels came to enter, the fire '^'*^* 
being spent, they killed many of them. The rebels 
also wrought a mine ; but the citizens countermined, 
and poured in so much water, as spoiled their pow- 
der. So, finding they could do nothing by force, they 
resolved to lie about the town, reckoning that the 
want of provision would make it soon yield. The 
lord Russel, having but a small force with him, stayed 
a while for some supplies, which sir William Her- 
Ijert was to bring him from Bristol: but, being 
afraid that the rebels would inclose him, he marched 
back from Honnington, where he lay; and finding 
they had taken a bridge l>ehind him, he beat them 
from it, killing six hundred of them, without any 
loss on his side. By this he understood their strength, 
and saw they could not stand a brisk charge, nor 
rally when once in disorder. So the lord Gray, and 
Spinola, that commanded some Germans, joining him, 
he returned to raise the siege of Exeter, which was 
much straitened for want of victuals. The rebels 
had now shut up the city twelve days: they within 
bad eat their horses, and endured extreme famine, 
but resolved to perish rather than fall into the hands 
of those savages ; for the rebels were indeed no bet- 
ter. They had blocked up the ways, and left two 
thousand men to keep a bridge, which the king's 
forces were to pass. But the lord Russel broke But ;> re- 
through them, and killed about one thousand ofthf nbru 
them : upon that, the reliels raised the siege, and re-^h(.™ord ' 
tired to Lanceston. The lord Russel gave the citi-''"''*'- 
■ens of Exeter great thanks in the king's name for 
their fidelity and courage ; and pursued the rd)eU, 



PART who were now going off in parties^ and were killed 


-. in great numbers. Some of their heads, as Arundel 
^^^^' and the mayor of Bodmyn, Temson and Barret, two 
priests, with six or seven more, were taken and 
hanged. And so this rebellion was happily subdued 
in the west about the beginning of August, to the 
great honour of the lord Russel ; who, with a very 
small force, had saved Exeter, and dispersed the re- 
bels' army, with little or no loss at all. 

But the marquis of Northampton was not so suc- 
cessful in Norfolk. He carried about eleven hun- 
dred men with him, but did not observe the orders 
given him, and so marched on to Norwich. The 
rebels were glad of an occasion to engage with him, 
and fell in upon him the next day with great fury; 
and the town not being strong, he was forced to quit 
it, but lost one hundred of his men in that action^ 
among whom was the lord Sheffield, who was much 
lamented. The rebels took about thirty prisoners, 
Warwick with which they were much lifted up. This being 
th?re'h^u understood at court, the earl of Warwick was sent 
at Norfolk, against them with six thousand foot, and fifteen 
hundred horse, that were prepared for an expedition 
to Scotland. He came to Norwich, but was scarce 
able to defend it; for the rebels fell often in upon 
him, neither was he well assured of the town. But 
he cut off their provisions ; so that the rebels, hav- 
ing wasted al^ the country about them, were forced 
to remove: and then he followed them with his 
horse. They turned upon him ; but he quickly 
routed them, and killed two thousand of them, and 
took Ket their captain, with his brother, and a great 
many more. Ket was hanged in chains at Norwidi 
next January. 


The rebdfl in Yorksliire had not become very mi- book 
Bierous, notbeiD^ above three thousand in all'; ^"^, ' - 
heaging of the defeating of those in other parts, they '^^^* 
accqited of the offer of pardon that was sent them : 
only some few of the chief ringleaders continued to 
make new stirs, and were taken; and hanged in 
Y<»k the September following. 

When these commotions were thus over, the pro- 
tects pressed that there might be a general and free 
pardon speedily proclaimed, for quieting the coun- 
try, and giving their affairs a reputation abroad. 
This was much opposed by many of the council; 
who thought it better to accomplish their several 
ends, by keeping the people under the lash, than by 
M> profuse a mercy. But the protector was resolved 
on it, judging the state of affairs required it. So beAKcneni 
gave out a general pardon of all that had been done p^""- 
before the twenty-first of August; excepting only 
those few whom they bad in their hands, and re- make public examples. Thus was Eng- 
land delivered from one of the most threatening 
ttorms that at any time had broke out in it ; in 
which deliverance the great prudence and temper of 
the protector seems to have had no small share. Of 
this whole matter advertisement was given to the 
foreign ministers in a letter, which will be found in 
the Collection. ^^36. 

There was this year a visitation of the university a Tiaiutioir 
(f Cambridge. Ridley was appointed to be one ofb^dgt. 
the visitors, and to preach at the opening of it : he 
thereupon writ to May, dean of St. Foul's, to let 
him know what was to be done at it, that so his 
■ermon might be adjusted to their business. He re- 
ceived answer^ that it was only to remove some ni- 


PART perstitious practices and rites, and to ipake such 
! statutes as should be found needfuL But when he 

1549. ^ent to Cambridge, he saw the instructions went 
further. They were required to procure a resignfr- 
tion of some colleges, and to unite them with 
others ; and to convert some fellowships, appointed 
for encouraging the study of divinity, to the study 
of the civil law. In particular, Clare-hall was to 
be suppressed. But the master and fellows would 
not resign ; and after two days labouring to per- 
suade them to it, they absolutely refused to do it 
Upon this Ridley said, he could not, with a good 
conscience, go on any further in that matter : the 
church was already so robbed and stripped, that it 
seemed there was a design laid down by some, to 
drive out all civility, learning, and religion out of 
the nation : therefore he declared, he would not 
concur in such things ; and desired leave to be 
gone. The other visitors complained of him to the 
protector, that he had so troubled them with his 
barking, (so indecently did they express that strict- 
ness of conscience in him,) that they could not go 
on in the king's service. And because Clare4uiU 
was then full of northern people, they imputed his 
unwillingness to suppress that house to his partial 
affection to his countrymen ; for he was born in the 
bishopric of Duresm. Upon this, the protector writ 
a chiding letter to him. To it he writ an answer, 
so suitable to what became a bishop, who would 
put all things to hazard rather than do any thing 
against his conscience, that I thought it might do 
no small right to his memory to put it, with the an- 
^iieet. swer which the protector writ to him, in the Cdlec- 
o. tion. These, with many more, I found asnong his 



■uij«a^r fapen-oC state, in that repositoiy of them book 
eowngiily crdled the Paper-office : to which I had a- 

fiee -aocQih 1^ a wcrant which was procured to me ' ^' 
{ran the IsiDg by the right hfHiour&hle the earl of 

SondBriaTid, one of the principal secretaries of state ; 
who vci-y cheerfully and generously expressed his 
readiness to assist me in any thing that might com- 
plete the history of our reformation. That office 
was first set up by the care of the eail of Salisbury, 
when he was secretary of state in king James's 
time : which though it is a copious and certain re- 
pertory for those that are to write our history ever 
since the papers of state were laid up there, yet for 
the former times it contains only such papers as 
that great minister could then gather together; so 
that it is not so complete in the transactions that 
fall within the time of which I writ. 

There was also a settlement made of the contro- * """t** 

uwnt pro- 

versy concerning the Greek tongue. There hadi»uDdDK 
been in king Henry's time a great contest raised 
concerning the pronunciation of the Greek vowels. 
That tongue was but lately come to any perfection 
in England, and so no ^^onder the Greek was pro- 
DOUDced like English, with the same sound and 
apertures of the mouth : to this Mr. Cheek, then 
reader of that tong\ie in Cambridge, opposed him- 
self, and taught other rules of pronunciation. Gar- 
diner was, it seems, so afraid of every innovation, 
though ever so much in the right, that he contended 
stiffly to have the old pronunciation retained; and 
Cheek persisting in his opinion, was either put from 
the chair, or willingly left it, to avoid the indigna- 
tioD of so great and so spiteful a man as Gardiner 
was. 4rbo waa tlten chancdlw- of the univeruty. 


PART Cheek wrote a book in vindication of his way of 
II • • 

.pronouncing Greek; of which this must be said. 

^549. ^ii^t ii jg y^iy strdugc to scc how he could write 
with so much learning and judgment on so bare a 
subject. Redmayn, Poinet, and other learned men, 
were of his side, yet more covertly : but sir Thomas 
Smith, now secretary of state, writ three books on 
the same argument, and did so evidently confirm 
Cheek's opinion, that the dispute was now laid 
aside, and the true way of pronouncing the Greek 
took place ; the rather because Gardiner was in dis- 
grace, and Cheek and Smith were in such power 
and authority : so great an influence had the in- 
terests of men in supporting the most speculative 
and indifferent things. 
Bonner falls goon after this, Bonner fell into new troubles; ht 

into troo- 

bie. continued to oppose every thing as long as it was 

safe for him to do it, while it was under debate, and 
so kept his interest with the papists : but he com- 
plied so obediently with all the laws and orders of 
council, that it was not easy to find any mattar 
against him. He executed every order that was 
sent him so readily, that there was not so much 
as ground for any complaint ; yet it was known he 
was in his heart against every thing they did, and 
that he cherished all that were of a contrary mind. 
The council being informed, that, upon the commo- 
tions that were in England, many in London with- 
drew from the service and communion, and fre- 
quented masses, which was laid to his chai^, as 
being negligent in the execution of the king's laws 
and injunctions ; they writ to him, on the twenty- 
third of July, to see to the correcting of these 
things^ and that he should give good example him- 


■df. Upon wfaidh, on the twenty-enxth ibUoviog, he Boot 
sent about a chai^ Id execute the order in this let- - 

ter, which he said he was most willing end desirous '^^^* 
to do. Yet it was still observed, that, whatsoever 
obedience be gave, it was against his heart. And 
therefore he was called before the council on the 
deventh of August. There a writing was delivered ii^nitetioiia 

,■ ■■• i>i- 1 .u* finn 

to hjtn, complaining ot his remissness; and parti-bin. 
cularly, that whereas he was wont formerly, on all 
high festivals, to officiate himself, yet he had seldom 
or never done it since the new service was set out: 
as also, that adultery was openly practised in his 
dtocese, which he took no care, according to his pas-- 
(oral office, to restrain or punish ; therefore he was 
rtrictfy charged to see these things reformed. He 
vas also ordered to preach on Sunday come three 
weeks at St. Paul's Cross ; and that he should 
preach there once a quarter for the future, and be 
present at every sermon made there, except he were 
dck : that he should officiate at St. Paul's at every 
h%h festival, such as were formerly called majtu 
• Atpkx, and give the communion : that he should 
proceed against all who did not frequent the com> 
iiion-[ffayer, nor receive the sacrament once a year ; 
n did go to mass: that he should search out and 
jmnish adulterers : that he should take care of the 
reparation of churches, and paying tithes, in his dio- 
cese, and should keep bis residence in his house in 
London. As to his sermon, he was required to 
pveadi against rebellion, setting out the heinousness 
erf' it ; be was also to show whet was true religion ; 
and that external ceremonies were nothing in them- 
selves, but that in the use of them men ought to 
obey the ma^trate> and join true devotion td 


FART them ; and that the king was no less king, and the 
people no less bound to obey, when he was in mino- 

'^^^' rity, than when he was of full age. 
In his Mr. On the first of September, being the day appointed 
not aet * foF him to preach, there was a great assembly gi« 
ung^^^ thered to hear him. He touched upon the points 
de^^" M "^^^ ^^^^ enjoined him, excepting that about the 
be had been luncr's aipe, of which he said not one word. But 

required to *^ ^^ /» ^t • , • i 

<>o. since the manner of Chnst s presence m the sacra* 

ment was a thing which he might yet safely speak 
of, he spent most of his sermon on the asserting the 
corporal presence ; which he did with many sharp 
reflections on those who were of another mind. 
There were present, among others, William Latimer, 
and John Hooper, soon after bishop of Gloucester, 
who came and informed against him, that, as he had 
wholly omitted that about the king's age, bo he had 
touched the other points but slightly, and did say 
many other things which tended to stir up disorder 
and dissension. Upon this there was a commissioD 
issued out to Cranmer and Ridley, with the two se» 

Rot. Pat. cretaries of state, and Dr. May, dean of St. PauFs, to 

y.n^' examine that matter. They or any three of them 
had full power by this commission to suspend, im* 
prison, or deprive him, as they should see cause. 
They were to proceed in the summary way, called 
in their courts (le piano. 

He is pro. Qn the tenth of September Bonner was summoned 

ceeded a* *" 

gainst. to appear before them at Lambeth. As he came 
into the place where they sat, he carried himself as 
if he had not seen them, till one pulled him by the 
sleeve to put off his cap to the king^s commissioners : 
upon which he protested he had not seen them; 
which none of them could believe. He spake slight* 


io^y to diem of the whole matter, and tuned the book 

discomrse off to the mass, which he wished were -1-^ 

had m mcnne re?ereaoe. When the witnesses were „ ^^^^' 


faMi^^vagaibat him, he jeered them very nnde-Booncr. 
oeBfljr»:iaid said, the one talked Uieagooie, and the 
other Ittr a woodcock ; and demed all they said 
Hie aiddiishop ariced him, Whether he wonld ^er 
the matter in proof to the people that heard hintt 7 
and ao asked, whether any there present had heavd 
him qieak of the king's authcnrity when under age? 
Maay answered. No, no. Bonner looked about and 
lauded, saying, fFUl ffcm believe this Jbnd people t Hitinsoiciit 
Some he called duncesy and others j^i!^, and ))e. ^'>^^*<^- 
ktoaed Uanstlf moie like a madman than a bishop. 
The -oak day he was again brought before themi 
Then the . commission was read. The archbishop 
opened the matter, and desired Bonner to answer 
finr himself. He read a protestation which he had 
prepared, setting forth, that, since he had not seen 
the commission, he reserved to himself power to ex<^ 
either to his judges, or to any other branch of 
coDHanission, as he should afterwards see causes 
In this he called it a pretended commission, and them 
pietended judges, which was taxed as irreverent : 
but he excused it, alleging, that these were terms o# 
law, which he must use, and so not be precluded 
from any objections he might afterwards make use 
ef. The bill of complaint was next read, and the 
two in fo rmers appeared with their witnesses to make 
it good. But Bonner objected against them, that 
thqf were notorious heretics ; and that the ill will 
they bore him was, because he had asserted the true 
presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar. 
That Ho(^)er in particular had, in his sermon that 


PART very day on which he had preached, denied it ; and 
had refuted and misrecited his sayings, Uke an asi. 

J^^^* as he was an ass indeed : so ill did he govern his 
tongue. Upon this Cranmer asked him, ^Vhether 
he thought Christ was in the sacrament with face^ 
mouthy eyes, nose, and the other lineaments of his 
body ? and there passed some words between them 
on that head : hut Cranmer told him, that was not a 
time and place to dispute ; they were come to ex- 
ecute the king's commission. So Bonner desired 
to see both it and the denunciation; which were 
given him : and the court adjourned till the thir- 

Secretary Smith sat with them at their next meet- 
ing, which he had not done the former day, though 
his name was in the commission. Upon this Bon- 
ner protested, that, according to the canon law, none 
could act in a commission but those who were pre- 
sent the first day in which it was read. But to 
this it was alleged, that the constant practice of the 
kingdom had been to the contrary : that all, whose 
names were in any commission, might sit and judge, 
though they had not been present at the first open- 
ing of it. This protestation being rejected, he read 
His defence, his auswer in writing to the accusation. He first ob- 
jected to his accusers, that they were heretics in the 
matter of the sacrament ; and so were, according to 
the laws of the catholic church, under excommuni- 
cation, and therefore ought not to be admitted into 
any Christian company. Then he denied that the 
injunctions given to him had been signed, either 
with the king's hand or signet, or by any of his 
council. But, upon the whole matter, he said, he 
had in his sermon condemned the late rebellion in 


Cornwall, JDiBTOiishire, and Norfolk, and had set forth book 
le sin of rebellion according to the several texts of — 

aiptare: he had also preached for obedience to the ■^^*^' 
lug's commands ; and that no ceremonies that were 
antrary to them ought to be used : in particular he 
ad exhorted the people to come to prayers, and to 
iie coniRiunioi) as it was appointed by the king, and 
rondered to see them so slack in coming to it ; 
rhich he believed flowed from a false opinion they 
ad of it. And therefore he taught, according to 
hat which he conceived to be the duty of a faithful 
istor, the true presence of Christ's body and blood 
1 the sacrament ; which was the true modre of his 
ccaaers in their pfosecuting him thus. But though 
e had forgot to speak of the king's power under 
ge, yet he had said that which necessarily inferred 
:; for be had condemned the late rebels for rising 
gainst their lawful king, and had applied many 
exts of scripture to them, which clearly implied, 
hat the king's power was then entire, otherwise 
hey could not be rebels. 

But to all this it was answered, that it was of noTbneue 
(Teat consequence who were the informers, if the"' 
ritnesses were such that he could not except against 
hem. Besides, they were empowered by their com- 
nission to proceed ex officio ; so that it was not ne- 
sssary for them to have any to accuse. He was 
old, that the injunctions were read to him in coun- 
il by one of the secretaries, and then were given to 
im by the protector himself; that afterwards they 
fere called for, and that article concerning the 
ing's power before he came to be of age being 
dded, they were given him again by secretary 
taith ; and he promised to execute them. He was 


PART also told, that it was no just excuse for him to say he 
! had forgot that about the kiug^s power ; since it was 

'^^^' the chief thing pretended bj the late rebels, and 
was mainly intended by the council in their injunc- 
tions ; so that it was a poor shift tor him to pretend 
he had forgot it, or had spoken of it by a conse- 

The court adjourned to the sixteenth day : and 
then Latimer and Hooper offered to purge thenv* 
selves of the charge of heresy, since they had never 
spoken nor written of the sacrament but according 
to the scripture. And whereas Bonner had chaiged 
them, that on the first of September they had en* 
tered into consultation and confederacy against him; 
they protested they had not seen each other that 
day, nor been known to one another till some days 
after. Bonner upon this read some passages of the 
sacrament out of a book of Hooper's, whom he called, 
that varlet. But Cranmer cut off the discourse, and 
said, it was not their business to determine that 
point; and said to the people, that the bishop of 
London was not accused for any thing he had said 
about the sacrament. Then Bonner, turning to 
speak to the people, was interrupted by one of the 
delegates, who told him, he was to speak to them, 
and not to the people : at which some laughing, be 
turned about in great fury, and said, j4h woodcoekii 
woodcocks! But to the chief point he said he had 
prepared notes of what he intended to say aboat the 
king's power in his minority, from the instances in 
scripture of Achaz and Osias, who were kings at 
ten ; of Solomon and Manasses, who reigned at 
twelve ; and of Josias, Joachim, and Joas, who be- 
gan to reign when they were but eight years oUL 


He had alao gathered out of the English history, book 
that Henry the Third, Edward the Third, Richard ^' 

the Second, Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fifth, ^^^^- 
were all under age ; and even their late king was 
but eighteen when he came to the crown : and yet 
an these were obeyed as much before, as after they 
were of fuU age. But these things had escaped his 
memory, he not having been much used to preach. 
There had been also a long bill sent him from the 
council to be read, of the defeat of the rebels, which 
be said had disordered him ; and the book in which 
he had laid his notes fell out of his hands when he « 
was in the pulpit : for this he appealed to his two 
chaplains, Bourn and Harpsfield, whom he had de* 
sired to gather for him the names of those kings who 
reigned before they were of age. For the other in- 
junctions, he had taken care to execute them, and 
had sent orders to his archdeacons to see to them ; 
and, as far as he understood, there were no masses, 
nor service in Latin, within his diocese, except at 
the lady Mary's, or in the chapels of ambassadors. 
But the delegates required him positively to answer, 
whether he had obeyed that injunction about the 
king^s authority, or not ; otherwise they would hold 
Urn as guilty. And if he denied it, they would pro- 
ceed to the examination of the witnesses. He refus- 
ing to answer otherwise than he had done, they called 
the witnesses, who were, sir John Cheek, and four 
more, who had their oaths given them : and Bonner 
desiring a time to prepare his interrogatories, it was 
granted* So he drew a long paper of twenty interro- 
gatories, every one of them containing many branches 
in it, full of all the niceties of the canon law ; a taste of 
which may be had from the third in number, which 

VOL. II. s 


PART is indeed the most material of alL The interrocfr- 


tory was, "Whether they, or any of them, were 
1549. u present at his sermon ; where they stood, and near 
" whom ; when they came to it, and at what part of 
*^ his sermon ; how long they tarried ; at what part 
" they were offended ; what were the formal wodb, 
" or substance of it; who with them did hear it; 
where the other witnesses stood, and how long 
they tarried, or when they departed T* 
The court adjourned to the eighteenth of Septem- 
ber: and then there was read a declaration firom 
the king, explaining their former commisdon, chiefly 
in the point of the denunciation, that they might 
proceed either that way, or ex qfficio^ as they saw 
cause ; giving them also power finally to determine 
the matter, cutting off all superfluous delays. Bon- 
ner gave in also some other reasons why he should 
not be obliged to make a moi-e direct answer to the 
articles objected against him: the chief of which 
was, that the article about the king's age was not io 
the paper given him by the protector, but afterwards 
added by secretary Smith of his own head. Cfsd- 
mer admonished him of his irreverence, since he 
called them always his pretended judges. Smith 
added, that though proctors did so in common mat* 
ters for their clients, yet it was not to be endured in 
such a case, when he saw they acted by a spedd 
commission from the king. Ne^ articles were given 
him, more explicit and plain than the former, but to 
the same purpose. And five witnesses were sworn 
upon these, who were all the clei^s of the council* 
to prove that the article about the king^s age was orw 
dered by the whole council, and only put in writing 
by secretary Smith, at their command. He wai 


ippointed to ccune next day, and make his answer, book 
But on the nineteenth two of his servants came» and '* 

told the deiegmtes^ that he was sick, and could not '^^* 
attend* It was therefore ordered, that the kn^ht- 
■mshal shoold go to him, and, if he were sick, let 
kfan akme ; bot if it were not so, should bring him 
before them next day. On the twentieth, Bonner 
qipearini^ answered as he had done formerly ; only 
he protested, that it was his c^inion, that the king 
was m mndi a king, and the peojde as much bound 
to obey him, before he was of age, as after it : and 
after that, secretary Smith having taken him up 
mate dwrpfy than the other delegates, he {Mrotested 

him as no competent judge, since he had ex*Hcprotetu 

pressed much passion against him, and had nottecntarj 
heard him patiently, but had compared him to^*"'^^' 
thieves and traitors, and had threatened to send him 
to the Tower, to sit with Ket and Arundel : and 
that he had added some things to the injunctions 
given him by the protector, for which he was now 
accused, and did also proceed to judge him, notwith- 
standing his protestation, grounded on his not being 
present when the commission was first .opened and 
leeeived by the court. But this protestation also 
was rejeiAed by the delegates : and Smith told him, 
Aat whereas he took exception at his saying, that 
he acted as thieves and traitors do ; it was plainly 
nsiUe in his doings: upon which Bonner, being 
much inflamed, said to him, that, as he was secretary 
of state, and a privy counsellor, he honoured him ; 
bat as he was sir Thomas Smith, he told him, he 
Ked, and that he defied him. At this the archbishop 
dad him, and said, he deserved to be sent to prison 
for anch ineverent carriage. He answered, he did 

8 2 


PART not care whither thej sent hiin» so they sent him 

— '- — not to the Devil, for thither he would not go. He 
^^^^' had a few goods, a poor carcass, and a soul ; the two 
former were in their power, but the last was in his 
own. After this, being made to withdraw^ he, when 
called in again, put in an appeal from them to the 
king, and read an instrument of it, which he had 
prepared at his own house that morning; and so . 
would make no other answer, unless the secretary 
should remove. For this contempt he was sent to 
the prison of the Marshalsea; and as he was led 
away he broke out in great passion, both against 
Smith and also at Cranmer, for suffering heretics to 
infect the people ; which he required him to abstain 
from, as he would answer for it to God and the king. 
On the twenty-third he was again brought befise 
them ; where, by a second instrument, he adhered to 
his former appeal. But the delegates said, they 
would go on and judge him, unless there came a M* 
persedeas from the king ; and so required him to an« 
swer those articles which he had not yet answered^ 
otherwise they would proceed against him as eofite- 
maXf and hold him as confessing : but he adhered 
to his appeal, and so would answer no more. New 
matter was also brought, of his going out of SL 
Paul's in the midst of the sermon on the fifteenth of 
the month, and so giving a public disturbance and " 
scandal ; and of his writing next day to the lord ' 
mayor, not to suffer such preachers to sow their lA - 
doctrine. This was occasioned by the preachei's ' 
speaking against the corporal presence of Christ in - 
the sacrament. But he would give the court no ao- ^ 
count of that matter; so they adjourned to the ^ 
twenty-seventh, and from that to the first of Octo* ^ 


ler. In that time great endeavours were used to book 
)ersuade him to submit, and to behave himself bet 1-*-^ 

er for the future ; and upon that condition he was ^^^^* 
issured he should be gentlj used: but he would 
deld to nothing. So on the first of October, when 
le was brought before them, the archbishop told him, 
h^ had delayed so long, being unwilling to proceed 
o extremities with him ; and therefore wished him 
submit. But he read another writing, by which 
le protested, that he was brought before them by 
brce ; and that otherwise he would not have come, 
inoe, that having appealed from them, he looked on 
bem as his judges no more. He said, that he had 
lio written a petition to the lord chancellor, com- 
ilaining of the delegates, and desiring that his ap* 
leal might be admitted ; and said, by that appeal 
t was plain, that he esteemed the king to be clothed 
rith his full royal power now that he was under 
ge, since he thus appealed to him. Upon which 
he archbishop, the bishop of Rochester, secretary 
knith, and the dean of St. Paul's, gave sentence 
gainst him; that since he had not declared theHf^<i«* 

, , prived from 

rag's power while under age in his sermon, as he his bi- 
ras commanded by the protector and council, there-' *'^"*^* 
ore the archbishop, with the consent and assent of 
Is colleagues, did deprive him of the bishopric of 
iOndon. Sentence being thus given, he appealed 
gain by word of mouth. The court did also order 
im to be carried to prison till the king should con- 
ider further of it. This account of his trial is drawn 
"om the register of London, where all these par- 
culars are inserted. From thence it was that Fox 
rinted them. For Bonner, though he was after- 
rard commissioned by the queen to deface any re- 



PART cords that made against the catholic caiiie» yet 

.—J — not care to alter any thing in this register^ after hii 

1549. readmission in queen Mary's time. It seems he wai 

not displeased with what he found recorded of hinh 

self in this matter. 

Censures Thus was Bouuer deprived of his bishopric of 

pMsed upon 

it. London. This judgment, as all such things ai^ 

was much censured. It was said, it was not Oh 
nonical, since it was by a commission from the kingy 
and since secular men were mixed with dergymen 
in the censure of a bishop. To this it was an- 
swered, that the sentence being only of deprivatioa 
from the see of London, it was not so entirely an 
ecclesiastical censure, but was of a mixed nature so 
that laymen might join in it. And since he had 
taken a commission from the king for his bishopik^ 
by which he held it only during the king^s pleasure^ 
he could not complain of this deprivation, whidi 
was done by the king's authority. Others, who 
looked further back, remembered that Constantine 
the emperor had appointed secular men to inquire 
into some things objected to bishops, who were calt 
ed cognitares, or triers: and such had examined 
the business of Cecilian bishop of Carthage, even 
upon an appeal, after it had been tried in several 
synods, and given judgment against Donatus and 
his party. The same Constantine had also by his 
authority put Eustathius out of Antioch, Athanasius 
out of Alexandria, and Paul out of Constantinople : 
and though the orthodox bishops complained of 
these particulars, as done unjustly, at the false sug- 
gestion of the Arians, yet they did not deny the 
emperor's authority in such cases. Afterwards, the 
emperors used to have some bishops attending on 


them in theb camUatas^ or coiirt» to whose judg* book 
ment tbejr left most causes, who acted only by ^m, 
miasioD firom the emperor. So Epiphanius was '^^^* 
brought to condemn Chrjsostome at Constantinople, 
who had no authority to judge him by the canons. 
Othera objected, that it was too severe to deprive 
Boniier for A defiect in his memory ; and that there- 
Ivre they should have given him a new trial in that 
pointy and not have proceeded to censure him on 
such an omission, since he protested it was not on 
deagn» but a pure forgetfulness : and all people per* 
enred dearly, it had been beforehand resolved to 
ky faim aside; and that therefore they now took 
Um on this disadvantage, and so deprived him. 
But it was also well known, that all the papists in- 
fused this notion into the people, of the king's hav- 
ing no power till he came to be of age: and he 
being certainly one of them, there was reason to 
conclude, that what he said for his defence was only 
a pretence ; and that it was of design that he had 
omitted the mentioning the king's power when un- 
der age. The adding of imprisonment to his depri- 
vation was thought by some to be an extreme ac- 
cumulation of punishments : but that was no more 
than what he drew upon himself by his rude and 
contemptuous behaviour. However, it seems that 
some of these objections wrought on secretary Petre ; 
&r he never sat with the delegates after the first 
day, and he was now turning about to another party. 
On the other hand, Bonner was little pitied by 
most that knew him. He was a cruel and fierce man : 
he understood little of divinity, his learning being 
chiefly in the canon law. Besides, he was looked 
on generally as a man of no principles. All the obe- 


PART dience he gave, either to the laws or the king^s in^ 


-junctions, was thought a compliance against his con* 
^^^^' science, extorted by fear. And his undecent car- 
riage during his process had much exposed him to 
the people ; so that it was not thought to be hard 
dealing, though the proceedings against him were 
summary and severe. Nor did his carriage after- 
wards, during his imprisonment, discover much of a 
bishop or a Christian : for he was more concerned to 
have puddings and pears sent him, than for any 
thing else. This I gather from some original let- 
ters of his to Richard Leechmere, esq. in Woroes- 
tershire, (which were communicated to me by his 
heir lineally descended from him, the worshipful 
Mr. Leechmere, now the senior bencher of the Mid- 
dle Temple ;) of which I transcribed the latter part 
Collect, of one, that will be found in the Collection. In it 
Numb. 37. 1^^ desires a large quantity of pears and puddings to 
be sent him ; otherwise he gives those to whom he 
writes an odd sort of benediction, very unlike what 
became a man of his character: he gives them ta 
the Devily to the Devil, and to all the devUs^ if 
they did not fumisl^ him well with pears and pud* 
dings. It may perhaps be thought indecent to print 
such letters, being the privacies of friendship, which 
ought not to be made public : but I confess Bonner 
was so brutish, and so bloody a man, that I was not 
ill pleased to meet with any thing that might set him 
£3rth in his natural colours to the world. 
ForeigD af. Thus did the affairs of England go on this sum- 
fe»". jjjgj. within the kingdom : but it will be now neces- 
sary to consider the state of our affairs in foreign 
parts. The king of France, finding it was very 
chargeable to carry on the war wholly in Scotland^ 


resolved this year to lessen that expense, and to BOOi 

make war directly with England, both at sea and 1_ 

land. So he came in person with a great army, '^''^* 
and fell into the country of Bulloigne, where he'riiei'r™ 
took many little castles ahout the town ; as Sellaqueipiudsbc 
Blackness, Hambletue, Newhaven, and some lesser " *"' 
ones. The English writers say those were ill pro- 
vided, which made them be so easily lost : but Thu- 
anus says, they were all very well stored. In the 
night they assaulted Bullingberg, but were heat off: 
then they designed to bum the ships that were in 
the harlwur, and had prepared wildfire, with other 
combustible matter, but were driven away by the 
English. At the same time, the French fleet met 
the English fleet at Jersey ; but, as king Edward 
writes in his diary, they were beat ofi" with the loss 
of oDe thousand men ; though Thuanus puts the loss 
wboUj on the En^ish side. The French king sat 
down before Bulloign in September, hoping that the 
disorders then in England would make that place be 
iK nipidied, and easily yielded. The £!nglisht find- 
ing Bullingbeig was not tenable, razed it, and re' 
tired into the town ; but the plague broke into the 
Frenirh camp, so the king left it under the com- 
mand of Chastilion. He endeavoured chiefly to 
take the pier, and so to cut off the town from the 
sea, and from all communication with England ; 
and, after a long battery, he gave the assault upon 
it, but was beat off. There followed many skir- 
mishes between him and the garrison, and he made 
many attempts to close up the channel, and thought 
to have sunk a galley full of stones and gravd in 
it ; but in all these he was still unsuccessful. And 
therefore, winter coming on, the si^ was raised; 


PART only the forts about the town, which tie Ftendi 


had taken, were strongly garrisoned ; so tbat Bul- 

l^^d* loign was in danger of being lost the next year. 
The Engw Jq Scotland also the English affairs declined mndi 

liib oosiio* 

ceftfni in this vear. Thermes, before the winter was ended, 
' had taken Broughty Castle, and destroyed almost 
the whole garrison. In the southern parts time 
was a change made of the lords wardens of the Eng- 
glish marches. Sir Robert Bowes was comidained 
of as n^ligent in reUering Hadington the former 
year ; so the lord Dacres was put in his room. And 
the lord Oray, who lost the great advantage he had 
when the French raised the siege of Hadington^ was 
removed, and the earl of Rutland was sent to com- 
mand. The earl made an inroad into Scotland, and 
supplied Hadington plentifiiUy with all sorts of pro- 
visions necessary for a si^e. He had some Germans 
and Spaniards with him : but a party of Scotch horse 
surprised the Germans' baggage ; and Romero, with 
the Spanish troop, was also fallen on and taken, and 
almost all his men were cut off. The earl of War- 
wick was to have marched with a moro considerable 
army this summer into Scotland, had not the disor- 
ders in England diverted him, as it has been already 
shown. Thermes did not much more this year. 
He intended once to have renewed the si^e of H»* 
dington; but, when he understood how well they 
were furnished, he gave it over. But the English 
council, finding how great a chaige the keeping of 
it was, and the country all about it being destroyed, 
so that no provisions could be had but what were 
brought from England, from which it was twenty- 
eight miles distant^ resolved to withdraw their gar« 
rison, and quit it, which was done on the first of 


October; so that the En^h having now no gar- book 
rison within SooCland but Lauder^ Thermes sat down ^ 

before that, and pressed it so, that, had not the '^^'* 
peace been made up with France, it had fallen into 
his hands. 

Things being in this disorder both at home and 
abroad, the protector had nothing to depend on but 
the emperor's aid ; and he was so ill satisfied with 
the changes that had been made in religion, that 
mudi was not to be expected from him. The con- 
fusions this year occ^oned that change to be made 
in the office of the daily prayers ; where the answer 
to the petition. Give peace in our time, O Lord, 
which was formerly, and is still continued, was now 
made^ Beeauee there ie none other Ihatfightethfo/t 
MS, but only thou, O God. For now the emperor. The state 
having reduced all the princes, and most of the cities ^ j.^' 
of Germany, to his obedience, none but Magdeburg 
and Breame standing out, did by a mistake incident 
to great conquerors neglect those advantages which 
were then in his hands, and did not prosecute his 
victories ; but, leaving Germany, came this summer 
into the Netherlands, whither he had ordered his 
son prince Philip to come from Spain to him, through 
Italy and Germany, that he might put him into pos* 
session of these provinces, and make them swear 
homage to him. Whether at this time the emperor 
was beginning to form the design of retiring, or whe- 
ther he did this only to prevent the mutinies and re- 
volts that might fiall out upon his death, if his son 
were not in actual possession of them, is not ^ o cer- 
tain. One thing is memorable in that transaction, 
that was called the lietus introitus, or the terms 
upon which he was received prince of Brabant, tp 


PART which the other provinces had been formerly united 
into one principality : after many rules and limita- 

1^49. ^Qs Qf government^ in the matter of taxes and pub- 
lic assemblies, the not keeping up of forces, and go- 
verning them not by strangers, but by natives, it 
cott.ub. ^^ added, "that, if he broke these conditions, it 
** should be free for them not to obey hmi, or ac- 
'' knowledge him any longer, tiU he returned to go* 
^ vem according to their laws." This was after* 
wards the chief ground on which they justified their 
shaking off the Spanish yoke ; all these conditions 
being publicly violated* 
jMiootiM At this time there were great jealousies in the 
cniMror't cmpcror^s family. For as he intended to have had 
^^^' his brother resign his election to be king of the Bo- 
mans, that it might be transferred on his own sod ; 
so there were designs in Flanders, which the French 
cherished much, to have Maximilian, Ferdinand's 
son, the most accomplished and virtuous prince that 
had been for many ages, to be made their prince. 
The Flemings were much disgusted with the queen 
regent's government, who, when there was need of 
money, sent to Bruges and Antwerp, ordering depu- 
ties to be sent her from Flanders and Brabant : and 
when they were come, she told them what money 
must be raised; and if they made any objections, 
she used to bid them give over merchandising with 
the emperor, for he must and would have the money 
he asked ; so that nothing remained to them, but to 
see how to raise what was thus demanded of them^ 
rather than desired from them. This, as the English 
ambassador writ from Bruges, seemed to be the rea* 
son that moved the emperor to make his son swear 
to such rules of government ; which the sequd o^Ui 


>wed be meant to obseire in the tame manoor b»oK 
is lather had done before him. At the mm* *• 

n Maj this jear, Z find a secr^ idvertisemictet *^^ 

nt over from France to the English court, that 

vas a private treaty set on foot between that * 

ind the princes of Germany for restoring the 

of the empire; but that the king of France 
solved to have Bulloigne in his hands before 
ered on new projects. Therefore it was pro- 
to the protector, to consider whether it were 
it to deliver it up by a treaty, and so to leave 
ig of France free to the defence of their friends 
empire ; for I find the consideration of the pro- 
, religion was the chief measure of our councils 
I reign. 

n this there was great distraction in the coun- a grmt ew 
home. The protector was inclined to deliver tb^'pro- 
(loigne for a sum of money, and to make peace '*°*°'' 
ith the FVench and Scots. The king's trea- 
-as exhausted, affairs at home were in great 
ioD, the defence of Bulloigne was a great 
, and a war with France was a thing of th^ 
uence, that, in that state of affairs, it was not 
Ldventured on. But, on the other band, those 
lated the protector, and measured counsels 
>y the bravery than the solidity of them, said 
Id be a reproach to the nation to deliver up a 
)f that consequence, which their late king, in 
clioing of his days, had gained with so much 
men and treasure ; and to sell this for a little 

was accounted so sordid, that the protector 
lot adventure od it. Upon this occasion I findi^ctt-xd- 
Uiam Paget (being made comptroller of UieforaigDi/- 
housebold, which was then thought an advance- '*' 


PART ment from the office of a secretary of state) made a 
long discourse, and put it in writing : the substance 

Coif lib ®^ ^' ^^^ ^ balance the dangers in which England 

Titut, B. 3. was at that time. The business of Scotland and 

BuUoigne drew France into a quarrel against it On 

the account of religion, it had no reason to expect 

much from the emperor. The interest of En^and 

was then to preserve the protestants of Germany, 

and therefore to unite with France ; which would be 

easily engaged in that quarrel against the emperor. 

He proposed a firm alliance with the Venetians, who 

were then jealous of the emperor's progress in Itaty, 

and would be ready to join against him, if he were 

thoroughly engaged in. (Germany; and by their 

means England was to make up an agreement with 

Tbomat*! Ffauce. On the other hand, William Thomas, then 

fen from ' a clcrk of the council, writ a long discourse of other 

cott. Lib. expedients. He agreed with Paget as to the ill state 

DriTT*"' ^^ England, having many enemies, and no friends. 

The north of England was wasted by the incursion 

of the Scots. Ireland was also in an ill condition ; 

for the natives there did generally join with the 

Scots, being addicted to the old superstition. The 

emperor was so set on reducing all to one religion, 

that they could expect no great aid from him, unless 

they gave him some hope of returning to the Roman 

religion. But the continuance of the war would 

undo the nation : for if the war went on, the people 

would take advantage from it to break out into new 

disorders; it would be also very dishonourable to 

deliver up, or rather to sell, the late conquests in 

^^^France. Therefore he proposed, that, to gain time, 

^BMkqr should treat with the emperor, and even give 

^■m liopes oi reexamining what had been done in 


■eligion ; though there was danger even in that of book 
Ushearteoing those of Magdehurg, and the few rp- 
naining protestants in Germany ; as also they might '^^'*- 
■xpect the emperor would be highly enraged when 
le should come to find that he had been deluded : 
)ut the gaining of time was then so necessary, that 
iie preservation of the nation depended on it. For 
^tland, he proposed, that the governor of that 
dngdom should be pressed to pretend to the crown, 
ance their queen was gone into a strange country : 
jy this means Scotland would be for that whole age 
ieparated from the interests of France, and obliged 
» depend on England. And the French were now 
» hated in Scotland, that any who would set up 
against them would have an easy work, especially . 

tieiag assisted hy the nearness of England. And for 
[rdand, he proposed, that the chief beads of families 
should be drawn over, and kept at court : and that 
Ehigland thus being respited from foreign war, the 
nation should be snned and exercised, the coin re- 
Gnmed, treasure laid up, and things in the govon- 
meot at home, that were uneasy, should be cor- 

Thus I hare opened the counsels at that time, as 
I found them laid before me in these authentic pa- 
pers, from which I drew them. The result of their pagrtHnt 
consultation was, to send over sir William Paget tot^^ui 
ym with sir Philip Hobbey, then resident at thej;^™- 
emperor'8 court. His instructions will be found in 
the Collection. The subetance of them was, that thecoiicet. 
treaty between the emperor and the late king should ' ^ ' 
be renewed with this king, and confirmed by the 
prince and the states of Flanders ; that some amlu- 
puMS passages in it should be deared ; that the em- 


PART peror would comprehend BuUoigne within the league 


. defensive, and so protect it, England being ready to 
^^^^* offer any thing reciprocal in the room of it. He was 
also to show their readiness to agree to the empe« 
ror concerning the lady Mary's marriage ; to adjust 
some differences occasioned by the complaints made 
of the admiralty, and about trade ; to show the rea- 
son of the messages that passed between them and 
France ; and to engage, that, if the emp^^r would 
heartily assist them, they would never agree with 
France. Paget was also to propose, as of himself; 
that Bulloigne should b^ put into the emperoi^s 
hands, upon a reasonable recompense. Thus was 
Paget instructed, and sent over in June this year. 
But the emperor put him off with many delays, and 
said, the carrying of his son about the towns in 
Flanders and Brabant, with the many ceremonies 
and entertainments that followed it, made it not 
easy for him to consider of matters that required 
such deep consultation. He put him off from Brus- 
sels to Gaunt, and from Gaunt to Bruges. But Pa- 
get growing impatient of such delays, since the 
French were marched into the BuUoignese, the bi- 
shop of Arras, (son to Granvell, that had been long 
the emperor's chief minister,) who was now like to 
succeed in his father's room, that was old and infirm, 
and the two presidents of the emperor's councils^ St. 
Maurice and Viglius, came to sir William Paget, and 
had a long communication with him and Hobbey ; an 
cniiect. account whereof will be found in the Collection, in 

OM . 39' ^ despatch from them to the protector. 
He meets They first treated of an explanation of some am- 
emperoi'i biguous words iu the treaty, to which the emperor's 
""™'*^* ministers promised to bring them an answer. Then 


they talked long of the matters of the admiralty; book 

the emperor's ministers said, no justice was done in '■ 

XiOgland upon the merchants' complaints. Paget '^^^" 
said, every mariner came to the protector, and if he 
■would not solicit their business, they run away with 
a complaint that there was no justice; whereas he 
thought, that, as they meddled with no private mat- 
ters, so the protector ought to turn all these over 
upon the courts, that were the competent judges. 
But the bishop of Arras said, there was no justice 
to be had in the admiralty courts, who were indeed 
parties in all these matters. Paget said, there was 
as much justice in the English admiralty courts as 
was in theirs; and the bishop confessed there were 
great corruptions in all these courts. So Paget pro- 
posed, that the emperor should appoint two of his 
council to hear and determine all such complaints in 
a summary way, and the king should do the like in 
EDgland. For the confirmation of the treaty, the 
bbhop said, the emperor was willing his son should 
coafirm it ; but that he would never sue to his sub- 
jects to confirm his treaties : and he said, when it 
*as objected that the treaty with France was con- 
firmed by the three estates, that the prerogative of 
the French crown was so restrained that the king 
could alienate nothing of his patrimony without the 
parliament of Paris, and his three estates. He be- 
I Keved the king of England had a greater preroga- 
) tive: he was sure the emperor was not so bound 
op: he had fifteen or sixteen several parliaments, 
I and what work must he be at, if all these must de- 
I Kant on his transactions? When this general dis- 
y course was over, the two presidents went away, but 
f bishop of Arras stayed with him in private. 

»'Oi. II. X 


PART Paget proposed the business of BuUoigDe : but tl 


-bishop, having given him many good words in tl 
1549. general, excepted much to it, as dishonourable 
the emperor, since Bulloigne was not taken whi 
the league was concluded between the emperor ai 
England ; so that if he should now include it in tl 
league, it would be a breach of faith and treaties wi 
France : and he stood much on the honour and oo 
science of observing these treaties inviolably. So tl 
conversation ended : in which the most remarkal 
passage is that concerning the limitations on i 
French crown, and the freedoms of the English ; i 
at that time the king^s prerogative in England w 
judged of that extent, that I find, in a letter wr 
ten from Scotland, one of the main objectioDS ma 
to the maiTjdng their queen to the king of Englai 
was, that an union with England would much ab 
the constitution of their government, the prerof 
tives of the kings of England being of a far laig 
extent than those in Scotland. 

Two or three days after the former conversatu 
the emperor's ministers returned to Paget's lodgii 
with answer to the propositions which the Engli 
ambassadors had made : of which a full account ^ 
Collect, be found in the Collection, in the letter which \ 
'*"""'• '" ambassadors writ upon it into England. The em, 
ror gave a good answer to some of the particuls 
which were ambiguous in former treaties. For i 
confirmation of the treaty, he offered that the prii 
should join in it; but since the king of Engla 
was under age, he thought it more necessary tl 
the parliament of England should confirm it. 
which Paget answered, that their kings, as to i 
regal power, were the same in all the conditions 


Hie : and theirefare, when the great seal was put to book- 

any agreementy the king was absolutely bound by it* 1— 

If his miniflten engaged him in ill treaties, they ^^^^- 
were to answer for it at their perils ; but howsoever, 
the king was tied by it. They discoursed long 
about the administration of justice, but ended in 
BOthii^ And as for the main business about BuU 
k^ne^ the emperor stood on his treaties with the 
Frendby which he could not break: upon which 
Fwge^ said to the bbhop, that his father had told 
lHm» they had so many grounds to quarrel with 
Fnmoe^ that he had his sleeve fall of them, to pro- 
duce when there should be occasbn to make use of 
them. Biit» finding the bishop's answers were cold, 
and that he only gave good words, he told him, that 
Ei^and would then see to their own security : and 
so he took that for the emperor's final answer, and 
thereupon resolved to take his leave, which he did 
soon after, and came back into England. But at 
home the councils were much divided, of which the 
sad effects broke out soon afterward. 
It was proposed in council, that the war with J^*'*^** »° 

' * council 

Seotland should be ended. For it having been be^ conceraios 
gun^ and carried on, only on design to obtain the^* 
marriage, since the hopes of that were now so far 
gone, that it was not in the power of the Scots 
tiiemsdves to retrieve them, it was a vain and need- 
less expense both of blood and money to keep it up. 
And since Bulloigne was by the treaty after a few 
more years to be delivered up to the French, it 
seemed a very unreasonable thing, in the low state 
to which the king's affairs were driven, to enter on 
a war, in which they had little reason to doubt but 
they should lose Bulloigne, after the new expense of 

T 2 


ART a siege, and another yearns war. The protector had 
now man J enemies, who laid hold on this conjunc- 

^^^- ture to throw him out of the government. The 
earl of Southampton was brought into the council, 
but had not laid down hi^ secret hatred of the pro- 
tector, and did all he could to make a party against 
him. The earl of Warwick was the fittest man to 
work on : him therefore he gained over to his side ; 
and, having formed a confidence in him, he showed 
him that he had really got all these victories, for 
which the protector triumphed: he had won the 
field of Pinkey near Musselburgh, and had subdued 
the rebels of Norfolk ; and as he had before defeated 
the French, so, if he were sent over thither, new 
triumphs would follow him : but it was below him 
to be second to any. So he engaged him to quand 
in every thing with the protector, all whose wary 

npiaintt motious werc ascribed to fear or dulness. To others 

tel^tor/ he said. What friendship could any expect from a 
man who had no pity on his own brother ? But that 
which provoked the nobility most was, the partiality 
the protector had for the commons in the insuitec- 
tions that had been this summer. He had also 
given great grounds of jealousy, by entertaining fo- 
reign troops in the king^s wars; which, though it 
was not objected to him, because the council had 
consented to it, yet it was whispered about, that he 
had extorted that consent : but the noble palace he 
was raising in the Strand, (which yet carries his 
name,) out of the ruins of some bishops' houses and 
churches, drew as public an envy on him as any 
thing he had done. It was said, that when the 
king was engaged in such wars, and when London 
was much disordered by the plague that had been 


for some months, he was th^ bringing archi- book 
from Italy, and designing such a {ralace as had - 

leen seen in England. It was also said, that '^^* 
r bishops and cathedrals had resigned many 
in to him for obtaining his fovour. Though 
fras not done without leave obtained from the 
; for in a grant of some lands made to him by 
ing on the eleventh of July, in the second year 
s reign, it is stud, that these lands were given Hot. fu. 
as a reward of his services in Scotland, ftv^! ^! 
h he was offered greater rewards ; hut that he, 
ing to accept of such grants as might too mnch 
verish the crown, had taken a license to the 
9 of Bath and Wells for his alienating some of 
snds of that bishopric to him : he is in that pa- 
called by the grace of God diike of Somerset, 
h had not of late years been ascribed to any 
wvereign princes. It was also said, that many 
.e chantry lands had been sold to his friends at 
rates, for which they concluded he had great 
ints ; and a course of unusual greatness had 
d him up too high, so that he did not carry 
elf towards the nobility with that equality that 
expected from him. 

