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Full text of "The history of Scotland during the reigns of Queen Mary, and of King James ..."

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^a^f^ ^^y^'^ 



THE 



HISTORY 

O F 

SCOTLAND 

DURING THE REIGNS OF 

Queen MARY and of King JAMES VI. 

TILL 
His Accession to the Crown of* England. 

WITH A 

Review of the Scottish History previous to that Period ; 
And an Appendix containing Original Papers. 

IN TWO VOLUMES. 
By WILLtAM ROBERTSON, D.D. 

principal of the university of EDINBURGH, AND 
UlSTORiOGRAPHER TO HIS MAJESTY FOR SCOTLAND. 

VOLUME II. 

- THE FOURTEENTH EDITION, 
With the Author's lail Emendations and Additions. 



LONDON: 
PRINTED FOR T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND. 



M DCC XCIV. 




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THE 

H IS T O R V 

O F 

SCOTLAND^ 



B O O K VI. 

THE uncxpcftcd blow, by which the re- b o o jc 
gent was cut off, ftruck the king's party ■ ^' _j 
with the utmoft confternation. Eliza- -..'570. 
beth bewailed his death as the moft fatal difafter occafio^ 
which could have befallen her kingdom j and was ^g^t^t' 
' inconfolable to a degree that little fuited her dig- ^**^'*- 
nity. Mary's adherents exulted, as if now her 
rcftoration were not only certain, but near at 
hand. The infamy of the crime naturally fell on 
thofe who expreffcd fuch indecent joy at the 
commiffion of it ; and as the aflaifin made his 
cfcape on a horfe which belonged to lord Claud 
Hamilton, and fled difedly to Hamilton, where 
he was received in triumph, it was concluded 
that the regent had fallen a facrifice to the rc- 
fcntment of the queen's party, rather than to the 
revenge of a private man. On the day after the 
Vol. II. B murder. 



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4 THE HISTORY 

^ 9^ ^ murder, Scott of Bucclcugh, and Kcr of Fcrni- 
^^ v ^-^ hcrft, both zealous abettors of the queen's caufe, 
'^^°* entered England in an hoftile manner, and plun- 
dered and burnt the country, the inhabitants of 
which expefted no fuch outrage. If the regent 
had been alive, they would fcarce have ventured 
on fuch an irregular incurfion, nor could it well 
have happened fo foon after his death, uniefs they 
had been privy to the crime. 

This was not the only irregularity to which the 
anarchy that followed the regent's death gave oc- 
cafion. During fuch general confufion, men hoped 
for univerfal impunity, and broke out into cx- 
stcps taken ceflcs of every kind. As it was impoflible to re- 
S4*»n- ^^^^ ^^^^ without a fettled form of govern- 
ment, a convention of the nobles was held, in or- 
der to deliberate concerning the elcftion of a re- 
gent. The queen's adherents refufed to be "prc- 
fent at the meeting, and protefted againft its pro- 
ceedings. The king's own party was irrcfolutc 
and divided in opinion. Maitland, whom Kirk- 
aldy had fct at liberty, and who obtained from the 
nobles then aflcmblcd a declaration acquitting him 
of the crime which had been laid to his charge, 
endeavoured to bring about a coalition of ^e two 
parties, by propofuig to admit the queen to the 
joint adminiftration of government with her fon. 
Elizabeth, adhering to her ancient fyftem with re- 
gard to Scottifh affairs, laboured, notwithftanding 
the folicitations of Mary's friends', to multiply, 
and to perpetuate the fa6tions, which tore in pieces 

• See Appendix, No. I. 

the 



other re- 
sent 
Fib. w. 



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OF SCOTLAND. 

tb& kingdom. Randolph^ whom fhc dispatched 
into Scotland on the firft iiews of the reg^n$*& 
dcadi, and who was her ufual agent for iuch fcr- **^^ 
^ices> found aU parties (b eufperated by mucu^ 
in}|irieS| and fo full of irreconcilable raacouTj that 
it coft him little trouble to indame their anioM^fitf^ 
The convention broke up without coming to Wf 
agreement; and a new meeting^ to whi^h thQ 
nobles of all parties w^re invited) wsi^ i^)fK»i>te4 
on the firft of May *. 

Mbantimb> Maidand and Kirkaldy, who ftill a cojUfSon 
eontioued to acknowledge the king's axithorityi attempted 
were at the ucmofl: pains to rcftore fome degree of "*^**^ 
harmony aoiong their countrymen. Th^y pro* 
cured^ for this purpofe, an amicable conference 
among the leaders of the two &&ions* But while 
the one demanded die refboration of the c|ueen, as 
the only thing which could re-^eftabliih the public 
tranquillity i while the other eftoemed the king^s 
authority to be fo &cred^ that it waB> oh no ac^ ^ 
county to be called in queftion or impaired; and 
neither of them would recede in the leaft point 
from their opinions^ they feparated without any 
proipeft of concord. Both were rendered more 
avcrfe from reconcilement, by the hope of foreign 
aid. An envoy arrived from France with promifes of 
powerful fuccour to the queen's adherents ; and as 
the civil wars in that kingdom feemed to be on 
the point of terminating in peace, it was expefted 
that Charles would ibon be at liberty to fulfil what 

^ Crawf^ Mem. 131. Caldcrw. ii» 157. 

B a he 



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\ THE HISTORY 

B- 6 o K he prbmifed. On the other hand, the earl of Suf-' 
jj— ^1 mJ fex was aflembling a powerful army on the borders,- 
'^^*** and its operations coiild hoc fail of adding fpirit 
and ftreiigth to the king's party ^ ' 

Quecn;8 t THOUGH the attempt towards a coalkion of the 
^(fciTi^of fkftions proved irieffefttikH it contributed fome- 
Edinbtirgh. , ^j^^^ ^^ moderate dpfiif^end thcirrage ; but they 
fodn'beg'afi to aft wtfeh their- lifual vidlehcc. Mdr- 
ioriytb^'itidft vigilant- and-able leader on thfe king'3 
fide, folicited Elizabeth to interpofey without de* 
*• * lay, fortl\e'ftfety of'aipaity (b devoted to her in- 

L. '.: / tereft>'.arttl-whidi .ftpod^/fomtKhwin^Ueed of het 
' '"* {ifliihmQJ. Thechicft of the queen^s^fadionsi af- 
fembling; st Liolithgow^. marchedjthence tp Edin^ 
April 10. i>Mr^ii^d:Kirkaidyr-3^bo wasr'^othgoverjior of 
^\{^S^^ aftdj>ro\iQft7X)f the town, prevailed oft 
Ac, ^^V^x ;though*:witE fome dilScuhy, to admit 
tjfcip.-wjtjiin'the ga^s.' ' Tjogedier with;Kirkaldy, 
jthe Ctrl of Athole, :)aod Maidand, acceded ajmoft 
openly tQ tbeir p&tty..; ^nd.the diike and lord Her- 
rie^,. having, (e^i^vjercd liberty by Kijrkal4)^s fe- 
■vpuis :,rcfGii)?d the places which' ttey had fomierly 
^id*4n their councils. Encouraged' by the acquifi- 
.tion of pcrfoi)S^fo illuftrious by their birth, or fo 
jcminent for their^abilities, they publifhed a pro- 
x;lamation, declaring, their intention to fupport the 
jquccji's ^ufhority, and feemed refolvcd not to leave 
the -city before the meeting of the approaching 
^convention, . in which, by their, numbers and influ- 
ence, they^did aot doubc of fecuring a majority of 
voices on their fide **• 

« Cra\vf;Mem. 134. •* Ibid. 137. Culderw. ii. 176. 

At 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^S 

At the fame time they^had-formed adcfigfi of ^ ^^^ ^ 
kindling- war between the two kingdbms. If they ^. ■ ^ ■^ 
could eng^e them in hoftilitiesr, and revive theif End/altur 
ancient emulation and antipathy, they hoped, not l^e nation 
only to diflblve a confederacy of great advantage inamr * 
to the king's" caufe, jbut to reconcile their country-^ bnd. 
men to the queen, Elizabeth's natural aJ)d mdft 
dangerous rival- With this vieiv they h|d, imme- 
diately afccr the murder of the regent, prompted 
Scott and Kcr to commjence hoftilitics, and had 
fince inftigated them tacoritinne and extend their 
depredations. As Elizabe^ foirefaw, on the on? 
hand, the dangerous confequcnces of rendering 
this a national, quarrel ; and refolvedi on the other, 
not to fuffer fuch an infult on her goverriment to 
pals with impunity ; flic ifliied a proclamation, de- 
claring that flie imputed the outrages which had 
been committed on the borders not to the Scottifli 
nation, but to a few defperate and ill-defigning 
perfons; that, with the former, Ihe was rcfolved 
to maintain an inviolablfc friendihip, whereas the 
duty which fl^e owed, to her own fubje6ts obliged 
her to chaftife the licenrioufrtefe of the latter*. 
SuIIex and Scroop accordingly entered Scotland, 
the one on the caft, the other on the weflr borders, 
and laid wafte the adjacent countries with fire and 
fword ^ Fame magnified the number and pro- 
grefs of their troops, 4nd. Mary's adherents, not 
thinking themfelves fafe in Edinburgh, the inha- 
bitants whereof were ill aflfedted to their caufe, re- 
tired to Linlithgow. There, by a public procla- Apni i?, 
* Calderw. ii. i8i. ' Cabbala, 174. 

B 3 mation. 



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THE HISTORY 

K mft^MMi. tin 
VI. 



> o o K maeioft, they aflcited the queen's authority, and 



forbad giving obedience to any but the duke/ or 
*^7«- ti^g ^aj-is of Argyll and Hundy, whom fhe had 
conftituted her lieutenants in the kingdom. 
J^*» , The nobles who continued feithful to the king* 

party enter «^' 

Idinbmih^ though confidcraWy weakened by the dcfeflion o£ 
^ '■ fo many of their friends, iflcmbled at Edinburgh 
on the day appointed. They iffued a counter-pro* 
clamatbn, declaring fiiCh as appeared for the queen 
enemies of their counbyj and charging them with, 
the murder bodi of die late king and of the re- 
gent. They could not, however, prefume fo much 
on their own ftrength as to venture either to eleft 
a regent, or to take the field againft the queen's 
party ; but the affiftance which they received from 
Elizabeth, enabled them to do both, fiy her or- 
der fir William Drury marched into Scodand, widi 
a thoufand foot and three hundred horfe; the 
king's adherents joined him with a confiderable 
body of troops, and advancing towards Glafgow, 
where the advcrfc party had already begun hoftili- 
ties liy attacking the caftle> they forced them to 
retire, plundered the neighbouring country, which 
belonged to the Hamiltons, and, after feizing fome 
6f their cailles, and rafing others, returned to Edin- 
Imrgh. 
MotJveiof Ukder Drury's protcftion, the earl of Lennox 
condua ittumed into Scotland. It was natural to commie 
t^^^S^"* ^c government of the kingdom to him during the 
minority of his grandfim. His illuftrious birth^ 
mnd aUiance with the royal family of England, as 
well as of Scotland, rendered him worthy of that 

honour* 



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OF SCOTLAND. 

honour. His rcfcntriient againft Mary being im- 
placable, and his eflate lying in England, and his 
family rcfiding there, Elizabcdl confidered him as '^^^ 
a man who, both from inclination and from intc- 
reft, would aft in concert with her, and ardently 
wilhcd that he might fucceed Murray in the office 
of regent. But, on many accounts, Ihe did not 
think it prudent to difcover her own fcntiments, or 
to favour his prctcnfions too openly. The civil 
wars in France, which had been excited partly by 
real, and pardy by pretended zeal for religion, and 
carried on with a fiercenefs that did it real dilho- 
iK)ur, appeared now to be on the point of coming 
to an iffue ; and after Ihedding the beft blood, and 
wafting the richeft provinces in the kingdom, 
both parties dcfired peace with an ardour that feci- 
litated the negotiations which were carrying on for * 

that purpofe. Charles IX. was known to be a paf- 
fionatc admirer of Mary's beauty. Nor could he, 
m honour, fuffcr a queen of France, and the moft 
ancient ally of his crown, to languilh in her prefent 
cruel fituation, without attempting to procure her 
.relief. He had hitherto been obliged to fatisfy 
himfclf with remonftrating, by his ambafladon, 
againft the indignity with which fhc had been 
treated. But if he were once at full liberty to pur- 
fiie his inclinations, Elizabeth would have every 
thing to dread from the impetuofity of his temper 
and the power of his arms. It therefore became 
ncceffary for her to aft with fome rcfehre, and not 
to appear avowedly to countenance t^e choice of a 
regent, in contempt of Mary's authority. The 
B 4 jealouly 



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j^ THE HISTORY 

^ %^ ^ jealouly and prejudices of the Scots required no 
u— ^l-^ Icfs management. Had fhc openly fupportcd Lcn- 
'^7<^- nox's claim i had Ihc recommended him to the 
convention, as the candidate of whom Ihe ap- 
proved /this might have roufed the independent 
fpirit of the nobles, and by too plain a difcovery 
of her intention, fKe might have defeated its fuc- 
cefs. For thefc reafons (he hefitated long, and 
returned ambiguous anfwers to all the mcflages 
which fhe received from the king's party. A 
more explicit declaration of her fentiments was at 
laft obtained, and an event of an extraordinary na- 
ture feems to have beeil the occafion of it. Pope 
Pius V. having iflued a bull, whereby he excom- 
municated Elizabeth, deprived her of her king- 
dom, and abfolved her fubjefts from their oath of 
allegiance, Felton, an Englifhman, had the bold- 
nefs to affix it on the gates of the bifliop of Lon- 
don's palace. In former ages, a pope, moved by 
his own ambition, or pride, or bigotry, denounced 
this fatal fcntencc againft the moft powerful mo- 
narchs \ but as the authority of the court of Rome 
was now lefs regarded, its proceedings were morq 
cautious ; and it was only when they were roufed 
by fome powerful prince, that the thunders of the 
church were ever heard. Elizabeth, therefore, 
imputed this ftep, which the pope had taken, to a 
combination of the Roman catholic princes againft 
her, and fufpcfted that fome plot was formed in 
favour of the Scottifli queen. In that event, flic 
knew that the fafety of her own kingdom depend- 
ed on prcfcrving her influence in Scotland \ and in 

order 



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OF SCOTLAND. 9 

order to ftrcngthen this, (he renewed her promifes ® 9^^ ^ 
of protcfting the king's adherents, encouraged ^ - ^. Z— ^ 
them to proceed to the e|e6lion of a regent, and '^^ 
even ventured to point out the earl of Lennox, as 
the perfon who had the beft title. That honour was 
accordingly conferred upon him, in a convention 
of the whole party, held on the lath of July ^. 

The regent's firft ^arc was, to prevent the ^r\ncac 
meeting of the parliament which the queen's party gcut. 
had fummoned to convene at Linlithgow. Having 
cffeded that, he marched againft the earl of Hunt- 
ly, Mary's lieutenant in the north, and forced the 
garrifon which he had placed in Brechin to furren- 
dcr at difcretion. Soon after, he made himfclf 
raafter of fome other caftles. Emboldened by this 
fuccelsful beginning of his adminiftration, as well 
as by the appearance of a confiderable army, with 
which the carl of Suflcx hovered 6n the borders, 
he deprived Maidand of his office of fecretary, 
and proclaimed him, the duke, Huntly, and other 
leaders of the queen's party, traitors arid enemies 
of their country ^. 

In this defperatc fituation of their affairs, the Mary^s ad- 
queen's adherents had recourfe to the king of gotiat/wlth 
Spain *, with whom Mary had held a clofe corre- ^^**"* 
fpondence ever fince her confinement in England. 
They prevailed on the duke of Alva to fend two 
of his officers to take a view of the country, and 
to examine its coafts and harbours j and obtained 
from them a fmall fupply of money and arms, 

g Spotfw. 240. Cald. ii. 186. See A^jtfnd.gNo. II. 
•» Qrzvif, Mem. 159. Cald. ii. 198. * Sec Append. No. III. 

which 



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to THEHISTORY 

' %t ^ ^^'^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ *^ ^^^ ^^ Hundy *. But this 
d-v«i»^ aid, fb dilpropdrtionatc to their exigencies, would 
lu/Jith ^^^ availed them litdc. They were indebted for 

propofcs ^ their fafety to a treaty, which Elizabeth was carry- 
treaty of ac- . -^ 1 r A • L • 
c«oimoda. mg on, undcf colour of rcftonng the captive queen 

tll^Mtrr'to her throne. The firft fteps in this negotiation 
«4herfiik- j^ j^^j^ ^^j^ j^ ^g month of May; but hither- 
to little progrcfs was made in it. The peace con- 
cluded between the Roman catholics and hugonots 
in France, and her apprehenfions that Charles 
would interpofc with vigour in behalf of his fifterT- 
in-law, quickened Elizabeth's motions. She af- 
fedled to treat her prifoner with more indulgence, 
jhe liftened more gracioufly to the felicitations of 
foreign ambaffadors m her favour, and feemed fully 
determined to replace her on the throne of her an- 
ceftors. As a proof of her fincerity, (he laboured 
to procure a ceffation of arms between the two 
contending faftions in Scodand, Lennox, elated 
with the good fortune which had hitherto attended 
his adminiftration, and flattering himfelf with an 
cafy triumph over enemies whofe eflates were 
wafted, and their forces dilpirited, refufed for 
fomc time to come into this meafure. It was not 
lafc for him, however, to difpute the will of his 
proteftrefs. A ceflfation of hoftilitics during two 
months, to commence on the third of September, 
was agreed upon ; and, being renewed from time 
to time, it continued till the firft of April next 



year \ 




» Anderf. iii. i2g. Cra's^'f. Mem. 153. 


' Spotfw. 243. 


« 


• Sooii 



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OF SCOTLAND. ft 

Soon iftfcr, Elizabeth difpatchcd Cecil and Sir 
Waker Mildmay tx) the queen of Scots. The dig- 
nity of thefe ambafladors, the former her prime '^rc 
miniftcr, the latter chancellor of the exchequer, 
and one of her ableft counfellors, convinced all 
parties that the negotiation was ferious^ and that 
the hour of Mary's liberty was now approaching. 
The propofitions which they made to her were 
advantageous to Elizabeth, but fuch as a prince in 
Mary's lituation had reafon to expefb. The ratifi- 
cation of the treaty of Edinburgh; the renouncing 
any pretcnfions to the Englifli crown, during Eli- 
zabeth's own life, or that of her pofterity ; the ad- 
hering to the alliance between the two kingdoms ; 
the pardoning her fubjefts who had taken arms 
againft her i and her promifing to hold no corre- 
fpondence, and to countenance no enterprife, that 
might difturb Elizabeth's government ; were among 
the chief articles. By way of fecurity for the ac- 
complilhment of thefe, they demanded th^t fomc 
perfons of rank fhould be given as hoilages, that 
the prince her fon fhould refide in England, and 
that a few caftles on the border fliould be put into 
Elizabeth's hands. To fome of thefe propofitions 
Mary confent«d; fome fhe endeavoured to miti- 
gate ; and others fhe attempted to evade. In the 
mean time, fhe tranfinitted copies of them to the 
pope, to the kings of France and Spain, and to 
the duke of Alva. She infinuated, that without 
fome timely and vigorous interpofition in her be- 
half, fhe would be obliged to accept of thefe hard 
conditions^ and to purchafe liberty at any price^ 

13 But 



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II THEHISTORY 

5 ^.^ ^ But the pope was a diftant and feeble ally,, and by 
Ui-y'^*i> his great efforts at this time againft the Turks, his 
^570- treafury was entirely exhauftcd. Charles had al- 
ready begun to meditate that confpiracy againft 
the hugonots, which marks his reign with fuchin-: 
famyj and it required much leifure, and perfeft 
tranquillity, to bring that execrable plan to matu- 
rity. Philip was employed in fitting out that fleet 
which acquired fo much renown to the Chriftian 
arms, by the viftory over the infidels at Lepanto ; 
the Moors in Spain threatened an infurreftion ; 
and his fubjedls in the Netherlands, provoked by 
much opprefiion and many indignities, were break- 
ing out into open rebellion. All of them, for 
thefe different reafons, advifed Mary, without de- 
pending on their aid, to conclude the treaty on the 
beft terms flic could procure ". 
ECzabethf Marv accordingly confented to many of Eliza- 
Ji^StTa beth's demands, and difcovered a facility of difpo- 
^'^^ fition, which promifed ftill further conceffions. 

But no conccffion ftie could have made, would have 
fatisfied Elizabeth, who, in fpite of her repeated 
profcffions of fincerity to foreign ambaffadors, and 
notwithftanding the folemnity with which (he car- 
ried on the treaty, had no other objeft in it, than 
to amufe Mary's allies, and to gain time ". After 
having fo long treated a queen, who fled to her for 
refuge, in fo ungenerous a manner, flic could not 
now difmifs her with fafety. Under all the difad- 
vantages of a rigorous confinement, Mary had 
found means to excite commodons in England, 
»» Anderf. vol. iii. 1 19, 120. " Diggcs, Compl. Amb. 78. 

whicl\ 



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OF SCOTLAND. ij 

^hich were extremely formidable. What dcfpe- ® ^^^ ^ 
rate efFcdts of her juft rcfentmenn might be ex- u *^y * ■> 
peftcd, if fhe were fct at liberty, and recovered her ^^^^ 
former power? What engagements could bind 
her, not to revenge the wrongs which (he had 
lufFei-ed, nor to take advantage of the favourable 
conjunftures that might prefent themfclves ? Was it 
poffible for her to give fuch fecurity for her beha- 
viour, in times to come, as might remove all fuf- 
picions and fears ? And was there not good caufe 
to conciudt, that no future benefits could ever 
obliterate the memory of paft injuries ? It was 
thus Elizabeth reafoned j though Ihe continued to 
aft as if her views had been entirely different. She 
appointed feven of her privy counlellors to be 
commifHoners for fettling the articles of the treaty ; 
and, a^ Mary had already named the bilhops of 
Rols and GaHoway, and lord Levin^on, for her 
ambafTadors, (he required the regent to impower 
J)roper perfons to appear in behalf of the king. 
The earl of Morton, Pitcairn abbot of Dunferm- 1571, 
4ing, and fir James Macgill, were the perfons 
icholcn by the regent. They prepared for their 
journey as (lowly as Elizabeth herfelf could have 
wiQied. At length they arrived at London, and 
met the commiflioners of the two queens. Mary's Feb. 19. 
ambalTadors difcovered the (Irongrft inclination to 
comply with every thing diat would remove the 
obftacles which ftood in the way of their miftrefs's 
liberty. But when Morton and his alTociates were 
called upon to vindicate their conduft, and to ex- 
plain the fcntiments of their party, they began, in 

jullification 



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14 THE HISTORY 

BOOK juftification of their treatment of the queen> to 

\,*y*,j advance fuch maxims concerning the limite4 
*«'• powers of princes, and the natural right of fubjedb 
to reCft and to control them, as were extrcmclf 
ihocking to Elizabeth, whofe notions of regal pre- 
rogative, as has been formerly obfcrved, were 
very exalted. With regard to the authority which 
die king now poflefled, they declared that they 
neither had, nor could poffibly receive ii>ftru6tions, 
to confcnt to any treaty that tended to fubveit, or 
«ven to impair it in the leaft degree \ Nothing 
co\dd be more trifiing and ridiculous, than fuch a 
reply from the commilEoners of the king of Scots 
to the queen of England. His party depended 
abfolutely on her protoftion; it was by perfons 
devoted to her he had been featcd on the throne, 
and to her power he owed the continuance of his 
rtign- With the utmoft eafe Ihe could have 
brought them to hold very different language ; and 
whatever conditions fhe might have thought fit to 
prcfcribe, they would have had no other choice but 
to fubmit. This declaration, however, fhe affeded 

It proves to confider as an infupcrable difficulty j and finding 
that there was no reafon to dread any danger from 
the French king, who had not difcovered that 
cagernefs in fupport of Mary which was expedcd, 

ifarch24. the reply madej^y Morton furniflied her with a 
pretence for putting a,ftop to the negotiation, until 
the regent fhould fend ambafladors with more 
ample powers. Thus, after being amufed for ten 
months with the hopes of liberty, tlic unhappy 

Cald. ii. 234. Digges, 51. Haynes, 513, 524. 

* , queen 



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• 



OF SCOTLAND. ij 

queen of Scots remained under ftridter cuftody * 9^ ^ 
riian ever, and without any profpeft of cfcaping Ui-- y ^-i^ 
from it; while thofe fubjefts who ftiU adhered tg '^^*' 
her were cKpofed, without ally or prote£tor> to 
the lagc of enemies, whom their fiKcefs in tliis 
negotiation rendered ftill more infolent '. 

On the day after the expiration of the truce, DwAmto^ 
which had been obferved with litde exa£tnefs on prHedb/^ 
cither fide, captain Crawford of Jordan-hill, a "^"^ 
gallant and enterprifing officer, performed a fervice 
of great importance to die regent, by furprifing 
the caftle of Dunbarton. This was the only for- 
tified place in the kingdom, of which the queen had 
kept pofleflion ever flnce the commencement of 
the civil wars. Its fituadon on the top of an high 
and almofl: inacceffible rock, which rifes in the 
middle of a plain, rendered it extremely ftrong, 
and, in the opinion of that age, impregnable ; as 
it conunanded the river Clyde it was of great con- 
fequenc'c, and was deemed the moft proper place in 
the kingdom for landing any foreign troops that 
might come to Mary's aid. The ftrength of the 
place rendered lord Fleming, the governor, more 
fccufe than he ought to have been, confidcring its 
importance. A foldier who had lerved in the 
garrifon, and had been difgufted by fome ill ufagc, 
propofed the fchemc to the regent, endeavoured to 
dcmpnftrate that it was pradlicable, and offered 
himfelf to go the foremoft man on the enterprife. 
It was thought prudent to rilk any danger for fb 
great a prize. Scaling-ladders, and whatever elfe 

^ And' ill. 91, 5cQ. 

might 



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i6 THE HISTORY 

B o^ K might be neceflary, were prepared with the utmoft 
V .^^-^ fccreq^ and difpatch. AH the avenues to the caftle 
^57'- ^ere feized, that no intelligence of the defign 
might reach the governor. Towa^s evening 
Crawford marched from Glafgow with a fmall but 
determined band* By midnight they arrived at the 
bbttom of the rock. The moon was fet, and the 
fky, which hitherto had been extremely clear, was 
covered with a thick fog. It was where the rock 
was higheft that the affailants made their attempt, 
becaufe in that place there were few centinels, and 
they hoped to find them lead alert. The firft 
ladder was fcarcely fixed, when the weight and 
cagernefs of thofe who mounted, brought it to the 
ground. None of the aflailants were hurt by the 
fall, and none of the garrilbn alarmed at the noife. 
Their guide and Crawford fcrambled up the rock, 
and fattened the ladder to the roots of a tree which 
grew in a cleft. This place they all reached with 
the utmoft difficulty, but were ftill at a great dif- 
tance from the foot of the wall. Their ladder was 
madefaft a fecond time; but in the middle of the 
afcent, they met with an unforefeen difficulty. One 
of their companions was feized with fome fudden fir, 
and clung, fcemingly without life, to the ladder. 
All were at a ftand. It was impoffible to pafs him. 
To tumble him headlong was cruel; and might 
occafion a difcovery. But Crawford's prefence of 
mind did not forfake him. He ordered the foldier 
to be bound faft to the ladder, that he might not 
fall when the fit was over; and turning the other . 
fide of the ladder, they mounted with thefe over 

his 



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OPSCOTLAND. ^ 

his belly. Dfty now began to break> and there ftill * ^^^ ^ 
remained a high wall to fcale i but afbcr furmount* ^ ■v**^ 
ing fo many great difficulties, this was foon accom* *^^ 
pliihed. A fentry obfervcd the firft man who ap- 
peared on the parapet, and had juft time to give 
the alarm, before he was knocked on the head. The 
officers and foldiers of the garrifon ran out naked, 
unarmed, and more folicitous about their own 
iafcty, than capable of making refiftancc. The 
aflailaQts rufhed forwards, widi repeated fhouts 
9fld with the utmoft fury j took poflcffion of the 
magazines feized the cannon; and turned them 
agaioft jiktir enemies. X/)rd Fleming got into a 
fmall boat, and fled all alone into Argylefhire. 
Crawferd, in reward of his valour and good con- 
duct, remained matter p( the cattle -, and as he did 
not ]f>k a fingle man in the entcrprife, he enjoyed 
his fuccefs with unmixed pkafore. Lady Fleming, 
Vcrac the French envoy, andHamikon archbifliop 
of St. Andrew's, were the prifoners of greatcfl: 
diftindion ^ 

Verac's charafter protcftcd him from the ufage ArchhWio? 
which he merited by his activity in flirring up dJcwVplTt 
enemies againft the king. THc regent treated the ^^^ **^ 
lady widi great poljcenefs and humanity. But a 
very different fate avi^aitcd the archbifliop i he was 
carried under a ttrong guard to Stirling; and as he 
had formerly been attainted by aft of parliament, 
he was, without any formal trial, condemned to 
be hanged; and on the fourth day after* he was 
taken, the fcntcnce was executed. An attempt 

Vol. II. C was 



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It 



THE HISTORY 



.J571. 



delcnds the 
caftle of 
Edinburgh 
in the 

queen's 
name 



was made to convict him of being acccffary to the 
murder both of the king and regcnt> but thefc 
accufations were fupportcd by no proof. Our 
hiftorians obfervc, that he was the firft bifliop in 
Scotland who died by the hands of the executioner* 
The high offices he had enjoyed, both in church 
and ftate, ought to have exempted him from a 
puniflimcnt inflided only on the loweft criminals* 
But his zeal for the queen, his abilities, and his 
profeffion, rendered him odious and formidable to 
the king's adherents. Lennox hated him as the 
perfon by whofc counfels the reputation and power 
of the houfe of Hamilton were fupported. Party 
rage and perfonal enmity diftatcd that indecent fen- 
tcnce, for which fome colour was fought, by im- 
puting to him fuch odious crimes '. 

The lofs of Dunbarton, and the feverc treat- 
ment of the archbilhop, perplexed no lefs than they 
enraged the queen's party; and hoftilities were 
renewed with all the fierceneft which difappoint- 
ment and indignation can infpire. Kirkaldy, who, 
during the truce, had taken care to increafc the 
number of his garrifon, and to provide every thing 
neceffary for his defence, iflued a proclamation de- 
claring Lennox's authority to be unlawful and 
ufurpedj commanded all who favoured his caufc 
to leave the town within fix hours; fei2ed the arms 
belonging to the citizens ; planted a battery on the 
fteeplc of St. Giles's, repaired the walls, and for- 
tified tffc gates of the city ; and, though the affec- 
^ons of the inhabitants leaned a different way, held 



SpOtfwood, »52. 



ouc 



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OF SCOTLAND- t§ 

out the metropolis againft the regent. The^dukc, 
Huntly, Home, Hemes, and other chiefs of that 
fedHon, repaired to Edinburgh with their followers ; *^^** 
and having received a fmall fum of money and 
fome ammunitidn from France, formed no con- 
temptible army within the walls. On the other 
fide, Morton feized Leith and fortified it > and the 
regent joined him with a confiderable body of men. 
While the armies lay fa near each other, daily 
(kirmiflies happened, and with various fuccefs. 
The queen's party was not ftrong enough to take 
the field againll the regent, nor was his fupenority 
fo great as to undertake the fiege of the caftle or 
of the town*. 

.' Some time before Edinburgh fell into the hands Bothpardts 
of his enemies, the regent had fummoned a par- mcntt/ 
liament to meet in tlwit place. In order to prevent 
any objeftion againfl the lawfylnefs of the meeting, 
•the members obeyed the proclamation as exa6tiy . - 
as poffible ; and affembled in a houfe at the head Maj 24. 
of the Canongate, which, though without the 
walls, lies within the liberties of die city. Kir-, 
kaldy exerted himfelf to the utmoft to interrupt 
their meeting ; but they were fo ftrongly guarded, 
that all efforts were vain. They paflTcd an ad at- 
uinting Maitland and a few others, and then ad- 
journed to the 28th of Auguft ^ 

The other party, in order that their proceedings 
might be countenanced by t3>e (ai^ ibew of k^ 
authority, held a meeting of parliament foon 
after. There was produced in this aflerably a dc- 

• Cald. ii. 233, &c. * ^tzwfk Mcia. 277. ' 

C a claratlot^ 



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ib THE HISTORY 

* %^ ^ claration by the queen, of the invalidity of that 
H-^rv--^ deed whereby fhe had refigned the crown, and 
*^^** confented to the coronation of her fon. Con* 
formable to this declaration, an aft was paffed, 
pronouncing the refignation to have been extorted 
by fear 5 to be null in itfelf, and in all its confe- 
qiiences; and enjoining all good fubjefts to ac*- 
knowfcdge the queen alone to be their lawful 
fovcreign, and to fupport thofe who afted in her 
name. The prefent eftablifliment of the proteftant 
religion was confirmed by another ftatute j and, in 
imitation of the adverfc party, a new meeting was 
appointed on die 26th of Auguft". 
Miferabic Meanwhiie all the mifctics of civil war defb- 

theWng- lated the kingdom. Fcllow-cirizens, friends, bro- 
^^^ thers, took different fides, and ranged themfclves 

under the ftandards of the contending feftions. In 
every county, and almoft in every town and vil- 
lage,. King*s men and ^eerCs men yrere names of 
diftindion. Political hatred diflblved all natural 
ties, and extinguifhed the reciprocal good- will and 
confidence which hold mankind together in fociety. 
Religious zeal mingled itfelf with thcfc civil dif- 
tin^lions, and contributed not a litdc to heighten 
• and to inflame them. 
State of Xhe fadions which divided the kingdom were, 

in appearance, only two. But in both thefe there 
were perfons with views and principles fo different 
from each other, that they ought to be diftin- 
guilhed. With fome> confiderations of religion 
• were predominant, and they either adhered to the 

" Crawf. Mem. 177. 

- 13 queen. 



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OF SCOTLAND. ?i 

queen> bccaulb they hoped by her njeans to re- ^%^^ 
eftablllh popery^ or Acy defended th? king's 'sja^g^ 
aitthoriCy, ^ the beft fupport of di^:pfcH^fta.nj? ^-^b 
faixh. Awmg thefe th^ oppofition wgs y^lcm 
and imeconqUablc. Oihcrs were infiyertcjed by 
polidcal motives ionly, or allured tiy viewstof intie- 
reft; the regeot abned'^t uniting thefei and did 
not ideipatr of gaining \yy gentle aits iB^y* of 
Mary's adhercms to aclwiowlcdge the king> awho- 
rity. MaitWd and KirJcaldy had foi:med thf fame^ 
deGgo of a coalition> but on fqch terms th^t the 
queen. might be reftoccict to .fome fh^re^n the go- 
vernment, and die kingdom {hake off- its: depend- 
ence i^n England. /Morton^ the ableftj; the.moft 
ambitious, and the moft powerful man of^theking'? 
party, held a particufer qpurfej and jftoying only . - - 
as lie was prompted by <he. court of,;England, 
thwarted every meafure.th^t tended toww^s a re- * 
condlenaent of the feiSliopsj and as. he fcrved 
Elizabeth with much fidelity,, he derived both 
power and credit fro^n her avowed proteftion. 

T^E time appointed by both parties fpi* t^he ' * . 
meeting of their pa?H^ne)its now spptpachcd. 
Only three peers and two bifliops appj^arcd in th^t 
which was held in the queen's name at Edinburgh,, 
But, conteinptible as their numbers were, they 
pafied an a€k for attainting.upwards of two hundred 
of the advexfc ia6lion. The ibceting at Stirling: 
was numerous and Iplendid. The regent had; 
prevailed on the .earls of Argyll, Eglinton, Caifils, 
and lord Boyd, to acknowledge th^ king's autho- 
rity. The three earls were among4:he moft power- 
C 3- ful 



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44 THE HISTORY 

^ ^^ ^ fill noblemen m the kingdom, and h^d hitherto been 
ti ■■- ^^ *' ' zealous in the queen's caufc. Lord Boyd had been 
'^^'' one of Mary's commiflioners at York and Weft- 
minfter, and fince that time had been admitted 
into all her moft fecret councils. • But, during that 
turbulent period, the condud of individimls, as 
well as the principles of faftions, varied fo often, 
that the fenfe of honour, a chief prefcrvative of 
conGftencc in charafter, was entirely loft; and, 
without any regard to decorum, men fuddenly 
abandoned one party, and adopted all the violent 
pftflions of the other. The defeftion, however^ 
of fo many perfons of diftinftion not only weaken- 
ed the queen's party, but added reputation to her 
advcrfaries. 
"^^ ^flSf' After the example of the parliament at Edin- 
prifcdm burgh, that at Stirling began with framing a6ts 
^^ ^ againft the oppofite faftion. But in the midft of all 
the fecurity, which confidence in their own num- 
bers- or diftaftce from danger could infpire, they 
were awakened, early in the morning of Septem- 
J^F*- 3- ber the third, by the fhouts of the enemy in the 
heart of the town. In a moment the houfes of 
every pcrfon of diftinftion were furrounded, and 
before they knew what to think of fo ftrange an 
event, the regent, the earls of Argyll, Morton, 
Glencairn, Cailils, Egliirton, Montroie, Buchan, 
the lords Scmpil, Cathcart, Ogilvie, were.all made 
prifoners, and mounted belund troopers, who were 
Ecady to carry then^ to Edinburgh. Kirkaldy was 
(he author of t[tis daring enterprife ; and if he had 
not been indued by the ill-^timcd folicitude of his 

friw45 



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OF SCOTLAND. 23 

&iend& about his lafcty, not to hazard his own per- ^ %^ ^ 
ion in condu£bing it, that day might have termi- v^^ ^■■w 
nated the contcft bctwcn the two faftions, and have '^' ** 
reftored peace to his country. By his dircftion 
four hundred men, under the command of Huntly> 
lord Claud Hamilton, and Scott of Buccleugh, fct 
out from Edinburgh, and, the better to conceal 
their defign, marched towards the fouth. But 
diey foon wheeled to the right, and horfes having 
been provided for the infantry, rode ftraight to 
Stirling. By four in the morning they arrived 
there j not one fentry was potted on the walls, not 
a (ingle man was awake about the place. They 
met with no refiftance from any peribn whom 
they attempted to feizc, except Morton. He 
defending his houfe with obttinate valour, they , ^: 

were obliged to fet it on fire, and he did not fur^ 
rendgr till forced out of it by the flames. In 
performing this, fome time was confumed; and 
the private men, unaccuftomed to regular difci-* 
pline^ ktt their colours^ and began to rifle the 
houies and fhops of the citizens. The noife and 
uproar in the town reached the cattle. The earl 
of Mar falUcd out with thirty foldicrs 5 fired brifkly 
upon the enemy, of whom almoft none but the 
ofiicers kept together in a body. The townfinen 
took arms to aflfift their governor 1 a fudden panic 
ftruck the aflailancs i fome fled, fome furrendered 
themfelves to their own prifoners ; and had not tho 
borderers, who followed Scott, prevented a pur- - -» . 
fuit, by Qurying off all the horfes within the place^ 
not a man would have efcaped. If the: regent had 
C 4 not 



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a* THE BISTORT 

notunfbrtunitelj been kilkd, die lois on chic lung's 
fide woidd have been as inc6nfidcrtble as the 
The^^t alarm wis great. Think on the urclMJhop of Sf. 
^^^^^' jfmirew's, was the word among the qxieen'^ (oU 
diers; and Lennox fell a facrifice to his memory. 
The officer to whom he furrendercd, endeavour- 
ing to' protedt him, loft his own life in his defence.* 
He was flain, according to the general opinion, by- 
command of lord Claud Hamilton. KirkaWy had 
the glory of concerting this plan with great fccrecy 
and prudence i but Morton's fortunate obftinacy, 
and the want of difcipline among his troops, de- 
prived him of fuccefs, the only thing wanting to 
^nder this equal to the moft applauded military 
enterprifes of the kind*. 
Mirchofen j^g fo many of the nobles were aflembled, they 
^pt 6, * proceefled without delay to the elcAion of a regent. 
Argyll, Morton, and Mar, were candidates for 
the office. Mar was chofen by a majority of 
voices. Amidft all the fierce diflfenfions which 
had prevailed fo long in Scodand, he had diftin- 
guilhed himfejf by his moderation, his, humanity, 
and his difintcreftcdnefs. As his power was fkr 
inferior to Argyll's, and his abilirics not fo great 
6s Morton'si he was, for theft reafons, lefs for^- 
midable to the other nobles. His merit, too, in 
having fo lately rcfcued the leaders of the party 
from imminent deftrudion, <:6ntributed not a little 
fo his preferment. 
PracMdtngs WHiL£*fliefe things werc carrying on in Scot-^ 
2ai^il land, the tranfaftions in England were no le§ 

^ Mclv. zzSf Crawf. Mepi. 204. 

intcrcfting 



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OV^ SCOTLANtX is 

ilittrcfting to Maiy, and ftin «orc fttal to her ■ %^ * 
caufc. The parliament of that kingdom, whidi <— >-*»^ 
met in April, pafied an aft, by which it Was 4e- *^^ 
dared to be high trcafon to claim any right to thu 
crown during the life of the queen ; to affirm tfaftC 
the title of any other perfon was better than hcrsr 
or tb maintain that the parliai)[tent had not power 
to fettle and to limit the order of fucceflion* Thb' 
xemarkabie ftatute was intaided not only fen tfaa 
fecurity of duir own fovcreign, but to txicb tbc: 
reftleis and intriguing ^irit of tbCiScottifhjqvefa 
and her adherents \ . * 

At this time a treaty of marriage between Eli* Marriage 
zabeth and the duke of Anjou, the French king's; between 
brother, was well advanced* Both courts. ftemcd and the 
to defire it with equal ardour, and gave out, with ^iljouf 
die utmoft confidence, diat it could not feil of 
taking pbce. Neither of tfaem, however, wifhed 
it fucccfs ; and they encouraged it for no other end, 
but becaufe it fcrved to cover or to promote their 
particular defigns. The whole policy of Catherine 
of Medicis was bent towards the accompliihn^nc 
of her dcteftable projcft for the dcftruftion of the 
Hugonot chiefs -, and by carrying on a negotiation 
for the marriage of her fon with a princefs who 
was juftly efteemed the prOte<^rels of that party, 
by yielding fome things in point of religion, and 
by difcovering an indifference with regard to 
others, fhe hoped to amufe all the proteftants in 
Europe, and to lull afleep the jealoufy even of the 
Hugonots themfelvcs. Elizabeth flattered herfelf 

T Camb. 436. 

with 



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dS THE HISTORY? 

with reaping advaoitages of another kiji^. During; 
the dependence of the negotiation, the French, 
, could not with decency give any open aflift-. 
anceto the Scottifh queen j if they conceived any 
hi^s of fuccefs in the treaty of marriage^ they 
would of courfc intcrcft themfelvcs but coldly in 
her concerns: Mary herfclf muft be.dejefted at. 
lofing an ally> whom fhe had hitherto reckoned 
heir moft powerEil protedhor ; and by intcrruptbg 
her correfpondence with France, one fource, at 
ktfti.of the cabals and intrigues which difturbed 
the kingdom would be ftopt. . Both queens fuc- 
cecded in their fchcmcs. Catherine's ardficcs im- 
pofed on Eli^abeth^ and bKnded die Hugonots. 
The French difcovered the utmoft indifference 
about the intereft of the Scottifh queen 5 and Mary, 
confidering that court as already united with her 
rival, turned for proteftion with more eagemefs 
than ever towards the king of Spain*. Philip, 
whofe dark and thou^tful mind delighted in the 
myftery of intrigue, had held a fecret correfpond- 
cncc with Mary for fome time, by means of the 
bifliop of Rofs, and had fupplied both herfelf and 
her adherents in Scodand with fmall fums -of 
money. Ridolphi, a Florentine gendeman, who 
refided at London under the charader ofa bank** 
cr, and who afted privately as an agent for the 
pope, was the perfon whom the bifliop intruded 
NorWk't with this negotiation. Mary thought it neceffary 
in fiS'wof likcwife to communicate the fecret to the duke of 
^^**^* Norfolk, whom Elizabeth had lately reftored to 

* Diggesi 144. 148. Camb. 434. 

7 liberty, 



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OF SCOTLAND^ ^f 

Ebert7> upon his fhkma prodnire to hare no &r- 
thcr intcrcourfc with the queen of Scots. This 
promife, however, he regarded fo little, that he '*^ 
.continued to keep a c(»iftant cwrefpondence witfi 
the capdve queen; while Sic labpured to noiirifli 
his ambitious hopes, and to ftrengthen his amorous 
attachment by letters written m the fondeft careff- 
ing ftrain. Some of thcfe he muft have received 
at the very time when he made that folemn pro*-^ 
mile of holding no ferther intercourse with her, 
in confequenoe of which Elizabeth reftored him to 
liberty. Mary, ftiU coiifidering him as her future 
huiband, todc no ftep in any matter of moment 
without his advkc She early communic^ed to 
him her negotiations with Ridolphii and in a long 
letter, which flic wrote to him in cyphers •, after 
complaining of the bafenefs with which the French 
court had abandoned her intercft, &e declared her 
intention of imploring the afliftance of the Spanifh 
monarch, which was now her only rcfource 5 and 
recommended Riddphi to hb confidence, as a 
perfon capable both of explaining and advancing 
the fcheme. The duke commanded Hickford, 
.his fecretary, to decypher, and then to bum this 
letter ; but whether he had been already gained 
by the court, or refolved at that time to betray his 
mafter, he difobcycd the latter part of the order, 
and hid the letter, together with other treaibnable 
papen, under the duke's own bed. 

» Haynes, 597, 598. Hardw. State Papers, i. 190, Sc&, 
Z>igges Cornpltat Ai^ibuT 147, 

RlDOLPHI, 



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^ THE HJSTORY 

^ '%f * iRwo^PHi, in itxmfcrasct with Norfolk, oniif- 
.ly— ^^ Mdnoae of thofe arguments, and fpved none of 
'*^* rtipfe protoifcs, which are the ufbal incentives «> 
.^ebeUkm. The pc^^ he told him, had a great fom 
in resKliiie& to bdlov in .fo good a cauie. The 
^ukcC <^Alv» had .undertaken to land ten dioniand 
inefi not fyiv from Liuidon. Tlic cadsolics to a 
m^ would rife in arms* Many of the nobles 
w?re ripe for a revolt, and. wanted onljr a leader. 
H^lf the nation iiad turned their eyes towards him, 
.fi^d Called on Jiim to reven^ the unmerited injch- 
ries Whkh he himfclf had fuffered5,:and to refcuc 
a^.unfbrtynajt^ (}ueenrwho offered .him \i£r hand 
f9fid her croiwniras the reward oflus.iucttrs. Nor* 
folk aj^roye^. of die defign,.aiid though he r&- 
/ufed to give Ridk>lphi any letter ofccedit, aUowed 
Jum to ufe hi$ name in negotiiatii^. with' die pope 
and Alva^ The biftiop of Ro6, .who, from, die 
violence of his temper, and in[5>arience^o procure 
relief for his miftrefs, was apt to run into rafii and 
rdefperate defigos, advifed the duke to affeml:^ fb- 
cret;ly a few of his followers, and at once to febae 
, Elizabeth's perfbn. But this the. duke rejeded as. a 
difcorered fchemc equally wild and hazardous. Meanwhile, 
^^'*"" the Englilh court had received fome impcrfirfl- 
Auguft. information Df the plot, by intercepting one of 
Jlidolphi's agents; and an accident haf^ned, 
which brought to light all the circumftances of it* 
The duke had employed Hickford to tranfmit to 
lord Herries fome money, which was to be diftri- 

^ Anderf. ill. i6i. 

butcd 



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<)F SCOTLAND. -^19 

butcd among Mary's friends in Scotland. A per- ^ 9^ ^ 
fon not in the fccrcc was intruftcd with conveying ^■■> v ^ 
it to the borders, and he, fulpcfting it from the '5^'* 
weight to be gold, whereas he had been told that 
it was filver> carried it dircftly to the privy coun- 
ciL The duke, his domeftics, and all who were 
privy, or could be fufpefted of being privy, to 
the defign, were taken into cuftody. Never did 
die accomplices in a confpiracy difcover lefs firm- 
nefe, or fcrvants betray an indulgent mafter with 
greater bafeiie&. Every one confefled the whole s«pt 7; 
of what he knew. Hickford gave diredigns how 
to find the papers which he had hidden. The duke 
himfelf, relying at firft on the fidelity of his afib- 
ciates, and believing all dangerous {^pers to have 
been dcfboyed, confidently aflertcd his own inno- 
cence ; but when their depofitions and the papers 
diemfielvcs were produced, aftonifiied at their 
treachery, he acknowledged his guilt, and im- 
plored the queca's mercy. His offence was too 
heinous, and too oftch repeated, to obtain par- 
don ; and Elizabeth thought it neceffary to deter 
her fubjcfts, by his puni(hment, from holding 
correfpondcnce with the queen of Scots, or her 
emifiaries. Being tried by his peers, he was found 
guilty of high trcafon, and, after leveral delays, fuf- 
fcred death for the crime *. 

The difcbvery of this confpiracy produced many 
cfFcfts, extremely detrimental to Mary's intereft. 
The bifhop of Rofs, who appeared, by the con- 
feflion of all concerned, to be the prime mover in ^ 

*^ Andcrf. iii. 149. Slate Trl;il?, 185. 

every 



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3# THE HISTORY 

every cabal againft Elizabeth, was taken into cuf* 
tody, his papers fcarched, himfelf committed to 
'^^' the Tower, treated with the utmoft rigour, threat- 
ened with capital pimifhment, and, after a long 
confinement, fet at liberty, on condition that he 
ihould leave the kingdom. Mary was not only 
deprived of a fervant, equally eminent for his zeal 
and his abilities, but was denied from that time the 
. privilege of having an ambaflador at the Englifh 
court. The Spanilh ambaffador, whom the power 
and dignity of the prince he reprefented exemjpted 
from fuch infults as Rofs had fuffered, was com- 
mandea to leave England^. As there wa$ now 
the cleareft evidence that Mary, from refentment 
of the wrongs fhe had fufFered, and impatience of 
the captivity in which fhe was held, would not 
fcruplc to engage in the moft hoflile and delpcrate 
CHterprifes againft the efbblifhed government and 
religion, (he began to be regarded as a public 
enemy, and was kept under a ftrifter guard than 
formerly, the number of her domefHcs was abridged* 
and no perfon permitted to fee her, but in pre- 
fence of her keepers *. 
tfiubcth At the fame time, Elizabeth, forefeeing the 
vpenif fitorm which was gathering on the continent againft 
^^g^ her kingdom, began to wifh that tranquillity were 
w^' reftored in Scotland ; and irritated by Mary's late 
attempt againft her government, fhe determined to 
aft, without difguife or ambiguity, in favour of 
the king's party. This refolution fhe intimated to 
P^ %3. the leaders of both faftions. Mary, fhe told them» 

* Digges, 163* « Strypc, Ann.ii. 50. 

had 



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OF SCOTLAND. gt 

had held fuch a criminal corrclpondcncc with her 
avowed enemies^ and had excited fuch dangerous 
confpiracies both againft jier crown and her life, that ' ^^'^ 
fhe would henceforth confidcr her as unworthy of 
proteftion> and would never confcnt to reftore her 
to liberty, far lefs to replace her on her throne. 
She exhorted them, therefore, to unite in acknow-L 
ledging the king's authority. She promifed to 
procure by her mediation equitable terms for thofc 
who had hitherto oppofed it. But if they ftill 
continued refraftory, Ihe threatened to employ 
her utmoft power to compel them to fubmit^ 
Though this declaration did not produce an im- 
mediate effefi ; though hoftilities continued in the. 
neighbourhood of Edinburgh; though Huntly's . 
brother, fir Adam Gordon, by his bravery and 
good conduct, had routed the king's adherents in 
the North in many encounters ; yet fuch an explicit 
difcovery of Elizabeth's fcntiments contributed noc 
a litde to animate one party, and to deprefs tl)c 
fpirit and hopes of the others 

As Morton, who commanded the regent's forces, «?7»> 
lay at Leith, and Kirkaldy ftiU held out the town cmied^ 
and caftle of Edinburgh, fcarce a day pafled with- aSIT* 
out a fkirmifh ; and while both avoided any dcci- 
five adion, they harafTed each other by attacking 
imall parties, beating tip quarters, and intercept* 
ing convoys. Thefe operations, though little me-- 
morable in themfelves, kept the pafllons of both 
fadions in perpetual exercife and agitation, and 
wrought them up, at laft, to a degree of fury, 

f Sec Append. No. IV. •Caldr ii. 289. 294, Strrps, ii. 76. 

which 



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32 THE HISTORY 

* %i^ ^ which rendered them regardlcfe not only of tte 
^■■y* ^ laws of war> but of the principles of humanity. 
*S7a. -jsjor was it in the field alone, and during the heat of 
combat, that this implacable rage appeared j both 
parties hanged the prifoncrs which they took, of 
whatever rank or quality, without mercy, and with- 
out trial. Great numbers fuffered in this fhocking 
manner 5 the unhappy vidims were led, by fifties 
at a time, to execution ; and it was not till bodi 
fides had fmarted fevercly, that they difcontinued 
this barbarous praftice, fo reproachful to the cha- 
rafter of die nation **. Meanwhile, tliofe in the 
town and caftle, though they had received a fup- 
ply of money from the duke of Alva ', began to 
fuffer for want of provifions. As Morton had de- 
ftroyed idl the mills in the neighbourhood of the 
city, and had planted fmall garrifons in all the 
houfcs of ftrengdi around it, fcarcity daily in- 
crca&d. At hit all the miferics of fambe were 
felt, and they rauft have been foon reduced to fuch 
extremities, as would Jiave forced them to capitu- 
late, if the EngliQi and French ambafladors had 
not procured a fufpenfion of hoftilities between the 
two parties ^. 
jL^aj^ebc. Though the negotiation for a marriage be- 
iTOd^and"^' .^^^^^ Elizabeth and the duke of Anjou had been 
France. fruitlcfs, both Charlcs and ftie were dcfirous of 
concluding a defcnfive alliance between the two 
crowns. He confidcred fuch a treaty, not only as 
the bell device for blinding the proteftants, againft 
whom the confpiracy. was now almoft ripe for exc- 
* Cfawf. Mem. 2 iV>. 220. ' Cald. ii. 34J. ^ lb. 346. 

^ cutioui 



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OF SCOTLAND* 31 

tution ; biit as a good precaution, likewifcV dgainft ^ 9^^ ^ 
the dangerous confcquehces to whiih tliat atro- u ^'^^ - i 
cious:m€afurc might cxpofc him* Elizabeth, who> ^^^^ 
had hitherto reigned without a fingle ally, now favvi 
her kingdom fo threatened with inteftine commo- 
tions, or expofcd to invafions from abroad, that 
flie was Extremely folicitous to fecure the affiftancc 
of fo powerful a neighbour. The difficulties 
arifing from the fituation of the Scottifli que^n 
were the chief occafions of any delay. Charles 
demanded fome terms of advantage for Mary and 
her party. Elizabeth rcfufcd to liflen to any pro- 
pofiuon of that kind. Her obftinacy overcame 
the fiiint efforts of the French monarch. Mary's 
name was not fo much as mentioned in the tneaty ; 
and with regard to Scottifli affairs, a Ihort article 
was inferred, in general and ambiguous cfrms, to 
this purpofe : " That the parties contrading fliall Aprti «. 
tnake no innovatbns in Scotland ', nor fuffcr any 
ftranger to enter, and to foment the faftions there j 
but it ftiall be lawful for the queen of England to 
chafHfe, by force of arms, thofe Scots who Ihall 
confmue to harbour the Englifh rebels . now in 
Scodand *." In confcqucnce of this treaty, JFjFancc 
and England affefted to a6t in concert with regard 
to Scotland, and Le Cfoc and fir William Drury 
Appeared there^^in die name of their re fpeilive . 
fovAieigns. By their mediation, a truce for two 
months was agreed upon, and during tifat time 
conferences were to be held between the leaders of 
the oppofite faftions, in order to accommodate 

* Digjef, 170. 191. CaiTKfcn, 444,' 
Vol. II. D their 



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34 THE HISTORY 

their diSfercnces and rcftorc peace to the IdngdoiTL 
This truce afforded a feafonable interval of tran- 
•^^^^ quillity to the queen's adherents in the South : but 
in the North it proved fatal to her intereft. Sir 
Adam Gordon had (till maintained his reputation 
and fuperiority there. Several parties^ under dif- 
ferent officers, were fcnt againft him. Some of 
them he attacked in the field; againft others he 
employed ftratagem ; and as his courage and con- 
duct were equal, none of his enterprifcs failed of 
fuccefs. He made war too with the humanity 
which became fo gallant a man, and gained ground 
by that, no lefs than by the terror of his arms. If 
'he had not been obliged by the truce to fufpend 
his operations, he would in all probability have 
brought that part of the kingdom to fubmit en* 
tirely to the queen's authority °. 
S^Mk3* Notwithstanding Gordon's bravery and luc- 
ag»inft cefs, Mary's intereft was on the decline,^ not only 
' in her own kingdom, but among the Englilh. 
Nothing could be more offenfive to that nation, 
jealous of foreigners, and terrified at the profpeffc 
of the Spamih yoke, than her negodations with the 
duke of Alva. The parliament, which met in 
May, proceeded againft her as the moft dangerous 
enemy of the kingdom ; and after a folenm con- 
ference between the lords and ^commons, both 
houfes agreed in bringing in a bill to declare her 
guilty of high trcafon, and to deprive her of all 
right of fucceffion to the crown. This great caufe, 
• 4^ it was then called, occupied them during the 

■ Crawf. Mem. 

whole 



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OPSCOtLANO. 3^ 

^ok feflioi), and was caried on wich mith imani- 
ifiitf. Elizabeth^ chough fhe applauded their acal, 
and aj^rovcd greatly of the courfc they were *^^*- 
taking) was fatisBed with (hewing Mary what fhe 
might expcA from the refcntmcnt of the nation ; 
but as (he did not yet think it time to proceed 
to the moft violent extremity againft her^ (he pro^ 
rogued the parliament *"« 

These fevere proceedings of the Englifh parlia* The French 
ment were not more mortifying to Mary, than S^ocit^ 
the coldnefs and neglctSb of her allies the French* 
The duke of Montmorency, indecd> who cam^c 
over CO ratify the league wich Elizabeth^ made a 
ihew of interefting himfelf in fevour of the Scottilh 
queen ; but, inftead of foliciting for her liberty, or 
her reftoration to her throne, aU that he demanded 
was a flight mitigation of the rigour of her impri- 
fonmcnt. Even this fmall requeft he urged with 
ft) little warmth or importunity^ that no regard was 
paid to it*. 

