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HISTORY OF THE 


RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS. 


VOLUME II. 


* HISTORY OF THE 


RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS. 


BY 


HENRY M. BAIRD, 


PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF THE CITY OF NEW YoRE. 


IN TWO VOLUMES, 


VOL. Il. 





& : 
FROM THE EDICT OF JANUARY *SO\E "HE 
DEATH OF CHARLES THE NINTH 


: Xondon: 
HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 
* 27, PATERNOSTER ROW. 


MDECCLAXX, 





a 
Hazel, Watson, and Viney, Frioters, London and Aylesbury 


CONTENTS 


or 


VOLUME SECOND. 


BOOK Il. 


CHAPTER XIII. 
1562-1563, 


fme Finest Crem Wan. os 
Tmatistactory Character of the Baict of Jenaary : 
Hnguenot Leadera urge its Observance. : 
Seditious Sermons. Hime. FE ce 
Opposition of Parliaments... . ww 
New Conference at St. Germain. . 
Defection of Antoine of Navarre, and ita Effect. 
He is cheated with VainHopes =... 
Jeanne d’Albret constant. S. aeR 34 
Immense Crowds at Huguenot Preaching. . 
The Canons of Sainte-Croix . 
The Ouises meet Christopher of Wirtemberg at Saverne 
Their Lying Awsurances =. . eee 
The Guises deceive Nobody . 
Throkmorton’s Account of the French Court 
The Massacre of Vasey 
‘The Huguenots call for the Punishment of the Murderers . 
The Pretence of Want of Premeditation. . . . 
Louin of Condé appeals to the King BY ok 
Bera’s Remonstrance aM 
An Anvil that bad worn out many Hammers. 
Guise enters Paris bee ace . 
‘The Queen Mother takes Charlte to Melun ‘ 
Her Letteay imploring Cond:'s Aid . : 
Revolutionary Measures of the Triumvirs . . 








2s 


30 


ES 








of Association. 
‘The Huguenot Nobles and Cities. 
Can Iconoclasm be repressed? . 
‘An Uncontrollable Impalse 
Tt bursts ont at Coen. 

The * Idol” of the Church of Sainte-Croix 
Massacre of Huguenots at Sens . 

Disorders and War in Provence and Dauphiny . 
William of Orange and his Principality 
‘Mamacre by Papal Troops from Avignon . 
Merciless Revenge of the Baron des Adrets 
‘His Grim Pleasantry at Moras. 
‘Atrocities of Blaise de Montluo 

‘The Massacre at Toulouse =, | 
‘Tho Centenary celebrated . 9... 
Foreign Alliances sought. =. =. 
Queen Elisabeth's Aid invoked . 
Cocil’s Urgency and Schemes . 
Divided Sympathies of the English 
Diplomatic Manceavres 

Condé's Reply to the Pretanded “Petition 
‘Third National Synod of the Protestants . 
Interview of Catharine and Condé at Toury 
‘The “Loan” of Besugency . . 
Fotile Negotiations... 
Spasmodic Efforts in Warfare... 
Hnguenot Discipline . . 2... 
Reverities of tha Pe 























OWAPTER XVI. 
1508-1970, 


Ralaement of Agope Anim’ 
aa Court priv ie leforned Religion 
Irepolicg of this Course . a 
A*'Ormade" published ab Toulouse 
‘Fanaticien of the Roman Catholic Preachers 
Huguenot Placee of Refuge 
Seana Are nD And wench La Roni 
Hiocoemes ix Poitou, Angoumols, ate... 
Powerful Huguenot Army in the Soath 
Becta a Junction with Coudé’s Foroes 
‘Haguenot Reprisals and Negotiations — 
Min f Orage mo toss 
Bia Declration in their babalt 


Praition Sioges and Plots ahh 
Growing Superlority of Axjou's Forces, | 
The Armion moet on the Cuurnte «|. 
Battie of Jaroao (Marwh 13, 1500) 2 
Merdor of Louis, Prince of Condé 





‘The Print of Navarre omosetenisegnont the cy shown 


Exagrerated Bulletins 
‘The Pope's Saugulnary In} 


Ecru Atm of tr Panes rex rv 


Queen Elisabeth coldur re 
Toe Queen of Neraz’s Spe - 


Now Responsibility nesting an Coliguy” 


‘he Dubs of Deux Porieaoes with Garman Aariiaree : 


‘Thay eyermsve NI Obatedin end Join Callen. 


‘Disastrous Siege of Poitiers 


SUGSSSSZSERLISSIIAS SIT 


901 
902 


x 


‘Tue Peack or 8t.Gemman . . 


CONTENTS. 


Cruelties to Haguenota in the Prisons of Orleans 2 
Montargis a Safe Refuge. =. Bea. & 
Flight of the Refugees fo Sancerre - =. ss 
‘The “Croix de Gastines" —. F 
Perocity of Parliament against Coligny and Others. | 
APrice seton Coligny's Head. . . . we 
‘The Huguenots weaker. as « omy” ag)“ 
Battle of Moncontour (Oct. 81569) ©... 
Coligny wounded. fey By ees 
Heavy Lowes of the Huguenota =. . 1. 
The Roman Catholics exultant . =. . + 
‘Mouy murdered by Maurevel . e 
‘The Amussin rewarded with the Collar of the Order.” 
Fatal Error committed by the out 9... 
Siege of St. Joan dAngely. o athed 
Huguenot Suooomes at Vésclay and Niemen... 
Coligny encouraged. ba te 
Withdrawal of the Troope of Dauphiny and Provence. 
The Admiral’sBoldPlan . . . . . ee 
He Sweeps through Guyeme. 9... we 
“VengeancodeRapin” =... 1 we 
Coligny pushes on totheRhéne =... 
‘His Singular Success andits Causes 0... 
‘He turns toward Paris. ap inte 
His liness interrupta Negotiations =... . 
Engagement of Armyle-Duc. . . .. 
Coligny approaches Paris... see 
Progress of Negotiations . eer 
‘Tho English Rebellion affecta the Terms offered. |. |. 
Better Conditions proposed 2. 7 
Charles and his Mother for Peace =. s 

‘The War fruitless for its Authors... 
Anxiety of Cardinal Chatillon. > dere 3 
‘The Royal Edict of St. Germain (Aug. 8, 1810) er: 
Dissatisfaction of the Clergy omy a 
“The Limping and Unsettled Peace”... 


CHAPTER XVII. 
1570-1572. 


Bincerity of the Peace re 
‘The Designs of Catharine de’ Medici . ©. |, | 
Charles the Ninth in Earnest. 

‘Tears out the Parliament Record against Cardinal Chitillon 


SeEESSSUREeEgeEEedeseeneuugeRegeueseT 








Protestants of 

‘Toe = Grote de Gastnrs” polled dows 

Pjectd Marge of Anon to Quen lini of Eagan 
Mkiaiteete eaeds balys) ©: 


iRhorso w be meiated ex else 





‘is Honorable Reception . 2 c 
pecs Guiver and Alva... 7 
tare cy of Nei tng ie 


Ring's 
erates Deceute mre ferret her Bou Marag 


‘er Solicivade . 
SSbe is treated with Tantalizing Trxincerity. : 
aa email 6h Ria Meese ts Cours cele aa 


Decenlnee Cathrine to ake the Syria Sie my, Bite, 
‘Low of the Goldon Opportunity =. oI" 


Charles thoroughly cast down . . z 
Caligny parislly sucoseds in reansoring him 
Tolan tye wih Dshosrable Prope fom the Nettie 


a iiiideiiaeeaee 


Et 











xiv CONTENTS, 








Page 
Policy of theGuises . . ee ew OB 
Spurious Accounts of Clemency . .. . . .  . «BBB 
Bishop Le Hennuyer, of Lisieux. a oh a ORS 
Kind Offices of Matignon at Caen and Alengon . =... (RG 
Of Longuevilleand Gordes... ew ees O88 
Of Tendein Provence. Mek eg Ag Re Roy het 
Viscount D'Orthe: at Bayonne. 2... sss 88 
The Municipality of Nantes... we ews 
Unoertain Number of Victims. emer se | 
‘News of the Massacre received at Romo. |... 580 
Public Thanksgivings. Bi ah ment, Se DOOR 
Vasarl's Paintings inthe Vatioan .. ss 8S 
French Boasts count for Nothing . . 2. 885 
Catharine writes to Philip, her coninlaw . . . .  . 586 
‘Tho Delight of Philip of Spain... Pay ae 5 a 
Charles instigates the Murder of French Prisoners... 539 
Alva jubilant, butwary 9... ee BAO 
England's Horror. ar atin Pia nat hd oa 
Perplexity of La Motte Fénéln. 9. 9... . BAL 
His Cold Reooption by Queen Elisabeth. . . . BB 
The Ambassador disheartened 2... ees OG, 
Sir Thomas Smith's Letter a aa A . 6 
Catharine's Uneuocessful Representations . bo jay BAT 
Briquemaalt and Ceraignos bong for alleged Conspiracy 8 
‘The News in Scotland. . - Sd 3h ger t880. 
InGermany 2. we ee ee BO 
In Poland ee eas ea 
Sympathy of the Genevese . coe Be 
Their Generosity andDanger ©... es. BST 
‘The Impression atBaden. =... ese. S. 
Medals and Vindications . By Bets Be 
Disastrous Personal Effect on King Charles. et 360 
‘How far was the Roman Church Responsible? . 4 02 
Gregory probably not aware of the intended Massacre 364 
Paul the Fitth instigates the French Court... . 364 
‘He counsels exterminating the Huguencta . |. 565 
| A.New Account of the Massacre at Orleans =. er) 


CHAPTER XX. 
1572-1574. 
‘THE SEQUEL OF THE Massacae, To THE DEATH oF CUARLES TOR 


Nea. Bape A a Saeed : 572 
Widespread Terror... wk, rr) 


CONTENTS. 


Ia Roch¢lie and other Cities in Huguenot Mande =, 
and Montauban... 4 





Haye ot nal sn cee 
The Bosdeged pray and é 
earns ass 
La Nove rei —Pallur of Diploncy Se a 
‘Bnglish Aid miscarrien 2 

Hogaeact Sacer nthe Sth ae 
‘Sommidres and Villeneuve 
Beganing ofthe Slog of ances | 


‘The Incipieat Famino 
ome ofthe Army before La Rocio” 
Ztoman Catholio Proomasions: 





Becta of Hey of Anon to Crown of Poland. 





oa Regs an Yauioe of Sancerr eoxtines RS, 


City capitalates 
Cake be rege peer 
Dicentent of the South withthe Terma of Peace 


Huguenots firm 
Destine of Charles's Health ‘ 
‘Project of an English Mateh reaewed . . 
with the German Prinoss . 


Death of Lonisof Nau es 
DeeeRewtinsiidddves © 2 + 
the Riector Palatine z 








seeesegeggegeeeeeaggess7 + 


xvi ONTENTS. 


‘Treacherous Attempt onLaRochelle. . . . . 
Huguenots re-amombleatMiban . =... 1. 
‘They complete their Organization =. =. . s . . 
‘The Duke of Alengon a ue, Sas 
Glandage Plunders the City of Ormgo ©... 
‘Montbrun’s Exploits in Dauphiny . 

4a obo ronumes Arma (Bepining of th Fifth Heligions Wee 
Diplomacy tried in Vain. a 
The ‘ Politique muke an Unrocerl Riso bo ake 
Flight of the Court from St. Germain Br iain. oe 
Alengon and Navarreexamined » . . 1 ee 
Execution of La Moleand Cooonmss. =. =... ee 
Condé retires to Germany . BS dns ved 
Reasons for the Success of the Huguenota, . 2... 
Montgomery lands in Normandy. . . . . 
Heisforcedto Surender. . . we ee 
Delight of Catharine ©. ee ee 
Execution of Montgomery . 2. +. 1 ee 
Last Days of Charlesthe Ninth. . . 2. 0. we 
Distress of his YoungQueen . . we wee 
Death and Funeral Rites of Charles. . gu an 
Had Pomecution, War and Treachery Succeeded? ss 





S2SBR2R88ERR2RRR28 


BOOK SECOND. 


FROM THE EDICT OF ¥ANUARY (1562) 
TO THE DEATH OF CHARLES 
THE NINTH (1574). 





























: ‘MU RISE OF THE HUGUESOTS OF FRANCE C= X0L 


wwe nina yew. and growth. Indeed, so rapid was the advance 
‘ayrostanumn. 6 pressing the call for ministers, that the 
fimrishing church of Orleans, in 2 letter written the 
wo at Yebruury, proclaimed their expectation af establich- 
» tusuagieal school to supply their own wants and those of 
“ia wcwownt regions; and it is no insignifieant mark of the 
ywwer With which the reforsoatory movement still eoursed on, 
that the canons of the great church af Sainte Croix 

<a” hud given notice of their intention to attend the lec 
‘turee that were to be delivered!’ In such an encour- 
wg strain did “the ministers, deacons and elders” af the 
Protectant city of northern France write on the day before 
lepduralle massacre of Vasey. which was to be the signal 

















oeand in the city which it 
‘y the pions smadents of the 
es wnid te Luring upon the 






tei ss Ssascms to the 


erative xf the King 





Seen jas nu wrueameas ‘a vanoee Fey se faconners 
MAW eawNotiy vaccine ua SG 8G Tem: sale que Tes cha 
daw NO 8 Comte AE eo aes feques, 09 qa'lls ont 
(ncedvad te Tucan uarmiacans sue expectation. 
Ween. eke cuneationines, BS 









































Mt ‘THE FIRST CIVIL WAR. 5 


a rveaelatedeth real raereacen 


‘but what reason do the circumstances of the case give 
that the report may have been based upon the 
who in this terror-stricken assembly attempted 
er eries wiatoree ile they: conle lay 

hands upon? If the presence of his wife, and of his 
brother the cardinal, is used by the duke as an argument to 
prove the absence of any sinister intentions on his how 





gathering 

children found there? But the very fnct that, aa against the 
‘twenty-five or thirty Huguenots whom he concedes to have been 
dain in the encounter, he does not pretend to give the namo of 
a one of his own followers that was killed, shows clearly 
Seeiie Faors the mney oct gromaly diniayet Uy 
wl sanguinary spirit generally displayed 

the Roman Catholic massesin the sixteenth poate 
sonch fault with the Hognenots of Vassy if they had really 
‘armed themselves to repel violence and protect their wives and 
children—if, in other words, they had used the common right 





‘of self-proservation #* 
Tris extremly ‘ont Mr. Froude should have tavod his aooount 
cot French affair at thin ‘polnt upon so inaccurate nnd prejudiced a 


‘writer na Varillax To be correct in hix delineation of these transactions 
‘was almoxt se important for his object, a# to be eurrect in tho narration of 

Paglish occurrences If he desired to avold the labor, trom which ho 
might well wish to be oxeused, of mastering the groat accumulation of eon- 
temporary and original French anthorities, ho might have rosorted with pro- 
pristy, a be bas dono in the ease of the mamacre of St Rartholomew’s Dey, 
to Henri Martin's noble history, ot to the history of Slamondi, not to apeak of 
‘Bolden, Vou Folens, and a host of others, Varillas wrote, about a century after 
‘cheevents he described, anamber of works of slender literary, and still slighter 
historical value. Hla ‘Histoire de Charles 1X." (Gologno, 1686)—tho worl 
‘whisk Mr, Proude has bat too often followod—begias with an adulatory dedi- 



























































dosire to conviner the world that no partisan hatred moved him, 
strictly. ‘intrusion of Protestants into the churches, 
and coclesinstics of protection #0 long as they chore 


and with losed doors; but soon, their fears getting the better 
Ee 
the Protestant capital. On the twenty-first of 

po ea eer 
broken during the preceding night, iat tho 
beet of destruction was at that very moment going forward in 
in company with Coligny and other leaders, 

a imposil poring cuureh of the Holy Rood (Saints 
undertook, with blows and menaces, to check the fu- 

Socing a Hugnenat soldior who had climbed 
ese aaron ten te osaced pics coe 
the saints that graced the wall of the church, the prince, in the 
first obullition of lis anger, matched an urquebuse from the 
hands of one of his followers, and aimed itt ‘at the adventurous 
iconoclast. Od Ei SS ce ial lal 

dannted. Not desisting an instant pious en- 
Zab terprise, “Sir,” he cried to Condé, “have patience 

wntil I shall have overthrown this {dol; and then let 
ee, 

‘soldier's fearless reply sounded the knell of 
efi es es cate for the destruction was ao- 
cepted as God's work mther than man’s.’ Henceforth little 
‘exertion was made to mve these objects of mistaken derotion, 
‘while the greatest care was taken to prevent the robbery of the 
comtly reliquaries and othor procions possessions of the churches, 


| “Monstear, ayex pationc quo jain abatta extte idole, et pais que je meure, 
10 reas plat." 

*'Comine Sant ee fait plutit wavre do Diew que doe hommes" Het 
och dex deh rit, il 20, *Limpituosité dee peupten italt talle conte lew 
‘SSages, 70'll nVtait possible aux hommes d'y résinter." Ibid. i 93. 











wore able to make but a feeble resistance. The papal troops 
entered the city through the breach their cannon had effected. 
‘Never did vietorions army act more insolently or with 


dead bodies, stripped naked, submitted to indignities for 
ish thal wate tong the mot ion 


the wounds of the dead on this field of carnage. 
Nor Roman Catholics of fare much better than 
their reformed neighbors. 


a ee forward a leader and sol 
ee reece Oraeey wcmaky with crosity. Frangois 
de Beanmont, Baron des Adrots, was a merciless general, who 


to remove the contempt in which the 
were held, and who knew how by bold 





rien corticbararners petal Hi, 2a6- 
2285 J, do Barres, iL 189, 194; Hint, ecckée, dev dg. néf., fil. 164-107, 
Vou. 1—4 









pgetij 


g Em 
a= 


years with a banner en which were 


written | of Avi, permit the bearers 
to pa fo paid to toll a Moraas 

BSE et ge 

wi me c 

sat upon the Hnguenots of the West, or whieh 

took place under is sanction. His memoirs, which 

the most authentic materials for the history of the 

ae he took part, present him to us as a rumoreelees 

soldier, dead to all foclings of sympathy with human distress, 





cof bursa was obperved by: 
fatal benp. "What!" aad tho chief, ‘do you take fw» springs to do it?” 
=r, ‘you ton bo doit!" the wilty sildier replied; wil the tnvgh be 
bee those grim Nps xvod his lite Do how (lll, 281, Si) and 


4, 1885, {apeiron ‘Bat the “ Disconm des Gacr- 
ida Veangosin e40\la Procncoe .. par 10 slgneur 
oe 
cated to Pr, ‘de Sorbelion, couxin-germain de N.X I, «tson giindral 
sen ia cté d' Avignon ot dicte comté,” Avignon, 1763, and reprinted in Gimber 







































































ve. ‘Tite FIRST CIVIL WAR cid 


(6 eS et its Dat at Bir 
consent to make an accord with the opposite faction, the posses- 
sion of the cities would avail her but little against the united 


forves of the, Ho therefore that it might be 
quite as well for her Majesty's interests, “that she should serve 
the tara. as well as her own.”* ren peg 
Elizabeth was throwing away a glorious opportunity of display- 
tn ok wera party om Un Dontnat In the hviabl 
tion of « on continent, 

Protestant and Spain, the pos- 


yet the qneen was not uninformed of, nor wholly in- 
rensible to, the calls of She could in fact, on oeca~ 
sion, berself sot them forth foreo and pathos Nothing 


tiesenasin ts is en, Sept 94,10, Porta, Gate ener i. 04,0. 