U these things concurred to beget him many 
lies; and he had very few friends, for none 
i firmly to him, but Paget and secretary Smith, 
^specially Cranmer, who never forsook his friend, 
hat favoured the old superstition were his ene- 
; and, seeing the earl of Southampton heading 
party against him, they all run in to it. And 
le bishops that were for the reformation, Good- 
of Ely likewise joined to them : he had attended 
he admiral in Ms preparations for death, from 
T 8 


PART whom, it seems, he drank in ill imprenkmsof the 

— '. protector. All his enemies saw, and he likewise ttw 

^^^^' it himself, that the continuance of the war mini 
needs destroy him ; and that a peace would confirm 
him in his power, and give him time and kasore 
to break through the fiaction that was now so stnx^ 
against him, that it was not probable he could 
master it without the help of some time. So in 
the council his adversaries delivered their opinions 
against all motions for peace; and though, upon 
Paget's return from Flanders, it appeared to be veij 
unreasonable to carry on the war, yet they said, P^ 
get had secret instructions to procure such an an* 
swer, that it might give a colour to so base a piD» 
ject. The officers, that came over firom theae places 
that the French had taken, pretended, as is comana 
for all men in such circumstances, that they wanted 
things necessary for a siege ; and though in truth it 
was quite contrary, (as we read in Thnanus,) yet 
their complaints were cherished and spread aboat 
among the people. The protector had also, against 
the mind of the council, ordered the garrison to be 
drawn out of Hadington, and was going, notwith- 
standing all their opposition, to make peace with 
France, and did in many things act by his own 
authority, without asking their advice, and often 
agamst it. This was the assuming « regal power, 
and seemed not to be endured by those who thought 
they were in all points his equals. It was abo said, 
that when, contrary to the late king's will, he was 
chosen protector, it was with that special condition, 
that he should do nothing without their consent; 
and though, by the patent he had for his office, his 
power was more enlarged, (which was of greater 


force in law than a private agreement at the coun- book 
cil~ta)ile,) yet even that was objected to him as an- 

high presumption in him to pretend to such a vast '**"' 
power. Thus all the montli of September tliere 
were great heats among them : several persons in- 
terposed to mediate, but to no effect ; for the fac- 
tion against him was now so strong, that they re- 
solved to strip him of his exorbitant power, and re- 
duce him to an equahty with themselves. The king 
was then at Hampton-Court, where also the pro- 
tector was, with some of his own retainers and ser- 
vants about him, which increased the jealousies ; for 
it was given out, that he intended to carry away 
the king. So on the sixth of October some of theHo^ofthe 
council met at Ely-house ; the lord St. John, presi- pamte from 
dent; the earls of Warwick, Arundel, and South- '"' 
ampton ; sir Edward North, sir Richard Southwell, 
nr Edmund Pecham, sir Edward Wotton, and Dr. 
Wotton ; and secretary Fetre being sent to them, in 
the king's name, to ask what they met for, joined 
hims^ likewise to them. They sat as the king's 
council, and entered their proceedings in the coun- 
dL-book, from whence I draw the account of this 

These being met together, and considering the 
disorders that had been lately in England, the losses 
m Scotland and France, laid the blame of all on 
the protector, who, they said, was given up to other 
counsels so obstinately, that he would not hearken 
to the advices they had given him, both at the 
board and in private : and they declared, that, hav- 
ing intended that day to have gone to Hampton- 
Court, for a friendly communication with him, he 
had raised many of the commoDS to have destroyed 


PART them, and had made the king set his hand to die 
— '• — letters he had sent for raising men, and had abo dis- 
^^^^' persed seditious bills against them; therefiore they 
intended to see to the safety of the king and the 
kingdom. So they sent for the lord mayor and al- 
dermen of London, and required them to obey no 
letters sent them by the protector, but only aach as 
came from themselves. They also writ many letters 
to the nobility and gentry over England, giving them 
an account of their designs and motives, and requir- 
ing their assistance. They also sent for the lieu- 
tenant of the Tower, and he submitted to theur or- 
ders. Next day, the lord chancellor, the marquis of 
Northampton, the earl of Shrewsbury, sir Thomas 
Cheney, sir John Gage, sir Ralph Sadler, and the 
lord chief-justice Montague, joined with them, llien 
oiiect. they wrote to the king a letter, (which is in the CoU 
lection,) full of expressions of their duty and care of 
his person, complaining of the duke of Somerset's 
not listening to their counsels, and of his gathering a 
force about him for maintaining his wilful doings; 
they owned that they had caused secretary Petre to 
stay with them, and in it they endeavoured to per- 
suade the king, that they were carefol of nothing so 
much as of his preservation. They also wrote to 
the archbishop of Canterbury, and to sir William 
Paget, to see to the king^s person, and that his own 
servants should attend on him, and not those that 
belonged to the duke of Somerset. But the pro- 
tector, hearing of this disorder, had removed the 
king to Windsor in all haste ; and had taken down 
all the armour that was either there, or at Hamp- 
ton-Court, and had armed such as he could gather 
about him for his preservation. 


The council at London complained much of this, book 

that the king should be carried to a place where '■ — 

there were no provisions fit for him : so they ordered *" 
all things that he might need, to be sent to him from 
London. And on the eighth of October they went 
to Guildhall, where they gave an account of their 
proceedings to the common-council of the city ; and 
assured them, they had no thoughts of altering the 
religion, as was given out by their enemies, but in- 
tended only the safety of the king, and the peace of 
the kingdom : and for these ends desired their assist- 
ance. The whole common-council with one voiceThedtj 
declared, they thanked God for the good intentionsioicuwith 
they had expressed, and assured them they would 
stand by them with their lives and goods. At Wind- 
sor, when the protector understood that not only the 
city, but the lieutenant of the Tower, of whom he 
had held himself assured, had forsaken him, he re- 
solved to struggle no longer ; and though it is not 
improbable that he, who was chiefly accused for his 
protecting the commons, might have easily gathered 
a great body of men for his own preservation ; yet 
he resolved rather to give way to the tide that was 
DOW against him. So he protested before the king, 
and the few counsellors then about bim, that he had 
no design against any of the lords ; and that the 
force he had gathered was only to preserve himself 
from any violent attempt that might be made on his 
nerson. He declared, that he was willing to submit Tirtp™- 

•^ *> lector offer 

himself; and therefore proposed, that two of those f trr«t »* 
lords should be sent from London, and they, with toUed, 
two of those that were yet about the king, should N^mb. 41. 
consider what might be done; in whose determina- 
tion he would acquiesce! and desired, that whatso- 


f ART e?er was agreed od should be: cmifirlned in pailia- 
' ment. Hereupon there was sent tb' London m wir^ 

Jfl49. i^Qi^ under the king's hand, tor anj two of the hxiM 
o£ the Council that were there, to come to WindNTi 
with twenty servants apiece, who had the kmgk 
fiuth for their safety in coming and going : modCnu^ 
mer, Paget, and Smith wrote to them to di^OK 
them to end the matter peaceaUy, and not fiAnr 
crud counsels, nor to be misled by them who mat 
otherwise than they professed, of whidi theji^ kneir 
more than they would then mention. This aeemdi 
to point at the earl of Southampton. 

On the ninth of October the council at LobdoB iik 
creased by the accession of the lord Russel, the hxd 
Wentworthi sir Anthony Brdwn, sir Anthony yfin^ 
field, and sir John Baker, the speaker of the hove 
ci commons. For now those, who had stood off 
a while, seeing the protector was resdved Co yidd, 
came and united themselves with the prevailiiig 
party; so that they were in all two and twenty. 
They were informed that the protector had S8id» 
that, if they intended to put him to death, the king 
should die first ; and if they would famish him, they 
should fkmish the king first : and that he had armed 
his own men, and set them next to the king^s pieraon, 
and was designing to carry him out of Windsor, and, 
as some reported, out of the kingdom : upon which 
they concluded, that he was no more fit to be pro- 
tector. But of those words no proofs being men^ 
tinned in the council-books, they look like the foige- 
ries of his enemies to make him odious to the peqple. 
The council ordered a proclamation of their proceed- 
ings to be printed ; and ¥mt to the lady Mary and 
the lady Elizabeth, acquainting them witli what they 


had done. They also wrote to the kin^ (as will be book 
found in the Collection,) acknowledging the many- — ~ — 
bonds that lay on them in gratitude, both for his fa-j.Ji^t''' 
ther's goodness to them, and his own, to take care Numb. 43. 
of him. They desired he would consider they were 
his whole council, except one or two, and were those 
whom his father had trusted with the government; 
that the protector was not raised to that power by 
his father's will, but by their choice, with that condi- 
tion, that he should do all things by their advice ; 
which he had not observed, so that they now judged 
him most unworthy of these honours : therefore they ,.,, 

earnestly desired they might be admitted to the '■" 

king's presence, to do their duties about him ; and 
that the forces gathered about his person might be 
sent away, and the duke of Somerset might submit 
himself to the order of council. They also wrote to 
the archbishop and sir William Paget, (which is in 
4fae Collection,) charging them, as they would answer coiiet^. 
it, that the king's person might be well looked to, """ ' **" 
Uut he should not be removed from Windsor, and 
that he shoidd be no longer guarded by the duke of 
Bomerset's meo, (as they said he had been, of which 
they complained severely,) but by his own sworn 
servants ; and they required them to concur in ad- 
Tflncing the desire they had signified hy their letter 
to the king, protesting that they would do with the 
duke of Somerset as they would desire to be done by, 
ind with as much moderation and favour as in honour 
they could ; so that tliere was no reason to appre- 
hend from them such cruelty as they had mentioned 
in their letters. These were sent by sir Philip Hcrf>- 
bey, who was returned from Flanders, and had been ^ 
sent by the king to London on the day before. Upon ^^ 


^ART this, Cranmer and Paget (as is entered in the coun- 
cil-book) persuaded both the king and the p rotector 

to grant their desire. The protector's servants were 
dismissed, and the king's were set about his persoo. 
And Cranmer, Paget, and Smith wrote to the coun- 
cil at London, that all they had proposed should be 
granted: they desired to know whether the king 
should be brought to London, or stay at Windsor; 
and that three of the lords nught be sent thither, 
who should see all things done according to their 
minds ; and for other things they referred theni to 
Collect. Hobbey, that carried the letter, (which is in the Cdl- 
Numb. 45. lection.) Upon this the council sent sir Anthony 
Wingfield, sir Anthony St. Lieger, and sir J. Wil- 
liams, to Windsor, with a charge to see that the 
duke of Somerset should not withdraw before they 
arrived : and that sir Thomas Smith the secretaiyi 
sir Michael Stanhop, sir John Thynn, Edward 
Wolfe, and William Cecil, should be restrained to 
their chambers till they examined them. On the 
twelfth of October the whole council went to Wind- 
sor ; and, coming to the king, they protested that all 
they had done was out of the zeal and affection they 
had to his person and service. The king received 
them kindly, and thanked them for their care of him ; 
and assured them, that he took all they had done in 
good part. On the thirteenth day they sat in coun- 
cil, and sent for those who were ordered to be kept 
in their chambers; only Cecil was let go. They 
charged them, that they had been the chief instru- 
ments about the duke of Somerset in all his wilM 
proceedings : therefore they turned Smith out of his 
place of secretary, and sent him, with the rest, to 
the Tower of London. On the day following, the 


protector was called before them, and 31*110168 of mis- book 
demeanours and high treason were laid to his charge ; 

(which will be found in the Collection.) The sub- '?'"'■ 
stance of them was, that, being made protector onc"«i3. wJ 
condition that he should do nothing without the con-Tomr. 
sent of the other executors, he had not observed that *^''"«'- , 

Numb. 46. 

condition, but had treated with ambassadors, made 
bishops and lord lieutenants, by his own authority ; 
and that he had held a court of requests in his own 
liouse, and had done many things contrary to law ; 
had embased the coin ; had in the matter of enclo- 
sures set out proclamations, and given commissions, 
against the mind of the whole council ; that he had 
Dot taken care to suppress the late insurrections, but 
had justified and encouraged them ; that he had neg- 
lected the places the king had in France, by which 
means they were lost; that he had persuaded the 
king, that the lords who met at London intended to 
destroy him, and had desired him never to forget it, 
but to revenge it, and had required some young lords 
to keep it m his remembrance ; and had caused those 
lords to be proclaimed traitors ; that he had said, if 
he should die, the king should die too ; that be bad 
cmied the king so suddenly to Windsor, ^at he 
was not only put in great fear, but cast into a dan- 
^aaaa disease ; that he had gathered the people, and 
inoed them for war, and had armed his friends and 
Krrants, and left the king's servants unarmed ; and 
tbtt be intended to fly to Jersey or Guernsey. So 
be was sent to the Tower, being conducted thither 
by the earls of Sussex and- Huntington. That day 
the king was carried back again to Hampton-Court ; 
ind an order was made, that six lords should be the 
goremors of his person ; who were, the marquis of 


PART Northampton, the earls of Warwick and Ami 
the lords St. John, Russel^ and Wentworth. T« 

1549. iiioge were in their course to attend constantl 
the king. 
ceniuMt And thus fell the duke of Somerset from his 
S^buD. <^<^^ and great trust. The articles objected to 
seem to say as much for his justificatjpn as the 
swers could do, if they were in my power. I. 
not accused of rapine, cruelty, or bribery ; but 
of such things as are incident to all men thai 
of a sudden exalted to a hi^ and dispropwti 
greatness. What he did about the coin was no 
his own advantage, but was done by a common 
take of many governors, who, in the necessif 
their affairs, fly to this, as their last shift, to i 
out their business as long as is possible ; but it 
rebounds on the government, to its great preji; 
and loss. He bore his fall more equally than he 
done his prosperity ; and set himself in his impri 
ment to study and reading : and falling on a I 
that treated of patience, both from the princijA 
moral philosophy and of Christianity, he wa 
much taken with it, that he ordered it to be t 
lated into English, and writ a preface to it hin 
mentioning the great comfort he had found in i 
ing it, which had induced him to take care 
others might reap the like ben^t from it. I 
Martjrr writ him also a long consolatory letter, if 
was printed both in Latin, and in an English ti 
lation : and all the reformed, both in England 
abroad, looked on his fall as a public loss to 
whole interert, which he had so steadily set forv 
Tbe papists But, ou the Other hand, the popish partv 

much lifted -Z _.^ _ . . ^ „ , . '^ ^ 

up. much hfted up at his fall ; and the rather, bee 


they knew ttie esrl of Soathampton, who they hoped book 
should have directed all affairs, was entirety theirs. ' 

It was also believed, that the earl of Warwick had '■***•■ 
giveD them secret assurances ; so it was understood 
at the court of France, as Thuanus writes. They 
had also, among the first things they did, gone about 
to discharge the duke of Norfolk of his long inipri- 
giHinietit, in consideration of his great age, his for- 
mer services, and the extremity of the proceedings 
against him, which were said to have flowed chiefly 
from the ill offices the duke of Somerset had done 
him. But this was soon laid aside. So now the 
papists made their addresses to the earl of Warwick. 
The bishop of Winchester wrote to him a hearty 
congratulation, rejoicing that the late tyranny (ao 
he called the duke of Somerset's administration) 
was now at an end : he wished him all prosperity ; 
and desired, that, when he had leisure from the 
great affairs, that were in so unsettled a condition, 
iome regard might be had of him. The bishop of 
London, Iteiog also in good hopes, since the pro- 
tector and Smith, whom he esteemed his chief ene- 
mies, were now in disgrace, and Cranmer was in 
arid if not in ill terms with the earl of Warwick, ■ 
Knt a petition that his appeal might he received, 
and his process reviewed. Many also b^an to fall 
off from going to the English service, or the commu- 
nion, hoping that all would he quickly undone that 
had been settled by the duke of Somerset. But the Bnt their 
earl of Warwick, finding the king so zealously ad- nniib. 
dieted to the carrying on of the reformation, that 
nothing could recommend any one so much to him, 
as the promoting it further would do, soon forsook 
the popish party, and was seemingly the most earn- A 


PART est on a further reformation that was possible. I do 
' _ not find that he did write any answer to the bishop 

1549. Qf Winchester : he continued still a prisoner. And 
for Bonner's matter, there was a new court of dele- 
gates appointed to review his appeal, consisting of 
four civilians, and four common lawyers ; who, hav- 
ing examined it, reported, that the process bad heea 
legally carried on, and the sentence justly given, snd 
that there was no good reason why the appeal should 
be received: and therefore they rejected it. This 
being reported to the council, they sent for Bonner 
in the beginning of February, and declared to him, 
that his appeal was rejected, and that the sentence 
against him was in full force still. 
AmtaM- But the business of BuUoigne was that whidi 
tbTem^ pressed them most. They misdoubting, as was for- 
^' merly shown, that Paget had not managed that 

matter dexterously and earnestly with the emperor, 
sent, on the 1 8th of October, sir Thomas Cheyney 
and sir Philip Hobbey to him, to entreat him to 
take Bulloigne into his protection; they also sent 
over the earl of Huntington to command it, with 
the addition of a thousand men for the garrison. 
When the ambassadors came to the emperor, they 
desired leave to raise two thousand horse and three 
thousand foot in his dominions for the preservation 
Cottjibr. of Bulloigne. The emperor gave them very good 
words, but insisted much on his league with France, 
and referred them to the bishop of Arras, who told 
them plainly, the thing could not be done. So sir 
Thomas Cheyney took his leave of the emperor, who, 
at parting, desired him to represent to the king's 
council, how necessary it was to consider matters of 
religion again, that so they might be all of one mind ; 


', to deal plainly with them, till that were done, he book 

old not assist them so effectually as otherwise he '■ 

rired to do. And now the council saw clearly '^'*^* 
""fliey had not been deceived by Paget in that parti- 
cular, and therefore resolved to apply themselves to 
France for a peace. But now the earl of Warwick y'" *■"■' ^f 
falling off wholly from the popish party, the earl of ton lonvn 
Southampton left the court in great discontent. He "'^" 
was neither restored to his office of chancellor, nor 
made lord treasurer ; (that place, which was vacant 
by the duke of Somerset's fall, being now given to 
the lord St. John, who soon after was made earl of 
VViltsliire ;) nor was he made one of those who had 
charge of the king's person. So he began to lay a 
train against the earl of Warwick ; I)ut he was too 
■ quick for him, and discovered it : upon which he 
left the court in the night, and it was said he poi- 
soned himself, or pined away with discontent ; for 
he died in July after. 

So now the reformation was ordered to be carried .a newonice 
on; and there being one part of the divine offices !,(,„*, 
not yet reformed, that is, concerning the giving or- 
ders, some bbhops and divines, brought now together 
by a session of parliament, were appointed to prepare 
a book of ordination. 

But now I turn to the parliament, which sat down a hmLoq of 
on the fourth of Novenlber. In it a severe law was ^„ ^^ 
made against unlawful assemblies: that if any, to^^j^'^'"" 
the number of twelve, should meet tt^ther unlaw- "«"t.ii«- 
fiiUy for any matter of state, and, being required by 
any lawful magistrate, should not disperse them- 
idves, it should be treason ; and if any .broke hedges, 
or violently pulled up pales about enclosures, without 
lawful authority, it should be felony. It was also 



PART made felony to gather the people together without 
warrant by ringing of bells, or sound of drums and 

^^'*^' trumpets, or the firing of beacons. There was also 
a law made against prophecies concerning the king 
or his council, since by these the people were dis- 
posed to sedition : for the first offence it was to be 
punished by imprisonment for a year, and 10/. fine ; 
for the second it was imprisonment during life, with 
the forfeiture of goods and chattels. All this was on 
the account of the tumults the former year^ and not 
with any regard to the duke of Somerset's security, 
as some have without any reason fancied; for be 
had now no interest in the parliament^ nor was 
he in a condition any more to apprehend tumults 
against himself, being stripped of his so much envied 
ADd against greatness. Another law was made against vagar 
^*^*^° *' bonds ; relating. That the former statute m^de in 
this reign being too severe, was by that means not 
executed ; so it was repealed, and the law made in 
king Henry the Eighth's reign put in force. Provi- 
sions were laid down for relieving the sick and im- 
potent, and setting the poor. that were able to work: 
that once a month there should be every where a 
visitation of the poor by those in office, who should 
send away such as did not belong to that place ; and 
those were to be carried from constable to constable, 
till they were brought to such places as were bound 
to see to them. There was a bill brought in for the 
repealing of a branch of the act of uniformity ; but it 
went no further than one reading. 
Thebi- On the 14th of November the bishops made a 

shops move » « . 

for a reviv. heavy complaint to the lords, of the abounding of 
de^iasti^i vicc and disorder, and that their power was so 
ctnsures. ^ly^^g^^ t^^t they could puuish no sin, nor oblige 


aaj to appear b^jre them, or to observe the orders book 
of the church. This was heard by all Uie lords wHb- 

great r^ret, and they imiered a bill to be drawn '^^''' 
•bout H. On the 18th of November a bill wat 
bouglit in, but rejected at first reading, because it 
seemed to g^ve the bishop& too much power. So a 
Kcond bill was af^xnnted to be drawn by a com- 
mittee of the house. It was agreed to, and sent 
down to the commons, who laid it aside after the 
second reading. They thought it better to renew 
the design that was in the former reign, of two and 
Uurty persons being authorized to compile the body 
of ecdesiastical laws; and when that was prepared, 
h seemed more proper, by confirming it, to establish 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, than to give the bishops 
any power, while the rules of their courts were so 
little determined or regulated. So an act passec^ 
onpowering the king to name sixteen persons of the 
stHritualty, of whom four should be bishops; and 
nxteen of the temporalty, of whom four should be 
common lawyers, who, within three years, should 
compile a body of ecclesiastical laws : and those, 
being nothing contrary to the common and statute 
hvs of the land, should be published by the king's 
warrant under the great seal, and have the force of 
lavs in the ecclesiastical courts. Thus they took care 
that this should not be turned over to an uncertain 
period, as it had been done in the former reign, but 
deggned that it should be quickly finished. The bi- 
shops o£ that time were generally so iKickward in 
CTery step to a reformation, that a small number of 
them was made necessary to be of this commission. 
The effect that it had shall be afterwards opened. 
There was ft bill brought into the house of com- 


PART mons. That the preaching and bedding of some opin- 
ions should be declared felony : it passed with them, 


1550. |^^|. ^^^ i^^ ^^^ i^y ^^^ lords. A bill for the form 

Ad act ^ 

about the of ordaiuiog ministers was brought into the lM)use of 

forms of •■?•* i»"rx 

giving lords, and was agreed to ; the bishops of IHiiesme, 
Carlisle, Worcester, Chichester, and Westminster, 
protesting against it. The substance of it was^ That 
such forms of ordaining ministers as should be set 
forth by the advice of six prelates and six divines, 
to be named by the king, and authorized by a war- 
rant under the great seal, should be used after April 

An act a. ncxt, and no other. On the second of January a 
duke of bill was put in against the duke of Somerset, of the 
°''"^' articles formerly mentioned, with a confession of 
them signed by his hand. This he was prevailed 
with to do, upon assurances given that he should 
be gently dealt with, if he would freely con&ss, and 
submit himself to the king's mercy. But it was said 
by some of the lords, that they did not know whe- 
ther that confession was not drawn from him by 
force ; and that it might be an ill precedent to pass 
acts upon such papers, without examining the party, 
whether he had subscribed them freely and uncom- 
pelled : so they sent four temporal lords, and four 
bishops, to examine him concerning it. And the day 
following the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield made 
the report, that he thanked them for that kind mes- 
sage, but that he had freely subscribed the confession 
that lay before them. He had made it on his knees 
before the king and council, and had signed it on the 
13th of December. He protested his offences had 
flowed from rashness and indiscretion, rather than 
malice, and that he had no treasonable design against 
the king or his realms. So he was fined by act of 


pBriiaineBtin 2000^ &ye«r of land; xmd he lost aU bo 
his goods and offices. Upon tbis he wrote to the — 
oouDcil, Bcknowtedging their favour in bringing off '^ 
his matter by a foie ; he confessed that he had fallen 
into the frailties that often attend on great places, 
but what he had done amiss was rather for want of 
feme JDdgment, than from any malicious meaning : 
be hmnl^ desired they woald interpose with the 
king for a moderation of bis fine, and that he might 
be pm'doned, and restored to iavour ; assuring themj 
that for the futtne he should cany himself so bumbly 
mAvbeSenOyt that he should thereby make amends ■ 
far faii former follies. Tins was much censured hj 
mai^ 88 n si^ of an abject spirit ; others thought it 
WHS wisely- done in him, once to get out of prison on 
any terms, since the greatness of his former condi- 
tion gave such jealousy to his enemies, that, unless 
he had his pardon, he would be in continual danger, 
s long as he was in their hands. So on the sixth of 
February be *was set at liberty, giving bond of 
10,000/. for his good behaviour ; and being limited 
that he should stay at the king's house of Sheen, or 
Us own of Sion, and should not go four miles from 
them, nor come to the king or the council, unless he 
were called. He had his pardon on the l6th of Fe- 
iHuaiy, and carried himself after that so humbly, 
that bis behaviour, with the king's great kindness to 
Mm, did so far prevail, that, on the tenth of April 
after, he was restored into favour, and sworn of the 
privy-coundl. And so this storm went over him 
much biore gently than was expected ; but his car- 
riage in it was thought to have so little of the hero, 
Aat he was not much considered after this. 
But to go on with the business of the parliament 



PART Reports had been spread, that the old serWoe 
be again set up ; and th^ were much cherisl 

^^^0- those who still loved the former superstitioi] 

The refer- '^ 

mation u gave out, that a change was to be expected, sii 
goroQsij.' new service had been only the act of the di 
Somerset. Upon this the council wrote on i 
mas-day a letter to all the bishops of En^ 
this effect ; *^ That whereas the English servi 
*^ been devised by learned men, according 
** scripture, and the use of the primitive cl 
^^ therefore, for putting away those vain es 
^* tions, all clergymen were required to deli 
** such as should be appointed by the king to i 
*^ them, all antiphpnales, missals, grayles, proo 
*^ als, manuals, legends, pies, portuasses,jouma 
** ordinals, after the use of Satum, Lincoln, Y 
*^ any other private use : requiring them also 
** to the observing one uniform order in the i 
^* set forth by the common consent of the real 
** particularly to take care that there diould b< 
** where provision made of bread and wine i 
** communion on Sunday/' This will be foi 
Collect, the Collection. But, to give a more public d 

Numb. 47. . . » o r 

tion of theur zeal, an act was brought into parli 
about it, and was agreed to by all the lords, 
the earl of I^arby, the bishops of Duresme, Co 
and Litchfield, Carlisle, Worcester, Westm 
and Chichester, and the lords Morley, St< 
Windsor, and Wharton. By it, not only t 
books formerly mentioned were to be destroye 
all that had any image, that had belonged ^ 
church or chapel, were required to deface it 
the last of June ; and in all the Primers set 
the late king, the prayers to the saints were 


dashed ont. There was also an act for a subsidy, to be book 
pud ID one year, for which there was a release grant- ■ 

ed (rf B branch of the subsidy formerly given. Last ****** 
of all came the king's general pardon, out oi which 
those in the Tower, or other prisons, on the account 
of the state, as also all anabaptists, were excepted. 

Thus were all matters ended ; and on the first of 
Febnnzy the parliament was prorogued : only in the 
house of commons there was a debate that deserves 
to be remembered. It seems that before this time 
the eldest sons of peers were not members of the 
hoDse. of commons : and rir Francis Russel becom- 
i^ i^ tlie death of his elder brother, heir apparent 
to the lord Russel; it was, on the twenty-first of 
Jannaiy, carried upon a debate, 7^t he should 
<Aide in the house as he was before. So it is en- 
tered in the original journal of the house of com- 
mons ; which was communicated to me by Mr. Surle 
and Mr. Clark, in whose hands it is now, and is the 
6r8t journal that ever was taken in that house. 

But it may be expected that I should next give an 
account of the forms of ordination now agreed on. 
Twelve were appointed by the council to prepare 
die book, among whom Heath, bishop of Worcester, 
vas one ; but he would not consent to the reforma- 
tions that were proposed in it : so on the eighth of 
Pebmary he was called before the council, and re- 
quired to agree to that which all the rest had con-^^^j,'"'- 
lented to. But he could not be prevailed with to doWorcMtw, 
it: wherefore, on the fourth of March, he w&s com-ioubnut 
ntitted to the Fleet, because (as it is entered in the wlththf 
coundl-books) that he obstinately denied to subscribe po^nJJj'^ 
the book fi)r the making of bishops and priests. HeJJiJ^^|)_'« 
had hitherto opposed every thing done towards re-or 
u 4 


PART formation in parliament, though he had givea an eif< 
'. — tire obedience to it when it was enacted : he wa$ i 

^^^0- man of a gentle temper and great prudence thatim 
derstood affairs of state better than matters of xidi 
gion. But now it was resolv^ to rid the church o 
those compliers^ who submitted out of iH^ar, or in 
teresty to save their benefices ; .but were ftill ready 
upon any favourable ooqjuncture, to return back ti 
the old superstition. 

As for the forms of ordination, they found tha* 
the scripturelmentioned only the imposition of hands 
and prayer. In the Apostolical Constitutions, in tb 
fourth council of Carthage, and in the pretenito 
works of Denis the Areopagite, there was no xnovi 
used. Therefore all those additions of annimting 
and giving them consecrated vestments,, weiee latei 
inventions : but most of all, the oonceit, which firoB 
the time of the council of Florence was generally re 
ceived, that the rites by which a priest was ordained 
were, the delivering him the vessels for consescratini 
the eucharist, with a power to offer sacrifice to God 
for the dead and the living. This was a vain no 
velty, only set up to support the beli^ of transuh 
stantiation; and had no ground in the scripturesi 
nor the primitive practice. So they agreed on c 
form of ordaining deacons, priests, and bishops; 
which is the same we yet use, except in some fern 
words that have been added since in the ordination 
of a priest or bishop : for there was then no express 
mention made in the words of ordaining them, thai 
it was for the one or the other office ; in both it was 
said. Receive thou the Holy Ghosts in the name ^ 
the Father , &c. But that having been since madi 
use of to prove both functions the same, it was od 


late years altered, as it is now. Nor were these book 

words, being the same in giving both orders, any '■ — . 

ground to infer that the church esteemed them one '^^'*" 
order; the rest of the office showing the contrary 
very plainly. Another difference between the ordi- 
nation-book set out at that time, and that we now 
use, was, that the bisliop was to lay his one hand on 
the priest's head, and with his other to give him a 
Bible, with a chalice and bread in it, saying the 
words now said at the delivery of the Bible. In the 
consecration of a bishop there was nothing more 
than what is yet in use, save that a staff was put 
into his hand, with this blessing. Be to tJieJiock of 
Christ a shepherd. By the rule of this ordinal, a 
deacon was not to be ordained before he was twenty- 
one, a priest before he was twenty-four, nor a bishop 
before he was thirty years of age. 

In this ritual all those superadded rites were cuf?"?*^- 
off, which the later ages had brought in to dress up bmoebt 
these performances with the more pomp; whereof c",urch*of 
we have since a more perfect account than it was^?^*'" 
possible for them then to have. For in our age Mo-*"^"'- 
tinus, a learned priest of the Oratorian order, has j 

published the most ancient rituals he could find ; by 
which it appears, how these offices swelled in every 
age by some new addition. About the middle of 
the sixth century, they anointed and blessed the 
priest's hands in some parts of France; though the 
Greek church never used anointing, nor was it in 
the Roman church two ages after that ; for pope 
Nicolaus the First plainly says, it was never used in 
the church of Rome. In the eighth centuiy, the 
priest's garments were given with a special benedic- 
tion for the priest's offering expiatortj sacrifices ; it 


rxRT was no andenter thatihat phrase was used in <»£• 
nations : and in that same age there was a qiedal 

1550. benediction of the priest's hands used before they 
were anointed; and then his head was anointed. 
This was taken partly from the LeYitical law, and 
pardy because the people believed that their kii^ 
derived the sacredness of their persons from their 
being anointed: so the priests, having a mind to 
have their persons secured and exempted from all 
secular power, were willing enough to use this rite 
in their ordinations. And in the tenth century» 
when the belief of transubstantiation was received, 
the delivering of the vessels for the euchaiist, with 
the power of offering sacrifices, was brought in, be- 
sides a great many other rites. So that the churdi 
did never tie itself to one certain form of ordina* 
tions ; nor did it always make them with the same 
prayers : for what was accounted ancientiy the form 
of ordination, was in the later ages but a prepara* 
tory prayer to it. 
iDterros*- The most considerable addition that was made in 
•po"i^Da the book of ordinations was, the putting questions 
m^the new ^ ^^^ pcrsous to be ordaincd ; who, by answerii^ 
these, make solemn declarations of sponsions and 
vows to God. The first question, when one is pre- 
sented to orders, is. Do you trust that you are in- 
wardly moved by the Hofy Ghost to take upon you 
this qffice and ministration^ to serve God^Jbr the 
promoting his glory, and for the edijying of his 
people ? To which he is to answer, lie trusts he 
is. It has been oft lamented, that many come to 
receive orders before ever they have seriously read 
over these questions, and examined themselves whe- 
ther they could, with a good conscience^ make the 


aonren there pres^bed : since it is scarce credible, book 
that men of common bonesty would lie in the pr- 
KDce of CFod on so great an occasion ; and yet it is '^^* 
too visihle, that manj hare not any such inward vo* 
otitni, nor have ever considered seriously what it is. 
If it were well apprehended, that heat that many 
here to get into orders would soon abate ; who per- 
htpa have nothing in their eye but some place of' 
pn^ or benefice, to which way must be made by 
that pret:eding ceremony : and so enter into orden, 
■t others are associated into iratemities and corpo- 
ntkws, with little previous sense of that holy cha> 
lacter they are to receive, when they thus dedicate 
their fives and labours to the service of God in the 
goepeL In the primitive church the apprehension 
of this made even good and holy men afraid to enter 
under such bonds ; and therefore they were oflen to 
be dra^;ed almost by force, or catched at unawares, 
and be so initiated : as appears in the lives of those 
two Greek iathers, Nazianzen and Chrysostome. If 
oien make their first step to the holy altar by such a 
lie, (as is their pretending to a motion of the Holy 
Oiost, concerning which they know little, but that 
tiiey have nothing at all of it,) they have no reason 
to expect that blessing which otherwise attends on 
sach dedications. And it had been happy for the 
dmrdi, if all those that are authorized to confer or- 
ders bad stood on this more critically ; and oot been 
contented with a bare putting these questions to 
those who come to be ordained, but had used a due 
strictness beforehand, suitable to that grave admoni- 
tion of St. Paul's to Timothy, Lay hands sudden^ 
ox no man, and be not partaker of other men's 


PART In tbe sponsioiis made by the prieslSy they faoM 


.themselves to teach the people eommiited to Aei 
1650. charge 9 to banish awoM/ all - emmeaue doetrinei 
and to Mse both pubUc and prwate monUkme am 
exhortations^ as well to the sich as the whale, wiA 
in their eures^ as need shall require, and as ceea 
sion shall be given. Such as remember tlmt thff 

"have plighted their faith for this to Qod^ will fa 
the pastoral care to be a load indeed^ and so be fii 
enough from relinquishing it, or hiring it oat pei 
haps to a loose or ignorant mercenary. /These ar 
the blemishes and scandals that lie on our dnmi 
brought on it partly by the oomiption of some simc 
niacal patrons, but chiefly by the n^ligence of sodm 
and the faultiness of other clergymen ; which oonl 
never have lost so much ground in the nation upoj 
such trifling accounts as are the contests since raise 
about ceremonies, if it were not that the people, b 
such palpable faults in the persons and behaviour c 
some churchmen, have been possessed with preju 
dices, first against them, and then, upon their ac 
count, against the whole church : so that these ooi 
nipt churchmen are not only to answer to God fo 
all those souls within their charge that have pc 
rished through their neglect, but in a great degre 
for all the mischief of the schism among us, to tb 
nourishing whereof they have given so great um 
palpable occasion. The importance of those thing 
made me judge they deserved this digression, fron 
which I now turn to other afiairs. 

The business of BuUoigne lay heavy on the coun 
cil. The French had stopped aU communication be 
tween Calais and it ; so that it was not easy to sup 
ply it from thence. The council, to rid the natidi 


of tf» fonagBen, teat tbem all to Calais with 800& Boam 
Sa^SAi and resolved to force a way through, if it — ^1^ 
came to extremities: but at this time both the ^^^^ 
French and Ei^ish were well disposed to a peace. 
The king of fVanoe knew the emperor intended to 
go into Qenaany next summer ; so he longed to be 
tt liber^ to wait on his motions. The Englisb ">■'«- 
eoandl, that opposed tiie delivery of Bulh^gneMim-Bsi 
dtieOy to throw off the duke of SomCTset, thatt^^,^ 
beii^ doDCf were all convinced that it was not 
worth the cost and danger of a war : only the^ 
stood on the indecency of yielding it ; specially they 
imng raised such clamours against the protedton 
wtmi he went about tiie delivering it up. So they 
made great shows of preparations to defend it ; but 
at the same time were not unwilling to listen to pro* 
positioDS of peace. One Guidotti, a Florentine, that 
Eved in Eng^nd, was employed by the constable of 
France, Montmorency, to set on a treaty ; yet he 
was to do it without owning he had any orders from 
that king. He went often to and again between 
Paris and London ; and at last it was resolved on 
both sides that there should be a treaty. But at 
this time there was a great change of affairs iii 
Italy. Pope Paul the Third, having held that seepopepui 
fifteen years, died the tenth of November, in the "'"*"' 
eighty-second year of hia age; much broken in mind 
at the calamity of bis family, the killing of his son, 
the loss of Placentia, and the ingratitude of his 
grandchild. Upon his death, all the cardinals, being 
gathered irom Bologna, Trent, and other neigh- 
bouring places, entered the conclave, where one that 
is to have such a share in the following part of this 
work was so much concerned, that it will be no im- 


PART pertinent digression to give an account of it. There 

! — were great animosities between the imperialists aod 

1650. |.jjg French ; cardinal Famese had also many votes 
that followed him : so that these three factions woe 
either of them strong enough to exclude anj that 
Cardinal was Unacceptable to them. Cardinal Pool was set 
^^t^ up by Famese as a moderate imperialist, who .had 
P®**" carried it so well at Trent, that they saw he would 
not blindly follow the emperor. He had lived many 
years at Viterbo, where he was made legate, after 
he had given over his practices against England. 
There he gave himself wholly to the study of di- 
vinity, not without some imputations of &vouriog 
heresy: for one Antonino Flaminio, that was also 
suspected of Lutheranism, lived with him ; Tre- 
mellius, that learned Jew, who had been baptized in 
his house, was also known to incline that Way ; and 
many, who left their monasteries, and went to Ger- 
many, used to stay some time with him on their 
way, and were well received by him ; nor would he 
proceed against any suspected of heresy. There 
was cause enough to raise suspicion in a less jealous 
people than Italians. Yet the vast zeal that he had 
shown for the exaltation of the papacy made all 
those things be overlooked. He was sent one of the 
pope's legates to Trent, where he asserted the Ger- 
man doctrine of justification by faith ; but upon the 
emperor's setting out the Interim, he wrote freely 
against it. He was indeed a man of an easy and 
generous temper, but much in the power of those 
whom he loved and trusted. Farnese therefore, 
looking on him as one that would be governed by 
him, and that was acceptable to the imperialists, 
and not much hated by the French, the cardinal 


of Guise being his friend, reaolved to promote him; book 

and, by the scrutiny they made, it was found that 

they were within two of the number that was requi- '**"• 
site. But he seemed so little concerned at it him^ 
self, that he desired them not to make too much 
haste in a thing of that nature ; for that dignity was 
rather to be undertaken with fear than to be ambi- 
tiously desired. The cardinals, who had heard of 
such things among the ancient Romans, but had 
seen few such modern instances, and who valued 
men by nothing more than their ambitious aspiring, 
imputed this either to dulness or hypocrisy. He 
himself seemed nothing affected with it, and did 
not change his behaviour, and cari'ied it with an 
equality of mind, that became one who had divided 
his time between philosophy and divinity. Caraffa, 
that hated him, did all he could to alienate the con- 
clave from him ; he objected to him, not only heresy, 
but also the suspicion of incontinence, since be bred 
up a nun who was believed to be his daughter. Of 
these things he coldly purged himself: he showed, 
that he had suffered so much on the account of reli- 
gion in his own country, that he was beyond the 
suspicion of heresy ; and he proved, that the girl 
whom he maintained among the uuns was an Eng- 
lishman's daughter, to whom he had assigned an 
allowance. Caraffa prevailed little, and the next 
night the number was complete, so that the cardi- 
, nals came to adore him, and make him pope: but 
' be, receiving that with his usual coldness, said, it 
vas night, and God loved light better than dark- 
ness ; therefore he desired to delay it till day came. 
The Italians, who, whatever judges they may be 
about the qualifications of such a pope as is neces- 


PART sary for their affairs, understood not this temper of 
mind, which in better times would have reoom- 

'^^^' mended one with the highest advantages, shrunk all 
from him : and, after some intrigues usual on such 
occasions, chose the cardinal De Monte, afterwards 
pope Julius the Third ; who gave a strange omen of 
what advancements he intended to make, when he 
gave his own hat, according to the custom of the 
popes, who bestow their hats before they go out of 
the conclave, on a mean servant of his, who had the 
charge of a monkey that he kept : and being asked 
what he observed in him to make him a cardinal, he 
answered, as much as the cardinals had seen in him 
to make him pope. But it was commonly said, that 
the secret of this promotion was an unnatural afiec- 
tion to him. Upon this occasion I shall refer the 
Collect, reader to a letter, which I have put in the CoUectioD, 
°" ' ^ written by cardinal Wolsey, upon the death of pope 
Adrian the Sixth, to get himself chosen pope: it 
sets out so naturally the intrigues of that court oa 
such occasions, that, though it belongs to the former 
volume, yet, having fallen upon it since I published 
it, I thought it would be no unacceptable thing to 
insert in this volume, though it does not belong to 
it. It will demonstrate how likely it is that a bi- 
shop chosen by such arts should be the infiEdliUe 
judge of controversies, and the head of the church. 
A treaty And uow to rctum to England. It was resolved 
the Eng. to send ambassadors to France ; who were, the lord 
French. Russcl, Paget, now made a lord, secretary Petre, 
and sir John Mason. Their instructions will be 
Coll. N. 49. found in the Collection. The substance of them 
Jioni^'en was ; they were not to stick about the place of 
Sh'^L^"*^' treaty, but to have it at Cahiis or BuUoigne, if it 



might be : they were to agree to the delivery up of book 
BuUoigne ; but to demand, that the Scotch queen . 

should be sent back for perfecting the marriage for- '^^'*' 
merly agreed on : that the fortifications of New- 
haven and Blackness should be ruinated : that the 
perpetued pension agreed to king Henry should still 
be paid, together with all arrears that were due be- 
fore the wars : they were only to ^insist on the last, 
if they saw the former could not be obtained : they 
were to agree the time and manner of the delivery 
of BuUoigne to be as honourable as might be. For 
Scotland, they being also in war with the emperor, 
the king of England could not make peace with 
them, unless the emperor, his ally, who had made ' 

war on them upon his account, were also satisfied : 
lU places ibere were to be offered up, except Rox- 
btugb and Aymouth. If the French spoke any 
tUng o£ the king's marrying their king's daughter 
Elizabeth, they were to put it off, since the king 
was yet so young. They were also at first to agree 
to DO more but a cessation. 80 they went over on 
. Ae Slat of Juiuaiy. The French commissioners 
I q^MiDted to treat irith them were, Rochpot, Chas- 
ffion, Mortier, and De Sany ; who desired the meet- 
I kg mig^t he near BuUoigne, though the English en- 
dearoured to have brought it to Guisnes. Upon the 
Bnglkh laying out their demands, the French an- 
Bwoed them roundly, that, for delivering up the 
qneen of Scots, they would not treat about it, nor 
about a perpetual pension ; since, as the king was 
readtnd to marry the Scotch queen to the dauphin, 
to he would give no perpetual pension, which was in 
effect to become a tributary prince ; but for a sum of 
nuMiey they were ready to treat about it. As to 



PART Scotland, they demanded that all the places that 
' had been taken should be restored^ as well Rox- 

1550. |3y].g}| an(} Aymouth, as Lauder and Dunglasse. The 
latter two were soon yielded to, but the commis- 
sioners were limited as to the former. There was 
also some discourse of razing the fortifications of At 
demey and Sark, two small islands in the channd, 
that belonged to England: the latter was in the 
hands of the French, who were willing to yield it 
up; so the fortifications both in it and Aldemej 
were razed. Upon this there were second instruc- 
tions sent over from the council, (which are in the 
Collect. Collection,) that they should so far insist on the 
Numb. 50. jj^piug Qf Roxburgh and Aymouth, as to break up 

their conference upon it : but if that did not work 
on the French, they should yield it rather than gire 
over the treaty. They were also instructed to re- 
quire hostages from the IVench till the money were 
all paid, and to offer hostages on the part of Eng- 
land till Bulloigne was delivered; and to struggle 
in the matter of the isles all they could, but not to 
break about it. Between the giving the first and 
second instructions, the lord St. John was created 
earl of Wiltshire, as appears by his subscriptions. 
The commissioners finished their treaty about the 
Articles of cud of February, on these articles, on condition 
reaty. ^^^^ ^jj claims of either side should be reserved as 
they were at the beginning of the war. This was a 
temper between the English demand, of all the ar^ 
rears of king Henry's pension, and the French de^ 
nial of it ; for thus the king reserved aU the right he 
had before the war. Bulloigne was to be delivered 
within six months, with all the places about it, and 
the ordnance, except what the English had cast 


le they had it; for which surrender the French book 
were to pay 400,000 crowns, (then of equal value ^_1_ 
with the English noble;) the one half three days '^®*'- 
after the town was in their hands, and the other in 
the August after. There was to be a peace with 
Scotland; and Roxburgh and Aymouth, Lauder and 
Dunglasse, were to be razed ; and there was to be a 
free trade between England, Prance, and Scotland. 
Six hostages were to he given on either side ; all the 
English were to he sent back upon the delivery of 
the town ; and three of the French on the first, and 
the rest on the second payment. The French host- 
ages were, the duke of Enghicn ; the marquis de 
Mean, son to the duke of Guise ; Montmorency, son 
to the constable ; the duke of Tremoville ; the vice- 
dam of Chartres ; and Henandy, son to Annebault, 
the admiral. On the English side were, the duke 
of Suffolk ; the earl of Hartford ; the earl of Shrews- 
bury; the earl of Arundel's son, the lord Strange; 
and the lord Matravers. So was the peace conclud- 
ed; all the articles in it were duly performed, and 
the hostages delivered back. It was proclaimed in 
London on the 29th of March, being confirmed by 
both the kings. Only it was much observed, that, 
when it was to be confirmed in England, the earl 
of Warwick, on pretence of sickness, was absent. 
Those who began to conceive great jealousies of 
him thought this was to make a show to the people 
that he abhorred so dishonourable a thing, as himself 
had oft called it during the duke of Somerset's ad- 
mtnistratioD ; and that therefore he would not by his 
{vesenoe seem to consent to it, though he had signed 
all the orders for it. 
And now was the king entering in the fourth 
X 2 


PART jear of his reign, free from all wars, whidi had bi^ 
therto much distracted his govemmeiit. So the 

1550. eoundl was more at leisure to settle the affairs at 

The earl of 

Warwick home. But the earl of Warwick, beginning to form 
^du. ^ great designs, resolved first to make himself popular, 
by calling all that had meddled in the king^s afiain 
to a strict account ; and either to make them com- 
pound for great sums, by which the king^s debts 
should be paid, or to keep them under the lash till 
he made them subservient to his ends. He began 
with the earl of Arundel^ to whose charge manj 
things being laid, he submitted himself to a fine of 
12,000/. to be paid in twelve years. This was the 
more taken notice of, because Southampton, Arun- 
del, and he, with sir Richard Southwell, master of 
the roUs, had been the chief contrivers of the duke 
of Somerset's fall : Southampton was driven awi^i 
Arundel fined, and Southwell was soon after put in 
the Fleet for dispersing some seditious bills. This 
wrought much on the vulgar, who imputed it to a 
secret curse on those who had conspired against the 
duke of Somerset; and the delivery of BuUoigne 
made it yet more plain that the charge against him 
was chiefly grounded on malice. After Arundel's 
disgrace, all the duke of Somerset's friends made 
their compositions, and were discharged: sir Tho- 
mas Smith, sir Michael Stanhop, Thomas Fisher, 
and WiUiam Gray, each of them acknowledged they 
owed the king 3000/. and sir Jo. Thynn submitted 
to 6000/. fine. 
Ridley But I shall next prosecute the narration of what 

•hopV concerned the church. It was now resolved to fill 
^"**^"- the see of London : Bidley, being esteemed both the 
most learned and most thoroughly zealous for the re* 


formation, was pitched on to be the man. So on the book 

21st of February he was writ for, and on the 24th '— 

he was declared bishop of London and Westminster, ^^^^' 
and was to have 1000/. a year of the rents of the 
bishopric ; and, for his fiirther supply, was dispensed 
with to hold a prebendary of Canterbury and West- 
minster. It was thought needless to have two bishop- 
rics so near one another ; and some, gaping after the 
lands of both, procured this union. But I do not 
see any reason to think, that at any time in this 
reign the suppression of the deaneries and prebends 
in cathedrals was designed. For neither in the sup- 
pression of the bishoprics of Westminster, Glouces- 
ter, or Duresme, was there any attempt made to put 
down the deaneries or prebendaries in these places ; 
so that I look on this as a groundless conceit, among 
many others that pass concerning this reign. For 
Thirleby of Westminster, there was no cause given 
to throw him out, for he obeyed all the laws and in- 
junctions when they came out, though he generally 
opposed them when they were making. So, to make 
Tay for him, William Reps, the bishop of Norwich, 
was prevailed with to resign, and lie was promoted 
lo that see, vacant (as his patent has it) by the free 
resignation of William the former bishop. And the 
same day, being the 6rst of April, Ridley was made 
bishop of London and Westminster. Both were, ac- « 
cording to the common form, to be bishops durante * \ 
vita naturali, during life. 