The alliance with France afforded Elizabeth TiiemaC. 
much fadsfadion, and fhe expefted from it a great i^^^ 
increafe of fccurity. She now turned her whole 
attention towards Scotland, where the SQimofities 
of the two faftions were ftill fo high, anj fo many 
interfering interefts to be adjufted, that a general 
pacification feemed to be at a, great dillancc. But 
while (lie laboured to brbg them to fomc agrce- 
jncnt, an event happened which filled a great part 
of Europe with aftonifhment and with horror. This 
was the' maflacre of Paris i an attempt, to which 
• jyZwtif Joum. 2o€, Sec. . •Jcbb, it. 51a, 

Da there 



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36 THE HISTORY 

BOOK tiiere is *o parallel in the hiftory of mankind, tU 
w^^^^^j thcr for the long train of craft and diflimulation with 
>57»- which it was contrived, or for the cruelty and bar- 
barity with which it was carried into execution. 
By the moft folemn promifcs of fafcty and of fa- 
vour, the leaders of the p roteftants were drawn to 
court; and chough doomed to deftruftion, they 
were received with careffes, loaded with honours, 
** and treated, for fcvcn months, with every poITible 

Atigaft M- mark of familiarity and of confidence. In the midft 
of their feCurity, the warrant for their dcftru&ion 
was iflued by their fovereign, on whofe word they 
had relied j and, in obedience to it, their country^ 
men, their fellow-citizens, and companions, im- 
brued their hands in their blood. Ten thoufand 
protcftants, without diftinftion of age, or fex, or 
condition, were murdered in Paris alone. The 
fame barbarous orders were fent to other parts of 
the kingdom, and. a like carnage enfued. This, 
deed, which no popifti writer, in the prefent age, 
mentions without deteftation, was at that time ap- 
plauded in Spain ; and at Rome fplcmn thahkfgiv*- 
ings were offered to G^d for its fuccefs. But 
among the proteftants, it excited incredible hor- 
ror; a linking pidure of which is drawn by the 
French ambaflador at the court of England, in 
his account of his firft audience after the maf* 
. facte. " A gloomy forrow," fays he, " fat on 
every face; filence, as in the dead of nigh^ 
reigned through all the chambers of the royal 
apartment; the ladies and courtiers were ranged 
qn each fide, >all clad in deep mourning, and 
^ as 



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OPSCOTLAND. 37 

fts r paflcd through them, not one bcftowcd on ' ^^ ^ 
mc a civil look, or made the leaft return to my <--v*— i 
iaiutcs'." Z^^*- 

But horror was not the only paflion with which J^^JJ^^ 
this event infpired the proteftants j it filled them itytttta. 
widi fear. They confidered it as the prelude to 
fome greater blow, and believed, not without 
mach probability, that all the popifh princes had 
confpired the deftrudion of their left. This opi- 
nion was of no fmall diflervice to Mary's affairs in 
Scotland. Many of her adherents were proteft- 
ants^ and, though they wilhed her reftoradon» 
were not willing, on that account, to facrifice the 
feith which they profcffcd. They dreaded her at- 
tachment to a religion which allowed its votaries 
to violate the moft folemn engagements, and 
prompted them to perpetrate the moft barbarous 
crimes, A general confederacy of the proteftants 
fecmed to them the only thing that could uphold 
the Reformation againft the league which was form- 
ed to overturn it. Nor could the prefcnt eftablifli* 
ment of religion be long maintained in Britain, but 
by a ftrift union with Elizabeth, and by the con-r 
currcnce of both nations, in efpoufing the defence 
of it as a common caufe \ 

Encouraged by this general difpofition to place 
confidence in her, Elizabeth refumcd a fcheme 
which Ihe had formed during the regency of the 
eari of Murray, offending Mary as a prifoner into 
Scodand. But her fcntiments and fituation were 
pow very diflfcrent from what they had been dur- 
f Carte, iii« 522* ^ Digg^s, 244. 267. 

D 3 ing^ 



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iW THE HISTORY 

• '^vf ^ ^'^S ^^^ negotiation with Murray, Her animofity 
W -^* W againft the queen of Scots was greatly augmented, 
*^^** by recent experience, which taught her that (he 
}iad inclination, as well as power, not only to dif* 
furb the tranquillity of her reign, but to wreft froni 
|ier the crown i the party in Scotlan4 favourable to 
Mary was ajipofl: entirely broken ; and there wa3 
no rcafon to dread any danger from France, which 
|IU1 continued to court her friendfhip, She aimedj 
accordingly, at fomething very different from that 
^hich flic h^id in view three years before* Then 
Ihe difcoyerpd a laqdablc folicitude, not only for 
fhe fafcty of NJary's lifc^j but for fccuring to her, 
treatment fuitcd to her rank. Now (he required, 
fis an cxprefe condition, that immediately after 
Mary's arrival ip Scotland, (he fliould be brought 
p public trial ; and having no doubt that fcntcncc 
would be palTcd according p her dpferts, ftie in-r 
fitted that, for the good of both kingdoms, i^ 
ftiould be executed without delay ^ No tranfac- 
tion, perhaps, in Elizabeth's reign, njerits mor^ 
fevcre ccnfure. Eager to cut Ihort the days of ^ 
rival, the obje<fl both of her hatred and dread, and 
no lefs anxious to avoid the blame to which fuch ^ 
deed of violence rnight expofe her, fti? labourcdi 
yrith tiniid and ungenerous artifice, to transfer the 
odium of it from herfelf to N^ary's own fubjefts. 
The earl of Mar, happily for the honour of his 
pountry, had more virtue than to liftcn to fuch an 
ignominious propolal j and Elizabeth did not yen- 
Ifire to renew it. 

f Murdin, 224, 



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OF is GOTLAND. 39 

While flic was engaged in puriuing this infi- * ^y^ ^ 
dious meafure, the regent was more honourably i« y ^^mi 
employed in endeavouring to negotiate a general The rtfint 
peace among his countrymen. As he laboured J^^"" 
tor this purpofc with the utmoft zeal, and the ad- botbpvtief* 
verfe faction placed entire confidence in his inte- 
grity, his endeavours could hardly have failed of 
being fuccefsful. M aitland and Kirkaldy eame fb 
near to an agreement with him, that fcarce any 
thing remained, except the formality of fignmg 
the treaty. But Morton had not forgotten the dif- 
appointment he met with in his pretentions to the 
regency ^ his abilities, his wealth, and the patron- 
age of the court of England, gave him greater 
fway with the party, than even the regent himfelf s 
and he took pleafure in thwarting every meafurc 
purfued by him. He was afraid that, if Maitknd 
and his ailbciates recovered any fliare in the admL- 
niftration, his own influence would be confiderably 
diminiihed -, and the regent, by their means, would 
acquire that afcendant which belonged to his fta- 
tion. With him concurred all thofe who were in 
pofleffion of the lands which belonged to any of 
the qieen's party. His ambition, and rheir ava-' 
rice, fruftrated the regent's pious intentions, and 
retarded a blefling fo neceffary to the kingdom, as 
the cftablifhment of peace •. 

Such a difcovery of the fclfifhnefs and ambition 
which reigned among his party, made a deep im- 
prcflion on the regent, who loved his country, and 

• Mclv. 233. Crawf. Mcjn. 237. 

D 4 wifhcd 



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40 THE HISTORY 

? ^y^ * wUhcd for peace wjth much ardour. This \nwttd 



grief broke his fpirit, and by degrees brought oa 
Hij dcih. .^ fetded. melancholy, that ^nded in 9 diftempcr, of 
which he died on ;hc twenty-ninth of Qflobcr. 
He was, perhaps, the only pcrfon in the kingdom 
who could have enjoyed the office of regent withr 
out envy, ai^d have left it without lofs of reputar* 
,tion. Notwithftanding their mutual animofities, , 
both factions acknowledged his views to ^be hor 
nourable, and his integrity to be uncprrupted *. 

No competitor now appeared againft Mortoiv 
The queen of England powerfully fupported his 
claim, and notwithftanding the fears of the people, 
Morton and the jealoufy of the nobles, he was ele<^cd re- 
gent!* ^^' gent » the fourth who, ip tlie fpace of five years, 
Novvnb^. ^^ j^^^ ^^^^ dangerou? office, : . 

As the truce had been prolonged to ^c firft of 
January, this gave ^lim an opportunity of conti- 
nuing the negotiations with the oppofite party, 
which had been fct on foot by his predcccflbi^. 
.They produced no effc<5ts, however, till the l^ii^-^ 
ning of the next year. 

Before wc procped to thef?, feme events, hi- 
therto ui;touchcd, defcrvc pur notice, ^ » 

Thi carl of Northumberland, who Jiad beqi 
kept priibner in Lochlevin ever fipcp h^s flight in- 
to Scodand in the year one tjiQuiand five hundred 
znd fixty-nine, was* given up to lord HunlHon, 
governor of Berwick * and being carried to Yor^, 
fufFered there the punilhment of his rebellion. The 
king's party .were fo fcnfible of their dependence 

* Crawf. Mcin. zai. 



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OF SCOTLAND, 

on EJiijabcth's protc£Hon, that it was fcarccly pof. 
fiblc for tbcm to refufc putting into her hands a 
pcffon who had taken up arms againft her ; but a3 ^^^ 
fi futn of money was paid on that account^ and 
ihared between Mprton and Douglas of Lochlevin^ 
;he former of whom^ during his exile in England^ 
had been muph indebted to Northumberland's 
fiicndfhip^ the abandoning this unhappy nobleman^ 
in fuch a manner, , to certain dcftruftion, was uni- 
vcrfally condemni:d as a mod ungrateful and mer-f 
ccnary adion".- ;,'./.,.; . 

This year was remarkable . for a coniiderable -^^*^*t 
innovation in the government of the church. Soon '"''^ 
>ftcr the Rcfornwition, the popifh bilhops hid 
})ccp confirmed by law in poflcffion of part of thcif 
benefices i but the Ipiritualjurifdiftion, which be- 
longed to their order, was ^xercifcd by fupcrin- 
tcndants, though with more moderate authority* 
On the death of the archbifhop of St. Andrew's, 
Morton obtained from the crown a grant of the 
itrnporalides of that fee. But as it was thought 
indecent for a layman to hold a benefice to whicl^ 
the cure of fouls was annexed, he procured Dougr 
las, redor of the univerf^ty of St. Andrew's, to be 
(Jiofep archbifliop i and, allotting him a fmall pen- 
iion out of thf reViCnucs pf the fee, retained the rc^ 
jnainder in his own hands. X^e nobles, who law 
;he advanpges which they inight reap from fuch a 
pradice, fupported him in the execution of his 
DJjui. It gave great offence, however, to th^ 

f Crawf. Mem. sjf 23t« C;^d. 44^. 



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4^ THEHISTORY 

BOOK ckrgy, who, inftcad of perpetuating an order whofe 
Vi-y,^^i» name and power was odious to them, wilhcd that 
'*'*• the revenues which had belonged to it might be 
employed in fupplying fuch pariftics as were ftill 
unprovided with fettled paftors. But, on the one 
hand, it would have been rafh in the clergy to 
have irritated too much noblemen, on whom the 
very exiftcncc 45f the protcftant church in Scot- 
' bnd depended; and Morton, on the other, con- 
duced his fc^cmc with filch dexterity, and ma- 
naged them with fo much art> that it was at laft 
agreed, in a convention compofed of the leading 
men among Ae clergy, together with a committee 
of privy council, •* That the nrmc and office of 
archbifhop a^d bilhop fhould be .continued during 
the king's minority, and thefe dignities be confer- 
ircd upon the beft qualified among the proteftant 
minifters; but that» with regard to their fpirrtual 
jurifdiftions, they iDbould be fubjeft to the general 
aflembly of the church." The rules to be obferved 
in their eleftion, and tlicperfons who were to fup- 
ply the place, and enjoy the privileges which be- 
longed to the dean and chapter in times of popery, 
were likewifc particularly fpecified *. The whole- 
being laid before the general aflembly, after ibme 
exceptions to the name of arcbbifiap^ ieafiy chap^ 
iefy &c. and a proteft^tion that it (hould be confi- 
dered only as a temporary conftttution, until one 
^nore perfect could be introduced, it obtained the 
approbation of that court ^. Even Knox, who was 

^ Cald. ii. 305, r I<J, j^^. 

prevented 



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OFSCOTLANP. 43 

prevented fnnn attending the aflcmbly by the ill 
ftate of his heakh, chough he declaimed loudly 
againft the fimoniacaj paftion to which Douglas '^^ 
owed his preferment) and blanied the nomination 
of a perfon worn out with age and infirmities, to 
an office which required unimpaired vigour both 
of body and mind» (cems not ;o have condemned 
the proceedings of the convention ; and, in a lettei' 
to the aflcmbly, approved of fome of their regula- 
tions with refped to the election of bifhops, aa 
worthy of being carefully obfcrved ■. In confe** 
quence of the aflembly's confent to the plan agreed 
upon in the convention, Douglas was inftaUed in. 
Us office, and at the lame time an archbiihop of 
Gla^w and a biily>p of Dunkeld were chofen 
frorfl among the proteftant clergy. They were all 
admitted to th^ place in parliament, which belong- 
ed to the eccleliafticai order. But, in imitation of 
die sample fet by Morton> fuch bargains were 
inade with them by different noblemen, a^ gave 
them poflcffion only of a very fmall part of the re- 
venues belonging to their fees \ 

Soon after the diflblution of this aflfembly, Knox, ^^^ 
the prime inftrument of fpreading and eftablifhing chiniaer«f 
die reformed religion in Scotland, ended his lifc^ ^^^^ 
jn the fixty-feventh year of his age. Zeal, intrcr 
pidity, difintcreftednefe, were virtues which he 
poflefled in an eminent degree. He was acquaint-? 
ed too with the learning cultivated among divine^ 
jn that ^e ; and excelled in that fpecies of elo« 
quence which is calculated to roufc and to in- 
f Sec Appendix, No. V, * Spotf. 261. 



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44 ' THE HISTORY 

* %^ ^ flamc'^. Hii maxims, howercr, were often too 

w-v^" fcvcrc, and the impctuofity of his temper exceA- 

*^*^ five. , Rigi4 and uncomplying himfclf, he (hewed 

BO indulgence to the infirmities of others. Re- 

gardlefs of^the diftinfHons of rank and charafter,* 

. he uttered his admonitions with an acrimony and 

vehemence, more apt to irritate than to reclaim. 

This often betrayed him into indecent and unduti^r 

All cxpreflions with riefpcft to the queen's perfon 

Md condud* Thofc very qualities, however^ 

which i^w render his charafter Icfs amiable, fitted 

* A ftrfking defcription of that fpccics ofeloqaence fo^ 
^hich Knox was diftinguiftied, is given by one of his contem- 
peraries, Mr. James Mel vUle, mimfterof Anftruthcr. ** But of 
all xhe benefices X bad thsrt yc^ [t57x)» was the coming of 
^at mod not! bk Pcophet and Apoflje of our Xkatio% Mr» 
lohn Knox, to St. ^ndrewf , who, by tl>e fa^on pf the quee? 
^cupyfng the ^aftlc and town of JTdinbvrgh, was compel- 
led to remoTC therafra with z number of the beft, and chxifed 
l^c«fne to §t. Andrews. I heard him teacbtbere the prot^ 
]^I\ccies^ of Daniel that fomm^ and ^e wintiur folIowia|^ I 
%2;d my pen and little bailee, and tqok away ilc things as I 
could comprehend. In the opening of his text, be was mo- 
^rate the fpace of half an hour ^ but when he- entered to ap- 
'" pircation,. he made me fato^nir ^tkriU}. and tremble that I 

^iJd not hald the pen to wrke. He was rerjr weak. I 

few him every day of his do^rine go MU [QowlyJ and fair, 
with a furring of martlcks about his neck, a ftaff m the one 
httsy^t and good godlie Ricbart Ballandeft bclimg him tip 
by the oxt^ (under the arm}, from the abbey to tl^e pari& 
Ijrk i and he the faid Richart and another fenrant lifted him 
irp tp the pulpit, where he behoved to Jean at his firft entrie ^ 
but eVe he was doi>c with his fermon, he was fo a^vc and 
i^goroui, that he was like to ifhtg the fulpit in kUuts [beat the 
Ijuipit to pieces], and fly ont of it.^ MS. Life of Mr. Jam^s 
Melville, communicated to mc by Mr* Paton of the Cvftom* 
koufe, Edinburgh, p. 14. 2 1. ' 



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OFSCOTLAND. ^ 4< 

Vim to be the inftrument of Providence for ad- book 
vancing the Reformation among a fiej'ce people, i j-,- j 
and enabled him to ^e dangers, and to fyrmount '^^^ 
oppolitiofl, from which a perfon of a more gentle 
^irit would have been apt to flirink back. By an 
unwearied application to ftudy and to buHnefs, as 
well as by the frequency and fervour of his public 
difcourles> he had worn out a conftitution naturaU)[ 
robuIL During a Ungering illneis he difcovered 
the utmoft fortitude i and met the a^^roaches. of 
death with a magnanimity infeparable from his 
charafter. He was conftantly employed in a(5ls of 
devotion, and comforted hirafclf with thoft pn>- 
fpeSs of immortality which not only prefcrve good 
nien from defponding, but fill them with exultation 
in their laft moments. The -carl of Morton, who 
vtras prefeoc at his funeral, pronounced his eulo- 
gium ia a few words, the more honourable for 
Knox, as they came from one whom he had often 
cenfured with peculiar feverity : " There lies He, 
who never feared the face of man \" 

Though Morton did not dcfirc peace from fuch ^sj¥ 
generous modves as the former regent, he la- trcaJ^ 
bourcd, however, in good earned, to eftablilh it. J^J,"***"'* 
The public confudons and calamines, to which 
he owed his power and importance when he was 
only the fecond perfon in the nation, were ex- * 
tremely detrimental to him, now that he was ralfed 
to be the firft. While fo many of the nobles con- 
dnued in arms againft him, his authority as regent 
was partial, feeble, and precarious. Elizabeth 

^ Spotf. ^66. Cald. ii. 273, 
'' ^ was^ 



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THE HISTORY 

was no lefs delirous of exdnguifhing the flame 
which Ihe had kindled and kept fo long alive in 
^^^^ Scotland^. She had difcovercd the alliance with 
France, from which {ht had expeded fuch advan- 
tages> to be no foundation of fecurity. Though 
appearances of friendfhip dill fubfifted between 
her and that court, and Charles daily renewed his 
proteftadons of inviolable adherence to the treaty, 
(he was convinced, by a fatal example, how litde 
ihe ought to rely on the promifes or oaths of that 
perfidious monarch. Her ambaflador warned her 
Aat the Frinch held fecret corrcfpondencc with 
Mary's adherents in Scotland, and encouraged them 
in their obftinacy *. The duke of Alva carried on 
his intrigues in that kingdom with lefs difguife. 
She was pcrfuaded that they would embrace the 
firft ferene interval, which the commotions in 
France and in the Netherlands would allow them, 
and openly attempt to land a body of men in Scot- 
land. She refolved, diertfote, to prevent their 
getting any footing in the ifland, and to cut off all 
their hopes of finding any affiftance there, by unit* 
ing the two parties. 
Hhover. The fituation of Mary's adherents enabled the 
S'by'Sihl regent to carry on his negotiations with them to 
^SmjS^^ great advantage. They were now divided into 
two faftions. At the head of the one were Cha- 
telhcrault and Huntly. Maitland and Kirkaldy 
Were the leaders of the other. Their high rank, 
their extenfivc property, and the numbers of their 
followers, rendered the former confiderable. The 

^ Diggcs, 299. ^ Id. 256. 312* 

latter 



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OF SCOTLAND. 47 

kttcr were indebted for their importance to their ® ^^^ ^ 
perfonal abilities, and to the ftrength of the caftle < — ,^^ 
of Edinburgh, which was in their poflcflion. The ^^^^ 
regent had no intention to comprehend both in the 
fame treaty i but as he dreaded that the queen's 
party, if it remained entire, would be able to 
thwart and embarrais his adminiftration, he re* 
(blvcd to divide and weaken it, by a fcparate nego- 
tiation. He made the firft overture to Kirkaldy 
and his aflbctatcs, and endeavoured to renew the 
negotiation with them, which, during the life of 
his predeceffor, had been broken off by his own 
arti(ices« But Kirkaldy knew Morton's views, 
and fyftem of government, to be very different 
from thofe of the former regent, Maitland con- 
fidered Jam as a perfonal and implacable enemy. 
They received repeated aCuranccs of protcftion 
from France -, and though the fiege of RochcUc 
employed the French arms at that time, the fame 
hopes, which had fo often deceived the party, f;iii 
amufed them, and they expeded that the obftinacy 
of the hugonots would foon be fubdued, and that 
Charles would then be at liberty to a6t with vigour 
in Scotland. Meanwhile, a fupply of money was 
icnt, and if the caftle could be held out till Whit- 
funday, effedual aid was promifcd*. Maitland's 
genius delighted in forming fchemes tliat were 
dangerous ; and Kirkaldy poflcffcd the intrepidity 
neccflary for putdng them in execution. The 
caftk, they Icncw, was fo fituated, that it might 
iicfy aUthe regent's power. Elizabeth, they hopcd^ 

•Digges, 314. 

would 



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48 THEHISTORY 

BOOK would not violate the treaty with France, by iciid-*. 
^„-^A^ ing forces to his afliftancej and if the French 
'573- fliould be able to land any confidcraWe body of 
men, it might be poflible to deliver the queen from 
captivity, or at kaft to balance the influence of 
France and England in fuch a manner, as to refcue 
Scotland from the dilhonourablc dependence upon 
the latter, under which it had fallen. Thh (plendid 
but chimerical proje6t they preferred to the fricnd- 
fliip of Morton. They encouraged the ncgotia-: 
tion, however, becaufc it fervcd to gain timej 
they propofcd, for the lame purpofe, that the 
whole of the queen's party ihould be compre- 
hended in it, and that Kirkaldy ihould retain the 
command of the caftle fix months after the treaty 
was figncd. His intereft prompted the regent to 
rejcdt the former ; his penetration difcovcred the 
danger of complying with the latter; and all hopes 
of accommodation vanifhed ^ 

As foon as the' truce expired, Kirkaldy began to 
fire on the city of Edinburgh, which, by the return 
of the inhabitants whom he had expelled, was de- 
voted as zealoufly as ever to the king's caufe. ' But 
as the regent had now fct on foot a treaty with 
Chatelherault and Hundy, the ccffation of arms 
ftill continued with them. 
Accepted They wcrc Icfs fcrupulous than the other partjr^ 

hJrSk tod and liftened eagerly to his overtures. The duke 
HuiiUy. ^as naturally unfteady, and the approach of old 
age increafcd his irrefolution, and averfion to 
adion. . The miferies of civil difcord had aiBifted 



* Mdv, 235, Ice. 



Scotland 



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OF SCOTLAND. 49 

Scodand almoft five years, a length of dmc fer • ^ "^ 
beyond the duration of any former conteft. The ^i*'^— ^ 
war, inftead of doing fcrvice, had been dctrimcn- *^** 
tal to the queen; and more ruinous than any 
foreign invafion to the kingdom. In profccuting 
it,. neither party had gained much honoilr; both 
had fuffered great loffes ; and had exhattfted their 
own eftatcs, in wafting thofc of their adverfaries* 
The commons were in the utmoft mifcry^ and 
longed ardently for a peace, which might terminate 
dus fruitleis but deftru6Hve quarreL 

A GREAT ftep was taken towards this defiraUe ^JJ*^ ^ 
event, by the treaty concluded at Perth, between F«k %%. * 
the regent on one hand, and Chatelherault and 
Hundy on the other, under the mediation of Kil- 
legrew> Elizabeth's ambai&dor*. The chief atticles 
in it were thefe j that all the parries comprehended 
in the treaty ihould declare their approbation of the 
reformed religion, now eftablilhed ill the king- 
dom i diat they Ihould fubmit to the king's go- 
vcmmertt, and own Morton*s authority as regent i 
diat they fhould acknowledge every thing done irt 
oppofidon to the king^ finCe his coronation^ to be 
illegal; that oil both fides the prifoners who had 
been taken Ihould be fet at liberty, and the cftatea 
which had been forfeited fhould be rcf^orcd to their 
ptoper owners; that the aft of attainder paffed 
againft the queen's adherents fhould be repealed, 
and indemnity granted for all the crimes of which 
they had been guilty fince the fifteenth of June one 

« See Append. No. VI. 
VolJI. E thoufand 



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f)l .THE mSTOUt^ 

iKoiriarid five hundred and fixty-fcvcn j and' that 
the trcat5^fllould be ratified by the common confcnt , 
*^*^ of both parties in parliament ^. 
Siege of the KiRKALDY, though abandoned by his ajSociatcs,^ 
EdinbJJgh. 'who neither difcovercd folicitudc nor made provi- 
fion for his fafety, did not lofe courage, nor enter- 
tain any thoughts of accommodation ^ Thoi^h all 
Scotland had now fuhmitted to the king, he ftiUL 
t-efolved to defend the caftle in the queen's name, 
and to wait the arrival of the promifed fiiccours. 
The regent was in want of every thing ncccflarf 
^ ' •" for carrying on a fiege. But Elizabcdi, who 
determined at any rate to bring the di(&nfions in 
Scotland to a period, before the French could find 
Icifurc to take part in the quarrel, foon afforded 
him fufficient fupplies. Sir William Drury marched, 
into Scodand widi fifteen hundred foot, and a coiv- 

* Crawf. M'cm. 251. 

* Melvil, whofe brother, fir Robert, was one of thofc vrho 
joined with Kirkaldy in the defence of the caftic, and who 
was himfclf ftronglf attached to their party, afierts that 
Kirkaldy oflfered to accept of any reafonable terms of com- 
pofition, but that all his offers were rejefted by the regent. 
Mclv. 240. But as Elizabeth was, at that time, extremely 
delirous of reftoring peace in Scotland, and her ambaflador 
Killegrew, as well as the carl of Rothes, ufed their utmoft 
endeavours to perfuade Kirkaldy to acced« to the treaty of 
ferth, it feems more credible to impute the continuance of 
hoftilitics to Kirkaldy's obftinacy, his diftruft of Morton, Or 
his hope of foreign aid, than to any other caufe. 

That this was really the cafe, is evident from the pofitivc 
tcftimony of Spotl'w. 269, 270. Camd. 448-, Johnft. Hift. 
3, 4. Digges, 334. Crawford's account agrees, in the main» 
with tJicirs, Mem, 263^ 

fiderable 



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OFSCOTLAND. , jt 

fiderablc train of artillery. The regent joined * ^^^ ^ 
him with all his forces; and trenches were opened, ^'v*-^ 
and approaches regularly carried on againft the Ap^V^ 
cattle. Kirkaldy, though difcouraged by the loft 
of a great fum of money, remitted to him from 
France, and which fell into the regent's hands 
through the treachery of fir James Balfour, the 
inoft corrupt man of that age, defended himfelf 
with bravery, augmented by defpair. Three-and- 
thirty days he refitted all the efforts of the Scotch 
and Engli(h, who pufhed on their attacks with 
courage, and with emulation. Nor did he demand 
a parly, till the fortifications were battered down, 
and one of the wells in the cattle dried up, and the 
other choaked with rubbifli. Even then, his Ipirit 
was unfubdued, and he determined rather to fall 
glorioufly behind the laft intrcnchment, than to 
yield to his inveterate enemies. But his garrifbn was 
not animated with the fame heroic or delperate re- 
folution, and, rifing in a mutiny, forced him to 
capitulate. He furrendered himfelf to Drury, who M«y»>' 
promifed, in the name of his miftrefs, that he 
fliould be favourably treated. Together with him, 
James Kirkaldy his brother, lord Home, Maitland, 
fir Robert Mclvil, a few cirizens of Edinburgh, 
and about one hundred and fixty foldiers, were made 
prifoners ^. 

Several of the officers, who had been kept in 
pay during the war, prevailed on their men to 
accompany them into the Low-countries, and. 
entering into the fervicc of the States, added, by 

* Cald. ii. 408. Mdv. 240. Crawf. Mem. 265. 

^ 2 their 



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parties. 



52 THE HISTORY 

dicir gallant behaviour, to the reputation for mill-' 
tary virtue, which haa always been the charafteriftic 
'^^3' of the Scottifti nation- . 
STd^i^l Thus by the treaty with Chatelherault and 
tcr of both Huntly, and the furrender of the caftle, the civil 
wars in Scotland were brought to a period. When 
we review the ftate of the nation, and compare the 
ftrength of the two faftions, Mary's partifans 
among the nobles appear, manifeftly, ro have been 
fuperior both in numbers and in power. But thefc 
advantages were more than counterbalanced by 
others, which their antagonifts enjoyed. Political 
abilidcs, military Ikill, and all the talents which 
times of aftion form, or call forth, appeared chiefly 
on the king's fide. Nor could their enemies boaft 
of any man, who equalled the intrepidity of Mur- 
ray,* tempered with wifdom ; the profound faga- 
city of Morton; the fubde genius, and infinuating 
addrefs, of Maitland j ot the fuccefsful valour of 
Kirkaldy ; all of which were, at firft, employed in 
laying the foundations of the king's authority. On 
the one fide, meafures were concerted with pru- 
dence, and executed with vigour ; on the other, 
their rcfolurions wefe rafli, and their conduft 
feeble. The people, animated with zeal for reli- 
gion, and prompted by indignarion againft the 
queen, warmly lupported the king's cauft. The 
clergy threw the whole weight of their popularity 
into the fame fcale. By means of thefe, as well as 
by the powerful interpofition of England, the 
king's government was finally eftabliftied. Mary 
loft even that (hadow of Ibvcrcignty, which, amidft 

aH 



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OF Scotland; $y 

a!l her fufFcrings, Ihc had hitherto retained among ^ 9^f ^ 
part of her own fubjc6ts. As flic was no longer ^— ^^iW 
permitted to have an ambafllador at the court of ^^^^' 
England^ the only mark of dignity which flie had, 
for fome time, enjoyed there, flie muft henceforth 
be conlidercd as an exile dripped of aH the en- 
figns of royalty ; guarded with anxiety in the one 
kingdom, and totally deferted or forgotten in the 
other. 

KiRKALDY and his aflbciates remained in Drury'ft^ KirkaWy 
cuftody, and were treated by him with great hu- ^""*^ 
manity, until the queen of England, whofe pri- 
ibners they were, fliould determine their fate. 
Morton infifted that they fliould fufFer the punifli- 
ment due to their rebeUion and obftinacy; and 
declared that, fo long as they were allowed to live, 
he did not reckon his own perfon or authority 
iccurc y and Elizabeth, without regarding Drury's 
konour, or his promifes in her name, gave them 
up to the regent's difpofal. He firft confined them 
to fcparate prifons; and foon after, with £liza- Augwfta. 
bcth's confent, condemned Kirkaldy, and his bro- ^ 
ther, to be hanged at the crofs of Edinburgh, 
Maitland, who did not expert to be treated more 
&vourably, prevented the ignominy of a public 
execution, by a voluntary death, and " ended 
*' his days,'* lays Melvil, " after the old Roman 
« faftiion'.'* 

While the regent was wreaking his vengeance 

on the remains of her party in Scotland, Mary^ 

incapable of affording them any relief bewailed 

* Mdv. 242. 

E 3 their 



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54 tHE HISTORY 

* ^^^ ^ their misfortunes in tkc folitudc of her prifon. At 
u— ■/^■j the lame time her health began to be much im- 
'^73* paired by confinement and want of exercife. At 
the entreaty of the French ambaflador, lord Shrcwf- 
buryj her keeper, was permitted to conduft hcf 
to Buxton-wells, not far from Tuthbury, the place 
of her imprifonment. Cecily who lately had been 
created baron of Burleigh> and lord high treafurer 
of England, happened to be there at the lame 
time. Though no minifter ever entered more 
Warmly into the views of a fovereign, or gave 
llronger proofs of his fidelity and attachment, than 
this great man, yet fuch was Elizabeth's diftriA of 
every perfon who approached the queen of Scots, 
that her fulpicions, in confequence of this inter- 
view, fccm to have extended even to him ; and, 
while Mary juftly reckoned him her moft dan- 
gerous enemy, he found fome difficulty in per- 
fuading his own miftrefs that he was not partial to 
that unhappy queen "• 

The duke of Alva was this year recalled from 
the government of the Netherlands, where his 
haughty and opprefllve adminiftration ropfcd a 
fpirit, in attempting to fubdue which, Spain ex- 
haufted its treafures, ruined its armies> and loft its 
glory. Requefens, who fucceeded him, was of a 
milder temper, and of a lels enterprifmg genius^* 
This event delivered Elizabeth firom the perpetual 
difquietude, occafioned by Alva's negotiations 
with the Scottilh queen, and his zeal for her in« 
tcrcft. 

• Strype, li. 248. aSS. 

Though 



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OF Scotland: ifsi 

■ TtfOvoH Scodand was now fettled in profound ^ ^^^^^ 
pe^cc, many of the evils which accompany civil ^^^i ^^ * 
war were ftill felt. The reftraints of law, which, Thi^re^* 
in times of public confufion, are little regarded ^^JJ,V^^^* 
even by civilized nations, were totally delpifed by tion be- 
a fierce people, unaccuftomed to a regular admi- ^^ 
niftration of juftice. The diforders in every cor- 
ner of the kingdom were become intolerable ; and, 
Utider the proteftion of the one or the other fac- 
tion, crimes of every kind were committed with ^ 
impunity. The regent fct himfelf to redrcfs thefe, 
and by his induftry and vigour, order and (ecurityi 
Were rc-eftablilhcd in the kingdom. But he loft*' 
the reputation due to this important fcrvice, by 
the avarice which he difcovered in performing it ; 
and his own exaftions became more pernicious to 
the nadon than all the irregukrides which he re- 
ftrained ", Spies and informers were every where 
employed j the remembrance of old offences was 
revived; imaginary crimes were invented; petty 
trefpafles were aggravated; and delinquents were 
forced to compound for their lives, by the pay- 
ment of exorbitant fines. At the fame time the* ^ 
current coin was debafed<>; licences were fold for 

carrying 

•Sec Append. No. VII. 

• The corruption of the ccan, daring Morton's admini*^ 
ftration, was very great. Although the quantity pf current , 
money coined out of a poUnd of bullion, was gfadually in- 
crcafed by former princes, the ftandard or lincncfs fuffercd 
little alteration, and the mixture of alloy was nearly the 
fame with what is now ufcd. But Morton mixed a fourth ' 
part of alloy with evei7 pound of filvcr, and funk, "by con- 

E 4 fcqucnce, 



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5^ THE HISTORY 

' \f ^ ctrrying on prohibited branches of commerce ; 

^"^>r ^ ufuai taxes were impofed on commodities ; and ail 
'^^^ the refinements in oppreflion, from which nations 
fo imperfe^Uy polifhed as the Soots are ufually ex- 
empted, were put in praftice. None of thefe were 
complained of more loudly, or with greater reafon^ 
than his injuftice towards the church. The thirds 
of benefices, out of which the clergy received their 
fubfiftcnce, had always been flowly and irregularly 
paid to collcftors appointed by the general aflcm- 
bly i and, during the civil wars, no payment could 
be obtained in feveral parts of the kingdom. Un* 
der colour of rcdrcfling this grievance, and upon a 
promiie of alEgning every minifter a ftipend within 
his own parifh, the regent extorted from the church 
the thirds to which they had right by law. But 
the clergy, mftead of reaping any advantage from 
iixis alteration, found that payments became more 
irregular and dilatory than ever. One minifter 
was conunonly burdened with the care of four or 
five pariflies, a pitiful lalary was allotted him, and 
the regent's infatiable avarice feized on the reft of 
the fund'. 

The death of Charles IX. which happened this 
year, was a new misfortune to the Scotdfti queen. 
Henry III. who fucceeded him, had not the fame 
9ttaclunent to her perfon s and his jealoufy of the 

Icquence, the vs^u^ of coin in proportion. la the year 1581, 
all the money coiaed by, him was called in, ktkd appointed 
to be recoined. The ftandard was reftored to the fame pu^ 
lity as formerly. Ruddim. Praef. to Anderf. JDiplom. p. 74. 
f Crawf. Mem/i 27a. Spotf. 273. CaI4« ii* 420. 427* 

hoitfc 



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OF SCOTLAND. 57 

houfe of Guife, and obfcquioufnefs to the queen * ^^ ^ 
mother^ greatly alienated him from her intereft. 

The death of the duke of Chatelherault muft 
like^p^ be confidered as fome lofs to Mary. As 
the parliament had frequendy declared him next 
heir to the crown, this enddcd him to great rc- 
{pcCt among his countrymen, and enabled him, 
more than any other perfen in the kingdom, to 
counterbalance the regent's power. 

Soon after, at one of the ufual interviews be- 
tween the wardens of the Scottilh and Engliflt 
marches, a fcuffle happened, in which the Englifh * 
were worfted j a few killed on the Ipot j and fir 
James Forrefter, the warden, with feveral gende- 
men who attended him, taken prifoners. But both 
Elizabeth and the regent were too fcnfible of the 
advantage which refulted from the good under- 
ftanding that fubfifted between the two kingdoms, 
to allow this flight accident to interrupt it. 

The domeftic tranquillity of the kingdom was Attempts of 
in fome danger of being difturbcd by another againnThc 
caufe. Though the perfons raifcd to the dignity ^^^^ 
of biihops poflefled very fmall revenues, and a 
very moderate degree of power, the clergy, to 
whom the regent and all his meafures were be- 
come extremely odious, began to be jealous of 
diat order. Knowing that corruptions deal into 
the church gradually, under honourable names, and 
upon decent pretences, they were afraid that, from 
fuch fmaU beginnings, the hierarchy might grow 
in time to be as powerful and oppreffive as ever. 
Th? chief author of thefe fufpicions was Mr. An- 
drew 



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J? THE HISTORY^ 

* drew Mclvil, a man diftingui(hf d by his uncommon 
erudition, by the feverity of his manners, and the 
/^^^^ intrepidity of his mind. But> bred up in the re- 
tirement of a college, he was unacquainted with 
the arts of life i and being more attentive to the 
ends which he purlued, than to the • means which 
•he employed for promoting them, he often defeat- 
ed laudable defigns, by the impetuofity artd im-» 
prudence with which he carried them on. A 
queftion was moved by him in the aflcmbly, " whe- 
ther the office of bifliop, as now exercifed in thitf 
• kingdom, were agreeable to the word of God ?" In 
the ecclefiaftical judicatories, continual complaints 
were made of the bilhops for negle<5t of duty, 
many of which their known remiflhefs too well 
juftified. The bifhop of Dunkeld, being accufed 
of dilapidating his benefice, was found guilty by 
the aflcmbly- The regent, inftead of checking, 
connived at thefc difputes about ecclefiaftical go- 
vernment, as they diverted the zeal of the clergy 
frpm attending to his daily encroachments on the 
patrinjony of the church •*. 
157S. The weight of the regent^s oppreffive adminif- 

ibmeof the tration had, hitherto, fallen chiefly on thofe in the 
'^"^^ lower and middle rank; but he began now to 
take fuch fteps as convinced the nobles, that their 
dignity would not long exempt them from feeling 
the effefts of his power. An accident, which was. 
a frequent caufe of diflenfion among the Scottifli 
► nobles, occafioned a difference between the earla 

of Argyll and AthoL A vaflal of the former had 

1 Cald, Aflcmblics, ij-j^^'&c, Johall. Hill, 15. ' ^ 

made 



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OF SCOTLAND. 5^ 



o o ]& 

VI. 



Jnadcibme depredations on the lands of the latter. 
Athol took arms to punilh the offender 5 Argyll, 
to proteft him ; and this ignoble quarrel they were '*'*^ 
ready to decide in the field, when the regent, by 
interpofing his authority, obliged them to dilband 
their forces. Both of them had been guilty of irre- 
gularities, which, though common, were contrary 
to the letter of the law. Of thefe the regent took 
advantage, and refolvcd to found on them a charge 
of trcafon. This dcfign was revealed to the two 
carls by one of Morton's retainers. The common 
danger, to which they were expofed, compelled 
dicm to forget old quarrels, and to unite in a clofe 
confederacy for their mutual defence. Their junc- 
tion rendered them formidable ; they defpifed the 
fiimmons which the regent gave them to appear 
before a court of jufHce; and he was obliged to 
defift from any further profecution. But the injury 
he intended made a deep impreiTion on their minds^ 
and drew upon him fevere vengeance '. 

Nor was he more fuccefsful in an attempt which 
he made, to load lord Claud Hamilton with the 
guilt of having formed a confpiracy againft his life* 
Though thofe who were fuppofed to be his ac- 
complices, were fcized and tortured, no evidence 
of any thing criminal appeared j but, on the con- 
trary, many circumftanccs difcovered his inno^ 
cencc, as well as the regent's fecret views, in im- 
puting to him fuch an odious defign *. 

The Scottilh nobles, who were almoft equal to ThJ^tum 
their monarchs in power, and treated by them their eyw 

* ^ towards chQ 

f Crawf.Mem. 285. • Ibid/aS;. *^5- 

with 



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juon. 



60 THE HISTORY 

' %^ ^ wth much diftihftion, obfcrvcd thefc arbitrary 
u-y^^ proceedings of a regent with the utmoft indigna- 
'^^7- tion. The people, who, tinder a form of govern- 
ment extremely fimple, had been little accuftomed 
to the burden of taxes, complained loudly of the 
regent's rapacity. And all began to turn their eyes 
towards the young king, from whom they expeft- 
cd the rcdrefs of all their grievances, and the re- 
turn of a more gentle and more equal admini- 
fbration. 
jam«*8 James was now in the twelfth year of his aRC- 

education -— , ^ /• 1 • t • t 

and difpofi- The queen, loon after his birth, had committed 
him to the care of the earl of Mar, and during the 
civil wars he had refided fecurely in the caftle of 
Stirling. Alexander Erfkinc, that nobleman's bro- 
ther, had the chief direftion of his education* 
Under him, the famous Buchanan a6tcd as pre- 
ceptor, together with three other matters, the mojft 
eminent the nation afforded for Ikill in thofe fci-1 
cnces which were deemed neceflary for a prince. 
As the young king fhcwed an uncommon paflion 
for learning, and made great progrefs in it, the 
Scots fancied that they already difcovered in him 
all thofe virtues which the fondnels or credulity 
of fubjeds ufually afcribe to princes during their 
minority. But as James was ftill far from that 
age at which the law permitted him to aflumc 
the reins of government, the regent did not fuifi- 
ciently attend to the fentiments of the people, nor 
refkdt how naturally thefe prejudices in his favour 
might encourage the king to anticipate that period. 
He not only ncglefted to fecure the fricndihip of 

chofc 



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OF SCOTLAND. 6i 

rfiofc who were about the king's pcrfon, and who * ^P ^ 
poifefied his ear, but had even exalperated fome of ^^ -i r . ^ 
them by perfonal injuries. Their rcfentment con- HcUfJfpi- 
oured with the ambition of others, in infufing into ^^^^vl^^ 
the king early fufpicions of Morton's power and po^*^- 
dcfigns. A king, they told him, had often reafon 
to fear, feldom to love, a regent. Prompted by 
ambition, and by intereft, he would endeavour to 
keep the prince in perpetual infancy, at a diftancc 
from his fubjedls, and unacquainted with bufinefs, 
A fmall degree of vigour, however, was fufficient 
to break the yoke. Subjects naturally reverence 
their fbvereign, and become imparient of the tem- 
porary and delegated jurifdiftion of a regent. 
Morton had governed with rigour unknown to the 
ancient monarchs of Scotland. The nation groan- 
ed under his opprefllons, and would welcome the 
firft profpeft of a milder adminiftration. At pre- 
fcnt the king's name was hardly mentioned in 
Scotland, his friends were without influence, and 
his favourites without honour. But one effort 
would diicover Morton's power to be as feeble as 
it was arbitrary. The fame attempt would put 
himfelf in poffefllon of his juft authority, and rcfcue 
the nation from intolerable tyranny. If he did not 
regard his own rights as a king, let him liften, at 
kaft, to the cries of his people ^ 

These fuggeftions made a deep impreffion on ^ p*^ 
the young king, who was trained up in an opinion ajpunft if* 
that he was born to command. His approbation "^^^^ 
of the dcCgn, however, was of fmall confcquence, 

* Melvil, 249. ■ 

7 without ~ 



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£a THE HISTORY 

without the concurrertce of the nobles. The earii 
of Argyll and Athol, two of the moft powerful of 
'^^^' that body, were animated with implacable refent- 
ment againft the regent. To them the cabal in 
Stirling-caftle communicated the plot which was 
on foot ; and they enteripg warmly into it, Alex- 
ander Erfkine, who, fince the death of his brother, 
and during the minority of his nephew, had the 
command of that fort, and the cuftody of the 
king's perfon, admitted them Iccretly into the 
king's prefence. They gave him the fame account 
of the mifery of his fubjcfts, under the regent's 
arbitrary adminiftration ; they complained loudly 
of the injufticc with which themfelves had been 
treated, and befought the king, as the only means 
for redrefling the grievances of the nation, to call 
a council of all the nobles. James confented, and 
letters were iffued in his name for that purpofe ; 
but the two earls took care that they (hould be 
fent only to fuch as were known' to bear no good 
will to Morton ". 

TfifE number of thefe was, however, fo confi- 
derable, that on the day appointed, far the greater 
part of the nobles affembled at Stirling; and fo 
highly were they incenfed againft Morton, that 
although, on receiving intelligence of Argyll and 
Athol's interview with the king, he had made a 
t^7l feint as if he would refign the regency, they ad- 
Wan:h 14. ^jj-^ j ^^^ j^j^^^ wichout regarding this offer, to de- 
prive him of his office, and to take the adminiftra- 
tion of government into his^ own hands. Lord 

■ Spotf. 278. 

Glamis 



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GF SCOTLAND. j$^ 

£Iamis the chanccUor, and Hcrrics, were appoint- ^ ^ f * 
ed to ilgnify this refolution to Morton, who was Vw^^^ 
at that tinK in Dalkeith, his ufual place of refi- '^^'' 
-dencc* Nothing could equal the joy with which He rcfignt 
<his unexpc<5ted refolution filled the nation, but th^ twirctSjL 
iurprifc occafioned by the fccming alacrity with 
which the regent defcended from fo high a ftation. 
He neilJier wanted fagaeity to forefee the danger 
of Fefigning, nor inclinatioa to keep poffcflion of 
an office, for tht expiration of which the law had " 
fixed fo diftant a term. But aU the fources, 
whence the faAion of which he was head derived 
^ their ftrength, had either failed, or now fupplicd 
his adveriaries with the means of humbling him^ 
The commons, the city of Edinburgh, the clergy, 
were all totally alienated from him, by his multi- 
-plied opprcfllons. Elizabeth, having lately boun4 
hcrfclf by treaty, to fend a confiderable body of 
troops to the affiftance of the inhabitants of the 
Netherlands, who were ftruggling for liberty, had 
little leifure to attend to the affairs of Scotland^ 
and as fhe had nothing to dread from France, 
in whofe councils the princes cff Lorrain had not 
at that time much influence, (he was not difplcafcd, 
perhaps, at the birth of new factions in the king- 
donj. Even thofe nobles, who had long been 
joined with Morton in faftion, or whom he had 
attached tp his perfon by benefits, Giamis, Lind- 
fay, Ruthven, Pitcairn the fecrctary, Murray of 
Tillibardin comptroller, all deferted his falling for- 
, tunes, and appeared in the council at Stirling. So 
many concurring circumftances convinced Morton 
IX of 



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tf4 THE HISTORY 

B o K of his own wcakricfs, and dcterniincd him to give 
Ktmk^Lm^ way to a torrent, which was too impetuous to be re« 
iiJrdfw. fift^d. He attended the chancellor and Herrics to 
Edinburgh 5 was prefertt when the king's accept- 
ance of the government was proclaimed j and, in 
the prefcnce of the people, furrcndcrcd to the king 
all the authority to which he had any claim in vir- 
tue of his office. This ceremony was accompanied 
with fuch exceffive joy and acclanutions of the 
multitude, as added, no doubt, to the anguifli 
which an ambiddus fpirit muft feel, when com- 
pelled to renounce fupreme power; and convinced 
Morton how entirely he had loft the affections of 
Hs countrymen. He obtained, however, from the 
king an aft containing the approbation of every 
thing done by him in the exercife of his office, and 
a pardon, in the moft ample form that his ftar or 
caution could devife, of all paft offences, crimes, 
and treafons. The nobles, who adhered to the 
king, bound thcmfclves under a great penalty, to 
procure the ratification of this ad in the firft parlia- 
ment*. 
omtinim A COUNCIL of twelvc pcers was appointed to 
SJ^^i aflift the king in the adminiftrarion of affairs. 
^^ *^^ Morton, defertcd by his own party, and unable to 
ftruggle with the feftion which governed abfb*- 
lutely at court, retired to one of his feats, and 
fcemed to enjoy the tranquillity, and to be occu- 
pied only in the amufements of a country life. His 
mind, however, was deeply difquieted with all the 
iincafy reflections which accompany difappointed 

' Spotf. 278. Crawf. Mem. 389, Cald. 11. 522. 

ambitionj 



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^t SCOTLAttD. St 

^ifcbidon, and intent on fchcmcs for rccoveflng his ^ ^ a k 
£)rmcr graxi4cun Even in this retreat, which the v- .y^ijfc 
pcopLle called the Lion's den, his Wealth and abilities '57ti 
rcndci'cd him formidable ; and the new counfellors . • 

were fc^ imprudent as to roufc him, bjr the pfecipi- . ^ 
tanqr w rth which, they haftened to ftrip hiin of ^ 
the rcmai'ns of power. They required him to fur- ^ 
ttndcr dn* caftle of Edinburgh, which was ftiil vx 
his poflcfl\on. He refufcd at firft to do fo, and 
began to p^Mpare for its defence ; but the citizens 
of Edinburi'h having taken arms, and repulfed 
part of die g^irriibn, which was fent out to guard a 
convoy of i^ ovilions, he was obliged to .give up 
that importaitt fortrefs without refifbnce. This 
encouraged hil adverfaries to call a parliament to 
meet at Edbburgh, and to midtiply their dnnands 
iqK>n him, ip iiich a manner, as convinced him that 
nothing lefs than his utter ruin would fatisfy their 
inveterate hatred. 

Their power and popularity, however, begin 
already to decline. The chancellor, the ableft and 
moft moderate nfian in the party, having been kill- 
ed at Sdrling, in an acf:idental rencounter between 
his followers apd thofc of the earl of Crawford ; 
Athol, who was appointed his fucceflbr in that 
high office, the earls of Egiinton, Caithnefs, and 
lord Ogilvie, all the prime favourites at court, were 
cidicr avowed papifts, or fufpofted of leaning to 
tbt opinions of that fed. In an age when the re- 
turn of popery was fo much and fo juftly dreaded, 
this gave univcrfal alarm. As Morton had always 
treated the papifts with rigour> ^s usifc^onable 
YoL. II. F favour 



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tS THE HISTORY 



1- o 



VI. 



o K favour to pcrfons of that religion made all zealoud 



(L..-i.v— -I proteftants remember that circumftance in his ad- 

*^^* ininiftration with great praife ^. 
ft.nlw^ul" ' Morton, to whom none of thefe particulars 
thority. .were unkno^^n, thought this the proper jundturc 
ibr fctting to work the inftruments which he had 
been preparing. Haying gained the confidence of 
the carl of Mar, and of the countefs his mother, 
Jie infinuatcd to them, that Alexander Erfkine had 
formed a plot to deprive his nephew of the go- 
vernment of Srirling^caftlc, and the cuftody of the 
.king's pcrfon; and eafily induced an ambitious 
.woman, and a youth of: twenty, to employ force 
.to prevent this fuppofcd injury., The earl repair- 
Apriii6, ang fuddenly to SticlJDg, and being admitted as 
.ufual into the ca^le with his attendants, feizcd the 
gates early in the morning, and turned out his 
iincle, who dreaded no danger from his hands. 
The foldicrs of the garrifon fubmitted to him as 
their governor; ^aiid» with litde danger and no 
cfFufiofi o£ blood; h^ became matter both of the 
king's p^rfon, ah^of the fortrefs '. 

An event fo ime?cpefted occafioned great con- 
.fternarion. Though Morton's hand did not appear 
in the -execution:, he was univerfally believed to be 
the author of the atterafpt. The new counfeliors 
faw it to be neccl&ry, for their own fafety, to 
vchange their meafures^ and, inftead of purfliing 
^hini with ftich implacable refentment, to enter 
.Into terms of accommodation with an adverlary, 
iftijl fo capable of creating them trouble. Four 

• -» Spotf. 283. » Cald..«. 535. 

\ - » -i - were 



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Ot^SGOTLANt). 6y 

Were named, on each fide, to adjuft their difFer- ^ ^^ ^ 
cnces. They niet not far from Dalkeith ; and \a >>, ^^u 
when they had brought matters near a conclufion,- '^^ 
Morton, who was too fagacious not to improve the 
advantage which their fccurity and their attention 
to the treaty afforded him, fet out in the night- 
time for Stirling, and having gained Murray df 
Tillibardin, Mar's unt^jle, was admitted by him May 14, 
into the caftle ; and managing matters there with 
his ufual dexterity, he foon had more entirely the 
command of the fort, than the earl himfelf He 
was likewifc admitted to a feat in the privy- 
council, and acquired as complete an afcendant 
in it '. 

As the time appointed for the meeting of par- 
liament at Edinburgh now approachfed, this 'gave 
him fome anxiety. He was afraid df tonduding 
the young king to a city whofe inhabitants were fo 
much at the devotion of the adverfe faftion. He 
was no lefs unwilling to leave James behind at Stip- 
ling. In order to avoid this dilemma, he ifliied a 
proclamation in the king's name, changing the 
place of meeting from Edinburgh t6 Stij-ling- 
caftlc. This Athol and his party reprcfented as a 
ftcp altogether unconftitutional. The king, faid 
they, is Morton's prifoner ; the pretended coun- 
fellors are his flavcs j a parliament, to which all 
the nobles may repair without fear, and where 
they may deliberate with freedom, is abfoluteiy 
ncceffary for fettling the nation, after difgrders of 
fuch long continuance. . But in an aflcmbly, calkd 

- . » CM. Vu 536. 

F 2 contrary 



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j6i trie mstoRt 

contrary to ail form, held within the walls of a g^ 
rifon, and overawed by armed men, what fafcty 
'5^^* could members expedt ? what liberty could prevail 
in debate ? or what benefit refult to the public ? 
juijr»5. .The parliament met, however, on the day ap- 
pointed, and, notwithftandmg the protcftation of 
the earl of Montrofe and lord Lindfay, in name of 
their party, proceeded to bufinefs. The king's 
acceptance of the government was confirmed ; the 
a6t granted to Morton, for his fecurity, ratified; 
fome regulations, with regard to the numbers and 
authority of the privy council, were agreed upon ; 
and a penfion for life granted to the countefs of 
Mar, who had been fo ihftrumental in bringing 
about the late revolution *. 
Arg^H and Meanwhixe Argyll, Athol, and their follower*, 
armtigaiiiA took arms, upon the fpecious pretence of refcuing 
*^* the king from captivity, and the kingdom from 

opprcflion. James himfclf, impatient of the fervi- 
tudein which he was held, by a man whom he had 
long been taught to hate, fccredy encouraged their 
enterprifc; though, at the fame time, he was 
obliged not only to difavow them in public, but to 
levy forces againft them, and even to declare, by 
proclamation, that he was perfedly free from any 
A^uft I X. conftraint, either updn his per fon or his will. Both 
fides quickly took the field. Argyll and Athol 
were at the head of feven thoufand men ; the carl 
of Angus, Morton's nephew, met them with an 
army five thouiand ftrong; neither party, how- 
ever, tvas eag^ to engage. Morton diftruiled the 

* Cal<t ii. 547, Pari.*5 Jac. i. 

fidelity 



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OF SCOTLAND, 69 

fidelity of his own troops. The two earls were 
fenfiblc that a fingle viilory, however complete, 
would not be decifive; and as they were in no ^^^ 
condition to undertake the fi^gc of Stirling-caftle, 
where the king was kept, their ftren^h would 
foon be cxhaufted, while Morton*s own wealph, 
and the patronage of the queen dF England, 
might furnifli him with endlcfs refourccs, By the EWiabeth 
mediation of Bowes, whom Elizabeth had fent an accom- 
into Scotland to negotiate an accommodation be- bJtw^^ 
tWecn the two fadions, a treaty was concluded, in ^^^ 
confequence of which, Argyll and Athol were ad- 
mitted into the king's prefcnce; fome of their 
party were added to the privy council ; and a con- 
vention of nobles called, in order to bring all re- 
maining differences to an amicable iflue ^e 

As foon as James affumed the government into 
his own hands, he difpatched the abbot of Durv- 
fermling to inform Elizabeth of that event; to ' 
offer to renew the alliance between the two king- 
doms; and to demand poflcflion of the eftat<f 
which had lately fallen to him by the dc^th of his 
grandmother the countcfs of Leqnox. That lady's 
fecond fon had left one daughter, Arabdla Stewart^ 
who was born in England. And as the chief ob- 
jcdion againft the pretenfions of th« Scottift^ line 
'to die crown of England, was that maxim qf 
Englifli law,- which excludes aliens from any right 
of inheritance within the kingdom, Elizabeth, by 
granting this demand, would have eftablilhed z 
precedent in James's favour, that might haye been 
* Crlwf. Mem. 307, 

F 3 deemed 



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y> THEHISTORY 

^ ^vf ^ dccoicd dccifivc, with regard to a point, which it 
in'-m^^^i had been her conftant care to keep undecided. 
Ji75, Without fuffering this delicate queftion to be tried, 
or allowing any new light to be thrown on that, 
which (he confidered as the great myftery of her 
reign, (he commanded lord Burleigh, matter of 
tJK wards, tQ fcqueftcr the rents of the eftate ; and 
by fhis;mcphod of proceeding, gave the Scottilh 
king early warning how neceflary it would be to 
court her favour, if ever he hoped for fuccefs in 
claims of greater importance, but equally liable 
to be controverted '*. 
1579- After many detays, and with much difficulty, 

die contending nobles were at laft brought to fomc 
agreement. But it was followed by a tragical 
event. Morton, in token of reconcilement, hav- 
ing invited the leaders of the oppofite party to a 
great entertainment, Athol the chancellor was 
(bon after taken ill, and died within a few days. 
Apii 24. The fymptoms and violence pf the difeafc gave 
rife to ftfong fufpicions of his being poifoned j 
and though the phyficians, who opened his body, 
differed jq opinion as to the caufe of the diftem- 
per, the chancellor's relations publicly accufcd 
Morton of that odious crime. The advantage 
which yifibly accrued to him, by the removal of 
a man of great abilities, and averfc from all his 
meafurcs, was deemed a fufficicnt proof qf his guih 
by the people, who are ever fond of imputing 
the death of eminent perfons to extraordinary 
(:aufes % 

^ Camd. 46H. f Spotfw. 306. 

Ths 



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OF SCOTLAND. 71 

The ofEce of chancellor was bcftowcd upon ^ 9^^ ^ 
Argyll, whom this preferment reconciled, in a ^ ■^— ^i 
great meafurc, to Morton's adminiftration. He Mortin^i 
had now recovered all the authority which he pof- ^^]^ p^**' 
fcffed during his regency, and had entirely broken, againft the 
or baffled, the power and cabals of his enemies. Hamilton. 
None of the great families remained to be the 
objefts of his jealoufy or to obftru6t his defigns, 
but that of Hamilton. The earl of 'Arran, the 
cWcft brother, had never recovered the fhock 
which he received from the ill fuccefs of his paflion 
for the queen, and had now altogether loft hi^ 
itafon. Lord John, the fecond brother, was in* 
poffeffion of the family cftate. Lord Claud was 
commcndator of Paifley; both of them young 
men, ambitious and enterprifing. Morton dreaded 
their influence in the kingdom; the courtiers 
hoped to fhare their fpoils among them; and as 
all princes naturally view their fucceflbrs with 
jealoufy and hatred, it was cafy to infufc thefc paf- ' 
fiofts into the mind of the young king. A pre- 
tence was at hand to juftify the moft violent pro- 
ceedings. The pardon, ftipulated in the treaty 
of Perth, did not extend to fuch as were accefTary 
to the murder of the regents Murray or Lennox. 
Lord John and his brother were fufpefted of being 
the authors of both thefc crimes, and had been 
included in a general aft of attainder on that ac- 
count. Without fumnioning them to trial, or 
examining a fingle witnefs to prove the charge, 
this attainder was now thought fufficien^ to fubjcft 
(hem to all the penalties which they would have 
P 4 incurred 



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y% THE HISTORY 

^%? ^ incurred by being formally convidkcA The carU 
Vy,-y,I— J of Morton, Mar, and Eglinton, together with the 
^^'^^ k)rd^ Ruthvcn, Boyd, and Cathcart, received a 
cqmmiffion to feizc their perfons and eftates. On 
a few hours warning, a confidcrabk body of troops 
Was ready, and marched towards Hamilton in hoftilc 
array. Happily the two brothers made their 
cfcapc, though with great difficulty. But their 
lands were confifcatedj the caftles of Hamilton 
and PraiFan bcfieged j thofc who defended them • 
.. piiniflied. The earl of Arran, though incapable, 
* froip[\ his fituation, of committing any crime, was 

j . involved, by a (hamcful abufe of law, in the com- 

7 tnon ruin of l;is family j; and as if he, too, could 

J' have been guilty of rebellion, he was confined a 

clofc prifoner. Thefe proceedings, fb contrary to 
the fundamental principles of juftice, were all rati- 
fied in the fubfequent parliament ^ 

About this time Mary fent, by Nauc her fecrc- 
tary, a letter to kcr fon, together with fome jewels 
of valuc> and- a veft embroidered with her own ^ 
hands. J^ut a^ flie gave him only the title of 
prince, of Scotland, the mcflcnger was difmifled, 
without being admitted into his prefence '. 