* Fronde, whf supra In fact, Elisabeth amarod Philip the Second—and 
there is mo reason to doubs her vorncity in Uhis—that she would recall her 
‘France 10 soon ns Calais were rooovered and peace with her 





i 
i 


4£ 55. It is nob improbable, indeed, that there were ulterior designs even 
‘Te is ment,” hor minister Cecil wrote to one of his intimate 
to 


Basia bone aia tet ba sebela ceegmney, Tink the Qaetls Maja 
sod not be salad io wlter ber right tp Newharen ms parcel of the Dachie 
of Normandy.” ‘T, Wright, Quen Elisabeth and her Times (London, 1838), 























ported him, ER i wun Jia named of tha sige, act catecy So 
a single person to regrot his departure, Huguenots and papists 
wore alike gratified when the world was relieved of 0 aignal an 
example of inconstancy and perfidy.’ Antoine left behind him 
his wife, theeminent Jeanne d’Albret, and two children—a son, 


to eco him lay the foundations of a great and glorions 


career. 

‘The sagncity of the enemy had been well exhibited in the 
vigor with which they had pressed the siege of Rouen. Condé, 
with barvly seven thousand mon, had several wooks before shut 
himself up in Orleans, after despatching the few troops at his 





¥ Tam currineed that the historian De Thon hes drawn of this flokle prinoe 
‘seach teo charitable m portrait (li Wi7). It perma to be aaying too much to 
‘ellie: that * his merit equatlod that of the greatent captains of his age,” and 
At ‘be loved justion, and was pomomsed of uprightnon," ft must be coufesed 
that his Gealixgy with neither party furnish much evidence of the fact (LE 
‘retain thiee remarks, although T find that the criticism has been anticipated 
‘Rellan, iL 78), Recalling the earlier relations of the mon, it ix not m Little 
‘that, whan the news of Nurarre’s death reached the “holy fatbers” of 
‘the evunall then fn wemion in the city af Trent, the papi legates and the 
the Cardinal of Lorraine « formal visie to eomviols with him on 
‘the decease of his dear relative! (Acta Cone, Tridentini, apud Martene ot 
Durand, Ampilssims Colloctio, tora. vill. 1290). The furve was, doubtiers, 
F of tho best in Christendom, 








he presented himself before the 
‘Orleans, and was received with lively enthusiasm by 


almost complete inuction, and within which a frightful pesti- 
Jeove had been making havoc among the flower of tho chivalry 
of France; for, whilst fire and sword wore everywhere laying 
waste the country, heaven had sent a subtle and still more do- 


valley 
Among these strangers, aa well a3 among the citizens, death 
found many victina. In a few months it was believed that ten 
thousand pervons perished in Orleans alone; while in Puris, 
where the disease more than an entire year, the number 
* 


‘With the four thoneand laneqnenets and the three thonsand 
reiters bronght him from Germany,’ Condé was able to leave « 
coma f0FC, ender command of D'Andelot, sufficient to do- 
eee fend the ety of Orlenns, and himeelf to take the field 
with an army of about fifteen thougand men,’ “ Our enemies,” 


‘Hist, cookin, dos ogi, rif, ti 114, $15, The writer ascribes the fall of 
‘Rowen to the delay of tho reiters in cmenbling at their rendoxeous, Instesi 


‘mustared in, 

Highty thousand, scconting to the Hist, eoolls. slow Gh. rét., Hk 91, 92; 
to Clando Maton, Mémotros, 82, 1k 

# Latter of Besa to Ballinger, Sept. Int, Banm, ii, App., 191 ; list, ocelia 
des Gh rit, 114, 113; Davila, bie fit, 77; De Thou, til. 355. 396, 

+ Latter of Boma to Calvin, Deo, 14, 1962, Bourn, Il,, App. 196 Tho au- 

‘thority of Besa, who hed resently returned from « mision on which ho had 


to six theamad foot pobblers, inliiferwotly ermed, aml about two thousand 
‘harse, Forbos, State Pspers, L199. But this did vot ielude the Germany 





| Me. THE FIRST CIVIL WAIL st 


| ‘The Huguenot army directed its course northward, and the 
different divisions united under the walle of Pluviers, or Pithi- 
viers, a weak which surrendered aftor six houre of can- 
nonading, Tittle Joss to the besieging party. The greater 

i after having 


boon 
frailty of flagrant broach of faith and other crimea, were anm- 


pretoxt save that they had been the chief instigators of the re- 


minister, as the guilty canso of the civil war, and thought it 
right to vent upon his head the vengeance whieh his own reli- 
gion should have taught him to leave to the righteous retribu- 


prince was now mastor of the country to the very gates 

of Paris, and it was the opinion of many, inelnding among 
Sones them the reformer, Beza, thnt the city itself might 
Seger be captured by « sudden advance, and the war thus 
ended at a blow.* They therefore recommended that, 
withoat dolay, the army shonld hasten forward and attack the 
terrified inhabitants before Guise and the constable should have 


"Throkmorton (Forbes, fi, 105, 197) rmprosents the executions as more 
reneral, and as an ace of severity, ‘chiefly in revenge of the grout orucity 
‘exessioed by the Duke of Guise and his party at Rouen against the soldiers 
hero, but speslally against your Majesty's subjecvs" 

‘eas convinoed of the practicability of capturing Paris by a 
‘tepid morement even from before Carbell : "The whole subarbes ou this ayo 

















162, THR FIRST CIVIL WAR a 


‘be made on the enemy's works, when word waa brought that 
‘ono of the chiefs intrusted with the knowledge of all their 
—the same a who ohare the petal Dibra the 
delays route — over to the 
pereaals cole fibeem ralmea 
‘The doliberations being vet on foot by the one party, at least, 
in order to gain time, it is not surpriking that they accom- 
sen ¢ ‘The court would concede none of the import- 
‘ant demands of the princo. It was resolved to exclude Protest- 
oy op a a aa Lyons, from all the seats 
of parliaments, from frontier towns, and from cities which had 
‘not enjoyed the right of having preaching according to tho 
exercises rahip: 


‘not be tolerated in any place whero the court sojourned—a eun- 
ning: which wonld banish from the royal presence all 
the prinees and high nobility, such as Renée of France, C Condé, 
and the Cliitillons, since these could not consent to live without 
‘the ordinances of their faith for themvelves and their families 
‘and retainer, The triumvira would not agree to the recall of 
‘those who had been exiled. oe iat 
coedings ‘Sul it they 
relies snc a a that all edicts, citiuioa and teaterse 
Huguenots be declared null and void, nor 
Saw hn of those dignities which had boon taken 
from them. In other words, as the prince remarked, the Pro- 
testant lords were to put a halter about their own necks for their 
enemies to tighten whenever the fancy should take them so to do." 
At last tho Parisian defences wore completed, and the Span- 
ish and Gascon troops, to the number of seven thousand men, 
arrived. Then the mask of conciliation was promptly laid 


1 Hilt costs, dos égl. réf., iL 132; De Thou, ili 361 ; Mém. do Casrelunu, 
ly. pad ‘Forbos, fi. 227, 225. Even in Septomber, ‘the English ambaasa- 
‘wrote from Orleans, ‘there is greate practise made by the queene mother 
Repel ‘winne Mousiour de Janlis and Mozsleur de Grandmont from 
tte prison.” Forbes, if 41. 

* "Par co moyen, un chacon de nous troinora aon Liool, Jusques A oe quo 
os deamendite to serront A lour appetit”” Hist. ocalfs, dos dgl. nif, il 126. 
Whe Getalle of the conforonces, with the articles offered on either side, are 
iven if erent Bength, pp. 121-196. 





(ecommi 























wt. ‘THE FIRST CIVIL WAR 0 
to the Huguenota.' The only considerable forees of the Guise 


faction in Ne were on the banks of the river, too busy 
the at Havre to be able to 

resist Coligny. his attention to the western shores of 

the ‘he soon snecooded in reducing Pont-l'Ereque, Oacn, 


ing able, in conjnnetion with Queen Elizabeth's troops, to bring 
all Normandy over to tho sido of the prince." Meanwhile, how- 
over, thore were occurring in the contre of the kingdom eventa 
destined to give an entirely different turn to the relations of the 
past Ln oa ‘To theee we must now direct 


MAE Cte roloed cf the stutrts preeonce, had 
Dogan the siege of Orleans four days after the daparture of the 
Iatter for Normandy (on the fifth of February), and manifested 


0 broken forth in Normandy, the duke 
declined to and until he shonld have received further orders, 
reasons for pursuing the siege, that the king 
easel ‘willingly acquiesced in his plan.” From his in- 
dependent attitude, pine it is evident that Guise was of 
Pusquier’s mind, and believed ho had gained as much of a 
vietory in the capture of the constable, his friend in arm, but 
dangerous rival at court, taken by the Huguenots at Droux, as 


LE 
3 
i 





44 The Sth ef that moneth” {Februnry), says Stow, “the sald Admiral! 
cane before Hunitew wish sx thousand horsemen, reisters and others of his 


Annals (Kondon, 1651), 5%. The pamage ix inmocurataly quoted by Wright, 
Qoeen Hix, 1 185, note. 
Hea Gh rit, i, 186, 197; Mem, do Caatedews, liv. tv, ¢ vil. and 





i. 
* Sim, de Casteluny, Uy. fy.y be 








om ‘THE FIRST CIVIL WATE 101 


wero subjected. But, so far from abandoning their courage, 
they: themselves with equal aesiduity to their es 
and to Salle eatonahad aheaetered 
and the priyers at -houses, publie extruordis 
rnocsaAFR ARTUR os ccc dn the ahording © mand 
of which the ministers and the entire people, without excep- 
tice, EeMARibvae 4 reek with all Chet= ralph epee tha 
fortifications, until four in the evening, when every one again 
attended prayers.” Everywhere the utmost devotion was mani- 
fested, women of all ranks sharing with their husbands and 
brothers in the toils of the day, ar, if too fooble for those active 
exactions oped te tno fv tending tho sick and wounded! 
did the Huguenots, when they found their supply 
one short, make their cannon-balls of Ddell-metal—of 


Orleans choot brass which is hollow, and so devieed within that 
when it falls it opens and breake into many pieces with a grent 
fire, and hurts and kills all who are about it, Which is a new 
device and very terrible, for it pierves the houwe first, and 
breaks at the last rebound. Every man in Portereau is fain to 
ran away, they cannot tell whither, when they sce where the 
abot falla.”* 

Tteonkd not, howover, be denied that there was much reason 
for discouragement in the general condition of the Protestant 
igre onze throughont the country Of the places so 

brilliantly acquired in the rath the preceding 
Sees i tain rt bad oon as pandy and Langue: 


§ Heh eeekin des 6pl réf., DL 162, 

* Sir Thomas Senith to the Privy Counoll, Feb. 16th and 171h, 1552, State 
Paper Office, Calendar, pp. 18, 141, It ts now known, of course, that hombe 
Bad boon ocomtionally msed long beforn 1083, ty tho Arabs in Spain, and 
ether, But this Rind of misaile was practically a novelty, and wae Dot 
sdepted in ordinary warfare Ull near » eeatury later. 




















oe THE PUT CIVIL WAR. 107 


that never had ho publicly montionod the duke by name. A® 
for Poltrot himeolf, he had never met hin, 

‘The admiral himself was not less frank. Ever since tho 
Se ee ee a ieiea end Lk pany tect 
‘mon enemies of God, of the ag ee obispo 
‘but newer, upon his life and his honor, had he approved of 
attacks a8 that of Poltrot. Indood, he had Tassady eulcyon od 
hie influence to deter men from exccuting any plots against tho 
life of the duke; until, being duly informed that Guise and 
‘Saint André had incited men to undertake to assassinate Condé, 
D'Andelot, and himself, lo had desisted from expressing his 
‘opposition. Tho different articles of the confession he pro- 
‘eeeded to answer one by one; and he forwarded his roply to 
the court with a letter to Catharine de’ Medici, in which he car- 
neatly entroated her that the life of Poltrot might be spared 
‘until the restoration of peace, that ho might be confronted with 
him, and an serge abe eames the entire matter bofore 
mnsusposted judges. “But do not imagine,” he added, “ that I 

‘thus because of any regret for the death of the Duke of 

which T esteem the greatest of blessings to the realm, to 
the Church of God, to myself and my family, and, if finprovod, 
tht: moans of giving rest to the kingdom.” * 

‘The admiral’s frankness was eevercly criticised by some of 
his friends, Ho was advised to suppress thoee expressions that 
‘were liable to be perverted to his injury, but he doclared his 
resolution to abide by the consequences of a clear statement of 
the trath. And indeed, while the worldly wisdom of Coligny's 
censors has received a spocies of juatification in the avidity 
welth which his sincero avowals have boon employed as the 
basis of graver acowations which he repelled, the candor af 
‘his defence has set upon his words the indelible impress of re- 
See erentned Re tonecencs elton rot That 

Catharine recognized his innocence is evident from the very 





‘ Poltrot’ protented confession of Feb, 26th, at Carp Saint Hilaire, near 
‘Bisiat Mesrsin, with tho roplies signed by Coligny, la Nochofonarn}4, and Vesa 
10 each separin article, fe insurted in full in Mém. de Condé, iv. 283-203, 
‘devd the Mlint, excléa. dew éei. evf., tl. 126-190, Goligay’s lettar to Catharine, 
hed, Ht, 180, 187, Mom, de Condé, fv. 903, ~ 



































cos ‘THE PIRST CIVIL WAR 119 


stances at the distance of three centuries, wo can acarcely #00 how 
they could have acted otherwise than as they did. Yot there waa 
much that, kmmanly speaking, was unfortunate in the conjunc: 
tur. War is a horrible remedy at any time. Civil war 
adds a thousand horrors of its own. And a civil war 
the nasne of religion is tho most frightful of all. The holla of 
causes is sure to be embraced from impure motives by a host of 
unprincipled men, determined in their choice of party only by 
the lol eal oy tha eae of power, ox ta thine fires 
venge—A elas of anxiliaries too powerfal and important to be 
altogother rejected in an hour when the iesues of life or death 
are pending, even if by tho closest and calmest scrutiny they 
could be thoroughly weeded out—a process beyond the power of 
mortal mani at any time, much more in the midst of the tumult 


heinous crimes Thoy had endeavored in their camp to realize 
the model of un exemplary Christian community. But they 
hed failed, because there were with them those who, neither in 
peace nor in war, could bring themselves to give to so strict 
4 moral code any other obedience thun that which fear exacts. 
Such was the misory of war. Such the melancholy alternative 
to which, more than once, the reformed saw themselves reduced, 
of perishing by persecution or of saving themselves by exposing 
eo ee 
See tay st say to the oppose cam 
first civil war proventod France from ecmniegattie 
guenot country. This was the deliberate conclusion of a Vene- 
mois, thi ambassador, who enjoyod remarkable opportuni- 
= tel for obwarving tho history of bia times’ ‘The 
pructice of the Ohristian virtue of patienco and sub- 
mission under and insult had made the reformers 
an ineredible number of friends. The waging of war, even in 
felf-defenes, and the reported acts of wanton destruction, of 
cruelty and sscrilego—it mattored little whother they wore tag 





| Relaxiono di Ocerero, 1500. Rel, dos Amb Vén., li. 119-190, 

















deweription 
fir 06 chant: Mari, towriquet."” OF the fiftean stanns of which it is com- 
Pied, two ce theta may mitre as maples ‘The preliminary norvico over, the 
‘Priest coenes to the consecration of the wafor : 


early ox tn Parel! tous Selgueurs, write 
CS ‘s Bpiatro 








122 THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS OF FRANOR Ca XIL 


A boire un seul traict, 
‘Hori, hari Y'ame, & boire un seul trait, 
‘Haxi bouriquet ! 


Achave et despouille 
‘Tous sea drapesux blance, 
‘En os bourse fouille 
Et y mot six blanoe. 
Crest de pour du frais, 
Hari, hari ame, ost de pour du frais, 
Hari bouriquet ! 


A somewhat older song (written before 1555) purports to be the dirge of 
‘tho Mass uttered by iteelf—Désolation de la Messe expirant en chantant, The 
‘Mass in perplexity knows not how to begin the customary service : 


Spiritus, Baloe, Requiem, 
Jo ne acay si je diray bien. 

Quel Jntroite, n’ Oremus 

Jo prenne ; Sancti, Agimus, 
‘Feray-je des Martyrs on Vierges ® 
De centre ad te damamus! 
Sonnes la, allumes ces cierges: 

Y o-t-il du pain et do vin? 


2 est le livre et le calice 
Pour faire loffice divin ? 

Ga, cost autel, qu'on le tapiase 1 
‘Halas, In piteuse police. 

Ame ne me vient seoourir. 

Sans Chapelain, Moine, Novice, 
‘Me foudra-il ainsi périr? 