The see of Winchester had been two years as good f™""J['.„ 
aa Tacant by the long imprisonment of Gardiner, who GmiiMr. 
had been now above two years in the Tower. When 
the Book of Common Prayer was set out, the lord 
SL John imd secretary Petre were sent with it to 


PART him. to know of him whether he would conform 

himself to it or not ; and they gave him great hopes, 

1550. ^Y^^^^^ jf Y^^ ^ouid submit, the protector would sue to 
the king for mercy to him. He answered, that be 
did not know himself guilty of any thing that needed 
mercy ; so he desired to be tried for what had been 
objected to him according to law. For the book, he 
did not think, that, while he was a prisoner, he was 
bound to give his opinion about such things; it 
might be thought he did it against his conscience, to 
obtain his liberty : but if he were out of prison, he 
should either obey it, or be liable to punishment ac- 
' cording to law. Upon the duke of Somerset's fall, 
the lord treasurer, the earl of Warwick, sir William 
Herbert, and secretary Petre were sent to him: 
(Fox says, this was on the ninth of July : but there 
must be an error in that ; for Gardiner in his answer 
says, that, upon the duke of Somerset's coming to 
the Tower, he looked to have been let out within 
two days, and had made his farewell feast ; but whai 
these were with him, a month or thereabout had 
passed : so it must have been in November the for- 
mer year.) They brought him a paper, to which 
they desired he would set his hand. It contained, 
first, a preface, which was an acknowledgment of 
former faults, for which he had been justly punisb- 
somearti- cd : there were also divers articles contained in it, 

clifs Arc 

sent to which wcrc, touching the king's supremacy; his 
***"' power of appointing or dispensing with holydays 
and fasts ; that the Book of Common Prayer set out 
by the king and parliament was a most Christian 
and godly book, to be aUowed of by all bishops and 
pastors in England, and that he should both in ser- 
mons and discourses commend it to be observed; 


ikt^ik^ikSmga power was complete qo^ when under booic 

figi^naa4H|li0t all owed obedience to him nqw» as '— 

much as if he were thirty or forty years old; that ^^^^' 
the six articles were justly abrogated ; and that the 
king |md full authority to correct and reform what 
was amiss in the church, both in England and Ire- 
laikL He only excepted to the preface ; and offered 
to sign all the articles, but would have had the pre-^ 
&oe kift out. They bid him rather write on the 
inai;^ his exceptions to it : so he writ, that he 
could aot; with, a good conscience agree to the pre« 
fiice; and with that exception he set his hand to the which be 
prlude puper. The lords used him with great kind- tiftTMme 
and gave him hope that his troubles should be "^^p^*®" 

(gw^j ^nded. Herbert and Petre came to him 
somei time, after that, but how soon is not so clear, 
and pressed him to make the acknowledgment with- 
out exception: he refused it, and said, he would 
never defame himself; for when he had done it, he 
was not sure but it might be made use of against 
him as a confession. Two or three days after that, 
Ridley was sent to him, together with the other two, 
and they brought him new articles. In this paper 
the acknowledgment was more general than in the 
former : it was said here in the preface, that he had 
been suspected of not approving the king's proceed- 
ings ; and, being appointed to preach, had not done 
it as he ought to have done, and so deserved the 

*s displeasure^ for which he was sorry. The ar-Newarti- 

clcs sent 

tides related to the pope's supremacy, the suppres-toiiim. 
sion of abbeys and chantries, pilgrimages, masses, 
images, the adoring the sacrament, the communion 
in both kinds, the abolishing the old books, and 
bringing in the new book of service, and that for or- 

x4 i 



PART daining of priests and bisbops, the completeness of 
"• the scripture^ and the use of it in the vulgar tongoey 

1550. the lawfulness of clergymen's marriage^ and to Eras- 
mus's Paraphrase, that it had been on good comi- 
derations ordered to be set up in churches. He 
read all these, and said, he desired first to be dis- 
charged of his imprisonment, and then he would 
freely answer them all, so as to stand by it, and 
suffer if he did amiss : but he would trouble liimseif 
with no more articles while he remained in priacm; 
since he desired not to be delivered out of his trou- 
' bles in the way of mercy, but of justice. After that, 
he was brought before the council; and the lords 
told him, they sat by a special commissicm to judge 
him, and so required him to subscribe the artides 
that had been sent to him. He prayed them earn- 
estly to put him to a trial for the grounds of his 
imprisonment, and when that was over, he would 
clearly answer them in aU other things : but he did 
not think he could subscribe all the articles after 
one sort; some of them being about laws already 
made, which he could not qualify ; others of them 
being matters of learning, in which he might use 
more freedom: in conclusion, he desired leave to 
take them- with him, and he would consider how to 
answer them. But they required him to subscribe 
But he, re. them aU, without any qualification ; which he re- 
sign them, fused to do. Upon this the fruits of his bishopric 
^d. ^ were sequestered ; and he was required to conform 
himself to their orders within three months, upon 
pain of deprivation : and the liberty he had of walk- 
ing in some open galleries, when the duke of Nor- 
folk was not in them, was taken from him, and he 
was again shut up in his chamber. 


All tbis was nmcb oensttred, as bdi^^contnzy to book 
the JaieitifB of finglislniieii, and tbe foana ctf »» '' 
kpl ftooecdings. It was thought -mry hardfto put '^^*'- 
a'mm iB'pristm upon a romplaint against hno ; and, 
witboot maj iurther inquiry into it, after two jears 
Amnance, to put articles to him : and tbej wMch 
ipoke fredy said, it aavmiTed too much of the inqui- 
sitioD. But the canon law not being rectified, and 
the king being in the pope's room, there were some 
things gathered from the canon law, and the way of 
proceeding ex r0icio, which rather excused than 
justified this hard measure he met with. The se- 
quel of this business shall be related in its proper 

This Lent old Latimer preached before the king, itimr'* 
The discourse of the king's marrying a daughter ofthai^ 
France had alarmed all the reformers, who rather ^^JJH^ 
inclined to a daughter of Ferdinand, king of the™**- 
Romans. (To a marriage with her it is no wonder 
they all wished well; for both Ferdinand and his 
son Maximilian were looked upon as princes that in 
their hearts loved the reformation, and the son was 
not only the best prince, but accounted one of the 
best men of the age.) But Latimer in his sermon 
advised the king to marry in the Lord ; and to take 
care that marriages might not be made only as bar- 
gains, which was a thing too frequently done, and 
occasioned so much whoredom and divorcing in tbe 
nation. He run out in a sad lamentation of the 
vices of the time, the vanity of women, the luxury 
and irregularity of men : he complained, that many 
wefe gospello^ for love of the abbey and chantiy 
lands : be pressed, that the discij^ne of the churcb^ 
and the cxconunanicBtiDg of scandalous persons. 


TART might be again set up: he advised the king to be- 
ware of seeking his pleasure too much, and to keep 

^^^^* none about him who would serve him in it : he jaid, 
he was so old, that he believed he would never ap* 
pear there more, and therefore he discharged hb 
conscience freely: he complained the king's debts 
were not paid, and yet his officers lived high, made 
great purchases, and built palaces : he prayed, them 
all to be good to the king, and not to defraud the 
poor tradesmen that wrought for his stores^ wlio 
were ill paid. This I set down, not so much to 
give an account of that sermon, as of the state of 
the court and nation, which he so freely discoursed 
HMperk Wakcmau, that had been abbot of Tewkdraiyf 
^^Sl^^and was after made bishop of Oloucestar, died in 
^^* December last year; and on the third of July this 
year, Hooper was by letters patents appointed to be 
his successor. Upon which there foUowed a con- 
test that has since had such fatal consequences, tlurt 
of it we may say with St. James, How great a mat- 
ter hath a little fire kindled! It has been already 
shown, that the vestments used in divine service 
were appointed to be retained in this church; but 
But refosM Hoopcr rcfused to be consecrated in the episcopal 

to wear the m, ■■ , . 

episcopal vestments. The grounds he went on were, that 
^™*'' ' they were human inventions, brought in by tradi- 
tion or custom, not suitable to the simplicity of the 
Christian religion; and all such ceremonies were 
condemned by St. Paul as beggarly elements : that 
these vestments had been invented chiefly for cele- 
brating the mass with much pomp, and had been 
consecrated for that effect ; therefore he desired to 
be excused from the use of them. Cranmer and 


Ridky, on the other hand, alleged, that traditioas book 

in matters of faith were justly rejected ; but in mat- '■ — 

ten of ritea and ceremonies, custom was oft a good '^''' 
irgnmeDt for the contiDuance of that which had 
been long used. Those places of St. Paul did onlyupoa uiii 
relate to the obsn^vace of the Jewish ceremonies, p^*^^^ 
which some in the apostles' times pleaded were still 
to be retbined, upon the authority of their first in- 
(titutlon by Moses : so this implying that the Mes- 
nas WB8 not yet come^ in whom all these had their 
accomplishment, the apostles did condemn the use 
of them on any such account; though when the 
bare observing them, without the opinion of any 
such necessil^ in them, was likdy to gain the Jews, 
they both used circumcisioD, and purified themselves 
in the temple. If then they, who had such absolute 
authority in those matters, did condescend so far to 
the weakness of the Jews, it was much more be- 
coming subjects to give obedience to laws in things 
indifferent. And the abuse that had been formerly 
was no better reason to take away the use of these 
vestments, than it was to throw down churches, and 
take away the bells, because the one had been con- 
secrated, and the other baptized, with many super- 
stitious ceremonies^ Therefore they required Hooper 
to conform himself to the law. Cranmer, who, to his 
other excellent qualities, had joined a singular mo- 
desty and distrust of himself, writ about this dif- 
ference to Bucer, reducing it to these two plain 
questions: Whether it was lawful, and free from 
any sin against God, for the ministers qf the 
church ofEn^and to use those garments in which 
they did then officiate ; since they were required 
to do it by the magistrate's command? And whe- 




ART Oer he that qffirmed thai it was unlamful^ or oi 
— — that account refused^ to use those vestmetOs^ did 
^^^* not sin against God; eaOmg that unclean wUek 
God had sanctified^ and the magistrate required; 
since he thereby disturbed the pubUe order of tie 
xr*! kingdom f To this Bucer writ a large answer on 
Mraiog the eighth of December this year. He thought that 
those who used these garments ought to dedaie 
they did not retain them as parts of Moses' law» but 
as things commanded by the law of the land. He 
thought every creature of God was good, and no 
former abuse could make it so ill, that it might not 
be retained ; and since these garments had been used 
by the ancient fathers before popery, and might still 
be of good use to the weak when well understood, 
and help to maintain the ministerial dignity, and to 
show that the church did not of any lightness diange 
old customs, he thought the retaining them was ex- 
pedient : that so the people might, by seeing these 
vestments, consider of the candour and purity that 
became them : and in this sense he thought, to the 
pure all things were pure ; and so the apostles com- 
plied in many things with the Jews. Upon the 
whole matter, he thought they sinned who refused 
to obey the laws in that particular. But he added, 
that since these garments were abused by some to 
superstition, and by others to be matter of conten- 
tion, he wished they were taken away, and a more 
complete reformation established. He also prayed 
that a stop might be put to the spoiling of churches, 
and that ecclesiastical discipline against offenders 
might be set up ; for, said he, unless these manifest 
and horrid sacrileges be put down, and the complete 
om of Christ be received, so that we all submit 


to his yoke^ how intolerably shall the wrath of God boob 
break out on this khigdom ! The scripture sets many ^JL. 
such examples before our eyes, and Germany offers '^^^- 
a most dreadful prospect of what England might 

He writ also to Hooper upon the same argument. 
He wished the garments were removed by law ; but 
aigued fully for the use of them till then : he la* 
mented the great corruptions that were among the 
clergy, and wished that all good men would unite 
their strength against these ; and then lesser abuses 
would be more easily redressed: he also answered 
Hooper^s objections on the principles formerly laid 
down. Peter Martyr was also writ to ; and, as he 
writ to Bucer, he was fiilly of his mind, and ap- 
proved of all he had writ about it. And he added 
these words, which I shall set down in his own 
terms, copied from the original letter: Qiub deAndp. 
Hopero ad me scribis^ non potuerunt non tideri^^^^^ 
nUra; certe iUU auditis obstupui. Sed bene ha^ 
het^ quad episcopi Uteras meas viderunt ; unde it^ 
pidia ego quidem sum Uberaius. Ecce iUius causa 
sic jaeet^ ut meliaribus et pits nequaquam probe- 
iur. Bokt, dolet, idque mihi gravissime, talia in^ 
ier evaugeUi projessores eoniingere. lUe toto hoe 
tempore^ cum Mi sit interdicta concio, non videiur 
posse quiescere : su€Bfidei confessionem edidity qua 
rursus muUorum animos exacerbavit : deinde que- 
ritur de consiliariis, etfortasse^ quod mihi non re- 
ferty de nobis : Deus feUcem catastrophen non he- 
Hs actibus impomU. In English : ** What you wrote 
** to me about Hooper could not but seem wonderful 
** to me : when I heard it, I was struck with it. It 
^ was well that the bishops saw my letters, by which 



PART ^* I am freed from their displeasure. His business 
^'' ** is now at that pass^ that the best and most pious 

1550. it cligprove of it. I am grieved, and sadly grievedt 
<< that such things should fall out among the pro- 
<' fessors of the gospel. All this while in which he 
<< is suspended from preaching, he cannot be at rest : 
** he has set out a profession of his faith, by whicfa 
*' he has provoked many : he complains of the privy 
^* counsellors ; and perhaps of us too, of which he 
*^ says nothing to me. God give an happy issue to 
** these uncomfortable b^nnings.^ This I set down 
more fully, that it may appear how £ur either of 
these divines were from cherishing such stiffness in 
Hooper. He had been chaplain to the duke of So- 
merset, as appeared by his defence of himself in 
Bonner's process ; yet he obtained so much &vour 
of the earl of Warwick, that he writ earnestly in 
his behalf to the archbishop to dispense with the 
use of the garments, and the oath of canonical obe- 
dience at his consecration. Cranmer wrote back, 
that he could not do it without incurring a pr€Bmu^ 
nire : so the king was moved to write to him, war- 
ranting him to do it, without any danger which the 
law could bring on him for such an omission. But 
though this was done on the fourth of August, yet 
he was not consecrated till March next year; and 
in the mean while it appears by Peter Martyr's let- 
ters that he was suspended from preaching. 
A congre. This summcr John a Lasco, with a congr^ation 
(TJmaDs in of Germans, that fled from their country upon the 
London, persecution raised there for not receiving the inte- 
rim, was allowed to hold his assembly at St. Austin's 
in London. The congregation was erected into a 
corporation. John a Lasco was to be superintend- 


t, and there were four other ministers associated book 
th him. For the curiosity of the thing, I have ^ 

t the patents in the Collection. There were also, !.^^^* 

* , Collect. 

to of the congregation made denizens of England, Numb. 51. 
appears by the records of their patents. But 
Lasco did not carry himself with that decency that 
icame a stranger who was so kindly received ; for 
\ wrote against the orders of this church, both in 
e matter of the habits, and about the posture in 
e sacrament, being for sitting rather than kneel*- 

This year Polidore Vii^il, who had beeA now al- Poudore 

ost forty years in England, growing old, desired eo^u^^ 

ive to go nearer the sun. It was granted him on 

e second of June; and, in consideration of the 

lUic service he was thought to have done the na- 

»n by his History, he was permitted to hold his Rot Pat. 4. 

chdeaconry of Wells, and his prebend of Nonning- part. 

Q, notwithstanding his absence out ^of the king- 

m. On the 26th of June Poinet was declared 

ihop of Rochester, and Coverdale was made coad- 

tor to Veysy, bishop of Exeter. 

About the end of this year, or the beginning of a review of 

e next, there was a review made of the Common moaPnyer 

•ayer Book. Several things had been continued ^^^"^ 

it, either to draw in some of the bishops, who by 

ch jdelding might be prevailed on to concur in it ; 

in compliance with the people, who were fond of 

?ir old superstitions. So now a review of it was 

; about. Martin Bucer was consulted in it; and 

esse, the Scotch divine mentioned in the former 

rt, translated it into Latin for his use. Upon 

ich Bucer writ his opinion, which he finished the Bucer*! ad- 

h of January in the year following. The sub-^roi^^t. 


Part stance of it was, that he found all things in tbe 


. common service and daily prayers were clearly ac- 
1550. cording to the scriptures. He advised, that in gip 
thedrals the quire might not be too fiEur separated 
from the congr^ation, since in some places the 
people could not hear them read prayers. He 
wished there were a strict discipline to ezdode 
scandalous livers from the sacrament. He wished 
the old habits might be laid aside, since some used 
them superstitiously, and others contended much 
about them. He did not like the half office of 
communion or second service to be said at the al- 
tar, when there was no sacrament. He was offend- 
ed with the requiring the peoj^e to receive at least 
Cfoce a year, and would have them pressed to it 
much more frequently. He disliked that the priests 
generally read prayers with no devotion, and in sodi 
a voice that the people understood not what tb^ 
said. He would have the sacrament delivered into < 
the hands, and not put into the mouths of the 
people. He censured praying for the dead, of whidi 
no mention is made in the scripture, nor by Justin 
Martyr, an age after. He thought that the prayer, 
that the elements might be to us the body and blood 
<j£ Christ, favoured transubstantiation too much ; a 
small variation might bring it nearer to a scripture 
form. He complained that baptism was generally 
in houses, which, being the receiving infants into 
the church, ought to be done more publicly. The 
hallowing of the water, the chrism, and the white 
garment, he censured as being too scenical. He 
excepted to the exorcising the Devil, and would 
have it turned to a prayer to God ; that authorita- 
tive way of saying, / acfjure^ not being so decent. 



He thought the god&thers answering in the child's book 
name not so well as to answer in their own, that 

they should take care in these things all they could. ^^^^' 
He would not have confirmation given upon a bare 
redtal of the Catechism ; but would have it delayed 
tin the persons did really desire to renew the bap- 
tismal vow. He would have catechising every holy- 
iaj, and not every sixth Sunday : and that people 
Aoold be still catechised, after they were confirmed, 
to preserve them from ignorance. He would have 
all marriages to be made in the full congr^ation. 
He would have the giving unction to the side, and 
prsying for the dead, to be quite laid aside : as also 
the offering the chrisoms at the churching of women. 
He advised, that the communion should be celebrated 
four times a year. He sadly lamented the want of 
fiuthfiil teachers; and entreated the archbishop to 
see to the mending of this, and to think on some 
stricter ways of examining those who were to be 
ordained, than barely the putting of some questions 
to them. All this I have gathered out the more 
lai^ly, that it may appear how carefully things were 
then considered : and that almost in every particular 
the most material things which Bucer excepted to 
were corrected afterwards. 

But at the same time, the king having taken such 
care of him, that, hearing he had suffered in his 
health last winter by the want of a stove, such as 
is used in Germany, he had sent him 20/. to have 
one made for him. He was told that the king 
would expect a new year's gift from him, of a book 
made for his own use: so, upon that occasion, he 
writ a book entitled. Concerning the Kingdom ofBucer wnt 
Christ. He sets out in it the miseries of Grermany, the^iog^s 

VOL. II. Y "^* 


PART which, he says, were brought on them hy their mi\ 
for they would bear no dieciidine ; nor were tiie 

1550. ministers so earnest in it as was fitting: though in 
Hungary it was otherwise. He writes largely of 
ecclesiastical discipline ; which was intended ducfljr 
for separating ill men from the sacrament^ and to 
make good men avoid their company, whereby tbqr 
might be ashamed. He presses much the nndifii 
cation of the Lord's day, and of the other bolydi^ 
and that there might be many days of fisuting : imt 
he thought Lent had been so abused, that other 
times for it might be more expedient. He com^ 
plains much of pluralities and nonresidence, as a 
remainder of popery, so hurtful to the church, that 
in many places there were but one or two, or few 
more sermons in a whole year : but he thought that 
much was not to be expected from the greatest part 
of the clergy, unless the king would set himself fi* 
gorously to reform these things. Lastly, he wouU 1 
have a complete exposition of the doctrine of the 
church digested, and set out : and he proposed &> 
vers laws to the king's consideration ; as, 

1. For catechising children. 

2. For sanctifying holydays. 

3. For preserving churches for God's service, not 
to be made places for walking, or for commerce. 

4. To have the pastoral function entirely restored 
to what it ought to be ; that bishops, throwing off 
all secular cares, should give themselves to tiidr 
spiritual employments: he advises that coacyutors 
might be given to some, and a council of presbyters 
be appointed for them all. It was plain, that many 
of them complied with the laws against their minds; 
these he would have deprived. He advises rural 


hUhops to be set over twenty or thirty parishes, book 

who should gather their clergy often together, and '■ — 

inspect them closely : and tliat a provincial synod '^*''' 
should meet twice a year, where a secular man, in 
the king's name, should be appointed to observe their 

5. For restoring church lands, that all who served 
the church might be well provided : if any lived in 
luxury upon their high revenues, it was reasonable 
to make them use them better ; but not to blame or 
rob the church for their fault. 

6, For the maintenance of the poor, for whom an- 
ciently a fourth part of the church's goods was as- 

The 7th was alxiut maixiage. That the prohi- 
bited d^rees might be well settled ; marriage with- 
out GODsent of parents annulled ; and that a second 
naniage might be lawful after a divorce, which he 
tfwugtU might he made for adultery, and some otha* 

8. For the education of youtfa. 

9. For restnuniog the excess of some people's liv- 

10. For refonning and explaining the laws of the 
had, which his &ther bad begun. 

11. Ta place good magistrates; that no officx 
Ae^d be sold, utd tbat .inferior magistrates should 
lAcn gnre an aocmnt to the uiperior, of the admi- 
matntifm. of their offices. 

IS. To emuider well who were made judges. 

lA. To.give order that none should be put in pri- 
iDii upon slight offences. 

The 14th was £bi moderating of some punish- 

Benta : .i)faie6y* the putting of thieves to death, which 

Y 2 


PART was too severe; whereas adultery was too slightlj 
passed over : though adultery be a greater wrong to 

1550. ^1^^ suffering party than any theft, and so was pu- 
nished with death by Moses' law. 
The kin^ This book was sent to the young king. And he, 
reforming having received it, set himself to write a general dis- 
"•«J *^ course about a reformation of the nation, which is 
the second among the discourses written by him, 
coi.KJEdw. that follow the Journal of his reiirn. In it he takes 
Niimb"^. notice of the corrections of the book of the Liturgy 
which were then under consideration ; as also, that 
it was necessary there should be a rule of church 
discipline, for the censure of ill livers ; but he thought 
that power was not to be put into the hands of all 
the bishops at that time. From thence he goes on 
to discourse of the ill state of the nation, and of the 
remedies that seemed proper for it. The first he 
proposes was, the education of youth ; next, the cor- 
rection of some laws ; and there either broke it off, 
or the rest of it is lost. In which, as there is a great 
discovery of a marvellous probity of mind, so there 
are strange hints, to come from one not yet fourteen 
years of age. And yet it is all written with his own 
hand, and in such a manner, that any who shall 
look on the original will clearly see it was his own 
work : the style is simple, and suitable to a child. 
Few men can make such composures, but some- 
what above a child will appear in their style ; which 
makes me conclude it was all a device of his own. 

"ur^^f* "^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ began to write his Journal 
all proceed- himsclf. Thc first thrcc years of his reign are set 

ings during j • i - /» ... 

his reign, oown m a short way of recapitulatmg matters : but 
this year he set down what was done every day, that 
was of any moment, together with the foreign news 


that were sent over. And oftentimes he called to hook 
mind passages some days after they were done ; and _ 

sometime, after the middle of a month, he tdls what '^^''* 
vas done in the beginning of it : which shows dear- 
ly it was his own work ; for if it had been drawn 
far him by any that were about him, and given him 
only to copy out for his memory, it would have been 
more exact: so that there remains no doubt with 
me but that it was his own originally. And there- 
fore, since all who have writ of that time have drawn 
their informations from that Journal ; and thou^ 
they have printed some of the letters he wrote when 
a child, which are indeed the meanest things that 
ever fell from him ; yet, except one little fragment, 
nothing of it has been yet published. I have co- 
pied it out entirely, and set it before my Collection. coi.KJdir. 
I have added to it some other papers that were also Naat,,"*! 
writ by him. The first of these is in French; it ia 
a collection of many passages out of the Old Testa- 
ment against idolatry and the worshipping of images, 
which he dedicated to his uncle, being then pro-' 
tector; the original under his own hand lies in Tri- 
nity college in Cambridge, from whence I copied the 
preface and the conclusion, which are printed in the 
Collection after his Journal. 

There was nothing else done of moment this year, Ridi«y ri- 
in relation to the church, save the visitation made att. 
of the diocese of London by Ridley, their new bi- 
shop. But the exact time of it is not set down in 
the raster. It was, according to king Edward's 
Journal, some time before the S6th of June : for he 
writes, that on that day, sir Jo. Yates, the high she- 
riff of Ess^c, was sent down with letters to see the 
bishop nS London's injunctions performed, which 
Y 3 


PART touched the pluddng down of superaltnies, alttn, 
' and such like ceremonies and abuses : so that the 

1550. visitation must have been about the beginning of 
June. The articles of it are in bishop Sparrow't 
Collection. They are concerning the doctrines, and 
lives, and labours, and charities of the clergj ; vis. 
Whether they spake in favour of the bishop at Rofldc^ 
or against the use of the scripture, or against the 
Book of Common Prayer ? Whether thej stirred up 
sedition, or sold the communioui or trentals> or used 
private masses any where? Whether any anabspi 
tists or others used private conventicles, with dif* 
ferent opinions and forms from these estdiiliilied? 
Whether there were any that said the Widtednea 
of the minister took away the effect of the satrs* 
ments, or denied repentance to such as sinned after 
baptism ? Other questions were about baptisms sod 
marriages. Whether the curates did visit the sid^i 
and bury the dead, and expound the Catechism, at 
least some part of it, once in six weeks ? Whether 
any observed abrogated holydays, or the rites that 
were now put down ? 

To these he added some injunctions, which are in 
Collect, the Collection. Most of them relate to the dd su- p^rs(;i^;jQj,s^ which some of the priests were still in- 
clinable to practise, and for which they had been 
gently, if at all, reproved by Bonner. Such were, 
washing their hands at the alter, holding up the 
bread, licking the chalice, blessing their eyes with 
the patten or sudary, and many other relics of the 
mass. The ministers were also required to diaige 
the people oft to give alms, and to come oft to the 
communion, and to carry themselves reverently at 
church. But that which was most new, waa^ that 


there hanng been great oantesta about the fbnn of book 
the Lord's board, whether it should be made as an ' 
altar, or as a table; therefore, since the form of aj.'^^"' 
table was more like to turn the people from the"""'""'" 
superstition of the popish mass, and to the right usetaWes for 
of the Lord's supper, he exhorted the curates andl^un^n" 
churchwardens to have it in the fashion of a table, 
decently covered ; and to place it in such part of the 
quire or chancel as should be most meet, so that the 
ministers and communicants should be separated 
from the rest of the people : and that they should 
put down all by-altars. 

There are many passages among ancient writers, 
that show their communion tables were of wood; 
and that they were so made as tables, that those 
who fled into churches for sanctuary did hide them- 
selves under them. The name altar came to be 
given to these generally, because they accounted the 
eucharist a sacrifice of praise, as also a commemora- 
tive sacrifice of the oblation which Christ made of 
himself on the cross. From lience it was, that the 
communion table was called also an altar. But now 
it came to be considered, whether, as these terms 
I had been on good reason brought into the church, 
I when there was no thought of the corruptions that 
followed; ao if it was not fit, since they did still 
support the belief of an expiatory saci-ifice in the 
mass, and the opinion of transubstantiation, and 
were always but figurative forms of speech, to 
rhang ^* them : and to do that more cfifectually, to 
dimge tike farm and place of them. Some have 
fovdly tliM^t, that RiiUey gave this injunction 
nfter tlie letter which the council writ to him in 
the end ttf November following. But as there was 

Y4 A 


PART no fit time to begin a visitation after that time this 


- year, so the style of the injunctions shows they were 
'^^^' given before the letter. The injunction only «?- 
horts the curates to do it, which Ridley could not 
have done in such soft words, after the council had 
required and commanded him to do it : so it ap- 
pears, that the injunctions were given only by his 
episcopal power. And that afterwards, the same 
matter being brought before the council, who were 
informed, that in many places there had been con- 
tests about it, some being for keeping to their old 
custom, and others being set on a change, the coun- 
cil thought fit to send their letter concerning it to 
Ridley on the 24th of November following. The 
letter sets out, that altars were taken away, in dif 
vers places, upon good and godly considerations, 
but still continued in other places ; by which there 
rose much contention among the king's subjects: 
therefore, for avoiding that, they did charge and 
command him to give substantial order throu^ all 
his diocese for removing all altars, and setting up 
tables every where for the communion to be admin- 
istered in some convenient part of the chancel : and, 
that these orders might be the better received, there 
were reasons sent with the letters, which he was to 
cause discreet preachers to declare, in such places as 
he thought fit, and that himself should set them out 
in his own cathedral, if conveniently he could. 

The reasons were, to remove the people firom the 
superstitious opinions of the popish mass; and be- 
cause a table was a more proper name than an aU 
tar, for that on which the sacrament was laid. And 
whereas in the Book of Common Prayer these terms 
are promiscuously used, it is done without prescrib- 


ing BayHoDg abeni tfae fbrm of tbeoit toUnt the looc 
^Bi^i^ the one into the other did-^AOt' alter imf ' ' i 
fart ctf the Litargy. It was obeerred, that altari ^'^• 
•nte erected &r the sacrifices aoder theiaw; whicb 
oasi^, they ime also to cease: and that Obrat 
bd iostitiited the sacrament Dot at an >^tar, batat 
s taUe. And it had been ordered by tbr psefree 
totiie Book <of Cbmraoo Prayer, that, if may dttibt 
vase about any part of it, the determiDiDg o< it 
ikmdd be lefened to the bishop of the djoctm 
ilpon these ratfoiui therefore was this change oik 
I dtred to' be made-^all orrer En^and, which was imi^ 
«nalty. executed this jeu*. : > ;. . • i > >; 
61 llieie bc^an tins year a practice^ #hicb .on^itSerau>m«n 
jeem in itsdf not only innocent, bBt^tK)d,'df prei^)-drT*^ud' 
iag sermons and lectures on the week-days, to which''"'' 
there was great running from neighbouring parishes. 
Hiis, as it b^^t emulation in the clergy, bo it was 
Blade use of as a pretence for many to leave their 
hbour, and gad idly about. Upon complaint there- 
fore made of it, Ridley had a letter sent to him from 
.die council against all preaching on working-days, 
on which there should only be prayers. How this 
was submitted to then, is not clear. But it cannot 
be denied, that there have been since that time tXr- 
cesses on all hands in this matter : while some have, 
with great sincerity and devotion, kept up theses in 
market-towns ; but others have carried them on with 
too much faction, and a design to detract from such 
as were not so eminent in their way of preaching. 
Upon these abuses, while some rulers have studied 
to put all such performances down, rather than to 
correct the abuses in them, great contradiction: has 
fdlowed on it; and the people have been possessed 


rAKT with nAjuit pr^ju^cei agtinifc thsol, n ti ttdewn of 

— Iba wotd of Ood: and that oppondon has kept op 

1U(L y^ gggj gjp ^2^ kcturei ; which ncrerthcdea, Am 

tbc7 have been more fnaij preached, hare of late 

years produced none of the iU effects that did fiiUov 

them fiHinerlj, when thejr were endeamired to h 

Ahd thiM I end the tnnuactiQW about rd^ioB 
thia year. The rest of the afiaira at home wen 
chiefly for the regulating of many abates, that had 
grown up and been nouiished by a long continiiaiiGe 
(tf war. All the foreign acddlers were digmiMed: 
and though the duke of Lunenberg had offend the 
king 10,000 men to hit aanitance, and desired to 
enter into a treaty of marriage for the lady liny, 
they only thanked him for the offer of his sddiei^ 
of whidi they, being now st peace with aU tbdr 
neighbours, had no need ; and tince the pnqMwitiai 
for marryii^ the lady Mary to the infant of Forto- 
gal was yet in dependance, they could not treat ii 
that kind with any other prince till that orertoie 
was some way ended. There were endeavoun abo 
for encouraging trade, and reforming the coin. And 
at the court things began to put on a new tiaage: 
fyr there was no more any faction; the duke d 
Somerset and the eari of Warwick being now joiDcd 
into a near alliance ; the earl's eldest ton, the lord 
Lifde, marrying the duke's daughter : so that there 
W aa a good pnMfieot af hafipy times, 
n In Scotiaufl, the peace being proclaimed, the go- 
i entirely in the hands of the 
;ave himself up wholly 
, who was aidt- 
> abandoMd 


to his pleasures, that there was nothing ao bad that book 

he was ashamed of. He kept wHitber auui'i wife 

openl7 for his concubine. There were idM mmmy "^ 
excesses in the government. Whitdl tUt^t^avthej' 
alienated all people's minds from the clergy, k tbey 
disposed them to receive the new doctrinei, which 
many teachers were bringing from England, and 
prepared them for the changes that followed after- 
wards. The queen-mother went over into France 
in September, pretending it was to see her daughter, 
and the rest of her kindred there: where she laid 
down the method for the wresting of the govern- 
ment of Scotland out of the governor's hands, and 
taking it into her own. 

The emperor appointed a diet of the empire toA^^toa 

meet in the end of July, and recjuired all to appear 

personally at it, except such as were hindered by 

ackness, of which they were to make faith upon 

I oath. And at the same time he proscribed the town 

I of Magdeburg. But the magistrates of that town 

»et out a large manifesto for their own vindication, 

, as they had done the former year. They said, 

' " They were ready to give him all the obedience 

" that they were bound to by the laws of the em- 

" pire. They were very apprehensive of the mis- 

*• chiefs of a civil war. They were not so blind as 

" to think they were able to resist the emperor's 

"great armies, lifted up with so many victories, if 

" they trosted only to their own strength. They 

" bad Utbcrto done no act of hostilitjr to alry^ but 

" wbai t&ey were forced to do for their own d&- 

" fcnce. It was visible, the true growid of the wsr 

" itf Qennaiiy was nfigiui, to extingoisb the light 

" of th» gospel, and to sabdse them qgala to tbt 


PART « papal tyraDny : for the artifices that were fbr- 
' << merly used to disguise it did now appear too 

^^^^' « manifestly ; so that it was not any more denied. 
<< But it would be too late to see it, when Germany 
^^ was quite oppressed. In civil matters, they said^ 
*^ they would yield to the miseries of the time: 
** but St. Peter had taught them, that it was better 
*^ to obey Grod than man ; and therefore they were 
** resolved to put all things to hazard, rather than 
** to make shipwreck of faith and a good consdenoe.!' 
There were tumults raised in Strasburg, and diven 
other towns, against those who set up the mass 
among them ; and, generally, all Germany was dis- 
posed to a revolt, if they had had but a head to 
lead them. 

The emperor had also set out a very severe edict 
in Flanders, when he left it, against all that favour- 
ed the new doctrines, as they were called. ' But the 
execution of this was stopped at the intercession 
of the town of Antwerp, when they perceived the 
English were resolved to remove from thence, and 
carry their trade to some other place. When the 
diet was opened, the emperor pressed them to sub- 
mit to the council, which the new pope had removed 
back to Trent. Maurice of Saxe answered, he could 
not submit to it, unless all that had been done for- 
merly in it should be reviewed, and the divines of 
the Augsburg Confession were both heard and ad- 
mitted to a sujSrage; and the pope should subject 
himself to their decrees, and dispense with the oath 
which the bishops had sworn to him : on these terms 
he would submit to it, and not otherwise. This was 
refused to be entered into the roisters of the diet 
by the elector of Mentz ; but there was no haste. 



foft the oouncil was not to sit till the next year. The book 
emperor complained much that the Interim was not- 
generally receiTed: to which it was answered bj 
the princes^ that it was necessary to give the people 
time to overcome their former prejudices. All 
seemed to comply with* him : and Maurice did so 
insinuate himself into him, that the siege of Mag- 
deburg being now formed, and a great many princes 
having gathered forces against it, among whom the 
duke of Brunswick and the duke of Meckleburg 
were the most forward : yet he got himself declared 
by the diet general of the empire, for the reduction 
of that place; and he had 100,000 crowns for un^ 
dertaking it, and 60,000 crowns a month were ap- 
pointed for the expense of the war. He saw well, 
that, if Magdeburg were closely pressed, it would 
8oon be taken, and then all Germany would be 
brought to' the emperor's devotion : and so the war 
would end in a slavery. But he hoped so to manage 
this small remainder of the war, as to draw great 
effects from it. This was a fatal step to the empe- 
i ror, thus to trust a prince who was of a different 
[ rdigion, and had a deep resentment of the injury 
be had done him, in detaining his father-in-law, the 
landgrave of Hesse, prisoner, against the faith he 
bad given him. But the emperor reckoned, that, 
as long as he had John duke of Saxe in his hands, 
Maurice durst not depart from his interests ; since 
it seemed an easy thing for him to repossess the 
other of his dominions and dignity. Thus was the 
crafty emperor deluded; and n6w put that, upon 
which the completing of his great designs depended, 
into the hands of one that proved too hard for him 


PART at that in which he was such a master, emmmin gBmi 
— : — dissimulatian. 

1651. j^ these consultations did this year end. In the 

1116 OOD- *' 

piiaooe of banning of the next year there was a great com- 
cki^. plaint brought against Dr. C^lethorp, afterwirdg 
bishop of Carlisle under queen Mary, and now pv^ 
sident of Magdalen college in Oxford. But he, to 
secure himself from that part of the complaint thst 
related to religion, being accused as one that was 
against the new book of service, and the king's other 
proceedings, signed a paper, (which will be found in 
Collect, the Collection,) in which he declared, *' that he had 

Numb. 53* 

^^ never taught any thing openly against those, bot 
^' that he thought them good, if well used : and thst 
^* he thought the order of religion now set forth to 
^' be better and much nearer the use of the apo« 
** stoUcal and primitive church thtm that which was 
** formerly : and that, in particular, he did approve 
of the communion in both kinds; the pecqde's 
communicating always with the priest, the service 
^ in English, and the Homilies that had been set 
*^ forth : and that he did reject the lately received 
^* doctrine of transubstantiation, as not being agree* 
'' able to the scriptures, or to ancient writers : but 
he thought there was an inconceivable presence of 
Christ's body in the sacrament, and that therefore 
^* it should be received not vrithout great exami- 
** nation beforehand." So compliant was he now, 
though he became of another mind in queen Mary's 
time; yet then he was more moderate than tlie 
greatest part of those who did now comply most 
servilely. In particular, Dr. Smith had written a 
book for the celibate of priests, and had exposed all 


tiie diti^^eB tliat had been made. He was brou^ book 
to Losdon upon tiie complaiiits that weie sent up 

i^atnat hiin frond Oxford: but, after a .while^ iiiu '^'* 
piiarameDty he was set at liberty, giving surety fiir 
hb good behaTiour; and carried hirnadf so obedi« 
entfy after it, ^lat Cranmer got his sureties to be 
diasharged : upon which he writ him a letter as full 
of adoDowledgment as was possible; which is in 
the OnUection. <* He protested he should retain the concct 
^ lense of it as jkmg as he.Uved: he wished that he ™ 
« had never written his book of the celibate of priests, 
^ which had been printed against his will : he found 
^ ke was mistaken in that which was the foundatioii 
"^of it all^ that the priests of England had taken a 
^ fow against marriage : he desired to see some of 
** the coUections Cranmer had made agaiiet it." (It 
leems Cranmer was inquiring after a MS. of Igna- 
tios's Epistles ; for he tells him, ** they were in 
<< Magdalen college library.*') ** He acknowledged 
*^ the archbishop's great gentleness toward all those 
^ who had been complained of for religion )in that 
** miyersity ; and protested, that, for his own part, 
** if ever he could serve his basest servant, he would 
^ do it ; wishing that he might perish if he thought 
^ otherwise than he said ; and wished him long life 
** fiN" the jHTopagation aild advancement of the Chris- 
^ tian doctrine." Soon after, he writ another letter 
to Cranmer, in which he cited some passages out of 
Austin concerning his retractations; and professes 
he would not be ashamed to make the like, and to 
Kt forth Christ's true religion; and called, in St. 
Paul's wends, Chd to be a witness against his soul 
jfkeUed. He had also, in the banning of this 
nigDf made a recantation sermon of some opinions 


PART he had held concerning the mass; but what these 
' were, kii^ Edward's Journal (from whence I gather 

1551. j^^ ^0^3 QQ^ inform us. Day, bishop of Chichester, 
did abo now so far comply as to preach a sermon 
at court against transubstantiation, though he had 
refused to set his hand to the Book of Cktmnum 
Prayer, before it was enacted by law. For the prin- 
ciple that generally run among the popish par^ 
was, that though they would not consent to the 
making of such alterations in religion, yet, being 
made, they would give obedience to them, whidi 
Gardiner plainly professed ; and it appeared in the 
practice of all the rest. This was certainly a gross 
sort of compliance in those who retained the old 
opinions, and yet did now declare against them; 
and, in the worship they offered up to Grod, acted 
contrary to them : which was the highest d^ree of 
prevarication, both with God and man, that was 
possible. But Cranmer was always gentle and mo- 
derate : he left their private consciences to Grod ; but 
thought, that, if they gave an external obedience, 
the people would be brought to receive the changes 
more easily : whereas the proceeding severely against 
them might have raised more opposition. He was 
also naturally a man of bowels and compassion, and 
did not love to drive things to extremities. He con- 
sidered, that men who had grown old in some errors 
could not easily lay them down, and so were by de- 
grees to be worn out of them. Only in the proceed- 
ings against Gardiner and Bonner, he was carried 
b^ond his ordinary temper. But Gardiner he knew 
to be so inveterate a papist, and so deep a dissembler, 
that he was for throwing him out, not so much for 
the particulars objected to him, as upon the ill cha- 


ncter he had of him. Bonner had also deceived book 

him so formerlj, and had been so cruel a persecutor '■ — 

upon the statute of the six articles, and was become 
so brutal and luxurious, that he judged it necessary 
to purge the church of him : and the.sees of Loudon 
and Winchester were of such consequence, that he 
was induced, for having these well supphed, to 
stretch a little in these proceedings against those 
disaembliog bishops. 

In the end of February he lost his friend Martin Bonr'i 
Bucer, on whose assistance he had depended much, '^ ' 
in what remained yet to be done. Bucer died of the 
stone» and grifnng of the guts, on the S8th of Febni- - 
trj. He lay ill almost all that month, and expressed 
great denre to die. Bradford, who will be men- 
tioDed in the next book with much honour, waited 
most on him in his sickness. He lamented much 
the desolate state of Gennanj, and expressed his ap- 
prehensions of some such stroke coming upon Eng- 
land, by reason of the great dissoluteness of the peo- 
pie's manners, of the want of ecclesiastical discipline, 
sod the general neglect of the pastoral charge. He 
vas very patient in all his pain, which grew vio- 
lent on him : he lay oft silent ; only, after long in- 
tervals, cried out sometimes, Chastite me, Ijord, but 
Arow me not qff'in my old age. He was, by order 
from Cranmer and sir John Cheke, buried with the 
highest solemnities that could be devised, to express 
the value the university had for him. The vice- 
dianoellor, and all the graduates, and the mayor, 
with all the town, accompanied his funeral to St. 
Mary's ; where, after prayers, Haddon, the univer- 
sity orator, made such a speech concerning him, and 
pronounced it with that affection, that almost the 
VOL. II. z 


PART whole assembly shed tears. Next, Dr. Parker, that 
had been his most intimate Mend, made an English 

^^^^' sermon in his praise, and concerning the sorrowing 
for our departed friends. And the day foQowii^ 
Dr. Redmayn, then master of Trinity collie, made 
another sermon concerning death ; and in it gave a 
full account of Bucer's life and death. He particu- 
larly commended the great sweetness of his temper 
to all, but remarkably to those who differed from 
him. Redmayn and he had differed in many things, 
both concerning justification, and the influences of 
the divine grace. But he said, as Bucer had satis* 
fied him in some things, so he believed, if he had 
lived, he had satisfied him in more ; and that, he 
being dead, he knew none alive from whom he could 
learn so much. This character given him by so 
grave and learned a man, who was in many p(Hnts ^ 
of a different persuasion from him, was a great com* 
mendation to them both. And Redmayn was in- 
deed an extraordinary person. All in the university, 
that were eminent either in Greek or Latin poetry* 
did adorn his coffin with epitaphs; in which thejT 
expressed a very extraordinary sense of their loss: 
about which one Carr writ a copious and passionate 
letter to sir John Cheek. But Peter Martyr bore 
his death with the most sensible sorrow that could 
be imagined ; having in him lost a father, and the 
only intimate friend he had in England. He was a 
His charac- very leamed, juSidous, pious, and moderate person. 
Perhaps he was inferior to none of all the reformers 
for learning ; but for zeal, for true piety, and a most 
tender care of preserving unity among the foreign 
churches,' Melancthon and he, without any injury 
done the rest, may be ranked apart by themselves. 


He was much qiposed by the popish party at Cam- book 

bridge; who» though they complied with the law* '- — 

and SQ kept their places, yet, either in the way of ar- ^ ^^ ^ * 
gomenty as it had been for dispute's sake, or in such 
points as were not determined, set themselves much 
to lessen his esteem. Nor was he furnished natu- 
TdlBj with the quickness that is necessary for a dis- 
pote^ fiom wUdi they studied to draw advantages ; 
and therefore Petar Martyr writ to him to avoid all 
public disputes with them: for they did not deal 
candidly on these occasions. They often kept up 
their questions till the hour of the dispute, that so 
the extemporary &culty of him who was to preside 
migfat be the mcnre exposed ; and, right or wrong, 
they used to make exclamations, and run away witii 
a triumph. In one of his letters to Bucer, he parti- 
cularly mentions Dr. Smith for an instance of this. 
It was that Smith, he said, who writ against the 
marriage of priests, and yet was believed to live in 
adulteiy with his man's wife. This letter was oc- 
casioned by the disputes that were in August the 
fonner year, between Bucer and Sedgwick, Young 
and Pern, about the authority of the scripture and 
the church. Which disputes Bucer intending to 
publish, caused them to be writ out, and sent the 
cofj to them to be corrected ; offering them, that, if 
any thing was omitted that they had said, or if they 
had any thing else to say which was forgot in the 
dispute, they might add it : but they sent back the 
papers to him without vouchsafing to read them. 
At Ratisbon he had a conference with Grardiner, who 
was then king Henry's ambassador ; in which Grar- 
diner broke out into such a violent passion, that, 
as he spared no reproachful words, so the company 

z 2 


PART thought he would have fallen on Bucer and beat him. 
" He was in such disorder, that the little vein between 

^^^'* his thumb and fore-finger did swell and palpitate; 
which, Bucer said, he had never before that observed 
in any person in his life, 
^jlj*' "* But as Bucer was taken awaj by death, so Gar- 
diner was sometime before put out, which was a 
kind of death ; though he had afterwards a resur- 
rection fatal to very many. There was a commis- 
sion issued out to the archbishop; the lushcqn of 
London, Ely, and Lincoln ; secretary Petre ; judge 
Hales ; Griffith Leyson and John Oliver, two civi- 
lians; and Goodrick and Gosnold^ two masters df 
chancery ; to proceed against Grardiner for his con- 
tempt in the matters formerly objected to him. He 
put in a compurgation, by which he endeavoured to 
show there was malice borne to him, and conspira- 
cies against him, as appeared by the business of sir 
Henry Knevet, mentioned in the former part, aud 
the leaving him out of the late king's will, which he 
said was procured by his enemies. He complained 
of his long imprisonment without any trial, and that 
articles of one sort after another were brought to 
him : so that it was plain he was not detained for 
any crime, but to try if such usage could force him 
to do any thing that should be imposed on him. 
He declared, that what order soever were set out by 
the king's council, he should never speak against it, 
but to the council themselves : and that though he 
could not give consent to the changes before they 
were made, he ^vas now well satisfied to obey them ; 
but he would never make any acknowledgment of 
any fault. The things chiefly laid against him were, 
that, being required, he refused to preach concerning 

THE llEromiATlON, :JH 

the king's power when he was under age ; and that book 
he had affronted jn^achers sent by the king into his '' 
dioceae, and had been negligent in obeying the king's '^^l- 
injmicttons ; and continued, after all, so obstinate, 
that he would not confess his fault, nor aak the king 
mercy. His crimes were aggravated by this, that 
his timely asserting the king's power under age 
might have been a great mean for preventing the re- 
bellion and efTusioD of blood, which had afta*wards 
happened, chiefly on that pretence, to which his ob- 
stinacy had given no small occasion. Upon this, 
many witnesses were examined ; chiefly the duke of 
Somerset, the earls of Wiltshire and Bedford, who 
deposed against him. But to this he answered, that 
be was not required to do it by any order of council, 
bot only in a private discourse, to which be did not 
tlirak himself bound to give obedience. Other wit- 
nesses were also examined on the other particulars. 
But he appealed from the delegates to the king in 
person. Yet his judges, on the 18th of April, gave 
lentence against him ; by which, for his disobedience 
ind contempt, they deprived him of his bishopric. 
Upon that he renewed bis protestation and appeal : 
and so bis process ended, and he was sent back to 
the Tower, where he lay till queen Mary discharged 

The same censures, with the same justifications, 
belong both to this and Bonner's business : so I shall 
repeat nothing that was formerly said. He had 
taken a commission, as well as Bonner, to hold his 
inshopric only during the king's pleasure ; so they 
both bad the less reason to complain, which way 
soever the n^al pleasure was signified to them. 
Ei^t days after, on the 26th of April, Foinet was 
z 3 


PART traDslated from Rochester to Windbester; and had 
' two thousand marks a 'year m lands assgned him 

^^^^' out of that wealthy bishopric for his subsistence. 
Dr. Scory was made bishop of Rochester. Vesej, 
bishop of Exeter^ did also resign, pretending extreme 
old age ; but he had reserved 485/. a year in pension 
for himself during life, out of the lands of the bi^ 
shopric ; and almost all the rest he had basdy aUen- 
ated, taking care only of himself, and ruining his 
successors. Miles Coverdale was made bishop of Ex- 
eter. So that now the bishoprics were generally filled 
Hooper u |irith men well affected to the reformation. The 


upon hu business of Hooper was now also settled : he was to 
CO ornijty.j^ attired in the vestments that were prescribed 
when he was consecrated, and when he preached 
before the king, or in his cathedral, or in any public 
place ; but he was dispensed with upon other occa- 
sions. On these conditions he was consecrated in 
March ; for the writ for doing it bears date the 7th 
of that month. So now, the bishops being generaUj 
addicted to the purity of religion, most of this year 
was spent in preparing articles, which should pontain 
the doctrine of the church of England. 