Though Elizabeth had, at this time, no parti- 
cular reafon to fear any attempt of the popiftx 
princes in Mary's favour, flie ftiU continued to 
guard her with the fame anxious care. The acqui* 
fitipn of Portugal, on the one hand, and the defence 
of tlic Netherlands, on the other> fidly cmploye4 

^ CraT\'f. Mem. 311. Spotfw. 306. 
^ C^a^vf. Mem. 314, 

the 



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OF SCOTLANIX 7J 

Ac -to^cils and arms of Spain. France, torn in ^ 9^^ * 
pieces by intcftinc commotions, and under a weak s - v "-» 
and capricious prince, dcfpifcd and diftrufted by *^^ 
his own fubjciSks, was in no condition to difturb its 
neighbours. Elizabeth had long amufcd that court if«g«|«- 
by carrying on a treaty of marriage with the duke marriage 
of Alcn?on, the king's brother. But whether, at mS^h 
the age of forty-five^ (he really intended to marry Juke^ 
a prruce of twenty ; whether the pleafure of being Aiii^Qn. 
flattered and courted, made her Men to the ad- 
drcffes of fo young a lover, whom ihc allowed to 
vifit her at two different times, «nd treated with 
the moft diftinguifliing refpcft i or whether coufi- 
dcrations of intcrcft predominated in this as well as ' 
in every other tranfadlion of her reign, arc pro- 
blems in hiftory which we arc not concerned to 
rcfolve. During the progrefs of this negotiation, 
vhich was drawn out to an extraordinary length, 
Mary could cxpcft no affiftance from the French 
court, and feems to have held little correfpondcnce 
with it J and there was no period in her reign, 
wherein' Elizabeth enjoyed more perfcft fccurity. 
Morton feems at this time to have been equally T^ ^*?^^ 

* » rites gsuQ an 

fccure ; but his fecurity was not fo well founded, afcendant 
He had weathered out one ftorm, had crudied his ^^^ *""* 
adverfaries, and was again in poflcflion of the fole 
diredtion of affairs. But as the king was now of 
an age when the charafter and difpofitions of the 
mind begin to unfold themfelvcs, and to become^ 
vifible, the fmalleft attention to thefc might have 
convinced him, that there was reafon to expeft 
flew and more dangerous attacks on his power. 

James 



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74 THEHISTORT 

* vr^ ^ James early difcovcrcd tKat cxccffivc attathmcne 
u^^p ^ y--^ to favourites, which accompanied him tlirough his 
»i79» whole life. This paflion, which naturally arifcs 
fit)m inexperience, and youthful warmth of heart, 
was, at his age, for from being culpable j nor 
could it well be expeftcd that die choice of the 
objcfts, on whom he placed his affcftions, (hould 
be made with great llcill. The moft confiderable 
of them was Efme Stewart, a native of France, 
and fon of a fccond brother of the earl of Lennox,* 
He was diftinguilhcd by the title of lord D*Au- 
bigne, an eftate in France, which dcfccnded to 
him from his anceftors, on whom it had been 
conferred, in reward of their valour and lervices 
^pt t, to the French crown. He arrived in Scotland 
about this time, on purpofe to demand the eftate 
and title of Lennox, to which he pretended a legal 
right. He was received at firft by the king with 
the rcfpeft due to fo near a relation- The girace- 
fulnefs of his perfon, the elegance of his drefe, and 
bis courdy behaviour, made a great imprefllon on 
James, who, even in his more mature years, was 
little abk to rcfift thefc frivolous charms 3 and hi$ 
affcftion flowed with its ufual rapidity and profu- 
iUif\. Within a few days after Stewart's appear- 
ance at court, he was created lord Aberbrotho:ck, 
loon after earl, and then duke of Lennox, gover- 
nor of Dunbarton caftle, captain of the guard, 
firft lord of the bed-chamber, and lord high 
Aambcrlain. At the fame time, and without any 
of the envy or emulation which is ufual among 
eandidates for favour, captain James Stewjart, the 

fccond 



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OF SCOTLAND. 75 

fccond fon of lord Ochiltfec, grew into great con-' ^ <><> ^ 
fidence. But notwithftanding this union, Lennox * ^ .^ 
and captain Stewart were pcrfons of very oppofite" *^^^ 
charafters. The former was naturally gentle, hu- 
mane, candid ; but unacquainted with the date of 
the country, and mifled or mifinformed by thofc 
whom he trufted j not unworthy to be the com- 
panion of the young king in his amufemcnts, but 
utterly difqualified for adbing as a minifter in di- 
refting his affairs. The latter was remarkable for 
all the vices which render a man formidable to his 
country, and a pernicious counfellor to his prince ; 
nor did he poffefs any one virtue to counterbalance 
thcfc vices, unlefs dexterity in conducing his own 
defigns, and an enterprifing courage, fuperior to 
the fcnfe of danger, may pafs by that name. Un- 
rcftrained by religion, regardlcfs of decency, and 
undifmayed by oppofition, he aimed at objefts 
fcemingly unattainable 5 but under a prince void 
of experience, and blind to all the defefts of thofe 
who had gained his favour, his audacity was fuc- 
ccfsful ; and honours, wealth, and power were the 
reward of his crimes. 

Both the favourites concurred in employing ThcyUhouf 
their whole addrefs to undermine Morton's credit, J^^Mbiv 
which alonc^ obftruded their full poflfeffion of j?j^*»wt*»T 
power. As James had been bred up with an 
avcrfion for that nobleman, who endeavoured ra- 
ther to maintain the authority of a tutor, than to 
aft with the obfequioufiiefs of a minifter, they 
found it no difficult matter to accomplifli the^r dc^ 
fign. Morton^ who could no longer keep the ooobcri;. 

king 



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74 THE HISTORY 

king fliDt up within the walls of Stirling- caWc, 
having called a parliament to meet at Ediriburgh, 
'^'^ brought him thither- James made his entry inta 
the capital with great folemnity ; die citizens 
received him with the loudeft acclamationJ of joy, 
and with many expenfive pageants, according to 
the mode of that age- After a long period of 
thirty-ftven years, during which Scotland had been 
fobjc£led to the delegated power of regents, or 
to the feeble government of a woman; after hav-- 
ing fuSercd all the miferies of civil war> and felt 
thf infblence of foreign armies, the nation rejoiced 
to fee the fceptre once more in the hands of a 
king. Fond even of that Ihadow of authority, 
which a prince of fifteen could pofiefs, the Scots 
flattered themfclves, that union, order, and tran- 
quillity would now be reftorcd to the kir^dom- 
James opened the parliament with extraordinary 
pomp, but nothing remarkable j^fled in it* 
»5?o- These demonftrations, however, of the people's 

love and attachment to their fovereign, encou- 
raged the favourites to continue their infinuations 
againft Morton ; and as the king now refided in 
the pahce of Holy-rood-houfe, to which all his 
fubjefts had accels, the cabal againft the earl grew 
daily ftrongcr, and the intrigue, which occafioned 
his faU, ripened gradually- 
Mortcfi cB- MosLTON bcgan to be fenfible of his danger, and 
^v^r^ endeavoured to put a flop to the career of Len- 
^■^ nox's preferment, by reprcfenting him as a for- 
midable enemy to the reformed religion, a fecret 
agent in {avour of popery, and a known emiflary 

of 



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OF SCOTLAND- 77 

tof the houfe of Guife. The ckrgy, apt to bdicvc 9 «^^ * 
every rumour of this kind, ipread the ajbrm amon^ ^ ^^.■■^ 
the peopk. But Lennox, either out of complai- *^*^ 
lanoc to his mader, or convinced by the arguments 
of fome learned divines whom the king appoint^^ 
to inftrud him in the prtncipks of the proteftaat 
relcgioa, pi^ltciy renounced the errors of popery, 
in the church of Sc Giles, and declared inm&W ^ 
member o( the church of Scotland, by Og^g hef 
Confcffion of Faith. Tlws, though it did not ce- 
0K>ve all lufpicioQSjp nor fdence fome zealoqs 
preachers, abated, in a great degree, the force of 
the accufation^. 

Ok the odcr hand, a rumour prevailed that 
Morton was preparing to leize the ldng*s perfoa 
and to carry him into Engltni Whether deipair 
of maintaining bis power by any other means, had 
driven him to make any overture of that kind to 
the EngUih court, or whether it was a caltimny 
invented by his adveriaries to render him odiou^ , 
cannot now be determined with certainty. ' As he 
declared at his death that fuch a defiga lyul never 
entered into his thoughts, the latter feems to be 
moil probable^ It aSbrckd a pretence, however^ 
for reviving the office of lord chamberlain, whic|i 
had been for fbme time difufed* That honow wa$ 
conferred on Lennox* Akxandcr Erlkine, Mor- 
ton's capital enemy, was his deputy; they had 
under tl^m a band of gcndcmen, who were ap- 
pointed conftantly to attend the king, and to guard 
hisperfon*. 

' Crawf . Mna. 319* Spotfw. 3^8. * Crawf. Mem. 320. 

Morton 



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78 THE HISTORY 



B 



^^ ^ Morton was not ignorant of what his enemies 
%^i-v " ■^ intended to infinuatc by fuch unufual precautions 
iiiz'^h for the king's fafety j and as his laft refource, ap* 
te^Sha^*^ plied to Elizabeth, whofe proteftion had often 
ftood him in Head in his greateft difficulties. In 
confequence of this application, Bowes, her envoy, 
accufcd Lennox of praftices againft the peace of 
the two kingdoms, and infiftcd, in her name, that 
he fhould inftantly be removed from the privy 
council. Such an unprecedented demand was con- 
lidered by the counfellors as an affront to the king, 
and an encroachment on the independence of the 
kingdom. They affefted to call in queftion the 
envoy's powers, and upon that pretence refufed 
him farther audience ; and he retiring in difguft:, 
and without taking leave, fir Alexander Home 
was fent to expoftulate with Elizabeth on the fub- 
jeft. After the treatment which her envoy had 
received, Elizabeth thought it below her dignity 
to admit Home into her prefcnce. Burleigh, to 
whom he was commanded to impart his commif- 
fion, reproached him with his matter's ingratitude 
towards a benefaftrcfs who had placed the crown 
on his head, and required him to adrife the king to 
beware of facrificing the fricndlhip of fa necelfary 
an ally to the giddy humours of a young man, 
without experience, and ftrongly fufpefted of prin- 
ciples and attachments incompatible with the hap- 
pinefs of the Scottifli nation. 
Morton ac- This accufation of Lennox, haftened, in all pro- 
murder of bability, Morton's fall. The aft of indemnity, 
I^^ which he had obtaintjd when he rcfigncd" the re- 
gency,. 



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dF SCOTLAND. 7> 

gcncy, was worded with fuch fcrupulous exaftncisi • ^J^ ^ 
as almoft fcrecncd him from any legal profccution* u -y^— ? 
The murder of the late king was the only crime ^^^^ ^ 
vphich could not, with decency, be infertcd in a 
pardon granted by his fon. Here Morton ftiU 
lay open to the penalties of the law, and captain 
Stewart, who fhunned no aftion, however dcfpe- 
ratc, if it kd to power or to favour, entered the 
council-chamber while the king and nobles were 
aflembled, and falling on his knees, accu&d Mor- i>eceA )«. 
ton of being acceflary, or, according to the lan- 
guage of the Scottifh law, arf and party in the 
con(piracy againft the life of his majefty's father, 
and offered, under the ufual penalties, to verify 
this charge by legal evidence. Morton, who was 
prcfent, heard this accufation with firmnefi; and 
replied with a difdainful fmilc, proceeding cither 
from contempt of the infamous chacacfber of his 
accufcr, or from confcioufnefi of his own inno* 
ccnce, " that his known zeal in punilhing thofc 
who were fufpefted of that deteftable crime, might 
well exempt himfelf from any fufpicion of being 
acceflary to it 5 neverthekfs, he would cheerfully 
fubmit to a trial, either in that place or in any 
other court; and doubted not but his own inno- 
cence, and the malice of his enemies, would then 
appear in the clcareft light." Stewart, who was 
ftiU on his knefis, began to inquire how he would 
reconcile his bellowing fo many honours on Archi- 
bald Douglas, whom he certainly knew %o be one 
of the murderers, with his pretended zeal againft 
diat crime. Morton was ready to anlwer. But 

tlic 



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to THEHISTORr 

B o o^ ^ the king commanded both to be removed. Th<fv 
carl was confined, firfl: of all to his own houfc, and 
then committed to the caftlc of Edinbiffgh, of 
which Alexander Erlkine was governor; and as 
if it had not been a fuificient indignity to fubjefl: 
him to the power of one of his enemies, he was 
foon after carried to Dunbarton, of which Lennox 
^ iSi had the command* A warrant was likewifc iflued 
for apprehending Archibald Douglas; but he> 
having received timely intelligence of the ap- 
proaching danger, fled into England *. 

The carl of Angus, who imputed thefe violent 
proceedings, not to hatred againft Morton alone, 
but to the ancient enmity between the hoxifes of 
Stewart and of Douglas, and who believed thtt a 
confpiracy was now formed for the deftru£kion of 
all who bore that name, was ready to take arms in 
order to rcfcuc his kinfman. But Morton abfb- 
lutely forbad any fuch attempt, and declared that 
he would rather fuffcr ten thoufand deaths, than 
bring an imputation upon his own character by 
feeming to decline a trial '. 
Enzabcth;« ELIZABETH did not fail to interpofc, with 
^dcTioui^ warmth, in behalf of a man who had contributed 
***• fo much to preferve her influence over Scotland* 

The late tranfadions in that kingdom had given 
her great uneafinefs. The power which Lennox 
had acquired independent of her was dangerous ; 
the treatment her ambafladors had met with diff^er- 
ed greatly from the refpect with which the Scots 

^ Crawf. Mem, 323* ^ Johnft. 64. Spotfw. ^ji. 

15 wierc 



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d^^CdTLANO; If 

%fcre in ufc to receive her mini(bers ; and the attack ^ ^^ ^ 
i*)w made pn Morton fully convinced her that ^-^-yal i ^^ 
there was an intention to fow the feeds of difcord *^*** 
l>etween the two nations^ and to fedUce Jailies into 
a new alliance. with France, or into a marriagtf 
with fome popllh princcfs. Fiill of thefe appre- 
hcnfionsj (he ordered a confidcrable body of troops 
to be affcmblcd on the borders of Scotland, and 
difpatched Randolph as her ambaflkdor into that 
kingdom. He addrefied himfelf not only to 
James, and to his council, but to a convention o^ 
cftates, met at that time. He began with enu-^ 
meraring the extraordinary benefits which Elizabeth 
hid conferred on the Scottilh nation : that without 
demanding a (ingle foot of land for herfelf, with- 
out encroaching on the liberties of the kingdom in 
the (malleft article, (he had, at the expence of the 
blood of her fubjefts and the trcafurcs of hef 
aown, rcfci^d the Scots from the dominion bt 
France, eftabli(hed among them true religion, and 
put them in potkfCioti of their ancient rights t 
that fi-om the beginnbg of civil diifenfions in the 
kingdom, (he had protcded tho(c who efpoufcd 
the king's caufe, and by her afliftanCe alone, the 
cpown had been prcferved on his head^ and all the 
attempts of ch» adverfe fa£tion baMed : that an 
Vinion, unknown to their anceftors, but equally 
beneficial to both kingdoms, had fubfifted for ^ 
long period of years ; and though fo miny popiih 
princes had combined to dlfturb this hftppy ftate 
of things, li^er care. Sand their conftancy, had hi* 
tberto defeated all thefe efFcrts : that (he bad ob- 
Voi. IL C (crvcd 



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H THEHISTORY 

^ VL^ ^ fcrvcd of late an unufual coWncfs, diftruft, ancf 
Ui-s^-^,j cftrangement in die Scotdfh council^ which fhe 
'^^'* could impute to none but to Lennox^ a fubjeffc of 
France, a retainer to the houfe of Guifc, bred up 
in the errors of popery, and ftill fulpefted of 
favouring that fuperilition. Not facisfied with' 
having mounted fo fall to an uncommon height of 
power, which he excrcifed with all the raflinefs of 
youth, and all the ignorance of a ftranger; nor 
thinking it enough to have deprived the earl of 
Morton of the authority due to his abiUdes and 
experience, he had confpired the ruin of that noble- 
man, who had often expofed his life in the king's 
caufe, who had contributed more than any other 
fubjed to place him on the throne, to rcfift the en- 
croachments of popery, and to prefcrvc the union 
between the two kingdoms. If any zeal for reli- 
gion remained among the nobles in Scotland, if 
they wilhed for the conrinuance of amity with 
England, if they valued the privileges of their own 
Older, he called upon them, in the name of his 
miftrefs, to remove fuch a pernicious counfellor 
as Lennox from the prefence of the young king, 
to refcue Morton out of the bands of his avowed 
enemy, and fecure to him the benefit of a fdr and 
impartial trial ; and if force was neceflary towards 
accompHihing a defign fo falutary to the king and 
kingdom, he promifed theih the proteftion of his 
miftrefs in the enterprife, and whatever afllftance 
they fhould demand either of men or money "'. 

• Culd. ill, 6, Strypc, H, 6a i. 

lo 'But 



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OF SCOTLAND. Jds 

' B^T thcfc extraordinary remonftranccs, aceom- 
jpanicd with llich an unufual appeal from the king 
to his fubjefts, wetc hot the only rtieans employed 
by £Ii2abeth in favour of Morton, and againft 
Lcnnoxi She perfuaded the prince of Orange to 
jfend an agent into Scotland, and under colour of 
complimenting James on account of the valour 
which many of his fubjeds had diiplayed in the 
fcrvicc of die ftatcs, to enter^nto a long detail of 
the reftlefs cnterprifes of the popifh princes againft 
the proteftant religion ; to befcech him to adhere 
inviolably to the alliance with England, the only 
barrier which fecured his kingdom againll their 
dangerous cabals; and, above all things, to dif- 
tnift the infinuations of thofe who endeavoured to 
weaken or to diflblvc that union between the Bri- 
tifh nations, which all the proteflants in Europe 
beheld with fo much pkafure ". 

James's counfcUors were too intent upon the J«nc»d*- 
deftru&ion of their enemy to liften to thefe rcmon- j^^JSeeTt. 
ftrances. The officious interpofition of the prince ^"^ ^"^ 
of Orange, the haughty tone of Elizabeth^s mef- 
fi^e, and her avowed attempt to excite fubjcfts to 
rebel isigainft their fovcrcign, were confidered as 
Unexampled infults on the majefty and independ* 
cnce of a crowned head. A general and evafive 
anfwer was given to Randolph. James prepared 
to affert his own dignity with Ipirit. All thole 
fufpefted of favouring Morton were turned out of 
office, fome of them were required to furrender 
thcmfclves prifoners ; the men capable of bearing 

»CaU, iiu9. SceAppcndtNo.VIII. 

G 2 arms 



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if 4 ^HE HISTOHY 

* %? ^ ^^^ throughout the kingdom were commanded 
u-v-i to be in readinefs to take the field ; and troops were 
«5«»- levied and pofted on the borders. The Englilh 
ambaflador, finding that neither the public mani- 
fefto which he, had delivered to the convcntion> 
nor his private cabals with the nobles, could ex-» 
cite them to arms, fled ia the night-time out of 
Scotland, where libels againft him had been daily 
publilhed, and even attempts made upon his life. 
In both kingdoms every thing wore an hoftile 
afpeft. But Elizabeth, though (he wilhed to have 
intimidated the Scottifh king by her preparations, 
had no inclination to enter into a war with hinj, 
and the troops on the borders, which had given 
fuch umbrage, were foon difperfed *. 

The greater folicitude Elizabeth difcovercd for 
Morton's fafety, the more eagerly did his enemies 
drive on their fchemes for his deftruftion. Captain 
Stewart, his accufcr, was firft appointed tutor to 
the earl of Arran, and foon after both the title and 
eftate of his unhappy ward, to which he advanced 
fome frivolous claim, were conferred upon him. 
The new-made peer was commanded to condud 
Morton from Dunbarton to Edinburgh; and by 
that choice the earl was not only warned what fate 
he might expeft, but had the cruel mortification 
of feeing his deadly enemy akeady loaded with ho- 
,nours, in reward of the malice with which he had 
contributed to his ruin. 
HeUfrie* The records of the court oi juftigiary at this 
immin! .period are loft. The account which our hiftd- 
• Crawf. Mem. 328. Strypc, li. Apf). 138, 

rians 



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OF SCOTLAND. tf 

filns give of Morton's trial is inaccurate and • 9^^ ^ 
unfatisfiiitory. The proceedings againft him feem w.»/^* J 
to have been carried on with violence. During ***** 
the trial, great bodies of armed men were drawn 
up in different parts of the city. The jury was 
eompofcd of the earl's known enemies ; and though 
he challenged feveral of them, his objedions were 
over- ruled. After a fhort confutation, his peers 
Ibund him guilty of concealing, and of being art 
Mdpart in the confpiracy againft the Kfe of the 
late king. The firft part of the verdidt did not 
farprife him, but he twice repeated the words art 
and part with fome vehemence, and added, ^* God 
knows it is not fo." The doom which the law de- 
^ccts againft a traitor, was pro!K)unced. The king, 
however, remitted the cruel and ignominious part 
of the fentence, and appointed that he ihould fuf- 
frr death next day, by being beheaded \ 

During that awful interval, Morton poflefled His dc«tb, 
the utmoft compofure of mind. He fupped cheer- 
fully ^ flept a part of the night in his ufual manner, 
and employed the reft of his time in religious con- 
ferences, and in afts of devotion with Ibme mini- 
ftcrs of the city. The clergyman who attended 
him, dealt freely with his confcience, and preffed 
Jiis crimes home upon him. What he con- 
fcfled with regard to the crime for which he firf"- 
fcred, is remarkable, and fupplies, in fome mea- 
fore, the imperfeftion of our records. He ac-» 
Jcnowledgcd, that on his return from England, af- 

t Spotfw. 314. Johnfl. 6$. Crawf.Mcm. 33a. Caid. ili. 
45. Amot's Crimhu Trials, 388. 

G 3 m 



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86 THE HISTORY 

tcr thd death of Rizio, BothwcU had informed him 
of the confpiraqr againft Ac king, which the 
queen, as he told him, knew of and approved ; 
that he folicited him to concur in the execudon of 
it, which at that time he ahfolutely declined; that 
foon after, Bothwell himfelf, and Archibald Doug- 
las, in his names renewing their folicitations to the 
lame purpofe, he had required a warrant under tho 
queen's hand, authorizing the attempt, and a^ diac 
had never been produccdi he had refufed to be 
any farther concerned in the matter. ^^ But>'* 
CQntiaucd he, «' as I neither confented to this trca-r 
ff foneble aft, nor aflifted in the committing of itj 
*/ fo it w^ impoiTible for me to reveal, or to prc-r 
\^ vent It. To whotp coyld I make the difcqv^ry t 
^ The qilcen was the author of the entcrprife, 
*r Darnly was fuch a changeling, that no fccrec 
« could be fafely cojnmunicated to him. Hundy 
« and Both>ycll, who bore the ghieffvyay ii^ the 
'/ kingd3;:n, were tfiemfelycs the perpetrators of 
7 d^e crime." Thefe circun^ftances, it muft be 
confcfled, go fome Icngdi towards extenuating 
Morfon> guilt J and though his apology for the 
favour he had fticwn %q Archibald Douglas, whon^ 
he knew to be one of the confpirator$, be far lefs 
latisfaftory, no une^y reflexions fcem to have 
difquieted his owp niind on that account''. When 
his keepers told him that the. guards were attend- 
ing, and all things in readinefs, " I praife my 
'5 God,'* faid he, " I am ready likewifc.'* Arran. 
ppmmanded thefe guards ; and even in thofc mo- 
^ Crawf. Mem. App, iii. 



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OF SCOTLAND. 87 

mcnts, when the moft implacable hatred is apt to ^ ^^^ ^ 
ijcknt^ the malice of his enemies could not forbear u.-»* ^' 
this infult. On the fcaflTold^ his behaviour was \^^^' 
calm I his countenance and voice unaltered ; and 
after fome time Ipent in devotion, he fuffcred 
death with the intrepidity which became the name 
of Doiiglas* His head was placed on the public 
gaol of Edinburgh -, and his body, after lying till 
fiin-iet on the fcafFold, covered with a beggarly 
doaky was carried by common porters to the ufual 
burial-place of criminals. None of his friends 
durft accompany it to the grave, or difcover their 
gradtude and refped by any fymptoms of forrow'. 

Arrak, no kls profligate in private life, than ^^J^; 
audacious in his public condud, foon after drew nm. 
the attention of his countrymen, by hb infamous 
marriage with the countefs of March. Before he 
grew into favour at court, he had been ofi^n en- 
tertained in her hufband's houfe, and without re- 
garding the laws of hofpitality or of gratitude, car^ 
ried on a criminal intrigue with the wife of his be- 
ne&dtor, a woman young and beautiful, but, ac* 
cording to the defcription of a cotemporary hifto- 
rian, ^^ mtolerable in aU the ]mperfe6tions incident 
to her fex." Impatient of any refbaint upon their 
mutual dcHres, they, with equal ardour, wifhed to 
gvow their union publicly, and to legitimate, by a 
marriagei the offspring of their unlawful pa0ion. 
The coimtels petitioned to be divorced from her 
hufband, for a reafon which no modeft woman will 
ever plead. The judges, over-awed by Arran, 
f Qrawf. Mem. 334, Spotfw. 314. 

. G 4 pa(rc4 



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W THE HISTORY 

* %? ^ paffcd fcntcncc without delay. This infamous Ifcenr 

V -V" ■? was conclxidcd by a marris^, folcmnifed with great 

jiiy'i pomp, and beheld by all ranks of meti wkh the ut- 

moft horror \ ; 

pdoh. H. A PARLIAMENT w»R held thi? ytar, at theopcftr 
ing of which fome dilputcs arofe between Arrm 
and the earl now created duke of Lennox. Arrany 
haughty by nature, and puttied on by his wife's^ 
ambition, began to affi^ an equality, with the 
duke, under whqfe proteftion he had hitherto bccri 
pontentcd to place himfelf. i^ftcr various attempts 
to form a party in the council againft Lennox^ he 
found him fixed fo firmly in the king's a&dion8, 
that it was impofTible to Ihake him$ and radier 
than lofc all iritcrcft at court, from which he was 
banifhed, he made the moft humble fubmiffions to 
the favourite, and again recovered his fprmer cre- 
dit. This rupture contributed, however, to ren-r 
der the duke flill more odious to the nadom 
puring the continuance of it, Arran affe&cd tq 
court the clergy, pretended an extraordinary zeal 
for the proteflant religion^ and laboured to confirni 
the fufpicions which were entertained of his rivals, 
as an emiflkry of the houfe of Guife, and a favourct 
of popery. As he was fuppofed to be acquainted 
with the duke's moft fccret deligns, his calumnies 
were liftened to with greater credit than was du« 
to his charader. To this rivalfhip between Len- 
nox and Arrap, during jphe continuance of whidh 
each endeavoured to conciliate the good-will of 
|hc plcrgy, we muft afcribc feveral afts pf this 

• Spotfw. 315. 
: • ' . parliaineqt 



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OP SCOTLAJTD. »9 

J)arliament uncommonly favourable to the diurch, * ^^p * 
particularly one which abolifhcd the praftice intro- ^. ■■■ ^ ■■■■J 
duccd by Morton, of appointing but oneminiftef '^*'' 
to fcveral pariffics. 

No notice hath been taken for feveral years of Eccidiam- 
ecclefiaftical affairs. While the civil government 
underwent fo thany extraordinary revolutions, the 
church was not fh^e from convulfions. Two ob- 
jl^&s chiefly cngroflcd the attention of tlie clergy. 
The one was, the forming a lyftem of difcipline, 
6r ecclefiaftical polity. After long labour, and 
many difficulties, this fyftem was at laft brought to 
fome degree of perfeftion. The afltmb^y folemnly 
approved of it, and appointed it to be laid before 
the privy counfcil, in order to obtain the rarifica- 
tion of it in parliament. But Morton, during 4hs 
^dnainiftration, and thoft who, after his fell, go- 
verned the king, were equally unwJUing to fee it 
carried into execution ; and by ftarting difficulties^ 
and throwing in objedions, prevented it from re^ 
ceiving a legal fanftion. Xhc oth^r point in view 
i«^, the abolition of the epifcopal order. The 
biihops were fo devoted to the king, to whom they 
owed their promotion, that thie funftion itfelf was 
by fome reckoned dangtrous to civil liberty. Be- 
ing allowed a feat in parliament, and diftinguilhed 
by titles of honour, thefe not only occafioned 
many avocations from their fph'itual funftions, but 
foon rendered their charadcr and manners ex- 
tremely different from thofe of the clergy in that 
age. The nobles viewed their power with jealoufy ; 
jbc populace, confidcrcd their lives as prpfanc; and 

15 bottj 



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90 THE HISTORY 

• ^<> ^ both wilhcd their dcwnfal with equal ardour. The 
^bP^^»■l^ perfonal emulation between Melvil and Adamfon, 
'^ a man of learning, and eminent for his j>opular 
eloquence^ who was promoted, on the death of 
Doug^, to be archbilhop of St. Andrew's, min- 
gled idelf with the paffions on each fide, and 
heightened them. Attacks were made in every 
affembly on the order of bifhops j their privileges 
were gradually circumfcribcd ; and at laft an a£t 
was paflfed, declaring the ofEce of bifhop, as it was 
then exercifed within the realm» to have neither 
foundation nor warrant in the word of God ; and 
requiring, under pain of excommunicadon, all who 
pow poHefled that office, inftandy to reiign it, and 
to abftain from preaching or adminiftering the (a- 
craments, until they fhould receive permiffion from 
the general aflcmbly* The court did not acquiefcc 
. in this decree. A vacancy happening foon aifecr ia 
jhe fee of Glafgow, Montgomery minifter at Stir- 
lingi a man vain, fickle, prefumptuous, and more 
apt, by the blemilhcs in his charader, to have 
alienated the people from an order already beloved, 
than to reconcile them to one which was the obje6^ 
of their hatred, made an infamous fimoniacal bar- 
gain with Lennox, and on his recomxpendadoii 
was chofen archbifliop. The prefbytcry of Stir- 
Jmg, of which he was a member, the prelbytery 
of Glafgow, whither he was to b( tranflated, the 
general aflS^mbly, vied with ^ch other in profe- 
j^U, cuting him on diat account. In order to fcreen 
Montgomery, James made trial bpth of gende and 
of ri^rous meafurcs, and both were equally ineffec-r 
. . wal. 



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OF SCOTLAND- 91 

tuaL The general aflembly was juft ready to pro* 
notUMie againft him the fentence of excommuxiica-«i 
don> when an herald entered, and commanded '^ 
them in the king's name, and under pain of rebel* 
lion, to ftop further proceedings. Even this in- 
junftion they defpifed s and though Montgomery, 
by his tears and feeming penitence, procured a 
ihort refpite, the fentence was at laft ifTued by 
their appointment, and publifhed in all the churches 
throughout the kingdom. 

Thjb firmnefs of the clergy in a coUeftive body 
was not greater than the boldnefs of fome indivi- 
duals, particularly of the minifters of Edinburgh. 
They inveighed daily againft the corruptions in • 
the adminiftracion ; and, with the freedom of ipeecb 
admitted into the pulpit in that age, named Ltn* 
nox and Arran as the chief authors of the gricvr 
ances under which the church and kingdom groan* 
ed. The courtiers, in their turn, complained to 
the king of the infolent and feditious fpirit of the 
clergy. In order to check the bokinefs of their 
difcourfes, Jameis iflfued a proclamation, command- 
ing Dury, one of the moft popular minifters, not 
only to leave the town, but to abftain from preach- 
ing in any other place, Dury complained to the 
judicatories of this incro^chment upon the immu* 
nitics of his office. They approved of the doftrinc 
which he had delivered ; and he determined to dif^ 
regard the royal proclanution. 9ut the magiftrates 
beingdetermined to compel him to leave the city, ac- 
cording to the king's orders, he was obliged to al>an- 
^p his charge^ after protefting publicly, at th^ crofs 

^f 



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THE HISTORY 

of Edinburgh, againft the violence which was piUt 
iqx>n him. The people accompanied him to the 
*^**" gates with tears and lamentations ; and the ckrgjr 
denounced the vengeance of Heaven againft the 
authors of this outrage \ 

In this perilous fituation ftood the church, the 
auAority of its judicatories called in queftioH> and 
the liberty of the pulpit reftrained, when a fudden 
revotution of the civil government procured them' 
uncxpeftcd relief. 
itit ftvoTiF* Xbe two favourites, by their afccndant over the 

ite» engage ' ^ 

the king in king, poffeffcd uncontrolled power in the king- 
i^iS^rm. dom, and exercifed it with the utmoft wantonnefs. 
James ufually refided at Dalkeith, or Kinneil, the 
leats of Lenno]( and of Arr^n, and was attended by 
fuch company, and employed in fuch amuiements, 
as did not fuit his dignity. The fcrvices of tbofc 
who had contributed moft to place the crown on 
Jus head were but litde remembered. Many who 
h^d oppbfcd him with the greatcft virulence, en- 
joyed the rewards and honours to which the others 
were entitled. Exalted notions of regal preroga- 
tive^ utterly inconfiftent with the conftitution of 
Scotland, being inftillcd by his favourites into the 
mind of the young monarch, unfortunately made, 
^t that early age, a deep impreflion there, and be- 
came the fource of almoft all his fubfcquent errors 
in the government of both kingdoms '. Courts of 
juftice were held in almoft every county, ^c pro- 
jwietors of land were called before them, and upon 

« CaldAflemb. 1576— 1582. Spotfw. 377, &c. 
* Cald. lii. 152. * 

the 



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GF SCOTLAND. 91 

the flightcft neglcft of any of the numerous forms * ^ * 
which arc pcciiHar jco fcudri holdings, they were ^ :.-» - >*j 
fijiecj with uniribal and intolerable rigour. The *^**' 
lord chamberlain revived the obfolete jurifdi6tion 
of his office over the boroughs, and they v/crc 
fubjc&ed to aftions no lefs grievous, A dcfign 
leemed likcwifc to have been formed to exafperate 
Elizabeth, and to diflblve the alliance with her, 
which all good protcftants cfteemcd the chief fccH- 
rity of their religion in Scotland. A clofc corre- 
fpondencc was carried on between the king and his 
mother, and confiderable progrcfs made towards 
juniting their titles to the crown, by fuch a treaty 
of aflbciation as Maitland had projefted ; which 
could not fail of endangermg or diminilhing his 
authority, and muft have proved fatal to thofc who' 
had aftcd againft her with greateft vigour', 

Ali, thefe circumftances irritated the impatient iVwAiE* 
fpirit of the ScQttifh nobles, who refoived to tole- a^fna* 
rate no linger the infolence of the two minions, or '^™* 
to ftand by, while their prqfumption and inexpe- 
rience ruined both the king and kingdom. Eliza- 
beth, who, during the adminiftration of the four 
regents, had the entire direftion of the affairs of 
Scotland, felt herfelf deprived of all influence in 
chat kingdom ever fince the death of Morton, and 
was ready to countenance any attempt to refcuc 
the king out of the hands of favourites who were 
lcadiii|[ him into meafures fo repugnant to all her 
Ticws. The earls of Mar and Glcncairn, lord 
Ruthven, lately created carl of Gowrie, lord Lind- 

* CalJ. iii. f J7, 



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iMig's p«r. 
Ion at 
Riithven. 



^ TtiE HlSTORV 

fay, lord Boyd, the tutor of Glamis, the cldeft fon 
of lord Oliphant, with fereral barons and gende^^ 
'^** men of diftindion, entered mto a combination for 
that purpofe; and as changes in adminiftrationi 
which^ among poli(hed nations,* are brought about 
flowly and filently^ by artifice and intrigue, were 
in that rude age effefited fuddenly and by violence^ 
the king's fituation, and the fecurity of the favour- 
ites, encouraged the conlpiratort to have imme/^ 
diate recourfe to force* 
fiMctbc James^ after having redded for fbmetimeinAtho)^ 
where he eryoyed his favourite amufement of hunt- 
ing, was now returning towards Edinburgh with a 
fmall traim He was invited to Ruthven caftle^ 
which lay in his way j and as he fufpefted no dan- 
ger, he went thither in hopes of &rthef fport^ 
The multitude of ftrangers whom he found there 
gave him fomc uneafinefs ; and as thofe who were 
in the fecret arrived every moment from different 
parts, the appearance of fo many new^faces in* 
creaied his fears. . He conc^ealed his uneafinefs, 
however, with the utmofl care ; and next morning 
prepared for the field, ej^peftlng to find there 
lome opportunity of making his efcape. But jufl 
as he was ready to depart, the nobles entered his 
bedchamber in a body, and prefented a memorial 
againfl the illegal and oppreffive adlions of his two 
favourites, whom they reprefented as mofl danger- 
ous enemies to the religion and liberties .of the 
nation. James, though he received this remon^ 
ftrancc with die complaifance which was neceflary 
ill his prcfcnt fituation, was extremely impa- 
tient 



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OF SCOTLAND. $5 

tfcnt to be gone ; but as he approached the door book 
of his apartment, the tutor of Glamis rudely flop- \m — ^— j 
ped him. The king complained, expoftuhted^ '^^ 
threatened> and, finding all thefe without effed^ 
burft into tears : " No matter," faid Glamis fierce- 
ly, " better children weep than bearded men/* 
Thcfe words made a deep impreffion on the king's 
mind^ and were never forgotten. The confpira^ 
tors, without regarding his tears or indignadoni diA 
mifled fuch of his followers as they fufpededs al-« 
lowed none but perfons of their own party to have 
accefs to him -, and, though they trcfated him with 
great refped, guarded his perfon with the utmoft 
care. This enterprife is ufually called^ by our 
hiftorians, ^be raid of Ruthven^ . 

Lennox and Arran were aftoniihed to the latt: commif 
degree at an event fo unexpeded, and {o fecal to priSl^ 
their power. The former endeavoured, but with- 
(Hit fuccels, to excite the inhabitants of Edinburgh 
to take arms in order to refcue their fbvereign 
from capdvity. The lattci> with his ufual impe- 
tuofity, mounted dh horfeback the moment hie 
heard what had befallen the king, and with a few 
followers rode towards Ruthvcn cattle 5 and as a 
conliderable body of the confpirators, under the 
command of the earl of Mar, lay in his way ready 
to oppofe him, he fcparatcd himfclf from his com- 
panions^ and with two attendants arrived at the 
gate of the cattle. At the fight of a man fb odious 
to his country, the indignadon of the confpirators 
roie^ and inftant death mutt have been the punifh- 

y Cald. iii. 134, Spgtfw, 320. Melv. 357. 

ment 



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^ THEftlSTORr 

merit of His rafhneft, if the fricndfhip of Gopmi^ 
or fome other caufc not cxj^ncd by our hifto^ 
*^** rians, had not faved a life fo pernicious to the* 
kingdom. He was confined, however, to the caftle 
of Stirling^ without being admitted into the king's 
jMrcfence* 
commind Thb king, though really the prifoner of his own 
kav^he fubjeds, with whole conduft he could not help 
kingdom. difcoveHng mahy iymptoms of difguft, was obliged 
to publiQi a proclamation, fignifying his approba- 
tion of their cnterprife, declaring that he wag at 
full liberty, without any reftraint or violence offer- 
ed to his perfons and forbidding any attempt 
againft thofe concerned in the Raid of Ruihveny 
under pretence of refcuing him out of their hands* 
At the fame time, he commanded Lennox to leave 
Auguft a8. Scotland before the twentieth of September *. 
The oonfpi- SooN after, fir George Carey and Robert Bowes 
tcnanced by arrivcd as ambafladors from Elizabeth. The pre- 
text of their embaffy was to inquire after the king's 
fafcty J to encourage and countenance the confpi- 
rators was the real motive of it. By their intercef- 
fion, the earl of Angus, who, ever fmce the death 
of his uncle Morton, had lived in exile> obtained 
leave to return. And the acceflion of a noble- 
man fo powerful and fo popular ftrengdiened the 
fadlion *. 

Lennox, whofe amiable and gende qualines had 
procured him many friends, and who received 
private alfiiraaces that the king's favour towards 
him was in no degree abated, fecmcd rcfolvcd, at 

« Cald. iik 135. 138, * Ibid. ill. 151. 

firft. 



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6 IP SCotLAHD. jy 

ftrft, to pay no regard to a command extorted by ® ^ o k 
viokncc, and no kfs difagrecable to James, than s^.^^^j 
it was rtgorous with regard to himfclf. But the *^'*' 
power of his enemies, who were mafters of the 
kill's pcribn, who were fecredy lilpportcd by Eli- 
zabeth, and openly applauded by the ckrgy, de- 
terred him from finy entcrprife, the fuccefs of 
which was dubious, and the danger certain, both 
to himfelf and to his fovereign. He put off the 
time pf his departure, however, by various arti- 
fices, in cxpeftarion either that James might make 
his efcape from the conspirators, or that fortune 
might prefcnt fome more favourable opportunity 
of taking arms for his relief 

On the other hand, the cortfpirators were ex- Their con- 
trtmely folicitous not only to (ccure the approba- ^ir^by 
tion of their countrymen, but to obtain fome legal 12/^^/ 
£uidion of their enterprifc. For this purpofe they "^^^ ^^ 
publkhed a long declaration, containing the mo- 
tives which had induced them to venture on fuch * 
^n irregular ftep, and endeavoured to heighten the 
public indignation againft the favourites, by repre*- 
fenting» in the ftrongefl colours, their inexperience 
and inibknce, their contempt of the nobles, their 
▼blation of the privileges of the church, and their 
oi4>reflion of the peopk. They obliged the king, 
who could not with lafety rcfufe any of their dc- 
nandiy to grant diem a remiifion in the moH: 
ampk form ; and not fadsfied with that, they ap- 
plied to the aflembly of the church, and eafily oaober^ 
procured an a£b, declaring, <' that they had done 
" goixl and acceptable fcrvice to Go^,-to their 

Vol, II. H •' fovcreign. 



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•^ THEHlSTORT 

" fovcrcign, and to their native country ;" and r<?- 
quiring all fincere protcftants to concur with them 
in carrying forward fuch a laudable enterprifc. In 
order to add the greater weight to this a6t, every 
minifter was enjoined to read it in his own pulpit, 
and to inflidt the cenfures of the church on thofc 
who {ct themfclves in oppofition to fo good a 
caufe. A convention of cftates affembled a few days 
after, paflcd an a<9: to the fame effed, and granted 
full indemnity to the confpirators for every thing 
they had done ^. 
Lennox* Jambs was condufted by them, firft to Stirling^ 
ft^m'swt- ^^^ afterwards to the palace of Holy-rood-houfc j 
tand. and though he was received every where with the 

external marks of refpeft due to his dignity^ hb 
motions were carefully obfcrvcd, and he was under 
a reftraint no Icfs drift than at the firft moment 
when he was feized by the confpirators, Lennox, 
after eluding many commands to depart out of the 
kingdom, was at laft obliged to begin his journey* 
He lingered,' however, for fome time in the neigh- 
bourhood of Edinburgh, as if he had (Hll in- 
tended to make fome efibrt towards reftoring the 
king to liberty. But either from the gendenefs of 
his own dilpofition, averfe to bloodfhed and the 
diforders of civil war, or from fome other cauft 
unknown to us, he abandoned the defign, and feC 
ttt. 30. Out for France, by the way of England. The king 
iffued the order for his departure with no left re- 
luctance than the duke obeyed it ; and both mount- 
ed a feparation, whidi neithei" of them had power 

^ QM. iii. 177. 187. 200. Spotfw. jaa. 



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OF SCOTLAND. . •^99 

to prevent; Soon after his arrival in France, the ^ %^^ 
fatigue of the journey, or the anguilh of his mind, < ^ ■»— ^ 
tjircw him into a fever. In hb laft moments he ^^^^'^ 
difcovered fuch a firm adherence to the protcftant 
feith, as fully vindicates his memory from the im- 
putation of an attachment to popery, with which 
he had been uncharitably loaded in Scotland ^. As 
he was the earlieft, and beft beloved, he was, per- 
haps, the moft dcferving, though not the moft 
able, of all James's favourites. The warmth and - 
tendcrnefs of his matter's afFec\:ion for him was not 
abated by death itfclf By many a6ts of kind- 
ncls and generofity towards his pofterity, the king 
not only did great honour to the memory of Len- 
nox, but fet his own character in one of its moft: 
fevourable points of view. 
The fuccefs of the confplracy which deprived ^^ ry'sanx^ 

, icty 4tx>uC 

James of libertjr made great noifc over all Eu- ho- un. 
rope, and at laft reached the ears of Mary in 
the prifon to which (he was confined. As her own 
experience had taught her what injuries a captive 
prince is expofcd to fufFer ; and as many of thofc 
who were now concerned in the entcrprife 
againft her fon, were the fame perfons whom (he 
confidered as the chief authors of her own misfor- 
tunes, it was natural for the tcnderncfs of a mother 
to apprehend that the fame calamities were ready to 
fall on his head ; and fuch a profpc<^ did not fail 
of adding jo the diftrefs and horror of hpr own 
lituadon. In the angui(h of her heart, Ihc wroj;^ 

* Spotfw. 324. Cald« Hi. 172. 



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tea THEHISTORY 

^ %L ^ to Elizabeth, complaining in the bittereft terms of 
%mm^m,^ the unprecedented rigoyr with which (he herfelf 
*^**' had been treated, and befeeching her not to aban- 
don her fon to the mercy of his rebelfious fub- 
je6ls ; nor permit him to be involved in die lame 
misfortunes under which ftie had fo long groaned. 
The peculiar vigour and acrimony of flylc, for 
which this letter is remarkable, difcover both the 
high Ipirit of the Scottifh queen, unfubdued by her 
fufFerings, and the violence of her indignation at 
Elizabeth's artifices and feverity. But it was ill 
adapted to gain the end which (he had in view, and 
accordingly it neither procured any mitigation of 
the rigour of her own confinement, nor any inter- 
pofition in favour of the king*. 
t5«5' Henry III. who, though he feared and hated 

dors arrive the princes of Guife, was often obliged to court 
and^Enj^^ their favour, interpofcd with warmth, in order to ex- 
^^ tricate James out of the hands of a party fo entirely 

devoted to the Englifti intcrcft. He commanded 
M. delaMotte Fenclon, his amba(rador at the 
court of England, to repair to Edinburgh, and to 
contribute his utmo(t endeavours towards placing 
James in a fituation more fuitable to his dignity. 
As EKzabcth could not, witii decency, refiifc him 
liberty to execute this commiflion, (he appointed 
Davifon to attend him into Scotland as her envoy, 
tmder colour of concurring with him in the nego- 
tiation, but in reality to be a (py upon his motions, 
and to obftrud his fuccefs. James, whofc title 

* Camdr 489, 



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OF SCOTLAND. tat 

to the crown had not hitherto been rccognifed by 
any of the princes on the continent, was ex- 
tremely fond of fuch an honourable cmbafly from '^*^ 
the French monarchy andj on that account, as 
well as for the fake of the errand on which he 
came, received Fenclon with great refpeft. The Jtnui^ 7, 
nobles, in whofe power the king was, did not 
rcKlh this interpofition of ^the French court, which 
had long loft its ancient influence over the affairs 
of Scotland, The clergy were alarmed at the dan- 
ger to which religion would be expofed, if the 
princes of Guife (hould recover any afcendant over 
the pubKc councils. Though the king tried every 
method for reftfaining them within the bounds 
of decency, they declaimed agaiRft the court of 
France, againft the princes of Guife, againft the 
ambailador, againft entering bto any alliance with 
fuch notorious perfecutors of the church of God, 
with a vehemence which no regular government 
would now tolerate, but which was then esttremely 
common. The ambaflador, watched by Davifon, 
difhufted by the nobles, and expofed to the infulcs 
of die clergy and of the people, returned into 
England without procuring any change in the 
king's fituation, or receiving any anfwer to a pro- 
polal which he made, that die government fhould 
be carried on in the joint names of James and the 
qoccnhis mother*. 

Meanwhile James, though he dilTembled with ]f^^ ^ 
great art, became every day more uneafy under ms of the hands 

of the coi^ 
fpiratof% 
* Cald. liu 207. Spotfw. 324. Murdin, 372, &c. See 

Appendix, No. 1%. 

H 3 confiac^ 



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:tot THE HISTORY 

* vi^ ^ confinements his uneaflncfs rendered him corf* 
u -^»^-i tinually attentive to find out a proper opportunity 
'^^^' for ^making his efcapci and to this attention he 
at laft owed his liberty, which the king of France 
was not able, nor the queen of England willing, 
to procure for him. As the confpirators bad 
forced Lennox out of the kingdom, and kept 
Arran at a diftancc from court, they grew fecure ; 
^nd imagining that time had reconciled the king 
to them, and to his fifuation, they watched him 
with little care. Some occafions of difcord had 
arifen among themfelves -, and the French ambaf- 
fador, by fomenting thefc during the time of his 
refidence in Scotland, had weakened the union, ia 
which alone their lafety confiftcd ^ Colonel Wilr 
liam Stewart, the commander of 'the band of gen- 
tlemen who guarded the king's perfon, being 
gained by James, had the principal merit in the 
June 27. feheme for reftoring his matter to liberty.- Under 
pretence of paying a vifit to the earl of March, his 
grand- uncle, James was permitted to. go from 
Falkland to St. Andrew's. That he might not 
preate any fufpjcion, he lodged at firft in an open 
defencekfs houfe in the town, but pretending ^ 
curiofity to fpe the paftlp, pq fooncr was he enter- 
ed with fome of his attendants ivhom he could 
truft, than colonel Stpwart commanded the gates 
to be fhut, and excluded all the reft of his train. 
Next morning the earls of Argyll, Huntly, Craw- 
ford^ Montrofe, Rothes, with odiers to whom th^ 

f Camd. 455.-^. 

fccitct 



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tJF SCOTLAND. rt)^ 

ftcrct had been communicated, entered the town ^ 
with their followers ; and though Mar, with feve- 
ral of the leaders of the faftion, appeared in arms, 
they found themfelves fo far outnumbered, that 
it was in vain to think of recovering poffeflion of 
the king's perfon, which had been in their power 
ibmewbat longer than ten months. James was • 
naturally of fo foftand du6tile a temper, that thofe 
who were near his perfon commonly made a deep 
impreflion on his heart, which was formed to be 
under the IWay of favourites. As he remained 
implacable and unreconciled to the conlpiratora 
during fo long a time, and at a period of life 
when rcfentments arc radier violent than lafting, 
they muft either have improved the opportunities 
of infinuaring themfclvcs into favour with licde 
dexterity, or the indignation with which this firft 
infult to his perfon and authority filled him, muft 
have been very great. 

His joy at hb efcape was youthful and exceflive, Rcibw«, 
He refolved, however, by the advice of fir James ^t^J*^^^ 
Melvil, and his wifeft counfellors, to a6t with the ^^5** "**^- 

. ration. 

utmoft moderation. Having called into his pre- 
fcnce the leaders of both factions, the neighbour- 
ing gentry^ the deputies of the adjacent boroughs, 
the minifters, and the heads of colleges, he de- 
clared, that although he had been held under re- 
ftraint for fome time by violence, he would not 
impute that as a crime to any man^ but, without 
remembering the irregularities which had been 
fo frequent during his minority, would pafs a gene- 
%^\ aft of oblivion, and govern all his fubjefts with 
H 4 undiftii^- 



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W4 THE HISTORY 

* ^? ^ undiftinguifliing and equal afFcftton. As ah cvi* 
w — ^ dencc of his fmccrity, he vifit^d the earl of Gowri? 
^4*?' at Ruthvcn-caftlp, and granted him a full pardon 
of any guilt he had contraftcd^ by the crime com-r 
mitted in that very place ». 
But Arrad JuT Jamcs did not adhere long to this prudent 
aidant* and moderate plan. His former favourite, the carl 
9*whimj of Arran, had bepn permitted for fomc time to 
rcfide at Kinncil, one of his country feats. As 
foon as the king felt himfelf at liberty, his love for 
him began to revive, and he exprefled a ftrong 
defire to fee him. The courtiers violently oppofed 
the return of a minion, whofe infolent and over-r 
bearing temper they dreaded, as much as the nation 
detcftcd his crimes. James, however, continued 
his importunity, and promifiqg that he fhould con- 
tinue with him no longer than one day, they were 
obliged to yield. This interview rekindled ancient 
affedion; the king forgot his promifej Arran 
regained his afcendant over him ; and within a few 
days refumed the exercife of power, with all the 
arrogance of an undeferving favourite, and all the 
rafhnefs peculiar to himfelf^. 
andtbekipg The firft cffcd of hjs influence was a pfoclama- 
S'ct'p^' tion with regard to thofe concerned in the Raid of 
Ruthven. They were required to acknowledge 
their crime in the humblcft manner ; and the king 
promifed to grant them a full pardon, provided 
their future conduft were fuch as did not oblige 
Jiim to remember paft mifcarriagcs. The tenor 



f Mdv. 272. ^ llfid. 274. 

of 



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QF SCOTLAND: 105 

of this pr6cIamadoh was extremely different from book 
the a£t of oblivion which the confpirators had been v— >,.^^ 
encouraged to cxpeft. Nor did any of diem '^^ 
reckon it fafe to rely on a promife clogged with 
fuch an equivocal condidon> and granted by a 
young prince under the dominion of a minifter void 
of faiths regardlefs of decency^ apd tranfported by 
the defu'e of revenge even beyond the ufual ferocity 
of his temper. Many of the leaders, who had at 
firft appeared openly at court, rcdred to their own 
houiesi and, forefeeing the dangerous ftorm which 
was gathering, began to look out for a retreat in 
foreign countries*. 

Elizabeth, who had all along proteftcd the Eiizabcth^s 
confpirators, was extremely difguftcd with meafures in ^Si!n2' 
which tended (o vifibly to their dcftruftion, and r^"^!^^'' 
wrote to the king a harfh and haughty letter, Ausuar. 
reproaching him in a ftyle very uncommon 
among princes, with breach of faith in recalling 
Arran to court, and with imprudence in proceed- 
ing fo rjgoroufly againft his beft and moft faithful 
fubje£ts. James, with a becoming dignity, replied, 
that promifes extorted by violence, and conditions 
yielded out of fear, were no longer binding, when 
thefe were removed ; that it belonged to him alone 
to chufe what minifters he would employ in his 
fervice ; and that though he rcfolved to treat the 
confpirators at Ruthven with the utmoft clemency, 
it was necel&ry, for the fupport of his authority, 
that fuch an infult on his perfon fhould not pais 
^together uncenfured"". 

^ ^c}v. 278^ Spotfw. 326. Ca}d. 111. 330. ^ McW. 279. 
iQ Elizabeth's 



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io4 



THE HISTORY 




1583. 

S«pt. I. 

liafn*s cm- 
Imffy into 
Scotland. 



ELrzABETH's letter was quickly followed bjT 
WalGngham her fccretary, whom flic appointed 
her ambaflador to James, and who appeared at 
the Scottilh court with a fplcndour and magni- 
ficence well calculated to pleaic and dazzle a young 
prince. Walfmgham was admitted to feveral con- 
ferences with James himfclf, in which he infifted 
on the fame topics contained in the letter, and the 
king repeated his former anfwers. 

After fufFcring feveral indignities from the 
arrogance of Arran and his creatures, he returned 
to England, without concluding aoy new. treaty 
with the king. Walfmgham was, next to Bur- 
leigh, the minifter on whom the chief weight of 
the Englifh adminiftration refteds and when a 
perfon of his rank ftept fo far out of the ordinary 
road of bufmefs, as to undertake a long journey in 
his old age, and under a declining ftate of healthy 
fome a^ir of confcquence was fuppofcd to be the 
caufe, or fome important event was expcftcd to he 
the cfFcft, of this meafure. But as nothing con- 
fpicuous cither occafioned or followed this cmbafly, 
it is probable that Elizabeth had no other intention 
in employing this fagacious minifter, than to 
difcover, with exaftncfs, th< capacity and dif- 
pofition of the Sco'ttifh king, who was now ar- 
rived at a time of life when, with fome degree 
of certainty, conjedtures might be formed concern- 
ing his charaftcr and future conduft. As James 
pofTcncd talents of that kind, which make a better 
figure in converfacion than in aftion, he gained 
a great deal by this mtervicw with the Engljfh 

fccretary^fc 



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OF SCOTLAND. 107 

fccrctary, who, notwithftanding the coW fcceptlon-* ^ * 
which he met with, gave fuch an advantageous u ■^■'■■i^ 
reprefentation of his abilities, as determined Eli- ^^^^ 
zabeth to treat him, henceforward, with greater 
decency and refpcd '. 

Elizabeth's eagerncfs to proteft the confpi- 
rators rendered James more violent in his proceed- 
ings againft them. As they had all refufed to 
accept of pardon upon the terms which he had 
offered, they were required, by a new prockma- 
don, to furrender themfelves prifoners. The earl 
of Angus alone complied; the reft either fled into 
England, or obtained the king's licence to retire 
mto foreign parts. A convention of cftates wa$ 
held, the members of which, deceived by an unr 
worthy artifice of Arran's, declared thofc con-r 
cemed in the Raid of Rutbven to have been guilty 
of high treafon 3 appointed the aft paffed laft year 
approving of their conduft to bp expunged out of 
the records; and engaged to fupport the king 
in profecuting the fugitives with the utmoft rigouf 
of law. 

The confpirators, though far from having done 
iuiy thing that was uncommon in that age, among 
mutinous nobles, and under an unfetded ftate of 
government, muft be acknowledged to have been 
guilty of an aft of treafon againft their fovereign ; 
^ James, who confidered their conduft in this 
light, had good reafon to boaft of his clemency, 
^hen he offered to pardon them upon their con^ 

\ Mclv. 293, Cald. iii. 258. Jckb, ii, 536. 