Pope and cardinals are summoned in vain, No one comes, no one wiil 
bring reliquary or consecrated wafer. ‘The Mass must finally resign all hope 
and die: 

‘Hélas chantant, brayant, virant, 
Tant que le crime romp et blessa 
Puis que voy tost I'ame expirant, 
Dites au moins adieu In Messe, 
‘A tous faisant mainte promesse 
Ore ai-je tout mon bien quitté 
‘Vou qu’a 1a mort tens ot abaisse 
Ita Missa eat ; dono Ite, 

Ita Missa est, 


as. te Winer CIVIL War 123 


‘Tho “chants de guorra'” furnish a running commentary apon the 





mediatoly therestter, sre licking in otber productions, dating from the close 
‘of the reign of Henry the Third. In 0 spirited wong, pretraably belonging to 
1908, the port, adopting the nickname of Huguenote given to the Protevtants 


3 ae ee ee ace ecient cata 
Homan Oatholion, and forecasting the se hn tt ee 
Your appollex Haguen 


Ceux qui Jonas rene irik 

Et s'adoront vor marmot 

‘De boys, de pierre ot de ouyyre. 
Mau, Mou, Papogote, 

Palotes place aux Huguenots 

Nostre Dien reereorsern 

Vous ev voutre loy roranine, 

Be du tout: #6 mocquerm 

‘Do vostro entrepriss ynina, 


‘Ventre Antechries tombera 
Hors do na maperbo place 
Et Christ partont rignora 
Ex sa log ploine de grice. 
Mau, Han, 
Prictes place aux Huguenots 
‘The current expectation of the Protestants te attested In s long nurrative 
ballad by Antoine Du Plain on the siege of Lyons (1563s, in which Charles the 
Ninth figures as another Josiah destined to abolish the Mdolatrous mass 
Co Roy ea chaser I'Idolo 
Plain de dole 
Coguolisant wn tel forfalt : 
‘Selon Ia vertu Royale, 


I hy seliels Wind the Words chat 2816" ar 26 anima of tho 
royal tile Cartes de Valoie—an nungeam which gare the Huguenots 20 little 
comfort. ‘The samo play upon words appears with « slight variation in» 
“ Hulotain an Peuple de Paris, eur {'snagrammatione do nom du tres-<sre 
tien Roy de Peance, Charles de Valoix IX. de oe nom" (Recaeil dex Choves 
Mémorables, 1565, . 367), of which the last line is, 


0 Gentil Roy qul chasa leur idole.” 








124 THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS OF FRANCE Ox XI 


But after the massacre of St Bartholomew's Day the hopes of the Huges- 
nota were blighted. If the king ia not referred to by name, his mother figure 
as the guilty cause of all the misfortune of France, She is a second Helen 
‘born for the rnin of her adopted country, according to Etienne de Maisonflecr. 


‘Hélane femme estrangére 
Fat la seule memagire 
Qui raina Ilion, 

‘Ht la reine Ostherine 
‘Eat do France Ia raine 
Par POracle de Léon. 


“Léon” is Catharine's uncle, Pope Leo the Tenth, who was said to have 
Predicted the total destruction of whatever house she should be married into, 
Bee also the famous libel ‘*Discours merveilloux de Ia vie de Catherine de 
‘Modiois” (EA. of Cologne, Pierre du Martean, 1698), p. 609. 

‘The massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day naturally contributes « oonsider- 
able fund of laments, eto., to the Huguenot popular poetry of the century. A 
poem apparently belonging to a more remote date, discovered by Dr. Roullin, 
and perhaps the only Breton song of the kind that has come down to us, is as 
simple and unaffected a narrative as any of the modern Greck 
(Vourigand, Easaie sur "hist. des 6glises rét. de Bretagne, 1870, 1.6). It tella 
the story of a Huguenot girl betrayed to the executioner by her own mother. 
In spite of a few dialectic forms, the verses are easily uaderstood, 


‘Vouls-vous ouir l'histoire 
Dano fille d'espit 

Qui n’a pas voulu croire 
Chose que Pon lui dit, 


—Sa mire dit: ‘Ma fle, 
‘A In messo allons dono!” 
—¥ aller In messe, 
Ma maze, ce n'est qu’abus. 


Apporter-moi mes livres 
Aveo mes beaux salute, 
‘Tsimerais mioux étre brilée 
‘Bt vantée an grand vent 
Que d’aller & 1a mesee 

En faussant mon serment.” 
—Quand sa trs-chére mare 
Eat entendn o? mot la, 


‘An bonrreau de Ia ville 
8a fille elle livra. 
““Bourreau, voila ma fille! 
Fain a tes volontée; 


‘THE FIRST CIVIL WAR 


‘Bourrean, fais de ma fille 
‘Comme d'un meurtrier.” 
Quand ello fut sur l’échello, 
‘Trois rollons ja montée, 


‘Bile voit an mére 

Qui chaudement pleurait. 
“Ho! Ia cruelle mére 
Qai pleare son enfant 


Aprde avoir Livrée 

Dans les grands feux ardents. 
‘Vous eat bien fait, ma mére, 
De me faire mourir. 

Je vois Jesus, mon pare, 
Qui, de son bean royaume, 
‘Descend pour me quérir. 
Son royaume eur terre 
‘Dans peu de temps viendra, 
Bt cependant mon ime 

En paradis ira” 





126 ‘THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS OF FRANCE Cz. XIV. 


CHAPTER XIV. 
THE PEACE OF AMBOISE, AND THE BAYONNE CONFERENCE 


Scarcery had the Edict of Amboise been signed when a de- 
mand was made upon the English queen for the city of Havre, 
‘menor, Placed in her possession by the Huguenots, as a pledge 
von ot Htare for the restoration of Calais in accordance with the 

ues: treaty of Catean-Cambrésis, and as security for the 
repayment of the large sums she had advanced for the mainte- 
nance of the war. But Elizabeth was in no favorable mood for 
listening to this summons. Instead of being instructed to evae- 
uate Havre, the Earl of Warwick was reinforced by fresh sup- 
plies of arms and provisions, and received orders to defend to 
the last extremity the only spot in France held by the queen. 
A formal offer made by Condé to secure a renewal of the stipn- 
lation by which Calais was to be given up in 1567, and to re- 
munerate Elizabeth for her expenditures in the cause of the 
French Protestants, was indignantly rejected; and both sides 
prepared for open war.’ The struggle was short and decisive. 
The French were a unit on the question of a permanent occupa- 
tion of their soil by foreigners. Within the walls of Havre 
itself a plot was formed by the French population to betray the 
city into the hands of their countrymen; and Warwick was 
forced to expel the natives in order to secure the lives of his own 





+ Fronde, Hist. of England, vii. 519. See the courteous summons of Charles, 
April 30, 1563, Forbes, State Papers, ii 404, 4005, and Elizabeth’s answer, 
May 7th, ibid., ti, 409-411; Conde’s offer in his letter of June 26, 1563, 
Forbes, ii. 412. See also the extended correspondence of the English envoys, 
in the inedited documents published by the Duc d’Aumale, Princes de Condé, 
4, 423-500, 





crnita that were loudly called for. And now a new 
auxiliary to the French made its appearance. A 
Hisxesso eet in among the English troops, crowded 
‘compass and deprived of their naval allowance 
and wholesome water. The fearful mortality 
soon revealed the true character of the scourge. 
that fell sick recovered. Gathering new strength 

day, it reigned at length supreme in the fated ei 
ily crowd of victims became too great to veevive 
ture, and the corpees lying unburied in the streets 
h fuel for the raging pestilence, Seven thousand 
were reduced in a short time to three thousand, 
more to fifteen hundred men.’ The hand of 

n the throat of every survivor. At length, 


im their works, despairing of timely enccor, unable 
the same moment the assault of thelr opponents 
rful visitation of the Almighty, the English eonsent- 
fi to mrrender; and, on the twenty-cighth of July,» 
spitulation was signed, in accordance with which, on 
f» Havre, with all its fortifientions and the ships of 
fbor, fell once more into the hands of the French,’ 


‘npom tbe point of 100 a dayo, eo ax wo can not gost mou to 
"ete, Warwick to the Privy Council, July 11, 190%, Forbes, Ik 


fenile ab this point Peace was definitely concluded between 
by tho weaty of Troyes, April 11, 1964 (Mém. de Condé, 














a ‘THE PRACE OF AMBOISE. 181 


through Gaillon, a place some ten distant from Ronen, 
on his way to the siege of Havre; and Damours, 
vores ae the advocato-general, dopntod to bear to him a 
liament, The tone of the 


i y the royal 

Protestant faith. It predicted the possible loss of Normandy, 
or of his entire in caso the king pursued a system of 
toleration. The Normans, it said, would not submit to Protos: 


continued, excesses, they would be set upon and killed. 
Tho Roman Catholic burgesses of Rouen even proclaimed a 
conditional loyalty. Should tho king not eco fit to accede to 
their demanda, they declared themselves ready to place the keys 
of their eity in his hands to dispose of ut his pleasure, at the 
samme time craving permission to go where they pleased and to 
take sway their property with them. 
Traly the spirit of the “Holy Lengne” was already born, 
the tines ware not yet ripo for the promulgation of 
such tenet. ‘Tho advocate-genoral was a fluent speaker, and he 
had been attended many a weary mile by un enthusiustic 
exort. Parliamentary counsellors, municipal officers, clergy, 
an fminense concourse of the lower stratum of the population— 
all were at Gaillon, ready to applaud his well-turned sentences, 
Bat he had chosen an unlucky moment for his oratorical dis- 
play. His glowing periods were rudely interrupted by one of 
the princely auditors, This was Louis of Condé—now doubly 
Important to the court on account of the military undertaking 
that was on foot—who complained of the speaker's insolent 
words So poworful a nobleman could not be despised. And 
eo the voluble Damours, with his oration but half delivered, 
instead of meeting a gracious monarch’s approval and 
Aree returning home amid the plandits of the multitude, 
‘was hastily taken in charge by the archers of the royal guard 
anid carried off to prison, The rest of the Rononcse disappeared 
more mipidly than they had come. The avennes to the city 
were filled with fugitives as from s digastrous battle, Even 








a 
the stern morality professed by the lips and exemplified in the 
eset Ganagtey Ucteny res hte Cotas bestia o wells 


ji 
: 
il 
: 
oe 
f 


sre fire kindled in the light 
Facies ieee and the brilliant flame 
had given rise to such sanguine expectations died out as 
as it sprang up.’ When once the novelty of the simple 
or in the retired fields, with the psalms 
Bera sung to quaint and stirring melodies, had 
when the black gown of the Protestant minister 
ae familiar to tin eyo aa tho etolo and chaste of 
the priest, and the words of the reformed confession 
to the oar as the pontifical litanies and 
aseemblée” coused to attract the curious from the 


: 
é 


au 
EE, 
Fé 





quite another to submit to a faithfnl recital af the iniquitios of 
the court, und hear the wrath of God denounced against the pro- 
fane, the lewd, and the extortionate, There were some inci- 
dents, occurring just at the close of the war, that completed the 
Seek if 


Seen ea ue begeaet atooe Som toes weap Cony They hal 


Ihe wae detained for » little while that he might witness a novel entertainment. 
‘Tie was take too garden where ® number of young girls, selected for their 
‘extesontinary beanty and entirely nude, exeonted in hie presence the mort 

tho 


1 est notoire qu'su temps du colloque de Palssy 1a doctrine evangelique 
‘y fat proponts en liberté; ce qul oxass que plusfours, tans grande que petite, 
prindrent goust & icella, Mais, tont ainsi qu’un feu do paille fait grand’ 
Mhaecee, ot paik wenteint incontinent d'sutant que ta matidee Aéfant, apres que 
<n qwils avcient rece comms uno nowyeant® se fat un pea euvieilly on lear 
const, los affections s'amortirent, et Is pluspart retourna & Mancionne cabale 
els cour, qui est bien plus propre pour false rire et plaifer, «t pour sen 
ricki.” ‘Méso, de Prang. de la Nous, of (Bd. Mich. et Puuj., 091) 





a8. ‘THR PRACE OF AMMOTSR. 135, 
wee et cane te Coteey wits kaviag Suet 


‘Gaspard i 
foment the perpetrution of the foul crime; that, ws eoom 
ashe ‘the acouestion, the admiral had not only answered 
tho allegations, article by article, but had written, earnestly 
begging that Poltrot's execution might be deferred until the 
pe, LR pgaoen pla re geeag efor 

reasonable demand, we have seen, had been 

Soles ARI aetable’ abearen hx boon, born. Lnttplasea 

by Peco the Place de Gréve, on the Sidhe nee 
codlnen a which witnessed the signing of the Edict of 

boise. If, however, the queen mother had hoped to ae 

the difficulties of her position by taking this course, ehe had 

In spite of his protestations, and of a 

and more popular defence which he now mado,’ the 
Guisos persisted in bolieving, or in protending to believe, Co- 
ligny to be the primo canss of tho murder of the hoad of their 
funily. His very frankness was porverted into a proof of his 
complicity. ‘The admiral’s words, as an eminent historian of 
‘our own day obmrves, bear the seal of sincerity, and we need go 
for the truth nowhere elee than to his own avowals.” But they 
did not satisfy his enemies, The danger of an open Spe 

was imminent. Coligny was coming to court from his castle 

of Chatillon mur-Loing, with a strong escort of six hundred gen 
temen; but 90 inevitable did a bloody collision within the walls 
of Paris sour to the quoen, that she begged Condé to dissuade 
him for the prosent from carrying ont his pnrpose. Meantime, 
Condé and the two Montmorencics—the constable 
FEseay ani his son, the marshal—esponsed Coligny’s eanse ms 
oy their own, by publicly declaring (on the fifteenth of 
—— /) his entire innocence, and announcing that any 
blow aimed at tho Chitillons, save by logal process, they would 
Mees atesgs sa stael Wt Genel” Taking excuse 





* Deelarmtion dated Chatillon sor-Loing, May 5, 1569, Mdm. de Condé, iv, 
SI9-8A9 5 mood Seam de Serres, bl, 15-2% 

* Martin, Hint. de France, x. 164. 

* De Thou, iii, (liv. xxxe) 416, 416. Catharine hnd heen the invaluntary 
instrument of rouewing the ok friendahip between the consabio and bie 











ral Iaying down of arme.' True, Charles was but a few days 
peter en as Seco Crone ty Oa 
‘was strennousl; 


maintained by 

ce Pe eea cnc devlved sha task ot 225 ebb 
‘motives and purposes, Then Catharine, 
the piri: cea rising, humbly approached her eon’s 
throne, and bowed to tho boy in token that she resigned into 
‘his hands the temporary authority she had held for neurly three 
yeark Charles, advancing to meet her, accepted her homage, 
meri Reais ira; words tbat are but too significant 
and prophetic of the remainder of his reign: “ Madamema mére, 

you shall ‘and command as much or more than ever.” * 
The ‘of Rouen, flattered at being selected for the 
instrament in ¢o important an nct, published and registered the 
edict of Charles's majority, notwithstanding some unpalatable 
provisions, Not 60 the Parliament of Paria, The counsellors 
of the capital wore even more indignant at tho slight yeni 


their claim to procedence, than at the proposed 

Ronan measure particularly distasteful 2 os 
rietous tion of Paris.’ © details of their oj ition 
need not, find a record here. In the end the 


sat of tho king, oF of Nis advisers, triumphed. At Man- 
tea’ Charles received a depntation from the recalei- 
“texx —_trant judges, with Christopher de Thon, thelr first 


little experience, he wus ae truly king of France us any of his 
and that he intended to make hirvelf obeyed ne 
rach. To prove, howover, that he had not acted inconsiderately 


"The two dooumonte—adilrom and eiot—in Mian. do Condé, jv, 74-081. 
teva du parlement de Normandic, ij, $84. ‘The entire aoeco ix 
vreey vividly portrayed, ibid,, i. 561-586, Bruslart, Mém. de Condi, {, 182; 
‘Do Thom, Hi. (liv. mexy.) 421M; Joan do Servos, tli, 12; Mém. do Castel: 
‘aati live Yas @ te ets Agrippa d'Aubignd, Mlet unl, Uv, tv, 0, fh (1. 200- 


sare the 
“mais ile n'en voluren jamais rien faire.” Mima, d'un oun’ lignoue, 68, 06, 
“A.tows on the loft bank of the Seine, four leagues beyond Mealan. 















































bs] 


to ‘THE PEACE OP AMBOISE 168 
portion, at lesst, of the public services, The arrival of the Our» 


1562, to reinforve the handful of French prelates in attendance, 
enhanced the of Pins, For, strange as it may ap- 
pear to mm, even ‘suspected Charles of favoring innovation— 
eo far had the: on friend as well as foo by 


Aightost oxpoctation, and certainly without tho faintest desire, 
to have them accepted. ‘Their nolo nim seamed to be to shift 
the blame for the flagrant disorders of the Church from their 
own y 


servile: upon ight 
fountain for the payment of their dobta and for dofraying the 


little for which ho really cared, the council managed to confirm 
the greater number of the abuses it had been expected to 
‘Michel de I'Hoopital frankly told Santa Croce that the misfortunes of 








quelli 
lero," Santa. Croce to Borromeo, March 28, 1363, Aymon, k 20, 2315 
‘Clober et Danjou, vi, 15% 





























2 
ct 
FP 
2 


Tm some cases no place had yet been deaig- 
In others, the most inconvenient places had boon as- 
Sometimes tho Huguenots of a district would be com- 
tiwendy or twenty-five league in order to attend 
en ‘The declaration affecting the monks and nuns 
had forsaken their habit was a violation of the general 
So also was the prohibition of 
ek expressly mentioned, were impliod in the 
toleration of the religion to which they were indispensably ne- 
cessary. But it was the prejudice and ill-will, of which the 
Haguenota were the habitual victims at the hands of royal gow- 
ornors and other officers, which moved them most deeply. 
‘The evidont desire was to find some ground of accusation 
them. sets Patel tse ket ree tomes Dees 


ui 


Hin 





Uy 
Hi 
i 


trath of their culpability, On a moro rumor ef a commotion 
in the Protestant city of Montanban, an order was issned to de- 
molich its wallk ‘The cnse was far otherwise with turbulent 


abominable acts had been punished. Under such circumstances 
it would not be surprising if the victims of inordinate cruelty 
should at length be driven in desperation to take their defence 
into their own hands." 

‘The king, or his ministers, fearful of « commotion during 
his absance from Paris, answered the letter of the prince with 
tolerable courtesy, and even made a pretence of desiring to 


* Jean de Serves, tll, 65-42; Do Thon, fit. Gv, xxxvf.) 605; Lettres de 
‘Monenlgneur to Prince do Condé & Ia Roine Mare du Roy, avec Advertimervens 
depuis dormir par lolit Seigneur Prince 2 leura Majestes, ote. (Aug, 31, L504, 
ete), Mien de Condé, v. 201-214, 








1k ‘THE PEACE OF AMBOISE. 105 


which the queen mother intended to Inro the Hugnenota on to 
hv fatal socnrity. A few months later, at Avignon, Catharine 
causod an ordinance to be publishod in the king's namo, which 
Cardinal Santa Croce characterized as an excellent 

Polson one. It excluded Protestants from holding judicial 
jeietivess seate. Catharine told the nunclo that her counsellors 
bad Romine tasacting the onae rotdhiten teal ear 
charges under government, but that she had deterred them. 
Tt would have driven the Huguenots to desperation, and might 
have occasioned disturbances. “We shall labor, however,” che 
mid, “to exclude them little by little from all their office” At 
the same time eho expressed her ji Satorestiie ae 
cooding eo well, and privatel; nuncio “ le 
poaching siti st 

And yet such ure the paradoxes of history, especially in this 
age of surprises, that, at the very moment the king was depriving 
his own Protestant subjects of their righta, he was ni 
in behalf of the Protestant subjects of his neighbors! The king 
wonld not leave Avignon—so wrote tho English envoy—withont 
reconciling the inhabitants of the Comtit Vensissin and tho 
principality of Orange, whom diversity of religion had brought 
into collision, And, by the articles of pucification which the 
ambassador enclosed, the king was seen “to have kad a caro 
for others also, having provided a certain liberty of roligion 
even to the Pope's own subjecta, which he had much difficulty 
in 

While the queen mother, under cover of her son’s authority, 
followed the new policy of opposition to the Hngucnots upon 
which she bad now centered, an incident oceurred at Paris show 


‘ Aymon, 4. 277, $78, and Cimber ot Denjou, Archives oar, rh 107. As 
‘by this time both Papists and Huguenots kaew Catharine de? Modicl to be» 
worean utterly dovuid of moral principle, it may fairly be considere! am epen 
‘question whether there was any one in France more deevived than slie was in 
smpezstng Ut she had deceived thers. 