Many thought they should have begun first of all 
with those. But Cranmer, upon good reasons, was 
of another mind, though much pressed by Bucer 
about it. Till the order of bishops was brought to 
such a model, that the far greater part of them would 
agree to it, it was much fitter to let that design go 
on slowly, than to set out a profession of their belief 
to which so great a part of the chief pastors might 
be obstinately averse. The corruptions that were 
most important were those in the worship, by whidi 
men^ in their immediate addresses to God, were ne- 


oettuQy involTed in unlawful com[diances ; and book 

tbae aeetaed to require a more qieedy reformation. '■ — 

But fw speculative points there was sot 'so pressing '^'' 
a necessity to hare them all explained, since in these 
men might with less prgudice be left to a freedom 
in their opimons. It seemed also advisable to open 
and ventilate matters in public disputations and 
beoksi wzittoi about tbem for some years, before 
th^ should go too hastily to determine them ; lest, if 
thejr wait too fast in that affair, it would not be so 
decent to make alterations afterwards ; nor could the 
deigy be of a sudden brought to change their old 
apmoas. Therefinre, upon all these considerations, 
that work was delayed till this year ; in which they 
Kt about it, and finished it, before the convocation 
met in the next February. In what method they 
proceeded for the compiling of these articles ; whe- 
ther they were given out to several bishops and di- 
mes to deliver their opinions concerning them, as 
vas done formerly, or not, it is not certain. I have 
Iboad it oflen said, that they were framed by Cran- 
mer and Ridley ; which I think more probable ; and 
that they were by them sent about to others, to cor- 
rect or add to them as they saw cause. They are in 
the CollectioD, with the differences between these co"««- 

Numb. JJ. 

md those set out in queen Elizabeth's time marked 
on the margin. 

They began with the assertion of the blessed ThaAitidd 
IVioity, the incarnation of the eternal Word, anduepnpw 
Christ^s descent into hell; grounding this last on 
these words of St. Peter, of his preaching to ike »pi- 
fits thai were in prison. The next article was 
about Christ's resurrection. The fifth, about the 
xriptures ccmtaining all things necessary to salva- 
z 4 


PART tion : so that nothing was to be hdd an artide d 
"' faith that could not be proved from thenoe. The 

l^^l- sixth. That the Old Testament was to be kept still. 

The 7th, For the receiving the three Creeds ; thw 
Apostles', the Nicene, and Athanasius' Creed: ii 
which they went according to the received opinion 
that Athanasius was the author of that Creed, whid 
is now found not to have been compiled till nea 
three ages after him. 

The 8th makes original sin to be the comiptioD o 
the nature of all men descending from Adam ; h 
which they had fallen from original righteousness 
and were by nature given to evil: but they define 
nothing about the derivation of guilt fit)m Adam' 

The 9th ; For the necessity of prevailing graa 
without which we have no freewill to do things ac 
ceptable to Grod. 

The 10th ; About divine grace, which changeth 
man, and yet puts no force on his will. 

The 11th ; That men are justified by faith only 
as was declared in the homily. 

The 12th ; That works done before grace are nc 
without sin. 

The 13th ; Against all works of supererogation. 

The 14th ; That all men, Christ only excepte 
are guilty of sin. 

The 15th; That men who have received gnu 
may sin afterwards, and rise again by repentance. 

The 16th; That the blaspheming against tl 
Holy Ghost is, when men out of malice obstinate 
rail against God's word, though they are convino 
of it, yet persecuting it ; which is unpardonable. 

The 17th ; That predestination is God's fr'ee ek 


tkm of those whom he afterwards justifies; which book 

though it be matter of great comfort to such as con '- — '< 

sider it aright, yet it is a dangerous thing for cu- ^^^'' 
lious and carnal men to pry into : and, it being a 
secret, men are to be governed by Gbd's revealed 
wilL They added not a word of reprobation. 

The 18th ; That only the name of Christ, and 
Dot the law or light of nature, can save men. 

The 19th ; That all men are bound to keep the 
moral law. 

The SOth ; That the church is a congregation of 
&ithful men, who have the word of Grod preached, 
aad the sacraments rightly administered : and that 
the churCrh of Rome, as well as other particular 
diurches, have erred in matters of faith. 

The 21st; That the church is only the witness 
and keeper of the word of God: but cannot appoint 
any thing contrary to it, nor declare any articles of 
faith without warrant from it. 

The 22d ; That general councils may not be ga- 
thered without the consent of princes : that they 
may err, and have erred, in matters of faith : and that 
their decrees in matters of salvation have strength 
only as they are taken out of the scriptures. 

The 28d ; That the doctrines of purgatory, par- 
dons, worshipping of images and relics, and invo- 
cation of saints, are without any warrant, and con- 
trary to the scriptures. 

The 24th ; That none may preach or minister the 
sacraments, without he be lawfully called by men 
who have lawful authority. 

The 25th ; That all things should be spoken in 
the church in a vulgar tongue. 
The 26th ; That there are two sacraments, which 


FAET are aot ban tokeM aC mme 

signs of God's good-wiH to « 

1^1- fiuth, yet not by virtue only of tlie voriL 

but in those who reoave them w artl i 8 y > ^1k 

The 27th; That tte virtue of these does Mt 
pend on tte minister of them. 

The 2Sth ; That by bqitism ve are die 
sons of God; And that infimt b^itim is to he 
mended, and in any ways to be retained. 

The 29th ; That the LcmTs supper is notata 
td^en of love among Christians, but is the fommmsBi 
of the body and blood of Christ ; that the doctiiBed 
transubstantiation is contrary to scriptnre^ and hA 
given occasion to much superstition: that a bod^ 
being only in one pbce, and Christ's bo^ beii^ ii 
heaven, therefore there cannot be a real and bo£fy 
presence of his flesh and Uood in it : and that tlai 
sacrament is not to be kept, carried about, lifted ii|^ 
nor worshipped. 

The 80th ; That thore is no other propitiatory sa- 
crifice, but that which Christ offered on the cross. 

The 81st ; That the clergy are not by God's com- 
mand obliged to abstain from marriage. 

The 82d ; That persons rightly exconununicated 
are to be 4ooked on as heathens, till they are by 
penance reconciled, and received by a judge compe- 

The 33d; It is not necessary that ceremonies 
should be the same at aU times ; but such as refuse 
to obey lawful ceremonies, ought to be openly re- 
proved as offending against law and order, giving 
scandal to the weak. 

The 34th; That the Homilies are godly and 
and ought to be read. 


The 85th; That the Book of Common Prayer is Bt>OK 
not repugnant^ but agreeable to the gospel, and ought ..JL. 
to be received by all. IWI. 

The S6th ; That the king is supreme head under 
Christ : that the bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction 
inEngland : that the civil magistrate is to be obeyed 
for conscience sake : that men may be put to death 
'for great offences: and that it is lawful for Chris- 
tians to make war. 

The 37th; That there is not to be a community 
of all men's goods ; but yet every man ought to give 
to the poor according to his ability. 

The 38th; That though rash swearing is con- 
demned, yet such as are required by the magistrate 
may take an oath. 

The S9th ; That the resurrection is not already 
past, but at the last day men shall rise with the same 
bodies they now have. 

The 40th ; That departed souls do not die, nor 
deep with their bodies, and continue without sense 
till the last day. 

The 4l8t; That the fable of the Millenaries is 
contrary to scripture, and a Jewish dotage. 

The last condemned those who believed that the 
damned, after some time of suffering, shall be saved. 

Thus was the doctrine of the church cast into a 
sbort and plain form : in which they took care both 
to establish the positive articles of religion, and to 
cut off the errors formerly introduced in the time of 
popery, or >of late broached by the anabaptists and 
enthusiasts of Germany; avoiding the niceties of 
schoolmen, or the peremptoriness of the writers of 
controversy ; leaving, in matters that are more justly 
controvertible, a liberty to divines to follow their 


PART private opinioiiSt without tha^dij* 

! peace of the church. 

1551. There was in the ancient church a great 

in their creeds, and the exposition of the dodil|^ ^^ 
But afterwards, upon the breaking out of the 
and other heresies concerning the person of 
Christ, as the orthodox £Eithers were put to find 
new terms to drive the heretics out of the 
use of these formerly received, so they too soon 
to love niceties, and to explain mysteries with 
miles, and other subtleties, which they inv 
and councils afterwards were very liberal in 
anathematisms against any who did not agree in 
points to their terms or ways of explanation. An 
though the council of Ephesus decreed, that thai 
should be no additions made to the creed, they nfr* 
derstood that not of the whole belief of Chrisliattl 
but only of the creed itself; and did also load the 
Christian doctrine with many curiosities. But though 
they had exceeded much, yet the schoolmen getting 
the management of the doctrine, spun their thread 
much finer ; and did easily procure condemnations, 
either by papal bulls, or the decrees of such coundb 
as met in these times, of all that differed from them 
in the least matter. Upon the progress of the refo^ 
mation, the Grerman writers, particularly Osiander, 
lUiricus, and Amstorfius, grew too peremptory, and 
not only condemned the Helvetian churches for dif- 
fering from them in the manner of Christ's presence 
in the sacrament, but were severe to one another for 
lesser punctilios ; and were at this time exercising 
the patience of the great and learned Melancthon, 
because he thought, that, in things of their own na- 
Terent, they ought to have omipiied wit^ 


the emperor. Thi^ m&de those io En^and resolve book 

OD composing these articles with great temper id '■ — 

many such points. Only one ootion, that has been '^^'- 
aince taken up by some, seems not to have been then 
thought of ; whiclk is, that these were rather articles 
of peace than of belief: so that the subscribing was 
rather a compromise not to teach any doctrine cod> 
trary to them, tlian a declaration that they believed 
according to them. There appears do reason for 
this conceit, no such thing Iteing then declared ; so 
that those who subscribed did either bdieve them to 
be true, or else they did grossly prevaricate. 

The next business in which the reformers were some cor. 
employed this year was, the correcting the Common made in 
I*rayer Book, and the making some additions, withj^*^!, 
the changing of such particulars, as had been re-®"** 
tained only for a time. The most considerable addi- 
tions were, that in the daily service they prepared a 
short, but most simple and grave, form of a general 
confession of sins ; in the use of which they intend- 
d, that those who made this confession should not 
coDtent themselves with a bare rental of the words, 
liut should join with them in their hearts a particu- 
lar confession of their private sins to God. To this 
vas added, a general absolution, or pronouncing, in 
the name of God, the pardon of sin to all those who 
diJ truly repent, and unfeignedly believe the gospel. 
For they judged, that if the people did seriously 
practise this, it would keep up in their thoughts 
frequent reflections on their sins ; and it was thought, 
that the pronouncing a pardon upon these conditions 
might have a better effect on the people, than that 
absolute and unqualified pardon which their priests 
voe wont to give in confession : by which absolu- 


PART tioDy in times of popery^ the pecq;fe wne aidttiM 

'. — Ueve that their sins were thereupon oertnafy JBv* 

^^'* given ; than which notliing could be invented tint 
would harden them into a more iatal security, wba 
they thought a full pardon could be so readUj piii- 
chased. But now they heard the terms, on whidi 
they could only expect it, every day promulgated to 
them. The other addition was also made» upoi 
good consideration, in the office of the communioib 
to which the people were observed to come with- 
out due seriousness or preparation: therefore, ftr 
awakening their consciences mmre feelingly, it wii 
ordered, that the office of the communion shoidi 
begin with a solemn pronouncing of the Ten Com- 
mandments, all the congregation being on their 
knees, as if they were hearing that law anew; and 
a stop to be made at every Commandment, fixr tk 
people's devotion, of imploring mercy for their pist 
offences, and grace to observe it for the time to come. 
This seemed as effectual a mean as they could de- 
vise, till church-penitence were again set up, to b^ 
in men deep reflections on their sins, and to pie* 
pare them thereby to receive that holy sacrament 
worthily. The other changes were, the removing of 
some rites which had been retained in the former 
book : such as the use of oil in confirmation, and ex- 
treme unction ; the prayers for souls departed, both 
. in the communion service and in the office of burial; 
the leaving out some passages in the consecration of 
the eucharist, that seemed to favour the belief of the 
corporal presence, with the use of the cross in it, and 
in confirmation ; with some smaller variations. And, 
indeed, they brought the whole Liturgy to the same 
form in which it is now, except some ii 

• VII r- i[iry 


tibtk lisfe been nnce made for the dear- boos 
\ fug of aome ambigaitieg. 

In the oBBnoe of the communion, they added a ru- ^ ^^fL^ 
bjc conoeniing the posture of kneeling, which was;*^ lu^MUnir 
appointed to be still the gesture of communicants, nmiiioii. 
It was hereby declared, that that gesture was kept 
■p^ as a most rererent and humble wajr of express- 
mg our great WNnae of the mercies of Ood in the 
dttth of Christ there communicated to us ; but that 
dietdijr there was no adoration intended to the bread 
and win^ which was gross idolatry : nor did they 
ddnk the very flesh and Uood of Christ were there 
pesent ; since his body, according to the nature of 
iD other bodies, could be only in one place at once : 
aod so he, being now in heaven, could not be corpo- 
nlly present in the sacrament. This was by queen 
Elizabeth ordered to be left out of the Common 
Prayer Book ; since it might have given offence to 
some, otherwise inclinable to the communion of the 
church, who yet retained the belief of the corporal 
presence. But, since his present majesty's restora^ 
tioD, many having excepted to the posture, as ap- 
prehending something like idolatry or superstition 
might lie under it, if it were not rightly explained ; 
that explication which was given in king Edward's 
time was again inserted in the Common Prayer ^ 

For the posture, it is most likely that the first in- 
stitution was in the table-gesture, which was, lying 
along on one side. But it was apparent, in our Sa^ 
viour's practice, that the Jewish church had changed 
the posture of that institution of the passover, in 
whose room the eucharist came. For though Moses 
had appointed the Jews to eat their paschal lamb 


PART standing, with their loins girt, with staves in their 
hands, and shoes on their feet; yet the Jews did 

'^^^' afterwards change this into the common table-pos- 
ture : of which change, though there is no mention 
in the Old Testament, yet we see it was so in our 
Saviour's time; and since he complied vnth the 
common custom, we are sure that change was not 
criminal. It seemed reasonable to allow the Chris- 
tian church the like power in such things with the 
Jewish ; and as the Jews thought their coming into 
the promised land might be a warrant to lay aside 
the posture appointed by Moses, which became tra- 
vellers best ; so Christ being now exalted, it seemed 
fit to receive this sacrament with higher marks of 
outward respect than had been proper in the first 
institution, when he was in the state of humiliaticm, 
and his divine glory not yet so fuUy revealed. There- 
fore in the primitive church they received standing 
and bending their body, in a posture of adoration: 
but how soon that gesture of kneeling came in, is 
not so exactly observed, nor is it needful to know. 
But surely there is a great want of ingenuity in 
them that are pleased to apply these orders of some 
latter popes for kneeling at the elevation, to our 
kneeling : when ours is not at one such part, which 
might be more liable to exception, but during the 
whole oflSce; by which it is one continued act of 
worship, and the communicants kneel all the while. 
But of this no more needs to be said than is ex- 
pressed in the rubric, which occasioned this digres- 
Some or. Thus wcrc the reformations both of doctrine and 
to the idDg't worship prepared : to which all I can add of this 
cbapiains. y^^^ jg^ ^j^^j. ^jj^^g ^g^g gjx eminent preachers chosen 

w ; I L^ 



out to*be the Jdof^s chaplains m ordinary: two of book 
thoae were ahmjrs to attend at court ; and four to 


be sent over England to preabh and instruct the 
people. In the first year, two of these were to go 
into Wales, land the other two into Lancashire ; the 
next year, two into the marches of Scotland, and 
two into Yorkshire ; the third year, two into Devon- 
shiret and two into Hampshire ; and the fourth year, 
two into Norfolk, and two into Kent and Sussex : 
these were, Bill, Harlef, Pern, Orindal, Bradford, 
and Knox. These, it seems, were accounted the 
most jsealous and ready preachers of that time ; who 
were thus sent about as itinerants to supply the de- 
fiscls of the greatest part of the clergy, who were 
genendfy very &ulty. 

The business of the lady Mary was now taken uprbeiady 
with more heat than formerly. The emperor's eam-Jfn"!2d*to* 
est suit, that she might have mass in her house, ^j*.^J|^^ 
was long rejected : for it was said, that as the king<^^p«i- 
did not interpose in the matters of the emperor's 
government, so there was no reason for the emperor 
to meddle in his affiurs. Yet the state of England 
nuddng his friendship at that time necessary to the 
ting, and he refusing to continue in his league, un- 
less his kinswoman obtained that favour, it was pro- 
mised, that for some time, in hope she would reform, 
there should be a forbearance granted. The empe- 
ror's ambassadors pressed to have a license for it 
under the great seal : it was answered, that, being 
against law, it could not be done. Then they de- 
sired to have it certified under the king's hand in a 
letter to the emperor ; but even that was refusied : 
so that they only gave a promise for some time by 
word of mouth ; and Paget and Hobby, who had 

VOL. II. A a 


I'ART been the ambassadoTB with the emperar, dedued 

— ! they had spoke of it to him with the same limitt* 

l^^i* tions. But the emperor, who was accustomed tA 
take for absolute what was promised only under 
conditions, writ to the lady Mary, that he had an 
absolute promise for the free exercise of ber rdi» 
gion : and so she pretended this, when she was it 
any time questioned about it. The two groundi 
she went on were, that she would follow the andent 
and universal way of worship, and not a new inven* 
tion, that lay within the four seas: and that she 
would continue in that religion in which her £itber 
had instructed her. To this the king sent an an^ 
swer, telling her, that she was a part of this chorch 
and nation, and so must conform herself to the km 
of it ; that the way of worship now set up was no 
other than what was clearly consonant to the pait 
word of God ; and the king^s being young was not 
to be pretended by her, lest she might seem to agm 
with the late rebels. After this she was sent for to 
court, and pains were taken to instruct her better: 
but she refused to hear any thing, or to enter into 
any reasonings ; but said, she would still do as ibe 
had done. And she claimed the promise that wti 
said to be made to the emperor : but it was told beff 
that it was but temporary and conditionaL Where* 
upon the last summer she was designing to fly oot 
of England ; and the king of France gave sir John 
Mason, the English resident, notioe» that tb& TCS^^ 
of Flanders had hired one Sdp^^erus V-ko Aff*^ 
land on the coast of Essex, as iT ^^\ ^ xNS^"^ 
tual his ship, and was to have ^^W'^^^ ^ 

Upon this information, order w^*V /^^^\^^ 
to the coast ; so the design b^ng^K^ ^ ^ 


wAd hai ^ftele4» U vu certauily • fitrmgi ^vke 49Q4 
tmrry her vraj i wd no te«) Btnngv ifl t^g king's- 

inist«TB to biqdfir it, if there wag ot that time «ay ^^' 
mga fbrmed lo put her ^ ba- ^ucooanop : Svf if 
B bad Iwm beyond Reft at tie kisg'fl d^d>* it )« 
i probftble Uut abe miild baiw ewilj come to the 
nra. The «DiperQr*ii raibwwwiM' wliciied |<» b« 
ai«t^> and et^ be voukl preaently t«ke leBva, 
4 pnKeat, that they had broken thcar iaith t? his 
■fta: who would nwDt the usage of the Mr 
V7 OS Ughly as if it woe done iinqiediately tff 
twdf. The QQunsellors haviag no mind to draw 
mw w on their heads, «8pe«i«Hy from so viot(h 
im A ivinoe, were all mdined to kt the m«ttfr 
1< There was also a y^* cloth sent ovef ta 
ntwerp ; and ISOO quintals of powder, with a great 
^ e£ armour, bought there for the king's use, 
H not oome over. So it was thought by no means 
Iviaable to provoke the emperor, while they had 
1^ effects in his ports ; nor were they very wiU- 
g to give higher provocations to the next heir of 
p crowQ. Therefore they all advised the king not 
do more ip that matter at present, but to lettvQ 
4 lady Mary to her discretion ; who would cer-> 
inly he made more cautious by what she had met 
ith, and would give as little scandal as wap pos- 
ile by her mass. But the king could not bein-''''"^'"^'* 
loed to give way to it; for he thought the iiifw>g>in>tit. 
w impious wd idolatrous : so he would Qot cou- 
nt to the continuance of such a sin. Upon this 
« OQUpcil ordered Cranmer, Ridley, and Foinet, to 
icoupss about it with him- They t^ him. that 
was always b sia in a prince to permit any sin ; 
It to gire a connivuK», that is, not to punish, was 
A a 2 


PART not always a sin ; since sometimes a lesser evU con- 
nived at might prevent a greater. He was over- 

^^^^* come by this; yet not so easily, but that he burst 
forth in tears, lamenting his sister*^ obstinacy, and 
that he must suffer her to continue in so abominable 
a way of worship, as he esteemed the mass. So he 
answered the emperor's agents, that he should send 
over an ambassador to clear that matter. And Dr. 
Wotton was despatched about it ; who carried over 
attestations from all the council, concerning the qua- 
lifications of the promise that had been made : and 
was instructed to press the emperor not to trouble 
the king in his affairs at home in his own kingdom. 
If the lady Mary was his kinswoman, she was the 
king's sister and subject. He was also to offer, that 
the king would grant as much liberty for the mass 
in his dominions, as the emperor would grant for 
the English service in his dominions. But the em- 
peror pretended, that when her mother died, she left 
her to his protection, which he had granted her, and 
so must take care of her. And the emperor was so 
exalted with his successes, that he did not easOy 
bear any contradiction. But the council being far- 
ther offended with her for the project of going be- 
yond sea, and being now in less fear of the emperor, 
since they had made peace with France, resolved to 
look more nearly to her. And finding that Dr. Mal- 
let, and Barkley, her chaplains, had said mass in one 
of her houses, when she was not in it, they ordered 
them to he proceeded against. Upon which, in De- 
cember the last year, she writ earnestly to the coun- 
cil to let it fall. By her letter it appears, that Mal- 
let used to be sometimes at his benefice, where it is 
certain he could officiate no other way but in that 


ptescxibed by law: so, it aeems, his consdtece waa book 
not Tery scrupiiloiis. . The council writ a long an-— L« 
8wer» whidi,. bdntf in the style of a churchman, ^*^^^v 
seems to haire been penned either by Cranmer or«^ttoiiei 
Ridl^. In which letter they fully cleared the mat- 
tor, of the promise : then they shewed how express 
the law' was, with which they could not dispense; 
and how ill grounded her faith, as she called it, was. 
They asked her what warrant there was in scripture, 
that the prayers should be in an unknown tongue ; 
that images should be in the church ; or, that the 
sacrament should be (^ered up for the dead. . They 
told her, that, in all questions about religion, St. 
Auatin, and the other ancient doctors, appealed to 
flie acripture; and if she would look into these, she 
would soon see the errors of the old superstition, 
which were supported by false miracles and lying 
stories, and not by scripture, or good authority. 
They expressed themselves in terms full of submis- 
sion to her; but said, they were trusted with the 
execution of the king's laws, in which they must 
proceed equally. So they required her, if the chap- 
lains were in her house, to send them to the sheriff 
of Elssex. But, it seems, they kept out of the way, 
and so the matter slept till the banning of May 
this year, that Mallet was found, and put in the 
Tower, and convicted of his offence. Upon this 
there passed many letters between the council and 
ber; she earnestly desiring to have him set at li- 
boty, and they as positively refusing to do it. 

In July the council sent for Rochester, Inglefield, 
and Wialgrave, three of her chief officers ; and gave 
them instructions to signify the king's express plea- 
sure to her, to have the new service in her family ; 



PART and to give the like duDge to her i lMi|iriiB, and il 
--— i — her aenrants; and to retam wkk ma amwcr. h 


'^^'' August they came back» and aaid, ahe was amdi m- 
disposed, and received the message l e i j r gii e i wul y. 
She said» she would obey the king in all tfaii^ ci- 
cept where her conscience was toucbcd: hut dc 
charged them to deliver none of their mange to 
the rest of her family ; in which thqr bong her ffP- 
vants could not disobey her, eapecially when th^ 
thought it might prejudice her health. Upon ^ 
And scot they were sent to the Tower. The lord dumoeBorf 
her. sir Ant. Wingfield, and sir William Petr^ were neit 
sent to her, with a letter from the king^ and instrao* 
tions from the council, for the charge thej wereto 
give to her and her senrants. They came to fctf 
house of Copthall in Essex. The Iwd dumodkr 
gave her the king's letter, whidh she received on to 
knees ; and said, she paid that respect to the king^ 
hand, and not to the mattor of the lett^*, which die 
knew proceeded from the council: and when die 
read it, she said, Ak ! Mr. Cecil tofJk muck pmnt 
here : (he was then secretary of stote in Dr. Wot- 
ton's room.) So she turned to the counseUors, and 
bid them deliver their message to her. She wished 
them to be short, for she was not well at ease ; and 
would give them a short answer, having writ to 
mind plainly to the king with her own hand. Hie 
lord chancellor told her, that all the council were of 
one mind, that she must be no longer suffered to 
have privato mass, or a form of religion different 
' from what was established by law. He went to 
read the names of those who were of that mind; 
it she desired him to spare his pains, she knew 
were all (tf a sort. They neart told lier» tfaey 


PART her better for her father's sake, who had raised them 
' almost out of nothing. But though the emperor 

1551. ^ere dead, or would bid her obey them, she would 
not change her mind ; and she would let his ambas- 
sador know how they used her. To this they an- 
swered, clearing the mistake about the promise, to 
which she gave little heed. They told her, they 
had brought one down to serve as her comptroller 
in Rochester's room : she said, she would choose her 
own servants ; and if they went to impose any on 
her, she would leave the house. She was sick, but 
would do all she could to live ; but if she died, she 
would protest they were the causes of it : they gave 
her good words, but their deeds were evil. Thai 
she took a ring from her finger, and on her knees 
gave it to the lord chancellor, to give to the king as 
a token from her, with her humble commendations; 
and protested much of her duty to him; but she 
said, this will never be told him. The counsellors 
went from her to her chaplains, and delivered their 
message to them, who promised they would obej. 
Then they charged the rest of the servants in like 
manner, and also commanded them to give notice 
if those orders were broken : and so they went to 
go away. But as they were in the court, the lady 
Mary called to them from her window, to send her 
comptroller to her ; for she said, that now she her- 
self received the accounts of her house, and knew 
how many loaves were made of a bushel of meal, to 
which she had never been bred, and so was weary 
of that office ; but if they would needs send him to 
prison, she said, I beshrew him if he go not to it 
merrily, and with a good- will; and concluded, I 
pray God to send you to do well in your souls and 


Jbodiest for some irf joa have Imt weak bodies. This book 
is the sribstanoe of the report these coiiDseUors gave 

when thejr letumed baek to the court on the 89th ^^^* 
of August. Bj which they were now out of all 
hopes of jnerailing with her by persuasions or au- 
thority: so it was next considered, whether it was 
fit to go to further extremities with her. How the 
matter was determined, I do not clearly find : it is 
certain the lady Mary would never admit of the new 
serrioe, and so I bdieve riie continued to keep heat 
friests, and have mass; but so secretly, that there 
was no ground fiolr any puUic complaint. For I find 
no Afftber motion dp that matter than what is msdt 
bf Bidleyy <^ a passage that befell him in September 
sext year. 

He went to wait on her, she living then at Huns« Nor would 

den : where she received him at first civilly, and told tbop ^dky 

hini|, she remembered of him in her father's time ; ^^^'^^ 

and at dinner sent him to dine with her officers. 

After dinner he told her, he came not only to do his 

Mtj to her, but to offer to preach before her next 

Sunday : she blushed, and once or twice desired him 

to make the answer to that himself. But when he 

pressed her further, she said, the parish church would 

be open to him, if he had a mind to preach in it ; 

bat neither she, nor any of her family, should hear 

bim. He said, he hoped she would not refuse to 

hear GhNi's word : she said, she did not know what 

they called Grod's word ; but she was sure that was 

not now God's word that was called so in her father's 

dajrs. He said, God's word was the same at all times. 

She answered, she was sure he durst not for his ears 

have avowed these things in her father's time, which 

he did now: and for their books, as, she thanked 


^ART God^ she nerer had, so she never wofuld md them. 
' She also used tnanj re)iroachfiil words to hinit and 
^^^'- asked him, if he was of the council. He said not 
Bhe replied, he might well enough be, as the council 
goes nowadays; and so dismissed hinit thanking 
him fbr coming to see her, but not at all for offerii^ 
^ preach before her! Sir Thomas Wharton^ one of 
her officers, carried him to a place where he desired 
him to drink ; which Ridley did : but, reflectiiig on 
it, said, he had done amiss, to drink in a place where 
God's word was rejected ; for if he had remembered 
his duty, he should upon that reftisal have ahaken 
the dust off his feet fbr a testimony against the houses 
and have departed immediately. These words he 
was observed to pronounce with an extraordinary 
concern, and went away much troubled in his mind. 
And this is all I find of the lady Mary during tidi 
reign. For the lady Elizabeth, she had been alwayi 
bred up to like the reformation; and Dr. Pteker, 
who had been her mother's chaplain, received a strict 
charge fVom her mother, a little before her death, ta 
look well to the instructing her daughter in the prin- 
ciples of true religion : so that there is no doubt (0 
be made of her cheerful receiving all the changes 
that had been established by law. 
Thedetignt And this is all that concerns religion that fidb 
of wL^k. within this year. But now a design came to be 

which, though it broke not out for some time, yet it 
was believed to have had a great influence on the 
£Edl of the duke of Somerset. The earl of Warwick 
began to form great projects for himself, and thought 
to bring the crown into his family. The kii^^ was 
now much alienated from the lady Mary ; the privy^ 
council had also embroiled themselves so with her, 


PART which they had a violent desire ; but if it tock them 

' not off in twenty-four hours, they did sweat out the 

1551. venom of the distemper : which raged so in LondoD, 
that in one week eight hundred died of it. It did 
also spread into the country, and the two sons of 
Charles Brandon by his last wife, both dukes of Suf- 
folk, died within a day one of another, and both lie 
buried in the church of Brandon, they dying in the 
bishop's house. So that title was Mien. Their sis- 
ter by the half blood was married to Gray, lord mar- 
quis of Dorset : so she being the eldest daughter to 
the French queen, the earl of Warwick resolved to 
link himself to that fomily, and to procure the ho- 
nour of the dukedom of Suffolk to be given the mar- 
quis of Dorset, who was a weak man, and easily go- 
verned. He had three daughters: the eldest was 
Jane, a lady of as excellent qualities as any of that 
age ; of great parts, bred to learning, and much ctm- 
versant in scripture ; and of so rare a temper of mind, 
that she charmed all who knew her : in particular 
the young king, about whom she was bred, and who 
had always lived with her in the familiarities of a 
brother. The earl of Warwick designed to many 
her to Guilford, his fourth son then living, his three 
elder being already married ; and ^o to get the crown 
to descend on them, if the king should die, of which 
it is thought he resolved to take care. But appre- 
hending some danger from the lady Elizabeth's title, 
he intended to send her away: so an ambassador 
was despatched to Denmark, to treat a marriage for 
The king her with that king's eldest son. 

treats with i i • i • ••/» 

the French To amusc the king himself, a most splendid em- 
mal^i^e* bassy was sent to France, to propose a marriage for 
J^JJhiV the king to that kmg's daughter Elizabeth, after- 


wards nuDTied to PliSip of l^sin. • The marquis of book 
Northampton watf sent with this proposition, and ^ 

with the order of the garter. With him went the i^^'* 
earb of Worcester, Rutland, and Ormond ; the lords 
Lisle, Fitzwater, Bray, Abergaveny, and Evers ; and 
the bishop of Ely, who was to be their mouth : with 
Aem went many gentlemen of quality, who^ with 
their train, made up near five hundred. King Henry 
received the garter with great expressions of esteem 
ftr the king. The bishop of Ely told him, They 
were come to desire a more close tie between these 
crowns by marriage, and to have the league made 
firaier between them in other particulars. To which 
the cardinal of Lorrain made answer in his way of 
ipeaking, which was always vain, and full of osten- 
tation. A commission was given to that cardinal, 
ihe constable, the duke of Guise, and others, to treat 
about it. 

The English began first, for form's sake, to desire 
the queen of Scots. But that being rejected, they 
moved for the daughter of France, which was enter- 
tabed ; but so that neither party should be bound 
m honour and conscience till the lady were twelve 
years of age. Yet this never taking effect, it is 
needless to enlarge further about it; of which the 
reader will find all the particulars in king Edward's 
Journal. The king of France sent another very 
ooUe embassy into England, with the order of St. 
[ Michael to the king, and a very kind message, that 
he had no less love to him than a father could bear 
to his own son. He desired the king would not 
' listen to the vain rumours, which some malicious 
persons might raise to break their friendship ; and 
wished there might be such a regulation on their 


FART iroiitiera, that all differences might be anuctfafy i^ 
moved To this the young king made answer 


ddl, ** That he thanked his good brother for his o^ 
** der, and for the assurances of his love, which he 
^< would always requite. For rumours, they were 
*^ not always to be credited, nor always to be re* 
'Ejected; it being no less vain to fear all thii^ 
<< than it was dangerous to doubt of nothing : and 
^^ Sat any differences that might arise, he should be 
'^ always ready to determine them by reason rather 
'^ than force, so far as his honour should not be thersf 
*^ by diminished." Whether this answer was pre^ 
pared beforehand, or not, I cannot tell; I rather 
think it was : otherwise it was extraordinary for ooe 
of fourteen to talk thus on the sudden. 
A coiMpU But while all this was carrying on, there was s 
th7<ha!^o? design laid to destroy the duke of Somerset. He 
Somenet. |^^^ ^^^^^ access to the king, and such freedoms with 

him, that the earl of Warwick had a mind to be rid 
of him, lest he should spoil all his projects. The 
duke of Somerset seemed also to have designed in 
April this year to have got the king again in his 
power : and dealt with the, lord Strange, that waa 
much in his iavour, to persuade him to marry hit 
daughter Jane ; and that he would advertise him of 
all that passed about the king. But the earl of War- 
wick, to raise himself and all his friends higher^ pro- 
cured a great creation of new honours. Gray wsa 
made duke of Suffolk, and himself duke of Norths 
umberland ; for Henry Piercy, the last earl of North- 
umberland, dying without issue, his next heirs were 
the sons of Thomas Piercy, that had been attainted 
in the last reign for the Yorkshire rebellion. Paulet, 
then lord treasurer, and earl of Wiltshire, was made 


anqnis of WindieBter; and sir WiUumi Herbert^ «ook 
that had married the marquia of Northampton'i ' 

mter, was made earl oi Pembroke. The lord Ruaad ^^^' 
had been made earl of Bed£9rd last year, upon hit 
letam from making the peace with the French ; sir 
Thomas Daicy had also been made lord Darcy. The 
new duke of Northumberland could no longer bear 
foch a rival in his greatness as the duke of Somerset 
waa, who was the only person that he thought could 
take the king out oi his hands. So on the 17th 
of October the duke was apprehended, and sent to 
the Tower ; and with him the lord Gray ; sir Ralph 
Vane» who had escaped over the riyer, but was taken 
in a stable in Lambeth, hid under the straw: sir 
Thomas Palmer, and sir Thomas Anmdel, were also 
taken ; yet not sent at first to the Tower, but kept 
onder guards in their chambers. Some of his fol^^ 
bwers, Hamond, Nudigate, and two of the Seimours, 
were sent to prison. The day after, the duchess of 
Somerset was also sent to the Tower, with one Crane 
and his wife, that had been much about her, and two 
of her chamber-women. After these, sir Thonms 
Hddcroft, sir Miles Partridge, sir Michael Stanhop, 
Wingfield, Bannister, and Vaughan, were all made 
prisoners. The evidence against the duke was, that 
he had made a party for getting himself declared 
protector in the next parliament : which the earl oi 
Rutland did positively affirm ; and the duke did so 
answer it, that it is probable it was true. But though 
this might well inflame his enemies, yet it was no 
crime. But sir Thomas Palmer, though imprisoned 
with him as a complice, was the person that ruined 
him. He had been before that brought secretly to 
the king, and had told him, that on the last St. 


PART George's day, the duke, apprehending there was mii- 
^^' chief designed against him, thought to have raised 

1551. the people, had not sir William Herbert assured him 
he should receive no harm : that lately he intended 
to have the duke of Northumberland, the marquis 
of Northampton, and the earl of Pembroke, invited 
to dinner at the lord Paget's ; and either to have set 
on them by the way, or to have killed them at din- 
ner; that sir Ralph Vane had two thousand men 
ready, that sir Thomas Arundel had assured tlie 
Tower, and that all the gendarmourie were to be 
killed. The duke of Somerset, hearing Palmer had 
been with the king, challenged him of it ; but he de- 
nied all. He sent also for secretary Cecil, and told 
him, he suspected there was an ill design against 
him : to which the secretary answered, if he were 
not in fault, he might trust to his innocency ; but 
if he were, he had nothing to say but to lamoit 

le king is All this was told the king with such circumstances, 

i^fnT that he was induced to believe it ; and the probity of 
his disposition wrought in him a great aversion to 
his uncle, when he looked on him as a conspirator 
against the lives of the other counsellors : and so he 
resolved to leave him to the law. Palmer, being a 
second time examined, said, that sir Ralph Vane 
was to have brought two thousand men, who, with 
the duke of Somerset's one hundred horse, were on a 
muster-day to have set on the gendarmourie : that 
being done, the duke resolved to have gone through 
the city, and proclaimed Liberty, liberty ! and if his 
attempt did not succeed, to have fled to the Isle of 
Wight, or to Pool. Crane confirmed all that Palmer 
had said : to which he added, that the earl of Arun- 


dd was pvify to the eonspiraqr; and that the thing boo 

hmdi been ezecotedybut that the greatness of the en- 

terpvJse had caused delays, and sometimes diversity ^^^' 
of advice ; and that the duke, being once given out 
to be flickt had gone privately to London, to see what 
friends he could make. Hamond, bein^ examined, 
e on fc a s ed nothing, but that the duke's chamber at 
Greenwich had been guarded in the night by many 
armed men. Upon this evidence both the earl of 
Anmdd and the hnd Paget were sent to the Tower. 
Tbe earl had been one of the chief of those who had 
lofawd with the earl of Warwick to pull down the 
protector'^ and being, as he thought, ill rewarded by 
Ubi» was become his enemy : so this part of the in- 


tBrmatiaii seemed very crediUe. The thing lay in h« ^ 
suspense till the first of December, that the duke of hu trui. 
Somerset was brought, to his trial ; where the mar- 
qsis of Winchester was lord steward. The peers 
that judged him were twenty-seven in number : the 
[ dykes of Sufiblk and Northumberland ; the marquis 
if Northampton ; the earls of Derby, Bedford, Hunt- 
ington, Rutland, Bath, Sussex, Worcester, P^n- 
hroke; and the viscount of Hereford; the lords 
Abeigaveny, Audley, Wharton, Evers, Latimer, 
Borough, Souch, Stafford, Wentworth, Darcy, Stur- 
toD, Windsor, Cromwell, Cobham, and Bray. The 
crimes laid against him were cast into five several in- 
dictments, as the king has it in his Journal : but the 
iBcord mentions only three : whether indictments or 
artides is not so clear. That he had designed to 
have seized on the king's person, and so have go- 
verned all affairs ; and that he, with one hundred 
others, intended to have imprisoned the earl of War- 
wick, afterwards duke of Northumberland ; and that 

VOL. II. B b 



PART he had designed to hare raised an iDsurrection in tiie 

'■ — city of London . Now, by the act that passed in the. 

' last parliament, if twelve persons should have assess 
bled together to have killed any privy counselior, 
and upon proclamation they had not dispersed them- 
selves, it was treason : or if such twelve had been hf. 
any malicious artihce brought together for any riot, 
and being warned did not disperse themselves, it 
was felony, without benefit of clergy or sanctuary. 
It seemed very strange that the three peers, Nortb> 
umberland, Northampton, and Pembroke, who were 
his professed enemies, and against the first of whom 
it was pretended in the indictment that he had 
conspired, should sit his judges; for though by the 
law no peer can be challenged in a trial, yet the 
law of nations, that is superior to all other laws, 
makes, that a maA cannot be judge in his 'own 
cause: and, which was very unusual, the lord chan- 
cellor, though then a peer, was left out of the num- 
ber; but it is like the reconciliation between the 
duke of Somerset and him was then suspected, which 
made him not be called to be one of his judges. 

The duke of Somerset being, it seems, little ac- 
quainted with law, did not desire counsel to plead ix 
assist him in point of law ; but only answered to 
matters of fact. He prefaced, that he desired no adr 
vantage might be taken against him for any idle or. 
angry word that might have at any time fallen from 
him. He protested he never intended to have raised 
the northern parts ; but had only, upon some reports^ , 
sent to sir \Mlliam Herbert to be his friend : that 


, but had only 
t it: Uul 


le desi^ of destrOTing tbe gendannerie, it wai aooc 

iloiu to think that he with a small troop could '■ 

>y so strong a body of men, consisting of nine '^^'* 
red; in which though he had succeeded^ it 

hara signified nothing : that he never designed 
se anj stirs in London, but had always looked 

as a jdace where he was most safe : that his 
:g men about him in Greenwich was with no -ill 
D, unce, when he could have done mischief with 
, be had not done it, but upon his attachment 
!red himself a prisoner without anj resistance. 
Igected also many things against the witnesses, 
lesired they might be brought face to &ce : he 
imlarly spake much against sir Thomas Palmer, 
chief witness : but the witnesses were not 
;ht, only their examinations were read. Upon 
he king's council pleaded against him, that to 
war was certainly treason ; that to gather men 

intention to kill privy counsellors was also 
m : that to have men about him to resist the 
iimeDt was felony ; and to assault the lords, or 
iv^ their deaths, was felony. Whether he made 
efence in law, or not, does not appear : for the 
iai defence is not mentioned in all the accounts 
• seen of it ; which was, that these con^iracies, 
ttherings of the king's subjects, were only trea- 
; and felonious after they had been required to 
e themselves, and had refused to give obedi- 
and in all this matter, that is never so much 
led, no, not in the indictment itself to have 
>ne. It is plain it was not done ; for if any 
■oclamation or charge had been sent him, it is 
le he would either have obeyed it, or gone 
mdon* or -to the country, and tried what he 

Bb2 .^ 


ART could have done by force ; but to hare refined mA 
_: a command, and so to have come witlnn the guilt d 

^^^* treason, and yet not to stir firom his house, are not 
things consistent. 

When the peers withdrew, it seems the proofii 
about his design of raising the north, or the atj, or 
of the killing the gendarmes, did not satisfy them: 
for all these had been without question treagonslfe 
So they only held to that point, of conspiring to in- 
prison the duke of Northumberiand. If he, with 
twelve men about him, had conspired to do that, wai 
had continued together after proclamation, it im 
certainly felony : but that not being pretended, it 
seems there was no proclamation made. The dub 
of Suffolk was of opinion, that no contention amflsg 
private subjects should be on any account screwed 
up to be treason. The duke of Northumberisni 
said, he would never consent that any practioe 
Id is ac- against him should be reputed treason. After a 
^^^botgre^t difference of opinion, they all acquitted him of 
liu of treason : but the greater number found him gniltj 
(>°7- of felony. When they returned him not guilty of 
treason, all the people, who were much concerned 
for his preservation, shouted for joy so loud and so 
long, that they were heard at Charing-Cross. But 
the joy lasted not long, when they heard that he was 
condemned of felony, and sentence was thereupon 
given that he should die as a felon. 

The duke had carried himself all the while of the 
trial with great temper and patience : and though 
the king's counsel had, in their usual way of plead- 
ing, been very bitter against him, perhaps the ra- 
ther, that thereby they might recommend themsdves 
to tiie duke of Northumberland ; yet he never took 



notioe of these zefleetioiis, nor seem^ nrach affected book 
wiA them. When s^tenoe was given, he thanked 

a^ lords for their £ivour» and asked pardon of the ^^^'^ 
duke of Northumberknd, N(»thampton, and Pem^ 
broke^ for his ill intentions against them ; and made 
siiS for his life, and for his wife and children. From 
tlience he was carried back to the Tower. Whether 
tfan asking the lords' pardon had in it a full confeSf 
mm of the crime chained on him, or was only a com- 
pfiment to then, that they mi^t not obstruct his 
pinrdoiiy is bat a matter of conjecture. He confessed 
he had spoken of killing them, and this made it reaf> 
. flonafale enough for him to ask their pardon ; so that 
\ it does not imply a confession of the crime. All peo^ 
^ thought, that being acquitted of treason, and 
fliere being no felonious action done by him, but 
only an intention of one, and that only of imprison- 
ing a peer, proved ; that one so nearly joined to the 
[ king in blood would never be put to death on such 
|f an occasion. But, to possess the king much against 
Idm, a story was brought him, and put by him in his 
Journal, that, at the duke's coming to the Tower, he 
had confessed, that he had hired one Bartuile to kill 
ttie lords ; and that Bartuile himself acknowledged 
it; and that Hammond knew of it. But whether 
this was devised to alienate the king wholly from 
Um, or whether it was true, I can give no assurance. 
But though it was true, ft was felony in Bartuile, if 
he were the king's servant; but not in the duke, 
iriio was a peer. Yet no doubt this gave the king a 
rerj ill opinion of his uncle, and so made him more 
easily consent to his execution : since all such con- see the in- 
qarades are things of that inhuman and barbarous coke't 
cruelty^ that it is scarce possible to punish them too foi. ^l 



PART severely. But it is certain, that there was no evi- 

' dence at all of any design to kill the duke of North- 

^^^^' umberland ; otherwise the indictment had not been 
laid against him, only for deagning to seize on and 
imprison him, as it was ; the conspiring to kill him 
not being so much as mentioned in the indictment : 
but it was maliciously given out to possess the world, 
and chiefly the king, against him. 

The king also, in his letter to Bamaby Fits- 
Patrick, who was like to be his favourite, and was 
then sent over for his breeding into France, writ, 
that the duke seemed to have acknowledged the 
felony ; and that after sentence he had confessed it, 
though he had formerly vehemently sworn the con- 
trary : from whence it is plain, that the king was 
Some of persuaded of his being guilty. Sir Michael Stanhqib 
ftUo'^n. sir Thomas Arundel, sir Ralph Vane, and sir Miks 
demned. partridge, were next brought to their trials. The 
first and the last of these were little pitied. For as 
all great men have people about them, who make use 
of their greatness only for their own ends, without 
regarding their master's honour or true interest, so 
they were the persons upon whom the ill things 
which had been done by the duke of Somerset were 
chiefly cast. But sir Thomas Arundel was much 
pitied, and had hard measure in his trial, which 
began at seven o'clock in the morning, and con- 
tinued till noon : then the W went adde. and they 
did not agree on their verdict till next morning, 
when those who thought him not guilty, yet, for 
preserving their own lives, were willing to yield to 
the fierceness of those who were resolved to have 
him found guilty. Sir Ralph Vane was the most 
lamented of them all. He had done gveat services 


in the wan, and was esteemed one of the bravest book 

gentlemen of die nation. He pleaded for himself, 

that he had done his country considerable service ^^^'* 
during the wars ; though now, in time of peace, the 
towaid and the courageous were equally esteemed. 
He scorned to make any submissions for life. But 
this height of mind in him did certainly^ set forward 
Ins condemnation : and, to add more infamy to him 
in the manner of his death, he and Partridge were 
hwged, whereas the other two were beheaded. 