15 feffin|[ 



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tot THE HISTORY 

fei5i^ their crinSc. But, on the other hand, it 
muft be allowed that, after the king's voluntary 
»5*3» promife of a general oblivion, they had fomc rea- 
ion to complain of breach of faith, and, without 
the mod unpardonable imprudence, could not 
have put their lives in Arran's power. 
▼5^4. The intcrcft of the church was confidcrably 

favouVtS^ affedked by thefc contrary revolutions. While the 
teSf *Sd confpirators kept poflcifion of power, the clergy 
2^^*^* not only recovered, but extended, their privileges^ 
As they had formerly declared the hierarchy to be 
unlawful, they took fome bold meafures towards 
exterminating the epifcopal order out of the 
church i and it was owing more to Adamfon's dex- 
terity in perplexing and lengthening out the pro- 
ccis for that purpofe, than to theif own want of 
xeal, that they did not deprive, and ^perhaps ex- 
communicate, all the bifliops in Scotland. When 
the king recovered his liberty, things put on a 
very different afpeft. The favour beftowed upon 
Arran, the enemy of every thing decent and 
facred, and the rigorous profecution of thofc nobles 
who had been the moft zealous defenders of the 
pcoteftant caufe, were confidered as fure prcfagcs 
of the approaching ruin of the church. The clergy 
could not conceal their apprchenfions, nor view 
this impending danger in (ilence. Drury, who had 
been reftored to his office afi one of the minifters 
of Edinburgh, openly applauded the Raid of 
Rutbven in the pu^it, at which the king was fo 
enraged, that, notwithftanding fomc fymptoms of 
his fubmiifion, he commanded him to refign his 
'' » charge 



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OF SCOTLAND. 109 

charge in the city. Mr. Andrew Melvil, being ■ 9^^ * 
fummoned before the privy council, to anlwcr fiir ^ ^v-^mJ 
the dodrine which he had uttered in a fermoA itt '*^ 
St. Andrew's, and accufed of comparing the pre-* 
fcnt grievances of the nation with thofe under 
James III. and of intimating obliquety that they 
ought to be redreflfed in the fame manner, thought 
it incumbent on him to behave with great firm« 
nefs. He declined the juriididUon of a civil courts 
in a caufe which he maintained to be purely ecck- 
fiaftical; the prefbytery, of which he was, a mem- 
ber, had, as he contended, the fole right to call 
him to account for words fpoken in the pulpit; 
and Bcither the king nor council could judgie> in 
the firft inftance, of the doftrine delivered by 
preachers, without violating the immunities of the 
church. This exemption from civil jurifiiiftion 
was a privilege which the popWh ecclefiaftics, ad- 
mirable judges of whatever contributed to incrcafe 
the luftre or power of their body, had long 
ftruggled for, and had at laft obtained. If the 
fame plea had now been admitted, the proteftant 
clergy would have become independent on the 
civil magiftrate ; and an order of men extremely 
ufeful to fociety while they inculcate thofe du- 
ties which tend to promote its bappinefs and 
tranquillity, might have become no Icfs pernicious^ 
by teaching, without fear or control, die moft 
dangerous principles, or by exciting their hearers 
to the moft defperate and lawlefs adions. The 
king, jealous to exccfs of his prerogative, was 
ahrnKd at this daring encroachment on it ; and as 

Melvil, 



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lie THEHISTORY 

m.o o K Mclvil, by his learning and zeal, had acquired thtj 
M"^ -j- reputation and authority of head of the party, he 
^^^ rcfolved to punifh him with the rigour which that 
pre-eminence rendered neceflary, and to difcou- 
rage, by a timely fcverity, the revival of fuch a 
dangerous claim. Melvil, however, avoided his 
rage, by flying into England s and the pulpits 
refounded with complaints that the king had ex- 
finguifhed the light of learning in the kingdom, 
and deprived the church of the ablefl and mod 
faithful guardian of its liberties and difcipline "". 

These violent declamations of the clergy 
againft tht meafures of the court were extremely 
acceptable to the people. The conlpirators, 
though driven out of the kingdom, ftill poflTeffed 
great influence there 5 and as they had every thing 
to fear from the refentment of a young prince> 
irritated by the furious counfcls of Arran, they 
never ceafed foliciting their adherents to take arms 
in their defence. Gowrie, the only perfon among 
them who had fubmitted to the king, and accepted 
of a pardon, foon repented of a ftep which loft 
him the efteem of one party, without gaining tifc 
confidence of the other i and, after fufFering marty 
mortifications from the king's negle£t ind the 
haughtinefs of Arran, he was at laft commanded 
to leave Scotland, and to refide in France. 
While he waited at Dundee for an opportunity 
to embark, he was informed that the earls of 
Angus, Mar, and the tutor of Glamis, had con*- 

• 

■* SpOtfw. 330. Cald. lii. 304. 

certcd 



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OF SCOTLAND. iii 

ccrtcd a fchemc for furprifing die caftle af Stir- 
ling^ In his ficuation^ litde perfuafion was neccC- 
iary to draw him to engage in it. Under various '^ 
pretexts he put off his voyage, and ky ready G> 
take arms on tl>c day fixed by the confpirators for 
the execution of their enterprife. His lingering 
fo long at Dundee, without any apparent reafon, 
awakened the fufpicion of the court, proved fetal 
to himfelf, and difappointed the fuccefs of the 
confpiracy. Colonel William Stewart furrounded 
the houfe where he lodged with a body of fol- 
dicrs, and, in fpite of his refinance, took him 
prifoner. Two days after, Angus, Mar, and 
Glamis feiscdthe caftle of Stirling, and ereding 
their ftandard there, publiflicd a manifefto, de* 
daring that they took arms for no other reafon 
but to remove from the king's prcfcnce a miniou 
who had acquired power by die moft unworthy 
aftions, and who exercifed it with the moft in- 
tolerable infolcnce. The account of Gowrit'fc 
Imprifbnment ftruck a damp upon their fpirits. 
They imputed it to treachery on his part, and 
fulpeifted, that as he had formerly dcfcrted, he 
had now betrayed them. At the fame time 
Elizabeth having negleded to fupply them in 
due time with a fum of money> which fhc 
had promiied^to them, and their friends and 
vaffals coming in flowly, they appeared irre- 
folute and diiheartened ^ and as the kingj who 
afted with great vigour, advanced towards them 
at the head of twenty thoufand men, they fled 
precipitately towards England; and with difficulty 

madt 



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112 THE HISTORY 

^ made their cfcapc °. This ralh and feeble attetnpf 
produced fuch efie£ts as ufualiy follow difappoinjted 
^^ confpiracies. It not only hurt the caufe for which 
it was undertaken^ but added ftrength and repu- 
tation to the king; confirmed Arran's power; and 
enabled them to purfue their meafures with more 
boldnefs'and greater fucceis. Gowrie was the firfl: 
viftim of their refentment. After a very informal 
trials a jury of peers found him guilty of treafon» 
and he was publicly beheaded at Stirling. 
Miytt, To humble the church was the king's next ftep* 

mcntheid. But as it became necef&ry, for this purpofc, to 
call in the aid of the legiflative authority^ a parlia- 
ment was haftily fummoned: and while fo many 
of the nobles were banifhed out of the kingdom^ 
or forbidden to appear in the king's prcfencej 
while Arran's haughtineis kept fome at a diftance, 
and intimidated others; the meeting conlifted only 
of fuch as were abfolutely at the devotion of 
Scwe laws the court. In order to conceal the laws which 
Strch. * were framing from the knowledge of the clergy, 
the lords of the articles were fworn to fecrecyi 
and when fome of the minifters, who either fuf- 
pefted or ^re informed of the danger, deputed 
one of their number to declare their apprehenfions 
to the king, he was feized at the palace-gate, and 
carried to a diftant prifon. Others, attempting to 
enter the parliament-houfe, were rcfufed admit- 
tance ^ ; and fuch laws were paiTed, as totally over* 

» Home's Hift. of Houfe of DougL 376. Spotfw. jjq. 
Caldenv. iii. 324, &c. 
• Cidd, iii.' 365, 

turned 



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OF SCOTLAND. tij 

tufticd the cbnftiwrion and difciplinc of the dhurdh. ^ ^^^ ^ 
The reflifing to acknowledge the juriiUiftion of u — ^- i 
the privy council; the pretending an exemption May^iJi 
from the authority of the civil courts; the attempt- 
ing to diminifh the rights and privileges of any of the 
diree eftates in parliament^ were declared to be high 
treafoiu The holding aflembliesj whether civil or 
eccle(iaftk:al» without the king's permiffion or ap-^ 
pointnocnt; the uttering, either privately or pub* 
lidy, in lermons or in declamations, any jfalfe and 
icandalous reports againft the king, his anceftors> 
or miniflers, were pronounced capital drimes'. 

When thefe laws were publiflied at the crofi o{ 
Edinburgh, according to the ancient cuftom, Mf. 
Robert Pont, minifter of St. Cuthbert's and one of 
the lords of fcffion, foleranly protefted againft 
them, in the name of his brethren, becaufe they 
had been palled without the knowledge or confent 
of the church. Ever fince the- Reformation, thd 
pulpits and ecclefiaftical judicatories had both been 
cftccmcd facred. In the former, the clergy had 
been accuftomcd to cenfure and admonifli with 
unbounded liberty. In the latter, they exercifed 
an uncontrolled and independent jurifdiftion. The 
blow was now aimed at both thefe privileges. Thefe 
new ftatutes were calculated to render church- 
men as inconfiderable as they were indigent : and 
as the avarice of the nobles had ftrippcd them of 
the wealth, the king's ambition was about to de- 
prive them of the power, which once belonged to 

P Pari. 8 Jac. VI. 

Vol. II. I their 



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114 tllSTORY OF SCOTLAND. 

^ 9^ ^ their order. No wonder the alarm was tinivcrlal, 
u*- v— ^ and the complamts loud. All the minifters of 
1584- Edinburgh forfodk their charge, and fled into 
England. The moft eminent clergymen through- 
out the kingdom imitated dieir example. Defola- 
tion and aftonilhment appeared in every part of 
the Scottifli church ; the people bew^ed the lofs 
of paftors whom they efteemed j and full of con- 
flernation at an event fb unexpefted, openly ex- 
' preiTed their rage againft Arran, and began to fuf* 
pe£t the king himfelf to be an cnemy^ to the re- 
formed religion'. 

^ Spotfw. 333. 



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THE 

HISTORY 

O F 

SCOTLAND. 



BOOK VII. 



WHILE Scotland was torn by inteftinc fac- » ^^ ^ 
dons, Elizabeth was alarmed with the ru- ^ "^^'md 
mour of a projcft in agitation for fetting Mary at Thn&iw 
liberty. Francis Throkmorton, a Chelhire gen- «??'««ojj- 
deman, was fuipeded of being deeply concerned gainft uil 
in the defign^ and on that fufpicion he was taken 
mto cuftody. Among his papers were found two 
lifts> one of the principal harbours in the king* 
dom^ with an account of their fituadon^ and of 
die depth of water in each ; the other> of all the 
eminent Roman catholics in England. This clr^ 
cumftance confirmed the fufpicion againft him» 
and fome dark and delperate confpiracy was fup- 
poftd juft ready to break out. At firft he boUly 
avowed his ini^ocence, and declared that the twQ 
^papers were forged by the queen's minifterst in 
order to indmidate or enihare him ; and he even 

I 2 endured 



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ii6 THE HISTORY 

^ VI? ^ endured the i^ck with the utmoft fortitude. But 
u — y, J -^ being brought a fecond time to the place of tor- 
'^^** ture, his refolution failed him, and he not only ac- 
knowledged that he had held a fccret comclpond- 
cnce with the queen of Scots, but difcovered a dc- 
fign that was formed to invade England. The 
duke of Guife, he faid, undertook to flirnifh troops, 
and to conduct the enterprifc. The pope and king 
of Spain were to fupply the money neceflary for 
carrying it on; all the Englilh exiles were eager to 
take arms j many of the catholics at home would 
be ready to join them at their landing ; Mendoza, 
the Spanilh ambaflador, who was the life of the 
confpiracy, fpared no pains in fomenting the fpirit 
of difafFeftion among the Englifli, or in haftening 
the preparations on the continents and fay his com- 
mand, he made the two lifts, the copies whereof 
had been found in his poflelfion. This confeSion 
he retraced at his trial ^ returned to it again after 
fcntence was paflcd upon him j and , retradted it 
once more at the place of execution*. 

To us in the prcfent age, who are aflifted in 
forming our opinion of this matter by the light 
which time and hiftory have thrown ypon the de- 
figns and characters of the princes Qf 'Guife, many 
circumftances of Throkmorton'sucpnfeffion appear 
to be extremely remote from: truth, or even from 
probability. The duke of Guife was, at that juncr 
ture, far from being in a fituation to undertake fo- 
reign cbnquefts. Without either power or office 
at court ; hated by the king, and pcrfecutcd by the 

• Hollingfliead, 1370. 

favourites , 



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OF SCOTLAND. if/ 

firouritcs ; he had no leilurc for any thoughts of ^ ^^ ^ 
difturbing the quiet of neighbouring ftates; his u^- v -i^ 
▼aft and ambitious mind was wholly occupied in '^^^ 
laying the foundation of that famous league which 
fhook the throne of France. But at the time when 
Elizabeth detefted this confpiracy, the clofe union 
between the houfe of Guifc and Philip was remark- 
able to all Europe ; and as their great enterprife 
againft Henry III. was not yet difclofed, as they 
endeavoured to conceal that under their* threaten- 
ings to invade England, Throkmorton's difcovery 
appeared to be extremely probable; and Eliza- 
beth, who knew how ardently all the parties men- 
doned by him wifhed her downfal, thought that 
Ihc could not guard her kingdom with too much 
care. The indifcreet zeal of the Englifh exiles in- ^^sf« ^J 
creafed her fears. Not fatisfied with inceflant hercms 
outcries againft her feverity towards the Scotdfli zfbJrtJi^' 
queen, and her cruel perfecution of her catholic 
fubjedbs, not thinking it enough that one pope had 
threatened her with, the Icntence of excommunica- 
tion, and another had aftually pronounced it, they 
now began to dilperfe books and writings, in which 
they endeavoured to perfuade their difciples, that 
it would be a meritorious aftion to take away her 
life i they openly exhorted the maids of honour to ' 
treat her as Judith did Holofernes, and, by fuch 
an illuftrious deed, to render their own names ho- 
nourable and facred in the church throughout all ** 
future ages *. For all thefe reafons, Elizabeth not 
only inflicted the puniihment of a traitor on Throk- 

^ Camd. 497, 

I 3 inorton. 



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nf THE HISTORY 

* ^ ^ morton, but commanded the Spwiifli ambaffador 
u- y i^ inftantly to leave England ; and that flie might be 
'^**' in no danger of being attacked within the ifland, 
(he determined to ufc her utmoft efforts, in order 
to recover that influence over the Scottilh coun- 
cils, which (he had for fomc time entirely loft. 
Shecndct- Therb Were three different methods by which 
Sawimher EUzabcth might hope to accomplifh this; either 
K^?,by by furnifhing fuch efFedhial aid to the banifhcd 
gaining Ar- jjoblcs, as would enable them to rcfunie the chief 
direftion of affairs j or by entering into fuch a 
treaty with Mary, as might intimidate her fon, 
who being now accuftomed to govern, would not 
be averfe from agreeing to any terms rather than 
refign the fceptre, or admit an affociate in the 
throne; or by gaining the earlof Arran, to fecure 
the dircftion of the king his mafter. The laft was 
not only the cafieft and fpeedieft, but moft likely 
to be fuccefsful. This Elizabeth refolved to pur- 
fue J but without laying the other two altogether 
afide. With diis view (he fcnt Davifon, one of 
her principal fecretarics, a man of abilities and ad- 
drefs, into Scotland, A miniftcr fo venal as Ar- 
ran, hated by his own countrymen, and holding 
his power by the moft precarious of all tenures, 
the favour of a young prince, accepted Elizabeth's 
offers without hcfitation, and deemed the acquifi- 
jtion of her protedion to be the moft folid founda- 
A#uft 13. tion of his own greatncfs. Soon after he confented 
to an interview with lord Hunfdon, the governor 
of Berwick, and being honoured with the pompous 
title of lieutenant general for the king, he appeared 

at - 



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OF SCOTLAND^ 119 

at die place appointed with a Iplendid train. In 
Hunfdon's prcfcncc he renewed his promifes of 
an inviolable and &ithful attachment to the Eng- *^^ 
lifh intereil) and aflured him that James Ihould en* 
tcr into no negotiation which might tend to inter- 
rupt the peace between the two kingdoms ; and as 
Elizabeth began to entertain the fame fears and 
jealoufics concerning the king's marriage, which \ 
had formerly difquieted her with regard to his mo- 
ther's, he undertook to prevent James from liften- 
ing to aiiy overture of that kind, unril he had prc- 
vioufly obtained the queen of England's confcnt*. 

The baniihed lords and their adherents foon Scyerejiro- 
felt the effcds of Arran's fricndlhip with England. ^uTthe 
As Elizabeth had permitted them to take refuge ^^^"^ 
in her dominions, and fcveral of her minifters were 
of opinion that flic ought to employ her arms in 
defence of their caufe, the fear of this was the only 
thing which reftrained James and his favourite from 
proceeding to fuCh extremities againft them, as 
might have excited the pity or indignation of the 
Englifli, and have prompted them to exert them- 
iclves with vigour in their behalf. But every ap- Auguft 22. 
prchcnlion of this kind being now removed, they 
ventured to call a parliament, in which an aft was 
paffed, attainting Angus, Mar, Glamis, and a great 
number of their followers. Their eftates devolved 
to the crowh, and accordmg to the praftice of the 
Scottilh monarchs, who were obliged to reward 
the fadlion which adhered to them, by dividing 
with it the fpoils of the vanquiflied, James dealt . 
« Cald. iiit 491. Mel?. 315% Sec Append. No. X. 

J 4 out 



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IW THE HISTORY 

^ VI? ^ ^"' *^ greater part of thcfc to Arran and Kis affo- 
iy- ^ --; eiatcs*. 

agau?fttfic Nor was the treatment of the cler^ Icfs rigor- 
^^^' ous. All minifters, readers, and profcffors in col- 
leges, were enjoined to fubfcribe, within forty 
days, a paper teftifying their approbation of the 
laws concerning the church Rafted in laft parliar 
mcnt. Many, overawed or corrupted by the court, 
yielded obedience ; others ftood out. The ftipcnds 
of the latter were fequeftered, fome of the more 
aftivc committed to prifon, and numbers compel- 
led to fly the kingdom. Such as complied, fell 
\mder the fufpicion of ading from rpercenary of 
ambitious motives. Such as adhered to their prin- 
ciples, and fufFered in confequence of it, acquired 
high reputation, by giving this convmcing evi- 
dence of their firmnefs and fincerity. The judica- 
tories of the church were almoft entirely fuppreff- 
ed. In fome places fcarce as many minifters re- 
mained, as to perform the duties of religious wor- 
fhip J they foon funk in reputation among the peo- 
ple, and being prohibited not only from difcourfing 
of public affairs, but obliged, by the jealoufy of 
the adminiftration, to frame every fentiment and 
expreffion in fuch a manner as to give the court 
no offence, their fermons were deemed languid, 
infipid, and contemptible ; and it became the ge- 
neral opinion, that together with the moft virtuous 
of the nobles and the moft faithful of the clergy, 
Ae power and vigour of religion were now banifh- 
cd out of the kingdom *. 

* Cald. iii. 527. < Ibid. iii. 589. 



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OF SCOTLAND. iii 

Meanwhile, Elizabeth was carrying on one of * ^ ^ 
thofc fruidefs negotiations with the queen of Scots, ^ "v^^^j 
which it had become almoft matter of form to re- ^^^ 
new every year. They ferved not only to amufe 
that unhappy princefs with fome prolpeft of liber- 
ty ; but furniihed an apology for eluding the foil- 
citations of foreign powers in her behalf j and were 
of ufc to overawe James, by (hewing him that (he 
could at any time fet free a dangerous rival to dif- 
putc his authority. Thefc treaties fhe fufFered to 
proceed .to what length Ihe pleafcd, and never 
wanted a pretence for breaking them off, when 
diey became no longer neceflary* The treaty now 
on foot was not, perhaps, more fincere than many 
which preceded itj the reafons, however, which 
rendered it inefFeftual were far from being frivolous. 

As Crichton, a jefuit, was failing from Flanders New con. 
towards Scodand, the Ihip on board of which he g^ft^EK- 
was a paffenger happened to be chafed by pirates, ^^^^ 
who, in that age, often infefted the narrow feas. 
Crichton, in great confufion, tore in pieces fome 
papers in his cuftody, and threw them away ; but, 
by a very extraordinary accident, the wind blew 
them back into the fhip, and they were imme- 
diately taken up by fome of the paflcngers, who 
carried them to Wade, the clerk of the privy coun- 
cil. He, with great induftry and patience, joined 
them together, and they were found to contain the 
account of a plot faid to have been formed by the 
king of Spain and the duke of Guife, for invading 
England. The people were not yet recovered 
from die fear and anxiety ogcafiohcd by the con- 

fpiracy 



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laci THE HISTORY 

ipiracy m which Throkmorton had been engaged^ 
and as his difcovcries appeared now to be confirm* 
ed by additional evidence, not only all their for- 
mer apprchenfions recurred, but the confternation 
became general and exceffive. As all the dangers 
with which England had been threatened for fomc 
years flowed either immediately from Mary hcr- 
iclf, or from fuch as made ufc of her name to juftify 
their infurredions and confpiracies, this gradually 
diminiibed the companion due to her fituationy 
and the Englifti,' inftead of pitying, began to fear 
and to hate her. Elizabeth, under whofe wife and 
pacific reign the Englilh enjoyed tranquillity, and 
had opened fources of wealth unknown to their 
anccftors, was extremely beloved by all her peo- 
ple ; and regard to her fafcty, not lefs than to their 
own intercft, animated them againft the Scottflh 
Oocaiions qwccn. In order to difcourage her adherents, it was 
S«*^*^ thought neccflary to convince them, by fome pub- 
pofition to lie deed, of the attachment of the Englifh to^their 
* own fovereign, and that any attempt againft her 
oaobcr 19. life would prove fatal to her rival. With this view 
an ajfociation was framed, the fubfcribers of which 
bound themfclves by the moft folemn oaths, " to 
" defend the queen againft all her enemies, fo- 
" reign and domeftic ; and if violence Ihould be 
** offered to her life, in order to favour the tide of 
• ** any pretender to the crown, they not only engs^ged 
•* never to allow or acknowledge the perfon or 
" pcrfons by whom, or for whom, fuch a deteft- 
«* able aft fhould be committed, but vowed, in 
•' the prefcnce of the eternal God, to profccute 

« fuch 



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OF SCOTLANP. MJ 

^ fuch perfon or perfons to the death, and to pur- 
«' (be them, with their utmoft vengeance, to their 
« utter overthrow and extirpation ^" Perfons of '^ 
all ranks fubfcribed this combination with the 
grcateft eagemefs and unanimity «. 

Mary confidered this aflbciation, not only as an wMd^ 
avowed defign to exclude her from all right of S^im 
fucceflion, but as the certain and immediate fore-- 
runner of her dcftruftion. In order to avert this, 
Ihe made fuch feeble efforts as were ftill in her 
power, and fent Nauc, her fecretary, to court, 
with offers of more entire refignation to the will 
of Elizabeth, in every point, which had been the 
occafion of their long enmity, than all her Offer- 
ings hitherto had been able to extort ^. But whe- 
ther Mary adhered inflexibly to her privileges as 
an independent fovcrcign, or, yielding to the nccef- 
fity of her ficuation, endeavoured, by conccflions, 
to (both her rival, Ihe was equally unfuccefsfiiL 
Her firmncls was imputed to obftinacy, or to the 
fccret hope of foreign affiftance ; her concefEons 
were either believed to be infincere, or to flow 
from the fear of fome imminent danger. Her prc- 
fcnt willingnefs, however, to comply with any 
terms was fo great, that Walfingham warmly urged 
his miflrels to come to a final agreement with 
her*. But Elizabeth was perfuaded, that it was 
the fpirit railed by the affociation which had ren- 
dered her fo paflive and compliant. She always 
imagined that there was fomtthing myfterious and 
deceitful in all Mary's aftions, and fufpeded her 

'ftate Trials,!. 122. «Canid.499. *IdJb. 'Sec App.No.XI. 

of 



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1J4 THE HISTORY 

* vif ^ of carrybg on a dangerous corrcfpondenct with the 
ii..i^v-^ Englifh catholics, both within and without the 
^^^ kingdom. Nor were her fufpicions altogether 
t void of foundation. Mary had, about this time, 

written a letter to fir Francis Ingtefield, urging 
him to haften the execution of what ftie calls the 
Great Plot or Defignmenty without hefitating on ac- 
count of any danger in which it might involve her 
life, which Ihe would moft willingly part with, if, 
by that facrificej fhe could procure relief for fo 
great a number of the oppreflcd children of the 
She IS treat- church ''. Inftcad, therefore, of hearkening to the 
grcltcr ri- ovcrtures which the Scottifli queen made, or grant- 
**^'' ing any mitigation of the hardftiips of which fhe 

complained, Elizabeth refolved to take her out of 
the hands of the earl of Shrewfbury, and to appoint 
fir Amias Paulet and fir Drue Drury to be her 
keepers. Shrewfbury had dilchargcd his truft with 
great fidcUty, during fifteen years, but, at the 
fame time, had treated Mary with gentlenefs and 
refpeft, and had always fweetened harlh com- 
mands by the humanity with which he put them in 
execution. The fame politenefs was not to be ex- 
pelled from men of an inferior rank, whofe fevere 
vigilance, perhaps, was their chief recommendation 
to that employment, and the only merit by which 
they could pretend to gain favour or preferment \ 
Gray a new ^g Jamcs was no Icfs eager than ever to deprive 

tavounte of •' ^ Y , 

ibc kirg'8. the banifhcd nobles of Elizabeth's protection, he 
appointed the mafter of Gray his ambafTador to 
the court of England, and intruded him with the 

^ Strype, iii. 246. ' Camd, 500. 

condudi 



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. O F S C O T L A N a taj 

eonduft of a negotiation for that purpofc. Fdr book 
this honour be was indebted to the envy and jca- t _ ' ^ 
loufy of the carl of Arran, Gray poflfcflTcd all the ^^^ 
takocs of a ^courtier; a graceful pcrfpn, an in- 
finiiating addrefs, boiindlcfs ambition, and a reft- 
le6 and intriguing fpirit. During his refidcncc in 
France, he had been admitted into the moft inti- 
mate familiarity with the duke of Guife, and, ii| 
order to ^ain his fevour, had renounced the pro- 
teftant religion^ and profeffed the utmoft zeal for 
the captive q«cn^ who carried on a fccret corre- 
(pondence with him, from which Ihe expcfted great 
advantages* On lus return into Scotland, he paid 
court to James with extraordinary affiduity, and 
his accompUfliments did not fail to make their 
ufual impreffion on the king's heart. Arran, who 
had introduced him, began quickly to. dread his 
growing fevour; and flattering himfelf, that ab- 
fence would efiace any fentimcnts of tcnderncis, 
which were farming in the mind of a young prince, 
pointed him out, by his malicious praifes, as the 
moft proper pcrfon in the kingdom for an embafly 
of fuch importance ; and contributed to raife him 
to that high dignity, in order to haften his fall. 
Elizabeth, who had an admirable dexterity in dif- 
covering the proper inftruments for carrying on 
her defigns, endeavoured, by careflcs, and by pre- 
fcnts, to fecure Gray to her intcreft. The former 
flattered his vanity, which was great; the latter 
fupplied his profufenefs, which was ftill greater. * 

He abandoned himfelf without refcrve to Eliza- 
beth's dire6lion, and not only undertook to reuin 

13 the 



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\26 THE HISTORY 

• ^f ^ *c ^^^S under the Influence of En^arid, but 

%mm ^ m a^ed as a fpy upon the Scotdfli queen, and be-^ 

'^^ trayed to her ri\nfd every fccret that he could draw 

from her by his high pretenfions of zeal in her 

fcrvice ". 

Ksintcrcft Gray's Credit with the Englilh court was cx-^* 

c0wt of tremely galling to the banifhed nobles. Elizabeth 

»»sM<t ^^ longer thought of employing her power to re-* 

ftore them ; (he found it eafier to govern Scotland 

Tf^fo^iT, by corrupting the king's favourites j and> in com* 

pliance with Gray*s folicitations, (he commanded 

the exiles to leave the north of England, and to 

remove into the heart of the kingdom. This 

rendered it difficult for them to hold any cwrc- 

ipondence with their partifans in Scotland, and 

almoft impoint>le to return thither without her 

pcrmiffion. Gray, by gaining a point which James 

had fo much at heart, riveted himfelf more firmly 

than ever in his favour; and by acquiring greater 

reputation, became capable of fervii^ Elizabeth 

with greater fuccefs ". 

»5f 5- Arran had now poffeffed for fome time all the 

niption and powcr, the richcs, and the honours, that his im* 

"'^^^'^' moderate ambition could defire, or the fondnefs of 

a prince, who fct no limits to his liberality towards 

his favourites, could beftow. The office of lord 

chancellor, the highcft and moft important in the 

kingdom, was conferred upon him, even during 

the life of the carl of Argyll, who foccccded 

Athol in that dignity*;, and the public behel4, 

» Strypc, iii. 302.* Melv. 316. ■ CalJ. iii. 6^J- - 

• Crawf. Offic. of State, App. 447, 

with 



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OF SCOTLAND. 117 

with aftoniihment and indignation, a man educated • o^J> ^ 
as a foklier of fortune, ignorant of law, and a con- \,,^^^ 
temner of juftice, aj^intcd to prcfidc in parlia- 's^s- 
ment, in die privy council, in the court of feflion, 
and intrufted with the fupreme difpo&l of the pro- 
perty of his fellow-fubjefts. He was, at the 
lame time, governor of the caftlcs of Stirling 
and Edinburgh, the two principal forts in Scot- 
land i provoft of the city of Edinburgh : and as 
if by all thcfe accumulated dignities his merits 
were not fufficiendy recompenfed, he had been 
created lieutenant general over the whole king- 
dom. No perfon was admitted into the king's 
prefence widiout his permUfion i no favour could 
be obtdned but by his mediation. James, occu- 
pied with youthful amufements, devolved upon 
him the whole regal authority. Such unmerited 
elevation increafed his natural arrogance, and ren- 
dered it intolerable. He was no longer content 
with the condition of a fubjeA, but pretended to 
derive his pedigree from Murdo duke of Albany ; 
and boafted openly, that his tide to the crown was 
prefend>le to that of the king himfelf. But, to- 
gether with thefc thoughts of royalty, he retained 
die meanneis fuitable to his primitive mdigencc. 
His venality as a judge was fcandalous, and was 
exceeded only by that of his wife, who, in defi- 
ance of decencyi ma<fc hcrfelf a party in almoft 
every fuit which came to be decided, employed 
her influence to corrupt or to overawe the judge?, 
and almdl openly didated dieir decifions '. His 

^ Cald. iii. 331. Scotfttrret's Staggering State, 7. 

rapa- 



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128 t H E H I S T O R Y 

rapacloufnefs as a minifter was in(atiablc. Not 
fatisfied with the revenues of fo many oifices ; with 
'^^^* the cftate and honours which belonged to the fa- 
mily of Hamilton ; or with the greater part of 
Cowrie's lands> which had fallen to his fhare ; he 
grafped at the pofleflions of feveral of the nobles* 
He required lord Maxwell to exchai^e part of hi3 
cftate, for the forfeited la«d3 of KinneU; and be* 
fz\3fc he was unwilling to quit an ancient inherit-* 
ance for a poflcflion fo precarious, he ftirred up 
againft him his hereditary rival, the bird of John* 
fton, and involved that comer c£ the kingdom in 
a civil war. He committed to prifbn the eari of 
Athol, lord Home, and the mafter of Caffils ; the 
firft, becaufc he would not divorce his wife, the 
daughter of the earl of Gowrie, and entail his 
cftate on him i the fccond, becaufe be was imwil-^ 
ling to part with fome lands adjacent to one of 
Arran's eftatesi and the third, for refufing to lend 
him money. His fpies and informers fiUed the 
whole country, and intruded themfclves into every 
company. The neareft neighbours diftrufted and 
feared each other. All familiar fociety was at an 
end. Even the common intercourfes of humanity 
were interrupted, no man knowing in whom to 
confide, or where to utter his complaints* There 
is not perhaps in hiftory an example o( a minifter 
& umverfaliy deteftable to a nation, or who more 
juftly dcfervcd its deteftation '. 

Arran, hotwithftanding, regardlcfs of the fen- 
timents, and defpifing the murmurs of the people^ 

t Spotfw. 337, 338* 

gave 



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OF SCOTLAND. 129 

gave a loofc to his natural temper, and proceeded book 
to afts ftiU more violent. David Hoinc of Ar- ^m^^m,^ 
gaty, and Patrick his brother, having received '^^^* 
letters from one of the baniflied lords, about pri- 
vate bufinefs, were condemned and put to death, 
for holding corrcfppndence with rebels. Cunning- 
liamc of Drumwhafel, and Douglas of Mains, ' 
two gentlemen of honour and reputation, were 
accufed of having conipired with the exiled nobles 
to feize the king's perfon. A fmgle witnefs only 
appeared; the evidence they produced of their 
innocence was unanfwerable ; their accufer himfelf 
not long after acknowledged that he had been 
fuborned by Arranj and all men believed the 
charge againft them to be groundlefi : they were F*;b, 9, 
found guilty, notwith(bmding, and fuifered the 
death of traitors'. 

About the fame time that thefe gentlemen were Panyscon. 
puniftied for a pretended con/piracy, Elizabeth's a^nftEii, 
life was endangered by a real one. Parry, a doc- "*^*' 
tor of laws, and a member of the houfe of com- 
mons, a man vain and fantaftic, but of a refohite 
fpirit, had lately been reconciled to the church of 
Rome i and fraught with the «eal of a new con- 
vert, he offered to dcmonftrate the finccrity of his 
attachment to the religion which he had embraced^ 
by killing Elizabeth* Cardinal Allen had publiQi- 
cd a hook, to prove the murder of an excommu- 
nicated prince to be not only lawful, but a mcrko- 
rious aftion. The pope's nuncio at Venice, the 
jcfuits both there and at Pari3> the Engliih exiles,^ 

» Spotfw, 338* OJd. iii. 794. 

Voi.II. K all 



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Ijo THE HISTORY 

all approved of the dcfign. The pope himfelf 
exhorted him to perfcverej and granted him for 
his encouragement, a plenary indulgence, and re- 
miifion of his fins. Cardinal di Como wrote to 
him a letter to the fame purpofe. But though fic 
often got accefs to the queen, fear, or fome re- 
maining fenfe of duty, reftrained him from perpe- 
trating the crime. Happily, his intention was at 
laft difcovercd by Ncvil, the only perfon in Eng* 
Mareh %. land to whom he had communicated it ; and hav- 
ing himfelf voluntarily confeffcd his guilt, he fup. 
fered the punifliment which it dcfcrved *. 
A fnrw These repeated confpiracies againft their fove- 
wi^' reign awakened the indignation c£ the Engliih 
F^JjL^** parliament, and* produced & very extraordinary 
ftatute, which, in the end, proved fatal to the queen 
of Scots. By this law the aflbeiation in defence 
of Elizabeth's life was ratified, and it was further 
enafted, ** That if any rebellion fhall be excited 
« in the kingdom, or any thing attempted to the 
" hurt of her majcfly's perfon, iy orfpr any per- 
** fon pretending a title to the crown, the queen 
« fhall empower twenty-fow perfi3nS, by a com- 
^ miflion tander the gre^t feal, to examine into, 
^ and pafs fentence upon fuch offences ; and after 
<* judgment given, a proclamation Ihall be iffued, 
« decfering the perfons whom they find guilty, 
«^ excluded from any right to the croWn ; and her 
•* majefly*s fubjeds may lawfully purfiic every 
<* one of them to die death, with all their aiders 
•» and abettors : and if any defign againft the life 

• State Trials, vol, i. loj. 



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OF SCOTLAND. i3< 

« of the queen take efFeft, the perfons by or for ' 9^^ ^ 
« whom fuch a deteftable aft is executed, and tbtir v — -^^--J 
^ ijpiesy being in any wife affenting or privy to '^^^* 
^ the fame, fhall be difabled for ever from pre- 
« tending to the crown, and be purfued to death in 
^ the like manner '." This aft was plainly levelled 
at the queen of Scots i and whether we confider it 
as a vohintary expreflion of the zeal and concern of 
the nation for Elizabeth's fafety, or whether we im- 
pute it to the influence which that artful princefs 
prefcrvcd over her parliaments, it is no eafy mat- 
ter to reconcile it with the general principles of 
juftice or humanity. Mary was thereby rendered 
accountable not only for her own aftions, but for 
diofe of others; in confequence of which, IKc 
might forfeit her right of fucCeffion, and even 
her life itfelf. 

Mary juftly confidered this aft as a warning Therigow 
to prepare for the word extremities. Elizabeth's ^e^ ^ 
tninifters, it is probable, had refolved by this time ^J^^ "* 
to take away her life; and fuffcred books to be 
publiflied, in order to perfuade the nation that this 
cruel and unprecedented meafurc was not only 
ncccflary but juft •. Even that fliort period of her 
days which remained, they rendered uncomfort- 
able, by every hardlhip and indignity which it 
was in their power to inflift. Almoft all her fer- 
vants were difmiffed, Ihe was treated no longer 
widi the refpeft due to a queen ; and, though the 
rigour of fcventcen years imprifonment had broken 

< State Trials, vol. i. 113. • Strypc, iii. 299. 

K 2 her 



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Ui THE Hi;5TORY 

^ VI? ^ ^^^ conftitution, (he was confined to two ruinou* 
u^^--^ chambers, fcarcely habitable, even in the middle 
^^^^' of fummcr, by reafoji of cold. Notwithftandbg. 
the fcantincfs of her revenue, (he had been accuf.- 
tom^d (o diftribute regularly fopie alais amoing 
the poor in the village adjoining to the caftle, 
Pauiet now refufed her liberty to perform this 
pious and humane office^ which had afforded her 
great confoladon amidft her gwn fuffcrings. The 
caftle in which (h? rcfid?d w^ converted into 2, 
common prifopj and a young nian> fq^ded of 
popery, wa? confined there, and treated under her 
eye with fuch rigour, that he died of the ill ufage. 
She often complained to Elizabeth of Uicfc ipulti- 
p)ied injuries, and e^poitulat^d ^ became a wo-. 
man and a queen ; but ^ no political reafon now 
obliged that princefs to amufe her any longer with 
fallacioiis hope?, f?r from granting her any re- 
drefs, Ihe did not even dcigp to giv^ her any 
anfwer. The king of France, clofcly allied tq 
Elizabeth, on whom he depended for aQiftancq 
againft his rebellious fubjefts, was afraid of elpouf-r 
ing Mary's caufe with any warmth; and .all hi^ 
folicitations in her behalf were feeble, formal, and 
inefficacious. But Caftclnau, the French ambaf- 
fador, whofe compalfion and zeal for the unhappy 
queen fupplied the defefts in his inftruftions, rc-r 
monftratcd with fych vigour againft the indignities 
to which ihe was expofcd, that, by his importu- 
nity, he prevailed at length to have her remove^ 
to Tuthbury j though (he was confined the greater 

pan; 



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OF. SCOtLANO. 1^3 

psuct of another winter in her prefcn^t wretched ha- ^ ^f ^ 
bitation*. .. ^--* v Li^ 

Neither the infults of her enemies, nor the ^ l^^ 
Iiegie6l of her friends, made fuch an impreflion on Jj^'^j 
Mary, as die ingratitude of her fon. James had her fom 
hitherto treated his mother with filial relpcdl, and 
had even entered into negotiations with her^ which 
gave umbrage to Elizabeths But as it was not 
the intcreft of the lEnglifli qiieen that his good 
correipojidence fliould continue. Gray, who, on 
his return into Scotland, found his favour with the 
i^ing greatly increafed by the fucccfs of his em-» 
bafly, perfuaded him to write a harlh and undud- 
lul letter io his iriother, ih which he exprefsly 
rcfufed to acknowledge her to be queen of Scot- 
land, or to confider his affairs as connedled, in 
any wifc,^ with hers. This cruel requital of her 
Aiatemal tenderhefs overwhelmed Mary with for^ 
row and defpair. " Was it for this,** faid Ihej in March 24; 
a letter to the French ambaflador, " that I have 
" ehdured fo much, in order to prclerve for him 
" die inheritance to which I have a juft right ? 1 am 
" far from envying his authority in Scotland. I 
*' defirc no power there i nor wilh to fet liiy foot 
" in that kingdom* if it were not for the pleafure 
" of once embracing a fon, whom I have hitherto 
*' loved with too tender affection. Whatever he 
" cither enjoys or expcfts iie derived it from me. 
" From him I never received affiftahce, fupply, 
" or benefit of any kind. Let not my allies treat 
'< |iim any longer as a king i he holds that dignity 

» Jcbb, vol. ii* 576—598. 

K 3 "by 



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134 THE HISTORY 

" by my confcnt; and if a fpecdy repentance do 

not appcafc my juft rcfcntmcnt, I will load him 

H^5* €€ ^ifh a parent's curfc, and furrender my crown, 

. " with all my pretenfions, to one who will receive 

*^ them with gratitude, and defend them with 

** vigour'^." The love which James bore to his 

mother, whom he had never known, and whom 

f • 

he had been early taught to confider as one of the 
moft abandoned perfons of her fex, cannot be 
fuppofed ever to have been ardent 5 and he did 
not now take any pains to regain her favour. But 
whether her indignation at his undutiful behavi- 
our, added to her bigoted attachment to popcry> 
prompted Mary at any time to think ferioufly of 
difmheriting her fonj or whether thcfe threatcn- 
ings were uttered in a fudden fally of difappointed 
affeftionj it is now no eafy matter to determine. 
Some papers which are ftill extant feem to render 
th<c former not improbable*. 
t)angcrou$ C ARES ofanothcr kind, and no lefs diiquietingy 
iSSb^ST; occupied Elizabeth's thoughts. The calm which 
fhe had long enjoyed, fccmed now to be at aa 
end; and fuch ftorms were gathering in every 
quarter, as filled her with juft alarm. All the 
neighbouring nations had undergone revolutions 
extremely to her difadvantage. ' The great quali- 
ties which Henry III. had (Tifplayed in his youthj 
and which raifed thie expectations of his fubjeds fo 
high, vanifhed on his afcending the throne ; and 
his acquiring fupremc power fcems not only to 

y Mnrdin, s^^' J^^^ "• 57^. Sec Append. No. XI.I. 
» S«c Append. No. XIII. . 

► have 



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have cprrupfccj his heart, but to h^vc im^ired ^ ^^ ^: 
his undcrftanding, He foon loft the cftcem and w*-y-^. 
affcftion of d^ nation j and a. life divided between *5*^ 
the auiterides of a fuperftitious devotion, and the 
exfravagancies of the moft diflblute debauchery, 
rendered him as. contemptible as he was odious on 
account of his rap^cioulheis, his profu()on> and the 
fondncfe with which he doated on many unworthy 
minions. On the death of his only brother, thofe 
fcntimcnts of the people burft out with violence* 
Henry had no children, and though but thirty- 
two years of age, the fucceilion of the crown was 
already conficjered as ope|i« Thf king of Navarre> 
a diftant defcendant of the royal family, but the 
tindoubted heir to the crown, was a zealoos pro*, 
teftant. The pfofpedt of an;eyent fo fatal to their fitmi th* 
rcl^oD, as his afcending the • throne of France, S^^l^.j 
alarmed all the ratholics in Europe s and induced, 
die duke of Guife, countenanced by the pope> 
and aided by, the king of Spain, to appear as the 
defender oif the Romiih faith, and the aflcrter of 
the cardinal of Bourbon's right to the crown» In 
order to ufiitc the- party, a bond of confederacy 
was £brmed, diftii^ifhed by the name of the 
I^ly League. , A|l ranks of men joined in it with 
emuladon. The fpirit fpread with the irrefiftible 
rapidity which was natural to religious pafllons in 
that age. The deftruftion of the Reformationj^ 
not only in France, but all over Europe,, fcemed 
to be the objeft and willi of the whole party ; and 
the duke of Guife, the liead of this migjhty and 
zakm body, acquired authority b the kingdom^ 
K 4 far 



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fiS ' THE HISTORY 

^ vif ^ ^*^ fupcrior to thit which the king hiihfelf poflfef- 
Cii-v-^' fed. Philip 11. by the conqueft of Portugal, had 
froA^i^i grcidy increafcd the naval- power of Spain, and' 
S?^",°/ had at laft reduced under his dominion all that 

Philip II, ^ 

portioh of the continent which lies beyond the 
Pyri^rlean mountains, and which 'itature fcems id 
havfe'dcftined to form one great monarchy. Wil-r 
liam prince of Orange, who firft encouraged the 
inhafetants of the Nedierkmds to afiert their liber-' 
tics, and whofe wifdom and valour formed and 
protefted die riflng commonwealth, had Men by 
the hands of ai) aflaflin. The fupcrior genius of 
the prince of Parma had given an entire turn to 
the fate of the war in the Low Countries; all his 
cnterprifes, concerted- with confummate IkiU, and 
executed with equal bravery, had been attended 
: with:fuccefs j and the Diitch, reduced to the laft 
extremity, were on the point of faffing under the 
dominion of their ancient matter. 
Her wife * * None of thofe circun^nces, to which Eliza* 
^fc^^dua. ^^^ had hitherto owed her fecurity, cxifted any 
kmger. She could derive no advantage from the 
jcaloufy wTiich had fubfifted between France and 
Spain; Philip, by means of Ws eonfeddtacy with 
the duke of Guife, had an equal fway in the coun- 
cils of both kingdoms. The hugonots were unable 
to contend with the power of the league^ and little 
could bt expcfted from any diverfion which they 
might create. Nor was it probable that the Ne- 
therlands could long employ the arms, or divide 
the ftrength of Spain. In this fituation of the af- 
fairs- of Euf ope> it became neccffary for Elizabeth 

•* to 



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6!? SeoVLANa I37 

,ft) form a new plan of conduft ; and her wlfdom in ^ ^f ^ 
forming it was not greater than the vigour with C^,,^ 
which flie carried it on. The meafures mbft fuit- '^^ 
able t6 her natural temper, and which flie had 
hitherto purfued, were cautious and fafej thofc 
which'^ Ihc. now adopted were cnterprifing and ha- 
zardous. She preferred peace, but was not afraid 
of war ; and was capable, when compelled hy ne-' 
ceflity, notonly of defending herfclfwith'fpirit, buc 
of attacking her enemies with a boldnefs which 
averted danger from her own dominions. She im- 
mediately furnilhcd the hugonots with a confider- 
ablc fupply in money. She carried on a private 
negotiation with Henry III. who, though compel- 
led to join the kague, hated the leaders of it, and 
wifhcd for their deftruftion. She openly under- 
took the protedton of the Dutch commonwealth, 
and fent a powerful army to its afliftancc. She'en- 
deavoured to form a general confederacy of the . * " 
protcftant prince^, in oppofition to the popifh 
league. She determined to proceed with the ut- J^efoivcs t» 
moft rigour againd the queen of Scots, whofc fuf- Mary, and 
ferings and rights afforded her enemies a fpecious k°,fg^'^^ 
* pretiencc for invading her dominions. She refolved 
to redoi^blc her. endeavours, in order to effcft a 
clofef uilibn with Scotlandi *&nd to extend and per-^ 
petuatc her influence over the councils of that 
nation. 

She found it no difficult matter to induce moft 

of the Scottifti courtiers to promote all her dcfigns. 

Gray, fir John Maitlartd, who had been advanced 

to die office of fecrerary, which his brother for- 

i<> - mcrly 



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13« THE HISTORY 

* viL ^ ^^^h ^^^^> ^^ Lewis Bellendcn> the jufticc cleric^ 
I — - y ^,^ who had fucccedcd Gray as tlic king's rcfident at 
'^'^* London, were the pcrfons in whom Ihc chiefly 
confided. In order to dircft and quicken their 
M^a^. motions, ftie difpatched fir Edward Wotton along 
with Bcllendcn into Scotland. This man was gay, 
well-bred, and entertaining ; he excelled in all the 
cxercifes for which James had a paflion, and 
amufed the ypurtg king by relating the adventures 
which he had met with, and the obfcrvations he had 
made diuring a long refidence in foreign CQimtries ; 
but under the veil of thefc fuperficial qualities, he 
concealed a dangerous and intriguing Ipirit. He 
foon grew into high favour with James, and while 
he was feemingly attentive only to pleafure and 
diverfions, he acquired influence over the public 
councils, to a degree which was indecent for a 
ftranger to poflTefs *. 
>tapdci « Nothing, however, could be more acceptable 
s^S[^ to the nadon, than the propofal which he made of 
a ilri£k alliance between the two kingdoms, in dc- 
fenjce of the reformed religion. The rapid and 
alarming progrefs of the popifh leagqe feemedto 
call on- all proteftant prioces to unite for the pre- •* 
fervation of their common faith. James embrs^cd^ 
die overture with warmth, and a conv^Dpon of 
jnij 2j. cftates empowered him to conclude fuch. a treaty, 
and engaged to ratify it in parliament **. The ^idcrity 
with which James concurred in this meafure muft 
not be wholly afcribed either to his own zeal, or to 
Wotton's addrefs ; it was owing in part to Eliza- 

• Melv. 317. ^ Spotfw^ 339. 

14 beth's 



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OF SCOTLAND- 13 j 

bcth's liberality. As a mark of her motherly af- * ^^ ^ 
feftion for the young king, flic fettled on him an ^-^ — ^^ 
annual penfion of five thoufand pounds; the fame *^ ^'. 
fum which her father had allotted her before flic 
afcended the throne. This circumftance, which 
flie took care to mention, rendered a fum, which 
in that age was far from being inconfidcrable, a 
very acceptable prefcnt to the king, whofc reve- 
nues, during a long minority, had been almoft to- 
tally diflipatcd •. 

But the chief objeft of Wotton's intrigues was ^JJ^^iJ**^ 
to ruin Arran. While a minion {o odious to the power, 
nation continued to govern the king, his afliftancc 
could be of little advantage to Elizabeth. And 
though Arran, ever fince his interview with 
Hunfdon, had appeared extremely for her intereft, 
ihe could place no great confidence in a man whofc 
conduft was fo capricious and irregular, and who^ 
notwithftanding his proteftations to the contrary^ 
ftill continued a fecret corrcfpondcnce both with 
Mary and with the duke of Guift. The baniflicd 
lords were "attached to England from affeftion as 
well as principle, and were the only perfons among 
the Scots whom, in any dangerous exigency, flic 
could thoroughly trufl:. Before Bellenden left Lon- 
don, they had been fummoned thither, under co- 
lour of vindicating themfelves from his accufations, 
but, in reality, to concert with him the moft pro- :^ 
per mcafures for reft:oring them to their country, 
Wotton purfued this plan, and endeavoured to 

* Cald. ill, 505. 

ripen 



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U6 frtE HiStORV 

npcn it for execution; and it was greatly facili- 
tated by an event neither uhcommon nor corifidcr- 
'5^5- able. Sir John torfter, and Ker of Ferniherft, 
the Englifti and Scotrilh wai*dens df the middk 
iliarchesi having met, accordihg to the cuftojn-of^ 
the borders, about midfumfner, ^ frajr arofe, and 
Ibrd Ruffel, the earl of Bedford's eldeft fori, hap- 
pened to ht killed. This fcuffle was purelj^ acci- 
dental, but Elizabeth chofe to confiJer it as a de- 
fign formed by Ker, at the inftigation of Arran, to 
involve the two kingdoms in Wan She inliftcd 
that both Ihould be delivered up to her; and 
though James eluded that demand, he was obliged 
to confine Arran in St. Andrew's, and Ker in 
Aberdeen, During his abfence from court, Wot- 
ton and his aflbciates carried on their intrigues 
uSmVd^ without interruption. By their advice, the ba- 
«obic«. nilhed nobles endeavoured to accommodate 
their differences with lord John and lord Claudi 
the duke of Chatelherault's two fons, whoitl Mor- 
ten's violence had driven out of the kingdom. 
Their common fufferings, ' and (Common intereft^ 
induced both parties to bury in oblivion the an- 
cient difcord which had fubfifted between thd 
houfes of Hamilton and Douglas. By EKza- 
beth's permifiion, they returned in a body Co the 
borders of Scotland. Arran, who had again reco- 
vered favour, infiftcd on putting the kingdom in a' 
pofture of defence; but Gray, Bellenden, and 
Maitland, fecretly thwarted all his meafures* Some 
nccefliary orders they prevented from being iffued ; 

others 



%St. 16. 



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OF SCOTLAND, I4I 

others they rendered inefFeftual by the manner of ^ ^ ^ 
execution; and all of jthem were obeyed flowly^ y ■%»' ,^' 
^d with rcluftance ^. *^^5* 

Wotton's fertile brain was, ^t the fame time, 
big with another and more dangerous plot. He 
bad contrived to feizc the king, and to carry hin^ 
by force into England* But the dcfign was hap- 
pily difcovered -, and, in order to avoid the punilh- 
mcnt which his treachery merited, he departed 
without taking leave *, 

Meanwhile the baniflied lords haftened the Jheyretmn 
execution of their enterprifci and as their friends uiJd,^d' 
pd vaflals were now ready to join them, they en- ^^*^^ 
tered Sco;la|id, Wherever they canie, they were wng. 
wclcooicd as the deliverers of their country, and 
the raoft fervent prayers were addreffed to Heaven 
for the fuccefs of their arms. They advanced, 
widiout lofing a moment, towards Stirling, at die 
head of ten thoufand men. The king, though he 
jiad aflcmbled an army fuperior in number, could 
not venture to meet them in the field, with troops 
whofe loyalty w^s extremely dubious, and who 
at beft were far from being hearty iq the caqfc i nor 
was either the town or caftle provided for a fiege. 
The gates, however, of both were fliut, and the 
jiobles encamped at St, Ninian*s. That faipc night not. ^ 
they flirprifeq the town, or more probably it was 
betrayed into their hands j and Arran, who had un- 
(lertaken to defend it^ was obliged to lave hin^felf 
l^y a precipitate flight. Next mornmg they iq v^ft - 
f d the caftle, in which there were not provifions for 

^ Spotfw. 340. • Mel?. 335. 

twenty- 



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141 THE HISTORY 

BOOK twenty-four hours j and James was ncccflitatcd im- 
Km^^'Lmj mediately to hearken to terms of accommodation. 
'585- They were not fo elated with fuccefs as to urge 
extravagant demands', nOr was the king unwilling 
to make every reafonable conceflion. They ob- 
tained a pardon, in the moft ample form, of all the 
offences which they had committed ; the principal 
forts in the kingdom were, by way of lecurity, put 
into their hands -, Crawford, Montrofe, and colonel 
Stewart, were removed from the king's prefence ; 
and a parliament was called, in order to eftabliih 
tranquillity in the nation \ 
Apariia. THOUGH a great majority in this parliament 

Pec. 10. confifted of the confederate nobles and their adhe- 
rents, they were far from difcovering a vindiftivc 
fpirit. Satisfied with procuring an ad, reftoring 
them to their ancient honours and eftates, and rati- 
fying the pardon granted by the king, they feemed 
willing to forget all paft errors in the adminiftra- 
tion, and fpared James the mortification of feeing 
his minifters branded with any public note of in- 
famy. Arran alone, deprived of all his honours, 
ftripped of his borrowed fpoils, and declared an 
enemy to his country by public proclamation, funk 
back into obfcurity, and muft henceforth be men- 
tioned by his primitive title of captain James 
Stewart. As he had been, during his unmerited 
profperity, the object of the hatred and indig- 
nation of his countrymen, they beheld his fall 
without pity, nor did all his fufferings mitigate 
their refentmcnt in the leaft degree. 

f Cald. iii. 795. ^^^ 



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OF SCOTLAND. 

The clergy were the only body of men who 
obtained no redrefs of their grievances by this re- 
volution. The confederate nobles had all along 
affcftcd to be confidered as guardians of the privi- 
leges and difcipline of the church. In all their ma- 
nifeftos they had declared their rcfolution to re- 
ftorc thcfe, and by that popular pretence had 
gained many friends. It was now natural to exped 
fpmc fruit of thefe promifes, and fomc returns 
of gratitude towards many of the moft eminent 
preachers who had fufFered in their caufe, and who 
demanded the repeal of the laws paffed the pre- , 
ceding year. The king, however, was refolutc to 
maintain thefe laws in full authority; and as the 
nobles were extremely folicitous not to difguft him, 
by infilling on any difagreeable requeft, the claims 
of the church in this, as well as in many other in- 
ftances, were facriffced to the intereft of the laity^ 
The minifters gave vent to their indignation in the 
pulpit, and their impatience under the difappoint- 
incnt broke out in fome expreffions extremely dif- 
reipeftful even towards the king himfclf •. 

The archbilhop of St. Andrew's, too, felt the j^ 
cffc&s of their anger. The provincial fynod of 
Fife fummoned him to appear, and to anfwer for 
his contempt of the decrees of former affcmblies, 
in prefuming to exercife the funftions of a bifhop. 
Though he refufed to acknowledge the jurifdiftion 
of the court, and appealed from it to the king, a 
fcntencc of excommunication, equally indecent and 
irregular, was pronounced againft him. Adam- 

» Spotfw. 343. 

fOD» 



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14^ THE HISTORY 

^ VI? ^ ^^"> "^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ indecency, thundered his archie- 
pifcopal excommunication agajnft Mclvi], and fome 
pther of his opponents. 

Soon after, a general aifembly was held, in 
which the king, with fome difficulty, obtained an 
aft, permitting the name and offiqe of bifhop fiill 
ro continue in the churcht The power of ;he or- 
.(kr, however, was confiderably retrenched. Th^ 
excrcife qf difcipljne^ and the infpeftion of the life 
and doftring of the clergy, were committed to 
prefbyteries, in which bifhops Ihoujd be allowed 
no other pfe-cmin^ngp but that of prefiding as 
perpetual moderator^. They tbemfijlves were de- 
clared to be fubjeft, in the fame manner as other 
paftors, to the jurifdiftjon of the general affembly, 
^s the difcurfion of the archbifhop's appeal might; 
have kindled unufual heats in the affembly, that 
affair was terminated by a compromife. He re- 
nounced any claim of fuprcmacy over the church, 
and promifed to demean himfelf fuitabjy to the 
charafter of a bifhop, as defcribcd by $t. Paul^ 
The affembly, without examining the foundation^ 
©f the fcntence of excommunic^tionj^ declared that 
it fiiould be held of no effeft, and reftored him ta 
all the privileges which h,c enjoyed before it was 
pronouriccd. Notwithftandipg the extraordinary 
tendernefs (hewn for the honour of the fynod, and " 
the delicacy and refpeft with which ks jurifdiftion 
was treated, fcveral members were fo zealots as ta 
proteft againft this decifion^. 

^ CaW. iK, 894. Spotfw. 346.. 

Th« 



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OF SCOTLAND. 145 

. Thb court of Scotland was now filled with per- ^ ^ ^ 
fons fo warmly attached to Elizabeth^ that the v ^^- j' 
league between the two kingdoms, which had been .^ jjs*^. 
propofcd laft year, met with no interruption, but wit*» Ens- 
from D'Efneval, the French envoy. James him- dudcd. " 
fclf firft offered to renew the negotiation. Eliza- 
beth did not fuffer fuch a favourable opportunity 
to flip, and inftantly difpatched Randolph. to con- 
clude a treaty, which flic fo much defired. , The juiy 5. 
danger to which the protefl:ant religion was ex- 
pofed^ by the late combination of the popifli 
powers for its deftrudion, and the neceflity of a 
ftn& confederacy among thofe who had embraced 
the Reformation, in order to obftrufl: their perni- 
cious defigns, were mentioned as the foundation 
of the league. The chief articles in it were, that • 
both parties fliould bind themfelves to defend 
the evangelic religion; that the league fliould be 
offenfive and defenfive againft all who fliall endea- 
vour to dilhirb the exercife of religion in either 
kingdom; that if one of the two parties be in- 
vaded, the other, notwithfl:anding any former alli- 
ance, fliould not, diredkly or indiredly, aflift the 
invader ; that if England be invaded in any part re- 
mote from Scodand, James fliould aflift the queen 
with two thoufand Horfe and five tfeoufand foot; 
that if the enemy landed or approached within 
fixty miles of Scotland, the king fliould take the 
field with his whole forces> in the fame manner as 
he would do in defence of his own kingdom. Eli- 
zabeth, in return, undertook to aft in defence of 
Scotland, if it fliould be invaded. At the fame 
Vol. II. L time 



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146 THEHI STORY 

^ vj? ^ ^^^^ ^^ aflurcd the king that no ftep fhoxdd b«. 

c>- y' -^ taken, which might derogate in any degr'cc from 
^^^* his pretenfions to the Englifh crown '. Elizabeth 
exprcffed great fatisfedion with a treaty, which 
rendered Scotland an ufeful ally, inftead of a dan- 
gerous neighbour, and afforded her a degree of fc- 
curity on that fide, which all her anceftors had^ 
aimed at, but none of them had been able to ob- 
tain. Zeal for religion, together with the bleflings 
of peace, which both kingdon^ had enjoyed dur- 
ing a confiderable period, had {o far abated th^ 
violence of national antipathy, that the king's 
condud was univerfally acceptable to his own 
people ^. 