Sir Thomas Smith to the queen, from Tarsscon (near Avignon), Oct. 21. 
oo cemetery ag rte 
and Avignon agtoed to by the ministers of the Pops and thows of the Prinoe 
of Orange, Oct. 11, 1504." Sigued by the vlcodlegate, Bishop of Fermo, aad 
Padeisio Serballous, State Taper Office, 








“THE CONFERENCE OF BAYONNE 107 


wand is oy polis and shortly after he left the city in 
utter discomfiture, but breathing dire threats against the mar- 
shal’ The latter, calling into Paris his consin the admiral, had 
‘no difficulty in maintaining order, Great was tho consternation + 
of the populace, it ix true, for the absurd report was circulated 
that Coligny was come to plunder the city, and to seize tho 
Parliament House, the Cathedral, and the Bastile;’ and even 
the first president, De Thou, begged him, when he came to the 
to explain the reasons of his obeying his cousin's 
summons, and to imitate the prudence of Pompey the Great 


dered a sedition imminent. The admiral, in reply, gracefully 
acknowledged the honor which parliament had done him in 
likening him to Pompey, whom he would gladly imitate, he anid, 
because Pompey was a patriot. Still he saw no appositencas in 
‘the comparison, “as there was no Cesar in Purix.”* 

Early in the month of June, 1505, Charles the Ninth and his 
court reached the neighborhood of the city of Bayonne, where, 
Tecate Of the very confines of France and Spain, a meeting 
= ‘had been arranged between Catharine and her daugh- 

ter Ieabella, wife of Philip the Second. Catharine's 

first proposal had been that her royal son-in-law should himeclf 
be Sho bad urged that great good to Christendom 
flow from their deliberations. Philip the Prudent, how- 

‘ever, and his confidential advieor, the Duke of Alva, were sns- 





: do Serres, iii, 85, 86; De Thon, 
Mk (liv, xxxvii,) 833-537; Mem. de Glande Haton, ¢ 381-%q Journal de 
Jehas de In Fomse, 70-72; Condé MSE., in Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, 
S18; Le Livee des Marcbsods (Ya. Panthéon) 424, 425, whore the iodierous 
features of the mene are, of course, most brightly colored. "SF eapire bien 
same moo reeentir ung jour,” wrote the cardinal bimeelf, a fow weeks Inter, 
‘from Jolnville, Pap, d'vtut du card. de Geanvelle, vill, 681. 

* Jokan de In Fosse, 72. 

= ahha side arly pce remade 
Paris, da 27 janvier 1565, avoo In wsponea Paptors d'état du card, de Gran- 
velle, vik 095-497, 3f do Crumol, in » letter of February 4, 1505, alludes to 
‘the miminils Mattering reception by the clergy and by the Sorbonne, * qut 
‘reat alld Je wisiter ot offert infiay wervioe ;" and states that both parties were 
gratiied by the Interview. Condé MAS,, in Duc d’Aumale, Princes de Condé, 

to, 











Te i is aalid to have been accidentally overheant by Henry of Na- 
sacs aber ny the Prt wh yest 


. of his youth, (Ite was just eleven years anc « halt etd.) 
follower, Agrippa d’Aubigné, would have bean likely to give 
Wan terme du Duc d'Alve A Baionne, que dix mille gre 


ne waliolent pas la teste d'un sanmon." Hist. univ, liv. 1%, 0 Ws the 
Borner, ubi supra, ill. 195, gives tho expremion in nearly the 
| Satins cme unicum salimonin caput, quai mille ranarum 


nad Coal], July 2-29, $569, State Paper Offior, Calon 












reports to his master with every mark of 
was, in the first place, to banish from the king- 
minister, and prohibit utterly any exer- 
religion. The provincial governors, whose 
ost every be relied upon, were to be 
in the execution of this work.' Tut, besides 
‘necessary to seize a few of the leadors and ent 
or six, it was suggested, would be all the 






do Alla scrivis, ete. Papier dViat du casiinal de 











the end to a renewal of war betwoon France and 
Teabella with having s0 evo allow: 
”\—a change from which 


| admiration of even 8o consummate a master in the 

art of dissimalation sa the duke himself. Her eircumspeetion, 
ho declared, lie had naver seon equallod.* She maintained that 
thore was no neod of alurm at the condition of religion in France, 
topmost ru eins on better than when the Edict of Pacl- 
i “Tt is your satisfaction at being freed 

Ree ectssec ts ute tockente coisas ‘Alva. 
alae require the application of a more effi- 
f, #inee the cause is common to Spain; for the dis- 

eR Gar cad Pritg has sy telicotec’e ke his crown, 
or, perhaps, even hia head.” Catharine now insisted upon 
Alva’a himself and disclosing his master’s plan of 
action. ‘Alva declined to do. Although Philip was as 
convert with the state of France as she or any other pereon 
Se secre kv toa Po eke po 
—epeaneateng Lda Catharine 
“e inquiry, but Alva continued to the question 
‘Ho asks if, since the Edict of Tolerate, grouse hak 
eet or lost. Decidedly gained, she replies, and pro- 


ih Bot Alva is confident that. she is deceiv- 
ing him: it is notorious that things are becoming 
wiWall yoo you hare mo understand,” interrupts Catharine, 
“that we mast resort to arms again?” 





‘I sxe no it need of them,” answers Alva, 
pies Rhee would not iver yor to take them up, unless 
IRMREEAT GS Geer voconcty than that wlSch now eco” 





£8 Que y Eepatiotn” thid., tx. 800, 
‘Sma toeeagS let pliticn con e} mayor tento que yo ho visto tense 
jonas Armetie en coma” Thid., ix. 30. 


_ 





1 THE CONFERENCE OF BAYONNIC “an 


interrupting with considerable animation, “ your Majesty knows 
that that was his reputation; and you may be certain that eo 
pay eras in hie present office the good will always 
‘be kopt in fear and in disfavor, while the bad will find hima sup- 
port and advocate in all their evil courses. If he were to be con- 
tined for a fow daysonly in hisown house, you would nt once die- 
cover the truth of my word, 60 much better would tho Interwats 
of religion advance.”* But this step Catharing was by no 
means willing to take. Nor, when aguin prosied by Alva, who 
dwolt much on the importance to lip of knowing her inten- 
tions as to applying herself in earnest to the good work, so as 
to be guided in his own actions, would she deign to give any 
clearer indications. Yet she arowed—greatly shocking the or- 
thodox duke thereby that she designed, instend of securing the 
of the decrees of Trent by the French, to convene a 

council of “good prelates and wise men,” to settle a number of 
mattera not of divine or positive prescription, which tho Fathers 
of Trent had left undecided, Alva exprossod his extreme as- 
tonishmont, and reminded her of the Colloquy of Poissy—the 
source, a8 he alleged, of all the present disgraceful situation of 
France.’ i tape whole blame of the failure 


of Lorraino,* and peraited in the The Spaniard came to 
the conclusion that Cutharine’s only a was to avoid huv- 
ing recourse to ealutary rigor, and indulged in his correspon 
ere aster in lugabetons eaticnations ‘instions respecting the 


So far, then, was the general belief which has been adopted 





‘Cartas quo el Duque de Atha scrivié, eto. Papiers d'état da cand. de 
ix, 315. 
* "Yo mo alveos ferriblemente de olraslo, 7 lo dixe que mo mnmsillava 
wancho.” Mid, bx. 387, 
* "La junta parsada do adonde comengéron todas Ins derverguencas que al 
Premeate ay waeate reyno."” Tbid,, fx, 917. 


= : 
‘oan, remendar ly que falta on ol rigor necesario ul remedio de sus yasallos, 
F blog & Dios no wea," etc. Tbid., ix, 318, 








i 

| 
g 
A 
HI 
3 


ane bankruptcy, yet found money enongh to 
‘but unmeaning pageants, while many a no- 
tia So selcheaa beet iglayraata ieatan whsan os 


poverished purse was little able to honor. The banquets and 
jousts, the triumphal arches with their flattering inscriptions, 
the shows in which allegory revelled almost to madnem—all 
have been faithfully narrated with a minuteness worthy of a 


scription which, entertaining, can be read to advantage 
only on the pages of the contemporary pamphlets that have 


to nn 
Yet, in the discussion of the more serious concerns of a great 
and political party, we may for s moment pause to 





ip by the Becretary of State Courtewille, and sent to Proaident Vigliaa 
the first 


Oren a sscond arch st the patnos gate, which was reached by a street bang 
with taportry and decorated with the united arma of France and Bpain, was 
suspended a painting of Catharine with her three sons and throes daughters, 

the inscription : 


Reyne ana pa (aie), da gon Aiea, 
‘Vous surmontes Pallan et Cythénte, 
Catharine's portraits scarcely confirm the boast of her panogytist that abe 
warpamed Veuns, however well sbe might match Minorra In mgacity. 
Vou. 11.12 








‘THE CONFERENCE OF BAYONNE. 19 


themselvos prisoners. It fared better with the princes; for tho 
enecess of each champion was measured by a rigid heraldic 


—next entored the lista, Naturally he penetrated further than 
‘his namomke of Navarre, and “ the giant showed more fear of 
‘him than of the other ;" but a cloud enveloped them both, and 


the giant and deliver the 
‘The author of the pompous show had made a serious mistake. 





' It will be remembored thet the Spanianis never eoknowle’ged the claim 
‘of Antoine or his wite to the title of savoreigns of Navarre, In ull Spanish 
ocumments, rach ax that which wo are 00 


* Relation du voyage do la reine Ianbelle b Bayonne, MSS, Balgian Archives, 
‘wh aypra, ix. 161, 162, 

* Reo Foun de Serron, ti. Bt, tor tho fraternities of the oly Ghowt in Bar- 
wrundy, Blaise do Mantlac's propenition of s Teague wits the king as Its besa 
hhad been doslined ; the monarch needed no other tie to his subjects than that 
eee ee toe te Agrippa d'Anbigné, Hint. us, liv, iv., 
or ) 

















respecting their grievan- 

cea.” The objectionable edict was read, and all the members of 
the council declared that they had never before seen or heard of 
* The edict, of cours, ls not to bo found in Tsambort, oF any other collec 





‘tea bas been ‘with that of two yeam earlior. Tho let 
ter given: ty Lestaile (see above) ix sla published in Mim de Condé, v. 50, 
but ia referred to the: ‘event hy the editor. Prof. Soldan (Geach, des 











ten. ‘TH CONFERENCE OF BAYONNE. 187 


its remit wae a renunciation of the papal church antl its 
Sue ante aig fabinlfaved a Eyota ssa numbers, 
and effectod so instantanoonsly, that the friends and the foes 


peyessifcties ipeynatecet told in the histo- 
ries of the country whose fortunes it chiefly affectod.' I may 
‘be permitted, therefore, to pass over theso indirect romults of 
Huguenot influence, and glance at the fortunes of a border town 
within the presont bounds of France, and closely connected with 
the history of France in the sixteanth century, of which little 
‘or no notice has been taken in this connection." Qnteau-Cam- 
brivis, famous for the treaty by which Henry the 
Sree Second bartered away extensive conquests for a few 
Suter paltry places that had fallen into the hands of the 
enemy, was, a8 its name—Chastel, Chétean or Ca- 

a caatle and a borongh that had grown up about 
is, both of them on lands belonging to the domain of Maximilian 
of Bergen, Archbichop and Duke of Cumbray, and Prince of 
the Holy Roman Empire. It wus smaller, but relatively far 
more important three hundred years ago than at the present day. 
‘For soveral years a fow * ‘burgeseos,” with their families, 
had timidly studied the Holy Scriptures in sccret, restrained 


Dommet 


! See Preseott, Philip TI., and Motley, Rise of the Dutch Repablic. 

*M. Charles L, Promard, of Lillo, discovared tho MSS, on which the fol 
Jorwing scoount in wholly buses, in tho Archives of tho Department du Nord, 
promecred in that olty, As these papers appear to have been inedited, and 
‘ace referred to, so far ms E can learn, by no previous historian, I bave deemed 
it proper to deviate from the rule to which { have ordinarily adhered, of re- 
Inaleg in detail only those erenta that occurred within the ancient limits of 

rapes. tho 


communicated tho papers 
‘te the Balletin de ln Société da histoire du protestantinne francais, tl. (1854), 
‘255-264, 396-417, 525-098, They are of uulwpeachable securacy anil authea- 





8 | THE CONFERENCE OF BAYONNE. 180 


cording to strict justice, the whole party might have been sum~ 
marily put to death, wore snffered to beat a hasty retroat; not 
that 60 perfect a control could be put upon the ardor of somo, 
but that they “ndministered sundry blows with the flat of their 
swords upon the back of the bailiff and a few of his soldiers.” 


‘The incident iteelf was of for the Hugue- 
not minister was promptly given up to the baron of the village 
where he bad been captured, and orders to 


minister of Tupigny, and held the reformed services just out- 
tmntermee fide of their own walla Alarmed at the progress of 
Sask” Protestant doctrines in his diocese, the Archi 
ay. convened the estates of Cambray, and, on the eigh- 
teenth of August, 1566, sent three canons of the cathedral to 
persuade his subjects of Cateau to retarn to the Papal Church, 
and to thresten them with rain in case of refusal Neither 
argument nor menace was of any avail. The Protestanta, who 
had studied their Bibles, were more than a match for the 
prieetx, who had not; and, as for the peril, the Huguenot 
quaintly : “Rather than yield to your demand, we 
should prefer to have our heads placed at our feet.” When 
asked if they were all of this mind, they reiterated thelr deter- 
mination: “Were the fires made ready to burn us all, we 
‘sbould enter them rather than accede to your request and return 
to tho mass." These were brave words, but the sturdy Hugue- 
nota made them good « fow months later. 

‘Searcely a week had passed before the nows reached Cutean 
{on the twenty-fifth of August) that the “idols” had been broken 
in all the churches of Valenciennes, Antwerp, Ghent, Tournay, 
and clewhere, Although stirred to its very depths by th 
exciting intelligeace, the Protestant popnlation still contained 
itself, and merely consulted conrenience by celebrating Divine 
worship within the city walls, in an open cemetery. Unfortu- 
nately, however, the minister whom the reformed had obtained 
was ill-enited to these troublous times. Mousiour Philippe, 
‘unlike Calvin and the great majority of the ministers of the 














108, é ‘THE CONFERENCE OF BAYOSNE 193 


afterward paraded through the etrects on aseoa’ backs.’ But 
‘these buffooneries were harmless sallies contrasted with the in- 


peters nes rt he tard save in casos 


previ rep rscl s seniligan rae 
churches or the monasteries. Snch are wont to be the ay 
offects af the denial of justice according to the forme of estab- 
lished Jaw. ‘Phey would have been a hundred-fold more fre- 
quent had it not been for the pendetent opposition interposed by 
the Huguenot miniators—many of them with Calvin carrying 
the doctrine of passive submission to constituted authority al- 


teatents that thoir destruction was agreed upon. was DO 
famine doubt with regard to the desire of Philip the Second; 

for his comrse respecting hia enbjecta in the Nethor- 
ands showed plainly onongh that the extermination of horeties 
was the only of which his narrow mind could conceive as 
pleasing in the sight of heaven. The character of Catharine— 


* “Chose indigee d'un prince tel qu'il ve dimit."” Journal d'un cart gueur 
(Geka de In Posse), 73, 
* See the molente 





Pumiem, carries thither by » fogitive Augustinian monk. 
Vou 1L—13 





aor, 4, TRE COXPERENCE OF DAYONNE 195 


s lackey, who pretended that the Cardinal of Lorraine had tried 
to induce him to peison the Prince of Porcien; and, although 
he retracted his statements at tho time of his “a:mende hono- 
rable," his first. story wus generally erodited. The rumor was 
current that in December, 1566, Charles received special envoys: 
from the emperor, the Pope, and the King of Spain, warning him 
that, unloss he should revoke his edict of toleration, they would 
doelare themselves his open cnomies.* This was certainly suf 
ficiently incredible, so far a3 the tolcrant Maximilian was con- 
cerned; but stranger mutations of policy had often been no- 
tieed, and, o# to Pina the Fifth and Philip, nothing seemed 


moro probable, 

With the opening of the year 1507 the portontons clouds of 
coming Ssrumed a more definite shape. In the neigh- 
boring of the Netherlands, after a period of prov 

the Second had at rmined to 


strike adecixive blow. The Duchoss of Parma was to be super- 
amos 20led in the government by a man better qualified than 
seems any other in Europe for the bloody work assigned him 
todo, Ferdinando de Toledo, Duke of Alva, in his sixtieth 
‘year, after a life full of brilliant military exploits, was to under- 
takes work in Flanders such a& that which, two years before, 
he had recommended as the panacea for tho woos of France— 
a work with which his name will ever remain associated in the 
annals of history. The “Beggars” of the Low Countries, like 
the Huguenots in their last war, had taken up arms indefence 
of their religions, and, to a loss degroa, of thelr ell Highta, 
‘Tho “Boggars" complained of the violation of municfpal 
leges and compacta, ratified by oath at their rovercign's ne- 
cession, aa tho Hugnenots pointed to tho infringement upon 
edicts solemnly published as the basis of the tion of the 
country ; and both refused any longer to submit to # tyranny 
* Joumal d'un eur tigueur (Jeban de la Pome), St. 
* "December (1084.) An commencement viurent plusieurs ambaanades 





parly affected to mpard the alot of Amboise, March, 1503, na a mero ror 
tabilahment of the odfet of January 17, 1562, 








Hie did more than thir, acconling to the belisf of the timos, ax expresnod 
by Joan de Serr; for, "having bow promt al the Bayonne aifair,” he 
irrofrsgabie the" 


ot reip,, th 136. 