The duke of Somerset was using means to have The te&it 
the king better informed and disposed towards him,^^^ 
and engaged the lord chancdlor to be his friend t'^"'^^' 
who thereupon sent him an advertisement of some^ 
what designed against him by the council, and, being 
in haste, writ only on the back of his letter. To the 
duke ; and bid one of his servants carry it to the 
Tower, without giving him particular directions to 
the duke of Somerset. But his servant, having known 
of the familiarities between his master and the duke 
of Norfolk, who was still in the Tower, and knowing 
none between him and the other duke^ carried the 
letter to the duke of Norfolk. When the lord chan- 
ceDor found the mistake at night, he knew the duke 
of Norfdk, to make Northumberland his friend, 
I would certainly discover him; so he went in all 
haste to the king, and desired to be discharged of 
lus office, and thereby prevented the malice of his 
enemies : and upon this he fell sick, either pretend- 
ing he Was ill, that it might raise the more pity for 
him, or perhaps the fright in which he was did really 
cast him into sickness. So the seal was sent for by 
the'marquis of Winchester, the duke of Northumber- 
landy and the lord Darcy, on the 21st of December, 

B b 4 


PART and put into the hands of the bishop of Efy, who was 
made keeper during pleasure ; and when the session 

And^^^n ^^ p&rliament came on, he was made lord chancellor. 
to the bi- But this was much censured : when the reformation 
' ^'^ was first preached in England, Tindal, Bams, and 
Latimer took an occasion, from the great pomp and 
luxury of cardinal Wolsey^ and the secular employ* 
ments of the other bishops and clergymen, to repte- 
sent them as a sort of men that had wholly n^lected 
the care of souls, and those spiritual studies and ex- 
ercises that disposed men to such functions; and 
only carried the names of bishops and churchmen to 
be a colour to serve their ambition and covetousnesL 
And this had raised great prejudices in the minds of 
the people against those who were called their pas- 
tors, when they^ saw them fill their heads with cares 
that were at least impertinent to their callings, if not 
inconsistent with the duties that belonged to than. 
So now, upon Goodrick's being made lord chancellor, 
that was a reformed bishop, it was said by their ad- 
versaries, these men only condemned secular employ- 
ments in the hands of churchmen, because their ene- 
mies had them ; but changed their mind as soon as 
any of their own party came to be advanced to them. 
But as Goodrick was raised by the popish interest, in 
opposition to the duke of Somerset, and to Cranmer, 
that was his firm friend; so it appeared, in the be- 
ginning of queen Mary's reign, that he was ready to 
turn with every tide : and that, whether he joined 
in the reformation only in compliance to the time, 
or was persuaded in his mind concerning it; yet 
he had not that sense of it that became a bishop, 
and was one of these who resolved to make as much 
advantage by it as he could, but would suffer no- 


tlttBg ftr ifc. Sa lus ptactioe in this: matter is nd- Boas 
ther a pvecedoit to juMify the Uke ia others^ nor 

con it cairt a scandal on those to whom he joined him-^ ^^^^ 

setf. Christ, being spdce to to divide an inherit* 

anoe between two brethren, said. Who made me a 

jm4g0 or a divider f 8t Paul, speaking of church* 

mep, says, No man that warreth eniangleth himself 

with the qffaire qfthisU^: which was understood 

hf&L Cyprian as a perpetual rule against the secular 

empkyments o£ the dergy. There are three of the 

qiortelical canons against it t and Cyprian, reckon* 

11^ up the snui of his time, that had prov(A:ed'God 

to aeiid a persecution <m the church, names thist 

tiiat many bishops, finrsaking their sees, undertook 

secolar cares. In which he was so strict, that he 

thoi^ht tiie being tutor to orphans was a distraction 

unsuitable to their character: so that one priest 

karing anotiier tutor to his children, because by the 

Roman law he to whom this was left was obliged to 

UDdeigo it, the priest's name who made that testa* 

ment was appointed to be struck out of the list of 

those churchmen who had died in the faith, and 

were remembered in the daily offices. Samosatenus 

k represented as one of the first eminent churchmen 

that involved himself much in secular cares. UpoQ 

the emperors' turning Christian, it was a natural 

effect of their conversion for them to cherish the 

Ushc^ much : and many of the bishops became so 

mudi in love with the court and public employi- 

BMnts, that canons were made against their going to 

court, unless they ware called ; and the canaUs^ or 

road to the court, was kept by the bishop of Rome, 

so that none might go without his warrant. Their 

meddling, in secular matters was also condemned kt 


PART many provincial councils, but most cc^nously and 
amply by the general council at Chalcedon. It is 

^^^'- true, the bishops had their courts for the arbitration 
of civil differences ; which were first begun upon St. 
Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians, against their going 
to law before unbelievers, and for submitting their 
suits to some among themselves. The reasons of this 
ceased when the judges in the civil courts were be- 
come Christians ; yet these episcopal audiences w&e 
still continued after Constantine's time, and thdr 
jurisdiction was sometimes enlarged, and someiiines 
abridged, as there was occasion given. St. Austin, 
and many other holy bishops, grew weary e?en 
of that, and found that the hearing of causes, as it 
took up much of their time, so filled their heads 
with thoughts of another nature than what property 
belonged to them. 

The bishops of Rome and Alexandria, taking ad* 
vantage from the greatness and wealth of their sees, 
began first to establish a secular principality of the 
church: and the confusions that fell out in Italy 
after the fifth century gave the bishops of Rome 
great opportunities for it, which they improved to 
the utmost advantage. The revolutions in Spain 
gave a rise to the Spanish bishops meddling much 
in all civil matters. And when Charles the Great 
and his son had given great territories and large ju- 
risdictions to many sees and monasteries, bishops 
and abbots came after that not only to have a share 
in all the public councils of most of the states of Ehi- 
rope, to which their lands gave them a right, but to 
be chiefly employed in all affairs and offices' of state. 
The ignorance of these ages made this in a manner 
necessary: and church preferments were given as 


rewards to men who had served in the state in emr 900i 

bassiesy or in thdr prince's courts df justice. So that — 1— 

it was no wonder, if men advanced upon that merit ^^^^* 

continued in their former method and course of life. 

Thus the bishops became, for the greatest part, only 

a sort of men who went in peculiar habits, and upon 

some high festivities performed a few offices: but 

fdtf the pastoral care, and all the duties incumbent 

cm them, they were universally neglected ; and that 

seriousness, that abstraction from the wcndd, that 

i^lication to study and religious exercises, and 

duefly the care of souk, which became their func- 

tkm, seemed inconsistent with that course of life 

whidi secular cares faroi^ht on men who pursued 

them. Nor was it easy to persuade the world, that 

their pastors did very much aspire to heaVen, when 

they were thrusting themselves so indecently into 

the courts of princes, or ambitiously pretending to 

the administration of matters of state : and it was 

always observed, that churchmen who assumed to 

themselves employments, and an authority that was 

eccentric to their callings, suffered so much in that 

esteem, and lost so much of that authority, which of 

right belonged to their character and office. 

But to go on with the series of affairs. There 
was all possible care taken to divert and entertain 
the king's mind with pleasing sights, as will appear 
Inr his Journal : which, it seems, had the effect that 
was desired ; for he was not much concerned in his 
UDde's preservation. 

An order was sent for the beheading of the duke 
of Somerset on the 22d of January, on which day he 
was brought to the place of execution on Tower-hill. 
His whole deportment was very composed, and no 


PART way changed from what it had ordinarily been: he 
first kneeled down, and prayed ; and thea he spake 

^^^** to the people in these words : 
rhe doke '^ Dearly beloved friends, I am brought here to 
et^tl^'ch '' suffer death, albeit that I never offended against 
uttoQ***" " *^^ *^°S neither by word nor deed ; and have been 
<' always as faithful and true to tiiis realm^ as any 
« man hath been. But for so much as I am by law 
*' condemned to die, I do acknowledge myself as 
^ well as others, to be subject thereto. Wherefoii^ 
^* to testify my obedience which I owe unto the 
*' laws, I am come hither to suffer death ; where- 
** unto I willingly offer myself, with most hearty 
<< thanks to Grod, that hath given me this time of 
*' repentance ; who might through sudden death 
^' have taken away my life^ that neither I should 
have acknowledged him, nor myself. Moreover 
there is yet somewhat that I must put you in 
mind of, as touching Christian religion; which, 
so long as I was in authority, I always diligently 
*^ set forth^ and furthered to my power : neither r&- 
** pent I me of my doings, but rejoice therein, sith 
<' that now the state of Christian religion cometh 
<< most near unto the form and order of the primi- 
^^ tive church ; which thing I esteem as a great 
** benefit given of God both to you and me ; most 
<< heartily exhorting you all, that this, which is most 
^* purely set forth to you, you will with like thank- 
'^ fulness accept and embrace, and set out the same 
in your living : which thing if you do not, without 
doubt greater mischief and calamity will follow.** 
When he had gone so far, there was an extraordi- 
nary noise heard, as if some house had been blown 
up with gunpowder ; which frighted all the peo|dt, 




80 that many nm awaj, they knew not for what : book 

and the relator, who tarried still, says, it brought 

into his remembrance the astonishment that the ^^^'' 
band was in that came to take our Saviour, who 
thereupon fell backwards to the ground. At the 
same time sur Anthony Brown came riding towards 
the scaffold, and they all hoped he had brought a 
pardon ; upon which there was a general shouting. 
Pardon, pardon, Crod save the king; many throw- 
ing up their caps; by which the duke might well 
perceive how dear he was to the people. But as 
soon as these disorders were over, he made a sign 
to them with his hand to compose themselves, and 
then went on in his speech thus : 

^ Dearly beloved friends, there is no such matter 
**here in hand, as you vainly hope or believe. It 
^ seemeth thus good unto Almighty God, whose or- 
^dinance it is meet and necessary that we all be 
<< obedient to. Wherefore I pray you all to be 
" quiet, and to be contented with my death ; which 
^ I am most willing to suffer. And let us now join 
^ in ipthjet to the Lord for the preservation of the 
^ king^s majesty, unto whom hitherto I have always 
^ showed myself a most faithfol and firm subject. I 
" have always been most diligent about his majesty, 
''in his affairs both at home and abroad; and no 
^ less diligent in seeking the common commodity of 
^ the whole realm ; (upon this the people cried out, 
*^ft was most true;) unto whose majesty I wish 
''continual health, with all felicity, and all pros- 
" perous success. Moreover, I do wish unto all his 
" counsellors the grace and favour of God, whereby 
'^ they may rule in all things uprightly with justice : 
'' unto whom I exhort you all in the Lord to show 



PART ^yourselves obedient^ as it is your bounden dxsbf^ 

' '< under the pain of condemnation ; and also most 

] 55 1 . it profitable for the preservation and safi^uard of 
*' the king^s majesty. Moreover, for as much as 
^^ heretofore I have had affairs with divers men, and 
^< hard it is to please every man, therefore, if there 
have been any that have been offended or injured 
by me, I most humbly require and ask him for- 
giveness; but especially Almighty Ood, whom, 
throughout all my life, I have most grievously 
** offended : and all other whatsoever they be that 
*' have offended me, I do with my whole heart for- 
** give them." Then he desired them to be quiet, lest 
their tumults might trouble him ; and said, '< Albeit 
^^ the spirit be willing and ready, the flesh is frail 
** and wavering ; and through your quietness I shall 
*^ be much more quieter. Moreover, I desire you 
^^ all to bear me witness, that I die here in the faith 
** of Jesus Christ, desiring you to help me with your 
** prayers, that I may persevere constant in the same 
" to my life's end." 
Hit death ; Then Dr. Cox, who was with him on the scaffold, 
put a paper in his hand, which was a prayer he had 
prepared for him. He read it on his knees ; then he 
took leave of all about him, and undressed himself 
to be fitted for the axe. In all which there ap- 
peared no change in him, only his face was a little 
ruddier than ordinary: he continued calling. Lard 
Jesus^ save me^ till the executioner severed his head 
from his bodv. 
And cba- Thus fell the duke of Somerset : a person of great 
virtues, eminent for piety, humble and affable in his 
greatness, sincere and candid in all his transactions. 
He was a better captain than a counsellor ; had been 


oft successful in his undertakings, was always care- book 



fill of the poor and oppressed; and, in a word, had— 
as many virtues, and as few faults, as most great ^^^^* 
men, eqiecially when they were so unexpectedly ad- 
^vanced, have ever had. It was generally believed, 
that all this pretended conspiracy, upon which he 
was condemned^ was only a forgery : for both Pal- 
mer and Crane, the chief witnesses, were soon after 
discharged; as were also Bartuile and Hamond^ 
with all the rest that had been made prisoners <m 
the pretence of this plot And the duke of North- 
umberland continued after that in so dose a friend-^ 
ship with Palmer, that it was generally believed be 
had been corrupted to betray him. And indeed the 
not bringing the witnesses into the court, but only 
the depositions, and the parties sitting judges, gave 
great occasion to condemn the proceedings against 
him.: for it was generally thought, that all was an 
artifice of Palmer's, who had put the duke of Somer- 
set in fears of his life, and so got him to gather men * 
about him for his own preservation ; and that he 
afterwards, being taken with him, seemed through 
fear to acknowledge all that which he had before 
contrived. This was more confirmed by the death 
of the other four formerly mentioned, who were ex^* 
ecuted on the 26th of February, and did all protest 
they had never been guilty of any design, either 
against the king, or to kill the lords. Vane added, 
that his blood would make Northumberland's pillow 
uneasy to him. The people were generally much 
affected with this execution ; and many threw hand- 
kerchiefs into the duke of Somerset's blood, to prer 
serve it in remembrance of him. One lady, that 
met Uie duke of Northumberland when he was led 


PART through the city in queen Mary's reigDy duddng 
one of these bloody handkerchiefs^ said, *^ Behold the 

155K t€ blood of that worthy man, that good unde rfthat 
^* excellent king, which was shed by thy maficioiu 
^^ practice, doth now b^n apparently to revenge 
^< itself on thee." Sure it is, that Northumberiand, 
as having maliciously contrived this, was ever after 
hated by the people. 

But, on the other hand, great notice was taken 
that the duke of Norfolk (who, with his son the 
earl of Surrey, were believed to have fallen in aD 
their misery by the duke of Somerset's means) did 
now outlive him, and saw him fall by a oonspiraqr 
of his own servants, as himself and his son had done. 
The proceeding against his brother was also » 
membered, for which many thought the judgment 
of God had overtaken him. Others blamed him fir 
being too apt to convert things sacred to his own 
use, and because a great part of his estate was raised 
out of the spoils of many churches ; and some late 
writers have made an inference from this, upon hit 
not claiming the benefit of clergy, that he was Una 
left of God not to plead that benefit, since he had 
so much invaded the rights and revenues of the 
church. But in this they showed their ignorance: 
for by the statute, that felony of which he was found 
guilty was not to be purged by clergy. Those who 
pleased themselves in comparing the events in their 
own times with the transactions of the former ages, 
found out many things to make a parallel between 
the duke of Somerset, and Humphrey the good duke 
of Glocester in Henry the Sixth's time ; but I shall 
leave the reader in that to his own observation. 
Now was the duke of Northumberland absolute at 


rt» all offices being filled with those that were his boo k 
iciates* But here I stop to give a general view 

fairs beyond sea this year, though I have a little ^he^i^* 
isgressed the bounds of it, to give an account of*^^ ^^' 
duke of Somerset's fall altc^ther. The siege of 
gdeburg went on in Germany. But it was coldly 
nwed by Maurice, who had now other designs, 
had agreed with the French king, who was both 
give him assistance, and to make war on the 
leror at the same time when he should begin, 
dinand was also not unwilling to see his bro- 
r^8 greatness lessened ; for he was pressing him^ 

without threatenings, to lay down his dignity 
dng of the Romans, and thought to have esta- 
bed it on his son. All the other princes of 
many were also oppressed by him, so that they 
e disposed to enter into any alliance for the 
dng off of that yoke. Maurice did also send 
r to try the inclinations of England; if they 
dd join with him, and contribute 400,000 dol- 

towards the expense of a war for the preserva- 
1 of the protestant religion, and the recovering 

liberty of Grermany. The ambassadors were 
f sent to try the king's mind, but were not em- 
rered to conclude any thing. They were sent 
k with a good answer, that the king would most 
ingly join in alliance with them that were of the 
le religion with himself; but he desired, that the 
ter of religion might be plainly set down, lest, 
er the pretence of that, war should be made for 
;r quarrels. He desired them also to communi- 
i their designs with the other princes, and then 
«nd over others more fully empowered. Mau- 
, seeing such assistances ready for him, resolved 

OL. II. c c i 


PART both to break the emperor's designs, and, by leading 
on a new league against him, to make himself more 

' ^5 ' • acceptable to the empire, and thereby to secure the 
electoral dignity in his family. So, after Magdeburg 
had endured a long siege, he, giving a secret intima- 
tion to some men in whom they confided, persuaded 
them about the end of November to surrender to 
him; and then broke up his army: but they fdl 
into the dominions of several of the popish princes, 
and put them under very heavy contributions. This 
alarmed all the empire ; only the empercnr himsdf, 
by a fatal security, did not apprehend it till it came 
so near him that he was almost ruined before he 
dreamed of any danger. 
Proceedings This year the transactions of Trent were remark- 
able. The pope had called the council to meet there, 
and the first of May this year there was a sessioD 
held. There was a war now broken out between 
the pope and the king of France on this occasion. 
The pope had a mind to have Parma in his own 
hands ; but that prince, fearing that he would keep 
it, as the emperor did Placentia, and so he should 
be ruined between them, implored the protection of 
France, and received a French garrison for his safe- 
ty. Upon this, the pope cited him to Rome, dedar- 
ing him a traitor if he appeared not : and this en- 
gaged the pope in a war with France. At first he 
sent a threatening message to that king, that, if he 
would not restore Parma to him, he would take 
France from him. Upon this the king of France 
protested against the council of Trent, and threat- 
ened that he would call a national council in France. 
The council was adjourned to the tenth of Septem- 
ber. In the mean while the emperor pressed the 


Germaas to go to it* So Maurice, and the other book 

princes of the Ausburg Confession, ordered their di 1— 

▼ines to consider of the matters which they would '^^'' 
propose to the council. The electors of Mentz and 
Trier went to Trent. But the king of France sent 
the abbot of BeUosana thither, to make a protesta- 
tion, ihat^ by reason of the war that the pope had 
raised, he could not send his bishops to the council ; 
and that therefore he would not obserre their de- 
crees : (for they had declared in France, that absent 
churches were not bound to obey the decrees of a 
council ; for which many authorities were cited from 
the primitive time.) But at Trent they proceeded 
fiur att this, and appointed the articles about the eu- 
charist to be first examined : and the presidents re- 
commended to the divines to handle them according 
to scripture, tradition, and ancient authors, and to 
avoid unprofitable curiosities. The Italian divines 
did not like this : for they- said, to argue so was but 
an act of the memory, and was an old and insufii- 
dent way, and would give great advantage to the 
Lutherans, who were skilled in the tongues; but 
the school learning was a mystical and sublime way, 
b which it was easier to set ofi* or conceal matters, 
as was expedient. But this was done to please the 
Germans : and, at the suit of the emperor, the mat- 
ter of communicating in both kinds was postponed 
till the German divines could be heard. A safe con- 
dnct was desired by the Grermans, not only from the 
emperor, but from the council. For at Constance, 
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, were burnt upon 
this pretence, that they had not the council's safe 
conduct ; and therefore, when the council of Basil 
called for the Bohemians, they sent them a safe con- 

c c 2 A 


PART duct, besides that which the emperor gave them. Bo 


- the princes desired one in the same form that was 
^^^'- granted by those of Basil. One was granted by the 
council, which in many things differed firom that 
of Basil ; particularly in one clause, that all things 
should be determined according to the scriptures, 
which was in that' safe conduct of Basil, but was 
now left out. In October an ambassador from the 
elector of Brandenburg came to Trent, who was en- 
deavouring to get his son settled in the archbishop- 
ric of Magdeburg, which made him more compli- 
ant. In his first address to the council he spake of 
the respect his master had to the fathers in it, with- 
out a word of submitting to their decrees : but in 
the answer that was made in the name of the coun- 
cil, it was said, they were glad he did submit to 
them, and would obey their decrees. This bang 
afterwards complained of, it was said, that they an- 
swered him according to what he should have said, 
and not according to what he had said. But in the 
meanwhile the council published their decrees about 
the eucharist ; in the first part of which they de- 
fined, that the way of the presence could hardly be 
expressed, and yet they called transubstantiation a 
fit term for it. But this might be well enough de- 
fended, since that was a thing as hard to be either 
expressed or understood as any thing they could 
have thought on. They went on next to examine 
confession and penitence. And now, as the divines 
handled the matter, they found the gathering proofs 
out of scripture grew endless and trifling ; for there 
was not a place in scripture where / con/kss was to 
be found, but they drew it in to prove auricular con- 
fession. From that they went on to extreme unc- 



lion. But then came the ambassadors of the duke book 
of Wittenbei^, another prince of the Ausburg Con- ' 
fession, and showed their mandate to the emperor's ^^^'' 
ambassadors ; who desired them to cany it to the 
presidents : but they refused to do that, since it was 
contrary to the protestation which the princes of their 
Confession had made against a council in which the 
pope should preside. On the 25th of November they 
published the decree of the necessity of auricular con- 
fession^ that so the priest might thereby know how 
to proportion the penance to the sin. It was much 
censured, to see it defined that Christ had instituted 
confession to a. priest, and not showed where or how 
it was instituted. And the reason for it, about the 
proportioning the penance, was laughed at, since it 
was known what slight penances were universally 
enjoined to expiate the greatest sins. But the am- 
bassadors of Wittenberg moVing that they might 
have a safe conduct for their divines to come and 
propose their doctrine; the legate answered, that 
they would not upon any terms enter into any dis- 
putation with them; but if their divines had any 
scruple, in which they desired satisfaction, with a 
bumble and obedient mind, they should be heard. 
And for a safe conduct, he thought it was a dis- 
tnisting the council to ask any other than what was 
already granted. Soon after this, there arrived am- 
bassadors from Strasburg, and from other five cities ; 
and those sent from the duke of Saxe were on their 
journey: so the emperor ordered his ambassadors 
to study to gain time till they came ; and then an 
effectual course must be taken for compassing that 
about which he had laboured so long in vain to 

c c 3 ^ 


PART bring it to a happy conclusion. And thus this year 
■ ended. 

1552. 'pjjg parliament was opened on the 28d of Janu* 

i session of ' * ^ 

Ariiament. ary, and sat till the 15th of April. So I shall b^n 
this year with the account of the proceedings in it 
The first act that was put into the house of lords 
was for an order to bring men to divine s^rice; 
which was agreed to on the 26th, and sent down 
to the commons, who kept it long before they sent 
it back. On the 6th of April, when it was agreed 
to, the earl of Darby, the bishops of Carlisle and 
Norwich, and the lords Sturton and Windsor, dis- 
sented. The lords afterwards brought in another 
bill for authorizing a new Common Prayer Book, 
according to the alterations which had been agreed 
on the former year. This the commons joined to 
the former, and so put both in one act. By it was 
\n act au- first set forth, ^^ that, an order of divine service 
IbeTew^ ^^ being published, many did wilfully abstain from 
?rtyw**° " ^*> ^°d refused to come to their parish churches; 
3ook. « therefore all are required, after the feast of All- 
^^ hallows next, to come every Sunday and holyday 
to common prayers, under pain of the censures of 
the church. And the king, the lords temporal, 
and the commons, did in God's name require aB 
archbishops, bishops, and other ordinaries, to en* 
^^ deavour the due execution of that act, as they 
'* would answer before God for such evils and jdagues, 
'^ with which he might justly punish them, for neg- 
^^ lecting that good and wholesome law : and they 
** were fully authorized to execute the censured of 
*^ the church on all that should offend against this 
** law. To which is added, that there had been di- 




^ Ters doubts raised about the manner of the mini- book 
" stration of the service, rather by the curiosity of L— 


the ministers and mistakers, than of any other ^^^^• 
worthy cause; and that, for the better explana- 
tion of that, and for the greater perfection of the 
service, in some places where it was fit to make 
the prayer and fashion of service more earnest and 
fit, to stir Christian people to the true honouring 
of Almighty God ; therefore it had been by the 
command of the king and parliament perused, ex- 
plained, and made more perfect. They also an- 
** nexed to it the form of making bishops, priests, 
^ and deacons ; and so appointed this new book of 
^ service to be every where received after the feast 
^ of All-Saints next, under the same penalties that 
** had been enacted three years before, when the for- 
'* mer book was set out." 

It was upon this act said by the papists, that the which nas 
reformation was like to change as oft as the fashion ^1!^.**"" 
did: since they seemed never to be at a point in 
any thing, but new models were thus continually 
framing. To which it was answered, that it was 
no wonder that the corruptions, which they had 
been introducing for above a thousand years, were 
not all discovered or thrown out at once ; but now 
the business was brought to a fuller perfection, and 
they were not like to see any more material changes. 
Besides, any that would take the pains to compare 
the offices that had been among the papists, would 
clearly perceive, that in every age there was such 
an increase of additional rites and ceremonies, that, 
though the old ones were still retained, yet it seemed 
there would be no end of new improvements and 
additions. Others wondered why the execution of 

c c 4 


PART this law was put off so long as till the end of the 

'. year. All the account I can give of this is, that it 

1552. ^^ expected that by that time the new body of the 
ecclesiastical laws, which was now preparing, should 
be finished ; and therefore, since this act was to be 
executed by the clergy, the day, in which it was to 
be in force, was so long delayed, till that reforma- 
tion of their laws were concluded. 
Ao act coo- On the eighth of February a bill of treasons was 
trcMoos. put in, and agreed to by all the lords, except the 
lord Wentworth. It was sent down to the com- 
mons, where it was long disputed. And many sharp 
things were said of those who now bore the sway: 
that whereas they who governed in the beginning of 
this reign had put in a bill for lessening the number 
of such offences ; now they saw the change of oottn- 
cils, when severer laws were proposed. The com- 
mons at last rejected the bill, and then drew a new 
one, which was passed. By it they enacted, ^* that 
** if any should call the king, or any of his hein 
** named in the statute of the 35th of his father^s 
<^ reign, heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper 
" of the crown ; for the first offence they should for- 
*^ feit their goods and chattels, and be' imprisoned 
^* during pleasure ; for the second, should be in s 
** pnemunire ; for the third, should be attainted of 
** treason : but any who should advisedly set that 
" out in printing, or writing, was for the first offence 
** to be held a traitor. And that those who should 
keep any of the king's castles, artillery, or ships, 
six days after they were lawfully required to de- 
" liver them up, should be guilty of treason : that 
** men might be proceeded against for treasons com- 
^^ mitted out of the kingdom as well as in it. They 


^^ added a proviso, that nooe should, be attainted of book 

" treason on this act, unless two witnesses should '- — 

" come, and to their face aver the fact for which *^^^* 
^ th^ were to be tried ; except such as without anj 
** violence should confess it : and that none should 
<' be questioned for any thing said or written but 
'* within three months after it was done." 

This proviso seems clearly to have been made with 
relation to the proceeding against the duke of So- 
merset, in which the witnesses were not brought to 
aver the evidence to his face ; and by that means he 
was deprived of ail the benefit and advantage which 
he might have had by cross-examining them. It is 
certain, that, though some false witnesses have prac- 
tised the trade so much, that they seemed to have 
laid off all shame, and have a brow that cannot be 
daunted ; yet for the greatest part a bright serenity 
and cheerfulness attends innocence, and a lowering 
dejection betrays the guilty, when the innocent and 
they are confronted together. 

On the third of March a bill was brought in to the aq act 
lords for holydays And fasting-days, and sent down and hoiy. 
to the commons on the 15th of March ; by whom it ^ 
was passed, and had the royal assent. In the pre- 
amble it is set forth, '^ That men are not at all times 
^so set on the performance of religious duties as 
" they ought to be ; which made it necessary that 
** there should be set times, in which labour was to 
" cease, that men might on these days wholly serve 
" God : which days were not to be accounted holy 
" of their own nature, but were so called, because of 
** the holy duties then to be set about ; so that the 
'^ sanctification of them (was not any magical virtue 
'' in that time, but) consisted in the dedicating them 




PART << to God's service: that no day was dedicated to 

— - — ^ any saint ; but only to Grod, in remembrance of 

1552. 4€ g||^}j saints : that the scripture had not determined 
the number of holydays, but that these were left 
to the liberty of the church. Therefore they enact, 
that all Sundays, with the days marked in the 
Calendar and Liturgy, should be kept as holydays: 
and the bishops were to proceed by the censures 
^ of the church against the disobedient." ' A proriso 
was added for the observation of St. Geofge's fisast 
by the knights of the garter : and another, that la- 
bourers or fishermen might, if need so required, work 
on those days, either in or out of harvest. The evei 
before holydays were to be kept as fiEists ; and ia 
Lent, and on Fridays and Saturdays, abstinence 
from flesh was enacted : but if a holyday fell to be 
on a Monday, the eve for it was to be kept on Sa- 
turday, since Sunday was never to be a fasting-daj. 
But it was generally observed, that, in this and aD 
such acts, the people were ready enough to lay hold 
on any relaxation made by it ; but did very slightly 
observe the stricter parts of it : so that the liber^ 
left to tradesmen to work in cases of necessity wai 
carried further than it was intended, to a too public 
profanation of the time so sanctified ; and the other 
parts of it, directing the people to a conscientious 
observing of such times, was little minded. 

On the fifth of March a bill concerning the relief 
of the poor was put into the house of lords. The 
form of passing it has given occasion to some to take 
notice, that, though it is a bill for taxing the sub- 
jects, yet it had its first birth in the lords' house, 
and was agreed to by the commons. By it the 
churchwardens were empowered to gather charitable 


coUectioiu for the poor; and, H any did refuse to book 
contribute, or did dissuade others from it, the bishop 

of the diocese was to proceed against thenu On the ^^^^" 
siiith of March the bishops put in a bill for the se- 
curity of the clergy from some ambiguous words that 
were in the submission, which the convocation had 
nade to king Henry in the 21st year of his reign : 
by which they were under a prtemunire if they 
did any things in their courts contrary to the king's 
prerogative; which was thought hard, since some 
through ignorance might transgress. Therefore it 
was desired, that no prelate should be brought under 
a praemunire unless they had proceeded iii any thing 
after they were prohibited by the king's writ. To 
this the lords consented ; but it was let fall by the 

There was another act brought in for the marriage An act foi 
of the clergy, which was agreed to by the lords ; the ri4"of"ti 
earls of Shrewsbury, Darby, Rutland, and Bath, and *^*'^^' 
the lords Abergaveny, Stourton, Monteagle, Sands, 
Windsor, and Wharton, protesting against it. The 
commons also passed it, and it was assented to by 
the king. By it was set forth, ** that many took 
'^ occasion, from words in the act formerly made 
^ about this matter, to say, that it was only permit- 
*' ted, as usury and other unlawful things were, for 
*^ the avoiding greater evils ; who thereupon spake 
^ slanderously of such marriages, and accounted the 
** children begotten in them to be bastards, to the 
^high dishonour of the king and parliament, and 
^ the learned clergy of tlie realm ; who had deter- 
''oiined^ that the laws against priests' marriages 
^! were most unlawful by the law of God, to which 
^ they had not only given their assent in the convo- 


PART ^ cation, but signed it with all their hands. These 
» ** slanders did also occasion, that the word of God 

1552. tt ^^ ^^^ heard with due reverence : whereupon it 
** was enacted, that such marriages, made accordmg 
^* to the rules prescribed in the book of service, should 
^< be esteemed good and valid ; and that the children 
^^ begot in them should be inheritable according to 

The marquis of Northampton did also put in a 
bill for confirming his marriage, which was passed; 
only the earl of Darby, the bishops of Carlisle and 
Norwich, and the lord Stourton, dissented. By it, 
*' the marriage is declared lawful, as by the law of 
" God indeed it was ; any decretal, canon, ecdesias- 
^* tical law, or usage to the contrary notwithstand- 
" ing." This occasioned another act, that no man 
might put away his wife, and marry another, unless 
he were formerly divorced ; to which the bishop of 
Norwich dissented, because he was of opinion, that 
a divorce did not break the marriage bond. But 
this bill fell in the house of commons, being thought 
not necessary; for the laws were already sevexe 
enough against such double maniages. j 

By another act, the bishopric of Westminster was i 
quite suppressed, and reunited to the see of London: l 
but the collegiate church, with its exempted juris- : 
Ad act diction, was still continued. Another bill was put i 
usury. in against usury ; which was sent from the lords to . 
the commons, and passed by both, and assented to. 
By it an act, passed in parliament in the 37th year 
of the late king's reign, *^ that none might take above 
" twenty per cent, for money lent, was repealed; 
" which, they say, was not intended for the allow- 
** ing of usury, but for preventing further inconve- 


PART tioiL It came also to be made a part of the canon 

'- — law ; and absolution could not be given to the break- 

*^^^- ers of it, without a special faculty from Rome. But, 
for avoiding the severity of the law» the inventioD of 
mortgages was fallen on ; which at first were onlj 
purchases made, and let back to the owner, for sudi 
a rent as the use of the money came to : so that the 
use was tak^n as the rent of the land thus bou^ 
And those who had no land to sell thus, fell iipoD 
another way : the borrower bought their goods, to 
be paid within a year, (for instance 110/.) and sold 
them back for a sum to be presently laid down « 
they should agree ; (it may be 100/.) by this means 
the one had 100/. in hand, and the other was to 
have 10/. or more at a year's end. But this, bdof 
in the way of sale, was not called usury. This lav 
was looked on as impossible to be observed in a 
country like England : and it could not easily ap- 
pear where the immorality lay of lending monqr 
upon moderate gain, such as held proportion to the 
value of land, provided that the perpetual rule of 
Christian equity and charity were observed ; which 
is, not to exact above the proportion duly limited bf 
the law, and to be merciful in not exacting severelf 1 
of persons who by inevitable accidents have lieen ' 
disabled from making payment. This digression I j 
thought the more necessary, because of the scrupkf ^ 
that many good and strict persons have still in that 
A bill a. Another act passed both houses against all simoo* 
mo^! " ^^^ pactions, the reservation of pensions out of be- 
nefices, and the granting advowsons while the in- 
cumbent was yet alive. It was agreed to by the 
lords, the earls of Derby, Rutland, and Sussex, the 


iscount Herefinrd, and the lords Monteagle, Sands^ book 
Hiarton, and Even, dissenting. But, upon what 

unon I do not know» the bill was not assented to ^^^^* 
7 the king ; who being then sick, there was a col- 
xrtion made of the titles of the bills which were to 
ave the . royal assent, and those the king signed, 
nd gave commission to some lords to pass them in 
is name. These abuses have been oft complained 
f, bat there have been still new contrivances found 
ot to elude all laws against simony ; either bargains 
ehig made bj the friends of the paries concerned 
rithout their express knowledge, or bonds of resig- 
lation given, by which incumbents lie at the mercy 
f their patrons ; and in these the faultiness of some 
leigymen is made the colour of imposing such hard 
erros upon others, and of robbing the church often- 
imes by that means. 

There was a private bill put in about the duke of a repeal of 
iomerset's estate, which had been by act of parlia-lheduk^o/ 
nent entailed on his son in the 23d year of the last ^^?** ' 
dng^s reign. On the third of March it was sent to 
the house of commons, signed by the king ; it was 
Bv the repeal of that act. Whether the king was 
10 alienated from his uncle, that this extraordinary 
thing was done by him for the utter ruin of his fa- 
mily, or not, I cannot determine ; but I rather in- 
dme to think it was done in hatred to the duchess 
of Somerset and her issue. For the estate was en- 
tailed on them by that act of parliament, in preju- 
dice of the issue of the former marriage, of whom 
are descended the Seimours of Devonshire : who 
rere disinherited and excluded from the duke of 
Somerset's honours by his^ patents, and from his 
state by act of parliament ; partly upon some jea- 


'ART lousies he had of his former wife, but chiefly hj the 
. power his second wife had over him. This faiU of 

^^^^* repeal was much opposed in the house, though sent 
to them in so unusual a way by the king himsd£ 
And though there was on the eighth of March a 
message sent from the lords, that they should make 
haste towards an end of the periiament, yet still tlwj 
stuck long upon it ; looking on the breaking of en- 
tails, that were made by act of parliament, as a thing 
of such consequence, that it dissolved the greatest 
security that the law of England gives for property. 
It was long argued by the commons, and was fifteen 
several days brought in. At last a new bill was de- 
vised, and that was much altered too: it was not 
quite ended till the day before the parliament was 
dissolved. But, near the end of the session, a pro* 
viso was sent from the lords to be added to the bOl, 
confirming the attainder of the duke and his com- 
plices. It seems his enemies would not try this at 
first, till they had by other things measured tbar 
strength in that house; and finding their interest 
grew there, they adventured on it : but they mii- 
took their measures, for the commons would not 
agree to it. In conclusion, the bill of repeal was 
agreed to. But whereas there had been some writ- 
ings for a marriage between the earl of Oxford's 
daughter and the duke of Somerset's son, and a bill 
was put in for voiding these ; upon a division of the 
house the 28th of March, there were sixty-eight that 
agreed, and sixty-nine that rejected it : so this bill 
was cast out. By this we see what a thin house of 
commons there was at that time, the whole being 
but 137 members. But this was a natural efiect of 
a long parliament ; many of those who were at first 



chosen being infirm, and others not willing to put book 
themselves to the charge and trouble of such con- 

stant and loDg attendance. It is also from hence ^^^^* 
dear, how great an interest the duke of Somerset 
had in the affections of the parliament. 

Another biH gave a more evident discovery how The com- 
hatefiil the duke of Northumberland was to them.f^8eto*at- 
The bishop of Duresme was, upon some complaint b"hlp*I)*f 
brought against him of misprision of treason, put^j"^*"*^y 
into the Tower about the end of December last 
year. What the particulars were, I do not find; 
bat it was visible that the secret reason was, that 
he being attainted, the duke of Northumberland in< 
tended to have had the dignities and jurisdiction of 
that principality conferred on himself: so that he 
should have been made count palatine of Duresme. 
Tonstall had in all points given obedience to every 
law, and to all the injunctions that had been made: 
but had always in parliament protested against the 
changes in religion ; which he thought he might 
with a good conscience submit to and obey, though 
he could not consent to them : only in the matter of 
the corporal presence he was still of the old persua- 
sion, and writ about it. But the Latin style of his 
book is much better than the divinity and reason- 
ings in it. So what he would have done, if he had 
been required to subscribe the articles that were 
now agreed on, did not appear ; for he was all this 
while prisoner. There was a constant good cor- 
lespondence between Cranmer and him ; though in 
many things they differed in opinion : yet Tonstall 
Was both a man of candour and of great moderation, 
which agreed so well with Cranmer's temper, that 
no wonder they lived always in good terms. So 

VOL. II. D d 


PART when the bill for attainting him as guilty of miqiri- 
'. — sion of treason was passed in the house of lords on 

'^^^- the Slst of March, being put in on the 28th, Cran- 
mer spake so freely against it, that the duke of 
Northumberland and he were never after that in 
friendship together. What his ailments were, I 
could not recover : but, when he could do no more, be 
protested against it, being seconded only by the lord 
Stourton. How it came to pass that the other pqnrii 
lords and bishops, that protested against the other 
acts of this parliament, did not join in this, I cannot 
imagine ; unless it was, that they were the less coo- 
cemed for Tonstall, because Cranmer had appeared 
to be so much his friend, or were awed by their fear 
of offending the duke of Northumberland. But when 
the bill was carried down to the commons, with the 
evidences against him, which were some depositions 
that had been taken, and brought to the lords ; ihey 
who were resolved to condemn that practice for the 
future would not proceed upon it now. So on the 
fifth of April they ordered the privy-counsellors of 
their house to move the lords, that his accusers and 
he might be heard face to face ; and that not being 
done, they went no ftirther in the bill. 

By these indications the duke of Northumberiand 
saw how little kindness the house of commons had 
for him. The parliament had now sat almost five 
years ; and, being called by the duke of Somerset, 
his friends had been generally chose to be of it. So 
that it was no wonder, if upon his fall they were not 
easy to those who had destroyed him : nor was there 
any motion made for their giving the king a supplj. 
Therefore the duke of Northumberland thought it 
necessary for his interest to call a new parliament : 


and accordingly, on the 15th of April, the parlia* book 
ment was dissolved ; and it was resolved to spend 

this summer in making friends all over England, and xhi^^^j*^ 
to have a new parliament in the opening of the next °><^°^ ^ ^'^ 

The convocation at this time agreed to the articles 
of religion that were prepared the last year : which, 
though they have been often printed, yet since they 
are but short, and of so great consequence to this 
history, I have put them into the Collection, as was 
formerly told. 

> Thus the reformatio:n of doctrine and worship 
were brought to their perfection; and were not 
after this in a tittle mended or altered in this reign, 
nor much afterwards ; only, some of the articles were 
put in more general words under queen Elizabeth. 

Another part of the reformation was yet unfinish- a refonna- 
ed, and it was the chief work of this year ; that was, cieBiastical 
the giving rules to the ecclesiastical courts, and for ^;.;:;:,~"- 
all things relating to the government of the church, 
and the exercise of the several functions in it. In 
the former volume it was told, that an act had 
passed for this effect ; yet it had not taken effect, 
bat a commission was made upon it, and those ap- 
pointed by king Henry had met and consulted about 
it, and had made some progress in it, as appears by 
an original letter of Cranmer's to that king in the 
year 1545, in which he speaks of it as a thing then 
dmost forgotten, and quite laid aside : for from the 
time of the six articles till then the design of the 
^rmation had been going backward. At that 
time the king began to reassume the thoughts of it ; 
tnd was resolved to remove some ceremonies, such 
as the creeping to the cross, the ringing of bells on 

D d 2 M 


PART St. Andrew's eve, with other superstitious practices: 

! for which Cranmer sent him the draught of a letter 

1552. 1^ y^ written in the king^s name to the two arch- 
bishops, and to be by them communicated to the 
rest of the clergy. In the postscript of his letter he 
complains much of the sacrilegious waste of the ca- 
thedral church of Canterbury, where the dean and 
prebendaries had been made to alienate many of 
their manors upon letters obtained by courtiers fioni 
the king, as if the lands had been desired for the 
king's use : upon which they had surrendered those 
lands, which were thereupon disposed of to the cour* 
tiers that had an eye upon them. This letter should 
have come in in the former volume, but I had not 
seen it then ; so I took hold on this occasion to di- 
Diiect. rect the reader to it in the Collection. 
"™ ' '* It was also formerly told, that an act had passed 
in this reign to empower thirty-two persons, who 
should be named by the king, to make a reformation 
of the ecclesiastical laws, which was to be finished 
within three years. But the revolutions of affain^ 
and the other more pressing things that were still 
uncompleted, had kept them hitherto from setting to 
that work. On the eleventh of November last year 
a commission was given to eight persons to prepare 
the matter for the review of the two and thirty, that 
so it might be more easily compiled, being in a fev 
hands, than could well be done if so many had been 
to set about it. These eight were, the archbishop 
of Canterbury and the bishop of Ely ; Dr. Cox and 
Peter Martyr, two divines ; Dr. May and Dr. Tay- \ 
lor, two doctors of the law ; and John Lucas and 
Richard Goodrick, two common lawyers. But on 
the 1 4th of November the commission was renewed ; 



and the bbhop of London was named in the room of book 

the bbhop of Ely, one Traheron in the room of May, *- — 

and Gosnald in Goodrick's room. These, it seems, ^^^^* 
jdesiring more time than one year to finish it in, for 
two of the years were now lapsed, in the last session 
of the parliament they had three years more time of- 
fered them. But it seems the work was believed to 
be in such a forwardness, that this continuation was 
not judged necessary ; for the royal assent was not 
l^en to that act. After the parliament was ended, 
they made haste with it. But I find it said in the 
prefiu^e to the book, as it was printed in queen Eliza- 
beth's reign, that Cranmer did the whole work almost 
himself: which wiU justify the character some give 
of him, that he was the greatest <:anonist then in 
England. Dr. Haddon, that was the king's professor 
of civil law in Cambridge, and sir Jo. Cheke, were 
employed to put it in Latin. And they did so imi- 
tate the style of the Roman laws, that any who 
reads the book will fancy himself to be reading a 
woik of the purer ages of that state, when their lan- 
guage was not yet corrupted with those barbarous 
terms which the mixture of other nations brought 
in, and made it no where more nauseously rude than 
in the canon law. 

The work was digested and cast into fifty-one 
tides, to bring it near the number of the books of 
tlie Pandects, into which Justinian had digested the 
Roman law. It was prepared by February this year, 
and a commission was granted to thirty-two persons, 
of whom the former eight were a part : consisting of 
eight bishops, eight divines, among whom John a 
Lasco was one, eight civilians, and eight common 
lawyers. They were to revise, correct, and perfect 



RT the work, and so to present it to the king. Thqr 

J divided themselves into four classes, eight to a dass; 

^^' and every one of these were to prepare their correc- 
tions, and so to communicate them to the rest. And 
thus was the work carried on and finished; hot, 
before it received the rojal confirmation, the king 
died, and this foil with him: nor do I find it wai 
ever since that time taken up or prosecuted with 
the care that a thing of such consequence deserved; 
and therefore I shall not think it improper for me^ 
having before showed what was done, in the next 
place to give an account of what was then intended 
to be done; and is now very fit to be well consi- 

hief The first title was of the Trinity, and the catholic 
faith ; in which those who denied the Christian rdi- 
gion were to suffer death, and the loss of their goodi. 
The books of scripture were numbered, those called 
apocrjrphal being left out of the canon; which, 
though they were read in the church, it was only 
for the edification of the people, but not for the 
proof of the doctrine. The power of the chxnA 
was subjected to the scriptures: the four genenl 
councils were received ; but all councils were to be 
examined by the scripture ; as were also the writ- 
ings of the fathers, who were to be much rere- 
renced, but, according to what themselves have 
written, they were only to be submitted to when 
they agreed with the scriptures. 

The second title contains an enumeration of many 
heresies, viz. against the Trinity, Jesus Christ, the 
scriptures, about original sin, justification, the mass, 
purgatory; and censured those who denied magis- 
tracy to be lawful, or asserted the community of 


goods» or wives ; or who denied the pastoral office, boor 
and thought any -might assume it at pleasure; or ^' 
who thought the sacraments naked signs, who denied 
the baptism of infants, or thought none could possi- 
bly be saved that were not baptized ; or who asserted 
transubstantiation, or denied the lawfulness of mar- 
riage, particularly in the clergy; or who asserted 
the pope's power ; or such as excused their ill lives 
by the pretence of predestination, as many wicked 
men did: from which and other heresies all are 
diflsuaded, and earnestly exhorted to endeavour the 
extirpation of them. 

The third was about the judgments of heresy be- 
fore the bishop of the diocese, even in exempted 
places. They were to proceed by witnesses; but 
the party, upon fame, might be required to purge 
himself: if he repented, he was to make public pro- 
fession of it in those places where he had spread it ; 
and to renounce his heresy, swearing never to return 
to it any more : but obstinate heretics were to be de- 
clared infamous, incapable of public trust, or to be 
witnesses in any court, or to have power to make a 
testament, and were not to have the benefit of the 
law. Clergymen falling into heresy were not to re- 
turn to their benefices, unless the circumstances 
were such that they required it ; and thus all capital 
proceedings for heresy were laid down. 

The fourth was about blasphemy, flowing from ha- 
tred or rage against God, which was to be punished 
as obstinate heresy was. 

The fifth was about the sacraments of baptism 
and the Lord's supper. To which is added, that 
imposition of hands is to be retained in the ordina- 
tion of pastors; that marriages are to be solemnly 

D d 4 


PART made; that those who renew their baptismal Vow 

'• — be confirmed by the bishop ; and that the sick should 

J552, |jg visited by their pastors. 

The sixth was about idolatry, magic, witchcraft, 
or consulting with conjurers ; who were to be arbi- 
trarily punished, if they submitted : otherwise to be 

The seventh was about preachers ; whom the bi- 
shops were to examine'carefully before they licensed 
them : and were once a year to gather together all 
those who were licensed in their dioceses, to know 
of them the true state of their flock; what rices 
abounded, and what remedies were most proper. 
Those who refused to hear sermons, or did make 
disturbance in them, were to be separated from the 
communion. It seems it was designed, that there 
should be in every diocese some who should go 
round a precinct, and preach like evangelists, as 
some then called them. 

The eighth was about marriage ; which was to 
be after asking banns three Sundays, or holydays. 
Those who were married in any other form than 
that in the book of service, were not to be esteemed 
lawfully married : those who corrupted virgins were 
to be excommunicated, if they did not marry them ; 
or if that could not be done, they were to give them 
the third part of their goods, besides other arbitrary 
punishments. Marriages made without the consent 
of parents or guardians were declared null. Then 
follow the things that may void marriages ; they are 
left free to all. Polygamy is forbid ; marriages made 
by force are declared void ; mothers are required to 
suckle their children. 

The ninth is about the d^rees of marriage. All 



those in the Levitical law, or those that are red- book 
procal to them, are forbidden. But spiritual kindred - 
was not to hinder marriage, since there was nothing 
in scripture about it, nor was there any good reason 
fiir it. 

The tenth was about adultery. A clergyman 
guilty of it was to forfeit all his goods and estate to 
his wife and children ; or if he had none, to the poor, 
or some pious use ; and to lose his benefice, and be 
either banished, or imprisoned during life. A lay- 
man was to restore his wife's portion, and to give 
her the half of his goods, and be imprisoned, or ba- 
nished, during life. Wives that were guilty were to 
be in like manner punished. But the innocent party 
might marry again : yet such were rather exhorted, 
if they saw hope of amendment, to be reconciled to 
ibe offending party. No marriage was to be dis- 
solved without a sentence of divorce. Desertion, 
long absence, capital enmities, where either party 
was in hazard of their life, or the constant perverse- 
l ness or fierceness of a husband against his wife, might 
induce a divorce. But little quarrels might not do 
it; nor a perpetual disease, relief in such a misery 
being one of the ends of marriage. But all separa- 
tion from bed and board, except during a trial, was 
to be taken away. 

The eleventh was about admission to ecclesiastical 

benefices. Patrons were to consider, the choice of 

the person was trusted to them, but was not to be 

abused to any sacrilegious or base ends : if they did 

otherwise, they were to lose their right for that time. 

Benefices were not to be given or promised before 

they were void; nor let lie destitute above six 

months, otherwise they were to devolve to the bi- 


PART shop. Clei^ymen before their ordination were to be 
— '- — examined by the archdeacons, with such other trieR 
^^^^- as the bishop should appoint to be assistant to them : 
and the bishop himself was to try them, since this 
was one of the chief things, upon which the happ- 
ness of the church depended. The candidate was to 
give an oath to answer sincerely, upon which he was 
to be examined about his doctrine, chiefly of the 
whole points of the Catechism, if he understood them 
aright ; and what knowledge he had of the scrip- 
tures : they were to search him well, whether he held 
heretical opinions. None was to be admitted to more 
cures than one ; and all privil^es for pluralities were 
for ever to cease : nor was any to be absent from his 
cure, except for a time, and a just cause, of which he 
was to satisfy his ordinary. The bishops were to 
take great care to allow no absence longer than was 
necessary : every one was to enter upon his cure 
within two months after he was instituted by the 
bishop. Prebendaries, who had no particular cure, 
were to preach in the churches adjacent to them. 
Bastards might not be admitted to orders, unless 
they had eminent qualities. But the bastards of 
patrons were uix)n no account to be received, if pre- 
sented by them. Other bodily defects, unless sudi 
as did much disable them, or made them very con* 
temptible, were not to be a bar to any. Beside the 
sponsions in the office of ordination, they were to 
swear that they had made no agreement to obtain 
the benefice to which they were presented ; and that 
if they come to know of any made by others on their 
account, they should signify it to the bishop; and 
that they should not do any thing to the prejudice 
of their church. 