The acquittal of Archibald Douglas, at this 
time, expoicd James to much and deferred cen- 
fure. This man was deeply engaged in the! coh- 
fpiracy againftthe life of the king his fiither. Both 
Mofton and Binny, one of his own fcrvants, who 
fuffcred for that crime, had accufed him of being 
prcfcnt at the murder K He had efcaped punifli- 
ment by flying bto England, and James had often 
required Elizabeth to deliver up a perfon fo un- 
worthy of her proteftion. He now obtained a 
licence, from the king himfelf, to return into 
Scotland 5 and after undergoing a mock-trial, cal- 
culated to conceal, rather than to deteft his guilty 
he was not only taken into favour by the king, but 
fcnt back to the court of Engknd, with the ho- 
nourable charafter of his ambaflador. James Was 

* Spotfw. 351. ^ Camd. 513. 

» Sec Append. No. XIV. Amot, Crim. Trials, 7, &c. 

now 



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0^ scoTLA^a i*r 

tow of fiich in age, thit his yduth and intxpcri^ * m * 
ftKTC cannot be pleaded ki exetiie for diis indecent ^■ v ^ 
oun&ftion. It rifjuft be Imputed to the exceffire *^ 
ibdlkf of his temper, which often led him to gta-^ 
tify his couriers at the expcnce of his o^^ dig- 
fkf and reputation "'. 

Nof tong after, the ineonfidefatc affeftiort of luft of Bt^ 
Ac EngKfii catholics towards Mary, and their im- cw^Si^ 
placabk refentment againft Elizabeth, gave rife to 22^^* 
a conipiracy which proved fatal to the one queen, 
kft an indelible fl^in on the reputation of the 
other, atid prefented a fpe^ck to Europe, of 
which there had been hhherco no example in tha 
luftory of m^kbd^ 

Doctor Gifford, Gilbert GifFord> and Hodgfon, 
pricfts educated in the feminary at Rheims, had 
adopted an extravagant and enthufiaftic notion^ 
diat the boll of PiusV. againft Elizabeth was 
Aftated immediately by the Holy Ghoft. This 
wild opinicHi they inftilled into Savage, an officer 
in the Spantfli army, noted for his furious 2eal and 
daring courage i and perfuaded him that no fer** 
vke could be fo accejxable to Heaven, as to take 
away the Kfe of an exconmiunicated heretic* Sa^ 
vage, eager to obtain the crown of martyrdom^ 
bound htmfelf by a folemn vow to kill Elizabeth. April ic, 
Ballard, a pn^madcal prieft of diat feminary, had 
at that time come over to Paris, and folicited Men^ 
doza, the Spanifh ambaflador there, to procure an 
iavafion o( England, while the affiiirs of the league 
were So profperous^ and die kingdom left naked 

• Spotfw. 348- Ciald, Hi, 917. 

La by 



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t4> THE HISTORY 

by lending fo many of the queen's bell troops 
into the Netherlands. Paget and the Engliih 
'^*^ exiles demonftrated the fruitlefsnefs qf fuch an 
attempt^ unlefs Elizabeth were lirft cut off, or the 
invaders fccured of a powerful concurrence on their 
anding. If it could be hoped that either of thefc 

, ' ' events would happenj efieftual aid was proqiiled; 
and in the mean tim^ Ballard was fent back to re-> 
new his intrigues. 

May 15. He communicated his defigns to Anthony Ba- 

bington, a young gendeman in Detbylhire^ of a 
large fortune and many amiable qualities^ who 
having contrafted^ during his refidence in France, 
a familiarity with the archbiftiop of Glafgow, had 
been recommended by him to the queen of Scots. 
He concurred with Paget, in conlidering the death 
pf Elizabeth as a necellary preliminary to any in- 
yalion. Ballard gave him hopes that an end would 
foon be put to her days, and imparted to him 
Savage's yow, who was now in London waiting 
for an opportunity to ftrike the blow. But Ba- 
bington thought the attempt of too much import- 
lince, to rely on a fingle hand for the execution of 
it, and propofed that five refolute gentlemen Ihould 
\>t joined with Savage in an enterprife, the fucccfi 
of which was the foundation of all their hopes. 
He offered to find out peffons willing to undertake 
the fervice, whole honour, fecrecy, and courage 
they might fafely truft. He accordingly opened 
the matter to Edward Windfor, Thomas Salif- 
bury, Charles Tilney, Chidioc Tichboume, Ro- 
bert Gage, John Travers, Robert Barnwell, John 

Charnockj 



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OF SCOTLAND. 149 

Charaock^ Henry Dun, John Jones, and Robert ^ ^ ^ 
Polly J all of them, except Polly, whofe buftling v.i— v-*^' 
forward zeal introduced him into their fociety, '^^* 
gendemen of good families, united together in 
the bonds of private friendlhip, ftrengthened by 
the more powerful tie of religious zeal. Many 
confultadons were held 5 their plan of operations * 
was at laft fetded ; and their different parts aflign- 
ed. Babington himfelf was appointed to refcue Tii^fcheme 
the queen of Scots j Salifbury, with fome others, ^^}^ con- 
undertook to excite feveral counties to take arms ; ^*" "* 
the murder of the queen, the mofl dangerous and 
important fervice of all, fell to Tichboum? and 
Savage, with four afTociates. So totally had their 
bigoted prejudices extmguifhed the principles of 
honour, and the fentiments of humanity fuitable to 
their rank, that, without fcruple or compunftion, 
they undertook an aftion which is viewed with 
horror, even when committed by the meanefl and 
mod profligate of mankind. This attempt, on 
the contrary, appeared to them no Icfs honourable 
dian it was defperatc ; and in order to perpetuate 
the memory of it, they had a pifture drawn con- 
tsuning the portraits of the fix afTaflins, with that 
of Babington in the middle, and a motto intimat- 
ing that they were joindy embarked in fome ha- 
zardous defign. 

The confpirators, as appears by this wanton Difcovemi 
and imprudent infbnce of vanity, feem to have hilm. *" 
thought a difcovery hardly poflTible, and neither 
diftrufled the fidelity of their companions, nor 
doubted the fuccefs of their undertaking. But 
while they believed that their machinations were 
L 3 carried 



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iw JHE HISTORY 

^ ^^ ^ carried on with the moft profbilnd and impeM* 
Vf ^ ^ "^-^ trablc fecrccy, every ftcp they took wgs fol^ 
. ■ *^ known to Walfuigh^m. Polly was owe of hk 
fpies^ and had entered into the confpiracy, with 
no other ^Hffi than to betray his aflbciates. Gilr 
bcrt GifFord too, having been {tt\t oyer to Eng-^ 
}and to quicken the motions of (he confpirators, 
had been gained by WalGngham^ and gave him 
fure intelligence of all their proj^dt?. That vigi- 
lant miniiter immediately imparted the difcoverie^ 
which he had made to Elizabeth; and withoi^ 
communicating the matter xo any other of the. 
counfellors> they agreed, in order tp underftanc) 
the plot niorp perfe^y, to wait until it was ripen- 
ed into fome form, and brought n^ar the point of 
execution. 
They are At laft, Elizabeth though^: it dangerous an4 
pu^S. criminal to expofe her own life, and to temp^ 
Augun 4, Providence any farther. Mallard, the prime mover 
in the whole confpiracy, was arreftcd. His aflb* 
ciates, difconcerted and llruck with aftonifluncnt;, 
endeavoured to lave themfelves by flight. Bu^ 
within a few days, all of Aem, except Windfor, 
^ere feized in different places of the kingdom, and 
f ommitted to the Tower. Though they had un- 
dertaken the part, they wanted the firm and deter- 
mined fpirit of aflalTms ; and, influenced by fear or 
by hope, at once confcfled all that they knew. The 
indignation of the people, and their ionpaiaimce to 
revenge iuch an execrable combination agaioft die 
life of their fovereign, haftened their trial, and all 
tij^tOf pf diem fuffered the death of traitors ^. 

s C911UL 515. State Jrials, voL u ixo« 

Thus 



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OF SCOTLAND, «p 

Thus far Elizabeth's condu6t may be jh*©- ^ ^^ ^ 
jiQuoccd both pnident and laudable^ npr can ihe be ^- v ^ 
accvicd of violating any law of humanity, or of MjJ^^Sfic- 
taking any precautions beyond what were neceflary 5"^^ ^^*^- 
for htr own iafety. But a tragical fcene foUowed, compiicc in 
wkh regard to which poftcrity will pafs a very rJ^yT^^^' 
different judgment. 

The frantic zeal of a few rafti young men ac- 
counts fufficiently for all the wild and wicked de- 
figns which they had formed. But this was not 
the light in which Elizabeth and her minifters 
chofe to place the confpiracy. They wiflied to 
pcrfuade the nation, that Babington and his affo- 
ciates fhould be confidercd merely as inftruments 
employed by the queen of Scots, the real though 
Secret author of fo many attempts againft the life 
<rf* Elizabeth, and the peace of her kingdoms. 
They produced letters, which they afcribed to her, 
h fupport of this charge. Thefe, as they gave 
4)ut, l^d come into their hands by the following 
£ngular and* myfterious method of conveyance, 
(jifford, on his return into England, had been 
trufted by fome of the exiles with letters to Mary ; 
tut in order to make a trial of his fidelity and 
addrefs, they were only blank papers made up in 
Aat form. Thefe being fafely delivered by him, 
■he was afterwards employed without farther fcruple. 
Walfingham having found means to gain this man, 
he, by the permiffion of that minifter, and the con- 
iiivancc (rfPaulet, bribed a tradefman in the neigh- 
bourhood of Chardey, whither Mary had been 
conveyed, who depofitcd the letters in a hole in 
L 4 the 



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i5» 



*586. 



The indig- 
nation of 
the Ehglifh 
againA lier 
on that ac- 
count. 



THE HISTORY 

the wall of the caftle, covered with a loofc ftone. 
Thence they were taken by the queen, and in the 
fame manner her anfwcrs returned. All thefe were 
carried to Walfingham, opened by him, decypher- 
ed, fealed again fo dexteroufly that the fraud could 
not be perceived, and then tranfmitted to the per- 
fons to whom they were diredted. Two letters to 
Babington, with fevcral to Mendoza, Paget, Engle- 
field, and the Englifti fugitives, were procured by 
this artifice* It was given out, that in thefe letters 
Mary approved of the confpiracy, and even of the 
aflalTmationj that fhe direfted them to proceed 
with the utmoft circumlpcftion, and not to take 
arms until foreign auxiliaries were ready to join 
them ; that flic recommended the earl of Arundel, 
his brothers, and the young carl of Northumber- 
land, as proper perfons to condudt and to add re- 
putation to their enterprifc ; that Ihe advifed them, 
if poflible, to excite at the fame time fome commo- 
tion in Ireland ; and above all, befought them to 
concert with care the means of her own efcape, 
fuggefting to them fcveral expedients for that pur- 
pofe. 

All thefe circumftanccs were opened at the 
trial of the confpirators ; and while the nation was 
under the influence of thofe terrors which the allb- 
ciation had raifed, and the late danger had aug- 
mented, they were believed without hefitation or 
inquiry, and fprcad a general alarm- Mary's zeal 
for her religion was well known ; and in diat age, 
examples of the violent and fanguinary Ipirit which 
it infpircd were numerous. All the cabals againft 

the 



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OF SCOTLAND. 153 

the peace of the kingdom for many years had been • ^ ^ 
carried on in her name 5 and it now appears evi- v--yil^i^ 
dently, faid the Englifh, t|mt the fafety of the one '^*^ 
queen is incompatible with that of the other. Why 
then, added they, fhould the tranquillity of Eng- 
land be facrificed for the fake of a ftranger ? Why 
is a life fo dear to the nation expofed to the repeated 
aflaults of an exafperatcd rival ? The cafe fuppofcd 
in the affociation has now happened, die facred per- 
fon of our fovereign has been threatened, and why 
(hould not an injured people execute that juft ven- 
geance which they had vowed ? 

No fentiments could be more agreeable than Eiizabetii 
thefe to Elizabeth and her minifters. They them- JJ^S to 
fclves had iit firft propagated them among the J^^^JJ2» 
people, and they now ferved both as an apology «gainfther. 
and a motive for their proceeding to fuch extre- 
mities againft the Scotdih queen as they- had 
long meditated. The more numerous the injuries 
were which Elizabeth had heaped on Mary, the 
more (he feared and hated that unhappy queen, and 
came at laft to be pcrfuaded that there could be no 
other fecurity for her own life, but the death of her 
rival. Burleigh and Wallingham had promoted fo 
zealoufly all Elizabeth's, meafures with regard to 
Scottiih affairs, and had afted with fo litde refervc 
' in oppolirion to Mary, that they had reafon to dread 
the moft violent effedb of her rcfentment, if ever 
ihe fhould mount the throne of England. From 
this additional confideration they endeavoured, with 
die utmoil eameftnefs, to hinder an event fo fatal to 
themfelves, by confirming their miftrcfs's fear and 
hatred of the Soottilh queen* 

Meanwhile, 



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«54 



THE HISTORY 



B o o K Meanwhile, Mary was guarded with unullttl 
u-v"-i vigilance, and great care was taken to keep her 
HciJdoLf. igno^'Mt of the difcovery of the confpiracy. Sir 
*t ^L^' Thomas Gorges was at laft fcnt from court to 
acquaint her both of it, and of the imputation with 
which ftie was loaded as acccfikry to that crime j 
and he furprifed her with the account juft as flic 
had got on horfcback to ride out along with her 
keepers. She was ftruck with aftonilhment, and 
would have returned to her apartment, but Ihe wa$ 
not permitted; and in her abfcnce, her private 
clofet was broke open, her cabinet and papers were 
feized, fealed, and fcnt up to court. Her princi- 
pal domeftics too were arretted, and committed to 
different keepers. Nau and Curie, her two fccrc- 
tari'es, the one a native of France, the other of 
Scotland, were carried prifoners to London. -ftJl 
the money in her cuftody, amounting to little more 
than two thoufand pounds, was fecurcd®. And 
iafter leading her about for fome days, from one 
gentleman's houfc to another, (he was conveyed to 
f otheringay, a ftrong caftle in Northamptonfliire '. 
deliberates J^o farther evidence could now be expedcd 
the m«hod againft Mary, and nothing remained but to decide 
^proceed- ^^^^ (hould be her fate. With regard to this, 
Elizabeth, and thofe miniftcrs in whom Ihe chiefly 
confided, feem to have taken their refolution j but* 
there was ftill great variety of fentiments among 
her other counfcliors, Some thought it fiifficient 
to difmifs all Mary's attendants, and to keep her 
under fuch clofe reftraint, as would cut off all pof- 
fibility of correfponding with the enemies of the 
• See AppeAdix, No, XV, f Caxnd. 517. 

kingdoms 



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OF SCOTLAND. 155 

jdngdom; and as her conftitudon, broken by long book 
confinement, and her fpirit dejeded with fo many * -,-.^ 
^rows> could not long lupport fuch an additional '^^• 
joad> the queen and nation would foon be delivered 
from all their fears. But though it might be eafy 
40 fecurc Mary's own pcrfon, it was irapoflible to 
xliniiniih the reverence which the Roman catholics 
Jiad for her name, or to extinguifli the compaflioii 
with which they viewed her fufFerings ; while fuch 
fcntiments cojatinued, infurreftions and invafions 
woidd never be wanting for her relief, and the only 
tStSt of any new rigour would be to render thcfc 
attempts more frequent and more dangerous. For 
this rcafon the expedient was rejefted. 

A PUBi-ic a/id legal trial, though the moft un- petcrminci 
^xampled, was judged the moft Unexceptionable ^uuLiy! 
inetjiod of projpeeding; and it had, at the fame 
^me, afemblajice of juftice, accompanied with an 
gar of dignity. It was in vain to fcarch the ancient 
^pccords for any ftatute or precedent to juftify fuch 
an uncommon ftcp, as the trial of a foreign prince, 
who bad not entered the kingdom in arms, but had 
fled thither for refuge. The proceedings againft 
her wcj« founded on the aft of laft parliament, and 
by applying it in this manner, the intention of 
thofe who had franked that feyere fta^ote became 
more apparent*. 

'£t4ZAB£TH refolyed that no circumftancc of 
pomp or folemnity fhould be wandng, which could 
fender this tranfadion fuch as became the dignity 
of tbc pcrfon to be tried. She appointed, by 4 

$ C^md. 519. Jolinftf Hift, 113. 

commiffiojx 



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iS6 THEHISTORY 

commiffion under the great fcal, forty pcrfons, the 
moft illuftrious in the kingdom by their birth or 
offices, together with five of the judges, to hear 
and decide this great cauie. Many difficulties were 
ftarted by the lawyers about the name and title by 
which Mary fbould be arraigned ; and while the 
cflentials of juftice were fo grofsly violated, the 
empty forms of it were the objefts of their care. 
They at length agreed that Ihe fhould be flyled 
** Mary, daughter and heir of James V. late king 
*^ of Scots, commonly called queen of Scots and 
« dowager of France'." 

After the many indignities which Ihe had lately 
fuffercd, Mary could no longer doubt but that her 
deftruftion was determined. She expefted every 
moment to end her days by poifon, or by fome of 
thofe fecret means ufually employed againft cap- 
tive princes. Left the malice of her enemies, at 
the fame time that it deprived her of life, fhould 
endeavour likewife to blaft her reputation, (he 
wrote to the duke of Guife, and vindicated hcrfelf, 
in the ftrongeft terms, from the imputation of en- 
couraging or of being acccffiiry to the conlpiracy 
for aflaffinating Elizabeth •. In the folitudc of her 
prifon, the ftrange refolution of bringing her to a 
public trial had not reached her ears, nor did the 
idea of any thing fo unprecedented, and fo repug- 
nant to regal majefty, once enter into her thoughts. 
TWe trial at On the eleventh of Oftober, the commiffioners 
Fcjhcrm- appointed by Elizabeth arrived at Fotheringay. Next 
morning they delivered a letter from their fove- 

' Strype, iiu362» • Jebb, ii. sSjt 

reign 



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OF SCOTLAND. 

tagjn to Mary, in which, after the bittereft re- 
proaches and accufations, fhe informed her, that 
regard for the happinefs of the nation had at lad: 
rendered it neceflary to make a public inqmry into 
her^condud, and therefore required her, as flie had 
lived fo long under the prote6Kon of the laws of 
England, to fubmit now to the trial which they 



I5«6. 



ordained to be taken of her crimes. Mary, though ^'^'^-^ 
furpriied at this meflage, was neither appalled at to pkad. 
the danger, nor tmmindftd of her own dignity* 
She procefted, in the moft folemn manner, that 
file was innocent of the crime laid to her charge, 
and had never countenanced any attempt againft 
the life of the queen of England -, but at the fame 
time rcfiifcd to acknowledge the jurifdiftion of her 
conuniflioners. " I came into the kingdom," faid 
flie, «* an independent fovereign, to implore the 
" queen's affillance, not to fubjeft myfelf to her 
^' authority. Nor is my fpirit fo broken by its paft 
" misfortunes, or fo intimidated by prcfent dan- 
** gcrs, as to ftoop to any thing unbecoming the 
" majefty of a crowned head, or that will difgrace 
" the anceftors from whom I am defcended, and 
^ the fon to whom I fhall leave my throne. If I 
" muft be tried, princes alone can be my peers. 
^ The queen of England's fubjefts, however noble 
*' their birth may be, are of a rank inferior to 
*' mine. Ever fmce my arrival in this kingdom I 
^ have been confined as a prifoner. Its laws never 
" afforded me any proteftion. Let them not now 
** be perverted, in order to take away my life." 

3 Thb 



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t5« THE HI ST OR t 

T^HB commiflioners employed argtirtieAts nA 
intreatics to overcome Mary's refoliition. Tfacjif 
*^^^ even threatened to proceed according to Ac forms 
of law, and to pa& ientetx:e stgainA her oil acooiml 
of her contumacy in refiifingto plead ; ibe perlift-^ 
cd, however, for two days, to decKnc tfceir junf- 
diition. An argument ufcd by Hatton> the vice- 
chamberlain, at lafl prevailed. He told her> thai;^ 
by avoiding a trial, fhe injured her own reputaCtoti^ 
and deprived herfelf of the only opportimhy of 
fetting her innocence in a clear light; and that mcy* 
thing would be more agreeable to them, or morfi 
acceptable to the queen their miftref$> than tto be 
convinced, by undoubted evidence, that fhe had 
been unjuftly loaded with foul afperlions. 
coofents No wonder pretexts fo plaufible ibould mupoih 

4oi^ on the unwary queen, or that Ihe, unaflifted at 
that time by any friend or counfellor, fliould not 
be able to detedt and elude all the artifices of Eli- 
zabeth's ableft miniilers. In a fituation equally 
melancholy, and under circumftances nearly fimi- 
lar, her grandfon, Charles I. refufed, with the ut- 
moft firmncfs, to acknowledge the ufurped jurif- 
diftion of the high court of juftice j and pofteritjf 
has approved his conduft, as fuitable to the dignitf 
of a king. If Mary was lefs conftant in her refo- 
lution, it muft be imputed folely to her anxious de* 
fire of vindicating her own honour, 
oa. 14- At her appearance before the judges, M^ho wenff 
fcated in the great hall of the caftle, where they 
received her with much ceremony, fhe took care 
to proteft, that, by condefcending to hear and to 
14 giv« 



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OF SCOTLAND. 1^9 

ghrc an anfwcr to iht acculiitions which ihouW be ^ ^ o r 
brot^ht againft hcr^ (he neither acknowledged the ^. 1 -'» '^' 
juriicliftion of the court, nor admitted of the vali- *5^* 
dity and juftice of thofc ads by which they pre^ 
tended to try her. 

The chancellor, by a counter-proteftatioHy en« 
deavoured to vindicate the authority of the court. 

Then Elizabeth's attorney and folicitor open^ Theaccufa. 
td the charge againft her, with all the circum- to? *^^ 
dances of the late conlpiracy. Copies of Mary'a 
letters to Mendoza, Babington, EngleBeld, and 
Paget, were produced. Babington's confefllon^ 
thofc of Ballard, Savage, and the other conipiia-^ 
tors, together with the declarations of Nau and 
Curie, her fccrctaries, were read, and the whole 
ranged in the moft fpecious order which the art of » 
Ae lawyers could devife, and heightened by every 
eolour their eloquence could add. 

Mary liftened to their harangues attentively^ 
and without emotion. But at the mention of 
the earl of Arundel's name, who was then con- 
fined in the Tower, (he broke out into this ten- 
der and generous exclamation : <^ Alas, how much 
« has the noble houfc of Howard fuffered for my 
« feke !'• 

When the queen^s counfel had finiflied, Mary Herder 
ftood up, and with great magnanimity, and equal ^^^ 
prefencc of mind, began her defence. She bewail- 
fd the unhappinefs of her own fituation, that after 
a captivity of nineteen years, during which fhe had 
fufFered treatment no lefs cruel than unmerited, 
flie was at laft loaded with an accufation, which. 

tended 



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i6o THE HISTORY 

* VI? ^ tended not only to rob her of her right of fuccef- 
Ui- y -I fion, and to deprive her of life itfelf, but to 
'^^ tranfmit her name with mfiimy to future ages: 
that, without regarding the facred rights of fovc- 
reignty, ihe was now fubjefted to laws framed 
againft private peribns > though an anointed queen, 
conmianded to appear before the tribunal of iub- 
jeftsj and, like a common criminal, her honour 
expofed to the petulant tongues of lawyers, capable 
of wrefting her words, and of mifreprefcnting her 
actions : that, even in this difhonourable fituadon, 
ihe was denied the privileges ufually granted to 
criminals, and obliged to undertake her own de- 
fence, without the prefcnce of any friend with 
whom to advife, without the aid of counfel, and 
without the ufe of her own papers. 

She then proceeded to the particular articles in 
the accufation. She abfolutely denied any corrc-r 
Ipondence with Babington or Ballard : copies only 
of her pretended letters to them were produced ; 
though nodiing lefs than her hand-wriring or fub- 
fcription was fufficient to convidt her of fuch an 
odious crime : no proof could be brought that 
their letters were delivered into her hands, or that 
any anfwer was returned by her direction : the 
confeflions of wretches condemned and executed 
for fuch a deteftable adlion, were of little weight ; 
fear or hope might extort from them many things 
inconfiftcnt with truth, nor ought the honour of a 
queen to be ftained by fuch vile teftimony. The 
declaration of her fecretaries was not more conclu- 
five : promifcs and threats might eafily overcome 

the 



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OF SCOTLAhfa tSt 

Ha fcfolution ^ftwo ftian^jiefti in order » fcl^n ^ %^^^ 
themlelves, they might throir the bhme on her ; s^ i^ ^^t^ 
but they could difcover nothing to her i»cjudicc, '^ 
vidiouc viohting, in the fii^ piaM^ the o^th of 
idefily Whleh they had fWrft to hen aild dieir 
pcrjiHy, In one inftance, rendered Acm unworthy 
of cftdit in another : the letters to die Spanlih am- 
baffidor wece either nothing more than copies^ of 
contained only what waa perfedtly innocent t *^ I 
« have often," conriniled fhcj " made fuch eflbrts 
^ for die recovery of my libertys as are natural to 
*^ a human Cfeaiture« Convinced, by the fad ex« ^ 
«* perience of ib many years, that it was vain to 
^* czpe& it from the jufticc or generofitjr of the 
^ queen of England, I b^vc frequendy foficked fo* 
** reign princcB, and called upon- all my friends to 
** empdboy dieir whole intereft for my relief. I have 
" likewife endeavoured to procure for the Eng* 
*^ £fh cadio&s fome mitigation of the rigour with 
^ which they are now created ; and if I could hope, 
*' by my death,' to deliver them from opprcffion, 
<< I asn willing to die fcH* their hkc. I wiih, how-^ 
'* ever, to imicite the example of Efther, not of 
** Ju^th, and would rather make intercelTion for 
«• my peopk, than fhed the blood of the mcaneft 
*« creature, in order to iave them* I have often, 
^ checked die intemperate zeal of my adherents, 
* when either the feverity of their own pcrfecu-' 
•' dons, or indignation at the unheard-of injuries 
•! which I have endured, were apt to precipitate 
^ them into violent councils* I have even warned 
** die queen of danger? to which thefc barlh pfo- 
Vol. U. M «' cccdingi 



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t62, THE HISTORY 

^ VI? ^ *^ ceedings expofbd herfelf. And worn oiit, as I 
w^-v-w « now am, with cares and fuffcrings, die profpcd 
»5«6. tc q( a crown is not fo inviting, that I (hould mm 
<' my foul in order to obtain it. I am no ftranger 
" to the feelings of humanity^ nor unacquainted 
« with the dudes of religion, and abhot the de- 
<< teftable crime of aflaffinadon, as equally repug- 
*« nant to both. And, if ever I have given con- 
** fent by my words, or even by my thoughts, to 
*« any attempt againft the life of the queen of Eng- 
<^ land, far from declming the judgment of men, I 
« ihall not even pray for the mercy of God*." 

Two different days did Mary appear before the 
judges, and in every part of her behaviour main* 
tained the magnanimity of a queen, tempered with 
the gendenefs and modefty of a woman. 
SentCTicc The commiffioncrs, by Elizabeth's exprefs com- 

oodberzs. mand, adjourned, without pronouncing any fen- 
tence, to the ftar-chamber in Wcftminftcr. When 
affembled in that pbce, Nau and Curie were 
brought into court, and confirmed their former 
declaration upon oath ; and after reviewing all their 
proceedings, the commiflioners unanimoufly de- 
clared Mary " To be acceflary to Babington*s 
*< confpiracy, and to have imagined diverfc mat* 
*' ters tending to the hurt, death, and deftruftion of 
" Elizabeth, contrary to the exprcis words of the 
" ftatute made for the fecurity of the queen'^ 
" life"." 
irrcguiari- Jt is no cafy matter to determine whether tbf 
trial injufUcc in appointing this trial, or the irreguhritf 

» Camd. 520, &c. • Ibid. 525. 



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OF SCOTLAND. 163 

in conducing It, were grcatcft and moft flagrant, 
ffy what right did EHzabeth claim authority over 
an independent queen ? Was Mary bound to com- '^*^' 
ply with the laws of a foreign kingdom ? How 
could the fubjefts of another prince become her 
judges ? or if fuch an infiilt on royalty were allow- 
ed, ought not the common forms of juftice to have 
been obferved ? If the tcftimony of Babington 
and his afibciates were fo explicit, why did not 
Elizabeth fpare them for a few weeks, and by 
confronting them with Mary, overwhelm her with 
the full conviftion of her crimes ? Nau and Curie 
were both alive, wherefore did not they appear at 
Fodieringay, and for what reafon were they pro- 
duced in die flar-chamber, where Mary was not 
jntfcnt to hear what they depofed ? Was this fuf- 
pidous evidence enough to condemn a queen? 
Ought the meaneft criminal to have been found 
guilty upon fuch feeble and inconclulive proofs ? 

It was not, however, on the evidence produced 
at her trial, that the fentence againft Mary was 
founded. That ferved as a pretence to juftify, but 
was not the caufe of the violent fteps taken by 
Elizabeth ai^ her miniflers towards her deftrucr 
tion; and was employed to give fome appearance 
of juflicc to what was the offspring of jealoufy and 
ftar. The nation, blinded with refentment againflb 
Mary, and (blicitousL to fecure the life of its own 
fovereign from every danger, obferved no irregu- 
hrides in the proceedings, and attended to no de* 
fefts in tiie pnoof, but grafped at the fujpicions and 
probabilities, as if they, had been irrefi-agabie de- 
monftrauons. 

M 2 T«E 



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t64. THEHISTORr 

Th£ parliament met a few days after ientence 
was pronounced againft Mary. In that illuftrioufr 
Tf^^p^iia. ^flcmbly more temper and difcernmcnt than arc to 
fiiTO^hi"" be found among the peopk, might hare been ex- 
^««ncc» pe6Ud Both lords and commons^ however, were 
equ^y under the dominion of popular prejudices 
ami pafTionsi and the fame excefles of 2eal> or o^ 
fear, which prevailed in the nation> are appareat 
in all their proceedings. They entered with impsr'^ 
^nce upon an inquiry into the confpiracy^ and the 
danger wiiich threatened the queen's Hfe as well at 
the peace of the kingdom. All the papers which 
had been produced at Fotheringay were kid be« 
fore them; and afoer n»ny violent invedivct 
ttgainft the queen of Scx)ts> both houfcs QoaoH 
moufly ratified the proceedings of the qommiflioiH 
ers by whom ihe had been tried, and dcdartd the 
fentence againft her to be juft and well founded^ 
Mdaemafid Not facisBed with this, they prefented a joint ad« 
^"JfiL drefs to the queen, befeeching her, as fiie fcgard- 
cd her own fafcty, the prcfcrvation of the procefr- 
ant religion, the welfare and wifbes of her people^ 
to publifti the fentence; and without fother dthcf 
to inBift on a rival, no lefs irreclaimiUe Asm dan^ 
gcrous, the punifhment which (he had merited bf 
(6 many crimes. This requeft, didbtod by feaiB 
unworthy of that great aficrnWy, ims enforced bf 
reafons ftili more unworthy. They were dnwQ 
tiot from juftice but from convenicncy. The moft 
ligorous confinement, it was pretended, could not 
curb Mary's intriguing fpirit; her addir& waa 
found, by long experience, to be an overmatch for 
the vigilance and jcaloufy of all her keepers *^. the 

fcvertft 



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OF SCOTLAND- 165 

fevwcft penal laws could not rcftrain her adherents, 
who, whik thcy^ believed her perfon to be facred, 
would defpife any danger to which themfekes ^^ 
abne were eXpofed: feveral foreign princes were 
ready to fecond their attempts, and waited only a 
proper opportunity for invading the kingdom, and 
aflerdng the Scottifti queen's tide to the crown. 
Her life, they contended, was, for thefe reafons, 
incompatible with Elizabeth's fafcty; and if (he 
were Ipared out of a felfc clemency, the queen's 
perfon, the religion and liberties of the kingdom, 
could not be one moment fecure. Neceflity re- 
quired that fhe fhould be iacrificed in order to pre- 
fcrve thefe; and to prove diis facrifice to be no 
lefs juft than neceflary, feveral examples in hiftory 
were produced, and many texts of fcripture quoted $ 
but both the one and the other were mifapplicd, 
and diftorted from their true meaning. 

Nothing, however, could be more acceptable EHzabctMi 
to Elizabeth, than an addrefs in this drain. It ex- uoiu"" 
tricated her out of a fituation extremely embarraff- 
ing; and without depriving her of the power of 
(paring, it enabled her to punifh her rival with left 
^appearance of blame. If fhe chofe the former, the 
^ole honour would redound to her own clemency. 
If fhe determined on the latter, whatever was ri- 
gorous might now feem to be extorted by the {o^ 
licitations of her people, rather than to flow from 
her own inclination. Her anfwer, however, was 
in a ftyle which flie often ufed, ambiguous and 
evafive, under the appearance of opennefs and can- 
dours fuD of fuch profeflions of regard for her 
M 3 people. 



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i66 THE HISTORY 

people^ as ferved to heighten then* loyalty; of 
fuch complaints of Mary's ingratitude^ as were 
calculated to excite their indignation ; and of fuch 
infinuations that her own life was in dangcr> as 
could not fail to keep alive their fears. In the 
end, (he befought them to fave her the infamy 
and the pain of delivering up a queen, her neareft 
kinfwoman, to puniihment j and to confider whe- 
ther it might not ftill be poffible to provide for 
the public fecurity, without forcing her to imbrue 
her hands in royal blood. 

The true meaning of this reply was cafily un- 
derftood. The lords and commons renewed their 
former rcqueft with additional importunity, which 
was for fix)m being either unexpeftcd or offcnfive. 
Elizabeth did not return any anfwer more explicit; 
and having obtained fuch a public lan&ion of her 
proceedings, there was no longer any reafbn for 
protracting this fcene of diOimulation ; there was 
ev^n fome danger that her feigned difficulties 
might at laft be treated as real ones ; (be therefore 
prorogued the parliament, and rcferved in her own 
hands the fole dilpofal of her rival's fate*. 
France in- All thc prfnccs in Europe obferved the pro- 
fcSf in ceedings againft Mary with aftonifhment and hor- 
Wa^^^ ror; and even Henry III. notwithftanding his 
known averfion to the houfe of Guife, was obliged 
to intcrpofe in her behalf, and to appear in defence 
of the common rights of royalty. Aubcfpine his 
rcfident ambaflador, and Bellievre, who was font 
with an extraordinary commiffion to the fame pur* 

* Camd. 526. D'Ewcs, 375. 

pofc, 



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t!her*« life. 



OF SCOTLAND. 167 

pofc, interceded for Mary with great appearance ^ ^^^ ^ 
of warmth. They employed all the arguments 
which the caufe naturally fuggefted ; they pleaded 
from juftice, from generofity, and humanity ; they 
intermingled reproaches and threats; but to all 
thefc Elizabeth continued deaf and inexorable -, and 
having received fome intimation of Henry's real 
unconcern about the fate of the Scottifti queen, 
and knowing his antipathy to all the race of Guife, 
(he trufted that thefe loud remonftranccs would be 
followed by no violent refcntment ^. 

She paid no greater regard to the felicitations l^^es en. 
of the Scottilh king, which, as they were urged favcTsmo! 
with greater fincerity, merited more attention. 
Though her commiflioners had been extremely 
careful to footh James, by publifhing a declaration 
that their fentence againft Mary did, in no degree, 
derogate from his honour, or invalidate any title 
which he formerly poflcflcd ; he beheld the indig- 
nities to which his mother had been expofed with 
filial concern, and with the fentiments which be- 
came a king. The pride of the Scottilh nation 
was roufed, by the infult offered to the blood of 
their monarchs, and called upon him to employ the 
moft vigorous efforts, in order to prevent or to re- 
venge the queen's death. 

At firft, he could hardly believe that Elizabeth 
would venture upon an aftion fo unprecedented, 
which tended fo vifibly to render the perfons of 
princes lefs (acred in the eyes of the people, and 
which degraded the regal dignity, of which, at 

/ Camd. 531. 

M 4 other 



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i6$ THE HISTORY 

* viL '^'^^J^'" times, flic was fo remarkably jealous. But ai 
Ui.-^*^ ibon as the extraordinary ileps which flie took dif- 
'^*^' covered her intention, he diipatched fir William 
Keith to London ; who, together with Doug^ his 
ambaflador in ordinary, remonftrated, in the 
ftrongeit terms, againft the injury done to an inde- 
pendent queen, in fubjedting her to be tried like a 
private perfon, and by laws to which ftie owed no 
obedience ; and befought Elizabeth not to add to 
this injury, by fufiering a fentence unjuft in itfel^ 
as well as diflionourable to the king of Scots, to be 
put into execution *, 

Elizabeth returning no anfwcr to thcfc rcmon- 
{trances of his ambaflador, James wrote to her with 
his own hand, complaining in the bittereft terms of 
her condud, not without threats that both his 
duty and his honour would oblige him to renounce 
her friendfliip, and to a£t as became a fon when 
called to revenge his mother's wrongs ». At the 
fame time he aflembled the nobles, who promifed 
to (land by him in fo good a caufe. He appointed 
ambafTadors to France, Spain, and Denmark, io 
order to implore the aid of thefc courts i and took 
other ftcps towards executing his threats with vi- 
gour. The high (train of his letter enraged Eliza- 
beth to fuch a degree, that flic was ready to difinift 
his ambafladors without any reply. But his prcpa* 
rations alarmed and embarrafled her miniflers, and 
at their entreaty flie returned a foft and cvafivc 
anfwer, promifing to liftcn to any overture from 

■ Sec Append. No. XVI. Murdin, 573, 8cc, Birch. Mcffl« 
i. 5?t • Birch, Mem, i* 52. 

the 



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OF SCOTLAND. i6f 

the king, that tended to his mother's fafety ; and*^ ^^ * 
CD fuipend the execution of the lentence, until the Sm^^^a 
auTival of new ambaffiidors from Scotland \ ^^^ 

Meanwhile, (he commanded the fcntenceagainft ^^-^ 
Mary to be pubK(hed, and forgot not to inform th6 tence sl' 
people, that this was extorted from her by the f^^M7 
repeated entreaty of both houfcs of parliament. 
At the fame time (he difpatched lord Buckhurft 
and Beaie to acquaint Mary widi the fcntence, and 
how importunately the nation demanded the execu^ 
tion of it; and though (he had not hitherto yielded 
to thefe folicitations, (he advifcd her to prepare 
for an event which might become neceflary for 
fccuring the proteftant religion, as well as quiet- 
ing the minds of the people. Mary received the 
meflage not only without fymptoms of fear, but 
with expreflions of triumph. " No wonder," faid 
flie, ^^ the Englifli fhould now thirft for the blood 
« of a foreign prince, they have often oflercd vio- 
^^ lence to their own monarchs. But after fo manj 
<« fufferings, death comes to me as a welcome dc- 
<* liverer; I am proud to think that my life is 
<* deemed of importance to the catholic religion, 
«* and as a martyr for it I am now willing to die*/* 

After the publication of the fcntence, Mary sheiinwi^ 
was ftripped of every remaining mark of royalty. „ti^ii. 
The canopy of ftate in her apartment was pulled ^^^* 
<k>wn ; Paulet entered her chamber, and approach- 
ed her perfon without any ceremony j and even 
appeared covered in her prefence. Shocked with 
thefe indignities, and offended at this grofs fami-* 

> SpotfWf 251; Cald. if. y • Camd. 528. Jcbb, 291. 

liarity. 



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I70 THE HISTORY 

* vif ^ ^i^ty> ^^ which Ihc had never been accuftomed, 
w.-yJ.^ Mary once more complained to Elizabedi ; and at 
D^^l^ the fame time, as her laft^ requeft, entreated that 
Ihe would permit her fcrvants to carry her dead 
body mto France, to be laid among her anceftors 
in hallowed ground j that fome of her dontcftics 
might be prefent at her death, to bear witneft of 
her innocence, and firm adherence to the catholic 
faith J that all her fervants might be fuffered to 
leave the kingdom, and to enjoy thofe fmall lega- 
cies which (he fliould beftow on them, as teftimonies 
of her affeftion ; and that, in the mean time, her 
almoner, or fome other catholic prieft, might be 
allowed to attend her, and to aflift her in preparing 
for an eternal world. She befought her, in the 
jiame of Jefus, by the foul and memory of Henry 
VII. their common progenitor, by their near con- 
languinity, and the royal dignity with which they 
were both inverted, to gratify her in thefe parti- 
culars, and to indulge her fo ^ as to fignify her 
compliance by a letter under her own hand. Whe- 
- ther Mary's letter was ever delivered to Elizabeth 
is uncertam. No anfwer was returned, and no 
regard paid to her requcfts. She was offered a 
proteftant bifhop or dean to attend her. Them (he 
rejefted, and without any clergyman to dirtSt her 
devotions, (he prepared, in great tranquillity, for 
the approach of death, which (he now believed to 
be at no great diftance **. 
15S7' James, without lofing a moment, fent new 

w^hiT' ambafladors to London. Thefe were the mafter 

• * Camd. 528. Jcbb, ii. 295. 

of 



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OF SCOTLAND. 171 

of Gray, and fir Robert Mjlvil. In order to re- » o o c 
move Elizabeth's fears, they offered that their * , '_# 
mailer would become bound that no confpiracy foiiJ-^t^fi;,,, 
Ihould be undertaken againft her perfon, or the in her be- 
peace of the kingdom, with Mary's confent; and Januarys 
for the &ithful performance of this, would deliver 
fomc of the moft confiderable of the Scottifli 
nobles as hoftages. If this were not thought fuf- 
ficient, they propofed that Mary fliould refign all 
her rights and pretcnfions to her fon, from whom 
nothing injurious to the proteftant religion, or in- 
confiftent with Elizabeth's fafety, could be feared. 
The former propofal Elizabeth rejefted as infe- 
cure ; the latter, as dangerous. The ambafladors 
were then inftru6ted to talk in a higher tone ; and 
Melvil executed the commiflion with fidelity and 
with zeal. But Gray, with his ufual perfidy, de- 
ceived his matter, who trufted him with a negotia- 
tion of fo much importance, and betrayed the 
queen whom he was employed to fave. He en- 
couraged and urged Elizabeth to execute the fen-- 
tence againft her rival. He often repeated the^ old 
proverbial fentence, " The dead cannot bite." 
And whatever (hould happen, he undertook to pa- 
cify the king's rage, or at leaft to prevent any vio- 
lent effects of his refentment '. 

Elizabeth, meanwhile, difcovered all the ^*t«^*» 

anxiety and 

fymptoms of the moft violent agitation and dif- diffimuu* 
quietude of mind. She (hunned fociety, fhe was ^^ 
ofi^n found in a melancholy and mufing pofture^ 
^d repeating with much emphafis theie fentences 

f ppotfw. 35a. Murdin, 568. See App. No. XVII. 

jvhich 



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lyft THEHISrORY 

* viL * ^^^ ^^ borrowed from fomc of the devices then 
u-*N— i^ in vogue ; Aut fer aut feri j ne feriarey feri. 
'5^7. Much, no doubt, of this apparent uneafmcfs muft 
be imputed to diffimulation ^ it was impoffible, 
however, that a princefe, naturally fo cautious as 
£Hzabeth> fhould venture on an aftion, which 
might expofc her memory to infamy, and her life 
and kingdom to danger, without reflefting deeply, 
and hefitating long. The people waited her deter- 
mination in fulpenfe and anxiety $ and left their fear 
or dieir zeal Ihould fubfide, rumours of danger 
were artfully invented, and propagated with the 
utmoft induftry. Aubefpine, the French ambaf- 
iador, was accufed of having fuborned an aflaflin to 
murder the queen. The Spani(h fleet was faid by 
fome to be already arrived at MilfordhaVcn. Others 
affirmed that the duke of Guife had landed with a 
ftrong army in SufTex. Now, it was reported tdiat 
the northern counties were up in arms ; next day, 
that the Scots had entered England with all their 
forces ; and a confpiracy, it was whifpcrcd, was on 
foot fgr feizing the queen and burning the city. 
.The panic grew every day more violent ; and the 
people, aftonifhed and enraged, called for the exe- 
cution of the fcntence againft Mary, as the only 
thing which could rcftore tranquillity to the king* 
dom ^ 
wirrwttiior Wfmlb thcfe fcntimcnts prevailed among her 
cutiwi* fi^- fubjefts, Elizabeth thought fhe might fafcly ven- 
J^jj^j^ , ture to ftrike the blow, which fhe had fo long me- 
diuted* She commanded Davifon^ one of tht 

' Camd. 533, 534. 

fecretanes 



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OP Scotland: i7i 

fecrctarics of ftatc, to bring to her the fatal war- • ^^^ * 

rant; and her behaviour on that occalion plainly v - ^ — ,,^ 

{hewed, that it is not to humanity that wc mufl: ^^^* 

afcribe her forbearance hitherto* At the very mo* 

ment ibe was iigning the writ which gave up a wo^ 

man, a queen, and her own neareft relation, into 

the hands of the executioner, fhe was capable of 

jefting. ** Go,*' fays fhe to Davifon, " and tcU 

^ Walfingham what I have now done, though I am 

^^ afraid he will die for grief when he hears it*'* 

Her chief anxiety was how to fecure the advao* 

tages which would ariie from Mary's death, with« 

out appearing to have given her confent to a deed 

(o odious. She often hinted to Paukt and Drury^ 

as well as to (bme other courtiers, that now was 

the time to difcover the fincerity of their concern 

for her lafcty, and that flie expelled their zeal 

would extricate her out of her prefent perplexity. 

But they were wife enough to feem not to under- 

ftand her meaning* Even after the warrant waft 

ligned, Ihe commanded a letter to be written to 

Paukt, in lefs ambiguous terms, complaining oC 

his remiilnefs in (paring fo long the life of her ca-- 

pital enemy, and begging him to remember at lafl: 

what was incumbent on bim as an aifedionate fub-> 

je£b, as well as what he was bound to do by the oath 

of aflbdation, and to deliver his fovereign from 

continual fear and danger, by ihortening the days 

of his prifoner. Paulet, though rigorous and harfli, 

and often brutal in the difcharge of what he thought 

his duty, as Mary's keeper, was neverthelcfs a 

man of honour and integrity. He rejefted the 

lo propofal 



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174 THE HISTORY 

• VI? ^ propofal with dlfdain ; and lamenting that he fhoiild 
Km '^ \ j ever have been deemed capable of admg dife part 
'^^^* of an affaflin^ he declared that the queen might dif- 
pofe of his life at her plcalure, but that he would 
never (lain his own honour, nor leave an evcrlaft- 
ing mark of infamy on his pofterity, by lending 
his hand to perpetrate fo foul a crime. On the 
receipt of this anfwer, Elizabeth became ex- 
tremely peevifh; and caUing him a dainty and 
frecife fellow^ who would promife much, but per- 
form nothing, fhc propofed to employ one Wing- 
field, who had both courage and inclination to 
ftrike the blow^. But Davifon remonftrating 
againft this, as a deed dilhonourable in itfclfi and of 
dangerous example, fhe again declared her inten- 
tion that the fentence pronounced by the commif- 
fioners (hould be executed according to law j and 
as (he had already figned the warrant, (he begged 
riiat no farther application nright be made to her 
on that head. By this the privy coun(clIors thought 
themfelves fufficiently authorifcd to proceed ; and 
prompted, as they pretended, by zeal for the 
queen's fafety, or inftigated, as is more probable, 
by the apprehenfion of the danger to which they 
would themfelves be expofed, if the life of the 
queen of Scots were fpared, they aflTcmbled in the 
council chamber; and by a letter under all their 
hands, empowered the earls of Shrewfbury and 
Kent, together with the high (herilF of the coun- 
ty, to fee the fentence put in execution *. 

t Blogr. Britan. article Dan'tfon. 
* Camd. 534- Strype, iii. 361. 364. 

3 Otf 



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OF SCOTLAND. 17S 

On Tucfday the fcventh of February, the two ^ %^^ 
earls arrived at Fotheringay, and demanded ac- ^^ ^ ^^ 
ccfs to the queen, read in her prefence the war- j^-Vbc- 
rant for execution, and required her to prepare to JjJ^^ 
die next morning. Mary heard them to the end 
without emodon, and croffing herfelf in the name 
of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
Ghoft, <* That foul," laid Ihc, " b not wordiy the 
" joys of Heaven, which repines becaufe the body 
'^ inuft endure the ftroke of the executioner ; and 
" though I did not cxpeft that the queen of Eng- 
*' land would fet the firft example of violating the 
'* (acred peribn of a fovcreign prince, I willingly 
** fubmit to that which Providence has decreed to 
" be my lot i" and laying her hand on a Bible, 
which happened to be near her, flie folemnly pro- 
tefted that flie was innocent of that confpiracy 
which Babington had carried on agairill Elizabeth's 
life^. She then mentioned the requcfts contained 
in her letter to Elizabeth, but obtained no fatif- 
foftory anfwcr. She entreated with particular ear- 
neftnefs, that now in her laft moments her almoner 
might be fufFcred to attend her, and that (he might 
enjoy the confoladon of thofe pious inftitudons 
prefcribed by her religion. Even this fevour, 
which is ufually granted to the vileft criminal, was 
abfolutely denied. 

Her attendants, during this convcriadon, were 
bathed in tears, and though overawed by the pre- 
fence of the two earls, with difficulty fupprefled 
their anguUh -, but no fooncr did Kent and Shrewf- 

^ Jebby it. jox. 

bury 



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17« THE HISTORY 

BOOK bury withdraw, than they ran to their miftrcfs, ih^ 
i^m^^Lm^ burft out into the moft poflionate expreffions o( 
»s«7- tcndcmefs and forrow. Mary, however, not only 
retained per&d compoiure of mind herfelf, bitt 
endeavoured to moderate dieir exccflive gricf> 
and felling on her knees, with all her domeftics 
round her, fhe thanked Heaven thit her fbfferingt 
were now fo near an end, and prayed that fbt 
might be embled to endure what ftill remained 
with decency and with fortitude. The greater part 
of the evening Ihe employed in fcttUng her worldly 
afiairs. She wrote her telbment with her own 
hand. Her money, her jewels, and her clothes,* 
(he diftributed among her fcrvants, according to 
their rank or merit. She wrote a Ihort tetter to 
the king of France, and another to the duke (rf* 
Guiie, full of tender but magnanimous fentimentsi 
and recommended her foul to their prayers, and 
her afflided fervants to their proteftion. At Tup* 
per flic ate temperately, as ufual, and convcrfcd 
not only with eafe, but with checrfobcfi; fhc 
drank to every one of her fervants, and alkcd 
their forgivencls, if ever fhe had faikd in any part 
of her duty towards them* At her wonted time 
ftie went to bed, and flept calmly a few hour% 
Early in the morning fhe retired into her clofet, 
and employed a confiderable time in devotion. At 
eight o'clock the high fhcriff and his officers en-- 
tered her chamber, and found her ftill kneeling at 
the altar. She immediately ftirted up, and with a 
majeftic mien, and a countenance undifmaycd, swd 
even cheerful, advanced towards the place of exc- 

cudoDf 



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OP SCOTLAND, 177 

nation, leaning on two of Paidct's attendants^ Shi • ^^^ * 
was drefled in a mourning habit, but with an ele* v-*^^^* ^ 
gancc and Iplcndour which Ihe had long laid afidc, '^^^* 
except on a few fefti val days. An jignus Dei hui^ 
by a pomander chain at her neck } her beads at 
her girdle ; and in her hand ihe carried a crucifix 
of ivory. At the bottom of the ftairs the two earlsj 
attended by fcveral gendemen from the nei^bour-* 
ing counties, received her j and there fir Andrew 
Melvil, the mailer 'of her houlehold, who had 
been fecluded for fome weeks from her prefencc, 
was permitted to take his laft farewel. At the 
fight of a mifl:re(s whom he tenderly loved, io fuch 
a fituadon, he melted into tears; and as he was 
bewailing her condition, and complaining of his 
own hard fate, in being appointed to carry the ac- 
count of fiich a mournful event into Scotland, 
Mary replied, " Weep not, good Melvil, there is 
*' at prefent great caufc for rejoicing. Thou flialt 
*' this day fee Mary Stewart delivered from all her 
" cares, and fuch an end put to her tedious fufFer- 
"ings, as flie has long expefted. Bear witnels 
" that I die conftant in my religion j firm in my 
" fidelity towards Scotland i and unchanged in my 
'* afiedion to France. Commend me to my fon. 
" Tell him I have done nothing injurious to his 
^' kingdom, to his honour, or to his rights ; and 
" God forgive all thofe who have thirfl:cd, withou; 
" caufc, for my blood." 

With much difficulty, and after many entreaties, 
Ihc prevailed on the two earls to allow Melvil, to- 
gether with three of her men fervants and two of 

Vol. II. N her 



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t7« THE HISTORY 

• ^j^ ^ her maids, to attend her to the fcafibW. It waf 
<mJ ^^ mJ crc6ted in the fame hall where fhe had been tried, 
'^^^* raifed a little above the floor, and covered, as well 
as a chair, the cufhion, and block, with black clodi. 
Marjr mounted the fteps with alacrity, beheld all 
this apparatus of death with an unaltered counte- 
nance, and figning herfelf with the crofe, fhe lat 
down in the chain Beale read the warrant for 
execution with a loud voice, to which (he liftened 
with a carelefs air, and like one occupied in other 
thoughts. Then the dean of Peterborough began 
a devout difcourfe, fuitablc to her prefent condi- 
tion, and offered up prayers to Heaven in her be- 
half; but fhe declared that (he could not in con- 
fcience hearken to the one, nor join with the other; 
and kneeling down, repeated a Latin prayer. When 
the dean had finifhed his devotions, (he with an 
audible voice, and in the Englifh tongue, recom- 
mended unto God the afflifted (late of the church, 
and prayed for pro(perity to her fon, and for a 
long life and peaceable reign to Elizabeth. She 
declared that (he hoped for mercy only through the 
death of Chrift, at the foot of whofe image (he 
now willingly llied her blood ; and lifting up and 
kifling the crucifix, (he thus addreflfed it : " As 
^' thy arms, O Jefus, were extended on the cro(s > 
♦* fo with the outftretched arms of thy mercy re- 
*' ceive me, and forgive my (ins." 

She then prepared for the block, by taking off 
her veil and upper garments ; and one of the exe- 
cutioners rudely endeavouring to aflift, fhe gcndy 
checked him, and faid, with a (inile, that fhe. had 

13 oof 



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Ot? SCOTLAND* t79 

flat been accuftomcd to undrefs before Co tilany ' ^ ^ 
ipci^ators, nor to be ferved by fuch valets. With s ^ ^'^'^^a 
calm but undaunted fortitude, (he laid her neck *^*^* 
on the block j and while one executioner held her 
hands, the other, at the fecond ftroke, cut off her 
head, which falling out of its attire, difcovered her 
hair already grown quite grey with cares and for- 
rows. The executioner held it up ftill ftreaming 
with blood, and the dean citing out, " So perifli 
" all queen Elizabeth's enemies," the earl of Kent 
alone anfwered Amen. The reft of the fpeftators 
continued (ilent, and drowned in tears ; being in* 
capable, at that moment, of any other fentiments 
but thofe of pity or admiration^. 

Such was the tragical death of Mary qujcen of ^?^Jf 
Scots, after a life of forty-four years and two concemim 
mondis, almoft nineteen years of which fhc paffed 
in captivity. The political parties which were 
formed in the kingdom, during her reign, have 
fubfifted, under various denominations, ever fincc 
that time. The rancour, with which they were 
at firft animated, hath defcended to fucceeding 
ages, and their prejudices, as well as their rage, 
have been perpetuated, and even augmented*. 
Among hiftorians, who were under the dominion 
of all thefc paflions> and who have either afcribed 
to her every virtuous and amiable quality, or have , 
imputed to her all the vices of which the humanf \ 
heart is fufceptible, we fearch in vain for MaryU 
real charaftcr. She neither merited the cxagge- 

* Camd. 534. Spotfw. 355. Jebb, il 300. Strypc, iil. 
J83. Set Appcad. No. XVIII. 

N 2 rated 



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i8o THE HISTORY 



BOOK 

VIL 



rated praifes of the one, nor the undiftinguHked 
ccnfure of the other. 
Her d2i'- To all the charms of beauty, and the utmoft 
«aer. elegance of external form, fhe added thofe accom- 
plifhments which render their impreflion irrcfift- 
ible. Polite, aflfable, infinuating, fprightly, and 
capable of Ipeaking and of writing with equal eafe 
and dignity. Sudden, however, and violent in all 
her attachments ; becaufe her heart was warm and 
unfufpicious. Impatient of cohtradiftion; becaiife 
ihe had been accuftomed from her infancy to be 
treated as a queen. No ftranger, on fome occa- 
fions, to dilTimulation ; which, in that perfidious 
court where (he received her education, was 
reckoned among the neceffary arts of government. 
Not infenfible of flattery, or unconfcious of that 
pleafure with which almoft every woman beholds 
the influence of her own beauty. Formed with 
the qualities which we love, not with the talents 
that we admire ; (he was an agreeable woman, ra- 
ther than an illirilrious queen. The vivacity of 
her (pirit not fufHciently tempered with found 
judgment, and the warmth of her heart, which 
was not at all times under the reftraint of difcrc- 
tion, betrayed her both into errors and mto crimes. 
To fay that (he was always unfortunate, will not 
account for that long and almoft uninterrupted fuc- 
vcelfion of calamidcs which befel her; we muft 
likcwife add, that (he was often imprudent. Her 
paflion for Darnly was rafh, youthful, and exccf- 
(Jve ; and though the fudden tranfition to the op- 
£)}(ite extreme, was, the natural efFcft of her ill- 

rcquitcd 



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OF SCOTLAND, i8i- 

tcquitcd love, and of his ingratitude, infolence, ^ ^^f ^ 
and brutality; yet neither thefe, nor Bothwell's v— -^-„j 
artful addrefs and important fcrvices, can juftify '^^^' 
her attachment to that nobleman. Even the man- 
ners of the age, licentious as they were, are no 
apology for this unhappy paflion; nor can they 
induce us to look on that tragical and infamous 
icene^ which followed upon it, with lefs abhor- 
rence. Humanity will draw a veil over this pare. 
of her charafter which it cannot approve, and may, 
.perhaps, prompt fomc to impute fome of her 
aftions to her fituation, more than to her diipo- 
fidons; and to lament the unhappinefs of the for- 
mer, rather than accufe the perverfenefs of the 
fetter. Mary's fufFerings exceed, both in degree 
and in duration, thofe tragical diftreffes which fancy 
has feigned to excite forrow and commiferation ; 
and while we furvcy them, we are apt altogether 
to forget her frailties, we think of her faults with 
lefi indignation, and approve of our tears, as if 
they were (hed for a perfon who had attained much 
nearer to pure virtue. 