Archives da Condé, Dac d’Aumale, Princes de Condé, i. 340, Pitees inédites. 
ee 81: ‘See, also, Conde's lector of Aug 2, 1568, 
Teta, i, 201. 





sen, THR HUGUENOT EXPEDITIONS TO PLORIDA. 199 


pth rae it, if not npon its letter, been pre 
Tamlaneos $e Chatans intention to ma 
Seat Tn the words of an indignant eontem 

“the very mane of Miniedla maa mployed © tony ite Det 
Itself" 


‘The Huguenot expeditions to Florida havo been so well sketehedd by Basi 
costs and Pack aod 20 fay et fore ty Chelr atest Mtectan, X. Pun 


Poems id ‘American than 

ESE trey owod thoie origin to the eulightenot! ‘of Coligny, 
who was oot leas desirous, wt a Huguenot, to provide » safe retugs 

{or his fellow Protestants, than ausions, ax High Admiral of to aeoure 


‘for bie vative country much eommoroial resources ma it had never enjoyed. “1 


Se rate 1. pp. 4, 46), Dat, although the projeat of 
us eoucelrod ix the tela of the, cot Kovwtank 
reeves spr hy Gai de’ Modict nod ber 

won, ‘They certainly wore aot averse ( be relieve of the yresence of as 
maazy ma pomile of those whom their religious views, and, still moro, thelr 
palitical tendencies, readered objects of suspicion. “If ‘wishing ware. in 


French dominions withont the royal privity (Ibid, 427). 


Carolina), 
a mde ship and recroming the Atlantic in the course of the next year, 
A second expedition (1568), under Hené de Laudonsiére, who had taken part 





‘Ta Bdicti somen meurpabater, dum Edictam norera pemundaretue.” 
Joan do Beare, Ul. 60, 














ane. ‘TRE SECOND CIVIL WAR. ong 


CHAPTER XY. 
THE SKOOND CIVIL WAR AND THE SHORT PRACTL 


A TREACITRROUS peace oF an open war was now apparently the 
only alternative offered to the Hugnenots. In reality, however, 
they believed themeelves to be denied even the unwelcome 
choice betwoon the two, The threatoning proparations made 
for the purpose of crushing thom were indications of coming, 
war, if, indeed, they were not properly to be regarded, accord- 
ing to the view of the great Athenian orator in a somewhat 
similar case, as the first stage in tho war itself. ‘The times 
called for prompt decision. Within a few wocks three confor- 
encos wore held at Valéry and at Chitillon. ‘Ten or twelve of 
the most prominent Huguenot nobles assembled to discuss with 
the Prince of Condé and Coligny the exigencies of the hour. 
‘Twice was the impotuosity of the greater number restrained by 
the calm pormasion of tho admiral. Convinced that the sword 

is n fearful remedy for political diseases—a remedy: 

Stems that shonld never be applied except in the most des 
perate emergency—Coligny urged hia frienda to be patient, and 
to show to the world that they wore rather forced into war by 
the malice of their enemics than drawn of their own free choice. 
Bat at the third mecting of the chiefs, before the close of the 
month, they were too much excited by the startling reports 
resching them from all sides, to be controlled even by Coligny's 
pmident advice. A great friend of “tho religion” at court liad 
¢  Snt to the prince and the admiral an account of a secret 
gestae meeting of the reyal council, at which the imprison- 
ree mont of the former and the execution of the latter was 
agreed upon. The Swiss were to be distributed in equal de- 























* 
ane. ‘THE BECOND CIVIL WAR 209 


‘The blow which the Huguenots had aimed at tho tyrannical 
government of ee, peoee aha its mark, 
premature it to accom- 

plish their design by slower moans. fone ‘aris, the court 
might be frightened or starved into compliance before the Roman 
Catholic forces could be assembled to relieve theeapital. With 
this object the Prince of Condé moved around to tho north side of 
the city, and took up his quarters, on the second of October, in the 
village of Saint Denis. With the lower Seine, which, in one 
‘congas Of ite serpentine coils, here turns back upon iteelf, and 
‘intone yotreats from the direction of the sea, in his imme- 
diato grasp, and within easy striking distance of the upper Seine, 
and its important tributary the Marne—the chief sourees of the 
supply of food on which the capital depended—the Prince of 
‘Condé awaited the arrival of his reinforeementa, and the time 
Tee Ee erie aciiaoe alee oma ie sense Stee 


justified by urgent 
Tf it occasioned some distresa in emp phparreny the 
minds of the poople yot more, and enablod the municipal nutho- 
ritios to retaliate with some color of equity by soizing the houses 
of persons known or suspected to be Huguenots, and eolling their 
gouds to defray part of the expense incurred in defending the 
city.’ 


attempt “ to scize the of the king "—for such the 
movement was understood to be by the Roman Catholic party— 
‘was even more unfortunate. It produced in Charles an alienation* 
"The price of wheat, Joba do la Fosse sells us (p. £6) advanced to fifteen 


france per ** 
* Journal d'un ouré ligueue (J. Jon Teese 





‘expression apizit of 
Day: “You shall out thom to picoos,” he writen, “without sparing a single 
pemen; for the more dead bodies there are, the lone cnemies rumals (cor 
tant plux de morte, moins d'ennemys | J" Charles to Gondes, Oct. 8, 1567, Bib 
in Condé Archives, D’Aumalo, i, 603, 

Vou. IL—t4 

















‘ 


J 
E 
B 


Jansquencts—troops: 
quite uscless to Charles, who already had at hie dis- 
many pikemen as he needed, in the six thonsand 


LIFE 
i 
| 
I 
i 
i 
H 


longer, 
Anne de Montmoreney led out hie army to give battle to the 
ae Hingnenots on the tenth of November, 1967. Rarely 
Seat ats. has sich an engagement been willingly entered into, 


need not my 
they do in some essential pointe, I have had no hesitation in deciding whether 
the 











107. ‘THE SECOND CIVIL WAR. 215 
have been decisive ; ‘but the “Parisian regiment,” despite its 
in 


the position of the constable, and the cavalry gf the Prince 
ponotrated to the spot where the old warrior was still fighting 
hand to hand, with # vigor scarcely inferior to that which he 
had displayed more than fifty years carlior, in the first Italian 
of Francis the First? A Scottish 
ESE man, according to the most probable assount—for 
vem" the trne history of tho affair is involved in unnsnal 
obseurity—Robert Stuart by name, rode up to Montmorency 
and demanded his surrender, But the constable, maiddened at 
tho suggestion of a fourth captivity,” for all roply struck Stuart 
on the mouth, with the hilt of kis sword, so violent a blow that 


inflicted a mortal wound. At a few paces from him, Condé, 
with his horse killed under him, nearly fell into the hands of 
the enemy. At Inst, however, his partisans succoeded in rescu- 
ing him, und, while he retired slowly to Suint Denis, the dying 
constable was carried to Paris, whither tho oman Catholic 
army returned at ovening.” 
Agrippa d’Auhigné, | fr,, 0. 8 (1.219), Teoans In batallle desjd acbenie, 
‘towt op gros ai bien dons print In faite," (Ibid, 4 219.) 

* At Marignano, in 1315, 

* Be was taken prisover by the Emperor Charles V. ab Pavia, in company 
with Francis 1. ; at the battle of Saint Quentin, in 1597; and in 156%, at the 


4 Bren Henry of Navasce, in a letter of July 12, 1500, published by Prince 
Galltain (Lettces inédives de Henry FV. , aca 1880 pp. 13) aon that he 
te unable to say whether it was Stuart, “pour n'en sarair rien;" bab se 
sorts that ‘il ext hors do donbte et amex comming quil fut bieasd en pleine 
bataille eb ecmbattant, et non de sang 

 Méuoizes de Pe. do ln Xouo, sit.) oan do Serre, S187, 198; De 














1307. ‘THE SECOND CIVIL Wan. 219 


in the presence of tho royal council, he asked for proofs of 
Condé's intention to make himself king, Catharine de’ Medici 
replied that it was a“ mockery," and that, thongh Condé had 
struck money, both in the late and in the present troubles, it 
was with the king's inscription and arms, and not as though he 
were himself king. Sa far from that, Zuloger declares that, 
curing the eleven days of his stay in the princo’s camp, he heard 
prayers offered morning and night for the preservation of tho 
state and for the king’s safety. As to the maintenance of the 
edict, the constable before his death openly affirmed that Charles 
would not permit a free exercise of religion, and never intended 
the Edict of Orleans to be other than provisional, Indeed, the 
queen-mnother remarked to Zuleger that it is a privilege of the 
French monarchs never to mako a perpetual edict; to which 
Charles, who was present, promptly responded, “ Pourquoi 
noni?" 

Tt was to form a junction with the force brought by John 
Casimir that the prince now raised the siege of Paria, two or 
three days subsequently to tho battle of Saint Denia,’ and after 
that D'Andelot, disappointed in having had no shar in the 
engagement, had ecoured the field, driving back into Paris an 
advanced guard of the enemy, and burning, by way of bravado, 
some windmills in the very suburbs." 

‘The purpose of the Huguenot leaders could not be mistaken, 
and Catharine was determined to frustrate it. The chief object 
at which all hor intrigues now aimed was to delay the Prot- 


sary. Tho Jemlts, however, impudontly ontinued to speak of Conds tre=- 
oon as an airloubted truth, aud even ave the legend of dhe xupponed coin ae 


versité de Paris . «. contre les Jemnites, des 12 et 13 Juillet, 1904" Mé- 
soles i liga, 104, Amsolad stigmatizes tho ealaimny ax notairement 
fanmse” 


| Wredorick, Elector Palatine, to Charles IX, Heidelberg, Jan. 19, 1508 
Arobivalinhe Beitrige, 74-83. 


* November 18th," Hiar a soyr,vors los naytt heures,” xaye Charles to Gordes, 
Nov. 14, 1507, MA. Condé Arch., D'Aumoale, i. 665, ‘The king natarally repre- 
wente the movement os confased—" une bonne fayte "and conflently stator 
that be wil follow, and, vy a send victory, put a speedy end to the war. 





war ‘THE SECOND CIVIL WAR 201 


bein beech ohn oa lectin terete aa 
‘ber, 1567). She invited » conference with the Cardinal of 
‘Chitillon and other Protestant leaders, 
aa Chalons to meet them. ‘Thence the scene of the 
was transferred to Vincennes, in the vicinity of Paris, and for a 
‘time the prospect of reconciliation was bright and encouraging. 
‘The king's envoys consented to the re-establishment of the 
Edict of Amboise, without any past or future restrictions, until 
the decision of the question by that mythical assembly 
which, like a mirage of the desert, ever and anon arose to en- 
trance and disappoint the longing eyes of thonghtfal men in 
this century—a free, universal, and legitimate council of the 
Church. But the hopes founded on these promises were as 
illusory ag any previously conceived. Inetead of a formal and 
frre niecieresmty lapond pied Ree iets 
i Saar peat lament Maestros 
causeless rising of the Protestants, and expressions of astonish- 
ment that Condé had not instantly countermanded the 
of the German auxiliaries on receiving the king's gracious prof- 
fers” 
‘Meantime Catharine was not idle in soliciting foreign nid. 
‘The Duke d’Aumale—who had aleo marched to Lorraine, in 


Roman i 
not being strong enongh to block the passage of Conde’s troops, 
Catharine wrote to Alva, begging him to send to the 
faeries duke, in this emergency, two thousand arquebnsters, 
Sho warnod him that if, throngh tho failare to pro- 
cure them, the German reiters of John Casimir should bo per- 
mitted to entor the she would hold herself exonerated, 
in the sight of God all Christian princes, from the blame 
that might otherwise taal \oibie to da aes aa 





says Jehan de ln Fou, in his journal, p. 90, under date of December, 1507, 


partie de.ces gous et lex joindre avee lo earnp dex Iuguenota. qui [qu'il le 
fervent corte de Flandre." 
* De Thoa, fy. 07-41; Castelnau, liv. vi,o S; La Pome, 01. 

















a THE SECOND CIVIL WAR. aT 


throo candidates for the offico of mayor, from wham the king or 
the royal goremor made his selection ; nud the magistrate thus 


sentence which the “ présidial” of the city pronounced in 1652 
Fa pp a arent eas 
hurdle with a fagot of sticks bound to their backs, and 


however, Protestanti«m had struck such deop roots, that one of 
the three candidates for the mayoralty, at the Easter clections 
of 1567, wna Truchares, a political Huguenot. The king waa, 
indeed, warned of his sentiments; but the royal governor, M. de 
Jarnac, supported his claims, and Trochares received the requi- 
site confirmation. Still La Rochelle hesitated to eepoure the 
Protestant side. It was not until midwinter,* that Condé, re- 


er in tho abwence of all corroborative evidences, and Arodre, more than & ob: 

tary ge, showed (Histoire de Ta Rowhalle, i. 626) how improbable, of, rather, 
impomible the story im If ang gift wan mando to Catharine by the ity, fe 
‘muat have been far less than the eam, enormoun for the times and place, of 
200,(40 crowna ; nad, at any rte, it could nob hare been for the purchase of 
‘ priviloge already enjoyed for handreds of yeara Sco the Ullusteative note at 
‘tho end of this chapter. 

‘ Agdpps d'Aubigné, 4. 218 ‘Pios sboolumant et sree plus d'obeimnce 
coe das Roubelols gut depals ont tousjoue tena Yo parttrffors, sn oxt 
vouls deferor et rence aux princes menos de leur yarti, contee leequsl tls 
ee owt souvent ploques, en rusveillant ot conservant curieosement leurs privi- 
egen” 

* Others were besten and banished, and suffered tho other penaltion de- 


* Agrippa d'Auhigné, ud supra > Davila, bk. iv. 122; De Thou, fr. 27 se.; 
Soalies, 6D. Acconling to Arcire, Hint de Is Rochelle, 1. 352, the imayor'e 
correct namie wae Pontand, Sicar do Troe-Charays, 

‘The commision wae dated from Montigoy-ear-aAube, January 27, 1968, 





























peace, which again the ‘iple of 
toleration, only with the design of the first 
‘opportunity for the Hh when seat- 


ordinary ity. Indeed, the peace camo near failing to 
go into ‘at all, in consequence of the discovery of the faet 
‘that a “privy council" had boon held in the Louvre, to whieh 
none but swom enemies of the Huguenots wore admitted, 
“wherein was conspired a surprise of Orleans, Sols 


not astonishing that by ten o'clock the next morning the whole 
plot was to Cardinal Chitillon, who immediately sent 
word to stay the publiention of the peace. When Charles heard 
of it, we are told that he swore, by the faith of a prince, that, 


Bat, besides the two parties, and wavering between them— 
in her own purposes, as falao to her own plans as 


upon the very surface. Was Catharine sincorcly in favor af 
peace? She was never sincere. Her Macchiavellian training, 
the enforeed hypocrisy of her married life, the trimming policy 
sho bad thought herself compelled to purene during the minori- 
ty of the kings, hor two sons, had eaten from ber soul, even to 





* Norris to Ceoll, Puris, March 20, 1568, Suave Paper Office, 


























10k 

of the privileges solemnly accorded to them but a few weeks 
before,' Other pledges were as shamelessly broken. The 
Hnguenot gentlemen whom the court had attempted to punish 
by declaring them to have forfoited their honors and ca, 
were not ri aati haserdlem tied as 


faithful defenders, was governor of the provinces of Lyonnais 


pretended to maintain, 
and was honored by the Pins the Fifth (on the fifth of 


tent with remonstrance respecting a peace which had excited 
every one “to raise his voice against the king and Catharine,” 
and with dark hints of the danger of handling eo carclesly a 


Joan o Serres, lil. 197, 188, 

* hdd, whi eepra 

‘Jean de Berres, fii. 101; Seldan, 1k 200 
“Bolden, ii 398. 














which had been given the Huguenots in accordance with 
aie pedir opr fifty Protestants: 


furniture taken from his own house." At *, in Champagne, 
4 Huguenot was purened into the very bed- ber of a roynl 
and there ‘Troyes, Bo Rouen, and a host 


hast,” wrote Norris, the envoy, to his royal mistress, 
“tho Prince of Condé sent a gentleman to the king, to besoceh 
his Majesty to administer justice against such as murder them 
of the religion, und as he entered into the city there wore five 
slain ix St, Anthony's etreet, not far from my lodging.”* The 
of homicides committed within the brief compass of 
this so-called peace was enormous. Jean de Serres and Agri 
d'Aubigné may possibly go comewhat beyond the mark when 


Semele mle-a presen of fldtng hele sempust foe Sty spstly taco 
maamcred evecy one whom they found in the house. Cipierro hinvelt 
Freeport ‘To secure him anew breach of faith was neces 
vary. The captain of tho sunlarers pledged hin own word to the nosqfstiase 
that if Cipierve would come forth frow his hidingsplace be won!d spare hie 
Rife. Ie discharged the obligation, #0 #900 a4 Cipierse presented himaelt. try 
eae ae ee. J. do Serres, lib. 186-163; Agrippa @’Au- 
* Petition of Condé, Ang. 9%, 2563, J. da Serres, il 210, 211, 
Ties Colony tCcherne, 500, BAA S009 X de Ree, M108, 





* Due d'Aumalo, Princes de Conds, li. 364, Piboes justifioatires. 























1908, ‘THE SHORT PEACE 237 


himself the unparalleled insult had beon shown of placing » 
garrison in the palace of a prince of the blood. Nay, he had 
arrested & spy caught in the very act of measuring the height of 
the fortifications of Noyora, and sounding tho depth of the 
moat, with a view to a subsequent assault, and tho capture not 
only of the prince, but of the adiniral, who frequently came thore 
to see him. He rehearsed the grounds of just alarm which the 
Protestants had in the threats their indiscreet enemies were 
daily uttering, and in “ the confratornities of the Holy Ghost,” 
defiantly instituted with the approval of the king’s own governors, 
What was there for the Huguenots whon a counsellor of 
a parliament had lately sserted, in the presence of 
an assembly of three thousand persons, “that he had commands 
from the leading men of tho reyal council admonishing the 
Catholics that they ought to give no crodence to any odicts of the 
ing unless they contained a peculiar mark of authenticity.” 

to believe him right, by noticing the fact 
that, aince the establishment of peace, no one had obeyed the 
royal letters. Finally, in decided but respectful language, he 
romonatrated against the pernicious precedent which the court 
was allowing to become established, when the express commands 
of the monarch were ect at naught with impunity.’ 