The 12th and ISth were about the renouncing or 
anging of benefices. 

The 14th was about purgation upoo common fame, 

when one was accused for any crime, wliicb was 

)ved incompletely, and only I>y presumptions. The 

:Iesiastical courts might not reexamine any thing 

it was proved in any civil court ; but upon a high 

indat a bishop might require a man to purge him- 

f, otherwise to separate him from holy things. The 

m of purgation was, to swear himself innocent; 

d he was also to have four compurgators of his 

n rank, who were to swear, that they believed he 

ore true: upon which the judge was to restore 

n to his fame. Any that were under suspicion of 

Trime might by the judge be required to avoid all 

occasions from which the suspicion had risen : but 

superstitious purgations were to be rejected. 

lie 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th, were about, di^ 

latioDs, the letting of the goods of the (jmn^ 

»DfirmiDg the former rules ctf election in cathe> 

or coU^i;es, and the collation of benefices. And 

was to be a putgation of simony, as there ^ould 

^asion for it. 

3 19th was about divine offices. In the mom- 

a holydays, the Common Prayer was to be 

rith the communion service joined to it. In 

■als, there was to be communion every Sunday 

Ijday ; where the bishop, the dean, and the 

aiies, and all maintained by that church, 

be present. There was no sermon to be in 

Is in the morning, lest that might draw any 

parish churches ; but only in the afternoons. 

nthenu, aU figured mudc, by which the 

>uld not understand what they sung, was to 


PART be taken away. In parish churches there were only 

L. to be sermons in the morning ; but none in the after- 

^^^^' noon, except in great parishes. All who were to re- 
ceive the sacrament were to come the day before^ 
and inform the minister of it ; who was to examine 
their consciences, and their belief. On holydays in 
the afternoon the Catechism was to be explained for 
an hour. After the evening prayers, the poor were 
to be looked to ; and such as had given open scandal 
were to be examined, and public penitence was to be 
enjoined them : and the minister, with some of tbe 
ancients of the parish, were to commune together 
about the state of the people in it ; that if any car- 
ried themselves indecently, they might be first cha- 
ritably admonished; and, if that did not prevail, 
subjected to severer censures : but none were to be 
excommunicated without the bishop were first in- 
formed, and had consented to it. Divine offices were 
not to be performed in chapels, or private houses, 
lest the churches should under that pretence be n^- 
lected, and errors more easily disseminated ; except- 
ing only the houses of peers and persons of great 
quality, who had numerous families ; but in these, all 
things were to be done according to the Book of 
Common Prayer. 

The 20th was about those that bore office in the 
church; sextons, churchwardens, deacons, priests, 
and rural deans. This last was to be a yearly office; 
he that was named to it by the bishop, being to 
watch over the manners of the clergy and people in 
his precinct, was to signify the bishop's pleasure to 
them, and to give the bishop an account of his pre- 
cinct every sixth month. The archdeacons were to 
be general visitors over the rural deans. In every 


cathedral, oDe of the prebendaries, or one procured book 
by them, was thrice a week to expound some part of _ 

the scriptures. The bishops were to be over all, and '^S^* 
to remember that their authority was given to them 
for that end, that many might be brought to Christ, 
and that such as bad gone astray might be restored 
by r^ientance. To the bishop all were to give obe- 
dience according to the word of God. The bishop 
was to preach often in his church ; was to ordain 
nme &3T rewards, or rashly ; was to provide good 
pastors, and to deprive bad ones : he was to vidt bis 
diocese every third year, or oftener, as he saw cause ; 
but then he was to do it at his own charge : he was 
to have yearly synods, and to confirm such as were 
well instructed. His family was to consist of clergy- 
men, whom he should bring up to the service of the 
diurch ; (so was St. Austin's, and other ancient bi- 
shops' families constituted :) this being a great means 
to supply the great want of good and faithful minis- 
ters. Their wives and children were also to avoid 
an levity or vain dressing. They were never to be 
absent from their dioceses, but upon a public and 
ingent cause : and when they grew sick or infirm, 
ttie^ were to have coadjutors. If they became scan- 
dalous or heretical, they were to be deprived by the 
king's authority. The archbishops were to exercise 
tbe episcopal function in their diocese; and were 
ooce to visit their whole province, and to oversee the 
bishops, to admonish them for what was amiss, and 
to receive and judge appeals, to call provincial synods 
upon any great occasion, having obtained warrant 
from the king for it. Every bishop was to have a 
synod of his clergy some time in Lent, so that they 
might all return home before Palm-Sunday. They 


PART were to begin with the Litany, a sermoo, and a com- 
munion ; then all were to withdraw into some prir 

1552. y^^Q place, where they were to give the bishop an 
account of the state of the diocese, and to consult of 
what required advice: every priest was to deliver 
his opinion, and the bishop was to deliver his sen- 
tence, and to bring matters to as speedy a condusioii 
as might be ; and all were to submit to him, or to 
appeal to the archbishop. 

The 21st, 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 
and 29th titles are about churchwardens, universitiei^ 
tithes, visitations, testaments, ecclesiastical censufes^ 
suspension, sequestration, deprivation. 

The 30th is about excommunication ; of which, as 
being the chief ecclesiastical censure, I shaU set down 
their scheme the more fully. 
%etr de- Excommunication they reckon an authority mm 

igacoo- " "^ ° 

eroiogtiie of Grod to the church, for removing scandalous or 
^muoi~ corrupt persons from the use of the sacraments, or 
fttion. fellowship of Christians, till they give clear signs of 
their repentance, and submit to such spiritual punish* 
ments, by which the flesh may be subdued, and the 
spirit saved. This was trusted to churchmen, but 
chiefly to archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deans, 
and any other appointed for it by the church. None 
ought to be excommunicated but for their obstinacy 
in great faults ; but it was never to be gone about 
rashly ; and therefore the judge who was to give it 
was to have a justice of peace with him, and the min« 
ister of the parish where the party lived, with two 
or three learned presbyters, in whose presence the 
matter was to be examined, and sentence pronouno* 
ed, which was to be put in writing. It was to be in« 
timated in the parish where the party lived,- and in 


le neigfabouring parishes, that all persons might be book 
amed to avoid the companj of him that was under 

Lcommuiiication ; and the minister was to declare ^^^^* 
hat the nature and consequences of excommunica- 
cm irere, the person so censured being cut off from 
le body of Christ : after that^ none was to eat, or 
rink, or keep company with him, but those of his 
im family : whosoever did otherwise, if being ad* 
lonished they continued in it, were also to be ex- 
Dimiiuiiicated. If the person censured continued 
jvty days without expressing any repentance, it was 
o be certified into the chancery, and a writ was to 
»ue for taking and keeping him in prison till he 
hould become sensible of his offences ; and when he 
fid confess these, and submitted to such punishments 
SIS should be enjoined, the sentence was to be taken 
off, and the person publicly reconciled to the church. 
And this was to take place against those, who, being 
condemned for capital offences, obtained the king's 
fudon, but were notwithstanding to be subject to 
church censures. 

Then follows the office of receiving penitents. 

Tbey were first to stand without the church, and 

^ ieare to be again received into it, and so to be 

' bought in : the minister was to declare to the peo- 

i pie the heinousness of sin, and the mercies of God in 

the gospel, in a long discourse, of which the form is 

there prescribed : then he was to show the people, 

that, as they were to abhor hardened sinners, so they 

were to receive, with the bowels of true charity, all 

rincere penitents : he was next to warn the person, 

not to mock God, and deceive the people, by a 

feigned confession ; he was thereupon to repeat, first 

a general confession, and then more particularly to 



PART name his sin, and to pray to God fiyr mercy to 

. self, and that none by his ill example might be de- 
filed ; and finally to beseech them all to forgive him, 
and to receive him again into their fellowshqi. 
Then the minister was to ask the people whether 
they would grant his desires ; who were to answorp 
they would : then the pastor was to lay his hand on 
his head, and to absolve him fix)m the punisbmoit 
of his offences, and the bond of excommunicatioii; 
and so to restore him to his place in the church of 
God. Then he was to lead him to the conmiuiiiflo 
table, and there to offer up a prayer of thank^niy 
to God for reclaiming that sinner. For the other 
titles, they relate to the other parts of the law of 
those courts, for which I refer the reader to the 
book itself. 

TIow far any of those things, chiefly the last aboit 
excommunication, may be yet brought into the 
church, I leave to the consultations of the goven* 
ors of it, and of the two houses of parliament. It 
cannot be denied, that vice and immorality, together 
with much impiety, have overrun the nation : and 
though the charge of this is commonly cast on the 
clergy, who certainly have been in too many places 
wanting to their duty ; yet, on the other hand, they 
have so little power, or none at all by law, to cen- 
sure even the most public sins, that the blame of 
this great defect ought to lie more universally OB 
the whole body of the nation, that have not made 
effectual provision for the restraining of vice, the 
making ill men ashamed of their ways, and the 
them from the holy mysteries, till they 
their course of life. 
was another thing proposed this year ftr 


tbe correcting the great disorders of clergymen, book 
which were occasioned bj the extreme misery and 

poverty to which they were reduced. There were^^ ^^^^ 
tome motions made about it in parliament, but they foi^ ^^i^^^^- 
took not effect : so one writ a book concerning it, cier^ re- 
which he dedicated to the lord chancellor, then the gr^t po- 
bishop of Ely, He showed, that, without re wards ^'^'^^' 
or encouragements, few would apply themselves to 
the pastoral function, and that those in it, if they 
could not subsist by it, must turn to other employ- 
ments ; so that at that time many clergymen were 
carpenters and tailors, and some kept alehouses. It 
was a reproach on the nation, that there had been 
10 profuse a zeal for superstition, and so much cold- 
ness in true religion. He complains of many of the 
clergy who did not maintain students at the univer- 
ttties according to the king's injunctions ; and that 
in schools and colleges the poor scholars' places were 
generally filled with the sons of the rich ; and that 
Kvings were most scandalously sold ; and the great- 
est part of the country clergy were so ignorant, that 
diey could do little more than read. But there was 
no hope of doing any thing effectually for redressing 
80 great a calamity, till the king should be of age 
Umself to set forward such laws as might again re- 
cover a competent maintenance for the clergy. 

This year, both Heath of Worcester, and Day hi- Heath mu\ 
ihop of Chichester, were put out of their bishoprics. ouTof their 
For Heath, it has been already said, that he was put ^'^^^^^p"**- 
ID prison for refusing to consent to the book of ordi- 
nations. But for Day, whether he refused to submit 
to the new book, or fell into other transgressions, I 
do not know. Both these were afterwards deprived, 
not by any court consisting of churchmen, but by 

VOL. II. E e 


PART secular delegates, of whom three were dviliaiiB, and 
— '. three common lawyers, as king Eklward's Journal 

1552. informs us. Day's sentence is something ambigo- 
ously expressed in the patent that Scory bishop of 
Rochester had to succeed him ; which bears date the 
24th of May, and mentions his being put there m 
the room of George late bishop of that see, who had 
been deprived or removed from it. In June fol- 
lowing, upon Holbeach bishop of Lincoln's death, 
Taylor, that had been dean of Lincoln, was made 
bishop. This year the bishopric of Gloucester wu 
quite suppressed, and converted into an exempted 
archdeaconry; and Hooper was made bishop of 
Worcester. In the December before, Worcester 
and Gloucester had been united^ by reason of their 
vicinage and their great poverty, and that they were 
not very populous : so they were to be for ever after 
one bishopric with two titles, as Coventry and Litdi- 
field, and Bath and Wells were ; and Hooper wai 
made bishop of Worcester and Gloucester. But 
now they were put into another method, and the 
bishop was to be called only bishop of Worcester. 
In all the vacancies of sees, there were a great 
many of their best lands taken from them : and the 
sees that before had l>een profusely enriched, wete 
now brought to so low a condition, that it was 
scarce possible for the bishops to subsist : and yet, * 
if what was so taken from them had been converted 
to good uses, to the bettering the condition of the 
poor clergy over England, it had been some mitigar 
tion of so heinous a robbery ; but these lands were 
snatched up by every hungry courtier, who found 
this to be the easiest way to be satisfied in their 
pretensions: and the world had been so possessed 


I the opinion of their excessive wealthy that it was book 
ight they never could be made poor enough. 

his year a 'passage fell out relating to Ireland, ^J^;^ 
:h will give me occasion to look over to the af-o^i^c^^- 

of that kingdom. The kings of England had 
lerly contented themselves with the title of lords 
rdand : which king Henry the Eighth, in the 
y-third year of his reign, had, in a paiiiament 
e, changed into the title of a kingdom. But no 
ial crown or coronation was appointed, since it 
to follow the crown of England. The popes 
the emperors have pretended, that the confer- 
titles of sovereign dignity belonged to them, 
pope derived his daim from what our Saviour 
f tkat all power in heaven and in earth was 
m to him, and by consequence to his vicar. 
I emperors, as being a dead shadow of the Ro- 
i empire, which title, with the designation of 
ar, they still continued to use, and pretended, 
, as the Roman emperors did anciently make 
rg, so they had still the same right : though, be- 
ie those emperors made kings in the countries 
ch were theirs by conquest, it was an odd stretch 
nfer, that those, who retained nothing of their 
ire but the name, should therefore make kings 
lountries that belonged not to them; and it is 
ain, that every entire or independent crown or 
s may make for or within itself what titles they 
se. But the authority the crown of England 
in Ireland was not then so entire, as, by the 
ly rebellions that have fallen out since, it is now 
»me. The heads of the clans and names had the 
luct of all their several tribes, who were led on 
hem to what designs they pleased ; and though, 

£ e 2 


PART within the English pale, the king was obeyed, and 
his laws executed almost as in England, yet the nft* 

1552. ^j^g Irish were an uncivilized and barbarous natk)D, 
and not yet brought under the yoke; and for the 
greatest part of Ulster, they were united to the 
Scots, and followed their interests. 

There had been a rebellion in the second year of 
this reign': but sir Anthony St. Leiger, then depatf, 
being recalled, and sir Edward Bellinghame sent in 
his room, he subdued O'Canor and OMore, that were 
the chief authors of it ; and, not being willing to 
put things to extremities, when England was othe^ 
wise distracted with wars, he persuaded them to ac- 
cept of pensions of 100/. a-piece, and so they came 
in and lived in the English pale. But the winter 
after, there was another rebellion designed in Ukter 
by O'Neal, O'Donnel, O'Docart, and the heads of 
some other tribes ; who sent to the queen dowi^ 
of Scotland to procure them assistance from France, 
and they would keep up the disorders in Ireland. 
The bishop of Valence, being then in Scotland, was 
sent by her to observe their strength, that he might 
accordingly persuade the king of France to assist 
them. He crossed the seas, and met with them, 
and with Wauchop, a Scotchman, who was the bi- 
shop of Armagh of the pope's making, and who, 
though he was blind, was yet esteemed one of the 
best at riding post in the world. They set out all 
their greatness to the French bishop, to engage him 
to be their friend at the court of France : but he 
seemed not so well satisfied of their ability to do any 
great matter, and so nothing followed on this. One 
passage fell out here, which will a little discover the 
temper of that bishop. When he was in O'Docart's 


se, he saw a fair daughter of his, whom he en- book 
roured to have corrupted, but she avoided him ^' 

fully. Two English gray friars, that had fled *^^2. 
of England for their religion, and were there at 
; time, observing the bishop's inclinations, brought 
an English whore, whom he kept for some time, 
one night looking among his things, found a 
s full of somewhat that was very odoriferous, 
poured it all down her throat ; which the bishop 
living too late, fell into a most violent passion ; 
it had been presented to him by Soliman the 
^ificent, at his leaving that court, as the richest 
n in Egypt, and was valued at two thousand 
WHS. The bishop was in such a rage, that all 
house was disturbed with it ; whereby he disco- 
id both his lewdness and passion at once. This 
elated by one that was then with him, and was 
ried over by him to be a page to the Scotch 
en; sir James Melvil, who lived long in that 
rt, under the constable of France, and was after- 
•ds much employed by the prince elector palatine 
many n^otiations ; and coming home to his own 
ntry, was sent on many occasions to the court of 
^land, where he lived in great esteem. He in 
old age writ a narrative of all the affairs that 
iself had been concerned in, which is one of the 
t and perfectest pieces of that nature that I have 
Q. The original is yet extant under his own 
id in Scotland : a copy of it was showed me by 
J descended from him, from which I shall disco- 
many considerable passages, though the affairs 
which he was most employed were something 
»r than the time of which I am to write. But 
return to Ireland. Upon the peace made with 

E e3 


PART France and Scotland^ things were quieted there, and 

! sir Ant. St. Leiger was in August 1550 again sent 

1552. Qygp ^Q jjg deputy there. For the reformation, it 
made but a small progress in that kingdom. It was 
received among the English, but I do not find any 
endeavours were used to bring it in among the Irish. 
This year Bale was sent into Ireland. He had been 
a busy writer upon all occasions, and had a great 
deal of learning, but wanted temper, and did not 
write with the decency that became a divine, or was 
suitable to such matters ; which it seems made thoie 
who recommended men to preferment in this church 
not think him so fit a person to be employed here 
in England. But the bishopric of Ossery being void, 
the king proposed him to be sent thither. So in 
August this year Dr. Goodaker was sent over to be 
bishop of Armagh, and Bale to be bishop of Ossoj. 
There were also two other, who were Irishmen, to 
be promoted. When they came thither, the ardi- 
bishop of Dublin intended to have consecrated them 
according to the old pontifical ; for the new book of 
ordination had not been yet used among them. Good- 
aker and the two others were easily persuaded to it, 
but Bale absolutely refused to consent to it; who 
being assisted by the lord chancellor, it was carried, 
that they should be ordained according to the new 
book. When Bale went into his diocese, he found 
all things there in dark popery ; but before he could 
make any reformation there, king Edward's death 
put an end to his and all such designs. 
^ change In England nothing else that had any relation to 
3rder of the thc reformation passed this year, unless what belongs 
^•"*'- to the change made in the order of the garter may 
be thought to relate to it. On the 28d of April the 


former year, being St. Geoi^'s day, a proposition book 
was made to consider the order and statutes, since ' 
there was thought to be a great deal of superstition ^^^^• 
in them ; and the story upon which the order was 
founded, concerning St. George's fighting with the 
dragon, looked like a legend formed in the darker 
ages to support the humour of chivalry, that was 
then very high in the wodd. And as the story had 
no great credibility in itself, so it was delivered by 
no ancient author. Nor was it found that there had 
been any such saint: there being among • ancient 
writers none mentioned of that name, but George 
of Alexandria, the Arian bishop, that was put in 
when Athanasius was banished. Upon this motion 
in the former year, the duke of Somerset, the mar- 
quis of Northampton, and the earls of Wiltshire and 
Warwick, were appointed to review the statutes of 
the order. So this year the whole order was changed; 
and the earl of Westmorland and sir Andrew Dud- 
ley, who were now to be installed, were the first that 
were received according to the new model ; (which 
the reader will find in the Collection, as it was trans- King Ed- 
lated into Latin out of the English, by the king him-^in,* '^ 
«d^ written all with his own hand, and it is the third ^""*'' 5* 
paper after his Jotunal.) The preamble of it sets 
. forth the noble design of the order, to animate great 
\ men to gallant actions, and to associate them into a 
[ fraternity, for their better encouragement and assist- 
; aBce ; but says, it had been much corrupted by su- 
i perstition, therefore the statutes of it were hereafter 
to be these : 

It was no more to be called the order of St. George, 
oor was he to be esteemed the patron of it ; but it 
was to be called the order of the garter. The knights 

£ e 4 


PART of this order were to wear the blue riband or garter 
— '. — as formerly ; but at the collar, instead of a George, 
1552. ii^QYe was to be on one side of the jewel a knight 
carrying a book upon a sword point, on the sword 
to be written Protection on the book Kerbum Dei; 
on the reverse, a shield, on wluch should be written 
Fides ; to express their resolution, both with offoi- 
sive and defensive weapons, to maintain the word of 
God. For the rest of the statutes I shall refer the 
reader to the paper I mentioned. But this was re* 
pealed by queen Mary, and so the old rules took 
place again, and do so still. This design seems to 
have been chiefly intended, that none but those of 
the reformed religion might be capable of it ; sioce 
the adhering to and standing for the scriptures wai 
then taken to be the distinguishing character betweeo 
the papists and the reformers. 

This is the suni of what was either done or de- 
signed this year with relation to religion. As fiv 
the state, there was a strict inquiry made of all who 
had cheated the king in the suppression of chantries, 
or in any other thing that related to churches ; from 
which the visitors were believed to have embezzled 
much to their own uses ; and there were many suiti 
in the star-chamber about it. Mbst of all these per- 
sons had been the friends or creatures of the duke 
of Somerset : and the inquiry after these things seems 
to have been more out of hatred to him, than out of 
any design to make the king the richer by whit 
should be recovered for his use. But on none did 
the storm break more severely than on the lord 
>agetde- Paget. Hc had been chancellor of the duchy of 
)eing a Laucastcr, and was charged with many misdemean- 
be^gaitVr. ^^^'^ ^^ ^^^^ office, for wMch he was fined in 6000£ 


But that which was most severe was, that on St. book 

George's eve he was d^raded from the order of the i 

garter for divers offences: but chiefly, because he ^^^^' 
was no gentleman, neither by father's side nor mo- 
ther's side. His chief offence was his greatest vir- 
tue. He had been on all occasions a constant friend 
to the duke of Somerset; for which the duke of 
Northumberland hated him mortally, and so got 
to be degraded to make way for his own son. 
was much censured a^ a barbarous action, that 
a man who had so long served the crown in such 
public negotiations, and was now of no meaner blood 
than he was when king Henry first gave him the 
order, should be so dishonoured, being guilty of no 
other fault but what is common to most courtiers, 
of enriching himself at his master's cost ; for which 
his fine was severe enough for the expiation. But 
the duke of Northumberland was a person so given 
up to violence and revenge, that an ordinary disgrace 
did not satisfy his hatred. 

Sir Ant. St. Leiger, another knight of the order, 
was at the same time accused, upon complaint sent 
. from the archbishop of Dublin in Ireland, for some 
\a^ words that he had used. But these being ex- 
amined, he was cleared, and admitted to his place 
among the knights at the garter. Many others that 
were obnoxious came in, upon this violent prosecu- 
tion, to purchase the favour of Northumberland, who 
was nnich set on framing a parliament to his mind, 
aad so took those methods which he thought like- 
liest to work his ends : it being ordinary for men of 
insolent and boisterous tempers, who are generally 
as abject when they are low, as they are puffed up 
with prosperity, to measure other people by them- 


PART selves; therefore, knowing that the methods of lea- 
— ! — son and kindness would have no operation on than- 
^^^^' selves^ and that height and severity are the only 
ways to subdue them, they use that same way of 
gaining others which they find most effectual with 
be ID- This year the king went on in paying his debtii 

ide. reforming the coin, and other ways that might make 
the nation great and wealthy. And one great pro- 
ject was undertaken, which has been the chief begin- 
ning and foundation of the great riches, and strength 
of shipping, to which this nation has attained sinoe 
that time. From the days of king Henry the Third, 
the free towns of Germany, who had assisted him in 
his wars, obtained great privileges in England ; thejr 
were made a corporation^ and lived together in the 
Stillyard near the bridge. They had in Edward the 
Fourth's time been brought into some trouble, for 
canying their privil^es further than their charts 
allowed them ; and so judgment was given that they 
had forfeited it : but they redeemed themselves out 
of that, by a great present which they made to the 
king. That which chiefly supported them at court 
was, that they, trading in a body, were not only aUe 
to take the trade out of all other persons' hands^ fay 
underselling them, but they had always a great stodL 
of money ; and so when the government was in a 
strait, they were ready, upon a good security, to 
lend great sums ; and on lesser occasions could ob- 
tain the favour of a statesman by the presents they 
made him. But now trade was raised much above 
what it had been ; and courts becoming more mag- 
nificent than formerly, there was a greater consump- 
tion, particularly of cloth, than had ever been known. 



The discovery of the Indies had raised both trade book 

and navigation, so that there was a quicker drcu- '. — 

lation of the wealth of the world than had been in ^^^^* 
former ages. 

Antwerp and Hamburgh, \ying both conveniently, 
the one in the mouth of the Elbe, and the other near 
the mouth of the Rhine, which were the two great- 
est rivers that fell into those seas, the merchants of 
those two cities at that time had the chief trade of 
the world. The English began to look on those 
Easterlings with envy. All that was imported or 
eiqxirted came for the most part in their bottoms ; 
aU markets were in their hands^ so that commodi- 
ties of foreign growth were vended by them in Eng- 
land, and the product of the kingdom was bought 
up by them. And all the nation being then set 
much on pasture, they had much advanced their 
manufacture ; insomuch that their own wool, which 
had been formerly wrought at Antwerp, was now 
made into cloth in England, which the Stillyard- 
men obtained leave to carry away. At first they 
shipped not above eight cloths in a year, after that 
lOO, then 1000, then 6000 ; but this last year there 
was shipped in their name 44000 cloths; and not 
above 1100 by all others that traded within Eng- 

The merchant-adventurers found they could not 
hold out, unless this company was broke ; so they 
put in their complaint against them in the beginning 
of this year ; to which the Stillyard-men made an- 
swer, and they replied. Upon this the council made 
a decree, that the charter was broken, and so dis- 
solved the company. Those of Hamburgh and Lu- 
becky and the regent of Flanders, solicited the coun- 


PART cil to have this redressed, but in vain ; for the ad- 

'. — vantage the nation was to have by it was too visible 

^^^2. jq admit of any interposition. But the design of 
trade being thus set on foot, another project of a 
higher nature followed it. The war was now be- 
gun between the emperor and the king of France; 
and that, with the persecution raised in Flanden 
against all that leaned to the doctrine of the pro- 
testants, made many there think of changing their 
seats. It was therefore proposed here in England 
to open a free trade, and to appoint some mart- 
towns, that should have greater privileges and se- 
curities for encouraging merchants to live in them, 
and should be easier in their customs than they 
were any where else. Southampton for the doth 
trade, and Hull for the northern trade, were thoagfat 
the two fittest places : and for the advantages and 
disadvantages of this design, I find the young king 
had balanced the matter exactly; for there is a 
large paper, all written with his own hand, contain- 
ing what was to be said on both sides. But his 
death, and queen Mary's marrying the prince of 
Spain, put an end to this project : though all the 
addresses her husband made, seconding the desires 
of the Easterlings, could never prevail to the setting 
up of that company again. If the reader would un- 
derstand this matter more perfectly, he may find a 
K. Edwards great deal of it in the king's Journal, and in the 
Numb."!! fourth paper that follows it, where the whole afiair 
seems to be considered on all hands : but men that 
know merchandise more perfectly, will judge better 
of these things. 
En'I'^d" ^^^^ summer. Cardan, the great philosopher of 
that age, passed through England. He was brought 


from Italy on the account of Hamilton, archbishop book 

of St. Andrew's, who was then desperately sick of a '- — 

dropsy* Cardan cured him of his disease ; but, being '^^^' 
a man much conversant both in astrology and magic, 
as himself professed, he told the archbishop, that, 
though he had at present saved his life, yet he could 
not change his fate, for he was to die on a gallows. 
In his going through England he waited on king 
Edward, where he was so entertained by him, and 
observed his extraordinary parts and virtues so nar- 
rowly, that on many occasions he writ afterwards of 
him, with great astonishment, as being the most won- 
deriiil person he had ever seen. 

But the mention of the Scotch archbishop's sick- The aflUn 
ness leads me now to the affairs of Scotland. The land. 
queen had passed through England from France to 
Scotland last year. In her passage she was treated 
by the king with all that respect that one crowned 
head could pay to another. The particulars are in 
his Journal, and need not be recited here. When 
she came home, she set herself much to persuade the 
governor to lay down the government, that it might 
be put in her hands ; to which he, being a soft man, 
was the more easily induced, because his brother, 
who had great power over him, and was a violent 
and ambitious man, was then so sick, that there was 
no hope of his life. He had also received letters 
6om France, in such a style, that he saw he must 
either lay down the government, or not only lose 
the honour and pension he had there, but be forced 
to struggle for what he had in his own country. 
Whether the French understood any thing by their 
spies in the court of England, that it had been pro- 
posed there to persuade him to pretend to the crown. 


PART and were therefore the more earnest to have the go- 
^eminent out of his hands, I do not know; but, 

1^^^* though I have seen many hundreds of letters that 
passed in those times between England and Scot- 
land, I could not find by any of them that he ever 
entered into any treaty about it. 

It seems his base brother had some thoughts of it; 
for when he was so far recovered that he could in- 
quire after news, and heard what his brother had 
done, he flew out in a passion, and called him a 
beast Jar parting with the gavemmenty since there 
was none but a lass between him and tke 

crown. 1 set down his own words, .leaving a space 
void for an epithet he used of the young queen^ scarce 
decent enough to be mentioned. There had been a 
great consultation in France what to do with the 
queen of Scotland. Her uncles pressed the king to 
marry her to the dauphin ; for thereby another king- 
dom would be added to France, which would be a 
perpetual thorn in the side of England: she had 
also some prospect of succeeding to the crown of 
England ; so that on all accounts it seemed the best 
match in Europe for the dauphin. But the wise 
constable had observed, that the Spaniards lost by 
their dominions that lay so remote from the chief 
seat of their government, though these were the 
richest countries in Europe ; namely, Sicily, Naples, 
Milan, and the Netherlands : and wisely apprehend- 
ed, that France might suffer much more by the ac- 
cession of such a crown, which not only was remote, 
but where also the country was poor, and the people 
not easily governed. It would be a vast charge to 
them to send navies, and to pay armies there. The 
nobility might, when they would, by confederating 


with Eng^dy either shake off the French go\rern* book 

ment, or put them to a great expense to keep it : - — 

so thaty whereas Scotland had been hitherto, by a ^^^^' 
pension, and sometimes by a little assistance, kept 
in a perpetual alliance with France, he apprehended 
by such an union it might become their enemy, and 
a great weight on their government. This the con- 
staUe pressed much, both out of his care of his mas- 
ter's interest, and in opposition to the house of Guise. 
He advised the king rather to marry her to some of 
his subjects, of whom he was well assured, and to 
send her and her husband home into Scotland ; by 
which means the perpetual amity of that kingdom 
might be preserved on easy terms. But the king 
was so possessed with the notion of the union of that 
crown to France, that be gave no ear to this wise 
advice, thinking it flowed chiefly from the hatred 
and enmity which he knew the constable bore the 
fiEunily of Guise. This the constable himself told 
Melvil, from whose narrative I have it. The queen 
mother of Scotland, being possessed of the govern- 
ment, found two great factions in it. The head of 
the one was the archbishop; who now recovering, 
and finding himself neglected, and the queen go- 
verned by other counsels, set himself much against 
her, and drew the clergy for the most part into his 
interests. The other faction was of those who hated 
him and them both, and inclined to the reformation. 
They set up the prior of St. Andrew's, who was their 
young queen's natural brother, as their head, and by 
his means offered their service to the queen, now 
made regent. They offered that they would agree 
with her to send the matrimonial crown to the dau* 
phin, and consent to the union of both kingdoms ; 


PART only they desired her protection from the violence 


^of the clergy, and that they might have secredj 
1552. preachers in their houses to instruct them in the 
points of religion. This offer the queen readily ac- 
cepted of; and so, by their assistance, carried things 
till near the end of her regency with great modenh 
tion and discretion. And now the affairs of Soot* 
land were put in a channel, in which they held kng 
steady and quiet, till about six years after this, that, 
upon the peace with the king of Spain, there were 
cruel counsels laid down in France, and from thence 
sent over into Scotland, for extirpating heresy. But 
of that we shall discourse in its proper place. 
The affairs As for the affairs of Grermany, there was this year 
'™^"^' a great and sudden turn of things there ; with whidi 
the emperor was surprised by a strange supinenefly 
that proved as fatal to him as it was happy to the 
empire, though all the world besides saw it comiif 
on him. Upon the delivery of Magdeburg, Maurice 
of Saxe's army, pretending there was an arrear due 
to them, took up their winter quarters near Saxe, in 
the dominions of some popish princes, where thef 
were very unwelcome guests. The sons of the land- 
grave, being required by their father, pressed the 
duke of Saxe on his honour to free their father, or 
to become their prisoner in his room, since they had 
his faith for his liberty : so he went to them, and 
offered them his person; but though he did not 
trust them with his whole design, yet he told them 
so much, that they were willing to let him go back. 
The emperor's counsellors were alarmed with what 
they heard from all hands ; and the duke of Alva 
(well known afterwards by his cruelties in the Ne- 
therlands) advised him to send for Maurice to come 


gire an account of all those guspidous passages, book 
ike the army oat of his hands, and to take such 

rities from him, as might clear all the jealousies, ^ ^^^* 
irhich his carriage had given great cause. But 
bishop of Arras was on the other hand so assured 
im, that he said, the giving him any suspicion of 
emperor's distrust might really engage him into 
I designs; and that such deep projects as they 
d he was in were too fine conceits for Dutch 
iken heads. He also assured them, he had two 
is secretaries in pension, so that he was adver^- 
I of all his motions. But the duke of Saxe came 
now, that those his secretaries were the empe- 
I pensioners ; and dissembled it so well, that he 
[ them in all appearance with more confidence 
I formerly : he held all his consultations in their 
ence, and seemed to open his heart so to them, 

they possessed the bishop with a firm confidence 
is sincerity and steadiness to the emperor's in- . 
sts. Yet his lingering so at the town of Mag- 
vrgf with the other dark passages concerning 
, made the emperor conceive at last a jealousy 
tm ; and he writ for him to come and clear him- 
: then he refined it higher ; for, having left or- 

with the officers whom he had made sure to 
f to follow with the army in all the haste they 
d, he himsdf took post, with as small a train as 
lignity could admit of, and carried one of those 
upted secretaries with him : but on the way he 
plained of pains in his side, so that he could not 
i on his journey ; but sent forward his secretary, 

gave such an account of him, that it, together 
i his coming so readily a great part of his way 
o secure a manner, made the emperor now lay 

OL. II. F f 


PART down all his former distrusts. The emperor writ 
. to Trent, and to many other places, that there was 
1552. jjQ cause of fear from Maurice. And Maurice, to 
colour the matter more completely, had sent his 
ambassadors to Trent, and had ordered Melancthon, 
and his other divines, to follow them slowly, that, 
as soon as the safe conduct was obtained, they might 
go on and defend their doctrine. 
Pi^x*****"!?* Upon their coming to Trent, and proposing their 
desires, that all might be again considered, the le- 
gates rejected the proposition with much scorn. The 
emperor's ambassadors and prelates pressed that th^ 
might be well received. The archbishop of Toledo 
showed how much Christ had borne with the scribes 
and Pharisees ; and that, in imitation of him, they 
ought to leave nothing undone that might gain upon 
them. So it was resolved, that the council should 
make a protestation, that the usage they gave them 
• was out of charity, which is above all law ; since it 
was against the decretals to have any treaty with 
professed heretics. At the same time the imperial- 
ists dealt no less earnestly with the ambassadors from 
the protestant princes, not to ask too much at once^ 
but to go on by degrees; and assured them, thej 
had a mind to lessen the pope's greatness as much 
as they had. The ambassadors' first step was to be 
for obtaining a safe conduct. They excepted to that 
which the council had given, as different from that 
the council of Basil had sent to the Bohemians, ia 
four material points. The first w'as. That their di- 
vines should have a decisive voice. 2. That all 
points should be determined according to the scrip- 
tures; and according to the fathers, as th^y were ; 
conformable to those. 3. That they should have i 


the exerdse of their religion within their own houses, book 

4. That nothing should be done in contempt of their '- — 

doctrine. So they desired that the safe conduct might ^^^^* 
be word for word the same with that of Basil. 

But the legates abhorred the name of that councU, 
that had endeavoured so much to break the power of 
the popedom ; and had consented to that extraordi- 
nary safe conduct only to unite Germany, and to gain 
them by such compliance to be of their side against 
the pope. Yet the legates promised to consider of 
it. The ambassadors were received in a congrega- 
tion, which differed from a session of the council, just 
as a committee of a whole house of parliament dif- 
fers firom the house when set according to its forms. 
They began their speech with this salutation. Most 
reverend and most mighty juihers and lords : they 
added a cold compliment, and desired a safe conduct. 
At this time the pope, hearing that the emperor was 
resolved to bring on the old designs of some councils 
£or lessening his greatness, and that the Spanish bi- 
shops were much set on it, united himself to France, 
and resolved to break the council as soon as it was 
possible; and therefore he ordered the legates to 
proceed in the decision of the doctrine, hoping that 
the protestants would despair of obtaining any thing, 
and so go away. So the safe conduct they had de- 
nied was not granted them ; and another was offered 
in its room, containing only full security for their 
persons. Upon this security, such as it was, divines 
came both from Wirtenberg, and the town of Stras- 
borg. But, as they were going on to treat of matri- 
mony, the war of Germany broke out ; and the bi- 
shops of the empire, with the other ambassadors, 
immediatdy went home. The legates laid hold on 

Ff 2 


PART this 80 readily, that, though the seBsion wm to hm 
been held on the second of Maj, they (sailed aa cfr 

^^^^* traordinary one on the 88th of Aprils and auspeaiM 
the council for two years. 
An ftccount And bring to have no other occasion to say anf 
modi of thing more of this council, I shall only add* flal 
^^'^^' there had been a great expectatioa over Chii8l» 
dom of some considerable event of a general 
for many years. The bishops and princes had 
desired it, hoping it might have brought the diffla' 
ences among divines to a happy oomposure; ni 
have settled a reformation of thoae abuses wkkh 
had been long complained of, and were alill kept if 
by the court of Rome, for the ends of that priad» 
pality that they had assumed in sacred things. Hi 
popes for the same reasons were very appre hcan i s 
of it ; fearing that it might have lessened their pN^ 
rogatives, and, by cutting off abuses, that broi^ 
in a great revenue to them^ have abridged thdr 
profits. But it was, by the cunning of the legate^ 
the dissensions of princes, the great number of poor 
Italian bishops, and the ignorance of the greateit 
part of the other, so managed, that, instead of com- 
posing differences in religion, things were so niceljr 
defined, that they were made irreconrileaUe. Afl 
those abuses, for which there had been nothing bat 
practice, and that much questioned befcnr^ wcM 
now, by the provisos and reservations, excepted 
for the privileges of the Roman see, made warrant* 
aUe. So that it had in all particulais an issue quite 
contrary to what the several parties concerned had 
expected from it ; and has put the world ever siaes 
out of the humour of desiring any-mcMre genenl 
coundls, as they are accustomed to call them. The 


history of that council was writ with as much life, book 
and beauty, and authority, as had been e^er seen in 

any human writing, by friar Paul of Venice, with- *^^^' 
in half an age of the time in which it was ended ; 
when the thing was yet fresh in men's memories, 
and many were alive who had been present: and 
there was not one in that age that engaged to write 
against it. But about forty years after, when father And a 
Fault and all his friends, who knew from whatofth^u- 
nNichers he writ, were dead, Pallavidni, a Jesuit, ***"** *'^'*" 
who was made a cardinal for this service, undertook 
to answer him by another history of that council ;. 
wbichf in many matters of fact, contradicts father 
Paul, upon the credit (as he tells us) of some journals 
and m^norials of such as were present, which he 
perused, and cites upon all occasions. We see that 
Rome hath been in all ages so good at forging those 
things which might be of use to its interests, that we 
know not how to trust that shop of false wares in 
any one thing that comes out of it. And therefore 
it 18 not easy to be assured of the truth and genuine- 
nesB of any of the materials, out of which the Jesuit 
composed his work. But as for the main thread of 
the stcny, both his and father Paul's accounts do so 
agree, that whosoever compares them, will clearly 
see, that all things were managed by intrigues and 
•ecret {nractices ; so that it will not be easy for a man 
tf common sense, after he has read over Pallavicini's 
liirtory> to fancy that there was any extraordinary 
influence of the Holy Ghost hovering over and di- 
recting their counsels. And the care they took for 
palliating all the corruptions then complained of was 
JO apparent, that their historian had no other way 
by which to excuse it, but to set up a new hypo- 

• Ff8 ^ 


PART thesis, which a French writer since has wittily 

; called the CardtnaVs new Gospel; •^ That there 

1552. (( must be a temporal principality in the church; 
^* that all things which support that principality are 
*^ to be at least tolerated, though they be far con- 
trary to the primitive patterns, and to the first 
delivery of the gospel by Christ and his apostles. 
That which was then set up, he accounts a state 
** of infancy, to which milk was proper ; but the 
** church being since grown to its full state and 
** strength, other things are now necessary for the 
*• maintaining and preserving of it.** 

But to return to Maurice, he having possessed the 
emperor with an entire confidence in him, gathered 
his army together, took Ausburg, with many other 
imperial cities, and displaced the magistrates which 
the emperor had put in them, and restored their old 
ones, with the banished ministers: so that every 
thing began to put on a new face. Ferdinand king 
of the Romans did mediate, both on his own account, 
for the Turks were falling into Hungary ; and on the 
empire's, for the king of France was come with a 
great army to the confines of the empire : and the 
constable, pretending that he only desired passage 
through the town of Metz, entered it, and possessed 
himself of it. Toul and Verdun fell also into his 
hands; and the French were endeavouring to be 
admitted into Strasburg. The emperor was now 
in great disorder : he had no army about him ; those 
he had confided in were declared gainst him ; his 
own brother was not ill pleased at his misfortune; 
the French were like to gain ground on his heredi- 
tary dominions. Being thus perplexed and irre^ 
solved, he did not send a speedy answer to Mau^ 


rice's demands^ which he had sent by his brother; book 
for the setting of the landgrave at liberty, restoring '' 

the freedoms of the empire, and particularly in mat- *^^2. 
ters of religion. But, to lose no time the mean 
while, Maurice marched on to Inspruch, where the 
emperor lay ; and surprised a pass to which he had 
trusted, so that he was within two miles of him be- 
fore he was aware of it. Upon this the emperor 
rose from supper in great haste, and by torch-light 
fled away to make his escape into Italy. He gave 
the duke of Saxe his liberty: but he generously 
resolved to follow him in this his calamity; and 
^perli^is he was not willing to owe his liberty to his 
joousin Maurice. Thus all that design, which the 
emperor had been laying so many years, was now 
broken off on a sudden : he lost all the advantages 
he had of his former victories, and was forced to set 
the prisoners at liberty, and to call in the proscrip- 
tions ; and in conclusion, the edict of Passaw was 
made, by which the several princes and towns were 
secured in the free exercise of their reh'gion. 

I have made this digi*ession, which I thought not 
disagreeable to the matter of my history, to give ac- 
count of the extreme danger in which reh'gion was 
in Germany, and how strangely it was recovered ; in 
which he who had been the chief instrument of the 
miseries it had groaned under, was now become its 
unlooked-for deliverer. I have enlarged on some 
passages that are in none of the printed histories, 
which I draw from Melvil's Memoirs, who says he 
had them from the elector Palatine's own mouth. 

But the emperor's misfortunes redoubled on him : The empe. 
for, having made peace in the empire, he would, cast down, 
against all reason, or probability of success, sit down 

Ff 4 


PART before Metz. But the duke of Guise defended the 
place so against him, and the time of the year wai 

^^^^* so unseasonable, being in December, that, after a 
great loss of men, and vast expense of treasure, he 
was forced to raise his siege. From thence he re- 
tired into Flanders ; where his aflSiction seized so 
violently on him, that for some time he admittfd 
none to come near him : some said he was frantic ; 
others, that he was sullen and melancholy. The 
English ambassadors at Brussels for many weeb 
could learn nothing certain concerning him. Hen^ 
it is said, he began to reflect on the vanity of the 
world ; when he, who had but a year before given 
law to Christendom, was now driven to so low as 
ebb, that, as he had irrecoverably lost all his footmg 
in Germany, so in all other things his counsds were 
unlucky. It was one of the notablest turns of fiw- 
tune that had been in many ages ; and gave a great 
demonstration, both of an overruling Providence, 
that disposes of all human affairs at. pleasure, and of 
a particular care that God had of the reformatioD, 
in thus recovering it when it seemed gone witboot 
hope in Germany. 

These reflections made deep impressions on hiB 
mind, and were believed to have first possessed him 
with the design, which not long after he put in ex- 
ecution, of laying down his crowns, and retiring toe 
private course of life. In his retirement having time 
to consider things more impartially, he was so mudi 
changed in his opinion of the protestant religioiif 
that he, who hitherto had been a most violent op- 
poser of it, was suspected of being turned to it be- 
fore he died. 

Thus ended this year ; and now I come to the last 


and fistfal year of this young king^s life and reign : book 
The first thing done in it was a r^ulation of the 

privy-coundl, which was divided into so many com-^ ^^J; 
mittees, and every one of these had its proper work, tioa of the 

• • • • priTT-COUD- 

and days appointed for the receiving and despatching di. 
of all affairs. In all these things a method was pre- 
scribed to them, of which the reader will see a fiiU 
account in the sixth paper of those that follow king 
Edward's Journal ; which paper, though it is not all k. Edw. 
written with his hand, as the others be, yet it is in Namb^e. 
so many places interlined by him, that he seems to 
have considered it much, and been well pleased with 
It. His second parliament was opened on the first of a new par- 
Ifardi. On the sixth of March it was moved in the 
house of commons to give the king two tenths and 
two fifteenths, with a subsidy for two years : it was 
long argued at first, and at the passing the bill it 
was again argued ; but at last the commons agreed 
to it. The preamble of it is a long accusation of the 
duke of Somerset for involving the king in wars, 
wasting his treasure, engaging him in much debt, 
embasing the coin, and having given occasion to a 
noft terrible rebellion. In fine, considering the great 
debt the king was left in by his father, the loss he 
fat himself to in the reforming the coin, and they 
finding his temper to be set wholly on the good of 
lui subjects, and not on enriching himself; therefore 
d^y give him two tenths, and two fifteenths, with 
one subsidy for two years. Whether the debate in 
tlie house of commons was against the subsidies in 
this act, or against the preamble, cannot be certainly 
known : but it is probable the debate at the engross- 
ing the bill was about the preamble, which the duke 
tf Northumberland and his party were the more 


PART earnestly set on, to let the king see how acceptable 
''* they were, and how hateful the duke of Somerset 

1553. ]^Q^ i^eii^ 'Pile clergy did also, for an expression d 
their affection and duty, give the king six shillings 
in the pound of their benefices. There was also a 
bill sent down from the lords, that none might hold 
any spiritual promotion, unless he weie either priest 
or deacon : but after the third reading it was cast 
out. The reason of it was, because many noblemen 
and gentlemen's sons had' prebends given them on 
this pretence, that they intended to fit themsehci 
by study for entering into orders; but they kept 
these, and never advanced in their studies: upon 
which the bishops prevailed to have the bill agreed 
to by the lords, but could carry it no further. 
The bishop- Another act passed for the suppressing the Inshop- 
resme tup- ^c of Durcsmc, which is so strangely misrepresented 
t!^^4'°** by those who never read more than the title of it, 
ones ap- tjjat I shall therefore rive a more full account oS it 

pointed. ^ , 

It is set forth in the preamble, ** that that bishopric 
*^ being then void of a prelate, so that the gift thereof 
*^ was in the king's pleasure ; and the compass of it 
^^ being so large, extending to so many shires so fiur 
distant, that it could not be sufficiently served bj 
one bishop ; and since the king, according to hk 
*' godly disposition, was desirous to have Grod's hotf 
** word preached in these parts, which were wild and 
^^ barbarous for lack of good preaching, and good ] 
learning ; therefore he intended to have two bi- 
shoprics for that diocese; the one at Duresme, 
^^ which should have 2000 marks revenue ; and aiH 
** other at Newcastle, which should have 1000 marks 
*^ revenue : and also to found a cathedral church at 
'^ Newcastle, with a deanery and chapter, out of the 


** revenues of the bishopric; therefore the bishopric book 

^ of Duresme is utterly extinguished and dissolved, - 
•*• and authority is given for letters patents to erect '^^^' 
^ the two new bishoprics, together with the deanery 
^ and chapter at Newcastle ; with a proviso that the 
^ rights of the deanery, chapter, and cathedral of 
'* Duresme should suffer nothing by this act." 

When this bill is considered, that dissolution that 

was designed by it will not appear to be so sacrile* 

gious a thing as some writers have represented it. 

For whosoever understands the value of old rents, 

especially such as these were, near the marches of an 

enemy, where the service of the tenants in the war 

made their lands be set at very low rates, will know, 

that 3000 marks of rent being reserved, besides the 

endowing of the cathedral, which could hardly be done 

under another thousand marks, there could not be so 

great a prey of that bishopric as has been imagined. 

Ridley^ as himself writes in one of his letters, was 

named to be bishop of Duresme, being one of the 

natives of that country ; but the thing never took 

effect. For in May, and no sooner, was the tempo- 

ralty of the bishopric turned into a county palatine, 

and given to the duke of Northumberland. But the 

king's sickness, and soon after his death, made that 

and all the rest of these designs prove abortive. 