With regard to the queen's perfon, a circum- 
ftance not to be omitted in writing the hiftory of a 
female reign, all contemporary authors agree in 
afcribing to Mary the utmoft beauty of counte- 
nance, and elegance of ftiape, of which the hu- 
man form is capable. Her hair was black, though, 
accordbg to the fafhion of that age, fhc frequently 
wore borrowed locks, and of different colours. 
Her eyes were a dark grey i her complexion was 
CXQuifitely fine 5 and her hands and arms remark-- 
N 3 ably 



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ijit THE HISTORY' 

* viL ^ ^^^^ delicate, both as to ihape and colour. Her 
^— ^^p.w ftature was of an height that rofc to the majeftic. 
'^'7- She danced, fhe walked, and - rode with equal 
grace. Her tafte for mufic was juft, and (he both 
Aing and played upon the lute with uncommoa 
flcill. Towards the end of her life, long confine- 
ment, and the coldnefs of the houfes in which tbt 
had been imprifoned, brought on a rheumatifm, 
which often deprived her of the ufe of her limbs. 
No man, lays Brantome, ever beheld her perfon 
without admiration and love, . or will read her hif- 
tory without forrow. 

None of her women were fuffered to come near 
her dead body, which was carried into a room 
adjmning to the j^e of execution, where it lay 
for fome days, covered with a coarfe cloth torn 
from a billiard table. The block, the fcaffbld, the 
aprons of the executioners, and every thing ftained 
with her blood, were reduced to aflies. Not long 
after, Elizabeth appointed her body to be buried 
in the cathedral of Peterborough with royal mag- 
nificence* But this vtilgar artifice was employed io 
vain J the pageantry of a pompous funeral did not 
efface the memory of thofe injuries which had 
Mary in her grave, James, foon after his acccf- 
fion to the Englifh throne, ordered her body to be 
removed to Weftminftcr-abbey, and to be depo- 
fited among the monarchs of England. 
Eiitabeth EnzAB£TH affc<5bcd to rcccivc the accounts of 
famcnt Mary*s death with the moft violent emotions o( 
J^j7j* iiirprife and of concern. Sighs, tears, lamentations, 
4nd mourning, were all employed to difplay the 

rcaJicy 



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^F SCATLANI?. .183 

ccUityaodgreameisofher forrow. EA^dcnr marks • ^^^ ^ 
of diffimuladon and ardfice may be traced through u«»v-<>^ 
cwry period of Elizabeth's prpccedings agakift the *^*'' 
life c^ the Scottifl) Cfftctjcu The commiffion for 
bringing M^ to a public trial wa^ feemingly ex*^ 
torted from her by the entreades of her privy 
connfcUors. She delayed publifliing the ientence 
agaiofl: her till ffae was twice folicited by both 
bouies of parJiament. iNor did Ihe fign the war- 
rant for execQdon without the uttnoft apparent 
reluctance. Qim fq<^e more of the boldeft and 
0K>ft folesui deceit remained to be exhibited. She 
pndejtook to make the world believe that Maiy 
had been put to death without her knowledge, and 
^^gBonA her wUK Davifon> who neidier fufpeded 
her intendofi nor his own danger, was her in(tru*p 
ment in carryii^ on jdiis ariifice, and fell a vidim 
to it* 

Jt was his d*^, as fecretary of ftate, to lay be- 
icire her the warrant for execution, in order to be 
|]goed y af)d> hy her command, he earned it to the 
gn^ fcaL Sh4 pretended, however, that Ihe had 
charged him not to communicate what ihe had done 
to any perfon, nor to fuffer the warrant to go out 
of his hands^ without her exprels permiiBon j that, 
in contf^mpt of this order, he had not only revealed 
the inatter to feveral of her miniftcrs, but had, in 
concert with them, aflcmbled her privy counfellors, 
by whom, without her confent or knowledge, the 
warrant was i0lied, and the earls of Shrewfbury and 
Kent impowered to put it in execution. Though 
Davifon denied all this, and with circumftances 
N 4 which 



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1«4 THE HISTOftY 



BOOK 

vn. 



which bear the ftrongeft marks of truth artd credi- 
bility ; though it can fcarcely be conceived that 
*^^^* her privy council, compoied of the perfbns in 
whom ihe moft confided, of her minUlers and fa- 
vourites, would aflcmble within the walls of her 
palace, and venture to tranfaft a matter of fo much 
importance without her privity, and contrary to 
her inclination j yet fo far did flie carry her dif- 
emulation, that with all the figns of di<pleafure 
and of rage, fhe banifhed moft of her counfellors 
out of her prefence s and treated Burleigh, in par- 
ticular, fo harftily, and with fuch marks of di%uft, 
that he gave up himfclf for loft, and in the deepcft 
affliftion wrote to the queen, beg^ng leave to re- 
fign all his places, that he might retire to hU own 
cftate. Davifon (he inftantly depriveddf his office, 
and committed him a clofc prifoncr to the Tower; 
Mvch. He was foon after brought to a folemn trial in the 
Star Chamber, condemned ta pay a fine of ten 
thoufand pounds, and tx>be imprifoned during tiift 
queen's pleafure. He languifbed feveral years: in 
confinement, and never recovered any degree of 
favour or of power. As her jealoiily arid fear had 
bereaved the queen of Scots of life, in Order to 
palliate this part of her conduft, Elizabeth made 
no fcruple of facrificing the reputation arid happi* 
nefs of one of the moft virtuous and able men ia 
her kingdom K 
iiiaabeth This folcmn faTce, for it deferves no better 

to footh"*^ iuune, furnilhcd Elizabeth, however, with an apo- 

• Cam^.536. Strypti ill, ^7Q. Sc? Append. Jio. XIJ<;» 
Cs^bala, 22^, l^c, 



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OF SCOTLAND. \it 

logy to the king of Scots. As the profpcft of hii ^ ^^ ^ 
mother's danger had excited the king's filial care ^ ^^^m:$ 
and concern, the account of her death filled him '^^* 
with grief and refentment. His fiibjeSs felt the 
dilhonour done to him and to the nation. In order 
to footh both, Elizabeth inftantly difpatchcd Ro- 
bert Cary, one of lord Hunldon's fons, with a 
letter expreffing her extreme affliftion on account 
of that mifcrable accident, which', as ftie pretend- 
ed, had happened far contrary to her appointment 
or intention. James would not permit her mef- 
fenger to enter Scotland; and with fome difficulty 
received a memorial which he fent from Berwick. 
It contained the tale concerning Davifon, dreflcd 
up with all the circuttiftances which tended to ex^- 
culpate Elizabeth, and to throw the whole blame 
on- his raflmefs* or treachery. Such ^ defence gave 
litde fatisfaftion, and was confidered as mockery 
added to infulti and many of the nobles, as well 
as the king, breathed nothing but revenge. Eli- 
zabeth was extremely folicitous to pacify them, 
and Ihe wanted neither able inftruments, nor plau- 
'fible reafons, in order to accomplilh this. Lei- 
ccftcr wrote to the king, and Walfmgham to fe- 
cretary Maidand. They reprefented the certain 
deftruftion to which James would expofc himfelfi 
if, with the forces of Scodand alone, he fhould 
venture to attack a kingdom fo far fuperior in 
power; that the hiftory of paft ages, as well as his 
mother's lad experience, might convince him, that 
fipthing coul4 be n>ore dangerous, or deceitful, 

than 



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i86 THE HISTORY 

^ viL ^ ^^^ dependence on fore^ aid; dbat the king of 
Fr^cc would never wifh to fee the Britifli king- 
doms united under one monarchy nor contribute to 
inveft a prince fo nearly allied to the houle of 
Guife with fuch 4braudable powers that Philip 
might be a inor^ a&ive aUy^ but would certauoly 
prove a more dangerous one, and, under pretence 
of afllfti^g him/ would afiert his own right to the 
JBngliih crown^ which he already began opeqly to 
claim ', that the fame ftatute, on which the Sentence 
of death againft his mother had been founded, 
would juftify the exduding him from the fucceflion 
to the crowns that the Engliih, naturally averie 
(from the dominion of ftrangers, would not fail, if 
cxai^rated by hb hoftilities, to apply it in that 
jnanner; that Elizabeth was difpofed to repair ther 
wrongs which the mother had fufiered, by her ten- 
jdernefs and affedion towards the fon; and that, 
:by engaging in a fruitlels war, he would deprive 
himfclf of a nohk inheritance, which, by culti- 
vating her friendihip, he muft in&lUbly obtaiAi 
Thefc rcprcfentations, added to the confcioufocfe 
of his own weaknefs, to the fmallnefs of his re- 
venues, to the mutinous fpirit of fome of the 
nobles, to the dubious fidelity of others, and to the 
influence of that fadkion which was entirely at 
Elizabeth's devotion, convinced James that a war 
with England, however juft, would in the prcfent 
junfture be altogether impolitical. All thefe con- 
fid^rations induced him to ftifle his refentmentj to 
appear fatisfied with the puniflbment inflicted on 

Davifon i 



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Oi? SCOTl-AND.^ ifty 

Davifbni: mi to prcfcrve «U the ftmblmctfs ^ ^%S,^ 
fii^ncUhip wkh the EnglUh couit'^. Jn thisiiMUi* ^,-^-u^ 
ncr did the cloud which threatened fuch a ftona '^•'* 
pais ftway, Mfuy's deaths like that of a conmoQ 
criminal^ remained imavenged.by any prince ; and 
whoever infiUny Elizabeth oai^t incur^ flic was 
cxpofed to jio new daftger on that account. ^ 

Marv's death> however, proved fatal to the niikn^or 
Qiafter of Gray, and loft him the king's favour^ of q^^ 
which he had for ibme time pofiefled He was 
become as odious to the nation as faVourit)es» who 
acquire power widxMit meritj and exerciie it wxth^* 
out difcretion, ufually are. The treacherous part 
whioh he had aAed during his late emba0y was no 
fecret, and filled James, who at length came to 
die knowledge of it, with aftonilhment. The cour« 
^rs ohfenred the fymptoms of difguft atifing ix^ 
file kiog^s mind, his enemies feized ^he opportu- 
nity, and fir William Stewart, in revenge of the 
perfidy with which Gray had betrayed his brother 
captain James, publicly accufed him before a con- May m, 
vendon of nobles, not only of having contributed^ 
by his advice and fuggeftibns, to take away the 
life of the queen, but of holding correlpondence 
with popifii princes, in order to fubvcrt the rcli- 
ffon eflablifhed in the kingdom. Gray, unfup<» 
ported by the king, deferted by all, and confcious 
of bis own guilt, made a feeble defence. He was 
condemned to perpetual baniftiment, a punifhmcnt 
very unequal to his crimes. But the king was un- 
witting to abandon one whom he had once favoured 

-« Spotfw. $6u Cald. iv. xj, 14* Strypt, iii, 377. 

fo 



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l?g tHE ttlSTORLt 

h h^tyVtcx'the rigmir of jufticc, and lord Ha- 
mikon> His near relation, and the oth^er nobles who 
had lately returned from exile, in gratitude for the 
«eal wirii which he had ierved them, interceded 
warmly in his behalf. . 

- Having thus accomplilbed the dcftniftion of 
one of hh enemies, captain James Stewart thought 
ihe junfture favourable for profecuting his revenge 
on tkem all. He Tingled out iecret^ Maidanc^ 
the mbft eminent both for abilities and enmity to^ 
him ^ and ofiered to prove that he was no lefs ac- 
ce£&ry dian Gray to the queen's death, and had 
even formed a defign of delivering up the king 
himfelf into the hands of the EngKfli. But time 
and abfence had, in a great meafure, extinguiflied 
the king's affedion for a minion who fo litde de- 
fcrved ic. All the courtiers combined agsdnft him 
as a common enemy ; and inftead of gaining his 
point, he had the mortification to fee the office of 
chancellor conferred upon Maitland, who, together 
with that dignity, enjoyed all the power and influ* 
cnce of a prime miniftcn ' 

In the aflcmbly of the church, which met this 
year, the fame hatred to the order of bifhops, and 
the fame jcaloufy and fear of their encroachments, 
appeared. * But as the king was now of full age, 
and a parliament was fummoned on that occafion, 
the clergy remained fatisfied with appointing fome 
of their number to rcprefcnt their grievances to 
that court, from which great things were expefted. 
Thckmg Previous to this meeting of parliament, James 

SKJt^^ attempted ^ work wortjiy of a king. The deadly 

fcudi 



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wkku 



OF SCOTLAND 

feuds which fubfifted between many bf the griat 
&inilies> and which were traniinitted fix)m one ge^ 
neradon to another, weakened the ftrength of the 
kingdom ; contributed, more than any other cir-^ 
cumftance, to preferve a fierce and barbarous fpi* 
rit among the nobles; and proved the occafibn of 
many difailers* to theihfelves and to their country* 
After many preparatory negotiations, he invited 
the contending parties to a royal entertainment in 
the palace of Holy-rood-houfc ; and partly by his 
authority, pardy by his entreaties, obtained their 
promife to bury their, diflcnfions in perpetual obli- 
vion. From thence he condudcd them, in fo-v 
kmn proceflion, through the ftrcets of Edinburgh* 
marching by pairs, each hand in hand with his 
enemy. A collation of wine and fweetmeats wm 
prepared at the public crofs, and there dicy drank 
to each other, widi all the figns of reciprocal 
forgivencfs and of future friendfliip. The peo* 
pie, who were prclcnt at a fpcftacle fo unufual, 
conceived the mod fanguine hopes of feeing con- 
cord and tranquillity eftablilhed in every part of 
the kingdom, and tcftificd their fatisfaftion by re- 
peated acclamations". Unhappily, the efFefts of 
this reconciliation were not corrcfpondent either to 
the pious endeavours of the king, or to the fond 
wiihes of the people. 

The firft c^re of the parliament was the fecurity 
of the proteftant religion. All the laws paflcd in 
its favour, fince the Reformation, were ratified j 
and a new and fevere one was enadled againft fc- 

• Spotfw. 164. Culd. ir, 13. 

minary 



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196 YHE HISTORY 

* ^j^ * imnary pricto and Jdmts> whofe rdUefs iftduftry 
Kmmyw^m^ ui makuig profelytes^ brought many of them into 
'^* Scotland about this time. Two ads of this parlia^ 
mcnt dcfenrc more particillar nodce on account of 
the confequences with which they were followed. 
2^^^^ Thb one refpeftcd the lands of the church* As 
cUutch. the public revenues were not fufficient for defray* 
ing die king's ordinary charges s as the adminiftra- 
' tion of the government became more complicated 
and more expenfive ; as James was naturally pro« 
fiife> and a ftranger to oeconomy j it was neceflary^ 
on all thefe accounts, to provide fome firnd pro- 
portioned to his exigencies. But no confiderable 
itim could be levied on the commons, who did not 
enjoy the benefit of an cxtenfive commerce. The 
l^bles were unaccuftomcd to bear the burden of 
heavy taxes. The revenues of the church were the 
only fourcc whence a proper fupply could be 
5fc drawn. Notwithftanding all the depredations of 
the laity fince the Reformation, and the various 
devices which they had employed to fcize the 
church lands, fome confiderable portion of them 
remained ftill- unalienated, and were held. either by 
iht biihops who pofleffcd the benefices, or were 
granted to laymen during plcafure. All thefc lands 
were, in this parliament, annexed, by one general 
law% to the crown, and the king was empowered 
to apply the rents of them to his own ufe. The 
tithes alone were referved for the maintenance of 
the perfons who fcrved the cure, and the principal 
manfion-houfe, with a few acres of land, by way of 

• Pari. II Jac.VI. c. 29. 

glebe. 



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OF SCOTLAND- 19I 

glebe, allotted for their refidence. By this great ^ ^ <> "^ 
acccflion of property, it is natural to conclude that \^m^^m^ 
the king muft have acquired a vaft increafe of *5^^ 
power, and the influence of the nobles have fuffcr- 
ed a proportional diminution. The very reverfe 
of thb feems, however, to have been the cafe. Al- 
moft all grants of church-lands, prior to this ad, 
were thereby confirmed; and tklcs, which were 
formerly reckoned precarious, derived thence the 
lan£Hon of parliamentary authority. James was 
likewiie authorifed, during a limited time, to make 
new alienations ; and fuch was the facility of his 
temper, ever ready to yield to the folicitations of 
his fervants, and to gradfy their moft extravagant 
demands, that not only during the time limited, 
but throughout his whole reign, he was continually 
employed in bellowing, and his parliament in ratir 
fying, grants of this kind to his nobles ; hence little 
advantage accrued to the crovn from that which 
mi^t have been fo valuable an addition to its re^ 
venues. The bifhops, however, were great fuf- 
fcrcrs by the law. But at this jundhire neither the 
king nor his minifters were folicitous about the in<- 
tcrefts of an order of men, odious to the people, 
and pcrfecutcd by the clergy. Their enemies pro- 
moted the law with the utmoft zeal. The proQ>ea 
of fharing in their fpoils induced all parties to con- 
font to it ; and after a ftep fo fatal to the wealth and 
power of the dignified clergy, it was no difficult 
matter to introduce that change in the government 
of the church which foon after took place'. 

' Spotfw. 365. ^ 

The 



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i9» THE HISTORY 

^ ^jP ^ The change which the other ftatute produced 
Ui'^y^-^ in the civil conflitution was no left remarkable, 
Lcflw^ta. Under the feudal fyftem, every frceholder>..pr im-* 
Sdimo^arl °^^^*^^^ vaflkl of the crown, had a right |p^^, pre- 
liamcnt by fent in parliament. Thefc freeholders wa?e origi- 
%Ru^f' nally few in number, but poflcflcd of great and cx- 
tenfive property. By degrees thefe vaft poffeffions 
were divided by the proprietors themfelves, or 
parcelled out by the prince, or Iplit by other acci- 
dents. The number of freeholders became greater, 
and their condition more unequal : befides the an- 
cient barons, who prefcrved their eftates and their 
power unimpaired, there arofe another order, whofc 
rights were the fame, though their wealth and in- 
fluence were far inferior. But, in rude ages, when 
the art of government was extremely imperfcft, 
when -parliaments were feldom aflembled, and de- 
liberated on matters little interefting to a martial 
people, few of the leffer batons took their feats, 
and the whole parliamentary jurildidtion wasexer- 
cifed by the greater baronsy in conjunftion with 
the ecclcfiaftical order. James I. fond of imitating 
the forms of the Englifh conftitution, to which he 
had been long accuftomed, and defirous of pro- 
viding a counterpoife to the power of the great 
xiobles, procured an aft .in the year one thoufand 
four hundred and twenty-feven, difpenfing with the 
pcrfonal attendance of the leffer barons, and em- 
powering thofe in each county to chufe two com- 
miffioners to reprcfent them in parliament. This 
law, like many other regulations of that wife prince, 
produced little effed. All the king's vaffals con- 
j7 tinucd. 



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QP SCOTLAND tgi 

^ucd, as formerly, poflcffed of a right to be prc- 
fent in parliament j Uit, unlcls in fome extraordi- 
nary conjun<5hires, the greater barons alone attend- 
ed. But, by means of the Reformation, the con- 
ftitution had undergone a great change. The arif- 
tocradcal power of the nobles had been much in- 
crealed, and the influence of the ecclefiaftical or- 
der, which the crown ufually employed to check 
their ufurpations, and to balance their authority, 
had diminilhed in proportion. Many of the abbies 
and priories had been ereftcd into temporal peer- 
ages ; and the proteflant bilhops, an indigent race 
of men, and odious to the nation, were far from 
poflcfling the weight and credit which their prede- 
ceflbrs derived from their own exorbitant wealth, 
and the fuperftitious reverence of the people. In 
this lituation, the king had recourfc to the expe- 
dient employed by James L and obtained a law re- 
viving the ftatute of one thoufand four hundred 
and twenty- fevcn J and from that time the com- 
mons of Scotland have Tent their reprefentatives to 
parliament. An aft, which tended fo vifibly to 
abridge their authority, did not pafs withput oppo- 
fmon from many of the nobles. But as the king 
had a jight to fummon the leflcr barons to attend 
in perfori, others were apprehenfive of feeing the 
houfe filled with a multitude of his dependents, 
and confented the more willingly to a law which 
laid them under the rcftridioh of appearmg only 
by their reprefentatives. 

The year one thoufand five hundred and eighty- ^. 's^*- 
eight began with an univcrfal cxpcftation through- pro*chof 

Vol. II. O out Artniu>. 



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19+ THE HISTORY 

*' ^j^ K Qut all Europe, that it was to be diftinguifhed hf 
^ — ^-— > wonderful events and revolutions. Several aftro- 
*^^^' logrrs, according to the accounts of contemporary 
hiftorians, had predidled this ; and the fitiiation of 
affairs in the two principal kingdoms of Europe, 
was fuch, that a fagaciogs obfervcr, without any 
fupernatural intelligence, might have hazarded the 
prcdidtion, and have forefeen tlic approach of 
fortie grand crifis. In France, it was evident from 
the aftonifhing progrefs of the league, conduced 
by a kader whofc ambipion was reftraincd by no 
Icrupks, and whofe genius had hitherto furmount- 
cd di difficulties ; as well as from the timid, vari- 
able, and impolitic councils of Henry III. that ei- 
ther that monarch muft fubmit to abandon the 
thronie, of which he was unworthy, or by fome 
fuddeh ahd daring blow cut off his formidable ri- 
val. Aiicoi-dingly^ in the beginning of the year, 
the duke of Guifc drove his matter out, of his ca- 
pital city, and forced him to conclude a peace, 
which left him only the fhadow of royalty 5 and 
before the year expired, he himfelf fell a yidtim to 
the rcftritrtierit and fear of Henry, and to his own 
fcturity. In Spain the operations were fuch as 
promifed fomethihg ftill more uncommon. During 
three years Philip had employed all the power of 
his European dominions, and exhaufted the trea- 
sures of the Indies, in vaft preparations for war. A 
fleet, the grcatcft that had ever appeared in the 
ocean^ was ready to fail from lifl>on, and a nu- 
merous land army was aflcmbled to embark on 
board of it. Its dei^naticm was ftill iinknown, 



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OF SCOTLAND/ 195 

though many clrcumftanccs made it probable that ^ ^^ *^ 
the blow was aimed, in the firft place, againfl: c-^.*^ 
England.* Elizabeth had long given fccret aid to '^*^' 
the revolted provinces in the Low Countries, and 
now openly afforded them her proteftion. A nu- 
merous body of her. troops was in their fcrvicc ; 
the earl of Leiccfter commanded their armies j fbc 
had great fway in, the civil government of the re- 
public; and fome of its mod confiderable towns 
were in her poffeflion. Her fleets had infuked the 
coafts of Spain, intercepted the galleons from the 
rWeft Indies, and threatened the colonies there. 
.Roufed by fo many injuries, allured by views 
of ambition, and.aniraated by a fuperftitious zeal 
for propagating the Romifli. religion, Philip re- 
folvcd not only, to invade, but to conquer Eng- 
land, to which his defcent from the houle of Lan- 
cafter, and the donation of pope SixtusV. gave 
him in his own opinion a double title. . , „ 

Emzabetf? faw. the danger approach, and pre- Conduaof 
pared, to encounter it.. The mcafures for the de- ^,Ti^a. 
fence of her kingdom. were .concerted and carried ^'*'^ 
on with the wifdom.and vigour which diftinguiflicd 
her ftign. Her chief care was to ftcure. the friend- 
•fliip of the king of Scots. She had treated the 
.queen his mother with a rigour, unknown amor^ 
princes;, flic had often ufcd Jiimfclf harfhly, and 
•with .contempt; and though he had hithe^rto pru- 
•.dently fupprtflcd his fefentment of thefe injuries, 
fhc did not believe it to be altogether extinguilh- 
cd, .and was afraid that, in her prcfent fituation, it 
might burft out with a fatal violence, Philip, fcnfiblc 

O 2 how - 



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$96 THE HISTORY 

^ VI? ^ ^^^ fnuch an alliance with Scotland would feciKtate 
^^ y -^ his cntcrprifc, courted James with the utmoft affi- 
*^^^* duity. He excited him to revenge his mother's 
wrong J he flattered him with the hopes of fliaring 
his conquefts; and offered him in marriage his 
dauj^ter the infanta Ifabella. At the fame dme, 
Scotland fwarmcd wkh priefts, his emifl&ries, who 
fcduced fome of the nobles to popery> and cor- 
rupted others, wjth bribes and promifes. Hundy, 
Errol> Crawford, were the heads of a faftion which 
openly efpoufed the intereft of Spain. Lord Max- 
well, arriving from that court, began txy aflemble 
his followers, and to take arms, that he might be 
ready to join the Spaniards. In order to counter- 
balance all thcfe, Elizabeth made the warmeft pro- 
fcflions of friendfliip to the king; and Alhby, her 
ambaflador, entertamed him with magnificent hopes 
and promifes. He affured him, Aat his right of 
fucceffion to the crown (hould be publicly acknow- 
ledged in England > that he ihould be created a 
duke in that kingdofti ; that he fhould be admitted 
• to fome fhare in the government j and receive a 
confiderable penfion annually. James, it is pro^ 
bable, was too well acquainted with Elizabeth's 
arts, to rely entirely on thefe promifes. But he 
underftood his own intereft in the prefcnt junc- 
ture, ajid purfucd it with much fteadinefs. He rc- 
je£led an alliance with Spam, as dangerous. He 
refuied to admit into his prefence an ambafladoi: 
from the pope. He fcized colonel Semple, an 
-agent of the prince of Parma. He drove many of 
A,c fcmjnary prieiU out of the kingdom. .He 

marched 



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OF SCOTLA.ND. 197 



BOOK 

vn. 



«iarched fuddenly to Dumfries^ difperfed Max 
well's followers, and took him prifoner. la a con- 
vention of the nobles, he declared his refolution to *^ 
adhere inviolably to the league with England ; and, 
without liilening to the fuggeftions of revenge, de- 
termined to aft in concert with Elizabeth, againft 
the common enemy of the proteftant feith. He 
put the kingdom in a pofture of defence, and le- 
vied troops to obftruft the landing of the Spaniards. 
He offered to fend an army to Elizabeth's aflift- 
ance, and told her ambaflador, that he expeded 
no other favour from the king of Spain, but that 
which Polyphemus had promifed to Ulyffes, that 
when he had devoured all his companions, he would 
make him his laft morfel^. 
The zeal of the people, on this occafion, was ^ nati<^ 

* covenant ii 

not inferior to that of the kingi and the extraordi- defence of 
nary danger, with which they were threatened, ^^ 
fuggefted to them an extraordinary expedient for 
their fecurity. A bond was framed for the main- 
tenance of true religion, as well as the defence of 
the king's perfon and government, in oppofition 
to all enemies, foreign and domcftic. This con- 
tained a confeffion of the proteftant faith, a parti- 
cular renunciation of the errors of popery, and the 
moft folemn promifes, in the name, and through 
the ftrength of God, of adhering to each other 
in fupporting the former, and contending againft 
the latter, to the utmoft of their power'. The 
king, the nobles, the clergy, and the people, fub.^ 

< Camd. 544* Johnft. 139. Spotfvv. 360. 
' Dunlop's Collea. of ConfclL vol.ii. 108. 

O 3 fcribcd 



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198 THE HISTORY. 

F o o K fcribcd with equal alacrity. Strange or uncommon * 
iy»-y- ^ as fuch a combination may now appear, many cir- 
'^'^•' cutnftancies contributed at that time to recommend 
it, and to render the idea familiar to the Scots. 
When roufed by any extraordinary event, or alarm- 
ed by any public danger, the people of Ifrael were 
arcuftomed to bind themfelves,. by a folemn cove- 
nant, to adhere to that religion which the Almighty 
had eftabiilhed among them j' this the SCots confi- 
dered as a facred precedent, which it became them 
to imitate. In that age, no confiderable enterprife 
was' undertaken in Scotland, without a bond of 
mutual defence, which all concerned reckoned 
nece(fery for their fecunty. The form of this 
religious confederacy is plainly borrowed from 
thofe t political ones, of which fo many inftances 
have occurred j the articles, ftipulations, and pe- 
culiar modes of expreffion, are exactly the fame in 
both. Almoft all the confiderable popifli princes 
were then joined in a league for extirpating the 
reformed religion, and nothing could be more na- 
tural, or feemed more efficacious, than to enter 
into a counter-aflbciation, in order to oppofc the 
progrefs of that formidable confpii-acy. To thefe 
caufes did the covenant ^ which is become fo famous 
in hiftory, owe its origin. It was renewed at dif- 
ferent times during the reign of James •• It was 
revived with great folcmnity, though with confi- 
derable alterations, in the year one thoufand fix 
hundred and thirty-eight. It was adopted by the 
Englilh in the year one thoufand fix hundred and 

• Cald. iv. 1 23. 

forty- 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^99 

forty-three, and enforced by the civil and ecclefi- ® %^ ^ 
aftical authority of both kingdoms. The political ^ ■"*' y >^..J 
'purpofcs to which it was then made fubfervient, -^ - 
and the violent and unconftitutional meafures which 
it was then employed to promote, it is not our 
province to explain* But at the juncture in 
which it was firft introduced, we may pronounce it 
to have been a prudent and laudable device for the 
defence of the religion and liberdes of the nation ; 
nor were the terms in which it was conceived, 
other than might have been expefted from men 
alarmed with the impending danger of popery, and 
threatened with an invafion by the mofl bigoted 
and moft powerful prince in Europe. 

Philip'^ cagerncfs to conquer Engli^nd 4id.not 
infpire hjm eithe/ with the vigour or difpatcji ne- 
ccffary to enfure the fuccefs of fo mighty aq cntcr- 
prife. His fleet which ought to have failed in 
April, i^id pot enter the Englifli channel till the 
middle of July. Ip hoyered many days on the 
coaft, in expeftation of being joined by the prince 
of Parma, who was t)locked up in the ports of 
Flanders by a Dutch fquadroq- Continual difafters ThcArrn^ 
purfued the Spaniards during that time j fuccciTive ° ^ "^ 
ftorms and battles, which are well known, conr ♦. 
fpired with their own ill condud: to difappoinc 
their enterprife. And, by the blefllng of Provi- 
dence, which watched with remarkable care over 
the protcllant religion and the liberties. of Britain, 
the EngliOi valour fcattcred and deftroyed the Ar- 
pado, on which Philip had arrogantly bcftowed 
the name of Invincible. After being driven out of 

O 4 th^ - 



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406 THE HISTORY 

* ^ ^ t^c Englilh fcas, their fhattered fhips were forced 
C ■ / ■■-J to fleer their courfe toward Spain, round Scotland 
'^^*' and Ireland. Many of them fufiered ftiipwreck on 
thefe dangerous and unknown coafts. Though 
James kept his fubjefts under arms, to watch the 
motions of the Spaniards, and to prevent their 
landing in an hoftile manner, he received with 
great humanity ftvcn hundred who were forced 
afliore by a tempeft, and after lupplying them with 
neceflaries, permitted them to return into their own 
country. 

On the retreat of the Spaniards, Elizabeth fcnt 
an ambaflador to congratulate with James, and to 
compliment him on the ^rmnefs and generofity he 
had difcovercd during a conjuncture fo dangerous. 
But none of Alhby's promifes were any longer re- 
membered; that miniftcr was even accufed of 
having exceeded his powers, by his too liberal of- 
fers ; and confcious of his own falfehood, or afliamcd 
of being difowned by his court, he withdrew fc- 
cretly out of Scotland ^ 
^ 1589- Phii^ip, convinced by fatal experience of his 

trigucs in own raflinefs m attempnng the conqueft of Eng- 
^^' " * land, by a naval armament, equipped at fo great a 
diftance, and fubjefted, in all its operations, to the 
delays, and dangers, and uncertainties, arifing from 
fcas and winds, refolved to make his attack in an- 
other form, and ^o adopt the plan which the princes 
of Lorrain had long meditated, of invading Eng- 
land through Scotland. A body of his troops, he 
imagined, might be cafily wafted over ifrom the 

^ Jobiift. J3f» Qamd, f^i. Murdiii; 6j^. 788. 

Lqw 



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OF SCOTLAND. 2oi 

Low Countries to that kingdom, and if they could ^ ^^^ ^ 
Once obtdn footing, or procure afliftance there, the ^ ^-^ - .^ 
frontier of England was open and defencelefs, and '^ ^ 
the northern counties full of Roman catholics, who 
would receive them with open arms. Meanwhile,. 
a defcent might be threatened on the fouthern 
coaft, which would divide the Englifti army, dif- 
traft their councils, and throw the whole kingdom 
into terrible convulfions. In order to prepare the 
way for the execution of this defign, he remitted a 
confiderable fum of money to Bruce, a feminary 
prieft in Scotland, and employed him, together 
with Hay, Creighton, and Tyrie, Scottilh Jcfuits, 
to gain over as many perfons of diftindbion as pof- 
fiblc to his intereft. Zeal for popery, and the art- PopJA, 
ful infmuations of thefe emiflarics, induced Icveral fpireagaiSi 
noblemen to favour a meafure which tended fb ^^^^ 
manifeftly to the deftru6tion of their country. 
Huntly, though the king had lately given him in 
marriage the daughter of his favourite the duke of 
Lennox, continued warmly attached to the Romiih 
church. Crawford and Errol were animated with 
the zeal of new converts. They all engaged in a 
corrclpondcnce with the prince of Parma, and, in 
their letters to him, offered their fervice to the 
king of Spain, and undertook, with the aid of fix 
thoufand men, to render him matter of Scotland, 
and to bring fo many of their vaffals into the field, 
that he fhould be able to enter England with a 
numerous army. Francis Stewart, grandfon of 
James V.%Vhom the king had created carl of 

■ He was the fon of John Prior of CoWiftgham, one of 
Japi^s's 04turai chil4reB» 

BothwcU, 



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aoa THE HISrORY 

B o o K BothwcU, though influenced by no motive of reii- 
I,— %>^-^ gion, for he ftill adhered to the protcftant faith, 
;'H^9' ^as prompted merely by caprice, ami the reftlelT- 
nefs of his nature, to join in this trcafonabic corrc- 
ipondence. 
'gj^ Tf. ' All thefc letters were intercepted in England, 
Elizabedi, alarmed at the danger which threatened 
her own kingdom, fent them immediately to the 
king, and, reproaching him with his former lenity 
towards the popifli party, called upon him to check 
this formidable conlpiracy by a proper feverity. 
•Witkiag^i But Jam^^, though firmly attached to the pro- 
JSith rcgtrd teftant religion, though profoundly verfed in the 
^p^p^- theological controverfies between the Reformers 
and the church of Rome, though he had employed 
himfelf, at that early period of life, in writing a 
commentary on the Revelations, in which he la- 
boured to prove the pope to be antichrift, had 
iicverthelefs adopted already thofe maxims con- 
cerning the treatment of the Roman catholics, to 
which he adhered through the reft of his life. The 
Roman catholics were at that time a powerful and 
aftive party in England ; they were far from being 
an inconfiderable fadtion in his own kingdom. 
The pope and king of Spain were ready to takq 
part in all their machinations, and to fecond every 
effort of their bigotry. The oppofition of fuch a 
body to his fuc;ce(rion to the crown of England, 
added to the averfenefs of the Englifli from the 
government of ftrangers, might create him many 
difficulties. In order to avoid thefe, he thought 
it neceflfary to footh rather than to irritate the Ro- 
jffian catholics, and to reconcile them to his foccef- 

fiftziji 



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OF SCOTLAND. aoj 

fion, by the hopes of gentler treatment, and foriie book' 
mitigation of the rigour of thofc laws, which were i J^yiiiiM^ 
now in force againfl them. This attempt to gain *^*^' 
one party by promifcs of indulgence and a6ts of 
clemency,^ while he adhered with all the obftin^cy 
of a difputaht to the doi^rines and tenets, of the 
other, his given an air of myftery, and even of 
contradidion, to this part of the king's charaften 
The papifts, with the credulity of a feft ftruggling 
to obtain power, believed his heart to. be. wholly 
theirs; and the proteftants, with the jealoufy infe- 
parable from thofe who are already in poflcffion of 
power, viewed every aft of lenity as a mark of 
indifference, or a fymptom of apoftacy. In order 
to pleafe both, James often aimed at an exceffivc 
refinement, mingled with difTimulation, in which 
he imagined the perfeftion of governme^ and of 
kingcraft to confift. 

His behaviour on this occafion was agreeable to His earner., 
thefe general maxims. Notwithftanding the foii- to'The'^, 
citations of the queen of England, enforced by ***^**'* 
the zealous remonftrances of his own clergy, a 
fhort imprifonment was the only punilhment he 
infli&ed upon Huntly and his aflbciates. But he 
foon had reafon to repent an a£t of clemency fo in- 
confident with the dignity of government. The 
firft ufe which the confpirators made of theix liberty 
was, to aflemble their followers, and, under pre- 
tence of removing chancellor Maitland, an able 
minifter, but warmly devoted to the Englilh inte- 
reft, from the king's councils and prefcnce, they 
attempted to feizc Janies himfelf. This attempt 
15 being 



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>t04 THE HISTORY 

being defeated, partly by Maidand's vigilance, and 
partly by their own iU-conduft, they were forced 
to retire to the North, where they openly ercftcd 
the ftandard of rebellion. But as the king's go- 
vernment was not generally unpopular, or his 
minifters odiotis, their own va(&ls joined them 
flowly, and difcovered no zeal in the caulc. The 
king, in ptrfon, advancing againft them with fuch 
forces as he could fuddenly levy, they durft not 
rely to much on the fidelity of the troops, which, 
though fuperior in number, followed them widi 
rcluftance, as to hazard a battle; but fuffcring 
them to difperfe, they furrendered to the king, and 
threw thcrafelves on his mercy. Huntly, Errol, 
Crawford, and Bothwell, were all brought to a 
puUic trial. Repeated afts of trealbn were eafily 
proved fgainft them. The king, however, did 
not permit any fcntcncc to be pronounced ; and, 
after keeping them a few months in confinement, 
he took occafion, amidft the public feftivity, and 
rejoicings at the approach of his marriage, to fct 
them at liberty*. 
The king's As Jamcs was the only defcendant of the ancient 
with Anne monarchs of Scotland in the dire6t line ; as all 
toirk. ' hopes of uniting the crowns of the two kingdoms 
would have expired with himi as the earl of Ar- 
ran, the prefumptive heir to the throne, was 
lunatic ; the king's marriage was, on all thefc ac- 
counts, an event which the nation wifhed for with 
the utmoft ardour. He himfelf was no lefs dc- 
firous of accomplifliing it; and had made overtures 

* Spotfw. 373. Cald. iv. 103—130. 

for 



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OF SCOTLAND- aoj 

for that purpofc to the cldcft (kughtcr of Fredc- ■ ^^<> ^ 
rick II. kuig of Denmark. But Elizabeth, jealous i-i- v ^«^ 
of every thing that would render the acceflion of "^^ 
the hoi^e of Stewart more acceptable to the Eng- 
lifh^ endeavoured to perplex James, in the fame 
manner flie had done Mary; and enxpk>yGd at 
nfiany artifices to defeat or to retard his marriagjo. 
His minifters, gained by bribes and promifes, 
ieconded her intention ; and though fcveral differ^ 
ent ambailadors were fent from Scotland &> Ben- 
mark, they produced powers fo limited, or infifted 
on conditions fo extravagant, that Frederick couM 
not believe the king to be in eamcft; andiu^)cft-* 
ing that there was fomc defign to deceive or amufe 
him, gave Jiis daughter in niarriage to the duke of 
Brunfwick. Not difcguraged by this di&ppoint- 
ment, which he imputed entirely to the conduft 
of his own minifters, James made addrefles to 
the princcfe Anne, Frederick's fccond dawgbfier. 
Thou^ Elizabeth endeavoured to divert hitti -.^ 
from this by recommending Catherine xhe king of 
Navarre's fiftcr, as a more advantageous match.; 
though (he prevailed on the privy council of Scot* 
land to declare againft the alliance with Dt^nrmrk, 
he perfifted in hi$ choice j and defpairing of ovec- 
coming the obftinacy of his own minifters in ati^ 
other manner, he fecretly encouraged the citizens 
^ of Edinburgh to take arms. They threatened to 
tear in pieces the chancellor, whom they accofcd 
as "the perfon whofe artifices had hitherto difap- 
ppinted the wilhes of the king and the expeftations 
of hi^ people. In confluence of this, the earl 
7 jnarif<:;|ial 



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206 THE HISTORY 

^ marifchal was fcnt into Dcttttiarfc at die head of 
a fplendid cmbafly. He received ample powers 
'^*^ "and inftruftions, drawn with the king's own hand. 
The marriage articles were quickly agreed upon, 
and the young queen fet fail towards Scotland. 
James made great preparations for her reception, 
and waited her landing with all the impatience of a 
Jover; when the unwelcome accQunt arrived, that 
a violent tempcft had arifcny.wiich drove back, her 
fleet taNbrway, in a condition fo (battered, that 
there was litde hope of its putting again to fca 
before the fpring. This unexpcded difappoint- 
, ment he felt with the utmoft fenfibility. He b- 
ilandy fitted out fome Ihips, and, without com- 
municating his intention to any ' of his council, 
failed in perfon, attended by the chancellor, fcvc- 
-ral noblemen, and a train of three hundred perfbns, 
oa.aa. vin quell of his bride. He arrived fafely in a fmall 
harbour near Upflo, where the queen then refidcd, 
^' H- There the marriage was folemnized ; and as it 
would have been raih to truft thofe boiCberous feas 
an the winter feafon, James accepted the invitation 
•of the court of Denmark^ and repairing to Copen- 
thagen, paffed fcveral months there, amldft con-^ 
ttnual feailing and amufements, in which both the 
>quecn and himfelf had great delight ^. 

No event in the king's life appears to be a 

wider deviation from his.gencjral charadier, than 

. .this fudden fally. His fon Charles I. was capable 

of that cxceflive admiration of the oth«r fex, which 

arifcs from great fenfibility of heart, heightened 

y M^WH, 352. SpotfW, 377. Murdio, 637. • 

by 



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OF SCOTLAND- 207 

by elegance of taftc ; and the romantic air of his ^ ^ ^ 
journey to Spain fuited fuch a difpofition. But u— y^ 
James was not fufceptible of any refined gallantry, '^^ 
and always exprelTed that contempt for the female 
chara&er which a pedantic erudidon» unacquainted 
with politenefs> is apt to inlpire. He was exalpe- 
rated, however, and rendered impatient by the 
many oblacles which had been laid in his \^ay. 
He was anxious to fecure the political advantaged 
which he expedted from marriage ; and fearing tha( 
a delay might a&nl Elisabeth and hisjown minif- 
ters an opportunity of thwarting him by new in- 
trigues, he fuddenly took the refolution of pre- 
venting them, by a voyage from which he ex- 
peAed to return in a few weeks. The nation 
feemed to applaud his conduft, and to be plcafed 
with this appearance of amorQiis at^our ia a young '\^j 
prince. Notwithftandbg his abience fa longbeT 
yoad the time he cxpefttd,- the nobks, thjc clergyi 
md the pdople;' vied with one another in: Ipyaljy .■ ^vjb- 
and obedience; .and no period of the kiog-Aireigft 
was more reimrkable for tranquillity, or roOre frc? 
front aiiy eruption of. thQfe> felons Whid^rfo often 
difturbed the kii)gdora, - . . ' \ 



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THE 

HISTORY 

O F 

S C O T L A N a 




... BOOK VIII. 

K /^N the firft of May the king and queen ar-f 

^ \^ : rived at Lcidi, and were received by their 

ThJw^ fubjefts with every poffiblc cxjweffion of joy^ 

aud queen xhc fokmnity of the queen's coronation was 

^!^d^ Cdndi^ed widh great magnificence ( but fo low 

bad the order of bifliops fallen in ,th^ opinion of 

the publiC) that none of them were prafent on that 

ocxrafioHi and Mr. Robert Bruce, a prefbytctian 

minifter of great reputation, iet the crbwn on her 

head, adminiftered the facred un£tion, and per* 

formed the other cuftomary ceremonies. 

The zeal and fuccefs with which many of the 
clergy had contributed towards preferving peace 
and order in the kingdom, during his abfence, re- 
conciled James, in a great degree, to their per^ 
fons, and even to the prcfbyterian form of go- 
Aiituft4. vcmmcnt. In prefcnce of an afiembly, which 

met 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^09 

met tWs year, he made high encomiums on the ^ ^^^ ^ 
difcipline as well as the doftrine of the church, ^ ^ ^ ■ -"^ 
promifed to adhere inviolably to both, and per- '^'°* - 
mitted the affembly to frame fuch afts as gradually 
aboliihed all the remains of epifcoJ)al jurifdidion, 
and paved the way for a full and legal eftablilh* 
mcnt of the prefbyterian model*. 

An event happened foon after, which afforded «59'- 
the clergy no <mall triumph. Archbifhop Adam- 
fon, their ancient opponent, having fallen under 
ihc king's difplcafure, having been deprived of 
the revenues of his fee in confequence of the aft 
of annexation, and being opprefled with age, with 
poverty, and difcafcs, made the meaneft fubmiffioii 
to the clergy, and delivered to the aflcmbly a 
formal recantation of all his opinions concerning 
church government, which had been matter of 
offence to Ae prefbyterians. Such a confeflion, 
from the moft learned perfon of the epifcopal or- 
der, was confidered as a teftimony which the force 
of truth had extorted from an adverlary*. 

Meanwhile, the king's exceffive clemency Difordcrsin 
towards offenders multiplied crimes of all kinds, dom!"^^' 
4and encouraged fuch afts of violence, as brought 
his government under contempt, and proved fatal 
to many of his fubjefts. The hiftory of feveral 
years, about this time, is fifled with accounts of 
the deadly quarrels between the great families, 
and of murders and aflaiDnations perpetrated in 
the moft audacious manner, and with circum- 
ftances of the utmoft barbarity. All the defeats 

• Cald. 17. 204. ^ Spotf\v» 385. Cald. iv. 214. 

Vol. II. P in 



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aio THE HISTORY 

in the feudal ariftocracy were now felt more fcn- 
fibly, perhapsj than at any other period m the 
'^^'" hiftory of Scotland, and univerfal licence and 
Sn^rchy prevailed to a degree fcarce confiftcnt widi 
tjhe pre/crvation of focicty : while the king, too 
gentle to punilh, or pp feeble to aft with vigoufi 
fuffcred all thefe enormities to pafs witli impunity. 
An attempt jj^T thoi^h James connived at real crimes^ 
wcU's a- witchcr^t, which is commonly an unagmary one, 
€ng. engrofled his attention, and thofe fulpe^ted of it 

felt the whole weight of his authority. ^ Many pcr^ 
fons, neither extremely old nor .wretchedly poor, 
which were ufually held to b^ certain indicajtiow 
of this crime, but matters of families, and matrons 
of a decent rank, and in the middle age of lifC| 
were fdzcd and tortured^ Though their confef- 
fions contained the moft abfurd and incredible cir- 
cumftances, the king's prejudices, thofe of the 
clergy and of the people, confpired in believing 
their extravagancies without hcfitatioij, and in 
punifliing their perfons without mercy^ Some of 
thefe unhappy fulFe^-ers accufed. Both well of having 
confulted them, in order to know the time of the 
king's death, and of having employed their af^ to 
raifc the ftorms which had endangered the quccn'» 
life, and had detained James fo Ipng in Denmark* 
Upon this evidence that nobleman was committed 
to prifon. His turbulent and haughty ^irit <;o\iJA 
neither fubmit to the reflraint, nor brook fuch an 
indignity. Having gained his keepers, he made 
hi^L efcape, and imputing the acculation to the ard-^ 
ficcs of his. enemy the chancellor, he aflcmhled his 
10 followers, 



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OP,, SCOTLAN"D. aif 

followers, under pretence of driving him from the- » ^ o id 
king's councils. Being favoured by fome of the ;■■ -y'-i^ 
kill's attendants, he was admitted by a fccrct pal^ '^^'* 
fage under cloud of night, into the court of the 
palace of Holy-rbod-houfc. He advanced direftly 
towards the royal apartment, but happily before he 
entered, the lalarm was taken, and the doors (hut. 
While he attempted to burft open fome of them, Dec. aji 
and to fet fire to others, the citizens of Edinburgh 
hid time to run to their arms, and he efcapcd 
with the utmoft difficulty -, owing his fafety to the 
darknefs of the night, and the prccipicaiKy with 
which he fled .^v " 

He retired towards the north, and the king 15^ 
having unadvifedly given a commifllon to the earl 
of Hundy to purfue him and his followers with fire 
and fword, he, under colour of executing that 
commifEon, gratified hi& private revenge, and 
fiirrounded the houfc of the earl of Murray, burnt 
it to tke gtTOund, and flew Murray himfclf The Fcb.>, 
unirder of a young nobleman of fuch promlfii^ 
virtues, and the heir of the regent Mocray, the 
darHng of the people, excited univerlal indigna- 
tion. The citizens of Edinburgh rofe in a tumul- 
tuous manner ; and though they werk nsftrained, 
hy the care of the mag^ratcs, from any a6t of 
violence, they threw afidc all refpea for Ihe king 
and his minifters, and openly infiilccd and threat- 
ened bodi. While this mutinous fpirit (rontiriued, 
James thought jt prudent to withdraw from t^c 

• Mclv. 3«8, SpotTw. 38^. 

P % city. 



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aia THE HISTORY 

• vm ^ ^^^' ^^ ^^^^ '^^^ refidcnce for fomc time at Glaf- 
*— '^-^^ gow. There Huntly furrendcred himfelf to jufticc ; 
'^^** and, notwithftanding the atrocioufncfs of his crime, 
and the clamours of the people, the power of the 
chancellor, with whom he was now clofcly confe- 
derated, and the king's regard for the memory of 
the duke of Lennox, whofe daughter he had mar- 
• ried, not only protcdtcd him from the fentencc 

which fuch an odious adion merited, but ex- 
empted him even from the formality of a public 
trial '. 
Preftyte. A STEP of much importance was taken foon after 
S»vemmwt with regard to the government of the church. The 
^^J^*^ clergy had long complained of the encroachments 
made upon their privileges and jurifdi£tion by thd 
ads of the parliament one thoufand five hundred* 
and eighty-four, and though thefe law$ had now 
loft much of their force, they refolvcd to petition 
the parliament, which was approaching, to repeal 
them in form. Tte jundure for pu£bing fuch a 
meafure was well chofen. The king had loft much- 
of the public favour by his lenity towards the 
popifh ^ion, and .ftill more by his remiflhefs in 
purfuing the murderers of the earl of Murray. 
The chancellor had not only a powerfid party of 
the courtiers combined againft him, but was be- 
come ocRous to the people, who imputed to him 
every felfe ftcp in the king's condud. Bothwell 
ftill lurked in the kingdom, and being 'fecrctiy 
fupportcd by all the enemies of Maitland's admi-* 



Spotfw, 387. 



nilltadon, 



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OF SCOTLAhTD. atj 

niftration> was ready evciy moment to renew his book 
audacious entcrprifcs. James, for all thcfc reafons, , - -'_r 
was extremely willing to indulge the clergy in their i^^ 
requeft, and n6t ©nly confented to a law, whereby 
the afts of one thoufand five hundred and eighty- 
four were refcinded or explained, but he carried his 
complaifance ftill further, and permitted die par- 
liament to eftabUih the prelbyterian government, 
in its general aflembljes, provincial fynods, preiby- 
teries, and kirk feflions, widi all the different 
branches of their difciplinc and jurifdidUon, in 
the moil ample manner. All the zeal and autho- 
rity of the clergy, even under the adminiftration 
of regents, from whom they might have expedcd 
the moft partial favour, could not obtain the fanc- 
tion of law, in confirmation of their mode of eccle- 
fiaftical government. No prince was ever lefs dif- 
pofed than James to approve a fyftem, the repub- 
lican genius of which infpired a paffion for liberty 
extremely repugnant to his exalted nodons of royal 
prerogarive. Nor could any averfion be more 
inveterate than his, to the auftere and uncomply- 
ing charadter of the prefbyterian clergy in that 
age ; who, more eminent for zeal than for policy, 
often contradicted his opinions, and cenfured his 
condud, with a fitredom equally offenfive to his 
dogmadfm as a theologian, and to his pride as a 
king. His fituadon, however, obliged him frc- 
quendy to conceal, or to diffemble, his lenri- 
ments j and as he often difguftcd his fubjc^s, by 
indulging the popifti faftion more than they a|i- 
proved, he endeavoured to atone for this by con- 
P 3 ccffions 



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159^. 



lords. 



n4 tHe history 

ccflions to the prcfbyterian clergy, more liberal 
than he himfclf would otherwifc have chofcn to 
graat*. 

Ih this parliament, Bodiwell and all his adhe^ 
rents were attainted. But he foon made a new at- 
tempt to fcize the king at Falkland j and James, 
betrayed by fomc of his <:ourtiers, and feebly de- 
fended by others, who wifhed well to Bothwell, as 
tht chancellor's avowed enemy, owed his fafety to 
the fidelity and vigilance of fir Robert Mclvil, and 
to the irreiblution of Bothwell's aiTocfates ^ 
fo r^ Vr Scarcely was this danger over, when the nation 
the pcpifli was alarmed with the difcovery of a new and 
more formidable confpiracy. Geoi^ge Ker, the 
lord Ncwbattle's brodier, being fcized as he was 
ready to fet fail for Spain, many fulpicious papers 
were found in his cuftody, and among thefe, feve- 
ral blanks figncd by the earls of Angus, Huntly, 
and ErroL By this extraordinary precaution they 
hoped to eicape any danger of difcovery. But 
Ker's refolution flirinking when torture was threat- 
ened, he confcflcd that he was employed by* 
thefe noblemen to carry on a negotiation with the 
king #f Spain i that the blanks fubfcribed with 
their names were to be fiBed up by Crichton and 
Tyrie; that they were inftrufted to ofifer the faith- 
ful fcrvice of the diree carls to that monarch ; and 
to folicit him to land a body of his troops, either 
in Galloway, or at the mouth of Clyde, with' which 
they undertook, in 4he firft place, to eftabfilh the 

• Cald* iv. 248. 252. Spotfv. 38S, f Mel v. 401. 

Roman 



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OF SCOTLAND. 215 

Roman catholic religion in Scotland, and then to 
invade England with the whole forces of the king- 
dom. David Graham of Fintry, and Barclay of Lady- '^^*' 
land, whom he accufcd of being privy to the con- 
fpiracy, were taken into cuftody, and confirmed all 
the circumftances of hi^ confeflion*. 

The nation having been kept for fome time in ^^^^'^ 
continual terror and agitation by fo many fuccefTivc people, 
confpiracies, the difcovery of this new danger 
completed the panic. All ranks of men, as if the 
enemy had already been at their gates, thought 
themfelves called upon to (land forth in defence of 
their country. The minifters of Edinburgh, with- 
out waiting for any warrant from the king, who 
happened at that time to be abfcnt from the capi- 
tal, and without having received any legal com* 
million, aflcmbled a confiderablc number of peers 
and barons, in order to provide an inftant fecurity 
againft the impending danger. Xhey feized the 
carl of Angus, and committed him to the caftle ; 
they examined Ker ; and prepared a remohftrancc 
to be laid before the king, concerning the ftate of 
the nation, and the neceffity of profccuting the 
confpirators with becoming vigour. James, though «dpro- 

.,^ I i- ..^ cccdinffi of 

jealous of every encroachment on his prerogative, the king 
and offended with fubjcds, who, inftead of peti- JSm/ 
tioning, feemed to prefcribe to him, found it 
neceffary, during the violence of the fernient, not 
only to adopt their plan, but even to declare that 
no confidcration Ihould ever induce liim to pardon 

* Ryraer, xvi. 190. 

P 4 fuch 



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ai6 



THE HISTORY 



vm. 



Jan. 8. 



^ vTH ^ ^"^^ ^ ^^ ^^'^ guilty of fo odious a trcafon. He 
fummoncd the cark of Huntly andErrol tofurrcndcr 
themfclvcs tojufticci Graham of Fintry, whom his 
peers pronounced to be gyilty of trcafon> he com- 
manded to be publicly beheaded; and marching into 
the north at the head of an army, the two earls> to- 
gether with Angus, who had efcaped out of prifon» 
retired to the mountains. He placed garrifons in 
the caftles which belonged to themi compelled 
their vafTals, and the barons in the adjacent coun- 
tries, to fubfcribe a bond containing profefTions of 
their loyalty towards him, and of their firm ad- 
herence to the proteftant faith ; and the better ta 
Iccure the tranquillity of that part of the kingdom, 
conftituted the carls of Athol and Marifchal hb 
lieutenants there ^. 

Having finilhed this expedition, James return- 
ed to Edinburgh, where he found lord Borrough> 
an extraordinary ambaflador from the court of 
England. Elizabeth, alarmed at the difcovery of a 
conipiracy wliich fhe confidered as no lefe formida- 
ble to her own kingdom than to Scotland, reproached 
James with his former remiflhefs, and urged him, as 
he regarded the prcfervation of the proteftant reli- 
gion, or the dignity of his own crown, to punifli this 
repeated treafon with rigour ; and if he could not 
apprehend the perfons, at leaft to confifcate the 
cftates, of fuch audacious rebels. She weakened, 
however, the force of thefe requefts, by inter- 
ceding at the fame time in behalf of BothwelI> 



March iS. 

Elizabeth 
ibllcits him 
to treat 
them with 
rigour. 



^ SpotiRr. 301. Oald. iv, 291. 



H 



whon)^ 



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OF SCOTLAND- 217 

whom, according to her ufual policy in nouri(hing 
a factious fpiric among the Scottiih nobles, flie had 
taken under her protcftion. James abfolutcly re- ^^^^ 
fufed to liften to any interceflion in favour of one 
who had fo often, and with fo much outrage, in- 
fultcd both his government and his pcrfom With 
regard to the popifh confpirators, he declared his 
refolution to profecOte them with vigour ; but that 
he might be the better able to do fo, he demanded 
a fmall fum of money from Elizabeth, which (he, 
diftruftfiil perhaps of the manner in which he might 
apply it, ihewed no inclination to grant. The 
zeal, however, and importunity of his own fub- 
je£ts obliged him to call a parliament, in order to 
pafs an aft of attainder againft the three carls. But 
before it met, Ker made his efcape out of prifon, 
and, on pretence that legal evidence of their guilt 
could not be produced, nothing was concluded againft 
them. The king himfclf was univcrfally fufpefted 
of having contrived this artifice, on purpofe to 
elude the requefts of the queen of England, and to 
difappoint the wifhcs of his own people; and, 
therefore, in order to footh the clergy, who ex- 
claimed loudly againft his conduft, he gave way to 
the palling of an aft, which ordained fuch as obfti- 
natcly contemned the cenfures of the church to be 
declared outlaws'. 

While the terror excited by the popifh confpi- Bmhwdi 
racy poflcflcd the nation, the court had been divided Slci^ 
by two rival faftions, which contended for the chief 
direftion of affairs. At the head of one was die 

^ CaW. iv. 343, Spotfw. 393. ParU 13 Jac. VI. c. 164. 

chancellor, 



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kfl TH£ HISTORY 



B o <y K 

via. 



chancellor, in whom the king repofed entire con- 
fidence. For that very rcafon, perhaps, he had 

*^^ felkn early under the queen's dilpleafure. The 
duke of Lennox, the carl of Athol, lord Ochiltree, 
and all the name of Stewart, efpoufed her quarrel, 
tad widened the breach. James, fond no lefe of 
domefttc tranquillity dian of public peace, adviled 
his favourite to retire, for fome time, in hopes that 
the qiteen's refcntment would fubfide. But as he 
ftood in need> in the prcfent junfturc, of the affift- 
ance of an able mintfter, he had recaUed him to 

^ tourt. In order to prevent him from recovering 
his former power, the Stewarts had recourfe to an 

S^M- expedient no Icfs illegal than delperatc. Having 
combined with Bothwell, who was of the fame 
name, they brought him back fccretly into Scot- 
land 5 and feizing the gates of the palace, intro- 
duced him into the royal apartment with a nume- 
rous train of armed followers, James, though de- 
fcrtcd by all his courtiers, and incapable of refift- 
ance, difcovered more indignation than fear, and 
wproaching them for their treachery, called on the 
earl to finifh his treafons, by piercing his fovereign 
to the heart. But Bothwell fell on his knees, and 
implored pardon. The king was not in a condi- 
tion to refufe his demands. A few days after he 
figned a capitulation with this fuccefsful traitor, to 
whom he was really a pvifoner, whereby he bound 
himfelf to grant him a remiflion for all paft of- 
fences, and to procure the ratification of it in par- 
liament i and in the mean time to difmife the chan- 
ctilor, the niaftcr of Glamis, lord Home, and fir 

George 



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OF SCOTLAND. Mf 

George Home, from his councils and prdcnpe. * ^^ * 
BothweD, on his part, confcnted to remove frorti <i nw^ — tf 
court, though he left there as many of his aflbdatt^ **'*' 
as he jchought fufficient to prevent the return of the 
advcrle faftion. 