‘As the time approached for the blow to be struck that ehould 
forwver put an end to the exurciso of the reformed faith in 
France, the conspirators began to betray their anxiety lest their 
nefarious designs might be anticipated and rendered fatile by 
such © measure of defence as that which the Huguenots had 
taken on the eve of Michaelmas. They resolved, therefaro, if 
possible, to bind their victims hand and foot; and no more con- 
tsasane Yenlont mothod prosonted itaelf than that of involving 
ceo toe them in obligations of implicit obedience which would 
See eanbarrasy, if they did not absolutely preclude, any ex- 
ervise of their wonderfal system of combined action. About the 

funing of August, Charles despatched to all parte of his 
domisions the form of an oath which was to be demanded of 
every Protestant subject, and the royal officers and magistrates 
1F. Oe Serves, i 171-173 ; Dunia, tk fr. 198. 
Vou. 117 








notsonly that they might anew be treated as rebels and enemies? 
What had become of the prescribed amnesty? Was it at all 
likely that private eftizena would bury in oblivion their former 
disenalons and abstain from mutual insults, whon the monarch 


Sheahan rece 
it was composed, not in accordance with Charles's own ideas, 
dnt by an enemy of thecrown and of public tranquillity. They 
requested that it might reesive such modifications ns would per- 
mit them to sign it with due regard to their own eelf-respect and 
to their religious convictions, and they entroated Charles to con- 
firm their liberty of conscience and of religious observance; 
for, without thes privileges, which they valued above their own 
existence, they were ready to foreake, not only their cities, but 
thole very lives alo.’ 

At this critical moment the destiny of France waa wavering 
in the balance, and the decision depended upon the answer to bo 
given to tho queation whether Chancellor L’Hogpital or Car- 
dinal Lorraine should retain his place in the council. The tol- 
exant policy of the former is too well understood to need an ex- 
smepoeae planation. The designs of the latter ure revealed by 
fomena’ at intervepted letter that fell into the hands of the 
= ‘Huguenots about this time, It was written (on tho 
ninth of August) at the little country-scat named Madrid,* whose 
ruins are still pointed out, near the banks of the Seine, on the 
edge of the Bois de Boulogne, and not far from the walls of the 
city of Paris, The writer, evidently a devoted partisan of the 
honee of @uiee, had beon entrusted by the Cardinal of Lorraine” 
with a glimpse at the designs of the party of which the latter 





dean de Serves (Comm, de tatu rel. ot reipablice, ii 174-183) inserte 
the reply of the Protestants to the proposed oath, article by article, 

* Duilt by Franeis 1, and 90 ommed becguse comatracted on the plan of the 
palace in whieh he lived when a exptive in Spain, 

"18 le true the weiter carefally avoids mentioning the cardinal's name, but 
thece is no diflcalty in discovering that he is intended. 



































strangers: 
‘every your one-balt of what they wore worth, rather than be in the hands of 
‘the English,” (Proteasrd, |, o 214, Jones's Trans.) When compelled to yield, 
wonka: ** Wa wil 





subsequent order be 
‘and " conseillers"* of the city, Doth present nnd future, as well as upon their 
‘children forever. (Letters of January &, 1874, Arotee, Un, Preures, 078-075.) 
‘Tho extmortinary provogatives of which thin was the origin wore resog- 
nised and confirmed by suteequent monarchs, expecially by Louis the Eleventh, 
Charles the Eighth, Louis che Twelfth, and Francis the First, (Callot, 1.) 











on XV. ‘THR PRIVILEORS OF LA ROCHELLE 278 


the revooation of the Edict of Nantes, by M. Elie Bouhareas, aud plaosd ia 
the Marsh Library, has recently beeo revtared to La Rochelle, in accordance 
with M. Wonheresu's written direotions Delmas, 209.) 

‘Two years lator, Charlee and hix court, returning from thelr long yrogrese 


Le fonttorency waa the first to notice the cord, and in 
rome anger ana wurprise naked whotber the magistrates of the city intended 
to refuse their: admimion. ‘The symbolism of the pretty custom wax 


the cont with bie eword. (Aroiro, 1. 449; Dotmas, 0, $1.) Chaztos himpelf 

refused the requang of the mayor that he should swear to maintain the city’s 

privileges After so insumpioions a boginning of his visit, the inhabitants were 

‘oot surprised to fil the king. during his stay, reducing the “eorpede-villo” 

from 100 to 24 members, under the presidency of a governor itreiad with 
‘shoalld 


Th wus characteriatio of the government of Catharine do" Modet—alwaye 
Gestitate of # fixed polley, and consenently always recalling one day what I= 
al Sins ter Sioa sneered open ite the sae 
a veveryihing back on the fouting it had occupied before the rugal 
visit to La Reckelte, ‘ = 


Vou 15 














1 ‘THE THIRD CIVIL WAR a7 





Efforts wore not spared by the Grisard party to make capital 
abroad ont of the new proscriptive measures, Copies of the 
edicts, translated from the Fronch, were put into elrenlation 

beyond the Rhine, accompanied by a memorial em- 


was afer with the Tusk than where Calvin's doctrines were 
professed.” 





Pylon feta) elt dafre, p 38 





8, ‘TIE THEERD CIVIL WAR bu) 
their Protestant fellow-citizons. Of success they entertained 


so blessed the arma of “our good Catholics" in the time of 
Lonis the Eighth, father of St. Louis, that cight hundred of 
them had routed more than sixty thousand heretics? ‘So that 
we doubt not,” said the new crusaders, “that we shall gain the 
victory over these enemies of God and of the whole human 
race; and if some of us should chance to die, our blood will be 
tw usa second baptism, in consequence of which, without any 
hinderance, we xhall with the other martyrs, stright 
Paradise.” * ’A Yaa li afew roto later (onthe teenth 
of March, 1569), gave the highest ecclesiastical sanction to the 
ernende, and emphasizod the comploto extermination of the 
heretics. 
Beh fh le palp eaipe er mortet 
us 60 vivid a picture of the social, religious, tical comdi+ 
tion of the city of Provins during a great part of the 
a8 second half of this century, describes a solemn proces- 
erates sion in honor of the publication of the new ordinance, 
which wns attended by aver two thousand persona, and even by 
the magistrates suspected of sympathy with the Protestants. 
Friar Jean Barrier, when preeeed to preach, took for his text 
the song of Moses: “I will sing unto the Lord, for He hath tri- 
umphed glorionsly: the horse and his rider hath He thrown 
into the sca.” His treatment of tho verso was certainly novel, 
about) might not find much favor with the eriti- 
The Prince of Condé was the /orse, on whose 


1 tea tang sons oom ung song Dati, por quay eae cara cur 
‘peachement, nous irons wrco les wntres martyrs droit en yaradia." Publication 
‘sive tae Tanguedoa,v. Gwe) 316,27. Seu the oarant, 
ibid, ¥ 
als et (Preaves) 217, The laborious wuthor of the Hist. de Tanguedoo, 


of the year 1968, which proves that the project had bees formed several 
months before iis execation.” ‘The date of tho bull ix, indeed, given ax stated 
at the clow of the document; but the addition, '* pontificakus nostri anno 
‘quirte,” fuenishos the means for correcting it. Pius V. was not crested Popo 
‘ati January 7, 1600, See De Thow, it, ty, sani) 622. 

















toa. Te THIRD CIVIL WAR 285 


a forve bd re athe gt cat 
gas Among the conflicting statements, wo may find it 
difficult to fix its numbers, Agim Asti’ my tn ater 
the losses consequent upon the of Messignac and thoes 
resulting from camp diseases, Conds army consisted of only 
seventeen thonsand foot soldiers, and two thonaand five hundred 
horsemen.’ A Hnguonot bulletin, sent from La Rochelle for 
the information of Quoon Etizaboth and the Protestants of 
England, may have given somewhat too favorable « view of the 
prince’s prospects, but was certainly nearer the truth, in nesign- 
ing him twenty-five thousand arquebusiers and a cavalry force 
of five or six thousand men.’ On the other hand, Henry of 
Anjou, who bad been placed In nominal command of the Roman 
Catholic army, had not yet been able to assemble a much mpo- 
rior, probably not an équal, number of eoldiert. Tho largo 
forces which, secording to his ambassador at the English court, 
Charles the Ninth could call out," existed only on paper. The 
younger Tavannes, whose father was the true head of the royal 
amy, gives it but about twenty thousand men.* 

It was already nearly winter when the armies were collected, 
and their operations during the remainder of the campaign 
were indecisive. In the numerons skirmishes that cecurred 
the Huguenots usally had the advantage, and sometimes in- 
ficted considerable damage upon the enemy. Bat the Duke 
of Anjou, or the more experienced leaders commanding in hin 
name, studiously avoided a general engagement. ‘The instrac- 
tions from the court were t wear out the courage and enthusi- 





Hist. unfy., liv. ¥., ¢ 6 272). 
Diocours do In 





of them arquebasiers) and 7,000 or 8,000 hore, besides recruits expected 
from Montauban, Thad, i 147. 

* Upmants af 23,000 horse and 200 ensigns Of foot (which we may perhaps 
reekean at 40,000 men). Despatah of La Mothe Fénéea, Dee. 6, 1505, Corner, 
diplomatique, {, 29, 

« Mimolzes do Turasmes, fi. $3, De Thon, br; 104, waigue 19,000 footand 
2,000 horse to Condé ; and 12,000 foot and 4,900 horss, exclusive of te Swise 
(who, according to Tayanues, uambared 6,000), to Anjou, 





08 ‘THE THIRD CLViL WAR 287 


port during tho coming campaign, Jeanne d'Albret, whose 
masculine vigor' had never been displayed more con- 
eee Gpiaiocatgthae Aiding Ui pars wea tronnl anise 
ed by her eage connsela. Tt waa determined, in view 
‘of the eruelties exercised upon the Protestants in those et 
ial Kisesiee pees Bay Indl pe aeametee weal 
flecatlon af thate property by jafiial decisions; to, retaliate by 
selling the ceclesiustical posseesions in the cities that were now 
under Huguenot power, and applying the proceeds to military 
area, The order of alo was issued under the names of the 
young Prince of Navarre, of Condé, Coligny, D'Andelot and 
Ta Rochefoneanld, and a guarantee was given hy them. As a 
reprial the moamre. was just, and as a warlike expedient 
nohing could be moro prudent; for, while it speedily filled the 
coffers of the Huguonot army, it cut off one great source of the 
revenues of the court, which had been authorized both by the 
Pope and by the clergy itself to lay these possessions ander 
contribution.” 

Already the temper of the Protestant leaders had been 
sounded by an unaccrodited agent of Catharine de? Modici, 
who found Condé at Mircbean, and entreated him to make 
those advances toward a peace which would comport better with 
his digity aa n eabjct than with that of Charles us a king. 
But the prince, who saw in the mission of an. irresponsible 
mediator only a now attompt to impede the action of the con- 
federates, lind dismissed him, after declaring, in the presonce of 
large number of his nobles, that he had been compelled to 
resort to arma‘in order to provide for his own defence, The 
war was, therefore, directed not against the king, but 
those cupital enemies of the crown and of the realm, the 
nal of Lorraine and his associates. All knew his own vehement 
dosire for peace, of which his Inte excessive compliance was a 
sufficient proof ; but, since the king was surrounded by his ene- 





‘Getta Roine, waiant de femme que ts sexe, Vane entitre anx choses 
‘hiles, Yerpatt puimnnt aux grandn affaires, le aur invincible sux adver- 











1208, or THIRD CIvEL WAR 201 


te ET ETE nee 
intention to avow it, I know not the cause of 

movement, for which various reasons are alleged.” * pion 
the Silent had not, however, relinquished the intention of going 
to the assistance of the Huguenots, whose welfare, next to that 
of his own provinces, lay near his heart. ‘therefore, 
twelve hundred horsemen whom he found better disposed than 
the rest, he patiently awaited the departure of the now ally of 
the French Wolfgang, Duke of Deux-Ponts (Zwei- 
briteken), im whose company he had determined to crows France 
with his brothers Lonis and Henry of Nassau.” 

‘The Prince of Oondé received more immediate and snbstan- 
tial assistance from beyond the Channel. When Tavannes 
sateen  andertook to captnre Condé and Coligny at Ni 
fn teat was in contemplation to eeize Odet, Cardinal of Chi- 
tillon, the admiral's elder brother,” in his episcopal palace at 
Peps: chev however, timely pe 

eseay ray Eg ee 
belt Reaves at har coer of distinguished 
favor," His efforts to enlist the sympathies and assistance of 
~T Rows letter from Paris, from the Huguonot phyaician of the Duke of Jar- 


* Jean de Serres, if. 200; Grown Van Prinvterus, Archives, ete, li. 3165 
Motley, Dotoh Ropatiio, ti, 953; Ag. d'Ambigns, liv. v., 0 26 U. 1H), 

£m: Frond falls te 8 recy oral eor, to exling hin (story ot Trg- 
and, Am, edit, bx, 834) “tho younger Chatillon.” With the exception <f a 


‘orta, progress, ef ruins hiereseon (Cologue, 1614), ik 254. vi, & 25). 

















1608, ‘THE THIRD CIV WAR 207 


paltry falanhooda to which Elizabeth's insincere conree naturally 
and dirvetly led. La Mothe Fénélon wus well aware that Ad- 
miral Winter, beeides his publie commission, had been fur- 
nished with @ secret order, authorizing him to assist La Ro- 
chelle, signed by Elizaboth’s own hand, without which the 


wary old seaman absolutely refused to aera monn} 
that he might be sacrificed when it anited his mistress’s 


policy. What the order contained was no mystory to the French 
envoy.’ Neithor party in this solomn farce was deceived, but 
both wanted peace. Catharine would have beon oven moro 
vexed than surprised had Elizabeth confessed the trath, and so 
necessitated  reeort to open hostilities." As the honor of the 


question of ite veracity to an inconvenient length, 

‘The cold wintor of 1568-1569 passed without signal ovents, 
Heer eam tiaas caneans anata 
from sn epidemic disease—consequent upon uxposure to the 
ex ada Waa be nue Sak eee ar tee 

the elty of Sancerre by the Bonianl Cathal Five 
=“ wooks were the troops of Martinengo detained before 

the walls of this small place, whose convenient prox- 
imity to the upper Loire rendered it valuable to the Huguenots, 
not only ns a means of facilitsting the introduction of their 

German auxiliarios into central France, but atill more 
aaa refuge for thelr allios in the neighboring provinces. ‘The 
bravery af tho besieged made thom superior to tho forces sont 
to didodge thom. They repulsed, with great low to their enemies, 
two successive seeuults on different parts of the works, and, at 
Just, gaining new courage from the advantages they had obtained, 
sasumed the offensive, and forced Martinengo and the captains 
by whom he had been reinforced to retire humiliated from tho 





’ of Deo. 6, 1968, Correrp. diplom,, & #2, mt. 

* Ta his despatch of March 25, 1900, [ug Mothe Péatlon ndmite to Catharine 
bhis groat perplexity 24 to how he abould set, so aa neither to show too little 
spirit nor to provcke Eliaslieth to auch adeclaandion as woold compel the 
king, hie waster, to declare war nt 40 inopportane = time, Comes, diplom., 
Lol 



























































34 THE RISE OF THE AUGUENOTS OF PRANCE caxv. 
‘the loss of his wiee and efficient co-operation, He be 


appeared enfficiently heavy when Condé, a eince of tha BEG 
Tes alicotosharo fewith Kim, But now, witk tho entirechargs 
‘of maintaining the party Se Oe ee 
enemy, who had the advantage of the possession of the 
ambitious 


Henry of Navarro had, indeed, just been re 

gonoral-in-chief, and he was accompanied by his Henry 
Xewrmpenn OF Condé ; but Navarre was a Rite 
jews fifteen, and his cousin was not much older. 


Sia” ould for the ere 
‘and the public, over ready to look upon the bier) 


“ admiral’s two pages.” * Coligny, however, was not crushed 
the new responsibility which devolved ‘upon him. eae 


arkable letter which has but lately come to light, dated tome | 





(new style 1578), after an oxondinm full of those claseical allusions 





4 Beryor de Xiveny, Letree wistyn de Hess FV. Parts, 1845), LR 





1909, THE THIRD CLVIL WAT bibs 


hampered hy the authority of one whoxe counsels often verged 
‘on foolhardiness, he eoon exhibited his consummate abilities 20 
clearly, that even his enemies were forced to acknowledge that 
thoy had never given him the credit he deserved. “It was 
eo0n perceived,” observes an anthor by no means friendly to 
the Huguenots, “that tho accident (of Condé’s death) had 
happened only in order to rovoal in all its eplendor the merits 
of the Admiral de Chatillon. The admiral had had during 
his entire life very difficult and complicated matters to unravel, 
and, nevertheless, he had never had any that were not far be- 
low his abilitios, and in which, consoquontly, he had no necd 
of exerting his fall capacity. Thns those qualitios that were 
rerest, and that exalted him most above others, remained hid- 
den, through lack of opportunity, and would apparently have 
remained always concealed during the Hfetime of the Prinee of 
Condé, because the world would have attributed to the prince 
all thoee results to whose accomplishment it could not learn that 
the admiral had contributed more than had the former. But, 
after the battle of Jarnse had permitted the admiral to exhibit 
himeelf fully on tho most famons theatre of Europe, the Cal- 
vinists porecived that they were not so unhappy as thoy thought, 
sine they still had a leader who would prevent them from 
noticing the Joss they had experienced, to many singular quali- 
tios bad he to repair it.”* 

Ww Duke of Denx Ponts, had at length entered France, 
and was bringing to the Huguenots their long-expected succor. 
ering He had woren thonaand five hnndrod reiters from 
Desc twee lower Germany, six thonaand lansqnenets from upper 
Seer Germany, and a body of French and Flemish gontle- 

men, under William of Orange and his brother, Mouy, 
Externay and others, which may have swelled his army to about 


1 Mistoize de Charles EX. parle sieur Varilias (Cologne, 1686). tL 16%, 1€2. 
Tam gled to embrace this opportanity of quoting a historian in whowe state- 
reente of facta T have an seldom the good fortune te concur as In his general 
Seductions of principle M. de Thou (iv. 182) remarks in « similar spirit: 
1 Gt voit A Ie France (eb yes ennemls raéme en convinrent) qu'il 4toit capable 
Je noutenis Tul sen) Gout le parti Proveytant dont on eroyoit anpararant qu'il 
ne soutenoit qu'une partie.” 








10, ‘THE THIRD CIVIL WAR S19 
certa, victoria integra, esors honesta"—the triple object of their 
desires." 