How Tonstal was deprived, I cannot understand. 
It was for misprision of treason, and done by secular 
men : for Cranmer refused to meddle in it. I have 
seen the commission given by queen Mary to some 
delegates to examine it : in which it is said, that the 
sentence was given only by laymen ; and that Ton- 
stal, being kept prisoner long in the Tower, was 
Jbrought to his trial, in which he had neither counsel 


PART assigned him, nor convenient time given him fot 

'- — clearing himself ; and that, after.divws protestations, 

1553. ^Yi^y i^^ notwithstanding his appeal, deprived him 
of his bishopric. He was not only turned out, bat 
kept prisoner, till queen Mary set him at liberty. 

At the end of this parliament the king granted a 
free pardon : concerning which this is only remark- 
able, that whereas it goes for a maxim, that the acts 
of pardon must be passed without changing anj 
thing in them, the commons, when they sent up thii 
act of pardon to the lords, desired that some wanb 
might be amended in it ; but it is not dear whtt 
was done, for that same day the acts were passedi 
and the parliament was dissolved. 

In it the duke of Northumberland had carried tfaii 
point, that the nation' made a public declaraticm of 
their dislike of the duke of Somerset's pitxreedii^; 
which was the more necessary, because the king had 
let fall words concerning his death, by which he 
seemed to reflect on it with some concern, and 
looked on it as Northumberland's deed. But the 
act had passed with such difficulty, that either the 
duke did not think the parliament well enough dis- 
posed for him, or else he resolved totally to vaiy 
from the measures of the duke of Somerset^.who con- 
tinued the same parliament long ; whereas this, that 
was opened on the first, was dissolved on the last 
day of March. 
Aritiution Visitors were soon after appointed to examine 

for the *^ ^ 

plate ID the what church plate, jewels, and other furniture, was 
^ ' in all cathedrals and churches ; and to compare their 
account with the inventories made in former visita- 
tions ; and to see what was embezzled, and how it 
was done. And because the king was resolved to 


have charches and chapels furnished with that that book 
was comely and conTenient for the administration of. 


the sacraments ; they were to give one or two cha- ^^^' 
Uces of silver, or more, to every church, chapel, or 
cathedral, as their discretions should direct them ; 
and to distribute comely furniture for the commu* 
nion table, and for surplices ; and to sell the rest of 
the linen, and give it to the poor : and to sell copes, 
and altar-cloths, and deliver all the rest of the plate 
and jewels to the king's treasurer, sir Edm. Pecharo. 
This is sfHtefuIly urged by one of our writers, who 
would, have his reader infer from it, that the king 
was ill principled as to the matters of the church, 
because, when this order was given by him, he was 
DOW in the 16th year of his age. But if all princes 
should be thus judged by all instructions that pass 
under their hands, they would be more severely cen- 
sured than there is cause. And for the particular 
matter that is charged on the memory of this young 
prince, which, as it was represented to him, was only 
a calling for the superfluous plate and other goods 
that lay in churches more for pomp than for use ; 
though the applying of it to common uses, except 
upon extreme necessities, is not a thing that can be 
justified ; yet it deserved not so severe a censure ; 
especially the instructions being signed by the king 
in his sickness ; in which it is not likely that he 
minded affairs of that kind much, but set his hand 
easily to such papers as the council prepared for 

These instructions were directed, in the copy that imtnio- 
I have perused, to the earl of Shrewsbury, lord pre* the prew. 
rident of the north: upon which occasion, I shall ^;^^^'*'*' 
here make mention of that which I know not cer* 


PART tainly in what year to place, namely, the instrUctioQ^ 

'■ — that were given to that earl when he was made pie- 

*^^^' sident of the north. Ayd I mention them the ra- 
ther, because there have been since that time some 
contests about that office, and the court belonging to 
it. There was by his instructions a council to be as- 
sistant to him ; whereof some of the members were 
at large, and not bound to attendance, others were 
liot to leave him without licence from him : and he 
was in all things to have a negative voice in it. For 
Collect, the other particulars, I refer the reader to the copj, 
"™ ' ^ ' which he will find in the Collection. One instruo* 
tion among them belongs to religion ; that he and 
the other counsellors, when there was at any time 
assemblies of people before them, should persuade 
them to be obedient chiefly to the laws about rdi- 
gion, and especially concerning the service set forth 
in their own mother-tongue. There was also a par- 
ticular charge given them concerning the abdished 
power of the bishop of Rome : whose abuses they 
were by continual inculcation so to beat into the 
minds of the people, that they might well apprehend 
them, and might see that those things were said to 
them from their hearts, and not from their tongues 
only for form's sake. They were also to satisfy 
them about the abrogation of many holydays ap- 
pointed by the same bishop ; who endeavoured to 
persuade the world that he could make jsaints at his 
pleasure : which, by leading the people to idleness^ 
gave occasion to many vices and inconveniencies. 
These instructions were given after the peace was 
made with Scotland; otherwise there must have 
been a great deal in them relating to that war : but 
the critical time of them I do not know. 



This year Harly was made bishop of Hereford, in- book 
stead of Skip, who died the last year. And he being 

the last of those who were made so by letters pa- Thl^fom of 
tents, I shall give the reader some satisfaction con- ^« bishop** 

• t o 1 • 1*1 rm letter* pa- 

ceming that way of making bishops. The patents tenu. 
b^an with the mention of the vacancy of the see, 
by death, or removal : upon which the king being 
informed of the good qualifications of such a one, ap- 
points him to be bishop during his natural Ufe, or so 
long as he shall behave himself well; giving him 
power to ordain and deprive ministers, to confet be- 
nefices, judge about wills, name officials and commis- 
saries, exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction, visit the 
clergy, inflict censures, and punish scandalous per- 
sons, and to do all the other parts of the episcopal 
fonction that were found by the word of God to be 
committed to bishops ; all which they were to ex- 
ecute and do in the king's name and authority* 
After that, in the same patent, follows the restitu- 
tion of the temporalties. The day after, a certificate 
in a writ called a significavit was to be made of this, 
under the great seal, to the archbishop, with a charge 
to consecrate him. 

The first that had his bishopric by the king's pa- 
tents was Barlow, that was removed from St. David's 
to Bath and Wells. They bear date the third of 
February, in the second year of the king's reign : 
and so Ferrar, bishop of St. David's, was not the 
first, as some have imagined ; for he was made bi- 
diop the first of August that year. This Ferrar was 
a rash indiscreet man, and drew upon himself the 
dislike of the prebendaries of St. David's. He was 
made bishop upon the duke of Somerset's favour to 
tim. But last year many articles were objected to 


PART him : some, as if he had incurred a pt i B mumir e ftr 
! acting in his courts, not in the king^s, but his own 

1553. fiQine^ and some for neglecting his charge ; and some 
little indecencies were objected to him, as goii^ 
strangely habited, travelling on ibot, whistling im- 
pertinently, with many other things, which, if tme^ 
showed in him much weakness and folly. The hefr- 
viest articles he denied : yet he was kept in priscn, 
and commissioners were sent into Wales to examine 
witnesses, who took many depositions against him. 
He lay in prison till queen Mary's time ; and then 
he was kept in on the account of his belief. But Ui 
suffering afterwards for his conscience, when Mor- 
gan, who had been his chief accuser before on thoie 
other articles, being then made his judge, condemned 
him for heresy, and made room for -himself to be bi- 
shop by burning him, did much turn the peopM 
censures from him upon his successor. 

By these letters patents it is clear, that the epi- 
scopal function was acknowledged to be of divine ap- 
pointment, and that the person was no other wty 
named by the king than as lay patrons present to 
livings ; only the bishop was legally authorized, in 
such a part of the king's dominions, to execute that 
function which was to be derived to him by imposi- 
tion of hands. Therefore here was no pretence for 
denying that such persons were true bishops, and Ar 
saying, as some have done, that they were not ffom 
Christ, but from the king. 

Upon this occasion it will not be improper to re- 
present to the reader how this matter stands accord- 
ing to the law at this day ; which is the more neces- 
sary, because some superficial writers have either 
misunderstood or misrepresented it. The act that 


aothorised those letters patents, and required the book 
faishops to hold theu* courts in the king^s name, was 

repealed both by the 1 Mar. chap. 2. and 1 and 2 ^^^^* 
FhiL and Mary, chap. 8. The latter of these, that 
repealed only a part of it, was repealed by the 1 Eliz. 
chap. 1. and the former by the 1 Jac. chap. 25. So 
some have argued, that since those statutes, which 
repealed this act of Edward the Sixth, 1 par. chap. 2. 
are since repealed, that it stands now in full force. 
This seems to have some colour in it, and so it was 
brought in question in parliament in the fourth year 
of king James. And great debate being made about 
ity tbe king appointed the two chief justices to search 
into the matter : they upon a slight inquiry agreed, 
that the statute of Edward the Sixth was in force 
by that repeal ; but the chief baron, and the other 
judges, searching the matter more carefully, found, 
that the statute had been in effect repealed by the coke a. 
Ist of EUz. ch. 1. where the act of the 25 Hen. VIII. Jg:^'^^' 
concerning the election and jurisdiction of bishops, 
as formerly they had exercised it, was revived : so 
that being in full force, the act of Edward the Sixth, 
that repealed it, was thereby repealed. To this all 
the learned men of the law did then agree : so that 
it was not thought so much as necessary to make 
an explanatory law about it, the thing being indeed 
80 dear, that it did not admit of any ambiguity. 

In May this year the king by his letters patents 
authorized all schoolmasters to teach a new and fuller 
Catechism, compiled by Alexander Nowel. 

These are all the passages in which the church is 
concerned this year. The foreign negotiations were 
important. For now the balance began to turn to 
the French side; therefore the council resolved to 

VOL. II. G g 


PART mediate a peace between the French abd the eodi^ 

— '- — pearoT. The emperor had sent over an ambanador 

1553. ^ September last year, to desire the king wouU 

consider the danger in which Flanders was now^ 

by the French king's having Metas^ with the other 

towns in Lorrain, which did in a great measure di-» 

vide it from the assistance of the empire : and there^ 

fore moved, that, according to the ancient league 

between England and the house of Burgundy, they* 

would enter into a new league with him. Upcm tUi' 

occasion the reader will find how the secretaries of 

state bred the king to the understanding of businesi^ 

with relation to the studies he was then about : fiv. 

secretary Cecil set down all the arguments for and 

ing Ed- against that league, with little notes on the niargii^> 

aiiu, relating to such topics from whence he broi^|fat 

rnnb. 5. ^y^^j^ . |^y which it sccms the king was then leun-. 

ing logic. It is the fifth of those papers after hii 
treaty It was rcsolvcd ou to scnd sir Richard Morisoo 
iperor. with instructions to compliment the emperor upon 
his coming into Flanders, and to make an offer of 
the king's assistance against the Turks, who had 
made great depredations that year both in Hungaiy, 
Italy, and Sicily. If the emperor should upon that 
complain of the French king, and say, that he had 
brought in the Turks, and should have asked assist- 
ance against him ; he was to move the emperor to 
send over an ambassador to treat about it ; since he 
that was then resident in England was not very ac« 
"ect. ceptable. These instructions (which are in the Cd- 
lection) were signed in September, but not made use 
of till January this year : and then new orders were 
sent to propose the king to be a mediator between 


Aranoe and the emperor. Upon which, the bishop book 
of Norwich and sir Phil. Hobbey were sent over to 

join with sir Richard Morison : and sdr William Pick-i ^^^^* 
ering, and sir Tho. Chaloner, were sent into France. 
In May the emperor fell sick, and the English am- 
bassadors could learn nothing certainly concerning 
him : but then the queen of Hungary, and the bi- 
diop of Arras, treated with them. The bishop of 
Arras complained, that the Fi-ench had begun the 
war» had taken the emperor's ships at Barcelona, 
had robbed his subjects at sea, had stirred up the 
princes of Germany against him^ had taken some of 
die towns of the empire from him ; while the French 
ambassadors were all the while swearing to the em- 
p6ror» that their master intended nothing so much 
as to preserve the peace : so that now, although the 
French were making several overtures for peace, 
tbey could give no credit to any thing that came 
' from them. In fine, the queen and bishop of Arras 
promised the English ambassadors to let the empe- 
rar know of the king*s offering himself to mediate ; 
and afterwards told them, that the emperor delayed 
giving answer till he were well enough to do it him- 

On the 26th of May the ambassadors writ over, 
that there was a project seat them out of Germany 
of an alliance between the emperor, Ferdinand king 
of the Romans, the king of England, and the princes 
of the empire. They did not desire that the king 
dKNild offer to come into it of his own accord ; but 
John Frederick of Saxe would move Ferdinand to 
invite the king into it This way they thought would 
give least jealousy. They hoped the emperor would 
eainly agree to the conditions that related to the peace 



PART of Germany, since he was now out of all hopes of 
making himself master of it. The princes neither 

1553. ]Qyed nor trusted him; but loved his brother, and 
relied much on England. But the emperor having 
proposed, that the Netherlands should be included 
in the perpetual league of the empire^ thejr would 
not agree to that, unless the quotas of their ccmtri* 
bution were much changed : for these provinces weie 
like to be the seats of wars, therefore thej would not 
engage for their defence but upon reciprocal advan- 
tages and easy terms. 

When the English ambassadors in the court of 
France desired to know on what terms a peace m^ 
be mediated, they found they were much exalted 
with their success : so that (as they writ over od 
the first of May) they demanded the restitutira of 
Milan, and the kingdoms of Sicily, Naples, and Na- 
varre, the sovereignty of Flanders, Artois, and the 
town of Toumay; they would also have Siena to 
be restored to its liberty, and Metz^ Toul, and Ver- 
dun to continue under the protection of France. 
These terms the council thought so unreasonable, 
that, though they writ them over as news to thdr 
ambassadors in Flanders, yet they charged them not 
to propose them. But the queen of Hungary asked 
them what propositions they had for a peace, know^ 
ing already what they were ; and from thence stu- 
died to inflame the ambassadors, since it appeared 
how little the French regarded their mediation, or 
the peace of Christendom, when they asked sadi 
high and extravagant things upon a little success. 

On the ninth of June the emperor ordered the 
ambassadors to be brought into his bedchamber, 
whither they were carried by the queen of Hungary. 


He looked pale and lean ; but his eyes were lively, book 
and his speech clear. They made him a compli- 

ment upon his sickness, which he returned with ^^^* 
another for their long attendance. Upon the mat- 
ter of their embassy, he said, the king of France had 
begun the war, and must likewise begin the propo- 
sitions of peace : but he accepted of the king^s offer 
▼ery kindly, and said, they should always find in 
Mm great inclinations to a just peace. On the first 
of July the council writ to their ambassadors. First, 
assuring them that the king was still alive, and they 
hoped he should recover ; they told them, they did 
not find that the French would offer any other terms 
than those formerly made : and they continued still 
in that mind, that they could not be offered by them 
as mediators ; yet they ordered them to impart them 
mito the emperor as news, and carefully to observe 
his looks and behaviour upon their opening of every 
one of them. 

But now the king's death broke off this negotia- The king'i 
tion, together with all his other affairs. He had last 
jear, first the measles, and then the small-pox, of 
which he was perfectly recovered : in his progress, 
he had been sometimes violent in his exercises, which 
had cast him into great colds ; but these went off, 
and he seemed to be well after it. But in the be- 
pnning of January this year he was seized with a 
deep cough ; and all medicines that were used did 
rather increase than lessen it ; upon which a suspi- 
cion was taken up, and spread over all the world, 
(so that it is mentioned by most of the historians of 
that age,) that some lingering poison had been given 
him : but more than rumours, and some ill-favoured 
circumstance^^ I could never discover concerning 



PART this. He was so ill when the parliaitient met that 

he was not able to go to Westminster ; but ordered 

1553. ^j^^j. gj^f. meeting and the sermon to be at White- 
hall. In the time of his sickness, bishop Ridley 
preached before him, and took occasion to run out 
much on works of charity ; and the obligation that 
lay on men of high condition to be eminent in good 
:iu care of works. This touched the king to the quidc : so that 
he ^r. ^ presently after sermon he sent for the bishop. And 
after he had commanded him to sit down by him, 
and be covered, he resumed most of the heads of the 
sermon, and said, he looked on himself as diiefly 
touched by it : he desired him, as he had already 
given him the exhortation in general, so to direct 
him how to do his duty in that particular. The 
bishop, astonished at this tenderness in so young a 
prince, burst forth in tears, expressing how much he 
was oveijoyed to see such inclinations in him : but 
told him, he must take time to think on it, and 
craved leave to consult with the lord mayor and 
court of aldermen. So the king writ by him to 
them to consult speedily how the poor should be re- 
lieved. They considered there were three sorts of 
poor : such as were so by natural infirmity or Mj» 
as impotent persons, and madmen, or idiots; such 
as were so by accident, as sick, or maimed persom; 
and such as by their idleness did cast themselves 
into poverty. So the king ordered the Gray-Friarf 
church near Newgate, with the revenues belonging 
to it, to be a house for orphans ; St. Bartholomew's 
near Smithfield to be an hospital ; and gave his own 
house of BrideweUt to be a place of correction and 
work for such as were wilfully idle. He also con- 
firmed and enlarged the grant for the hospital of St 

in fiouihwaik^ which he had oreoM .«B)d POOfL 
in August last. And when he set his hand 

bundations, which was not done befoiie the ^^^' 
une this year, he thanked Qod, that had 
his life till he had finished that design. 
IS the first founder of those houses, whiob, 
ipreat additions since that time^ have risen 
ng the noblest in Europe, 
iressed in the whde course of his sidkness 
nission to the will of God, and seemed glad 
proaches of death : only the conwleratjap 

1 and the church touched him much ; and 
; account, he said^ he was desirous of life. 

2 end of May, (nr banning of June, thesetmi 
ufiblk's three daughters were married ; the 
[y Jane, to the lord Guilford Dudley, the 

of the duke of Northumberland, (who was 
on whom he had yet unmarried ;) the se- 
lady Katharine, to the earl of Pembroke's 
, the lord Herbert; the third, the lady 

3 was crooked, to the king's groom-porter 
eys. The duke of Northumberland maiv 
ro daughters, the eldest to sir Hemy Sid- 
> sir William Sidney, that had been stew- 
king when he was prince ; the other was 
) the lord Hastings, son to the earl of 
n. The people were mightily inflamed 
lis insolent duke; for it was generally 

that he was sacrificing the king to his 
ragant ambition. He seemed little to re- 
censures, but attended on the king most 
» and expressed all the care and concern 
that was possible. And finding that no- 
\, so near bis heart as the ruin of religiim, 



PART which he apprehended would fidlow upon his death, 
when his sister Mary should come to the crown; 

He t^^'. ^P^^ ^^^^f h^ ^^^ ^^^ party took advantage to pro- 
•oMied to pose to him to settle the crown by his letters patoits 
crown to on the lady Jane Gray. How they prevailed with 
jaae;^ him to pass by his nster Elizabeth^ who had beai 
always much in his favour, I do not so wdl undep- 
stand. But the king being wrought over to this, the 
duchess of Suffolk, who was next in king Hemy'i 
will^ was ready to devolve her ifight on her daa|^« 
ter, even though she should come afterwards to have 
Which the sons. So on the eleventh of June» Mountague, that 
fint op. was chief justice of the common pleas» and Baker 
^^^^ * and Bromley, two judges, with the king^s attomej 
and solicitor, were commanded to come to councfl. 
There they found the king with some privy counsel- 
lors about him. The king told them, he did noir 
apprehend the danger the kingdom might be in, if 
upon his death his sister Mary should succeed ; who 
might marry a stranger, and so change the laws ind 
the religion of the realm. So he ordered some ar- 
ticles to be read to them, of the way in whidi he 
would have the crown to descend. They objected 
that the act of succession, being an act of parliamant, 
could not be taken away by any such device : yet 
the king required them to take the articles, and 
draw a book according to them. They asked a littk 
time to consider of it. So, having examined the sta- 
tute of the first year of this reign concerning trea- 
sons, they found that it was treason, not only after 
the king's death, but even in his life, to change the 
succession. Secretary Petre in the mean while pressed 
them to make haste. When they came again to the 
council^ they declared, they could not do any such 


hing, for it was treason; and all the lords should book 


le guilty of treason if they went on in it. Upon ^ 
irliich the duke of Northumberland, who was not *^^^* 
hen in the council-chamber, being advertised of this, 
tam^ in great fury, calling Mountague a traitor, and 
hreatened all the judges ; so Ihat they thought he 
irould have beaten them. But the judges stood to 
heir opinion. They were again sent for, and came, 
nth Oosnald added to them, on the 15th of June, 
rhe king was present, and he somewhat sharply 
aked th^n. Why they had not prepared the book 
s he had ordered them? They answered. That 
rhatever they 'did would be of no force without a 
arliament. The king said, he intended to have 
oe shortly. Then Mountague proposed, that it 
light be delayed till the parliament met. But the 
ing said, he would have it first done, and then ra^ 
ified in parliament ; and therefore he required them 
n their allegiance to go about it : and some coun- 
cilors told them, if they refused to obey that, they 
rere traitors. This put them in a great constema^ 
ion ; and old Mountague^ thinking it could not be 
reason whatever they did in this matter while the 
ing lived, and at worst, that a pardon under the 
preat seal would secure him, consented to set about 
t, if he might have a commission requiring him to 
lo it, and a pardon under the great seal when it was 
bne. Both these being granted him, he was satis- 
ied. The other judges, being asked if they would Botthrongb 
!Oncur, did all agree, being overcome with fear ; ex- y^^^ed ei- 
«pt Gosnald, who still refused to do it. But he^Jfei"^ 
Jso, being sorely threatened, both by the duke of 
Northumberland, and the earl of Shrewsbury, con- 
ented to it the next day. So they put the entail 


PART of the crown in form of law, and brou^bt it to tie 

i — lord chancellor to put the seal to it. Thejr were aft 

1553. required to set their hands to it, but both Gosnald 
and Hales refused. Yet the former was wroogiit 
on to do it ; but the latter, though a most steady 
and zealous man for the reformation^ would upon 
'no consideration yield to it: after that, the lord 
chancellor, for his security, desired that all the coim- 
aellors might set their hands to it ; whidi was done 
on the 21st of June bj thirty-three of them ; it is 
like, including the judges in the number. But Cnoh 
mer, as he came seldom to council after the duke 
of Somerset's fall, so he was that day absent on de- 
sign. Cecil, in a relation which he made one wiite 
of this transaction, for clearing himself afterward^ 
says, that, when he had heard Grosnald and Hala 
declare how much it was against law, he refused to 
set his hand to it as a counsellor, and that he only 
signed as a witness to the king's subscription. But 
Cranmer still refused to do it after they had al 
signed it, and said, he would never consent to the 
disinheriting of the daughters of his late master. 
Many consultations were had to persuade him to it 
cnuuner But he could uot be prevailed on, till the kincr Jum- 

WIS Tcry 

hardly sclf sct ou him ; who used many ailments, firom 
coiMnt\^ ^^6 danger religion would otherwise be in, together 
^ with other persuasions ; so that, by his reasons, or 

rather importunities, at last he brought him to it 
But whether he also used that distinction of Cecils 
that he did it as a witness, and not as a counsellor, 
I do not know : but it seems probable, that if that 
liberty was allowed the one, it would not be denied 
the other. 

But though the settling this business gave the 


I great Gantent in his niindy yet Jbis distemper boihl 
ler increased than abated ; so that the physicians 

no hope of his recoirery. Upon which, a confi-^J^^^ 
t woman came, and undertook his cure, if U^^^^^ 


ht be put into her hands. This was done, and despente. 
physicians were put from him, upon this pre- 
:e, that they having no hopes of his recovery, 
t desperate case desperate remedies were to be 
L This was said to be the duke of Northum- 
and's advice in particular : and it increased the 
[ile*s jealousy of him, when they saw the kii^ 
w very sensibly worse eveiy day after he came 
er the woman's care ; which becoming so plain, 
was put from him, and the physicians were 
in sent for, and took him into their charge. But 
bey had small hopes before, they had none at 
low. Death thus hastening on him, the duke of 
thumberland, who knew he had done but half 
work, except he had the king's sisters in his 
ds, got the council to write to them in the king^s 
le, inviting them to come and keep him company 
lis sickness. But as they were on the way, on 
sixth of July, his spirits and body were so sunk, 
; he found death approaching; and so he com- 
td himself to die in a most devout manner. His 
de exercise was in short prayers and ejacula* 
8. The last that he was heard to use was in 
le words : Lard God, deliver me out of this Hit latt 
arable and wretched Iffe, and take me among^^^^' 
chosen ; howbeit not my will hut thine he done: 
rif I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou 
west how happy it were for me to he with thee : 
for thy choserCs sake send me life and health, 
\ I may truly serve thee. O my Lord Godj 


PART bless my people, and save thine inherUanee: 

. i — Lard God, save thy chosen people of England] 

^^^^' O Lord God, defend this realm from ptqnstnft 
and maintain thy true religion^ that I and wy 
people may praise thy holy name,/br Jesus OkriH 
his sake. Seeing some about him, he seemed trai- 
bled that thej were so near, and had heard him; 
but with a pleasant countenance he said, he had 
been praying to Grod. And soon after, the pangs of 
death coming on him, he said to sir Henry Sidoqr) 
who was holding him in his arms, / am Joint, Lord 
have mercy on me, and receive my spirit; and to 
he breathed out his innocent souL The duke of 
Northumberland, according to , Cecil's relation, in- 
tended to have concealed his death for a fortn%iifi 
but it could not be done. 
HU death Thus died king Edward the Sixth, that incom- 
racter.^ parable young prince. He was then in the sixteenth 
year of his age, and was counted the wonder of that 
time. He was not only learned in the tongues, and 
other liberal sciences, but knew well the state of hb 
kingdom. He kept a book, in which he writ the 
characters that were given him of all the chief men 
of the nation, all the judges, lord lieutenants, and jus- 
tices of the peace over England ; in it he had marked 
down their way of living, and their zeal for religion. 
He had studied the matter of the mint, with the ex- 
change, and value of money ; so that he understood 
it well, as appears by his Journal. He also under- 
stood fortification, and designed well. He knew all 
the harbours and ports, both of his own dominions, 
aqd of France, and Scotland ; and how much water 
they had, and what was the way of coming into 
them. He had acquired great knowledge in foreign 


affairs ; so that he talked with the ambassadors about book 

them in such a manner^ that they filled all the world '• 

with the highest opinion of him that was possible ; 

which appears in most of the histories of that age. 

He had great quickness of apprehension ; and, being 

mistrustful of his memory, used to take notes of 

almost every thing he heard: he writ these first 

in Greek characters^ that those about him might 

not understand them; and afterwards writ them 

out in his Journal. He had a copy brought him of 

every thing that passed in council, which he put in 

a chest, and kept the key of that always himself. 

. In a word, the natural and acquired perfections of 

his mind were wonderful ; but his virtues and true: 

piety were yet more extraordinary. He was such a 

friend to justice^ that, though he loved his uncle the 

duke of Somerset much, yet when he Was possessed 

a£ a belief of his designing to murder his fellow- 

counsellors, he was alienated from him ; and being 

then but fourteen, it was no wonder if that was too 

easily infused in him. His chief favourite was Bar- 

naby Fitz-Patrick, to whom he writ many letters 

and instructions when he sent him to be bred in 

France. In one of his letters to him he writ, that 

be must not think to live like an ambassador, but 

like a private gentleman, who was to be advanced 

as he should deserve it. He allowed him to keep 

but four servants: he charged him to follow the 

company of gentlemen, rather than of ladies : that 

he should not be superfluous in his apparel : that he 

should go to the campagne, and observe well the 

conduct of armies, and the fortification of strong 

places: and let the king know always when he. 

needed money, and he would supply him. All 


PAHi^ tbese, with many other directioDs, liie Idng wiit 
^with his own hand: and at his return, to let Uni 

i5&3. 2^ ||g intended to raise him by degrees, he garv 
him a pension only of ISOL This Fitz-Patrick did 
afterwards fully answer the opinion this young king 
had of 'him. He was bred up with him in his learn* 
ing ; and, as it is said, had been his whii^ng4i07, 
who, according to the rule of educating our princei^ 
was alwa3rs to be whipped for the king's faults. He 
was afterwards made by queen Elizabeth baron of 
Upper OssOTy in Ireland, which was his natiTe com* 

King Edward was tender and compassionate in s 
high measure: so that he was much against the 
taking away the lives of heretics ; and therefore siid 
to Cranmer, when he persuaded him to sign the war- 
rant for the burning of Joan of Kent, that he wa» 
not willing to do it, because he thought that was to^ 
send her quick to hell. He expressed great tender* 
ness to the miseries of the poor in his sickneoy 
as hath been already shown. He took particulsr 
care of the suits of aU poor persons ; and gave Dr. 
Cox special charge to see that their petitions were^ 
speedily answered, and used oft to consult with him 
how to get their matters set forward. He was an 
exact keeper of his word ; and therefore, as appears 
by his Journal, was most careful to pay his debts, 
and to keep his credit: knowing that to be the 
chief nerve of government; since a prince that 
breaks his faith, and loses bis credit, has thrown 
up that which he can never recover, and made 
himself liable to perpetual distrusts and extreme 

He had above all things a great regard to religion. 


Be took notes of such things as he heard m sennons^ book 

rhich more specially concerned himself; and made 1-^ 

m measures of all men by their zeal in that matter. ^^^^' 
His made him so set on bringing over his sister 
iary to the same persuasions with himself, that^ 
vhen he was pressed to give way to her having 
fuaSf he' said, that he would not only hazard the 
OK of the empaxnr's friendship, but of his life, and 
iB he had in the world, rather than consent to what 
ft knew was a sin : and he cited some passages of 
oqrture^.that obliged kings to root out idolatry : by 
rhich, he said, he was bound in conscience not to 
msent to her mass ; since he believed it was idol- 
try: and did argue the matter so learnedly with 
le bishops, that they left him, being amazed at his^ 
Qowledge in divinity. So that Cranmer took Cheke 
f the hand upon it, and said, he had reason all the 
lys of his life to rejoice that God had honoured him 
» breed such a scholar. All men who saw and oh* 
arved these qualities in him, looked on him as one 
oaed by God for most extraordinary ends: and 
hen he died, concluded that the sins of England 
lost needs be very great, that had provoked God to 
ike from them a prince, under whose government 
ley were like to have seen such blessed times. He 
as so affable and sweet natured, that all had free 
ccess to him at all times ; by which he came to be 
lost universally beloved : and aU the high things 
bat could be devised were said by the people to ex- 
ress their esteem of him. The fable of the phoenix 
feased most ; so they made his mother one phoenix, 
ad him another, rising out of her ashes. But graver 
len compared him to Josiah ; and, long after his 
eath, I find both in letters and printed bo6k& they 


PART commonly named him Our Josias ; others called him 
! — Edward the Saint. 

1553. ^ prince of such qualities, so much esteemed and 
loved, could not but be much lamented at hb death; 
and this made those of the reformation abhor the 
duke of Northumberland, who they suspected had 
hastened him to such an untimely end : which con- 
tributed, as much as any thing, to the estahlishhy 
of queen Mary on the throne ; for the people reck- 
oned none could be so unworthy to govern, as thoie 
who had poisoned so worthy a prince, and so kind i 
master. I find nothing of opening his body for ghr- 
ing satisfaction about that which brought him to hif 
end ; though his Ijring unburied till the eighth of 
August makes it probable that he was opened. 

But indeed the sins of England did at this time 
call down from Heaven heavy curses on the land. 
They are sadly expressed in a discourse that BiSksf 
writ soon after, under the title of the Lamentation 
of England: he says, lechery, oppression, pride, 
covetousness, and a hatred and scorn of religioD, 
were generally spread among all people; chieflj 
those of the higher rank. Cranmer and he had been 
much disliked: the former for delivering his con- 
science so freely on the duke of Somerset's death; 
and both of them for opposing so much the rapine 
and spoil of the goods of the church, which was done 
without law or order. Nor could they engage any 
to take care of relieving the poor, except only Dobbs, 
who was then lord mayor of London. These sins 
were openly preached against by Latimer, Lever, 
Bradford, and Knox, who did it more severely ; and 
by others, who did it plainly, though more softly - 
One of the main causes Ridley gives of all these evil^ 


i8» that many of the bishops, and most of the book 
3rg7, being all the while papists in heart, who had 

ily complied to preserve their benefices, took no ^^^^* 
re of their parishes, and were rather well pleased 
at things were ill managed. And of this that 
lod bishop had been long very apprehensive when 
i considered the sins then prevailing, and the judg- 
ents which they had reason to look for ; as will ap- 
iar by an excellent letter, which he sent about to 
8 clergy to set them on to such duties as so sad a 
■ospect required : it will be found in the Collection, couect. 
id though it belongs to the former year, yet I 
loose rather to bring it in on this occasion. These 
lings having been fully laid open in the former 
irts of this work, I shall not insist on them here, 
iving mentioned them only for this cause, that the 
Ader may from hence gather, what we may still 
Epect, if we continue guilty of the same or worse 
ns, after all that illumination and knowledge with 
hich we have been so long blessed in these king- 


VOL. II. H h 

BOOK 11. 





DN the death of king Edward, the crown de» book 
jd, according to king Henry's will, and the act 

irliament made in the thirty-fifth year of his '^^^• 
, on his eldest sister, the now queen Mary. She Mary sue- 
ra her way to London, in obedience to the let-uin'^at 
that had been writ to her, to come and comfort ^^^^* 
3rother in his sickness; and was come within 
I day's journey of the court, when she received 
Ivertisement from tlie earl of Arundel, that her 
ler was dead, together with an account of what 
done about the succession. The earl also in- 
3d her, that the king's death was concealed on 
n to entrap her before she knew of it : and 
fore he advised her to retire. Upon this, she, 
ing that the duke of Northumberland was much 
I in Norfolk, for the great slaughter he had 
) of the rebels, when he subdued them in the 
year of the last reign ; therefore chose to go ^°^ ^*j"« 
way to the castle of Framlingham in Suffolk : 
h place being near the sea, she might, if her de- 



PART signs should miscarry, have an opportunity from 
thence to fly over to the emperor, that was then in 

1553. Flanders. 

At London, it seems, the whole business of setting 
up the lady Jane had been carried very secretly; 
since if queen Mary had heard any hint of it, she 
had certainly kept out of the way, and not adven- 
tured to have come so near the town. It was an 
unaccountable error in the party for the lady Jane, 
that they had not, immediately after the seal was 
put to the letters patents, or, at furthest, preseotlj 
after the king's death, sent some to make sore of 
the king's sisters : instead of which they thus linger- 
ed, hoping they would have come into their toik in 
an easier and less violent way. On the eighth of 
July they writ to the English ambassadors at Brus- 
sels the news of the king's death, but said nothii^; of 
the succession. On the ninth of July they perceived 
the king's death was known ; for queen Mary wiitts 
She writes them from Kenning-hall, that she understood the ' 
^uncu : ^^^g her brother was dead : which how sorrowful it 
was to her, God only knew, to whose will she did 
humbly submit her will. The provision of the crowi 
to her after his death, she said, was well known to 
them all ; but she thought it strange, that he being 
three days dead, she had not been advertised of it hf 
them. She knew what consultations were againt 
her, and what engagements they had entered into; 
but was willing to take all their doings in good part: 
and therefore did give pardon for all that was past 
to such as would accept of it, and required them to 
proclaim her title to the crown in London. 
Who de- Upon this letter they saw the death of the king 
ffH^lZ^^^ could no longer be concealed : so the duke of Suffolk 


and the duke of Northumberland went to Durham- book 
house, where the lady Jane lay, to give her notice 

of her being to succeed to the crown in the room of '^^^' 
the decreased king. She received the news with 
great sorrow for king Edward's death ; which was 
Dot at all lessened, but rather increased, by that 
other part of their message concerning her being 
to succeed him. 

She was a lady that seemed indeed bom for a lmIt J«oe'* 
great fortune ; for as she was a beautiful and graceful 
person, so she had great parts, and greater virtues. 
Her tutor was Dr. Elmer, believed to be the same 
that was afterwards made bishop of London by queen 
Xnizabeth. She had learned from him the Latin 
and Ghreek tongues to great perfection ; so that, being 
of the same age with the late king, she seemed su- 
perior to him in those languages. And having ac- 
quired the helps of knowledge, she spent her time 
much in the study of it. Roger Ascham, tutor to 
the lady Elizabeth, coming once to wait on her at 
her father's house in Leicestershire, found her read-^- 
ing Plato's works in Greek, when all the rest of the 
fiEimily were hunting in the park. He asked her, 
how she could be absent from such pleasant diver- 
rions ? She answered, the pastimes in the park were 
but a shadow to the delight she had in reading 
Plato's Phaedon, which then lay open before her: 
and added, that she esteemed it one of the greatest 
Uessings that God ever gave her, that she had sharp 
parents, and a gentle schoolmaster ; which made her 
take delight in nothing so much as in her study. 
She read the scriptures much, and had attained 
great knowledge in divinity. But with all these ad- 
vantages of birth and parts, she was so humble, so 




PART gentle and pious, that all people both admired and 
■ loved her ; and none more than the late king. She 

^^^^' had a mind wonderfully raised above the world; and 
at the age wherein others are but imbibing the no- 
tions of philosophy, she had attained to the practice 
of the highest precepts of it. She was neither lifted 
up with the hope of a crown, nor cast down when 
she saw her palace made afterwards her prison ; but 
carried herself with an equal temper of mind in those 
great inequalities of fortune that so suddenly ezslted 
and depressed her. All the passion she expressed io 
it was that which is of the noblest sort, and is the 
indication of tender and generous natures, being 
much affected with the troubles her father, and hi»- 
band fell in on her account. 
Her unwii- The mention of the crown, when her father, with 

liogneta to 

accept of her father-in-law, saluted her queen, did rather 
e crown, jjgjgjj^^jj jj^j. disorder upon the king's death. She j 

said, she knew, by the laws of the kingdom, and by , 
natural right, the crown was to go to the king's sis- ; 
ters : so that she was afraid of burdening her con- 
science by assuming that which belonged to them; 
and that she was unwilling to enrich herself by the 
spoils of others. But they told her, all that had been 
done was according to the law, to which all the 
judges and counsellors had set their hands. This, 
joined with thei^ persuasions, and the importunities 
of her husband, who had more of his father's temper 
than of her philosophy in him, at length prevailed 
with her to submit to it : of which her father-in-law 
did afterwards say in council, she was rather, by en- 
ticement of the counsellors, and force, made to accept 
of the crown, than came, to it by her own seekinir and 



Upon this, order was given for proclaiming her book 

queen the next day : and an answer was writ to — 

queen Mary, signed by the archbishop of Canter- ^^Jj^' 
bury, the lord chancellor, the dul{:es of Suffolk and "^^ ^ 


Northumberland, the mai*quises of Winchester andMarj. 
Northampton, the earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, 
Huntington, Bedford, and Pembroke, the lords Cob- 
ham and Darcy, sir Thomas Cheney, sir Robert Cot- 
ton, sir William Petre, sir William Cecil, sir John 
Cheke, sir John Mason, sir Edward North, and sir 
- Robert Bowes ; in all one and twenty : letting her 
know, ** That queen Jane was now their sovereign, 
according to the ancient laws of the land, and the 
late king's letters patents ; to whom they were 
^ now bound by their allegiance. They told her, 
^ that the marriage between her father and mother 
^ was dissolved by the ecclesiastical courts, accord- 
^ ing to the laws of Ood and of the land ; that many 
** noble universities in Christendom had consented to 
^ it ; that the sentence had been confirmed in parlia- 
^ ment, and she had been declared illegitimate and 
" uninberitable to the crown. They therefore re- 
** quired her to give over her pretences, and not to 
*^ disturb the government : and promised, that, if 
** she shewed herself obedient, she should find them 
** all ready to do her any service which in duty they 
•* could." 

The day following they proclaimed queen Jane. lmIj Jan< 
The proclamation will be found in the Collection. q^D.""' 
It sets forth, « That the late king had, by his letters ^^J^'^*, 
'* patents, limited the crown, that it should not de- 
** scend to his two sisters, since they were both ille- 
** gitimated by sentences in the spiritual courts, and 
^ acts of parlianient ; and were only his sisters by 

H h 4 


PART « the half-blood, who (though it were granted tbejr 
<< had been legitimate) are not inheritable by the law 





1553. u Qf England. It was added, that thare was abo 
** great cause to fear that the king's sisters might 
*^ marry strangers, and so change the laws of the 
kingdom, and subject it to the tyranny of the bi- 
shops of Rome, and other foreign laws. For theae 
reasons they were excluded from the succession: 
and the lady Frances, duchess of Suffolk, being 
next the crown, it was provided, that, if she had 
** no sons at the death of the king, the crown should 
*' devolve immediately on her eldest daughter Jan^ 
** and after her, and her issue, to her sisters ; since 
*^ she was bom within the kingdom, and already 
** married in it. Therefore she was prodaimed 
queen, promising to be most benign and gracious 
to all her people, to maintain God's holy word, 
** and the laws of the land ; requiring all the sub- 
# ** jects to obey and acknowledge her." When this 
was proclaimed, great multitudes were gathered to 
hear it ; but there were very few that shouted with 
the acclamations ordinary on such occasions. And 
whereas a vintner's boy did some way express his 
scorn at that which was done, it was ordered, that 
he should be made an example the next day, by 
being set on a pillory, and having his ears nailed to 
it, and cut off from his head ; which was accordingly 
done, a herald in his coat reading to the multitude, 
that was called together by sound of trumpet, the 
nature of his offence. 

pi^Tpon '^P^^ *^^ ^ people were in great distraction ; 

^^* the proclamation, opening the new queen's title, 

came to be variously descanted on. Some, who 
thought the crown descended by right of blood, and 


that it could not be limited by parliament, argued, book 

that the king having his power from God, it was 1— 

oolj to descend in the natural way of inheritance ; 
tbereCbre they thought the next heir was to succeed. 
And whereas the king's two sisters were both by 
several sentences and acts of parliament declared 
bastards ; and whether that was well judged, or not, 
they were to be reputed such as the law declared 
them to be, so long as it stood in force; therefore 
they held that the queen of Scotland was to succeed : 
who, though she pretended this upon queen Mary's 
death, yet did not claim now, because by the papal 
law the sentence against queen Mary was declared 
nulL Others argued, that though a prince were 
named by an immediate appointment from Heaven, 
yet he might change the course of succession ; as 
David did, preferring Solomon before Adonijah. But 
this, it was said, did not belong to the kings of Eng- 
land, whose right to the crown, with the extent of 
their prerogative, did not come from any divine de« 
signation, but from a long possession, and the laws 
of the land : and that therefore the king might by 
law limit the succession, as well as he and other 
kings had in some points limited the prerogative; 
(which was clearly sir Thomas More's opinion ;) and 
that therefore the act of parliament for the succes- 
sion of the king's sisters was still strong in law. It 
was also said, that if the king's sisters were to be 
excluded for bastardy, all Charles Brandon's issue 
were in the same predicament ; since he was not 
lawfully married to the French queen, his former 
wife Mortimer being then alive, and his marriage 
with her was never dissolved: (for though some 
English writers say they were divorced, yet those 


PART who wrote for the queen of Scots* title in the next 


-reign denied it.) But in this the difference was 
^^^^' great between them ; since the king's sisters were 
declared bastards in law, whereas this against Chaiks 
Brandon's issue was only a surmise. Others objected, 
that if the blood gave an indefeasible title, how came 
it that the lady Jane's mother did not reign ? It b 
true, Maud the empress, and Margaret, countess of 
Richmond, were satisfied that their sons, Henry the 
Second, and Henry the Seventh, should reign in 
their rights ; but it had never been heard of, that 
a mother had resigned to her daughter, especial^ 
when she was yet under age. But this was imputed 
to the duke of Suffolk's weakness, and the ambitio& 
of the duke of Northumberland. That objectioD 
concerning the half-blood, being a rule of common 
law in th^ families of subjects, to cut off from step- 
mothers the inclinations and advantages of destroy- 
ing their husbands' children, was not thought ap- 
plicable to the crown : nor was that of one's beii^ 
bom out of the kingdom, which was hinted at to 
exclude the queen of Scotland, thought pertinent to 
this case, since there was an exception made in the 
law for the king's children, which was thought to 
extend to all their issue. But all people agreed in 
this, that though, by act of parliament, king Heniy 
was empowered to provide or limit the crown by 
his letters patents, yet that was a grant particulariy 
to him, and did not descend to his heirs ; so that the 
letters patents made by king Edward could have no 
force to settle the crown, and much less when they 
did expressly contradict an act of parliament. The 
proceeding so severely against the vintner's boy was 
imputed to the violent temper of the duke of North- 


umberland* And though, when a government is book 
firm, and factions are weak, the making some public ^^* 
examples may intimidate a faction otherwise dis- ^^^* 
heartened ; yet severities in su(fh a juncture as this, 
when the council had no other support but the assist- 
ance of the people, seemed very unadvised ; and all 
thought it was a great error to punish him in that 

This made them reflect on the rest of Northum-Thedake 
berland's cruelties : his bringing the duke of Somer- nmberiaiui 
set, with those gentlemen that suffered with him, to ^^, 
their end by a foul conspiracy ; but above aH things, 
the suspicions that lay on him of being the author 
of the late king's untimely death enraged the people 
so much against him, that, without considering what 
they might suffer under queen Mary, they generally 
inclined to set her up. 

The lady Jane was proclaimed in many towns Many de- 

"^ * "^ , clan for 

near London, yet the people were generally running queen 
to queen Mary; many from Norfolk came to her, *'^* 
and a great body of Suffolk men gathered about her, 
who were all for the reformation. They desired to 
know of her, whether she would alter the religion 
set up in king Edward's days : to whom she gave 
full assurances, that she would never make any in- 
novation or change, but be contented with the pri- 
vate exercise of her own religion. Upon this they 
were all possessed with such a belief of her sincerity, 
that it made them resolve to hazard their lives and 
estates in her quarrel. The earls of Bath and Sus- 
sex raised forces, and joined with her ; so did the 
sons of the lord Wharton and Mordant, with many 
Upon this the council resolved to gather forces for 


PART the dispersing of theirs, and sent the eail of Hiro- 
tington's brother to raise Buckinghamshire, and 

Tbl^n. ^t^^rs to other parts, ordering them to meet the 
diorden forces that should come from London at Newmarket 

forces to be 

■cnt a- It was at first proposed to send the duke of Suffolk 
to command them : but the lady Jane was so much 
concerned in her father's preservation, that she ui^ 
he might not be sent ; and he, being but a soft nmn, 
was easily excused. So it fell next on the duke of 
Northumberland, who was now much distracted in 
his mind. He was afraid, if he went away, the 
city might declare for queen Mary ; nor was he wdl 
assured of the council, who seemed all to comply 
with him rather out of fear than good-wilL Cecil 
would not officiate as secretary, as himself relates ; 
the judges would do nothing ; and the duke plainly 
saw, that, if he had not (according to the custom of 
our princes on their first coming to the crown) gone 
with the lady Jane and the council into the Tower, 
whereby he kept them as prisoners, the council were 
inclined to desert him. This divided him much in 
his thoughts. The whole success of his design de- 
pended on the dispersing of the queen's forces : and 
it was no less necessary to have a man of courage 
continue still in the Tower. There was none there 
whom he could entirely trust, but the duke of Suf- 
folk ; and he was so mean spirited, that he did not 
depend much on him. But the progress the queen's 
forces made pressed him to go, and make head against 
her. So he laid all the heavy charges he could on 
the council to look to queen Jane, and to stand 
firmly to her interests; and left London on the 
14th of July, marching out with 2000 horse and 
6000 foot. But as he rode through Bishopsgate- 


street and Shoreditch, though there, were great boor 
crowds looking on, none cried out to wish him sue- ^^' 
cess ; which gave a sad indication how ill they were ^^5^- 
affected to him. 

The council writ to the emperor by one Shelley, And wnte 
whom they sent to give notice of the lady Jane's peror. 
succession, complaining that the lady Mary was 
making stirs, and that his ambassador had officious- 
ly meddled in their affairs ; but that they had given 
orders for reducing the lady Mary to her duty. 
They also desired the continuance of his friendship, 
and that he would command his resident to carry 
himself as became an ambassador. Sir Philip Hob- 
bey was continued ambassador there; the others 
were ordered to stay and prosecute the mediation 
of the peace. But the emperor would not receive 
those letters; and in a few days there went over 
others from queen Mary. 

Ridley was appointed to set out queen Jane's title i"^i«y 


in a sermon at Paul's; and to warn the people offortbeiad 
the dangers they would be in, if queen Mary should *°* * 
reign: which he did, and gave an account in his 
sermon of what had passed between him and her, 
when he went and offered to preach to her. At the 
same time the duke of Northumberland, at Cam- 
bridge, where himself was both chancellor of the 
university and steward of the town, made the vice- 
chancellor preach to the same purpose. But he held 
in more general terms, and managed it so, that there 
was no great offence taken on either hand. 