But it was now no eafy matter to keep the king h» kww 
under the fame kind of bondage, to which he had $^ 7. ^ 
been ofteh fubjeft during his minority. He difco* 
vered fo ftiuch impatience to fhake off his fetters, 
that thofe who had impofcd, durft not condnue th« 
reftraint. They permitted him to call a convcn-^ 
tion of the nobles at Stirling, and to repair thithef . 
himfelf An Bothwell's enemies, and all who wei* 
defirous of gaining the king's favour by appearing Id 
be fo, obeyed the^fummons. They pronounced t^w? 
infiilc offered to the king's pcrfon and authority to be 
high treafon,and declared him abfolved from any ob-* 
Kgation to obferve conditions extorted by force, and 
which violated fo effcntially his royal prerogative. 
James, however, ftill proffered him a pardon, pro-^ 
vided he would fuc for it as an aft of m^rcy, and 
promife to retire out of the kingdom. Theffc con* 
dirions Bothwell rejefted with difdain, and betaking 
himfelf once more to arms, attempted to furprifc 
the king s but finding him on his guard, fled to the 
borders*". 

, The king's ardour againft Bodiwell, compared ?"^^^ 
with his flow and evafive proceedings againft the the j 
popifh lords, occafioned a general difguft anKm^ 
his fubjefts 5 and was imputed either to an exccf^ 
five atcacbm€« to the perfons of thofe con^ra-^ 

► Cald. IV. 326- Spotfw. 39^. 

tors^ 



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^48^ 



t20 THE HISTORY 

BOOK tors, or ^to a fccrct partiality towards riicir opi- 
ic-^-v^w nions; both which gave rife to no unreafbnable 
Sept zq. f^^^* ^^^ ckrgy, as the immediate guardians of 
the protcftant religion, thought themfclves bound, 
in fuch a junfture, to take extraordinary fleps for 
its prefervation. The provincial fynod of Fife 
happening to meet at that time, a motion was 
made to excommunicate all concerned in the late 
confpiracy, as obftinate and irrecbimablc papifts ; 
and though none of the conipirators redded within 
the bounds of the fynod, or were fubjeft to its 
jurifdidtion, fuch was the zeal of the members, 
that, overlooking this irregularity, they pronounced 
againft them the fentencc of excommunication, to 
which the adt of laft parliament added new terrors. 
Left this ftiould be imputed to a few men, and ac- 
counted the ad of a fmall part of the church, de- 
puties were appointed to attend the adjacent fy- 
nods, and to defire their approbation and con- 
currence. 
HU lenity An cvcnt happened a few weeks after which in- 
them. creafed the people's fufpicions of the king. As he 
^^ '7- was marching on an expedition againft the border- 
ers, the three popifli earls coming fuddenly into 
his prcfcnce, offered to fubmit themfelves to a le- 
gal trial ; and James, without committing them to 
ouftody, appointed a day for that purpofc. They 
prepared to appear with a formidable tram of their 
friends and vaflals. But in the mean time the 
clergy, togedier with many peers and barons, af- 
fcmbling at Edinburgh, remonftratcd againft the 
king's extreme indulgence widi great boldnefs,. and 

demanded 



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OF SCOTLAND. tu 

demanded of him, according to the regular courfe ^ ^^ ^ 
of juftice, to commit to furc cuftody perfons C' ^v'"' ^ 
charged with the higheft afts of trcafcn, who '^'^ 
could not be brought to a legal trial, until they 
were abfolved from the cenfures of the church j 
and to call a convention of eftates, to deUberatc 
concerning the method of proceeding againft them. 
At the fame time they offered to accompany him 
in arms to the place of trial, left fuch audacious 
and powerful criminals fliould overawe juftice, and 
dictate to the judges, to whom they pretended to ' 

fubmit, James, though extremely oHended, both 
with the irregularity of their proceedings, and drf 
prcfumption of their demands, found it expedient 
to put off* the day of trial, and to call a convention 
of eftates, in order to quiet the fears and jealoufies 
of the people. By being humoured in this point, 
dieir fufpipions began gradually to abate, and the 
rhaneellor managed the convention fo artfully, that 
he himfelf, together with a few other members, 
were impowered to pronounce a final fentence up^ 
on the confpirators. After much deliberation they V9^^%6. 
ordained, that the three earls and their aflbciatcj 
(hould be exempted from all further inquiry or 
profecudon, on account of their corrclpondencc 
with Spain ; that before the firft day of February^ 
Acy Ihould either fubmit to the churchy and pub-t 
Hcly renounce the errors -of popery, or remove out 
of the kingdom; that, before the firft of January, 
they fliould declare which of thefe alternatives they 
would embracer that they Ihould find furety for 
their peaceable demeanor for the future 5 and that 

if 



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fZZ THE HISTORY 

* SxS * if ^y f*^^^ ^^ fignify their choice in due time, 
^^^■^^!^ j» tUcy uxoulcl loib thc bencHt of this ad of aboliiion^ 
^uid remain expofed to all the pains of law \ 
1594* 9y thb fcnity towards the confpirators, James 

incurred much reproach^ and gained no advantage. 
Devoted to the popilh fupcrftition, fubmifiive to 
all the diftatcs of their pricfts>and;buoycdup with 
liopcs and promifes of foreign aid^i the three eark 
refufed to accept of the conditions^ and continued 
. their treafonable corpcfpondence with .t^ court of 
|w. i». Spain. A convention of eftatcs pronounced them 
|o have forfeited the benefit of the articles which 
were offered; and the king required them> by 
proclamation, to furrender thcmfclves to jufticc. 
The prcfence of the -Engliih ambaffador contri- 
^uted> perhapsj to the vigour of thefc proceed- 
^Bgs. Elizabeth, ever attentive to Jao^s's mo- 
lions, and imputing his rcluiaance to punilh the 
fopilh lords to a fecret appit)bation of their dc- 
figj^j \^ fent lord Zouche to repreftnt, once 
xpore, the danger to which he expofed himfclfi by 
, . ^iB falfe moderaticn i and tQ require him to cxor- 
^ ;tuQt r^ur which their crimes, as well as the 
ppfUim oS aflfaifs, rendered neceilary« Thoi^h 
the ftcps npw taken by the king filencftd all com- 
plaints qn that head, yet Zouche, forgetfi4 of hit 
charader as an ambaflador, entered into private 
^goti^tions with fuch of the iScotdQi nobks as 
difepprovf d of the king's mcafures, and held al- 
Uwft an. ^pen correfpondence widi BothwcU, w^o, 
a^cfO^dii^g to the ufual artifice of snalccoi^ents, 

* CaM. iv. 330. Spotfw. 397. 

pretended 



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OF ||f OTLAND- 

pretenckd much follcitudc fox reforming the dUbr* 
ders of the commonwealth i and covered his own 
ambition with the fpecious veil of zeal againft '^^ 
thoic counfcllors whp reftrained the king from 
purfuing the avowed enemies of the proteftant 
faith. Zouche encouraged him^ in the name of . 
his miftref^ to take arms againft his fovereign. 

JMeakwh{L£> the king and the clergy were fill- Anew^ 
cd with mutual diftruft of each othcn They were Bothwcr^. 
jealous, perhaps, to excefs, that James's affedtion^ 
leaned too much towards the popiih h^ons jbe 
fuipedted them^ without good reafon, pf prompt- 
ing Bothwell to rebellion, and even of fupplying 
him with money for that purpofc. Little inftiga- 
tion, indeed, was wanting to roufe fuch a turbulent 
ipirit as Bothwell's to any during enterprilc. He 
appeared fuddenly within ,» mile of Edinburgh, 
at the head of four hundred -horfe. The pretences^ 
by which he endeavoured to juftify this infurreftion, 
were extremely popidar^ ze^ for religion, enmity 
to popery,, concern for the king's honour, and for 
the liberties of the nation. James was totally un- 
provided for his own defence i he had no infantry, 
and w4s accompanied only with a few horfcmen of 
lord Heine's train. In this extremity, he implor^ 
th? aid of the citizens of Edinburghj and, in order 
to encourage them to a£t with zeal, he promifed 
to proceed againft the popifh lords with the ut- 
moft rigour of law. Animated by their minifters, 
the citizens ran cheerfully to their arms, and ad^ 
vanced, with the king at their head, againft Both- 

wcUj: 



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204 THE HIS^fiQRV 

^ vin ^ ^^^^ • ^^^ ^^* notwithftandtng his facccfs in put* 
%^m ^ mm j ting to flight lord Home, who had ralhly charged 
'^^^ him with a far inferior number of cavalry, retired 
to Dalkeith without daring to attack the king. 
His followers abandoned him foon after, and dis- 
couraged by fo many fucceflivc difappointments, 
could never afterwards be brought to venture into 
the field. He betook himfelf to his ufual lurking- 
places in the north of England j but Elizabeth, iq 
compliance with the king's remonftrances, obliged 
him to quit his retreat *. 
Frtihdan. No fooner was the king delivered from one 
chepopub .danger, than he was called to attend to another. 
5j^ 3. The popilh lords, in confequence of their nego- 
tiations with Spain, received, in the fpring, a 
fupply of money fi-om Philip. What bold defigns 
this might infpire, it was no eafy matter to con- 
jefture. From men under the dominipn of bi- 
gotry, and whom indulgence could not reclaim, 
the molt delperate adions were to be dreaded. 
The affembly of the church immediately took the 
alarm j remonftrated againft them with more bit- 
temefs than evcrj and unanimoufly ratified the 
fentence of CKcommunication pronounced by the 
fynod of Fife. James himfclf, provoked by their 
obilinacy and ingratitude, and afraid that his long 
forbearance would not only be generally difpleaf- 
ing to his own fubjcfts, but give rife to unfavour- 
able fufpicions among the Englifh, exerted himfctf 
junc^ wi(h unufual vigour. He called a parliament 1 

" Spotfw. 403* CaH. iv, 359. 

laid 



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Gknlivat* 



OF SCOTLAND. 425 

kid before it all the cirdumftances and aggrava- 
tions of the coofpiracy ; and though there were 
but few members prcfent, and fevcral of thefe '^'♦* 
conneftcd with the conlpirators by blood of friend- 
Ihip, he prevailed on diem, by his influence and 
importunity, to pronounce the moft rigorous fen- 
tence which the law can inflift* They were de- 
clared to be guilty of high treafon, and their 
eftates and honours forfeited. At the fame time, 
ftatutes, more fcvere than ever, were enafted againft 
the profcflbrs of the popifti religion. 

How to put this fentencc in execution, was a BittkoT 
matter of great dilBculty. Three powerful ba- 
rons, cantoned in a part of the country of difficult 
accefs, furroundtd with numerous vaflals, and 
lupported by aid from a foreign prince, were 
more than an overmatch for a Scottifli monarch* 
No intreaty could prevail on Elizabeth to advance 
the money, neceflary for defraying the expcnces of 
an expedition againft them. To attack them in per- 
fon, with his own forces alone> might have expofcd 
James bodi to difgrace and to danger. He had re- 
courfe to the only expedient which remained in 
fuch a fituation, for aiding the impotence of fo* 
vereign authority; he delegated his authority to 
the earl of Argyll and lord Forbes, the leaders 
of two clans at enmity with the confpirators j and 
gave them a commiffion to invad^ their lands, 
and to fcize the caftles which belonged to thenu 
Bothwell, notwithftanding all his high pretenfions 
of zeal for the proteftant religion, having now 
entered into a clofe confederacy with them, the 
danger became every day mpre urging. Argyll 
'VpL.II. Q^ folicitcd 



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aiS THE HISTORY 

^ viu ^ foJicitcd by the king, sind roufed by the ckrgy, 
^m^)," mj took the field at the head of feven thoufand men* 
'^^ Hundy and Errol met him at Glenlivat, with an 
army far inferior in number, but compofed chiefly 
of gendemen of the low countries, mounted on 
borfeback^ and who brought along with them a 
oa. 3, train of field-pieces. They encountered each other 
with all the fury which hereditary enmity and an- 
cient rivaUhip add to undifciplined courage. But 
1595- the Highlanders, difconcerted by the firft difcharge 
of the cannon, to which they were litde accuftom- 
cd, and unable to refift the imprcflion of cavalry, 
were foon put to flight; and Argyll, a gallant 
young man of eighteen, was carried by his friends 
out of the field, weeping with indignation at their 
difgrace, and calling on them to ftand, and to vin- 
dicate the honour of their name ". 

On the firft intelligence of this defeat, James, 
though obliged to pawn his jewels in order to raiilc 
money % aflcmbled a fmall body of troops, and 
marched towards the North. He was joined by 
the Irvines, Keiths, Leflys, Forbefes, and other 
clans at enmity with Hundy and Errol, who hav- 
ing loft fevcral of their principal followers at Glen- 
livat, and others refufing to bear arms againft the 
king in pcrfon, were obliged to retire to the moun- 
tains. James wafted their lands ; put garrifons in 
fome of their caftlcs j burnt others ; and left the 
duke of Lennox as his lieutenant in that part of 
the kingdom, with a body of men fufficient to rc- 
ftrain them from gathering to any head there, or 

• Cald. iv. 408. • Birch, Mem. 1. i86» 

from 



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OP SCOTLAND* fta/ 

from infcfting the low country. Reduced at laft • ^^ ^ 
I to extreme diftrcfs by the rigour of the fealbn, s ■^^ — <i 
and the dcfcrtion of their followers, they obtained po^^' 
the king's permiffion to go beyond fcas, and gave ^^•^ 
fccurity that they fhould neither return without his kii>jd<»v 
licence, nor engage in any new intrigues againft 
the proteftant religion, or the peace of the king- 
dom ^ 

By their exile, tranquillity was rc-eftabU(hed in 
the north of Scotland ; and the firmnefs and vi- 
gour which James had dilplayed in his laft pro-* 
ceedings againft them, regained him, in a great- 
degree, the confidence of his proteftant fubjeds. 
But he funk in the fame proportion, and for the liicibinan 
fame reafon, in the efteem of the Roman catholics. incenM 
They had afferted his mother's right to the crown ^^ 
of England with fo much warmth, that they could 
not, with any decency, rejeft his ; and the indul- 
gence, with which he afFcfted to treat the profcflbrs 
of the popifli religion, infpired them with fuch 
hopes, that they viewed his acceflion to the throne' 
as no undefirablc event. But the rigour with 
which the king had lately purfucd the conlpirators, 
and the fcvere ftatutes againft popery to which he 
had given his confent, convinced them now that 
thefc hopes were vifionary ; and they began to look 
about in queft of fome new fucceflbr, whofe rights 
they might oppofe to his. The papifts who re- 
fidcd in England turned their eyes towards the earl 
of Eflcx, whofe generous mind, though firmly 
eftablilhed in the proteftant faith, abhorred the fe- 

' Spotfw. 404. Cald. 373, &c. ■ 

0^2 • verities 



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448 THE HISTORY 

verities infliftcd in that age on account of religious 
opinions. Thofe of the fame fcft, who were ia 
'^^^* exile, formed a bolder fcheme, and one more fuit- 
sA)lc to dieir fituation. They advanced the claim 
of the infanta of Spain; and Parfons the Jeluit 
publilhed a book, in which, by falfe quotations 
from hiftory, by fabulous genealogies, and ab* 
furd arguments, intermingled with bitter inveftives 
ag^nft the king of Scots, he endeavoured to prove 
the infanta's tide to the Englifli crown to be pre-. 
ferablc to his. Philip, though involved already in 
a war both with France and England, and fcarce 
able to defend the remains of the Burgundian pro- 
vinces againft the Dutch commonwealth, eagerly 
grafpcd at this airy projeft. The dread of a Spanifh 
pretender to the crown, and the oppofition which 
the papifts began to form againft the king's fuc- 
ccffion, contributed not a little to remove the pre- 
judices of the proteftants, and to prepare the wav 
for that event. 
BochweD Both WELL, whofe name has been fo often mcn- 

IZV^^^rJ tioned as the difturbcr of the king's tranquillity, 
and of the peace of the kingdom, was now in a 
wretched condition. Abandoned by the queen of 
England, on account of his confederacy with the 
popilh lords ; excommunicated by the church for 
the fame reafon ; and deferred, in his drftrels, by 
his own followers J he was obliged to fly for fafety 
to France, and thence to Spain and Italy, where, 
after renouncing the protcftant faith, he led many 
years an obfcure and indigent life, remarkable only 
for a low and infamous dcbauclicry. The king» 
though extremely ready to facrifice the ftrongeft re- 

fcntmenc 



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OF SCOTLAND, 419 

fcntment to the flightcft acknowledgments, could ^ ^^ ^ 
never be foftened by his fubmiflionj nor be induced u»ii.^r^ 
to liften to any interceffion in his behalP. '5^5- 

This year the king loft chancellor Maitland, 
an able minifter, on whom he had long devolved 
the whole weight of public affairs. As James 
loved him while alive, he wrote, in honour of his 
memory, a copy of verles, which, when compared 
with the compofitions of that age, arc far from be- 
ing inelegant'. 

Soon after hts death, a coiiliderable change AchanfcUi 
was made in the adminiftration. At that time, ftntioii. 
the annual charges of government far exceeded 
the king's revenues. The queen was fond of 
expenfive amufcments. James himfelf was a 
ftranger to oeconomy. It became neceflary, for 
all thefe reafons, to levy the public revenues with 
greater order and rigour, and to hufband them 
with more care« This important truft was com* 
mitted to eight gentlemen of the law*, who, 
from their number, were called OSavmns. The 
powers vefted in them were ample, and almoft 
unlimited. The king bound himfelf neither to 
add to dieir number, nor to fupply any vacancy 
that might happen, without their confcnt: And 
knowing the facility of his own temper, agreed 
that no alienation of his revenue, no grant of a. 

^ Winw, Mem. i. Spotfw. 410* ' Spotfw. 411. 

• Alexander Seaton prefident of the fcfOon, Walter Stewart 
commendator of Blantyre lord privy feal, David Camegy, 
John Lindfay^ James Elphingftone, Thomas Hamilton, John 
Skene clerk rcjgifter, and Peter Younjf elemofynar. 

0^3 penfion. 



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ft30 THE HISTORY 

* vm ^ P^nfi^n> o** order on the treafury, fhould be held 
^.■yj>-*^^ valid, unlefs it were ratified by the fubfcription of 
'5yS' gyc q{ the commiffioncrs ; all their a6b and dc- 
cifions were declared to be of equal force with the 
fentence of judges in civil courts j and in confc* 
quence of thexn, and without any other warrant> 
imy pcrfon might be arretted, or their goods 
feized. Such cxtenGve jurifdiftion, together with 
the abfolute dilpofal of the public money, drew 
the whole executive part of government into their 
hands. United among themfelves, they gradually 
undermined the reft of the king's minifters, ancji 
feized on every lucrative or honourable office* 
The ancient fervants of the crown repined at beiiq;; 
obliged to quit their ftations to new men. The fii- 
>59^ youritcs and young courtiers murmured at feeii^ 
the king's liberality ftinted by their prefcripdions. 
And the clergy exclaimed againft ibme of t/iem as 
known apoftates to popery, and fujpefted others of 
iccredy favouring it. They retained their f>owcr, 
however, hotwithftanding this general combination 
againft them; and they owed it entirely to the 
order and oeconomy which they introduced into 
the adminiftration of the finances, by ^hich the 
neceflfary expenccs of government were more ca- 
fily defrayed than in any other period of the king^s 
reign \ 
vjoienceof The rumour of vaft preparations which Philip 
J^nff'X was faid to be carrying on at this time, filled both 
g5J^ England and Scodand with the dread of a new in- 
vafion, James took proper meafures for the de- 

* Spotfw. 413. 435. 

fence 



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OF SCOTLAND. aji 

fence of his kingdom. But thcfe did not fatisfy ^ ^ ^ 
the zeal of the clergy, whofe fulpicions of the u -^ii^ 
king's fincerity began to revive; and as he had '^^' 
permitted the wives of the baniflied peers to levy 
die rents of their eftates, and to live in their 
houfes> they charged him with rendering the aft 
of forfeiture inefFc6hial, by fupporting the avowed 
enemies of the proteftant feith. The aflembly March 14, 
of the church took under confideration the ftate 
of the kingdom, and having appointed a day of 
public fefting, they folemnly renewed thp cove- 
nant by which the nation was bound to adhere to 
the proteftant faith, and to defend it againft all ag- 
grelTors. A committee, confifting of the moft ^ 

eminent clergymen, and of many barons and gen- 
tlemen of diftinftion, waited on the king, and laid 
before him a plan for the fecurity of the kingdom, 
and the prefcrvation of religion. They urged him 
to appropriate the eftates of the baniflied lords as a 
fimd for the maintenance of foldiers ; to take the 
ftri6teft precaurions for preventing the return of 
fuch turbulent fubjcfts into the country; and to 
,purfuc all who were fufpc(5l:ed of being their adhe^ 
rents with the utmoft rigour. ^ 

Nothing could be more repugnant to the Thcking't 
king's fchemes, or more difagrccable to his in- wlS^^d 
clination, than thcfe propofitions. Averfe, through ^° ^^^^ 
his whole life, to any Xrouife where he expefted 
oppofirion or danger; and fond of attaining his 
ends with the charader of moderation, and by 
the arts of policy, he obfervcd with concern the 
prejudices againft him which were growing among 
the Roman catholics, and refolvcd to make fomc 

0^4 atonement 



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13^ THE HISTORY 

• vin ^ atonement for that part of his condudt which had 
Vii--v.'-j drawn upon him their indignadon. Elizabeth was 
'^^^- now well advanced in ycanj her life had lately 
been in danger; if any popiih competitor fhould 
arife to difpute his right of fuccellion, a &£tion (a 
powerful as that of the baniihed lords might be 
extremely formidable; and any divifion among 
his own fubjefts might prove fatal at a junfture 
which would require their united and moft vigor- 
ous efforts. Inftead, therefore> of the additional 
feveritics which the aflcmbly propofcd, James 
had thoughts of mitigating the punilhment which 
they already fuffered. And as they were fur- 
rounded, during their refidence in foreign parts^ 
by Philip's emiffaries; as refentment might dif- 
pofe them to liilen more favourably than ever to 
their fuggeftions j as defpair might drive them to 
ftill more atrocious adtions ; he refolved to rccal 
- them, under certain conditions, into their native 
country. Encouraged by thelc fentiments of the 
king in their favour, of which they did not want 
intelligence, and wearied already of the dependant 
^d anxious life of exiles, they ventured to return 
fecretly into Scodand, Soon after, they prefcntcd 
a petition to the king, begging his permiffion to 
refide at their own houfes, and offering to give 
fecurity for their peaceable and dutiful behaviour. 
James called a convention of efbtes to deliberate 
on a matter of fuch importance, and by their ad- 
vice he granted the petition. 
Thrrafh The mcmbcrs of a committee, appointed by 

proceedings ^^ y^^ general affembly, as foon as they were 
tl^^ ' informed of this, met at Edinburgh, and widi ^ 

the 



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OF SCOTLAND. djj 

til the precipitancy of fear, and of zeal, took fuch book 
refolutions as they thought neceflary for the fafety ^ .-^''-j 
of the kingdom. They wrote circular letters to '^^^ 
all the prefbytcries in Scotland i they warned them 
of the approaching danger ; they exhorted them to 
ftir up their people to the defence of their juft 
rights J they commanded them to publifli, in all 
their pulpits, the aft excommunicating the popifli 
lords; and enjoined them to lay all thofc who 
were fufpcfted of favouring popery under the fame 
cenfure by a fummary fcntence, and without ob- 
ftrving the ufual formalities of trial. As the dan- 
ger feemed too prefllng to wait for the ftated meet- 
ings of the judicatories of the church, they made 
choice of the moft eminent clergymen in different 
corners of the kingdom, appointed them to refide 
conftantly at Edinburgh, and to meet every day 
with the miniftcrs of that city, under the name of 
the Standing Council of the Churchy and vefted in 
this body the fupreme authority, by enjoining it, 
in imitation of the ancient Roman form, to take 
care that the church Ihould receive no detriment. 

These proceedings, no lefs linconftitutional 
than unprecedented, were manifeft encroachments 
on the royal prerogative, and bold fteps towards 
open rebellion. The king's conduft, however, 
juftified in fome degree fuch exceffes. His lenity 
towards the papifts, fo repugnant to the principles 
of that age j his pardoning the conlpirators, not- 
withftanding repeated promifes to the contrary; 
the refpeft he paid to lady Huntly, who was at- 
tached to the Romifh religion no lefs than her 

hufband; 



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-IJ4 THE HISTORY 



BOOK 

VIII. 



huiband ', his committing the care of his tku^ter^ 
the princefs Elizabeth, to lady Levingfton, who 
'55^ was infefted with the fame fupcrftition ; the con- 
tempt with which he talked, on all occafions> 
both of the charafter of minifters, and of their 
function; were circumftances which might halve 
filled minds, not prone by nature to jealoufy, 
with fome fuipicions -, and might have precipitated 
into rafh councils thofe who were far removed from 
intemperate zeal. But, however powerful the mo- 
tives might be which influenced the clergy, or how- 
ever laudable the end they had in view, they con- 
duced their meafurcs with no addrefs, and even 
with litde prudence. James difcovered a ftrong in- 
clination to avoid a rupture with the church, and, 
jealous as he was of his prerogative, would willingly 
have made many conceflions for the lake of peace. 
By his command, fome of the privy counfcllorshad 
an interview with the more moderate among the 
clergy, and inquired whether Huntly and his aflb- 
ciates might not, upon making proper acknow- 
ledgments, be again received into the bofom of the 
church, and be exempted from any further punifli- 
ment on account of their paft apoftacy and treafons. 
They replied, that though the gate of mercy flood 
always open for thofe who repented and returned, 
yet ks thefe noblemen had been guilty of idolatry, 
a crime defcrving death both by the law of God 
and of man, the civil magiftrate could not legally 
grant them a pardon ; and even though the church 
fhould abfolve them, it was his duty to inflidt pu- 
nilhment upon them. This inflexibility in thofe 

wha 



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OF SCOTLAND. -235 

who were reckoned the moft compliant of the or- book 
dcr, filled the king with indignation, which the u..-v \^ 
imprudence and obftinacy of a private clergyman '^^^ 
heightened into rage. 

Mr. David Black, minifter of St. Andrew's, ^^^ 
difcouriing in one of his fermons, according to cuf- taught bj 
torn, concerning the ftatc of the nation, affirmed ^ 
that the king had permitted the popifli lords to 
return into Scotland, and by that aftion had dif- 
covered the treachery of his own heart ; that all 
kings were the devil's children ; that Satan had now 
the guidance of the court; that the queen of Eng- 
land was an atheift ; that the judges were mifcrcants 
and bribers ; the nobility godlefs and degenerate ; 
the privy counfcUors cormorants, and men of no 
religion j and in his prayer for the queen he ufed 
thefc words, we muft pray for her for fafhion- 
fakc, but we have no caufe, Ihe will never do us 
good. Tames commanded him to be fummoned Nov. 10. 

. The clerrv 

before the privy council, to anfwcr for fuch fedi- efpoufehlt 
tious expreffions 5 and the clergy, inftead of aban- ^^^'^^*- 
doning him to the punilhment which fuch a petu- 
lant and criminal attack on his fuperiors defcrved, 
were fo imprudent as to efpoufe his caufe, as if it 
had been the common one of the whole order. 
The controvcrfy concerning the immunities of the 
pulpit, and the rights of the clergy to tcftify againft 
vices of every kind, which had been agitated in one 
thoufand five hundred and eighty-four, was now 
revived. It was pretended that, with regard to 
their facred function, minifters were fubjeft to 
the church alone j that it belonged only to their 

ecclefi- 



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^36 THEHISTORY 

• ^1? ^ ccclcfiaftlcalfuperiorstojudgcof thctrutlrorfaKc* 
^^^^^ hood of doftrincs delivered in the pulpit; diat if^ 
'55^ upon any, pretence whatever, the king ufurped this 
jurifdiftion, the church would, from that moment, 
fink under fervitudc to the civil magiftrate 5 that, 
inftead of reproving vice with that honeft bold- 
jiels which had often been of advantage to indivi- 
duals, and falutary to the kingdom, the clergy 
would learn to flatter the pafiions of the prince, 
and to connive at the vices of others; that the 
king's eagemefs to punifh the indifcretion of a pro- 
teftant minifter, while he was fo ready to pardon 
the crimes of popifh confpirators, called on them 
to Hand upon their guard, and thai now was the 
time to contend for their privileges, and to pre- 
vent any encroachment on thofe rights, of which 
the church had been in pofTeffion ever fince the 
Reformation. Influenced by thefe confiderations, 
the council of the church enjoined Black to de- 
cline the jurifdiftion of the privy council. Proud 
of fuch an opportunity to difplay his zeal, he pre- 
icnted a paper to that purpofe, and with the utmoft 
firmncfs refufcd to plead, or to anfwer the queftions 
which were put to him. In order to add greater 
weight to thefe proceedings, the council of the 
church tranfmitted the declinature to all the prefl^y- 
terics throughout the kingdom, and enjoined every 
1 minifter to fubfcribe it in teftimony of his appro- 

bation. 

James defended his rights with no le(s vigour 
than they were attacked. Scnfible of the contempt 
under which his authority muft fall, if the clergy 

I ih^uld 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^37 

fliould be permitted publicly, and with impunity, book 
to calumniate his minifters, and even to ccnfure t. ^^' ^ 
himfelfi and knowing, by former examples, what '596- 
unequal reparation for fuch offences he might ex- 
pcGt from the judicatories of the church, he urged 
on the inquiry into Black's condudV, and iflued a 
proclamation, commanding the members of the 
council of the church to leave Edinburgh, and to 
return to their own parilhes. Black, inftead of 
fiibmitting, renewed his declinature ; and the mem- 
bers of the council, in defiance of the proclamation, 
declared, that as they met by the authority of the 
church, obedience to it was a duty ftill more facred 
than that which they owed to the king himfclf. The 
privy council, notwithftanding Black's refufing to 
plead, proceeded in the trial j and, after a folema 
inquiry, pronounced him guilty of the crimes of 
which he had been accufed j but referred it to the 
king to appoint what punifhment he fliould fufFcr. 

MEANWHILE, many endeavouts were ufed to 
bring matters to accommodation. Almoft every 
day produced fome new fchcme of reconcilement ; 
but through the king's ficklenefs, the obftinacy of 
the clergy, or the intrigues of the courtiers, they 
all proved inefFeftual. Both parties appealed to the 
people, and by reciprocal and exaggerated accufa- 
tions endeavoured to render each other odious. 
Infolence, fedition, trealbn, were the crimes with 
which James charged the clergy ; while they made 
the pulpits refound with cfomplaints of hiscxceifive 
lenity towards papifts, and of the no lefs exceffive 
rigour with which he oppreficd the eftablifhed 

church. 



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fidinbursiu 



ajS THE HISTORY 

church. Exafpcratcd by their bold invcftivcs, he^ 
at laft, fentenccd Black to retire beyond the river 
'55^ Spey, and to refide there during his pleafure ; and 
once more commanding the members of the Hand- 
ing council to depart from Edinburgh, he required 
all the minifters in the kingdom to fubfcribe a bond, 
obliging themfelves to fubmit, in the fame manner 
as other fubjefts, to the jurifdidlion of the civil 
courts in matters of a civil nature. 
A mmuit in This decifive mcafure excited all the violent paf- 
fions which poflels difappointed fadions 5 and deeds 
no lefs violent immediately followed. Thefe muft 
be imputed in part to the artifices of fomc courtiers, 
who expefted to reap advantage from the calamities 
of their country, or who hoped to leflcn the autho- 
rity of the Oftavians, by engaging them in hoftili- 
ties with the church. On one hand, they informed 
the king that the citizens of Edinburgh were under 
arms every night, and had planted a ftrong guard 
round the houfes of their minifters. James, in order 
to put a ftop to this imaginary infult on his govern-' 
ment, iflued a proclamation, commanding twenty- 
four of the principal citizens to leave the town 
within fix hours. On the ether hand, they wrote 
to the minifters, advifing them to look to their own 
fafety, as Huntly had been fccretly admitted to an 
interview with the king, and had been the author 
of the fevere proclamation againft the citizens of 
Edinburgh ". They doubted no more of the truth 

of 

■ Though matters were induftrioufly aggravated by pcrfons, 
who wifhed both parties to purfuc violent meafures, neither of 

thefe 



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OF SCOTLAND* aj^ 

of this intelligence, than the king had done of that ^ ^o k 
which he received, and fell as blindly into the fnarc* \mnm^'^ 
The letter came to their hands juft as one of their *^^ 
number was going to mount the pulpit. They 
rcfolved that he fhould acquaint the people of their 
danger: and he painted it with all the ftron^ co- D^cm. 17. 
lours which men naturally employ in defcribing any 
dreadful and inftant calamity. When the fermon 
was over, he defired the nobles and gendemen to 
aflemble in the Linle Church. The whole mul- 
titude, terrified at what they had heard, crowded 
thither j they promifed and vowed to ftand by the 
clergy ; they drew up a pcddon to the king, craving 
the redrefe of thofe grievances, of which the church 
complamed, and befeeching him to deliver them 
from all future apprehenfions of danger, by remov- 
ing fuch of his counfellors as were known to be 
enemies of the proteflant religion. Two peers, 
two gentlemen, two burgeflcs, and two minifters, 
were appointed to prefent it. The king happened The Wnj it^ 
to be in the great hall of the Tolbooth, where the ^""^ 
court of fefTion was fitting. The manner in which 
the petition was delivered, as well as its contents, 
offended him. He gave an haughty reply ; the 
petitioners infifted with warmth; and a promif- 
cuous multitude prefling into the room, James 

thcfc f^eports was altogether dellitute of foundation. As their 
minifters were fuppofed to be in danger, fome of the more 
zealous citizens had determined to defend them by force of 
arms. Birch. Mem. ii. 250, Huntly had been privately in 
Edinburgh, where he had an interview, if not with the king, 
at lead with fome of his minifters. Birch. Ibid. 230. 

13 retired 



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!14<> THE HISTORY 

• ^1? ^ retired abruptly into another apartment^ and 
w. > ' ^mj commanded the gates to be fhut behind him. The 
*59^ deputies returned to the multitude, who were ftill 
ailembled, and to whom a minifter had been read* 
ing, in their abfence, the ftory of Haman. When 
"they reported that the king had refufcd to liften 
to their petitions, the church was filled in a mo- 
ment with noife, threatenings, execrations, and all 
the outrage and confufion of a popular tumult. 
Some called for their arms, fome to bring out the 
wicked Haman ; others cried. The fword of die 
Lord and of Gideon ; and, rulhing out with the 
moft furious impetuofity, furrounded the Tol- 
booth, threatening the king himfelf, and demand-^ 
ing Tome of his counfcllors, whom they named, 
that they might tear them in pieces. The ma- 
giftrates of the city, pardy by authority, pardy 
by force, endeavoured to quell the tumult; the 
king attempted to foothe the malecoments, by 
promifmg to receive their petitions, when pre- 
fcnted in a regular manner ; the minifters, fcnfible 
of their own raflincfs in kindling fuch a flame, fe- 
condcd both ; and the rage of the populace fubfid- 
ing as fuddeniy as it had arifen, they all difperfed, 
and the king returned to the palace ; happy in hav- 
ing efcaped from an infurrcdion, which, though 
the inftantancous and unconcerred etfeft of popu- 
lar fury, had expofcd his life to imminent danger, 
and was confidered by him as an unpardonable 
affront to his authority*. 

» Spotfw. 41 7, 5cc. Cald. V. 54, &c. Birch. Mem. ii. z^g^ 

As 



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OF SCOTLAND, a^t 

As foon as he retired, the leaders of the male- ^ ^^ ^ 
contents aflcmbled, in order to prepare their peti- w.- v ^ 
don. The punilhment of the popilh lords j the *^'^ 
rcmoYal of thofe counfellors who were fu(pe<5ted 
of favouring their perfons or opinions ; the repeal 
.of all the late adts of council, fubverfive of the 
authority of the church; together with an aft 
approving the proceedings of the (landing coun- 
cil; were the chief of their demands. But the 
king's indignation was ftill lb high, that the de- 
puties, chofen for this purpofe, durft not venture 
that night to prefent requefts which could not fail 
of kindling his rage anew. Before next morning, He ictrtf 
James, with all his attendants, withdrew to Lin- mdTpro. ' 
lithgowj the feffion, and other courts of juftice, J^rit7a^ 
were required to leave a city where it was no Kf^n^the 

* ' Citizens. 

longer confident either widi their fafcty, or their 
dignity, to remain ; and the noblemen and barons 
were commanded to return to their own houfcs, 
and not to reaflcmble without the king's permif* 
I|on« The vigour with which the king afted, 
(truck a damp upon the fpirits of his adverfaries« 
The citizens, fcnfible now much they would fuffcr 
by hi$ abfence, and the removal of the courts of 
juftice, repented already of their conduft. The 
minifters alone rcfolved to maintain the conteft* 
They endeavoured to prevent the nobles from dif- 
pcrfingj they inflamed the people by violent in- 
vcftivcs againft the king; they laboured to pro- 
cure fubfcription^ to an aflbciation for their mu- 
tual defence , and confcious what luftre and ppwr 
the junftion of feme of the greater nobles would 
Yot.IIt R add 



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,41 THE HISTORY 

p o o K add to" their caufe, the ininifters of Edmburgh 
v^^-Lj wrote to lord Hamilton, that the people, moved 
^59^ by the word of God, and provoked by the injuries 
offered to the church, had taken arms; that many 
of the nobles had determined to proteft the pro- 
teftant religion, which owed its eftablifcrn^nt to 
the piety and y^our of their anceftors ; that they 
wanted only a leader tQ unite them, and to infpire 
them with vigour ; that his zeal for the good caufe, 
no kfs than his noble birth, entitled him to that 
honour? They conjured bim, therefore, not to 
dilappoint their hopes and wi(hes, nor to refufe the 
fuffering church that aid which fhe fo much necd- 
1557- cd. Lord Hamilton, inftcad of complying with 
their defu-e, cwicd the letter dirc<5Uy to the king, 
whom this new infult irritated to fuch a degree, 
that he commanded the magiftrate3 of Edinburgh 
iijftantly to feizc their minifters, as manifcft incen^ 
diaries, and encoufagers of rebellion. The magif- 
trates, in order to regain the king's favour, were 
preparing to obey j and the minifters, who faw no 
other hope of fafety, fled towards England^. 
Thekinp This unluccefsfol infurredion, inftead of over* 
^^It" fuming, eftablilhed the king's audiority. Thofc 
th^church. concerned in it were confounded and difpcrfed^ 
The reft of James's fubje6b, in order to avoid 
fulpicion, or to gain his favour, contended who 
Aould be moft forward to execute his vengeance^ 
^ convention of eftates being called, pronounced 
the late infurreftion to be high treafon ; ordained 
every minifter to fubfcribe a declaration of his 

y Spo^w. 451, C4M. v. i?6. 

fqbmiflion 



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OF SCOTLAND. «43 

fubmiflion to the king's juriOi€bIonj in all mat- 
ters civil and criminal $ impowered magiftrates to 
commit^ inftantly^ to prifon, any minifter, who, '^^* 
in his fermons> fhould utter any indecent reflec- % 
tions on the king's conduft j prohibited any ec- 
clefiaftical judicatory to meet without the king's 
licence; commanded that no perlbn Ihould be 
eleded a magiftrate of Edinburgh, for the future, 
without the king's approbation; and that, in the 
mean time, the prefent magiftrates Ihould either 
difcover and inflift condign puniftiment on the 
authors of the late tumult, or the city itfclf fhould 
be fubjeded to all the penalties of that treafbnable 
aAion *. 

Armed with die authority of thefe decrees, Abridgct 
James reiblved to crufh entirely the mudnbus fpi- legesorth* 
rit of his fubjefb. As the clergy had, hitherto, de- f^^^ 
rived their chief credit and ftrength from the fe- 
vour and aeal of the citizens of Edinburgh, his firft 
care was to humble them. Though the magiftrates 
fubmitted to him in the moft abjedt terms j though 
they vindicated themfclves, and their fellow-citi- 
zens, from the moft diftant intention of violating 
his royal perfon or authority; though, after the 
ftrifteft fcrutiny, no circumftances that could fix 
on them the fulpicion of premeditated rebelHon 
had been difcovered ; though many of the nobles, 
and fiich of the clergy as ftill retained any degree 
of favour, interceded in their behalf; neither ac- 
knowledgments, nor interceffions, were of the 
kaft avail *. The king continued inexorable, the fa lU 

• Cald. V. i#7, • Ibid, v. 149. 

R 2 city 



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044 THE HISTORY 



BOOK 
VIII. 



city was declared to have forfeited its privileges as 
a corporatioii> and to be liable to all the penalties 
'^^^' qf trcafon. The capital of the kingdom, de- 
priyed of magiftratcs, defcrted by its miniffers, 
abandoned by the courts of juftice, and profcribed 
by the king, ren^ained in defolation and defpair. 
The courtiers even threatened to rafe the city 
to the foundation, and to ered a pillar where ic 
ftood, as an cycrlafting monument of the king's 
vengeance, and qf the guilt of its inhabitants« 
A( laft, in compliance with ^li^pahe^, who inter* 
pofed in their favour, and ntoved fcfy the continual 
March 21. folicltations of the nobles, James abfolv^d the ci- 
dzens from the penalties of law, but at the famq 
time he ftripped them of their moft important pri- 
vileges 5 they were neither allowed to deft their 
own mag^ratcs nor their own minifters; many 
new burdens were impofcd on theni j and a con-^ 
fiderable fum *of n^oney wa^ eijadted 1^ way of 
peace-offering \ 
Kewregv. James was, mcanwhilCj equally afCduous, and 
^^It^ no lefs fuccefsful, in circumfcribing the jurifdidlion 
the church, of the church. Experience had difcoyered that to 
attempt this, by ^(Ss of parliament, and fcntences 
of privy council, was both ineffectual and odious. 
He had recourfc now to ah expedient more artful,' 
and better c^culated for obtaining his end. The 
ccclefiaftical judicatories were compofed of many 
members; the majority of the clergy were ex- 
tremely indigent, and unprovided of legal ftipendsj 
4hc mmiftcrs in the neighbourhood of Edinburgl^ 

^ Spotfw, 434, 4^ 

notwith* 



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OF SCOTLAND. 

notwlthftanding the parity cftabliflicd by the pret- 
byteriail governmerit, had aflumed a leading in 
the church> which filled their brethren with envy ; ^^^^' 
every numerolis body of men is fufceptible offud- 
den and ftrong impttllionsj and liable to be influx* 
cnced, corrupted, or overawed. Induced by thefe 
confiderations^ James thought it poffible to gain 
the clergy, whom he had iti vain attempted to fub-- 
due. Proper agents were fct to work all over the 
kingdom; promifcs, flattery, and threats were 
employed ; the ufurpations of the brethren neaf 
the capital were aggravated t the jealoufy of their 
power, which was growing in the diftaht provihccs, 
was augmented ; and two different geheral aflcm- 
blies were held, in both which, notwithftanding 
the zeal and boldnefs wherewith a few leading 
clergymen defended the privileges of the church, 
a ftiajority declared in fevour of thofe meafures 
which were agreeable to the king. Many prac- 
tices, which had continued fince the Reformation, 
were condemned ; many points of difcipline, whic]^ 
had hitherto been reckoned facred and uncontro* 
verted, were given up; the licence with which 
minifters difcourfed of political matters, was re- 
(trained 5 the freedom with which they ipveighed 
againft particular perfon3 was cenfured ; fentences 
of fummary excommunication were declared un- 
lawful; the convoking a general aflembly, without 
the king's permiiBon, was prohibited s and the 
right of nominating minifters to the principal 
towns, was vefted in the crown. Thus, the clergy 
themielves furrendered pri\dleges, which it would 
li^ve bean dangerous to invade, and voluntarily 
R 3 fubmittcd 



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panbacd* 



04^ THE HISTORY 

fubmitted to a yoke more intolerable than any 
Janies woidd have ventured to impofe by force ; 
»5^7- vhilc fuch as contmtacd to oppofe hb meafures> 
mftead of their former popdar topic of the king's 
Tiolent encroachments on a jurifcfidion which did 
not belong to him, were obliged to turn their out- 
cries againft the corruptions of their own order *. 
Fopifh lords By the authority of thefc general ai{emblies> 
the popiih earls were allowed to make a public 
recantation of their errors 5 were abfolved from 
the fentence of excommunication; and received 
into the boibm of the diurclu Bnt, not many 
yeaFS after, they relapfed into their former errors^ 
were again reconciled to the church of Rome, and 
by their apoftacy j;uftified, in fomc degree, the 
fears, and fcruples of the clergy with regard to their 
abfolution. 

The minifters of Edinburgh owed to the intcr- 
eeffion of thefe aflemblics the liberty of returning 
to their charges in the city. But this libertjr was 
clogged in fuch a manner as gready abridged their 
power. The city was divided into diftiaft parifhes^ 
the number of mini&ers doubled ; perfons on whole 
fidelity the king could rely were fixed in the new 
pariihess and tkefe ducumftanccs, added to thcr 
authority of the late decrees of the church, con- 
tributed 0» confirm that abfohite dominion in eccle^ 
fiafUcal afl^rs, which James ppflefied during th^ 
fcmainder of his reigiv 

The king was fo intent on new modelling the 
churchy tha( the other tranladlions of thk period 

* Spotfw. 433^ Cs^i. T, i8$« ^33«. 

icarcc 



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OP SCOTJ-AND. «47 

fcarcc defcrvc to be remembered. The Odhtviana, * ^^ ^ 
envied by the other courtiers, and Splitting inco u w *^ 
fadlions among thcmfclves, rcfigned their commif- '^^ 
fion ; and the adminiftration of the revenue return- 
ing into its former channel, both the king and the 
iiation were deprived of the benefit of their regular 
and frugal ceconomy • * 

Towards the end of the year, a parliament Dee. i$i 
was held in ordel* to l^ftore Hundy and his affo- 
ciates to their eftates and honours^ by repealing 
the ad of forfeiture paffcd againft them. The au- 
thority of this fupr^me court was likewife employed 
to introduce a fkrther innovation into the church ; 
but, conformable to the fyftem which the king had 
now adopted> the morion for this purpofc took 
its rife from the clergy themfclvcs. As the act Ec^icflaftict 
of general annexation, and that eftablifhing the ^,^J* 
prefbyterian government, had reduced the few **wncnt, 
bifliops^ who ftill furvivcd, to poverty and con- 
tempt; as thofe who poflefled the abbeys and 
priories were mere laymen, and many of them 
temporal peers, few or none of the ecclefiaftical 
order remaihed to vote in parliament, and, by 
means of that, the influence of the crown was 
confiderably diminifhcd there, and a proper ba- 
lance to the power and niunber of the nobles was 
wanting. But the prejudices which the nation had 
conceived againft the name and character of bifhops 
were fo violent> that James was obliged, with the 
utmoft care, to avoid the appearance of a dcfign 
to revive that order. He prevailed therefore oa 
the commiflion appointed by the laft general 
jflembly to complain to the parliament, that the 

R 4 church 



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«4t THE HISTORY 

• vm ^ <^urch was the only body in the kingdom dcfti- 
u- v >J tutc of its rcprcfcntatives in that fupreme court, 
»598, where it fo nearly concerned every order to have 
fome, who were bound to defend its rights ; and 
to crave that a competent number of the clergy 
ihould be admitted, according to ancient cuftom, 
to a feat there. In compliance with this requeft, 
an aft was paffcd, by which thofc minifters, on 
whom the king fhould confer the vacant biihop^ 
rics and abbeys, were intided to a vote in par- 
liament ; and that the clergy might conceive no 
jealoufy of any encroachment upon their privileges, 
it was remitted to the general aflcmbly, to deter- 
mine what fpiritual jurifdidion or authority in the 
government of the church thefe perfons ihould 
poflefs ^. 

The king, however, found it no eafy matter to 
obtain the concurrence of. the ecclefiaftical judi- 
catories, in which the ad of parliament met with 
a fierce oppofition. Though the clergy perceived 
how much luftre this new privilege would reflcft 
upon their order ; though they were not infenfiblc 
of the great acccifion of perfonal power and dig- 
nity, which many of them would acquire, by be- 
ing admitted into the fupreme council of the na- 
tion, their abhorrence of epifcopacy was extreme i 
and to that they facrificcd every confideration of 
intereft or ambition. All the king's profcffions of 
regard for the prefent conftitution of the church 
did not convince them of his fincerityj all the 
devices that could be invented for reftraining and 

* Spotfw. 450. Pari 15th Jac. VI. c, 235. 

6 circum- 



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OF SCOTLAND; «4^ 

circumfcribing the jurifdiftion of fuch as were 
to be railed to this new honour, did not diminifli 
their jealoufy and fear. Their own experience *^^* 
had taught them, with what infinuating progrefi 
the hierarchy advances, and though admitted at 
firft with moderate authority, and under Ipecious 
pretences, how rapidly it extends its dominion. 
^* Vamifti over this fcheme,** faid one of the lead- 
ing clergymen, " with what colours you pleafc ; 
<* deck the intruder with the utmoft art ; under all 
<• thb difguifc, I fee the horns of his mitre." The 
feme fentiments prevailed among many of his 
brethren, and induced them to rejeft power and 
honours, with as much zeal as ever thole of their 
order courted them* Many, however, were al- 
lured by the hopes of preferment ; the king him- 
felf and his minifters employed the fame arts, 
which they had tried fo liiccefsfully laft year ; and 
after long debates, and much oppofition, the gene* 
ral aflembly declared that it was lawful for mi- 
nifters to accept of a feat in parliament ; that it Afvdi ^^ 
would be highly beneficial to the church, to have 
its reprefentatives in that fupreme court ; and that 
fifty-one perfons, a number nearly equal to that of 
the ecdeCaftics, who were anciendy called to par- 
liament, fhould be chofen from among the clergy 
for that purpofe. The manner of their eleftion, 
together with the powers to be vetted in them, were 
•left undecided for the prcfent, and furnifhed matter 
of future deliberation*. 



Spotfw. 45Q. Cald. v. 278. 



As 



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$S9 t HE HISTORY 

■ ^ * As the prolpCiSt of (bccecding to the croltfn of 
^ -y-^*^ England ditw nearer, James multiplied prccaurions 
Tam^- ^ order to render it certain. As he was allied to 
iSS^fiS. ^^^^^y of the princes of Germany bjr his marriagCi 
cds to pn ^ font ambailadors cxtriaordinaiy to their fcvcral 
in^d. courts> in order to explam the juftnefs of his title 
to the EitgUfti throne, and to dellre their aflifbmce, 
if any competitor (hould arife to difpute his un^ 
doubted rights. Thefe princes reacMly acknow- 
ledged the equity of his claim j but the aid which 
they could afford him was diftant and feeble. At 
the lame time, Edward Bruce, abbot of Kinlofs, 
his ambaflador at the Englifh court, folicited Eliza* 
beth, with the utmoft warmth^ to recogni^ lua 
tide by fome public deed, and to deliver her own 
fubjedb fix>m the calamities which are occafioned 
by an uncertain or difputed fucceffion. But age 
had ftrengdiened all the paflions which had hidicrto 
induced Elizabeth to keep thb great queftion ob* 
fcure and undecided 3 and a general and evafive 
anfwer was all that James could obtain. As no im^ 
preflion could be made on the queen, the ambaf- 
iador was commanded to found the difpofidon of 
her fubjcfts, and to try what progrfefs he could 
make in gaining them. Bruce poflefled all the ta^ 
lents of fecrecy^ judgment, and addrefs, requifite 
for conduding a negotiation no leis delicate than 
important! A minifter of this chara£ler was intitled 
to the confidence of the Englifti. Many of the 
highefl: rank unbofomed themfelves to him with- 
out rcfcrvc, and gave him repeated aflurances of 
their rcfolurion to aiSert his maftcr*s ri^t, in op- 

pofitioa 



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OF SCOTLAND. i^i 

pofidon to every prctcn(kr^ As fcveral paiti- ^^j!?* 
phkts were diiperled) at this time, in England, u— y*,^^ 
containing objcftions to his tide, James employed '^^ 
fomc learned men in his kingdom to anfwer thele 
cavillers, and to explain the advanuges which would 
refult to both kingdoms by the union of the crowns, 
Thefc books were eagerly read, and contributed 
not a little to reconcile the Englifh to that event, 
A book publilhed this year by the king himfelf, 
produced an efFed ftill more favourable. It was 
intitled Bafilkon Boron^ and contained precepts 
concerning the art of government, addrelfed ta 
prince Henry his fon, Notwithftanding the greac 
alterations and refinements in national tafte fince 
that time, we muft allow this to be no contemptible 
performance, and not to be inferior to the work* 
of moft contemporary writers, either in purity of 
ilylc or juftnefs of compofition. Even the vaia 
parade of eruditioa with which it abounds^ and 
which now difgufts us, raifed the admiration of that 
age I and as it was filled with thofe general rules 
whic!) fpeculative authors deliver for rendering a 
nation happy, and of which James could difcourfe 
with great plaufibility, thoi^h often incapable of 
putting them b pradtice, the Englilh conceived an 
high opinion of his abilities, and expedcd an in- 
creafe of national honour and profperity, under a 
prince fo profoundly (killed in politics, and who 
gave fuch a fpecimen both of his wifdom and of hia- 
love to his people K 

' J^ff 242* * Camd, Spotfw^ ^^1. 

The 



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454 THEHISTORY 

• virt ^ '^"^ queen of England's lenriments conccrrifng 
w.-i y^ James, were very different from thofe of her fub- 
*S55- jcfts. His cxceffive indulgence towards the popifh 
lords; the facility with which he pairdoned their 
repeated treafons; his reftoring Beaton, the popifh 
archbilhop of Glafgow, who had fled out of Scot-* 
land at the time of the Reformation, to the poflfef- 
Con of the temporalities of that benefice ; the ap- 
pointing him his ambaffador at the court of France ; 
the applaufe he beftowed, in the Bafilicon Doron, 
on thofe who adhered to the queen his modier ; Eli- 
zabeth confidered as fb many indications of a mind 
alienated from the proteftant religion ; and fuipeft-* 
ed that he would foon revolt from the profeflion of 
it. Thefc fufpicions feemed to be fiiUy confirmed 
Accttftshim by a difcovery which came from the mafler of Gray> 
^Kmding , who rcfided at that time in Italy, and Who^ rather 
^^*^ than fuffcr his intriguing Ipirit to be idle, demeaned 
himfelf fo far as to aft as a fpy for the Englifh courts 
He conveyed to Elizabeth the copy of a letter, written 
by James to pope Clement VIIL in which the krng, 
after many exprcffions of regard for that pontiff^ and 
of gratitude for his favours, declared his firm refb- 
lurion to treat the Roman catholics with indul^ 
gence; and, in order to render the intercourfc 
between the court of Rome and Scotland more 
frequent and familiar, he folicited the pope to 
promote Drummond, bifhop of Vaifon, a Scotf- 
man, to the dignity of a cardinal**. Elizabeth, 
who had received by another channel ^ fome im* 

* Cald. 333. * Wiaw. McmWol. t. 37. 52. 

perfca 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^ 

pcrfcd intelligence of this corrcfpondcnce, was ® ^^ ^ 
filled with juft furprifc, and immediately dif- u-y--^ 
patched Bowes into Scotland^ to inquire more •^••" 
fidly into the truth of , the matter, and to reproach 
James for an a£tion fo unbecoming a preteftant 
prince. He was aftoniihed «t the accufation, 
and with a confidence which nothing but the 
^onfcioufneis of innocence could inipirc^ affirmed 
the whole to be a mere calumny, and the letter 
itielf to be forged by his enemies^ on purpoie to 
bring his iincerity in religion to l)e fuipedled. 
Elphingfton the fccretary of ftate denied the 
matter with equal folemnity. It came, however^ 
to be known by a very fuigular accident, which 
happened fome years after, that the infonnatioii 
which Elizabeth had received was well founded^ 
though at tlie fame time the king's dcclaradons 
of his own innocence were perfedUy confiftcnt 
with truth. Cardinal Bellarminej in a replf 
wluch he publiihed to a controverfial treatiicj of 
which the king was the author^ accufed hioEi of 
having abandoned the f^ivourablc icntimcots which 
he had once entertained . of the Roman oadiolic 
religion, and, as a proof of (his, quoted his letter 
to Clement VIIL It w^ impoQible, any lQ|i|ger» 
to believe this (o be a fidion» and it way a mat-* 
tcr too delicate to be pafled over without ftri6t 
inquiry. James immediately examined Elphing-» 
Aon, and his confcflion unravelled the whoje my- 
ftery. He acknowledged that he had fhufflcdl 
in this letter among other papers, which he laid 
before the king to be figned, who fufpc6ling no 
iiich deceit, fubfcribed it together with the reft:, 

afij 



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9S4 THE HISTORY 



BOOK 



and without knowing what it contained ; that he 
had no other motive, however, to this adion^ 
. *<^^, but zeal: for his majefty's ferviccj and, by flat- 
tering the Roman catholics with hopes of in- 
dulgence under the king's government, he ima- 
gined that he was paving the way for his more 
cafy acceflion to the Englifti throne. The privy 
council of England entertained very different fcn- 
cinaents of the fccretary's conduft. In their opi* 
nion, not only the king's reputation 'had been ex- 
)pofed to reproach, but his life to danger, by this 
ptfh impofture ; they even imputed the gun-pow- 
der treafon to the rage and difappointment of the 
papifts, upon finding that the hopes which this let* 
ttr inipired were fruftrated. The fecretary was 
jent a prifoner into Scotland, to be tried for high 
frcafon. His peers found him guilty, but, by the 
queen's interceffion, he obtained a pardon *• . 

According to the account of other hiftorians, 
James himfelf was no ftranger to this correfpond- 
cnce with the pope; and, if we believe them. El- 
phingfton, being intimidated by the threats of the 
Englifti council, and deceived by the artifices of 
the earl of Dunbar, concealed fome circumftances 
in his narrative of this tranfaftion, and falfified 
others; and at the expence of his own fame, and 
with the danger of his life, endeavoured to draw 
a veil over this part of his matter's conduft*. 
ten at But whether we impute the writing of this letter 

*^^U^/ to the fccretary's officious zeal, or to the king's 
^•^ *»• command, it is certain, that, about this time, James 

^ State Trials, vol. i. 429. Spotfw, 456. 507. Johixft. 448* 
* Cald. vol. V. 322. vi. 147. 

5 vras 



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OF SCOTLAND, 4jf 

was at the utmoft pains to gain the friendlhip of ■ ^^ * 
the Roman catholic princes, as a neceflaty pre- v -v^ ^ 
caudon towards facilitating his acceflion to the '^^ 
Englilh throne. Lord Home^ who was himielf 
a papift> was intrufted with a iecret commiflioti 
to the pope"; the archbifhop of Glafgow wai 
an aftivc inftrumcnt with thofc of his own reli- 
gion "• The pope exprcffcd fiich favourable fen- 
timents both of the king, and of his right to the 
crown of England, that James thought himielf 
bound, fome years after, to acknowledge the obli- 
gation in a public manner*. Sir James lindlay 
made great progrefs in gaining the Englifli papiftt 
to acknowledge his majefty*s title. Of all thefe 
intrigues Elizabeth received obfcure hints from 
different quarters. The more imperfcftly flic 
knew, the more violendy flie fulpefted the king's 
dcfigns; and the natural jealouiy of her temper in- 
creafmg with age, flie obfervcd his conduft with 
greater folicitude than ever. 