‘The combined army, now numbering about twenty-five thou- 
sand men, soon came to blows with the enemy. The Duke of 
Anjou, whose forces were somewhat superior in num- 
fee ‘bors, had approached within a very ehort distance of 
“= Coligny, but, unwilling to risk a general engagement, 
had intrenched himself in an advantageous A part 
of his army, commanded by Strozzi, lay at La Roche Abeille, 
where it was furiously assaulted by the Hnguenota. Over four 
Iundred royalists wore left dead upon the field, and Strozsi 
himeelf was taken prisoner, Tho disaster had nearly proved 
still more éerious; but a violent rain saved the fugitives by 
extinguishing the lighted matches upon which the infantry 
depended for the discharge of their arquebuses, and by serious 
ly i ling the pursuit of the cavalry.’ 
hk the Dake of Anjou had recently received consider- 
able reinforcements—about five thonaand pontifical troopa and 
twelve hundred Florentinos, under the command of Sforza, 
Count of Santa Fiore’—it was now determined in a military 
BD Bas Leet 28 5 6s Goes OB Cudney oie 


bic rl liv, vil, a 75 De Thon, iv, 3225 Zan Sr 22 ro 
ates the Roman Catholic lows as higher than given in the text). Brant 





Talsnne, 
@Azgieterre” (La Mothe Féndlon, il, 160) states that the Huguenots would 
Rave done much greater exeeation and perhaps pot an and to the dispate, 
atom el use 0 our, phage Fuh ecrins oh M rane Gud Bo 

‘bo pouvolent plus jouer.” La Roche Abeillo, or La Roche 


* According 0 J, A. Gabutius, the biographer of Pius ¥. (ase. 190, p. OO), 
Ake Pope sent 4,00 foot and 1,00) horer, and Commo, Duke of Florence, 1,000 


eames copiarum Dux, vel de pace vel de ream quideaan 
Catholics religion! darenomam presenticet; (Pius V.] Lmpecnvit © vestiqio net 
converse itinere in Italiass romenret, aut tu 


ccun haveticis bellantom seve couferret et adjungere:.” 























a power exceedeth 
the king’” wrote Cecil to Nicholas White: “he is sieging of 
Poitiers, the winning or losing whereof will make sn end of the 
cause, Ho ia entered within the town by assault, but the Duke 
of Guise, ete., are entrenched in # Sonpriners ok Sivewa 
and without the king give a battle, it is thought that he 
‘escape from the admiral.”* Dit as this hoon? the Dekeise 


{athe ot ent 8, 1800, Wigb, Qn Rabe 33, 
* Jean de Barres, til ;'Ceateloaa, liv. vik, & 7; De Thos, iv 
205-314; Deere kstiged, ‘L ison. 
*Joumat dan curs lignenr (Jehan dein Pome), 100. 
4 Jens de orres, fil. 882; Agrippa d'Anbignd, 1, 202; De Thou, eta. 











a, THE THIRD C1VEL WAR 320 


adherents of the house of Navarre, They were two cornets of 
ere ona tay Sree Bry Ta Ob as 
the command of Bourri, Teil, and other esptains. In the midet 
of the tearful acclamations of the women, their new friends 


Meteo costa cohen aznamation ratty 
set them by the government and the mob, In May they 


ginning there was no difficulty in finding good subjects for 
hanging. Accordingly, on the thirtioth of June, three victims 
snore wore sacrificed on the old Place de Gréve, “partly for 


Stadion” with which the eangninary records of Paris abound, 
‘the fate of Nicholas Croquet and the two Do Gantines—father 
and son—would have been ‘but for the extruordinary 


the simple scheme of its first institution. The Parisian parka. 
ment ordered that “the house of the Five White Crosses, be- 
longing to the De Gastines, situated in the Rue Saint Denis,” 
should be razed to the ground, and that upon the site a stone 
cross should be placed, with an inscription explanatory of the 
occasion of its erection, ‘That spot wus to serve as a public 


The fallort and most graphic account of this interesting incident T fsd in 
Agsippa WAnbigné, i. 298 (liv. v.,¢ 13). See Dw Thon, iv. jliv. aby.) 204, 
of France 


about one hundred and twenty—'* abs vingta"” 








square for all time, and a fine of 6,000 livres, 
was inn] nrunyona whb shanties 
that military, 


Journal d'un cued iyuens (oban de la Fome), 107, Ae actually 
resell nreielie ae 
ome Latin 


been punished only with exile or ® poouniary fine, 
Johan de la Fomo, 107, 108, 








ath 
a 
i 
Fe 

il 
Fs 

i 

i 


Lag 
ef 
i 
of 
Pe 
i 
=H 
i 


[ 
| 


ri} 
i 
a 
it 


ae 

H 

au 
4 
A 
Lil 
fe 
re 
BS 
Et 
s 
ge 


TH 
itt 
Hl 
? e 
H g 
a 

He 


about this time from the abortive plot of one Dominiqi 


WAlbe, who confessed that he had been hired to poison the 
Bit chief, and was hanged by order of the princes.’ 
‘Nor was it without that the decree itself 


significance 

had been translatod into Latin, Italian, Spanish, Gorman, 
Flemish, English, and Scotch, and scatterod broadcast through 
Europe by the partisans of Guise. 

‘Meantime the condition of the rival armies in wostern France 
promised again, in the view of the court, a speedy solution of the 
VJoumal d'un curt ligueur, 110; Mém. de Castelman, tiv. vil, a 8; De 
‘Thon, fr. (liv. L} 918; Gasp. Colinii Vite (ib00), 7; ‘Memain of G. da 





i 
5 
$ 
e 
i 
& 
| 
5 
i 
3 


from ws, and if it be God's will that we never recover what we have lovt, still 


‘that it bas pleased God to make uso of me in amisting His Church.” 
¥ Seach de Sacro, Hl, 250, 87; Mem. of Coligny, 195; De ‘Thos, iv. 216, 
M7; Agrippa d’Anhigné, £ 903. 














































































































366 





a8 RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS OF FRANCE Ca 


For the first time in their history, the relations of the 
gnenots of France to the state were settled, not by a royal 
laration which was to be of force until the king should 

his majority, or until the convocation of a general couneil of 


of the fact that one of the 
tat drew up its stipulation 
Biron—was lam —Henri de Mesmes—was bet 
known as Lord ferred upon the new eonpatt 
the ungracions appe: limping and unsettled 
—la paix boitense et mal J 





+ “On la disoit boitouse et mal-assise,” says Henri de Meemes himeelt in hs 
‘coount of these transactions, adding with a delicate touch of sarcasm: “Je 
n’en ay point vii depuis vingt-cing ans qui ait gudre duré,"” Le Labourear, 
Add. anx Mém, de Oastelnan, ii. 76. Prot. Soldan has already exposed tht 
‘mistake of Sismondi and others, who apply the popalar nickname to the pre 
ceding peace of Lomgjumeau. See une, chap. xv. 





197, ‘THE PEACE OF SAINT GERMAIN, ‘307 


CHAPTER XVII. 
‘TRE PEACE OF SAINT GERMAIN. 


A rromex of cardinal importance here confronts us, in the 
inquiry whethor the peace which had at length dawned upon 
Franee was or was not concluded in good faith by the young 
king and bis advisers. Was the treaty a necessity forced upon 
teeniy ot the court by the losses of men and treasure sustained 
‘evace during three years of almost continual civil conflict? 
Were the queen mother and those in whose hands rested the 
chief control of affairs, really tired of a war in which nothing 
was to be gained and everything was in jeopardy, a war whose 
snost brilliant snecesses had been barren of substantial froits, and 
had, in the sequel, been stripped of the greater part of their glory 
by the masterly conduct of a defeated opponent? Or, was the 
peace only a prelude to the masacre—a skilfally devised snare 
to entrap incautious and credulous enemios ? 

‘The latter view is that which wus entertained by the majority 
of the contemporaries of the events, who, whether friends or 
foes of Charles and Catharine, whether Papists or Protestants, 
conld not avoid reading the treaty of pacification in the light of 
the occurrences of the “bloody nuptials” The Huguenot 
author of the “Toosin against the murderers” and Cspilupi, 
author of the appreciative “Stratagem of Charles the Ninth” 
—however much they may disagree upon other pointe—unite 
in regarding the royal edict as a piece of treachery from be- 
ginning to end. It was even believed by many of the most 
intelligent Protestants that the massacre was already per- 
fected in the minds of its authors so far back as the confer- 
ence of Bayonne, five years before the peace of St. Germain, in 























19m, ‘THE PEACE OF SAINT GERMAIN. 3m 
ther aggression by disarming the entire population, with tho 


Edict of Pacifieation—precautions whose we shall be able 
to estimate more accurately by the events of the following year.’ 
The strength of the hatred of the Huguenots was 


often too great for even the government to cope with. The 
rabble of the cities would hear of no upright execution of the 
provisions respecting the oblivion of past injuries, and resietod 
with pertinacity the attempt to remove the traces of the ald 

conflict. The Parisians gave the most striking evi- 
Dense dence of their rancor in the matter of 

the “Croix do Gastines,” a monument of 
bigotry, the reasons for whose erection in 1569 have been suffl- 
ciently explained in a previous chapter.’ 


demolition. The municipal officers of Paris declined to obey, be- 
cause it had not been erected by thom; the parliament, becanse, 
as they alleged, the sentence was just and they could not retract; 
the Provost of Puris, because he was not above parliament, 
which had placed it there." Charles himself wrote with his own 
hand to the provost: “ You deliberate whether to obey me, and 
whether you will have that fine pyramid overturned. I forbid 
you to sppear in my presence until it be cast down.”* The end 
was not yet, The monks preached against the sacrilege of 
lowering the eros. Maitre, Vigenvon ithaideat, Bindsgioh 
Advent, praised the people of Paris for having opposed the 

\ Floquet, Histoire du Parlement du Normandie, il 67-112, whose acount 
ta in great part derived from the registers of the parliament and the archives 
of the Hotel de Ville of Ronen. De Thom, ly. (liv, L) 488, certainly 
underestimates the number of Protestants killed, whes he laita it to fo 

* See ante, chapter xvi. 

* Johan de In Fome (Sept, 1971), 182. 

+ Ibid. GNor., 1571), 133. 
































um. ‘THE PEACE OF SAUKT GERMATN, 


885 
freedoms and Whertios." Ho traced the course of events since 
the humiliating troaty of Catenn-Cambrésis, and added: “If 
you think in constience and honor you may not become the 


you you 
then weigh in policy how beneficial it will be for you, and how 
much your father would have given, to have had the like oppor- 
tunity offered unto him that is now presented unto you gratis; 
whieh, ne yo rales, teas 7 must never look far," 


connsellora, 
vlting my eit, well-nigh brought me ito Uke terme wth 
my fubjects, wherefrom ensued the late troubles; but now, 
thank God, He has opened my efes to discern what their mean- 
Sema Next, Lonis showed that success was not difficalt, 
The Roman Cutholies and the Protestants in the Netherlands 
equally detested the tyranny of the Spaniards, The towns 
were ready to receive garrisons. Philip had not in the whole 
country over three thousand upon whose fidelity he could 
rely. The addition of a dozen ships to those already possessed 
by the patriota would enable them effectually to prevent the 
landing of Spanish reinforcements, In short, the Netherlands 
wore ripe for a division which would amply recompense France 
pr a ghee acemnpermioang execs ca 
the, a8 was hoped, consent to take part in the enterprise: for 
pd ak eatagbclegee er ce hari eens 
the French crown, would gladly give themselves up to 
Chasles; Brabant, Gelderland, and Luxemburg would be re- 
stored to the empire; and Holland, Zealand, and the rest of the 
islands would fall to the share of the queen.’ 
So favorably did Charles and his mother, with those coun- 
sellors to whom the eecret was intrasted, receive the count’s 
advances, that it was clearly advisable to bring them into com: 


‘The wabetance of Lauis of Nawen'a secret interviews is beet given by 
Wiblaghons ka wang consranbanias SEAsemaa yaa, EER Bea 


Vor. 125 





sn, ‘THE TRACK OF SAINT GERMAIN, 887 


the unfortunate widow of Coligny forma tho snbject for one of 
the darkest pages of modern history.’ Under no less auspicious 
cireumstances was consummated the union of Coligny’s daugh- 
ter, Louise de Chitillon, to Téligny, # young noble whose skill 
leh anes ona beara ies" 
most among statesmen, Scarcely less unhappy, howerer, 
than her step-mother, Louise was to behold both her father 
and her husband perish in s single hour by the sume dreadful 


catastrophe. 

Was it foolish rashness or overweening presumption that led 
the admiral to leave the new home he had made within the 
strong defences of La Rochelle; or wus he moved solely by 
Awning Soscientions persuasion that be had no right to eon- 
isviatien’” elder personal danger when the great interests of his 

country and his faith wero at stake! The former 
view has not been without its advocates, some of whom have 
gloried in pend rel arrtebel ean omer ape 


perils by which he was environed. “ Better, however, wore ity" 
bo said, “to dio a thousand deaths, than by undue solicitude for 
life to be the occasion of Keeping up distrust throughout an en- 


tire kingdom.” 
About the beginning of September, 1571, Charles and his 
court repaired to Blois, on the banks of the Loire.’ The avowed 


* A very intereting acoonnt of the loag imprisszment of Coligny's witow 
in to te found fn Count Jules Deladorle’s Batre 

"A few months before the admiral's departure from La Rosballo, there 
had been held in this Huguenot sxylum a convocation of historical ixpor- 
tazce. The seavions of the sevesth antional eyacl. luting from the secoad 


rpeeting the doctrines and diseipiine of the reformed church (we Aymom, 
javaree, 


| 
i 
; 
fae 
| 








am. ‘THE PEACE OF SAINT GERMAIN. 


380 
Nothing co the honorable reception of the admiral, 
Rigg, Hae re irhemcnnys yen 
nivrosonate TOtinue st court in the city of Blois. On first com- 
es rie fr gapped pairs Fate 


him his father, and 
the happiest days of 
tranquillity confirmed Mate return, “Yon are as wele 
come,” said he, “as any gentleman that has visited my eourt 
in twenty years.” And in the same interview, ho expressed his 
joy in words upon which eubsequent events placed a sinister 
construction, but which nevertheless appear to have been uttered 
in good faith: “At last we have you with us, and you will not 
leave ws again whenever you wish.”' Nor was Catharine behind 
her eon in affability, She sarpriced the courtions by honoring 





upon his head, now received from the king’s private purse the 
untolicited gift of one hundred thousand livres, to make good 
his losses during the war. ae sierra 
revenues of his lately deceasod brother, the Cardinal Odet de 
Chiitillon, for the space of one year, and was intrusted with the 
lucrative office of guardian of the house of Laval daring the 
minority of its heir. Indeed, thronghout his stay at Blois, 
which waa protracted through soveral weeks, Coligny was the 
favored confidant of Charles, who sometimes even made him 
preside in the royal council.” 

Rochalla” Ib waa thought thet her commendations would greatly advance 
hia credit with the king. 

‘Linow not on what authority Mis Preer states (Henry 111. of Prance, bis 
Coat and Tinea 5. 70) tat “even Coligny waa startled a the coninoun sig 
‘nifleanoe of these words; the shadow, however, vanished before the warmth 
and franknem of Chariev's manner.” ' Compare Agrippa d'Asbigns, i, 3. 

* Waluingham’s account is a letter of La Motbe Péaélea (Cucresp. dipl., iv, 











wn ‘THE PRACK OF SAINT GENMAIS. 301 


plied, were intended merely to erorgnicirg tes the Span- 
iards, who bad taken éome Protestant vessels, donned a pee 
their ie merpe preheater rae 
the Inquisition, and could not be interfered with.’ The 
ambassador had borne with the offensivences of this answer; but 
the favor with which the Hugnenota were now received, and 
the openness with which the Flemish war was discnased, ren- 
derod his further stay impossible, weep eyo a! 
of Louis of Nasa with the king were held with 
and that Charles even had paired ert hey 
met the brother of Orange at all." It was impossible to deny 
that Philip's subjects were despoiled by vessels which issued 
with impunity from Ta Rochelle. But, althongh the ambas- 
sador declared that these grievances must be redresed, or war 
wonld ensue, he was bluntly informed by Charles that “Philip 
might not look to give laws to France,” Catharine partook of 
her son's indignation, the more ¢o as eho seems at this time to 
have shared in the current belief that her daughter Elizabeth 
had been poisoned by her royal husband." At last, in Novem- 
ber, the ambassador withdrew from court, without taking leave 
‘of the king, after having, in scarcely disguised contempt,' givon 
away to the monks the silver plate which Charlos had presented 
to him. 

While the new policy of conciliation and toleration thus dis 
gusted one, at eset, of those foreign powers which had 
cure on the government to engage in suicidal civil contests, 
fate. it was at home producing the benoficent results hoped 
for by its authors. Charles himself appeared to be daily more 


* Walsinghatn to Cee:l, March 5, 1571, Digges, 48, 
o "Enda fr conference ad tin Goa Lowi of Numa, ho tl 


wpom by Charles 1X. ‘‘omely to amase the King there ;" bed ae to Stree, 
“the king hore meanct notwithstanding to disallow [him] openty," Ibid, 
185. 

* Digges, 152 4 Johan dela Pome, LHL 






































had before been conended, and by proposing in ton cor 
Teasns eocld apt soenpt, to throw the odiam of a n 


* The contenat of 























im, ‘THE TRACK OF SAINT GERMATX, ait 


But Charles was too impatient to await his caprice. “ My dear 
‘reexagy unt,” ho once said to the Queen of Navarre, a short 


Fope, and I love my sister more than I fear him. I am not 
indoed a Huguenot, but neither am I a blockhead; and if the 
Pope play the fool too much, I will mysclf take Margot," his 
common nickname for his sister, “by the hand, and give her 
away in marriage in full priche.”* 

Charles was apparently equally in carnest in hia intention to 
maintain his edict for the advantage of the Hugnenota. Accord- 
ingly he published a new declaration to this effect, and sent it to 
bis govornora, accompanied with a letter exproseive of his great 
gratification that the spirit of distrust was ovorywhore giving 
place to confidence, a proof of which was to be found im the 
recent restitution of the four cities of La Rochelle, Montauban, 
La Charité, a og by thee a ee 


shows atill further that the projects urged by Coligny, 
Louis of Nassau, and other prominent patriots, had mado a deep 
impression upon his imagination, now that for the first time the 
prospect of a truly noble campaign opened before him. In 
carrying out the extensive plan against the Spanish king, itwas 
thonght the wisest politicians of the time— 
to secure the co-operation of the Turk, The extent of Philip's 
dominions in the Old and the New World, the prestige of his 
smucceates, the enormous treasure he was said to derive 
from his colonial establishments in the Indies, all gave him a 
reputation for power which a more critical examination would 
have dissipated ; but the time for this had not yet arrived. 


sastical property In bis domains, and marry Mangaret before the Church, 
Charles IX. to Perrale (Perraila), Joly $1, 1572, apa’ Mackintosh, til, Appen- 
ix I; Fe. ars pope tearmtn tn 

* Journal de Testot 5 Le Reveille-Matin des Frangais, ete; Arch, 
catrieuses, vii. 172; Didnt Basel Philp, 3; ‘Vanviltioes, il. 177; 
Agrippa d’Aubignd, &. 12 >—" Co vieax bigot aveo ses osfanterios fait pentro 
‘us tom tempe A ron grease saxur Margot.” 