But now the queen had made her title be pro-Q"**** 
claimed at Norwich ; and sent letters all over Eng- ty growi 
land, requiring the peers, and others of great qua- * "*°^ " 
lity, to come to her assistance. Some ships had been 


PART sent about, to lie on that coast for mte^rcepting her, 
if she should fly away : but those who commanded 

1553. j.jj^^^ ^^j^ g^ jggjj. ^|.jj^ |.jjj^j.^ instead of acting 

against her, they declared for her. Sir Edward 
Hastings, having raised 4000 men in Buckingham- 
shire, instead of joining with the duke of Northum- 
berland, went over with them into her service. Many 
were also from all places every day running to her, 
and in several counties of England she was prodaim- 
ed queen. But none came in to the duke of North- 
umberland : so he writ earnestly to the lords at Lon- 
don to send him more supplies. 
And the They understanding, from all the comers of Eng- 
tum to ber. land, that the tide grew every where strong for the 
queen, entered into consultations how to redeem their 
past faults, and to reconcile themselves to her. The 
earl of Arundel hated Northumberland on many ac* 
counts. The marquis of Winchester was famous for 
his dexterity in shifting sides, always to his own ad- 
vantage. To them joined the earl of Pembroke, the 
more closely linked to the interests of the lady Jane, 
since his son had manied her sister; which made 
him the more careful to disentangle himself in time. 
To those sir Thomas Cheney, warden of the cinque 
ports, and sir John Mason, with the two secretaries, 
came over. It was said, that the French and Spa- 
nish ambassadors had desired an audience in some 
place in the city : and it was proposed to give it in 
the earl of Pembroke's house ; who being the least 
suspected, it was agreed to by the duke of Suffolk, 
that they should be suffered to go from the Tower 
thither. They also pretended, that, since the duke 
of Northumberland had writ so earnestly for new 
forces, they must go and treat with my lord mayor 


and the city of London about it. But as soon as book 

they were got out, the earl of Arundel. pressed them 

to declare for queen Mary: and, to persuade them ^^^^' 
to it, he laid open all the cruelty of Northumberland, 
under whose tyranny they must resolve to be en- 
slaved, if they would not now shake it off. The 
other consenting readily to it, they sent for the lord 
mayor, with the recorder, and the aldermen ; and 
having declared their resolutions to them, they rode 
together into Cheapside, and there proclaimed queen And pro- 
Mary on the 19th of July: from thence they wentqam. 
to St. PauFs, where Te Deum was sung. An order 
was sent to the Tower, to require the duke of Suf- 
folk to deliver up that place, and to acknowledge 
queen Mary; and that the lady Jane should lay 
down the title of queen. To this, as her father sub- 
mitted tamely, so she expressed no sort of concern 
in losing that imaginary glory, which now had for 
nine days been rather a burden than any matter of 
joy to her. They also sent orders to the duke of 
Northumberland to disband his forces, and to carry 
himself as became an obedient subject to the queen. 
And the earl of Arundel, with the lord Paget, were 
sent to give her an account of it, who continued still 
at Framlingham in Suffolk. 

The duke of Northumberland had retired back to '"•^*''*'i« 

of North- 
Cambridge, to stay for new men from London ; but amberiand 

hearing how matters went there, before ever theaodis 

council's orders came to him, he dismissed his forces, *"^*'°' 

and went to the market-place, and proclaimed the 

queep, flinging up his own hat for joy, and crying, 

God save queen Mary. But the earl of Arundel 

beuig sent by the queen, to apprehend him, it is said, 

that, when he saw him, he fell abjectly, at his feet 


PART to b^ his favour. This was like him ; it being not 
more unusual for such insolent persons to be moit 

^^^^' basely sunk with their misfortunes, than to be oot 
With mftoy of measure blown up with success. He was, on the 
Mn7r/1 who 25th of July, sent to the Tower, with the eail of 
th^o^r^ Warwick, his eldest son, Ambrose and Henry, two 
of London, ^f |jjs other sons. Some other of his friends were 
made prisoners, among whom was sir Thomas Pri- 
mer, the wicked instrument of the duke of Somer- 
set's &11, who was become his most intimate confi- 
dant ; and Dr. Sands, the vice-chancellor of Cam- 

Now did all people go to the queen to imploie her 
mercy. She received them all very favourably, ex- 
cept the marquis of Northampton, Dr. Ridley» and 
lord Robert Dudley. The first of these had been a 
submissive fawner on the duke of Northumberland; 
the second had incurred her displeasure by his ser- 
mon, and she gladly laid hold on any colour to be 
more severe to him, that way might be made ftr 
bringing Bonner to London again; the third had 
followed his father's fortunes. On the 27th, the lords 
chief justices Cholmley and Montague were sent to 
the Tower ; and the day after, the duke of Suffolk 
and sir John Cheke went after them, the lady Jane 
and her husband being still detained in the Tower. 
Three days after an order came to set the duke of 
Suffolk at liberty, upon engagement to return to 
prison when the queen required it : for it was gen^ 
rally known that he had been driven on by Dudlej; 
and as it was believed that he had not been fiuilty 
out of malice, so his great weakness made them littte 
apprehensive of any dangers from him : and there- 
fore the queen being willing to express a signal act 


of demency at her first coining to the crown, it was book 
thought best to let it fall on him. 

Now did the queen come towards London, being ^J^^^'^ 
met on the way by her sister Elizabeth, with a thou- «nten Lon- 
sand horse, who had gathered about her to show 
their zeal to maintain both their titles, which in 
this late contest had been linked together. She 
made her entry to London on the third of August 
with great sdemnity and pomp. When she came 
to the Tower, the dulce of Norfolk, who had been 
almost seven years in it; Gardiner, the bishop of 
Winchester, that had been five years there; the 
dochess of Somerset, that had been kept there near 
two years ; and the lord Courtney, (whom she made 
afterwards earl of Devonshire,) that was son to the 
marquis of Exeter, and had been kept there ever 
since his father was attainted; had their liberty 
granted them. So now she was peaceably settled 
in the throne without any effusion of blood, hav- 
ing broke through a confederacy against her, which 
seemed to be so strong, that, if he that was the head 
of it had not been universally odious to the nation, 
it could not have been so easily dissipated. She was 
naturally pious and devout, even to superstition ; 
had a generous disposition of mind, but much cor- 
rupted by melancholy, which was partly natural in 
her, but much increased by the cross accidents of her 
lifis, both before and after her advancement ; so that 
she was very peevish and splenetic towards the end 
of her life. When the differences became irrecon- she h«d 

been in 

dleaUe between her father and mother, she followed danger in 
her mother's interests, they being indeed her own,^'*"''' 
and for a great while could not be persuaded to sub- 
mit to the king ; who, being impatient of contradic- 
voi.. II. I i 


PART tion from any, but especially fix)in his own child^ 
was resolved to strike a terror in all his people, bjr 



1553. putting her openly to death: which her mother 
coming to know, writ her a letter of a very devout 
Collect, strain, which will be found in the Collections. In 
which, " she encouraged her to suffer cheerfiiUy, 
<^ to trust to God, and keep her heart dean. She 
^ charged her in all things to obey the king^s com- 
^< mands, except in the matters of religion. She sent 
^< her two Latin books, the one of the Life of Chiut, 
** (which was perhaps the famous book of Thomas a 
*^ Kempis ;) and the other, St. Jerom's Letter. She 
^' bid her divert herself at the virginals or lute ; but 
'^ above all things to keep herself pure, and to eater 
into no treaty of marriage, till these ill times should 
pass over ; of which her mother seemed to retain 
still good hopes." This letter should have been 
in my former volume, if I had then seen it ; but it 
is no improper place to mention it here. At court, 
many were afraid to move the king for her ; both 
the duke of Norfolk and Gardiner looked on, and 
were unwilling to hazard their own interests to pre- 
And wai serve her. But (as it was now printed, and both 
b^c!^. these appealed to) Cranmer was the only person that 
™^^' would adventure on it. In his gentle way he told 
the king, that she was young and indiscreet, and 
therefore it was no wonder if she obstinately ad- 
hered to that which her mother, and all about her, 
had been infusing into her for many years ; but that 
it would appear strange if he should for this cause 
so far forget he was a father, as to proceed to extre- 
mities with his own child : that if she were sepa- 
rated from her mother, and her people, in a little 
time there might be ground gained on her ; but to 


take away her life would raise horror through all book 




Europe against him. By these means he preserved - 
her at that time. ^^^^• 

After her mother's death, in June following, she she sub- 
changed her note; for, besides the declaration she her father. 
then signed, which was inserted in the former part 
of this work, she writ letters of such submission, as 
show how expert she was at dissembling. Three 
of these to her father, and one to Cromwell, I have 
put in the Collection ; '^ in which she, with the most coiiect. 
studied expressions, declaring her sorrow for her 4 "5^ 6.^* 
past stubbornness and disobedience to his most 
just and virtuous laws, implores his pardon, as 
lying prostrate at his feet: and, considering his 
great learning and kno^vledge, she puts her soul 
in his hand, resolving that he should for ever 
•* thareafter direct her conscience ; from which she 
** vows she would never vary." This she repeats in 
such tender words, that it shows she could command 
herself to say any thing that she thought fit for her 
ends. And when Cromwell writ to her, to know 
^ what her opinion was about pilgrimages, purga- 
*^ iory, and relics, she assures him, she had no opin- 
^ ion at all, but such as she should receive from the 
^ king, who had her whole heart in his keeping ; 
^ and he should imprint upon it, in these and all 
^ other matters, whatever his inestimable virtue, 
^ high wisdom, and excellent learning, should think 
^ convenient for her." So perfectly had she learned 
that style that she knew was most acceptable to him. 
Having copied these from the originals, I thought it 
not unfit to insert them, that it may appear how far 
those of that religion can comply, when their interest 
leads. them to it. 



PART From that time this princess had been in all points 
most exactly compliant to every thing her father did; 

^^^^' and after his deaths she never pretended to be of any 
other religion than that which was established by 
him : so that all that she pleaded for in her brother^s 
reign was only the continuance of that way of wor- 
ship that was in use at her father's death. But now, 
being come to the crown, that would not content 
her : yet, when she thought where to fix, she was 
distracted between two different schemes that were 
presented to her. 
Tbede- Qu the onc hand, Grardiner and all that party 
changing werc for bringing religion back to what it had been 
" '*'**°' at king Henry's death ; and afterward, by slow de- 
grees, to raise it up to what it had been before his 
breach with the papacy. On the other hand, the 
queen, of her own inclination, was much disposed 
to return immediately to the union of the catholic 
church, as she called it : and it was necessary for 
her to do it, since it was only by the papal authori^ 
that her illegitimation was removed. To this it was 
answered, that all these acts and sentences that had 
passed against her might be annulled, without tak- 
^ He' °*'^* ing any notice of the pope. Gardiner, finding these 
things had not such weight with her as he desired, 
(for she looked on him as a crafty temporizing man,) 
sent over to the emperor, on whom she depended 
much, to assure him, that if he would persuade her 
to make him chancellor, and to put affairs into his 
hands, he should order them so, that every thing she 
had a mind to should be carried in time. But Gar- 
diner understood she had sent for cardinal Pool : so 
he writ to the emperor, that he knew his zeal for 
the exaltation of the popedom would undo all ; there- 


« be pressed him to write to the queen for mo- book 
rating hex heat, and to stop the cardinal's coming ^'* 

er. He said that Pool stood attainted by law, so ^^^^* 
at his coming into England would alarm the na- 
m. He observed, that upon a double account they 
ire averse to the papacy: the one was for the 
urch lands, which they had generally bought from 
e crown on very easy terms ; and they would not 
dly part with them. The other was, the fear they 
d of papal dominion and power, which had been 
w Sor about twenty-five years set out to the people 
the most intdierable tyranny that ever was : there- 
by he said, it was necessary to give them some 
He to wear out these prejudices; and the precipi- 
jng of counsels might ruin all. He gave the em-^^ 
ror also secret assurances of serving him in all his 
lerests. All this Grardiner did the more warily, 
[^ause he understood that cardinal Pool hated him 
a false and deceitful man. Upon this the empe- 
* writ to the queen several letters with his own 
nd, which is so hardly legible, that it was not pos- 
le for me, or some others to whom I showed them, 
read them so well as to copy them out ; and one 
it was written by his sister, the queen of Hun- 
ry, and signed by him, is no better: but, from 
my half sentences, I find, that all was with a de- 
n to temper her, that she should not make too 
ich haste, nor be too much led by Italian coun- 
s. Upon the return of this message, the seal, 
dch had been taken from Goodrick, bishop of Ely, 
1 put for some days in the keeping of Hare, mas- 
of the roUs, was on the 18th of August given tOHeismad« 
jrdiner, who was declared lord chancellor of Eng* 
id, and the conduct of affairs was chiefly put in 



PART his hands. So that now the measure of the queen's 
. counsek was to do every thing slowly, and by sodi 


1553. g^pQ steps as might put them less in hazard. 
The duke The first thing that wa? done was the bringii^ 
umberiaiid the duke of Northumberland to his triaL The dd 
tried^'" ^"•^^ of Norfolk was made lord high steward; the 
queen thinking it fit to put the first character of ho- 
nour on him, who had suffered so much for hmg 
the head of the popish party. And here a subtle 
thing was started, which had been kept a great se- 
cret hitherto. It was said, the duke of Norfidk had 
never been truly attainted ; and that the act against 
him was not a true act of parliament : so that, with- 
out any pardon or restitution in blood, he was still 
Hluke of Norfolk. This he had never mentioned all 
the last reign, lest that should have procured an act 
to confirm his attainder. So he came now in upon 
his former right, by which all the grants that had 
been given of his estate were to be declared void by 
common law. The duke of Northumberland, with 
the marquis of Northampton and the earl of War- 
wick, were brought to their trials. The duke de- 
sired two points might be first answered by the 
judges in matter of law. The one. Whether a man, 
acting by the authority of the great seal, and the 
order of the privy-council, could become thereby 
guilty of treason ? The other was. Whether those 
who had been equally guilty with him, and by whose 
direction and commands he had acted, could sit his 
judges ? To these the judges made answer. That the 
great seal of one that was not lawful queen could 
give no authority nor indemnity to those that acted 
on such a warrant : and that any peer that was not, 
by an attainder upon record, convicted of such acces- 


man to his crime, might sit his judge, and was not book 

to be challenged upon a surmise or report. So these 1— 

points, by which only he could hope to have defend- ^n/^^l 
ed himself, being thus determined against him, he (i^mned. 
confessed he was guilty, and submitted to the queen's 
mercy : so did £he marquis of Northampton, and the 
Luke's son, the earl of Warwick, who (it seems by 
this trial) had a writ for sitting in the house of peers. 
They were all three found guilty. Judgment also 
passed next day, in a jury of commoners, against sir 
Jc^n Gates, and his brother sir Henry ; sir Andrew 
Dudley, and sir Thomas Palmer, confessing their in- 
dictments. But of all these, it was resolved that only 
the duke of Northumberland, and sir John Grates 
and sir Thomas Palmer, should be made examples. 
Heath, bishop of Worcester, was employed to in- 
struct the duke, and to prepare him for his death. 
Whether he had been always in heart what he then At hb deal 
professed, or whether he only pretended it, hoping ^e £2*1^ 
that it might procure him favour, is variously re-'l^y**!" 
ported ; but certain it is, that he said he had been 
always a catholic in his heart: yet this could not 
save him. He was known to be a man of that tem- 
per, so given both to revenge and dissimulation, that 
his enemies saw it was necessary to put him out of 
the way, lest, if he had lived, he might have insi- 
nuated himself into the queen's favour, and then 
turned the danger upon them. So the earl of Arun- 
del, now made lord steward of the household, with 
others, easily obtained that his head should be cut 
off, together with sir John Gates's and sir Thomas 

On the 22d of August he was carried to the, place 
of execution. On the way there was some expostu- 

I i 4 


PART lation between Gates and him ; they^ as is oiduiarj 
for complices in ill actions, laying the Uame of their 

1553. miseries on one another : yet they professed they did 
mutually forgive, and so died in chari^ together. It 
is said, that he made a long speech, accusiDg his for- 
mer ill life, and confessing his treasons: but that 
part of it which concerned religion is only preserved. 
In it he exhorted the people to stand to the religion 
of their ancestors, and to reject that of later date^ 
which had occasioned all the misery of the toregmg 
thirty years ; and desired, as they would prevent the 
like for the future, that they would drive out of the 
nation these trumpets of sedition, the new preachen: 
that for himself, whatever he had othervtrise pretend- 
ed, he believed no other religion than that of his fere- 
fathers ; in which he appealed to his ghostly &tber, 
the bishop of Worcester, then present with him : but, 
bdng blinded with ambition, he had made wredL of 
his conscience by temporizing, for which he profissied 
himself sincerely penitent. So did he, and the other 
two, end their days. Palmer was little pitied, as 
being believed a treacherous conspirator against his 
former master and friend, the duke of Somerset. 
His cha- Thus died the ambitious duke of Northumberland. 
He had been, in the former part of his life, a great 
captain, and had the reputation of a wise ipan : he 
was generally successful, and they that are so are at 
ways esteemed wise. He was an extraordinary man 
in a lower size, but had forgot himself much when 
he was raised higher, in which his inind seemed 
more exalted than his fortunes. But as he was 
transported by his rage and revenge out of measure^ 
so he was as servile and mean in his submissions. 
Fox, it seems, was informed, that he had hopes giv» 


im of hk Ufe^ if he should declare himself to be of book 
lie popish religion, even though his head were laid ' 
Q the Uock: but which way soever he made that ^^^^* 
edaration, either to get his life by it, or that he 
ad really been always what he now professed, it 
ngued that he r^arded religion very little, either 
1 his life, or at his death. But whether he did any 
Sling to hasten the late king^s death, I do not find 
; was at all inquired after : only those who consi- 
ered how much guilt disorders all people, and that 
biejr have a Uack cloud over their minds, which ap- 
ears, either in the violence of rage, or the abject- 
esa of fear, did find so great a change in his deport- 
lent in these last passages of his life, from what was 
I the former parts of it, that they could not but think 
lere was some extraordinary thing within him from 
rhmce it flowed. 

And for kinir Edward's death, those who had af-Kiof e^ 
lira now in their hands were so little careful of his neno. 
lemory, and indeed so glad of his death, that it is 
o wonder they made little search about it. It is 
ither strange that they allowed him such funeral 
ites : for the queen kept a solemn exequie, with aU 
le other remembrances of the dead, and masses for 
im, used in the Roman church, at the Tower on 
le eighth of August, the same day that he was bu- 
ed at Westminster; the lord treasurer, (who was 
le marquis of Winchester, still continued in that 
Hit,) the earls of Shrewsbury and Pembroke, being 
le principal mourners. Day, that was now to be 
stored to his see of Chichester, was appointed to 
reach the funeral sermon : in which he commended 
ad excused the king, but loaded his government 
sverely ; and extolled the queen much, under whom 


PART he promised the people happy days. It was intended 

., that all the burial rites should have been according 

.1653. f^ ij^Q qI^ forms that were before the reformatiott: 
but Cranmer opposed this vigorously; and insisted 
upon it, that, as the king himself had been a zeabus 
promoter of that reformation, so the English service 
was then established by law. Upon this he stoatl^ 
hindered any other way of oflSciating, and hinudf 
performed all the oflSces of the burial ; to which he 
joined the solemnity of a communion. In these, it 
may be easily imagined^ he did every thing with a 
very lively sorrow ; since, as he had loved the king 
beyond expression, so he could not but look on his 
funeral as the burial of the reformation^ and in par- 
ticular as a step to his own. 
The queen : Ou the twelfth of August the quecu made an opes 
wni force ^ declaration in council, that, although her conscience 
S?«i^>n"oe. was staid in matters of religion, yet she was resolved 
not to compel or strain others, otherwise than as God 
should put into their hearts a persuasion of that truth 
she was in ; and this she hoped should be done hf 
the opening his word to thepi, by godly, virtuous, 
and learned preachers. Now all the deprived bt 
shops looked to be quickly placed in their sees again. 
Bonner went to St. Paul's on the ISth of August, 
being Sunday, where Bourn, that was his chaplain, 
preached before him. He spake honourably of Bon- 
ner, with sharp reflections on the proceedings against 
him in the time of king Edward. This did much 
provoke the whole audience, who, as they hated Bon- 
ner, so could not hear any thing said that seemed to 
A tamuit at detract from that king. Hereupon there was a great 
* '^**' tumult in the church ; some called to pull him down, 
others flung stones, and one threw a dagger towards 


the pulpit with that force that it stuck fast in the book 
• II 

of it : Bourn, by stooping, saved himself from 

that danger; and Rogers and Bradford, two eminent ^^^^' 
preachers, and of great credit with the people, stood 
up, and gently quieted the heat : and they, to deli- 
ver Bourn out of their hands, conveyed him from 
the pulpit to a house near the church. 

This was such an accident as the papists would 
have desired ; for it gave them a colour to proceed 
more severely, and to prohibit preaching, which was 
the first step they intended to make. There was 
a message sent to the lord mayor, to give a strict 
chai^ that every citizen should take care of all 
that belonged to him ; and see that they went to 
their own parish church, and kept the peace: as 
also to acquaint them with what the queen had de- 
dared in council on the 13th of August. And on 
the 18th there was published an inhibition in the 
queen's name to this effect : ** that she, considering An inbibu 
^ the great danger that had come to the realm by p,^i^. 
** the differences in religion, did declare for herself, 
^ that she was of that religion that she had professed 
^ from her infancy, and that she would maintain it 
^ during her time, and be glad that all her subjects 
** would charitably receive it. Yet she did not in- 
^ tend to compel any of her subjects to it, till public 
*' order should be taken in it by common assent ; re- 
^ quiring all, in the mean while, not to move sedition 
** or unquietness till such order should be settled, 
** and not to use the names of papist or heretic^ but 
*^ to live tc^ther in love, and in the fear of God : 
^but if any made assemblies of the people, she 
^ would take care they should be severely punished. 
*^ And she straitly charged them^ that none should 


PART ^ preach, or expouod scripture, or print any bookSp 
** or plays, without her special license. And re- 


1553. u quired her subjects, that none of them should pre- 
'< sume to punish any on pretence of the late rebd- 
lion, but as they should be authorized by her : yet 
she did not thereby restrain any from informiog 
'^ against such offenders. She would be most sony 
'' to have cause to execute the severity of the law, 
^' but she was resolved not to suffer such rebeUiooi 
*' doings to go unpunished ; but hoped her subjects 
<< would not drive her to the extreme execution of 
« the laws." 
cenrares When this was published, it was much descanted 

puicd upon , '^ 

it. on. The profession she made of her religion to be 

the same it had been from her infancy, showed it 
was not her father's religion, but entire popery thit 
she intended to restore. It was also observed, that 
whereas before she had said plainly she would com- 
pel none to be of it : now that was qualified with 
this, till public order should be taken in it ; whidi 
was, till they could so frame a parliament, that it 
should concur with the queen's design. The eqoid 
forbidding of assemblies, or ill names, on both sideSi 
was thought intended to be a trap for the reformed, 
that they should be punished if they offended ; but 
the others were sure to be rather encouraged. The 
restraint of preaching without license was pretended 
to be copied from what had been done in king Ed- 
ward's time : yet then there was a liberty left for a 
long time to all to preach in their own churches, only 
they might preach no where else without a license ; 
and the power of licensing was also lodged at first 
with the bishops in their several dioceses, and at 
last with the archbishop of Canterbury, as well di 


with the kiog: whereas now, at one stroke, all the book 
pulpits of England that were in the hands of the re- 

fiinned were brought under an interdict; for they ^^^^* 
were sure to obtain no licenses. But the cunningest 
part of these inhibitions was, the declaring that the 
queen would proceed with rigour against all that 
were guilty of the late rebellion, if they should pro- 
yoke her. Many about London had some way or 
other expressed themselves for it; and these were 
the hottest among the reformed : so that here was a 
sharp threatening hanging over them, if they should 
express any more zeal about religion. 

When this was put out, the queen, understanding she n- 
that in Suffolk those of that profession took a little M^ioe of 
more liberty than their neighbours, presuming on^^^foiriu! 
their great merit, and the queen's promises to them ; 
there was a special letter sent to the bishop of Nor* 
wich's vicar, himself being at Brussels, to see to the 
execution of these injunctions, against any that 
should preach without license. Upon this, some 
came from Suffolk to put the queen in mind of her 
promise. This was thought insolent: and she re- 
turned them no other answer, but that they, being 
members, thought to rule her that was their head ; 
but they should learn, that the members ought to 
obey the head, and not to think to bear rule over it. 
One of these had spoken of her promise with more 
confidence than the rest ; his name was Dobbe ; so 
he was ordered to stand three days in the pillory, as 
having said that which tended to the defamation of 
the queen. And from hence all saw what a severe 
government they were to come under, in which the 
claiming of former promises, that had been made 
by the queen when she needed their assistance, was 


PART to be accounted a crime. But there was yet t 


more unreasonable severity showed to Bradford and 

15^3. Sogers, who had appeased the tumult the Sundajr 
beforei and rescued the preacher firom the rage of 
the people. It was said, that their appeasing it w 
easily showed what interest they had with the peo- 
ple, and was a presumption that they had set it on; 
so, without any further proof, the one was put in 
the Tower, and the other confined to his house. 
^^P"** But now the deprived bishops, who were, Bonner 
■tored. of Loudou, Gardiner of Winchester, Tonstal of 
Duresm, Heath of Worcester, and Day of Chiches* 
ter, were to be restored to their sees. I have only 
seen the commission for restoring Bonner and Toih 
. stal ; but the rest were no doubt in the same strain, 
with a little variation. The commission for Bonner, 
bearing date the 22d of August, was directed to 
some civilians, setting forth, that he had petitioned 
the queen to examine the appeal he had made firom 
the delegates that had deprived him ; and that there- 
fore, the sentence against him being unjust and it- 
L^al, he desired it might be declared to be of no 
efifect. Upon which these did, without any greot 
hesitation, return the sentences void, and the ajh 
peals good. So thus they were restored to their 
sees. But, because the bishopric of Duresm was hf 
act of parliament dissolved, and the regalities of it, 
which had been given to the duke of Northumber- 
land, were now by his attainder fallen into the 
queen's hand, she granted Tonstal letters patents, 
erecting that bishopric again of new ; making men- 
tion, that some wicked men, to enrich themselves bj 
it, had procured it to be dissolved. 

On the 29th of August commission was granted 


to give licenses under the great seal to book 
h grave, learned, and discreet persons, as he 

uld think meet and able to preach Grod's word^^J^^^; 
who were so licensed were qualified to preach in »uitationi 
T cathedral or parochial church, to which he should reformed 
ok it convenient to send them. By this, the re- ° "' 
mers were not only out of hope to obtain any 
sises, but likewise saw a way laid down for send-^ 
; such men as Gardiner pleased into all their pul- 
s, to infect their people. Upon this they consi* 
"eA what to do. If there had been only a particu* 
interdiction of some private persons, the consi<« 
Btions of peace and order being of a more public 
lire than the consequence of any one man's open 
aching could be, they judged it was to be sub* . 
tted to : but in such a case, when they saw this 
erdiction was general, and on design to stop their 
uths till their enemies should seduce the people, 
7 did not think they were bound in conscience to 
e obedience. Many of them therefore continued 
preach openly : others, instead of preaching in 
irches, were contented to have only the prayers 
i other service there ; but, for instructing their 
yple, had private conferences with them. The 
uidl hearing that their orders had been disobeyed 
some in London, two in Coventry, and one in 
(lersham, they were sent for, and put in prison : 
i Coverdale bishop of Exeter, and Hooper of 61o« 
ter, being cited to appear before the council, they 
ne and presented themselves on the 29th and 30th 
August ; and on the first of September Hooper 
s sent to the Fleet, and Coverdale appointed to 
it their pleasure. 
At this time the popish party, growing now inso- 


PART lent over England^ began to be as forward in maldqg 
changes before the laws warranted them, as those of 

1553. ^y^^ reformation had been in king Eklward's time ; so 
that in many places they set up images, and the 
Latin service, with the old rites again. This wn 
plainly against law : but the council had no mind to 
hinder it ; but on the other hand encouraged it all 
The barba- they could. Upou which judge Hales, who thouglit 
of jadge he might with the more assurance speak his mind, 
^ having appeared so steadily for the queen, did, it 
the quarter sessions in Kent, give a charge to the 
justices to see to the execution of king Edwarfi 
laws, which were still in force and unrepealed. Upoo 
this he was, without any r^ard to his former sod, 
put, first, into the King^s Bench : ftom thence he was 
removed to the Counter, and after that to the Fleet; 
where the good old man was so disordered with tbe 
cruelties that the warden told him were contriviog 
against all that would not change their religion, that 
it turned his brain, so that he endeavoured to have 
killed himself with a penknife. He was after that, 
upon his submission, set at liberty ; but never came 
to himself again : so he, not being well looked to» 
drowned himself. This, with the usage of the Suf- 
folk men, was much censured ; and from thence it 
was said, that no merits or services could secure any 
from the cruelties of that religion. And it appeared in 
another signal instance how the actions of men were 
not so much considered as their religion. The lord 
chief justice Mountague, who had very unwillin^j 
drawn the letters patents for the lady Jane's succes- 
sion, was turned out of his place, kept six weeks in 
prison, fined in a thousand pounds, and some lands, 
that had been given him by king Edward, were taken 


from him ; though he had sent his son with twenty book 

. men to dedare for the queen^ and had a great family 1— 

of seventeen children, six sons and eleven daughters : '^^^' 
whereas judge Bromley, that had concurred in fram- 
ii^ the letters patents without any reluctancy, was 
made lord chief justice. The true reason was, 
Bromley was a papist in his heart, and Mountague 
was for the reformation. 

In many other places, where the people were po- 
|Hshly affected, they drove away their pastors. At 
Oxford Peter Martyr was so ill used, that he was 
Ibroed to fly for safety to Lambeth ; where he could 
not look for any long protection, since Cranmer him- 
aelf was every day in expectation of being sent to 
prison. He kept himself quiet ; and was contriving cnmmer 
how to give some public and noble testimonies to the o^niy 
doctrine that he had so long professed, and indeed had ^^^ ^^ 
been the chief promoter of in this church. But his 
quiet behaviour was laid hold on by his enemies ; and 
it was given out, that he was resolved to comply with 
every thin^ the queen had a mind to. So I find^°°«>^* 

^^ , insolence. 

Bonner wrote to his friend Mr. Lechmore, on the 
sixth of September, in that letter which is in the 
Collection : ** He gives him notice, that the day be- couect. 
•* fore he had been restored to his bishopric, and Rid- ™" ' ^* 
" ley repulsed ; for which he is very witty. Ridley 
** had a steward for two manors of his, whose name 
** was Shipside, his brother-in-law ; upon which he 
** plays as if he had been Sheepshead. He orders 
^ Liechmore to look to his estate, and he should take 
** care at the next parliament that both the sheeps^- 
*^ heads and the calvesheads should be used as they 
** deserved. He adds, that Cranmer, whom in scorn 
^* he calls Mr. Canterbury, was become very humble, 

VOL. II. K k 


PART « and ready to submit himself in all things : bat that 
** would not serve his turn ; and it was expected 

1553. (t ^Yiat he should be sent to the Tower that veiy 
^* day.** These reports being brought to Cranmer, 
some advised him to fly beyond seas : he said, he 
would not dissuade others fh)m that course, now 
that they saw a persecution rising ; but, considering 
the station he was in, and the hand he had in all the 
changes that were made, he thought it so indecent 
a thing for him to fly, that no entreaties should ever 
crmnmer't pcrsuade him to it. So he, by Peter Martyr's advice, 
0^11^/''°' drew up a writing, that I have put in the C!ollecti0n ; 
Numb. 8. ^j^ Latin, as it was at that time translated.) The 
substance of it was to this effect : '* That as the 
** devil had at all times set on his instruments bjr 
** lies to defame the servants of God, so he was now 
** more than ordinarily busy. For whereas king 
*' Henry had begun the correcting of the abuses of 
*^ the mass, which his son had brought to a further 
'* perfection ; and so the Lord's supper was restored 
*^ to its first institution, and was celebrated accord- 
*^ ing to the pattern of the primitive church : now 
*^ the devil, intending to bring the mass again into 
** its room, as being his own invention, had stirred 
** up some to give out that it had been set up in 
** Canterbury by his the said Cranmer's order ; and 
" it was said, that he had undertaken to sing mass 
** to the queen's majesty, both at king Edward^s 
** funeral, at Paul's, and other places : and though 
^' for tliese twenty years he had despised all such 
*' vain and false reports as were spread of him, yet 
** now he thought it not fit to lie under such misre- 
*^ presentations. Therefore he protested to all the 
^^ world, that the mass was not set up at Canterbuiy 


** by his. order; but that a fawning hypocritical book 



monk (this was Thornton, suffragan of Dover) had 


*• done it without his knowledge : and for what he *^^^' 
*' was said to have undertaken to the queen, her ma- 
jesty knew well how false that was ; offering, if he 
might obtain her leave for it, to maintain, that 
every thing in the communion service that was set 
out by their most innocent and good king Edward 
<' was according to Christ's institution, and the prac- 
** tice of the apostles and the ancient church for 
*^ many ages, to which the mass was contrary, being 
^ full of errors and abuses. And although Peter 
^ Martyr was by some called an ignorant man, he, 
*^ with him, or other four or five, such as he should 
'< choose, would be ready to defend, not only their 
** Book of Common Prayer, and the other rites of 
" their service, but the whole doctrine and order of 
*' religion, set forth by the late king, as more pure 
^ and more agreeable to the word of God, than any 
** sort of religion that had been in England for a 
^* thousand years before it ; provided that all things 
** should be judged by the scriptures, and that the 
** reasonings on both sides should be faithfully writ- 
.** ten down." 

This he had drawn, with a resolution to have made Puwuhed 
a public use of it : but Scory, who had been bishop know. 
of Chichester, coming to him, he showed him the * **• 
paper, and bade him consider of it. Scory indis- 
creetly gave copies of it ; and one of these was pub- 
licly read in Cheapside on the fifth of September. 
So, on the eighth of that month, he was called be^ 
fore the starrchamber, and asked, whether he was 
the author of that seditious bill, that was given out 
in hb name ; and if so, whether he was sorry for it. 

K k 2 


PART He answered, that the bill was truly his ; but he was 

1—. very sorry it had gone from him in such a manner : 

\^^^Ia for he had resolved to have enlarged it in many 

lit owned *' ^ 

r him be. things, and to have ordered it to be afiixcj^ to the 
»Qncii. doors of Paul's, and of the other churches in Londoo, 
with his hand and seal to it. He was at that time, 
contrary to all men's expectation, dismissed. Gar- 
diner plainly saw he could not expect to succeed Um, 
and that the queen had designed that see for cardie 
nal Pool; so he resolved to protect and preserve 
Cranmer all he could. Some moved that he should 
be only put from his bishopric, and have a small pen- 
sion assigned him, with a charge to keep within a 
confinement, and not to meddle with matters of re- 
ligion. He was generally beloved for the gentknesB 
of his temper ; so it was thought, that proceeding 
severely with him might alienate some from them, 
and embroil their affairs in the next parliameat 
Others objected, that if he, who had been the diief 
promoter of heresy, was used with such tenderness, 
it would encourage the rest to be more obstinatie: 
and the queen, who had forgot the services he did 
her in her father's time, remembering rather that he 
had pronounced the sentence of divorce against her 
mother, was easily induced to proceed severely. So 
on the Idth of September both he and Latimer w&e 
le and La- called bcforc the council: Latimer was that day 
, the committed ; but Cranmer was respited till next day, 
and then he was sent to the Tower, both for mattefs 
of treason against the queen, and for dispersing of 
seditious bills. Tylor of Hadlee and several other 
preachers were also put in prison ; and, upon an in* 
formation brought against Horn, dean of Duream, he 
was sent for. 



The fbreignera, tliat were cotne over upon public book 

kith and encouragement^ were better used; for '— 

Peter Martjnr was preserred from the rage of his^J^^^^* 
nri e miesf and suffered to go beyond sea. There was n\gnen 
ilso an order sent to John a Lasco and his congre-EngUod. 
^tion to be gone» their church being taken from 
iieniy and their corporation dissolved ; and an hun- 
Ired seventy-five of them went away in two ships 
o Denmark on the 17th of September^ with all their 
ireachers, except two, who were left to look to those 
ew which stayed behind; and, being engaged in 
nde, resolved to live in England, and follow their 
XMisciences in matters of religion in private, with the 
kflsbtance of those teachers. But A Lasco, afler a # 
ong and hard passage, arriving at Denmark, was as 
n received there as if it had been a popish country, 
vhen they understood that he and his company were 
if the Helvetian confession : so that, though it was 
December, and a very severe winter, they were re- 
[uired to be gone within two days ;. and could not 
obtain so much as liberty to leave their wives or 
children behind them, till they could provide a place 
or them. From thence they went, first, to Lubeck^ 
hen to Wismar and Hamburgh, where they found 
he disputes about the manner of Christ's presence in 
be sacrament had raised such violent animodties, 
hat, after much barbarous usage, they were banished 
ot of all those towns, and could find no place to set- 
le in till about the end of March, that they came to 
rriseland, where they were suffered to plant them- 

Many in England, seeing the government was set Many Eng- 
n severe courses so early, did infer, that this would yoad sea. 
oon grow up to an extreme persecution ; so that 




PART above a thousand persons fled beyond seas : most of 
. them went in the company, and as the servants, of 
French protestants ; who, having come over in king 
Edward's time, were now required, as the Germans 
had been, to return into their own country. The 
council, understanding this, took care that no Eng- 
lishmen should escape out of their hands ; and there- 
fore sent an order to the ports, that none should be 
suffered to go over as Frenchmen, but those who 
brought certificates from the French ambassador. 
Among those that had got over, some eminent di- 
vines went ; who, either having no cures, or being 
turned out of their benefices, were not under sock 
ties to any flock : so that they judged therosdves 
disengaged, and therefore did not, as hirelings, leave 
their flock to the persecution then imminent, but nh 
ther went to look after those who had now left Eng- 
land. The chief of those that went at first were 
Cox, Sands, Grindal, and Horn. Cox was without 
any good colour turned out both of his deanery of 
Christ-Church, and his prebendary of Westminster: 
he was put into the Marshalsea ; but on the 19th of 
August was discharged. Sands was turned out for 
his sermon before the duke of Northumberland at 
Cambridge: on wha( account Grindal was turned 
out, I know not. Horn, soon after he got beyond 
sea, printed an apology for his leaving his country; 
he tells, that he heard there were some crimes against 
the state objected to him, which made him come up 
from Duresm to clear himself. It was said, that 
three letters had been written to him in the queen's 
name, requiring him to come up ; and intimating, 
that they were resolved to charge him with con- 
tempt, and other points of state. He protests that 


d had never received but one, which was given him book 
1 the road ; but seeing how he was like to be used, ' 
5 withdrew out of England: upon which he takes ^^^^' 
xrasion in that discourse to vindicate the preachers 
I king Edward's time, against whom it was now 
ejected, that they had n^Iected fasting and prayer, 
id had allowed the people all sorts of liberty. This, 
3 said, was so false, that the ruling men in that 
me were much offended at the great freedom, which 
le preachers then took, so that many of them would 
sar no more sermons : and he says for himself, that, 
leogh Tonstal was now his great ewmy, he had re- 
laed to accept of his bishopric, and was ill used and 
ireatened for denying to take it. 

All these things tended much to inflame the peo-Theqaeea 
e. Therefore great care was taken, first, to oblige tboM who 
1 those noblemen who had assisted the queen at he?.**"™* 
^r coming to the crown ; since a grateful acknow- 
dgment of past services is the greatest encourage- 
ent, both to the same persons to renew them, and 

others to undertake the like upon new occasions. 
he earl of Arundel was made lord steward; sir 
dward Hastings was made master of the horse, and 
terwards lord Hastings ; sir John Gage, lord cham- 
vlain ; sir John Williams, who had proclaimed the 
leen in Oxfordshire, was made lord Williams ; and 
r Henry Jemingham, that first gathered the men 

Norfolk about her, was made captain of her guard, 
at Ratcliff, earl of Sussex, had done the most con- 
lerable service of them aU; for to him she had 
ven the chief command of her army, and he had 
anaged it with that prudence, that others were 
ereby encouraged to come in to her assistance : so 
I unusual honour was contrived for him, that he 

K k 4 


PART might cover his head in her presence ; whidi passed 

■i 1 — under the great seal the second of October, he bein; 

^^^^' the only peer of England on whom this honour was 
ever conferred, as far as I know. The like was 
granted to the lord Courcy, baron of Kingsale ia 
Ireland, whose posterity enjoy it to this day : but I 
am not so well informed of that &mily, as to knoir 
by which of our kings it was first granted. The 
queen, having summoned a parliament to meet the 
fifth of October, was crowned on the first of that 
month by Gardiner; who, with ten other bishops^ 
all in their mitres, copes, and crosiers, perfoniMd 
. that ceremony with great solemnity: Day preadi- 
ing the coronation sermon ; who, it seems, was ac- 
counted the best preacher among them, since he was 
ordered to preach both at the late king^s ftineral, and 
now again at the coronation. 
The queen But Gardiner had prepared a largess of an extra- 
and'dis-^ ' ordinary nature for the queen to distribute that daj 
ulTeT*'" among her people, besides her general pardon: he 
caused a proclamation to be published, which did set 
forth, ** that whereas the good subjects of England 
'^ had always exhibited aid to their princes, when 
** the good of the public, and honour of the realm, 
" required it ; and though the queen, since her com- 
ing to the crown, found the treasury was marvd- 
lously exhausted, by the evil government of late 
years, especially since the duke of Northumbe^ 
land bare rule ; though she found herself charged 
" with divers great sums of her father and brother's 
" debts, which for her own honour, and the honour 
" of the realm, she determined to pay in times con- 
venient and reasonable; yet having a special r^ 
gard to the welfare of her subjects, and account- 





ig their kmsg hearts and proqioritf the chiefest book 
measure which she desired, next to the favour and 

race of God ; therefore, since in her brother's last ^^^^' 
Eorliament, two tenths, two fifteenths, and a sub- 
dy both out of lands ^nd goods were given to 
im for paying his debts, which were now due to 
er ; she of her great clemency did fully pardon 
nd dischaige these subsidies ; trusting her said 
ood subjects will have loving consideration there- 
r for their parts, whom she heartily requires to 
end themselves wholly to Gk)d, to serve him sin- 
arely, and with continual prayer, for the honour 
nd advancement of the queen, and the common- 

Lnd thus matters were prepared for the parlia- a pariia- 
it ; which was opened the fifth of October. In moaedT' 
writ of summons; and all other writs, the queen 
dned still the title of supreme head. Taylor 
lop of Lincoln, and Harley bishop of Hereford, 
le thither, resolving to justify their doctrine. 
Bt of the otlier reformed bishops were now in 
ion; for, besides these formerly mentioned, on 
fourth of October the archbishop of York was 
in the Tower, no cause being given, but heinous 
fices only named in general. When the mass Bishops 
un, it is said that those two bishops withdrew, thn^t oat 
I were upon that never suffered to come to thdr JonWp- 
:es again. But one Beal, the clerk of the coun- jj^**** 
in queen Elizabeth's time^ reports this otherwise, 
. more probably; that bishop Taylor took his 
:» in his robes, but, refusing to give any reve- 
oe to the mass, was violently thrust out of the 
ise. He says nothing of Harley, so it is probable 
t he followed the other. The same writer also 


PART informs us, that, in many places of the country, men 
— '. — were chosen by force and threats ; in other places 

Ori^^dul *^^^ employed by the court did by violence hinder 
order iQ (hc commous from comincr to choose; in manj 

elections. , ^ , i ^ i 

places false returns were made; and that some 
were violently turned out of the house of commcMos; 
upon which reasons he concludes that it was no par- 
liament, since it was under a force, and so might be 
annulled, as the parliament held at Coventry, in the 
38th year of king Henry the Sixth, was, upon evi- 
dence of the like force, declared afterwards to be no 
parliament. The journals of the house of lords in 
this parliament are lost ; so there is no light to be 
had of their proceedings, but from the imperfect 
journals of the house of commons. 

On the second day of the session, one moved in 
the house of commons for a review of king Edward^ 
laws. But that being a while argued, was at this 
time laid aside, and the bill for tonnage and pound- 
age was put in. Then followed a debate upon Dr. 
NowelPs being returned from Loo in Cornwall, whe- 
ther he, being a prebendary of Westminster, oooU 
sit in that house ? and the committee being ap- 
pointed to search for precedents, it was reported, 
that he, being represented in the convocation houses 
could not be a member of that house ; so he was cait 
out. The bill of tonnage and poundage was sent up 
to the lords, who sent it down to the commons to-be 
reformed in two provisos that were not according to 
former precedents. How far this was contrary to 
the rights of the commons, who now say, that the 
lords cannot alter a bill of money, I am not aUe to 
^Tilrti^ng determine. The only public bill that passed in this 
Ijrm! '^^^ short session was for a declaration of treasons and 


elonies ; hj which it- was ordained, that nothing book 

hould be judged treason, but what was within the ' 

tatute of treasons in the 25th of Edward the Third ; *^^^- 
nd nothing should be so judged felony, that was 
lot so before the first year of king Henry the 
Sighth, excepting from any benefit of this act all 
Qch as had been in prison for treason, petty treason, 
r misprision of treason, before the last of September ; 
fho were also excepted out of the queen's pardon at 
ler coronation. Two private bills also passed ; the 
oe for the restoring of the wife of the late marquis 
f Exeter, who had been attainted in the SStd year 
f king Henry's reign ; and the other for her son 
Sdward Courtney earl of Devonshire. And so the 
arliament was prorogued from the 21st to the 24th 
f October, that there might be a session of parlia- 
lent consisting only of acts of mercy ; though this 
epeal of additional treasons and felonies was not 
lore than what had passed in the beginning of 
ing Edward's reign, without the clog of so severe 

proviso, by which many were cut off from the 
iTOur designed by it. 

Some have thought, that since treasons had been 
^uced by the second act of Edward the Sixth to 
le standard of the 2dth of Edward the Third, that 
lerefore there was somewhat else designed by this 
ct than barely the repealing some late severe acts, 
rhich being done the first of Edward the Sixth, 
eeded not be now repealed, if it imported no more, 
md since this act, as it is worded, mentions, or 
Either excepts, those treasons that are declared and 
xpressed in the 25th of Edward the Third, they 
lave inferred that the power of parliaments de- 
laring of treasons ex pastJactOf which was reserved 


PART by that statute, is hereby taken away; and thit 

nothing is now to be held treason, but what is enu- 

^^^^' merated in that statute. Yet this is still liaUe to 
debate ; since the one may be thought to be dedared 
and expressed in general words, as well as the otber 
specialties are in more particular words ; and is abo 
still in force. So nothing seems comprehended with- 
in this repeal, but the acts passed in king Eidwarfs 
reign, declaring other crimes to be treason ; some 
are added in the same act, and others in that of the 
3d and 4th of his reign, chap. 5. Nor is it likdjr, 
that if the parliament had intended to have delivered 
the subjects from the apprehensions of all acts of at- 
tainder, upon a declaration of new treasons, they 
would not have expressed it more plainly ; since it 
must have been very grateful to the nation, which 
had groaned heavily under arbitrary attainders of 
late years. 
The mar- When the parliament met again, the first bill the 
queen Ka- commons entered on was that of tonnage and pound- 
king Henry age, which they passed in two days. Then was the 
confirmed, yjj about king Hcnry's marriage with the queen's 
mother sent down on the 26th by the lotds, and the 
commons passed it on the 28th, so strangely was the 
stream turned, that a divorce that had been for seven 
years much desired by the nation, was now repealed 
upon fewer days' consultation. In the preamble it 
was said, '^ that truth, how much soever obscured 
^ and borne down, will in the end break out : and 
*' that therefore they declared, that king Henry the 
'' Eighth, being lawfully married to queen Kathe^ 
" rine by the consent of both their parents, and the 
^' advice of the wisest men in the realm, and of the 
*' best and notablest men for learning in Christen^ 


** doniy did continiie that state twenty year85iii which book 
'^ God blessed them with her majesty and other issue. 

** and a course of great happiness ; but then a very ^^^^' 

^ few malicious persons did endeavour to break that 

^ happy agreement between them^ and studied to 

^ possess the king with a scruple in his conscience 

'* about it : and, to support that, caused the seals of 

^ some universities to be got against it, a few per- 

^ sons being corrupted with money for that end. 

** They had also by sinistrous ways, and secret 

** threatenings, procured the seals of the universi- 

* ties of this kingdom ; and, finally, Thomas Cran- 

^ mer did most ungodlily, and against law, judge 

** the divorce, upon his own unadvised understand- 

^ ing of the scriptures, upon the testimonies of the 

^ universities, and some bare and most untrue con- 

^jectures; and that was afterwards confirmed by 

** two acts of parliament, in which was contained 

" the illegitimacy of her majesty : but that marriage 

^ not being prohibited by the law of God, and law- 

^ fully made, could not be so broken ; since what 

^ God hath joined together, no man could put asun- 

^ der : all which they considering, together with the 

" many miseries that had fallen on the kingdom 

^ sinoe that time, which they did esteem plagues 

^ sent from God for it ; therefore they declare that 

** sentence given by Cranmer to be unlawful, and of 

^ no force firom the beginning : and do also repeal 

^ the acts of parliament that had confirmed it/' 

By this act, Gardiner had performed his promise which 

to the queen, of getting her illegitimation taken off,^^.^*^ 
without any relation to the pope's authority. But 
in the drawing of it, he showed that he was past all 
shame ; when he could frame such an act, of a busi- 


PART Dess which himself had so violently and serviklj 
promoted. The falsehood of that pretence of c(l^ 


rupting universities has been shown in the former 
volume ; but it was all they had now to say. The 
lajring it all upon Cranmer was as high a pitch of 
malice and impudence as could be devised ; for, n 
Gardiner had been setting it on long before Cran- 
mer was known to king Henry, so he had been joined 
with him in the commission, and had given his as- 
aent to the sentence which Cranmer gave. Nor wai 
the divorce grounded merely upon Cranmer^s under* 
standing of the scriptures, but upon the fullest and 
most studied arguments that had perhaps been in 
any age brought together in one particular case; 
and both houses of convocation had condemned the 
marriage before his sentence. But because in the 
right ^f his see he was legate to the pope, therefiire^ 
to make the sentence stronger, it went only in bis 
name, though he had but a small share in it, com- 
pared to what Gardiner had. ^ 
The queen By this act thcrc was also a second illegitimation 
^7to the brought on the lady Elizabeth, to whom hitherto the 
hMjy Eiixa- quecu had been very kind, using her on all occasions 
with the tenderness of a sister ; but from this time 
forwards she handled her more severely. It was 
perhaps occasioned by this act^ since before thej 
stood both equally illegitimated; but how the act 
that legitimated the queen, making her most cet' 
tainly a bastard in law, the queen might think it 
now too much to use her as she had done formerly. 
Others suggest a more secret reason of this distaste. 
The new earl of Devonshire was much in the queen's 
favour, so that it was thought she had some indi* 
nations to marry him ; but he, either not presuming