"Charles IX. to Mandelot, Blois, May 3, 1572, Correspondance du rol Carine 
IX. ot du sieur de Mandetot, Gouverneur de Lyous, edited by P. Pais (Putis, 
2S), pr Ott. Also Charridre, Négoctationa du Levant, ili, S24, 












































er. ‘THE PEACE OF SAINT GERMAIN. 45 


‘he exposed himself to the evident peril, of which he had had advices and 
ta enough.” 

‘To all this misropresentation, the remarks of La Huguerye's editor, the 
‘Baron de Buble, are a sufficient answer: “No other historian of the period, 
Catholic or Huguenot, has socused the Queen of Navarre of 0 much jealousy, 
frivolity, and spite. To the calumnies of La Huguerye we should oppose the 
verdict which every impartial judge can pronounce respecting this princess, 
in accordance with the letters published by the Marquis de Rochambeau and 
‘the testimony of contemporarice.” 





1 ‘THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEWS DAY, or 


before her wodding. No papal dispensation had arrived. 
Gregory XIII. was as obstinate as his predecessor in the ponti- 
fieal chair, in denying the requests of the French envoys to 
Rome.’ But Charles was determined to proceed ; and, in order 
to silence the opposition of the Cardinal of Bourbon, who still 
refused to perform the ceremony without the pope's even 
a forged letter was shown to hin, purporting to come from the 
Cardinal of Lorraine, or the royal ambsssador at Rome, and 
announcing that the bull of dispensation had actually been sealed, 
and would shortly arrive.* 

Preparations had heen made for the wedding in a style of 
inagnificence extraordinary even for that age of reckless expen- 
diture. To show their eonlial friendship and fidelity, Charles 
and his brothers, Anjou and Alengon, and Henry and hile cousin 
of Condé, assumed a costume precisely alike—a light yellow 
satin, covered with silver embroidery, and enriched with pearls 
and precious stones. Margaret wore a violet velvet dross with 
fleuredelis. Her ine was adorned with the same emblems. 
Sho waa wrapped In « royal mantle, and had upon hor head an 
imperial eroven een ith pearls, diamonds, and other goma 
of incalculable value. queens were resplendent in cloth of 
gold and silver. A lofty platform had been erected in front of 
the grand old pile of es Dame Hither Margaret was 
brought in great from the palace of the Bishop of Paris, 
escorted by the king, by Catharine de’ Medici, by the Dukes 
of Anjou and Alengon, and by the Guises, the marshals, and 


2 No dirpenaation was ever granted until after the marriage, and after 
Henry of Navarre's aimalated conversion to Roman Catholiciam. ‘Then, of 
‘course, there was nonecd of further hesitation, and the dooument wae eranved, 
‘of which & copy ix printed in Documents historiques Inédite, & 718-718. The 
ball ix dated Oct. 27, LOT. ‘There ix, then, no opcemity for Mr. Henry White's 
nncertainty (Masacre of Bt Bartholomew, 870): “The new pope, Gregory 
XUL, appears to hare Deen more compliant, or the letter stating that « dis 
pensation was on the road must have been a forgery.” 

"De Thou, iv, (liv. li, S60: Lo atratagetms di Catlo TX x} di Francia, 





mals eu Francois avec un avertimement au lecteur, 1374, Orig. of. p. 22 
: sank eA a See SC EE (Girever et Daxjou, 
vi, 7] 


=| 











scription of most of the elaborate pageants wonld contribute 
little to the value of our conceptions of the character of the 


age. An exception may perhaps be made in favor of an ingo- 
niows tournament that took place on Wedneeday in the Hotel 


to enter by fore of arms, but were repulsed and thrust into 
Tartarns, After come time the defeated champions were res- 


victors, and the performance terminated in a startling, but harm~- 
leas display of firoworks.' As the assailants were mostly Prot- 
stants, the defenders Roman Catholics, it was not strange that 
« sinister interpretation was soon put npon the strange plot; 


Catint i 187, 108 107. Oe comparing Bemeves, wi the 
earkntle colleetion of 








































































































































































































500 THE RISE OF THE RUGUENOTS OF FRASCE Ox 


free princes, Pope Gregory the Thirteenth received the sist 
sion of both cousins to the authority of the See of Rome, ree 
nized the validity of their marriages, and formally admit 
them to hia favour, by a special bull of the twenty-sevesth¢ 
October, 1572.' In retarn for these concessions Henry ¢ 
‘Navarre repealed the ordinances which his mother had mt 
for the government of Béarn, and re-established the Ross 
Catholic worship" 





* Documenta histortyuee infdite, { T13-715. 
‘Agrippa qAubignd, Hist waiv.. ii 90; Jean de Serres (1573), #, 
are 

















































































































1m RECEPTION OF THE TIDINGS ABROAD. 639 


any longer—a circumstance which will harea decided 
pete the restoration of his authority in the Nether- 
lands. Another matter upon which be touches, places in the 
clearest light the infamy to which Charles and his conncil had 
sunk, and the hypocriey of Philip the Catholic himself. Until 
the very moment of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, 
Charles had been earnestly desirons of saving the lives of the 
French Huguenots who had been taken prisoners with Genlis 
near Mons; while, by the most barefaced assumptions of inno- 
cenee, he endeavored to induce the Spaniard to believe that he 
was in no way responsible for Genlis’s * Now, 
however, it is Charles himself who, by his envoys at. and 
crarin vont. Brussels, bogs from Philip the munier of his own 
Sirsa French subjects, lest they return to do mischief in 
powee France. Not only the soldiers taken with Genlis, but 
the garrison of Mons, if that city, as now seemed all but cer~ 
tain, should fall into Alva’s hand, must be pot to death.’ “If 
Alva object,” he wrote to Mondoncet, * that your request is the 
same thing as tacitly requiring him to kill ‘the prisoners and 
cut to picces the garrison of Mons, you will tell him that that ix 
precisely what he onght to do, and that he will inflict a very 
great wrong upon himeelf and npon all Cliristeadom if he #hall> 
do otherwiee.”* ag lot ser etre 
St. Goard eaid to jenselé: © greatest services 
dastas be door a Ceaeeiieh oil bale eoneeaen ees 
put ererybody to the edge of the sword."* And so Philip 
thought too; for he not only wrote to Alva that the sooner the 
* See the Moodoucet cormespomtencs, Compte renita dela commiaion royale 
A histoire, senor marion, ty. (Heux., 1582), 340-349, pub by M. Exaile Gachet, 

‘the letter of Chacles IX. of Aug. 12th, 1472. 

* © Bidicho embaxsdor me propusd . . . . con grande instancin, que 


++ Eagan Pen naar ae Sa oe rede 
doe a ”, Semple’ ‘Geard to Charles 
Sepe tae Bap to Lahlow de omion Orange Seat E 






























































IMM) TD ceed oni! 
having killed four but 
7th ha van ann, and who afterward, kaving embraced sb? 
“Lt na fray hung for the crime of mardering travellers ¢Agch 
ites Why, neal ta that of Conannan, put to death tor the part be & 
rN cmopirary Mf sehich Cabal shortly have to *peaic. 
+ Mi. suutres tes Sally, 1. 98, 

















ws - 





berte hte te 
th Owe 
posse 

We nave 
With 





cthal exhortations ty do the work thoretz} 
andl not to repeat the mistakes committed by hit 
“That here:y cannot be tolerated in the same king: 
with the wor-hip of the Catholic religion,” writes Pius the 
to Higi somite Angustus of Poland, “is proved by thi! 
temple of the kingdom of France, which your Majesty ' 
ir the purpore of excusing yourself. If the former E=s 
hud ts wuffered this evil to grow by neglect and 
they would ensily have been able to extirpate here 
the pe nd quiet of their realm.”* Of all the 
Duke of Alva alone earned, by his une 






















Lay, 




















wz. ‘THE MASSACRE AT ORLEANS. 871 


soit, . . . Mn'y a ny Dieu, ny diable, ny juge qui me puisse com- 
mander, Vostre vio esten ma puissauce, il fault mourir, . . . Baillez- 
moy mon espée, je tuerai l'ung apris l'antre, je ne saurois tuer trestons a la fois 
avec Ia pistolle.” Men. with blood-stained hands and clothes, boasted over 
their cupa of having plundered and murdered thirty, forty, fifty men each. 
At last, on Saturday afternoon, after the Huguenots had been almost all 
killed, an edict was published prohibiting murder and pillage on pain of death. 
Gallows, too, were erected in nearly every street, to hang the disobedient; but 
not © man was bung, and the murders still continued. Soon after a second 
edict directed the restoration of stolen property to its rightful owners; it was 
a mere trick to entice any remaining Huguenot from his refuge and secure 
his apprehension and death. The Huguenota were not even able to recover, 
‘at a Inter time, the property they had intrusted to their Boman Catholio 
friends in time of danger, and did not dare to bring the latter before courts of 
justice. The Huguenots killed at Orleans, in this writer's opinion, were at 
least fifteen bundred, perbape even two thousand, in number, 


















seritess 2 tin pronal eats & tee Gunes Ban tet 
ona Wa. Bers view f the mater whem the mom 
(A te mask, himself secereed the responsi 
Jirewe: tere cazA om the citizens A Nismes to lay dows Bt 
sim, vs expel all the refugees. and to receive a garrisca. 3x 
the Nissnois firmly declined the summons. grounding ther™ 
fusal partly on their duty ts themselves. partly on the mantis 
inhumanity of surrendering their fellow-eitizens to ceri 
Imtchery. As was true in more than one instance. it war tt 
gle that, ly their decision, saved the rich from the inevix 
He results of their own timid counsels. Most of the judge ¢ 
the royal court of justice, and most of the opulent citizens. x 
vocated surrender of Nismes to Joyeuse. which must bart 
Joon the prelude to a fresh and perhaps indiscriminate mast 
ere? 

Searvely lems iinportant to the Protestants of southern Frant 
was the refuge they found in Montauban. Regnier, the sam 
Huguenot gentleman who had himself been rescued 
from sluughter at Paris by the magnanimits 
Vezinw,' was the instrument of its deliverance. On finding 
himwelf safe, his first impulse was to hasten to Montauban and 
urge hit brethren to adopt instant measures for self-defence 
But dexpnir had taken possession of the inhabitants. ‘They bad 
hourd that the dreaded black cavalry of the ferocious Montloe. 





Mentanian, 








rel, Histolre do Pégline réformée do Nimes (Toulouse, 1856), pp. 7. 
2H. forma Archives clale-ville. 

© Bert Dorrel, Hist. de 'égh r6f. de Nimes, 7% 
how, iv. kh 
‘Ala, chapter xviil . p. 480. 























































firat reached him.’ If he could have deniod its reality, he would 
‘have done so. impossible, ho was forced 


The peace between the king and the repre tig i 
clnded in June, and was formally promulgated I 
zomstnus ina royal odict from Boulogne. The chiof 
ESEIEP was that the Protestants in the cities of La 

Montankan, and Nismes should enjoy entire freedom 
of public worship, while their brethren throughout the 
should have liburty of conseience and the right to eel their prop- 
erty and remove wherever they might choose, whether within 
or without the realm. Only gentlemen and others enjoying 
luigh jurisdiction, who had remained constant in their faith, 
and had taken up arms with the threo cities, were to be allowed 
to collect their fri to the number of ton to witness their 
marriages and baptiams, according to the custom of the Ro- 


i 





























were, it must be admit 
zit have Leen expected. 5 
tives who made their exse 





sad year iadore, from the £ 








ity de Vamanmblie de Montantan, in Haag. La France Protestarit, 
Jue.) 114 Lz, 

















mene Tank Se 
pou $n oe SEH. 
deere GATE as aoe Gere 
Thee Neer 
Prerre waren. wie, wry Nowente i 


nehere 06 Hof aerate A VERRY temaiag the reermctme 
eM ben nty Ol 


fen anh Wb wngel, WH repr, Fir 2a Languedoc, ¥. 3: 
Aine ecigQum Arment arte de leur part, qu'll ne sat 

















HAL i Abn, 















ae “He SsE 07 “RE ESS Ww osmases x1! 





© -eerer cut ‘oORe tar ter—eet wie 
war TF ao eoe > Gomer 2 eee oe 
Shan he toto cee 
When are ane my > 2 ie > 
bia carer, 40 78 ak 2 REO REO wee oe eee 
divod oy niScent —Miamatiom ie tee ne ames 

















Riherie reciente Tae mo oe he EB 
More asics Srenennes ihe oa mei he Se 


ie tid wr weattate nro he sor har te et eee 
amet. Zat ip vinm he sme at Seen sommes 
wes. tone wertet cop Chee aes D Ser 
Asya, wale vhers Tl laut he ooir x he ee of et 
Of re 3e. use wee be Seencons Sue tat ofemini. 
Mean-wnile. aetier he suing’: Seenie Seah ar = 
jowneyng f-te sar. nmmet Se mwenmm & 38 
gies Erm wah Cacimeme sil lodeat oe 
enews mona Tae ewetion of Sears she Pate om 












lo ot one wna Tym wacm Se mea Syncs gai as 
loon, vader. Tor peguery of Smmuiamos igri 3 
niyete, fey a kee oasi ze Zamir 
hunapt? rierte, ta sprees een mGuee Sit 
O77 





that, te waa fated vy ee ok oes Chaves tes Beers i 
Ban, te tage parr for ber yecgen 255 on the the i 
Vrawn, Na Mitie Fenton was thereire iscrated w cc 
ngiiet ary euation ty bring Queen Etizabeth co St 
Rigo mens wint A onumenting definitely to wed a prince her jr 
mews int by whomt s soore of years. Nor did the ness 
tian ayqear altggether hopeless. “The suitor was, indeed. wt 
nave set, wa ismignificant in body as he was contemptible in ix 
tellertual ability. Moreover, the deep traces left on his face bs 
thes rial] pox rewlered hin sufficiently ungainly. ‘The blemish 
Wun mid te bu increuxing, instead of diminishing, with his years' 
Vint the French courtiers might perhaps have overcome this 
Inpedinent ud Elizabeth been able to see it to be her interes 

















# the Thon, v. (liv. Ii.) 18, 
‘sQueon Elizawth reminded La Mothe Fénélon in a conversation m 
im Juno 4, 1375, Core. dipl., v. 345, 346. 
be Féudlou to Charlos 1X, July 26, 1673, Corr. dipl, v. 388, 



































‘enspicions. A more serious plot was set on foot, in accord- 
snce with which one Jacques du Lyon, Seigneur de Grandfief, 
‘of one of the city gates, and admit Dugald Sho, 

this purposo, had massod considerable numbers of royal 
at Nuuillé, on the cast, and at Saint-Vivien, on the 

of La Rochelle. Happily the treacherous design was 
betrayed by an accomplice. Grandficf was killed while 
himself against those who had been sent to azrest 


re discovered in the hous of Grandfief elearly proved 
that the plot had received the full approval not only of Biron, 


Tt need not eurprise us, however, to learn that they received in 

reply lotters from Charles not only disowning tho conspiracy, 

bat assuring them that he heartily detested it, and approved the 
. 


rigorous measures adopted.’ 
Shortly before the discovery of the conspiracy at La Rochelle, 
‘the Hngnenots had again seserbled at Milhau-en-Ronengne, 

‘tes, about one hundred in number, repre- 


the central and northern provinces indicated the weaker hold 
gained by Protestantiom in that portion of the kingdom.* 
' They had, however, generally retracted their atmimions of complicity 
‘moade on the mck, 
* Jean de Sorves, iv.. tol 118; De Thow, v. (liv. Ivil) 19, 90; Aree, Hie 
tte LS Rochelle, 1, 533-340; Languot, Letter of Feb. 8, 1574, 


* Bee the lige of embers in the protocol of the proceetings ext published 
fb Ue Bolietio de te Sooidté da I'bist du prot frangais, x. (1002) 351-283, 


EEE 














EE 


Not so with the new governor of Orange, Tho 
Docame the starting-point for a continuoms sories of incur. 
Tt wae not war, but open rapine. The very tradera 
‘were plundered of their wares when they fell into his hands 
‘One might have fancied that a mediwval robber-baron had 

on the banks of the Rhdne, It was true that Glan- 
dage, making & virtue of bluntness, was wont to say that “there 
was nothing Hi about him but the point this rrond.* 
None the less did his violent scts bring discredit upon the 










cal towns, 
‘ity became 
slong, 


Although war had not yet been formally resumed, there were 
acta of France fn which i already raged cr rather where peace 
had never been restored. This was the case in 
hth bans of the Rios; in Dauylsiny sod to. Viveres and the 

adjoining districts. So rapid had been the movements 
pat ‘of the veteran Huguenot chief Montbrun, and 0 euc- 

coveful every blow he struck, that terror spread far 
and wide. Important towns fell into his hands; a rich abbey 
but a few miles from Grenoble was plundered, and the silent 
monks of St. Bruno, in the seelnded retreat of the Grande Char- 
treuse—the mother house of their order—were glad to summon 
troops to defend their rich fields from s similar fate.' From 
Lyons to Avignon the Hugnonota were stronger than the king's 
forves." 


Bat the time for hollow trace and a desultory and frro- 
gular warfare was rapidly passing away. It was but little 
snore than a month after the beginning of the new year before 


the conflagration again burst forth, The Protestants of all 
parts of the kingdom were at length of one mind ; there was no 


4" Dictitebat ae Retigionem reformatam minime probare; enxis tantam 
eof cimeronem ewe Religiowam : td ert, we not Religionis docteiuars, ved Re- 
Tighovorum cousin eequl Hujusnodt exemple magne offeasiones adveewss 

ouflabastar.® Jeon de Serres. fl 118. ‘Toe wokee vevt 


Franch designation of the Hnguencts as eaux de 1a Maligicm.”" 

* Agrippa d’Aubigné, iI. 113, 114 (liv. ik, © 4); Jean de Berres, ty, fol. 117. 
Of "La Grade Chartease.” which lies ten miles north of Grenoble, soe @ 
{Goe3 sosoant in R, Topter, Vorares en Zigng. envondo wie 

* Langavt, Byintola wvoreia, £214, ato 


PEE 





















































INDEX. 


























































































































ii Works published by Hodder and Stoughton, 


A History of Philosophy from Thales 
to the Present Time, 


By DR. FRIEDRICH URBERWEG, 


‘Translated by Geonar 8, Monnts, A.M, With additions by the Translator; 
by Noatt Pontun, D.D., LL.D., on English and American Philosophy ; and by 
V. Borra, Ph.D,, on Italian Philosophy. 

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