The queftions with regard to die election and i^oo. 
power of the reprefentarives of the church, were ^^Jj^ 
finally decided this year by the general ailembly, ^^J^^J^ 
which met at Montrofe. That place was choien €hvisiL 
as moft convenient for the minifters of the norths 
among whom the king's influence chiefly lay. 
Although great numbers refbrted from the north- 
ern provinces, and the king employed hb whole 
intcreft, and the authority of his own prelcncei to 
gain a majority, the following reguladons were 
with difficulty agreed on. That the general 

» Winw. Mem. voL u. 57. • Cald. vol. vi. 147. 

t Cald. vol. v. 6o4*« 

afTcmhl^r 



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%S^ THE HISTORY 



jtoo^ 



• ^iL ^ aflembly Ihall recommend fix perfons to every 
vacant benefice, which gave a tide to a feat in 
parliament, out of whom the king fliould nomi- 
nate one 5 that the perfon fo elcfted, after obtain- 
ing his feat in parliament, fhall neither propofe, 
not confent to any thing there, that may affcft 
the intereft of the church, without ipecial in- 
ftru6bions to that purpofe; that he (hall be an- 
fwcrable for his conduct to every general aflcm* 
bly; and fubmit to its ccnfure, without appeal, 
vpon pain of infamy and excommunication ; that 
he IhaU difchargc the duties of a paftor, in a parti- 
cular congregation; that he fhall not ufurp any 
ecclcfiaflical jurifdidtion, fuperior to that of his 
other brethren j that if the church inflift on him 
the cenfure of deprivation, he fhall thereby for- 
feit his feat in parliament j that he fhall annually 
refign his commifTion to the general afTcmbly, 
which may be reflored to him, or not, as the af- 
fembly, with the king's approbation, fhall judge 
mofl expedient for the good of the church ^ 
Nothing could be more repugnant to the idea of 
cpifcopal government, than thefe regulations. It 
was not in confequence of rights derived from 
their office, but of powers conferred by a com- 
miffion, that the ecclcfiaflical perfons were to be 
admitted to a feat in parliament; they were the 
reprefcntatives, not the fuperiors, of the clergy. 
Deflitute of all (piritual authority, even their civil 
jurifdiftion was temporary. James, however, flat- 
tered himfelf that they would foon be aWe to fhakc 

f Spotfw. ij.53. 457. CakL vol. v. 368, 

off 



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OF SCOTLAND. a^^ 

off thefc fetters, and gradualljr acquire all the ^ ^^JJ ^ 
privileges which belonged to the epifco|^ order, w — ^- ,sj 
The clergy dreaded the fame thing ; and of courfc '^^' 
he contended for the nomination of thefe com- 
miflSoners^ and they oppofed it, not fo much on 
account of the powers then vetted in them, as of 
thofe to which it was believed they would foon 
attain '. 

During this furtimer the kkigdom enjoyed an cowiie't 
an unufual tranquillity. The dergy, after m«y ^*^'*^* 
ilruggles, "were brought under great fubjeftion; 
the popilh earls were reftored to their eftates and 
honours,- by the authority of parliament, and 
with the cbnlent of the church; the reft of the 
nobles were at peace ztnong themfelves, and obe- 
dient to the royal authority ; when, in the midft 
of this fecimty, the king's life was expofed to the 
utmoft danger, by a confpiracy altogether unex- 
pcfted, and alaioft inexplicable. The authors of 
it were John Ruthven, ead of Gowrie, and his 
;brother' Alexander, the fons of that earl' who 
was beheaded in the year one thoufand five hun- 
dred and eighty-four. Nature had adorned both 
thefc young nien, efpecially the elder brother, 
widi many accomplifhments, to which education 
had added its moft elegant improvements. More 
learned than is ufual among perfons of their 
rank; more religious than is common at their 
age of life; generous, brave, popular; their coun- 
trymen, far from thinking them capable of any 
atrocious crime, conceived the moft fanguinc 
hopes of their early virtues. Notwithftanding 
^ Spotfw. 454. 

Vol. II. S aU 



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«S8 THE HISTORY 

^ viu ^ ^^^ ^^^^^ '^^^^^ qiialitics, feme unknown nKmv< 

i^^^^ — -/ engaged them in a confpiracy, which, if we a&crc 

^^^ to the account commonly received, muft be tranf- 

mitted to pofterity, as one of the moft wicked, as 

well as one of the worft conceited, of which hiftory 

makes any mention. 

On the fifth of Auguft, as the king, who re- 
Tided during the hunung feafon in his palace of 
Falkland, was going out to his fport early in the 
morning, he was accofted by Mr. Alexander 
Ruthven, who, with an air of great importance, 
told the king, that the, evening before he had met 
zn unknown man, of a fufpicious afpcft, walking 
alone in a by-path, near his brother's houfe at 
Perth; and on fearching him, had found, under 
his cloak, a pot filled with a great quantity of fo- 
reign gold ; that he had immediately feized botji 
him and his tre^urc, and, widiout communicating 
the matter to any perfon, had kept him confined 
and bound ia a folitary hopfc ; and that he thought 
it his duty to impart fqch a fingular event firft of 
all to his majefly. James immediately fufpeftcd 
this unknown perfon to be a feminary prieft, fup- 
plied with foreign coin, in order to excite new 
commotions in the kingdom ; and refblvcd to im- 
power the magiftrates of Perth to call the perfon 
before them, and inquire into all the circumftanccs 
of the ftory. Ruthven violently oppofcd this 
refolution, and with many arguments lu-ged the 
king to ride diredly to Perth, and to examine 
the matter in perfon. Meanwhile the chance be- 
gan; and James, notwithftanding his paflion for 
that amufement, could not help ruminating upon 

the 



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VIII. 



OF SCOTLAND. af9 

the ftrangcncfs of the talc, and on Ruthven's im- ^ ^ ^ ^ 
portunity. At laft> he called him, and promifcd, 
when the fport was over, to fct out for Pcrthi 
The chace, however, continued long ; and Ruth*- 
ven, who all the while kept clofe by the kmg, was 
ftill urging him to make hafte. At the death of 
the buck he would not allow James to ftay till a 
frcfli horfe was brought him ; and obferving the 
duke of Lennox and the earl of Mar preparing to 
accompany the king, he mtreated him to coun-^ 
tcrmand them. This James refufed ; and though 
Ruthven's impatience and anxiety, as well as the 
apparent perturbation in his whole behaviour, 
raifed fome fufpicions in his mind; yet his own 
curiofity, and Ruthven*s folicitations, prevailed on 
him to fct out for Perth. When within a mile of 
the town, Ruthven rode forward to inform his bro- 
ther of the king's arrival, though he had already 
difpatched two meflengcrs for that purpofe. At a 
litdc diftance from the town, the earl, attended by 
fcveral of the citizens, met the king, who had 
only twenty perfons in his train. No preparations 
were made for the king's entertainment ; the earl 
appeared penfive and embarraflcd, and was at np^ 
pains to atone, by his courtcfy or hofpitality, for 
the bad fare with which he treated his guefts. When 
the king's rcpaft was over, his attendants were led 
to dine in another room, and he being left almoft 
alone, Ruthven whifpered him, that now was the 
time to go to tlic chamber where the unknown 
perfon was kept* James commanded him to bring 
fir Thomas Erflclne along with them; but, inftead 
of that, Ruthven ordered him not to follow : arid 
S 2 conducting 



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c66 THEHISTORY 

^ vin ^ conducing the king up a ftair-cafc, and then 
L,^y-',j through fevcral apartments, the doors of which he 
'^"^ locked behind hifti, led him at laft into a fmall 
ftudy, in which there flood a man clad in ar- 
mour, with a fword and dagger by his fide. The 
king, who expefted to have found one difarmcd 
and bound, ftarted at the fight, and inquired if 
this was the pe'rfon; but Ruthven (hatching the 
dagger from the girdle of the man in armour, and 
holding it to the king's breaft, *' Remember," faid 
he, " how unjuftly my father fufltred by your 
*' command} you are now my prifonerj fubmit 
<« to my difpofal without refiftance or outcry; 
^* or this dagger fliall inftantly avenge his blood" 
James expoftulated with Ruthven, intrcated, and 
flattered him. The man whom he found in the 
ftudy ftood, all the while, trembling, and difmaycd, 
'without courage either to aid the king, or to fccond 
his aggrcflbr. Ruthven protefl:ed, that if the king 
raifed no outcry, his life fliouM be fafej and, 
moved by fome unknown reaibn, retired in order 
to call his brother, leaving to the man in armour 
the care of the king, whom he bound by oath not 
to make any noife during his abfence. 

While the king was in this dangerous fitua- 
tion, his attendants growing impatient to know 
whither he had retired, one of Cowrie's domef- 
tics entered the room haftily, and told them that 
the king had jufl: rode away towards Falkland. All 
of them rulhed out into the ftreet; and the earl, 
in the utmoft hurry, called for their horfes. But 
by this time his brother had returned to the king, 
and fwcaring that now there was no remedy, he 

muft 



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OF SCOTLAND. a6i 



Z69«it 



Auft die, offered to bind his hands* Unarmed ^ ^^^ ^ 
as James was^ he fcorned to fubmit to that in* ^- - * y — ^ 
dig^ty; and clofing with the aifaflin, a fierce 
ftruggle enllied. The tnan in armour floods as 
formerly, amazed and motionlefs; and the king 
dragging Ruthven towards a window, which dur*- 
ing his abfence he had perfuaded the perfon with 
whom he was left to open, cried, with a wild and 
aflTrightJcd voice, ** Treafon 1 Treafon ! Help ! I 
<' am murdered 1" His attendants heard, and knew 
the voice s and faw, at the window, a hand which 
grafpcd the king's neck widi violence. Thef 
flew with precipitation to his afliftance. Lennox 
and Mar, with die greater number, ran up the 
principal ftair-cafc, where they found all the doors 
fliut, which they battered with the utmoft fury, 
endeavouring to burft them open. But fir John 
Ramfcy, entering by a back-ftair, which led to 
the apartment where the king was, found the' 
door open ; and rulhing upon Ruthven, who was 
ftiU ftruggling with the king, ftruck him twice 
with his da^er, and thruft him towards the ftair* 
cafe, where fir Thomas Erlkinc and fir Hugh 
Herries met, and killed him ; he crying with his 
laft breath, ** Alas ! I am not to blame for this 
'^ aftion/' During this fcuffle, the man who had 
been concealed in the ftudy efcaped unobferved. 
Together with Ramfey, Erfkine, and Herries, one 
Wiifon, a footman, entered the room where the 
king was, and before they had tioie to (hut the 
door, Gowrie ruihed in with a drawn fword in each 
hand, followed by fcvcn of liis attendants well 
armed, and 'with a loud voice threatened them all 
S 3 y^ith 



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a62 THE HISTORY 

* vin ^ ^^^^ inftant death. They immediately thruft the 
li-i-v— J king into the little ftudy, and (hutting the door 
*^^* upon him, encountered the earl. Notwithftand^ 
ing the inequality of numbers, fir John Ramiey 
pierced Gowrie through the hiart, and he fell 
down dead without uttering a word ; his followers 
having received feveral wounds, immediately fled. 
Three of the king's defenders were likewife hurt 
in the conflid. A dreadful noife continued ftill at 
the oppofitc door, where many perfons laboured 
in vain to force a pafpige i and the king being 
a0iired that they were Lennox, Mar, and his other 
friends, it was opened on the infidc* They ran to 
the king, whom they unexpeftedly found fafc, 
with tranfports of congratulation ; and he, Ming 
on his knees, with all his attendants around him, 
oflfered folemn thanks to God for fuch a wonderfiil 
deliverance. The danger, however, was not yet 
over. The inhabitants of the town, whofe pro- 
^oft Gowrie was, and by whom he was extremely 
beloved, hearing the fate of the two brothers, ran 
to their arms, and furrounded the houfe, threaten- 
ing revenge, with many infolent and opprobrious 
fpeeches againft the king, James endeavoured to 
pacify the enraged multitude, by fpcaking to them 
from the window ; he admitted their magiftrates 
into die houfe j related to them all the circum- 
ftances of the fad ; and, their fury fubfiding by 
degrees, they difperfcd. On fearching the carl's 
pockets for papers that might difcover bis defigns 
and accomplices, nothing was found but a fbiall 
parchment bag, full of magical characters and 
words of i^uchanuncnti and if we may believe the 

account 



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OF SCOTLAND. 1163 

account of the confpiracy publifhcd by the king, » o^JJ ^ 
*^ while thcfc were about him, the wound of vl^^v-— ^ 
«^ which he died, bled not; but as foon as they ^"^ 
« were taken away, the blood guflied out in great 
« abundance." After all the dangerous adven- 
tures of this bufy day, the king returned in the 
^evening to Falkland, having committed the dead 
bodies of the two brothers to the cuftody of the 
magiftrates of Perth. 

Notwithstanding the minute detail which the Tiiemotivc* 
king gave of ?11 the circumftances of this confpi- ^iJlJJo^ot 
racy againft his life, the motives which induced the !J^J*" 
two brothers to attempt an aftron fo detellable, 
the end they had in view, and the accomplices 
on whofc aid they depended, were altogether un- 
known. The words of Ruthven to the king gave 
Ibme grounds to think that the defire of revenging 
their father's death had inlligated them to this 
attempt. But, whatever injuries their father had 
fuffered, it is fcarccly probable that they could 
impute them to the king, whofe youth, as well 
as his fubje£tion at that time to the violence of a 
fa^ion, exempted him from being die <^bje^ of 
reientment, on account of adions which were not 
done by his command. James had even endea- 
voured to repair the wrongs which the father had 
fuffered, by benefits to his children ; and Gowrie 
himfelf, fenfible of his favour, had acknowledged 
it with the warmeft exprefBons of gratitude. 
Three of the earl's attendants, being convicted 
of alTifting him in this afTault on the king's fer- 
vants, were executed at Perth; but they could give 
fto light into the motives which had prompted 
S 4 their 



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a64 THE HISTORY 

^ vm ^ ^^^^ matter to an adion fo repugnant t6 thefc, 
\^,,y^-; acknowledgments. Diligent fearch was made for 
'^^ the perfon concealed in the ftudy, and from him 
great difcoveries were expcfted. But Andrew Hen- 
derfon, the earl's fteward, who, upon a promife of 
pardon^ confefTed himfelf to be the man, was as 
much a ftranger to his matter's defign as the reft ; 
and tjhough placed in the ftudy by Gowrie's com- 
mand, he did not even know for what end that fta- 
tion had been afligned him. The whole tranfadion 
remained as impenetrably dark as ever; and the 
two brotliers, it was concluded, had concerted their 
fcheme without either confident or accomplice, widi 
unexampled fecrecy as well as wickednefs. 
sprot's dif. An accident, no lefs ftrange than the other cir-* 
^n^ining cijmttanccs of the ftory, and which happened nine 
**• years after, difcovered that this opinion, however 

plaufible, was ill-founded j and that the two bro- 
thers had not carried on their machinations all 
alone. One Sprot, a notary, having whifpered 
among fcveral pcrfons that he knew fome fecrets 
relating to Gowrie'§ confpiracy, the privy council 
thought the matter worthy of their attention, and 
ordered him to be feized. His confeflion was 
partly voluntary, and partly forced from him by 
torture. According to his account, Logan of 
Rettalrig, a gendeman of an opulent fortune, but 
of diffolute morals, was privy to all Gowrie's in- 
tentions, and an accomplice in his crimes. Mr. 
Ruthven, he faid, had frequent interviews widi 
Logan, in order to concert the plan of their ope- 
rations i the earl had correfponded with him to 
the fame purpofc i and one Bour, Logan's confi- 
• ,. dcnt| 



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OF SCOTLAND. 4«5 

dent, was truftcd with the fecret, and carried the • ^ ^ "^^ 
letters between them. Both Logan and Bour * -^ ,_f 
were now dead. But Sprot affirmed that he had *^^" 
read letters written both by Gowrie and Logan, 
on that occafion ; and in confirmation of his 
teftimony, fcveral of Logan's letters, which a cu- 
riofity fatal to himfclf had prompted Sprot to 
ftcal from among Bour's papers, were produced'. 
Thefe were compared, by the privy council, with 
papers of Logan's liand-writing, and the refem- 
blance was manifeft. Perfons of undoubted credit,' 
and well qualified to judge of the matter, examined 
them, and fwore to their authenticity. Death 
itfelf did not exempt Logan from profecution; 
his bones were dug up and tried for high treafon, 
and by a fentcnce, equally odious and illegal*, 

his 

' Logan's letters were five in number. One to Bonr, anot&et' 
to Gowrie, and three of them without any diredion ; nor could 
Sprot difcover the name of the perfon to whom they were writ- 
ten. Logan gives him the appellation of Right HenourahU^ 
It appears from this, however, and from other words in the 
letter, Crom, 95. that there were feveral perfons privy to the » 
confpiracy. The date of the firft letter is July i8th. Mr. Ruth- 
ven had conunonicated the matter to Logan only five days 
before. Ibid. It appears from the otxginaX fummons offof^ 
faulturt agalnft Logan's heirs, that Bour, though he had let- 
ters addrefled to him with regard to a confpiracy equally 
dangerous and important, was fo illiterate that he could not 
read. " Jacobus Bour, literarum prorfus ignarus, didi Geor-* 
** gii opera in legendis omnibus fcriptis ad eum miflis, ve! 
•* pertinentibus, utcbatur." Thi^ is altogether ftrange; and 
nothing but the capricious charader of Logan can account 
for his chufing fuch a confident. 

• By the Roman law, perfons guilty of the crime of high 
treafon might be tried even after death, Thi$ praaic6 wa^ 

adopted , 



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a66 THE HISTORY 



BOOK 

VIIL 



his lands were forfeited, and his poftcrity declared 
in&mous. Sprot was condemned to be hanged 
*^^ for mifprifion of treafon. He adhered to his con- 
feflion to the laft, and having promifed, on the 

adopted by the Scots, without any limitation, Pari. 1540. 

c. 69. But the unlimited exercife of this power was foon con- 

ceired to be dangerous ; and the crown was laid under proper 

reftridions, by an a^ A.l>. 1 $^, which has never been prioted. 

The words of it are, ^' And becaiife the laid lords (i. e* the 

lords of articles) think the faid aifl (viz. in 1540} toogeneral» 

and prejudicial to the barons in the realm, therefore Aatutes 

and ordains that the faid ad ihall have no place in time commg^ 

but agaiuft the heirs of them that notorioufly commit or (hall 

commit lefe majefty againft the king's perfon, againft the 

realm for averting thefame, and againft them that (hall happen. 

to betray the king's army allenarly, and being notourly known 

in their time : and the heirs of thefe perfons to be called and 

judged within five years after the deccaib of the faid perib^ 

nommttters of the faid crimes ; and the faid time being bypaR« 

the faid heirs never to be purfucd for the fame.** The len- 

tence againll Logan violated this ftatute in two particulars. 

He wasnot notourly known during his life to be an accomplice 

in the crime for which he was tried ; and his heir was called in 

qaeftion more than five years after his death. It is remarkable 

tliat this ftatute feems not to have been attended to in the par* 

liament which forfeited Logan. Another lingular circumftance 

deferves notice. As it is a maxim of juilice that no per(bn 

can be tried in abfence ; and as lawyers are always tenacious of 

their forms, and often abfurd in their devices for pre&rving 

them, they contrived that, in any procefs againft a dead pcr« 

fon, his corpfe or bones ihall be prefcntcd at the bar. £x« 

amples of this oceur frequently in the Scottilh hiftory. After 

the battle of Corrichie, the dead b6dy of the earl of Huntly 

ivas prefented in parliament, before fentence oiforfauUurt was 

pronounced againft him. For the fame rcafon the bodies of 

Cowrie and his brother were prcfcrved, in order tliat they 

might be produced in parliament. Logan*s bones, in comv 

pliange with the fame rule, were dug up. Mackenz. Crhn, 

Law, Book i. Tit. 6. S zz. 

fca^ld^ 



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i6oo. 



OF SCOTLAND. 267 

fcafFoIdy to give the fpcftators a fign in confirma- ^ 
tion of the truth of what he had dcpofcd, he thrice 
clapped his hands after he was thrown off the lad- 
der by the executioner *. 

^ It appears tlmt archbifhop Spotfwood wa^ prefcnt at the 
execution of Sprot, Cr»m. 1 15. and yet he fecms to have given 
no credit to his difcoveries. The manner in which he fpeaks of 
him is remarkable, ** Whether or not I Ihould mention the ar« 
** raignment and execution of George Sprot, whofuffered at 
** Edinburgh, I am doubtful. His confcflion> though volun- 
" taryand conflant, carrying fmall probability. The man de- 
** pofed, &c. It (cemed to be a very fi^ion, and a mere in* 
** ventioa of the man's own brain, for neither did he ihew the 
** letter, nor could any wife man think that Gowrie, who went 
^* about the trcafon fo fecretly, would have communicated the 
** matter to fuch a man as Logan was known to be.'* p* 508. 
Spotfwood could not be ignorant of the folcmnity with which 
Logan had been tried, and of the proof brought of the authen- 
ticity c^ his letters. He himfclf was probably prefent in par«> 
liament at the trial. The earl of Dunbar, of whom he always 
fpeaks with the higheft refpcA, was the peribn who direded the 
procels againft Logan. Such a peremptory declaration againfl 
the truth of Sprot's evidence, notwithflanding all thefc circum- 
ftances, is furprifmg. Sir Thomas Hamilton, the king's advo« 
cate at that time, and afterwards earl of HadiDgton, reprc- 
fents the proof produced at Logan's trial as extremely con- 
vincing ; and in an original letter of his to the king, the 2 id of 
June 1609, (in Bibl. Facult. Jurid.) after mentioning the man- 
ner in which the trial had been conduced, he thus goes on : 

^ When the probation of the fummons was referred to the 
lords of articles votes, they found uuifonnly, all in onp^ 
voice, the faid fummons to be fo clearly proved, that they 
feemed to contend who Ihould be able moll zealoufly to exprefs 
the fatisfadion of his heart, not only by the moft pithy words^ 
but by tears of joy ; diverfe of the bed rank confeiling, that 
that whereof they doubted at their entry into the houfe was 
now Co manifed, that they behoved to efteem them traitors 
who diould any longer refufe to dcclaie their affured refolution 
gf the truth of that trealbo," 

Bvt 



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i68 THEHISTORY 



BOOK 
VIII. 



But though it be thus unexpectedly difcovcred 
that Gowrie did not a£b without afibciates^ litde 
*^*^ additional light is thrown, by this difcovery, on 
the motives and intention of his condu&. It ap- 
pears almoft incredible that two young men 
of fuch diftinguilhed virtue fhould revolt all at 
once from their duty, and attempt a crime fo 
atrocious, as the murder of ^ their fovcrcign. It 
appears ftiU more improbable, that they fhould 
have concerted their undertaking with fo litde 
forefight aud prudence. If they intended that the 
deed fhould have remained concealed, they could 
not have chofen a more improper fcene fbr exe- 
cuting it, than their own houfe. If they mtend- 
cd that Henderfon fhould have ftruck the blow, 
they could not have pitched on a man more defti- 
tute of the courage that mufl direft the hand of 
an afTaflinj nor could they expcft that he, un- 
folicited, and unacquainted with their purpofe, 
would venture on fiich a defperate aftion. If 
Ruthven meant to flab the king with his own 
hand, why did he withdraw the dagger, after it 
was pointed at his breafl ? How could he leave 
the king, after fuch a plain declaration of his in- 
tention ? Was it not prepoflerous to commit hinr 
to the keeping of fuch a timid aflbciate as Hen- 
derfon? For what purpofe did he waflc time 
in binding the hands of an unarmed man, whom 
he might eafily have difpatched with his fword ? 
Had Providence permitted them to embrue 
their hands in the blood of their fovercign, 
what advantage could have accrued to them by 
his death ? and what claims or prctenfions could 

4 * dicy 



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x6oQ» 



blP SCOTLAND. 169 

they have oppofcd to the rights of his children' ? ® ^<J ^ 
Inevitable and inftant vengeance, together with 
perpetual infamy, were the only confequences they 
could expcdt to follow fuch a crime. 

On the other hand, it is impoflible to believe 
that the king had formed any defign againft the 
life of the two brothers. They had not incurred 
his indignation by any crime; and were in na 
degree the objcfts of his jealoufy or hatred*; nor 

was 

■ It lias been aflcrtcd, that^ m confequcnce of the king's 
death, the earl of Gowric might have pretended to the crown 
of England, as the £bn of Dorothea Stewart, daughter of lord 
Jvlcthvcn by Margaret of England, who, after her divorce 
from the carl of Angus, took that nobleman for her third 
hufband. Burnet Hift. of his own Times, But this afiertion is 
UKfounded. It appears, from undoubted evidence, that lord 
Methven had only one child by queen Margaret, which, di^ 
in its infancy, and Dorothea lady Ruthven was not the 
daughter of queen Margaret, but of Janet Stewart, lord 
Methyen^s fecood wife," a daughter of John earl of Athol. 
Crawf. Peer. 329. And though Qowrie had really been de- 
fended from the blood-royal of England, the kUig at that 
•time had a fon and a daughter 4 and befides them, lady Ara- 
bella Stewart, daughter of Charles earl of Lennox, had a pre- 
ferable title to the crown of England. 

* Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to fir Ralph "Wlnwood, Ltup 
putes die death of the two brothers to a caufe not mention* 
ed by any of our hiftorians. ** Out of Scotland we hear that 
there is no good agreement, but rather an open difEdence, be- 
twixt the king and his wife, and many are of opinion that 
the difcovery of fome afiedion between her and the earl of 
Cowrie's brother (who was killed with him) was the trueft 
caufe and motive of that tragedy.'* Winw, Mem. vol.i. 274. 
Whether the following paflages in Nicholfon's letter be a^y 
confirmation of that fufpicion, is fubmittcd to the reader. lu 
his letter, Sept. 22, 1602, he mentions the return of Gowric'« 
two younger brothers into Scotland^ and adds, *^ The coming 

m 



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THE HISTORY 

was he of a ipirit fo (anguinary, or fo noted for 
ralh and dcfpcratc valour, as to have attempted 
'^^- to murder them in their own houfe, where they 
were furrounded with many domcftics,- he only 
with a flender and unarmed train; where J^ey 
could call to their afliftance the inhabitants of a 
city, at the devodon of their family, while he was 
at a diftance from all aid ; and leaft of all would 
he have chofen for his aflbciates in fuch an enter- 
prize, the carl of Mar and the duke of Lennox, the 
former connected in clofe friendfliip with the houfe 
of Gowrie, and the latter married to one of the 
eari's fillers. 
A conjee- ^ Wh rcHSOEVER of thcfe oppofltc fyftcms we em- 
ccroin^thc bracc J whcthcr we impute the intention of murder 
Z'^fyu to Gowrie, or to the king; infuperable difficulties 
t^tmn. arife, and we are involved in darknefs, myftery, and 
contradiftions. Perhaps the fource of the whole 
confpiracy ought to be fearched for deepc^r, and by 
deriving it from a more remote caufc, we may dif-» 
cover it to be lefs criminal. 

in of thcfe two, smd the queen of Scots dealing with thenv 
and fending away and furnifking Mrs. Beatrix [their iifter] 
with fuch information as fir Thomas Erfkine has given, hath 
bred great fufpicion in the king of Scots that they come not 
in but upon fome dangerous plot/* In another letter, January 
i» 1603, •* The day of writing my laft, Mrs. Beatrix Ruth* 
Ten was brought by the lady Paifley, and Mrs. of Angus, as 
one of their gentlewomen, into the court in the evening, and 
ftowed in a chamber prepared for her by the queen's diredion, 
where the queen had much time and conference with her. 
Qf this the king got notice, and Iho^xd his didike thereof to 
the queen, gently reproving her for it, and examining quietly 
of the queen's fervants of the fame, and of other matters 
thereunto belonging, with fuch difcretion and fe^ecy as re- 
quires fuch a matter." 

To 



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OF SCOTLAND. ijt 

To keep the king of Scots in continual depend- ^ ^^^ ^ 
ance, was one great objeft of Elizabeth's policy. ^-^^^^ 
In order to this, fhe fomctlmes foothed him, and *^^ 
fometimes bribed his minifters and favourites; 
and when ihe failed of attaining her end by thefc 
means, fhe encouraged the clergy to render ^y 
adminiftration which Ihe diftrufted unpopular, by 
decrying it, or ftirred up fome fadUon of the 
nobles to oppoie and to overturn it. In that 6ercc 
age, men little acquainted with the arts of under- 
mining a miniftry by intrigue, had recourfe to 
the ruder praftice of rendering tlicmfclves mafters 
of the king's perfon, that they might thereby ob- 
tain the diredions of his councils. Thofe nobler 
who ieized the king at the Raid of Rutbvetty were 
inftigated and fupportcd by Elizabeth. Both- 
well, in all his wild attempts, enjoyed her pro- 
tection, and when they mifcarried, he was fccurc 
of a retreat in her dominions. The connexions 
which James had been forming of late with the 
Roman catholic princes, his fccret negotiations 
in England with her fubje^ts, and the maxims by 
which he governed his own kingdom, all contri- 
buted to excite her jealoufy. She dreaded fome 
great revolution in Scotland to be approaching, 
and it was her intereft to prevent it. The earl 
of Gowrie was one of the moft powerful of the 
Scottifli nobles, and defcended from anceflors 
warmly attached to the Englifti intereft. He had 
adopted the fame fyftem, and believed the welfare 
of his country to be infcparably conncfted with 
the fubfiftencc of the alliance between the two 
kingdoms. During his refidcnce at JParis, he had 
I contmfted 



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i6oa. 



47» t HE HISTORY 

contraAcd an intimate fricndfliip with fir Henry 
Neville, the queen's ambaflador there, and was 
recommended by him to his court, as a perfon of 
whom great ufe might be made ^. Elizabeth rcr 
ccived him, as he paffed through England, with 
diftingui(hcd marks of refpeft and favour. From 
ail thcfe circumftances a fufpicion may arife, that 
the plan of the Cdnfpirkcy againft tht king wis 
formed at that time, in concert with her: Such 
a fufpicion prevailed in that age, and fnMb th* 
letters of Nicholfon, Elizabeth's agent in Scot- 
land, it appears not to be dcftitute of foundation. 
An EngK(h Ihip was obfcrved hovering, for fomt 
<ime, in the mouth of the frith of Forth. The 
carl's two younger brothers fled into England 
after the ill fuccefs of the confpiracy, and were 
protcfted by Elizabeth. James himfelf, though 
he prudently concealed it, took great umbrage at 
her behaviour. None, however, of Elizabeth's 
intrigues in Scotland tended to hurt the king's 
perfon, but only to circumfcribe his authority, 
and to thwart his fchemes. His life was the 
fureft fafe-guard of her own, and reftraincd the 
popilh pretenders to her crown, and their abet- 
tors, from defperatc attempts, to which their 
impatience and bigotry might, otherwife, have 
urged them on. To have encouraged Gowrie 
to murder his fovereign, would, on her part, 
have been an a<£t of the utmoft imprudence. 
Nor does this feem to have been the intention of 
the two brothers. Mr. Ruthvcn, firft of all, en- 
deavoured to decoy the king to Perth, without 

^ Winw. i. 156. 

any 



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kteo. 



OF SCOTLAND.. ajS 

any attendants* When thcfe proved more nu- ^ ^ ^. ^ 
mcrous than was cxpedted, the carl employed a 
(Iratagem in order to feparate them from the king, 
by pretending that he had rode away towards 
Falkland, and by calling haftily for their hories, 
that they might follow him. By their fhtitdng 
James up, meanwhile, in a diftant comer of the! 
houfe, and by attempting to bind his hands, their 
defign feems to have been rather to fcize, than to 
aflMinatc him^ Though Gowrie had not col- 
ledted his followers in fuch numbers as to have 
been able to detain him long a prifoner, in that 
part of the kingdom, by open force, he might 
foon have been conveyed aboard the Englilh ihip; 
which waited perhaps to receive him, and ht 
might have been landed at Faft-caftlc, a houfe 
of Logan*s, in which, according to many obfcuit 
hints in his letters, feme rendezvous of the con- 
fpirators was to be held* Amidlt the furprife 
and terror, into which the king muft have been 
thrown by the violence offered to him, it was ex- 
tremely natural for him to conclude that his life 
was fought* It was the intereft of all his follow- 
ers to confirm him in this belief^ and to magnify 
his danger, in order to add to the importance and 
merit of rficir own fervices. Thus his fear, and 
their vanity, aided by the credulity and wonder 
which the contemplation of any great and tragical 
event, when not fully underftood, is apt to 1n- 
fpire, augmented the whole tianfaAion* On the 
other hand, the extravagance and improbability^ 
of the circumftances which were added, detraftcd 
from the credit of thofe which really h^^ppencd % 
Vol. II^ T and 



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^74 THE HISTORY 



BOOK 

VIII. 



and even fiirnilhed pretences for calling in queftioif 
the truth of the whole confpiracy. 
Maliy°dif- The accpunt of what had happened at Perth 
believe the reached Ed'inburgh next morning. The privy 
published by council Commanded the miniftcrs of that city in- 
*^*^ ttandy to aflcmble their people ; and after relating 
to them the circumftances of the confpiracy formed 
againri: the king's life, to return public thanks 
to God, for the proteftioh which he had fo vifibly 
afforded him. But as the firft accounts tranf- 
mitted to Edinburgh, written in a hurry, and 
while the circumftances of the confpiracy were 
but impcrfcftly known, and the paflions which it 
excited ftrongly felt, were indiftinft, exaggerated, 
and contradidlory, the minifters laid hold of this j 
and though they offered to give public thanks to 
God for the king's fafety, they refufed to enter 
into any detail of particulars, or to utter from the 
chair of truth, what appeared to be ftill dubious 
and uncertain. 

A FEW days after, the king returned to Edin- 
burgh i and though Galloway, the minifter of his 
own chapel, made an harangue to the people ac 
the public crofs, in which he recited all the cir* 
cumftances of the confpiracy; though James 
himfelf, in their hearing, confirmed his account; 
though he commanded a narrative of the whole 
tranfaftion to be publiftied ; the minifters of that 
city, as well as many of their brethren, ftill con* 
tinued incredulous and unconvinced. Their high 
cfteem of Gowrie, their jealoufy of every part of 
the king's conduft, added to fome falfe and many 
improbable circumftances in the narrative, not 

only 



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OF SCOTLAND. ayy 

Dnly led them to fulpcft the whole, but gave their ^ ^^ ^ 
fuijpicions an air of credibility. But at length, ^■-»--i 
the king, partly by arguments, partly by threats^ '^^ 
prevailed on all of them, except Mr. Robert Bruce, 
to own that they were convinced of the truth of 
the conlpiracy. He could be brought no farther 
than to declare, that he reverenced the king^s ac- 
count of the tranfaftion, but could not fay that he 
Tiimfelf was perfuaded of the truth of it. The 
icruples or obftinacy of a iingle man would have 
been little regarded 5 but as the fame Ipirit of in- 
credulity began to fpread among the people, the 
example of one in fo high reputation for integrity 
, and abilities, was extremely dangerous. The king 
was at the utmoft pains to convince and to gain 
Bruce, but finding it impoflible to remove his 
doubts, he deprived him of his benefice, and after 
repeated delays, and many attempts towards a re- 
concilement, baniftied him the kingdom '. 

The proceedings of parliament were not re- P«>ceeditij» 
tardcd by any fcruples of this fort. The dead mcSra-*" 
bodies of the two brothers were produced there, SJJfpilil! 
according to law ; an indidment for high treafon ^*^ 
was preferred againft them; witnefles were ex- 
amined; and, by an unanimous fentence, their 
cftatcs and honours were forfeited s the punifhment 
due to traitors was inflifted on their dead bodies j 
and, as if the punilhment hitherto in ufc did not . 
cxprefs fufficient deteftation of their crimes, the 
parliament enafted that the furname of Ruthven 
ihould be aboliflied ; and in order to prefcrve the 
f Spotfw. 461, &c. Cald, V, 389, Sec. 

T 2 memory 



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l6oo. 



276 THE HISTORY 

memory of the king's miraculous cfcape, and td 
declare die fenfe which the nadon had of the divine 
gpodncfs, to all future ages, appointed the fifdi of 
iUiguft to be obferved> annually, as a day of pub- 
lic tfaankfgiving\ 

Trough 

* A few weeks after the death of the two brothers, the king 
publifhed a di/courfi of their <vili and unnatural con/piracy againfi 
bis lift. In the jear 17 13, George earl of Cromartie pub- 
liihed an ^* Hiftorical account of the confptracy by the earl of 
^* Gowrie and Robert Logaa of Reftalrig, againft king Junes 
•* VI.*' He feems not to hare feen the account which the 
ling Mmfelf had given of that matter, and borrows the 
whole hiftorical part from. Spotfwood and other authors ; but 
he haai extraifted from the puUic records the depofitioas of the 
witneffes pix>duced by the kiag^s couneilt in order to make 
good the charge againft the two brothers^ and Logan their 
ailbciate. From thefe two trcatifes jour knowledge of all the 
materid circumftances of the confpiracy is derived. The evi- 
dcace .which they contain, on^ would expe^ to be authentic 
and decifivei An account of a fa^, ftiU recent;, puUifhed by- 
royal authority, and the original depofitions of perfbns exa- 
mined in prefcnce of .the higheft court in the nation, ought to^ 
convey a degree of evidence feldom attained in hiftorical re- 
lafipM, .aad to exclude all remaiaing doubt and unceitaisty.* 
But as every thing with reg^ to this traB£iftien is dark and 
problematical, the king's account and the.dqpofltions of the 
witneiTes not only vary, but contradid each other in ib many 
circumftances, that much room is flill left for htefitation and 
hiftorical focpticifm. The teftimony of Hender(bn is the^iUeft 
and rooft important, Intt in feveral particulars the king's ac- 
count and his are <:ontradi^ery. I. Acpording to the king's 
account, while Mr* Ruthven was .holding the dagger at his 
b»eaft, ** thefeOow in the ftudy ftood quaking and trembling." 
Dtfc. 17. Bnt'HendtfHbn fays, that he himfelf wrefted the 
dagger out of Mr* Ruthven's haods^ Diic. 5J. Ci^m. 50. 
Henderfon likewife boafted to his wife, that he had that day 
twice faved the king fromrbfcifig ftabbcd. Difc. 54. Crom. 53. 

II. The 



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OF SCOTLAND. 277 

Though Gowric*s confpiracy occafioned a fud- 
den and a great alarm, it was followed by no confc- 
qucnces of importance i and having been concerted ^ffers^coa 
by the two brothers, either without any affociatcs, ^^'^^^ 

or zabcth. 

II. The king aflcru that Hendcrfon opened the window 
during Mr. Ruthven's abfence. Di{c. 23* Henderfon depdKrs 
that he was only attempting to open it when Mr. Ruthveu 
returned, and that during the ftruggle between the king and 
him, he opened it. Difc. 53, 54. Crom. 51, 52. III. If we 
may believe the king, the fellow in the ftudy flood, during 
the ftruggle, behind the king's back, ina<3ive and tpembling 
all the time. Difc. 27. But Henderfon affirms, that he 
fiiatched away the garter with which Mr. Ruthven attempted 
to bind the king; that hepuUed back Mr^Rythven'shand, while 
he was endeavouring to Aop the king's mouth, and that ^p 
opened the window. Difc. 54. Crom. 52. IV. By the king's 
account, Mr. Ruthven left him in the ftudy, and went axvaf 
in order to meet with his brother, and the earl came up the 
ftairs for the fame purpofe. Difc. 23. Henderfi)n depofes, 
that when Mr. Ruthven left the king^ *• he believes that he 
did not pafs from the door/' Crom. 51, It is apparent both 
^irom the fituation of the houfe, and from other circumftances, 
that there could not poffibly have b^en any interview between 
tjie brothers at this time. Difc. 23. 

•Henderfon was twice e^mined, firft ^.t Falkland before the 
privy council in Auguft^ and next at Edinburgh before the 
parliament in November. Not to mention fome leiler yaria^ 
tions between thefe depofitions, we fljall point out two which 
are remarkable. lu his firft depofition Mr, Henderfon relates 
the moft materia cir/cumftance of the whole in thefe words : 
** Mr. Ruthven pulled out the deponent's dagger, and 
f* held the fame to his majefty's breaft, faying, Remmiir 
5* jM of my father* s murdir ; jwr Jhall n9w dit for it : and 
f* pointing to his high^efs's heart, with the dagger, the 
'* deponent threw the fame out of Mr. Ruthven?s hands, and 
** fwore that as God (hould judge his foul» that if Mr. Ruth- 
'* ven had retained the dagger in his hand, the ipace a man 
^ may go fix fteps^ he wpuld have ftrtokoB the king to the 
T 3 Mhat^ 



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478 THE HISTORY 



BOOK 

vin. 



26oi« 



or with fuch as were unknown, the danger was 
over, as foon as difcovercd. But not long after, a 
confpiracy broke out in England againft Elizabeth, 

which, 

** hilts with it.'* Difc. 52. But at his fccond examination 
he yaried from this in two material circumdances. Firft, 
the words he at that time put in Mr. Ruthven's mouth 
while he held the dagger at the king's bread are, " Sir, jw 
" Mujf be my prtfoner\ remember on my father'* s death,** Se- 
condly, when he threatened him with death, it was only to 
deter him from making any noife, ** UqU your tongue , or fy 
•* Chrtfi you Jhall die** 2. In his firft depofition, the words 
of Mr. Ruthven, when he returned to the chamber where 
he had left the king, are, ^* There is no remedy, by God y^ 
<* muft die.** But in his fecond depofition, " By God there 
** is no remedy, and oflPercd to bind his majefty's hands." 
Crom. 51. The material words jtf« muft die are omitted. The 
firft depofition feems plainly to intimate that it was Ruthven's 
intention to murder the king. The fecond would lead us to 
conclude that he hadtio other defign than to detain him as a 
prifoner. 

There are likewife fome remarkable cqntradidions in the 
teftimonies of the other" witnefTes. i. In the difcourfe pub- 
liflied by authority, it is infinuated that the tumult of the 
inhabitants was raifed againft the king, and that it required 
fome art to pacify them. Difc. 32. The duke of Lennox 
confirms this in his depofition. Crom. 44. An ad of pnry 
council fummoning the magiftrates of Perth to anfwer for that 
riot is ftill extant. And yet Andrew Roy, one of the bailies 
of the town, depofes, that he himfelf raifed the people, and 
that they took arms in order to aflift the king. Crom. 66t 
a. Henderibn depofes, that he gave an evafive anfwer to Mr. 
John Moncrief, who inquired where he had been that morn- 
ing, becaufe the earl had commanded him not to let any 
man know that he had been at Falkland. Difc. 54. Mon- 
crief depofes to the fame purpofe. Crom. 64. And yet 
George Hay, afterwards lord Kinnoul, and the chancellor of 
Scotland, and Peter Hay, depofe, that the earl, in their 
preiencci s^ed Hei^derfon^ i^ Whom he found with the 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^79 



VUI. 



which, though the firft danger was inftandy dif- book 
pellcd, produced tragical cffcds, that rendered the 
clofc of that queen's reign difmal and unhappy. 
As James was deeply interefted in that event, it 
merits our particular notice. 

The court of England was at this time divide4 
between two powerful fadions, which contended, 
for the fupreme direftion of affairs. The leader 
of the one was Robert D'Evreux, earl of Effex i 
fir Robert Cecil, the fon of lord treafurer Bur- 
leigh, was at the head of the other. The former 
was the moft accomplilhed and the moft popular 
of all the Englifli nobles i brave, generous, af- 
fable J though impetuous, yet willing to liften to 
the counfcls of thofe whom he loved i an avowed, 
but not an implacable enemy i a friend no lef$ 
jconftant than warm ^ incapable of difguifing his 
own fentijnents, or of mifrcprefcnting thofe of 
others ; better fitted for a camp than for a court i 
of a genius that qualified him for the firft place 
in the adminiftration, with a fpirit which fcorned 
the fccond as below his merit. He was foon 
cjiftinguiflied by the queen^ who, with a profu- 
fion uncommon to her, conferred on him, even 
in his earlieft youth, the higheft honours. Nor 
did this diminilh the efteem and affection of his 
countrymen; but, by a rare felicity, he was at 
once the favourite of his fovercign, and the^ 

king at Falkland?" Crom.yo, 71. Whkh qucftlon feems to 
pro¥e tliat he did not aim at keeping that journey a fecret. 
Ii^ the Collc<aion of Criminal Trials, pubiiflied by Mr. Arnot 
in 1785, the evidence againft the two brothers hais been cpT\% 
fid^rpd with great attention. P. 20, &c. 

T 4 darlings 

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%%o THE HISTORY 

' vm ^ ^^'*^ ^f ^^ people. Cecil, on the other hand, 
^^s,'\j educated in a court, and trained under a father 
^^^ deeply ikiUed in all its arts, was crafty, infinuattng, 
induftrious ; and though poflTcfled of talents which 
fitted him for the higheft offices, he did not rely 
upon his merit alone for attaining them> but avail- 
ed himfelf of every advantage, which his own ad- 
dr^fs, or the miflakes of others, afforded him« 
Two fuch men were formed to be rivals and ene- 
mies, Effex defpifi^ tfie arts of Cecil as low and 
bafe. To Cecil, the earl-s magnanimity appeared 
(o be prefumption and foUy. All the military mcn^ 
except Raleigh, favoured Effex. Moft of the 
courtiers adhered to Cecily wjiofc n^anners more 
nearly refembled their own, 
J^^^^JJ^- As Elizabeth adyance4 in years, the ftru^lc be? 
with the tween thefc faftjons became more violent. E0cx» 
kiB|: ' in order to ftrengthen himfelf, had early courted 
the friendftiip of the king of Scots, for whofe 
right of fucceffion he was a jcaloqs ^vocate, and 
l^eld a clofe correlpondence both with him and 
yrith his principal minifters. Cecil, devo.ted to 
the queen alone, rofe daily to iiew honours by the 
^duity of his fervices^ and the patience with 
which he expeftpd the reward of them; whil? 
the earl's high ipirit and impetuofity fometimes 
fpxpofed him to checks from a miftrcfs, who, 
though partial in her affcftioi^ toward him, could 
(ibt cafily bear contradjftion, and who conferred 
fevours often unwillingly, aqd always (lowly. His 
own fo}icitations, however, feconded malicioufly 
by his enemies, who wiftied to remove him at a 
^jftance from court, advanced him to the com- 

15 mand 



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OF SCOTLAND. nji 

jnand of the army employed in Ireland againft Ty- • ^^ ^ 
ronnei and to the office of lord lieutenant of y ^. '.^ 
that kingdom^ with a commiffion almoft unli- '^* 
mltcd. His fuccefs in that expedition did not 
equal either his own promifes, or the expe£tadons 
of Elizabeth. The queen, peeviih from her dif- 
apppintmjcnt, and exafperated againft Efiex by the 
artifices of his enemies, wrote him a harfli letter, 
full of accufations and reproaches. Thefe hi^ 
impatient fpirit could not bear, and, in the firft 
tranfports of his refcntment, he propofcd to carry 
over a part of his army into England, and, by 
driving his enemies from the queen's prefence, 
to reinftate himfelf in favour and in power. But 
upon more mature thoughts he abandoned this 
rafli defign, and, fetting fail with a few officers 
^cvoted to his perfon, landed in England, and 
pofted dire<My to court. Elizabeth received hin^ 
without any fymptom cither of affi^ftion or of dif- 
pleafure. By proper compliances and acknow* 
ledgmentts, hp might have regained his former af- 
cendant oyer thp queen. But he thought himfelf 
too (deeply injured to fubrnit to thefe. Eliza- 
beth, on the other hand, determined to fubdue 
his haughty tempers and though her feverity drew 
from him the moft hiunble letters, fhe confined 
him to the lord keeper's houfe, and appointed 
icommiffioners to try him, both for his condu(9b 
during his government of Ireland, and for leaving 
^hat kingdom without her permiflion. By their 
Sentence, he was fufpendcd from all his offices, 
except that of matter of the horfc, and continued 
f^ prifoner during the queen's pleafure. Satisfied 

' w;di 



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vftJa THE HISTORY 

with having mortified his pride thus far, Elizabeth 
did not fufFcr the fentence to be recorded, and 
*^'* foon after allowed him to retire to his own houfc. 
During thcfc tranfaftions, which occupied fevcral 
* months, EiTex fluftuatcd between the allegiance he 

owed to his fovereign, and the dcfirc of revenge; 
and fometimcs leaned to the one, and fometihics 
to the other. In one of the intervals when the lat- 
^ ter prevailed, he fent a meflcnger into Scotland, to 
encourage the king to aflert his own right to the 
fucceflion by force of arms, and to promife that, 
be fides the afliftance of the earl and all his friends 
in England, lord Mountjoy, now lord lieutenant of 
Ireland, would join him with five thoufand men 
James's from that kingdom. But James did not chufe to 
Mo4u^ hazard the lofing a kingdom, of which he was juft 
about to obtain poflcffion, by a premature attempt 
to feize it. Mountjoy, too, declined the enter* 
prife, and Eflex adopted more dutiful fchemes ; all 
riioughts of ambition appearing to be totally effaced 
out of his mind. 
The yrOA This moderation, which was merely the efFcft of 
jto^**'^ difguft and difappointment, was not of long conti- 
nuance ; and the queen, having not only refufed 
to renew a lucrative grant >^hich fhe had formerly 
beftowed, but even to admit him into her pre- 
fence, that new injury drove a temper, naturally 
impatient, and now much fretted, to abfolutc 
defpair. His friends, inftcad of foothing his rage, 
or reftraining his impetuoCty, added to both by 
their imprudent and interefled zeal. After many 
anxious confultations, he determined to attempt 
to rcdrels'his wrongs by violence. But being 

confcious 



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OF SCOTLAND. ^ij 

confcious how unpopukr luch an cntcrprifc would b o o ic 
be, if it appeared to proceed from motives of v-^^-I^^j 
private revenge alone, he endeavoured to give it '^** 
the fcmblance of public utility, by mingling the 
king of Scotland's intcreft with his own. He 
wrote to James, that die fadtion which now pre- 
dominated in the Englifli court had refolvcd to 
fupport the pretenfions of the Infanta of Spain to 
the crown ; that the places of the greateft im- 
portance in the kingdom were put into the hands 
of his avowed enemies ; and that unlefs he lent 
ambafladors, without delay, to infift on the imme- 
diate declaration of his right of fucceflion, their 
meafures were fo well concerted, that all his hopes 
would be defperate. James, who knew how dif- 
agreeable fuch a propofal would be to the queen 
of England, was not willing raftily to expofe him- 
felf to her difpleafure. Effex, neverthelefs, blinded 
by refentment, and impatient for revenge, aban- 
doned himfelf to thefe paflions, and afted like a 
man guided by frenzy or defpah*. With two or 
three hundred followers incompletely armed, he 
attempted to affault a throne the beft eftabliflied 
in Europe, Sallying at their head out of his own 
houfe, he called on the citizens of ^ndon, if they 
cither valued his life, or wilhed to preferve the 
kingdom from the dominion of the Spaniards, to 
take arms, and to follow his ftandard. He ad- 
vanced towards the palace with an intention to 
drive Cecil and his feftion out of the queen's 
prcfence, and to obtain a declaration of the Scot- 
tifli king's right of fucceflion**. But, though al- 
* Birch. Mem. ii. 477. 

moft 



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a6ox. 



cm THE HISTORY 

moft adored by the citizens, not a man would joio 
him in this wild cntcrprifc. Difpiritcd by their in- 
difference, deferred by (bmc of his own attendants, 
and almoft furrounded by the troops, which marched 
againft him under different leaders into the city, he 
retreated to his own houfe ; and without any bold 
effort, fuitable to his prefcnt condition, or worthy 
of his former reputation for courage, he furrendered 
to his enemies* 

As fooR as James heard of Eflcx's ill fuccefs, 
he appointed the earl of Mar, and Bruce, abbot 
of Kintofe, to repair as his ambafladors to the 
court of England. The former of thefe was the 
perfon by whofp mpans Effex had carried on his 
correfpondenqe with the king. He was a paffion- 
ate admirer of the earl's charader, and difpofed 
to attempt ^very thing that could contribute to 
his fafcty. Bruce, united in a clofe friendfhip 
with Mar, was ready to fecond him with equal 
zeaL Nor was the purpofc of the cmbaffy Icfs 
friendly to Effex, than the choice of his ^mbaf- 
iadors; they were comnwnded to folicit, in the 
warnieft manner, for the carl's Kfe^ and if they 
found that thf king^ by avowing his friends, 
could either promote their defigns, or contribute 
to their fafety, they were impowered to lay afidc 
aU difguife, and to promife that he would put 
himfelf at their head, and claim what was due to 
Bbikath. him by force of arms*. But before the ambaf- 
fadors could reach London, Effex had fuffered 
the puniftiment which he merited by his treafon. 
perhaps the fear of their interpotmg, in order to 

* Jolmft. 289. Birch. Mem. ii. 510. 

obtain 



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OFSCOTLAND- a«S 

obtain his parcion, haftcned his death, Elizabeth ^ ^^ J ^ 

continued, for feme time, irrefolute concerning v, -^v—- -^ 

his fate, and could not bring herfelf to confign '^^^ 

into the hands of the executioner, a man who had 

once pofleflcd her favour fo entirely, without a 

painful ftruggle between her refcntment againft 

his late mifconduft, and her ancient afFeftion 

towards him. The diftrefe to which he was now 

reduced, tended naturally to foften the former, 

while it revived the latter with new tendcrnefi ; 

and die intcrceffion of one faithful friend, who 

had intereft with the queen, might perhaps havt 

laved his life, and have procured him a remiflioni 

which, of herielf, (he was aihamed to grant. But 

this generous nobleman had at that time no fucH 

friend. Elizabeth, folicited inceflantly by her 

miniftcrs, and offended with the haughtinefs of 

Eilex, who, as fhe imagined, fcomed to (be for 

pardon, at laft commanded the fentence to be put 

in execution. No fooner was the blow ftruck, than 

Ihc repented of her own rafhnefs, and bewailed 

his death with the deepeft forrow. James always 

confidered him as one who had fallen a martyr to 

hb fcrvice, and, after his accefllon to the Englifli 

throne, reitored his fon to his honours, as well as all 

his afibciates in the confpiracy, and diftinguilhed 

them with his fevour^. 

The Scottifh ambafladors, finding that they jamesmn. 
had arrived too late to execute the chief bufinefs SJri^u^Sii 
committed to their charge, not only concealed ^^'^ 
that part of their inftrudions with the utmofl: 

* Camd. Spotfw. 464. 

qre; 



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2t6 THE HISTORY 

® VII? ^ ^^^^ ' ^^ congratulated the queen, in their matf- 
|u.^^^.i».-^ ter's name, on her happy efcape from fuch an auda- 
'^'* cious confpiracy. Elizabeth, though no ftrangcr 
to the king's correfpondcnce with Eflex, or to that 
nobleman's intentions of aflcrting James's right to 
the crown, was not willing that thefe ftiould be 
known to the people, and, for that reafon, received 
the congratulations of the Scottifli ambafladors witlv 
all poflible marks of credit and good will j and in 
order to footh James, and to prcfcrve the appear- 
ances of union between the two courts, incrcafcd 
the fubfidy which fhe paid him annually. The am- 
bafladors refided for fome time in England, and were 
employed, with great fuccefs, in renewing and ex- 
tending the intrigues, which Bruce had formerly 
entered into with the Englilh nobles. As Elizabeth 
advanced in ye^rs, the Englifh turned their eyes 
more and more towards Scotland, and were eager 
to prevent each other in courting the favour of their 
future monarch. Aflurances of attachment, pro- 
fcflions of regard, and promifes of fupport, were 
offered to James from every corner of the kingdom, 
Cecil himfelf, perceiving what hopes' Eflex had 
founded on the friendfliip of the Scottifli king, 
and what advantages he might have derived from 
it, thought it; prudent to fl:and no longer at a 
difl:ance from a prince, who might fo foon be-, 
come his mafl:er. But being fenfible at the fame 
time how dangerous fuch an intercourfe might 
prove, under a Uiiflrefs naturally jealous, and whofc 
jealoufy grew fl:ronger with old age ; though he 
entered into a correfpondencc with him, he 
1 1 carried 



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OF SCOTLAND. 487 



BOOK 
VIIL 



carried it on with all the fccrccy and caution ftc- 
cc0ary in his fituati6n> and peculiar to his charac- 
ter "*. James having gained the man whofe oppo- *^' 
fition and influence he had hitherto chiefly dreaded^ 
waited, in perfed feCurity, till that event (hould # 
happen, which would open his way to the throne 
of England*, It was with fomc difficulty that 
he rcftrained within proper bounds his adherents 
in that kingdom, who, labouring to diftinguilH 
themfelves by that officious zeal, with which a 
prince, who has a near profpeft of mounting the 
throne, is always ferved, urged him to allow a 
motion to be made in parliament for declaring 
his right of fucceffion to the crown. James 
prudently difcouraged that defign; but it was 
with . no fmall fatisfaftion that he obferved the 
alcendant he was acquiring in a court, the didate;^. 
of which he had been fo long obliged to' obey; 
and which had either prefcribcd or thwarted every 
ftep he had taken during die whole courfc of his 
reign ^ 

* Sec Append. No. XX. 

• Dr. Birchy in his lifeof prince Henry, p. 232. has give« 
ibme accooint of the rayHerious mode in which this corre- 
fpondence was carried on, and how the letters were conveyed 
from London to Dublin, and from thence to Scotland. Not- 
withftandiiig the folicitude which Cecil repeatedly difcorers 
that his letters fliould be de(lroyed as (bon as the king had 
read thcmf a confiderable number of them has been pre- 
ierved, and publiflied by fir David Dalrymple in the year 
1766. They were written by lord Henry Howard, under 
the infpe(5Hon of Cecil, in a ftyle affe<ftedly obfcure. The 
whole correfpondence is more curious than inftru^ive. 

' Spotfw, 467. 471, Birch. Mem. u. 514. 

Not- 



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7X$ THE rtlSTORr 



BOOK 

vin. 



Notwithstanding the violent ftruggles of thtf 
political &£tions which divided the courts and the 
AtteS'pts frequent revolutions which had happened there, 
^Hu^ fiiice the king firft took the reins of government 
hoders. into his own hands^ Scotland had enjoyed unufual 
tranquillity, being undifturbed by any foreign 
enemy, and free from any mteftine commotion of 
long continuance. During this period, James 
endeavoured to civilize the Highlands and the 
Ifles, a part of his dominions too much negleded 
by former monarchs, though the reformation of 
it was an objeft highly worthy of their care. The 
long peace with England had afforded an op« 
portunity of fubduing the licentious ipirit of the 
borderers, and of reftraining their depredations^ 
often no lefs ruinous to their countrymen than 
to their enemies. The inhabitants of the bw 
country began, gradually, to forget die ufe of 
arms, and to become attentive to the arts of peace, 
fiut the Highlanders, retaining their natural 
. fiercenefs, averfe from labour, and inured to ra- 
pine, inftfted their more induihious neighbours 
by their continual incurfions. James, being fb- 
licitous not only to reprefs their inroads, but to 
render them ufeful fubjedbS had at different 
times enafted many wife laws extremely con- 
ducive to thefe ends. All landlords, or chie& of 
clans, were enjoined to permit no perfons to re- 
fide in their eftates who could not find fufficient 
furety for their good behaviour j they were re- 
q^siired to make a lift of all fuipiciotts perfons 

$ Bafil. Dor. 139. 

under 



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OF SCOTLAND. a59 

under their jurifdiftion, to bind thcitifclves fa dc- ^ ^J ^ 
liver therh to juftice, and to indemnify thofe who u - 7 *^ ^ 
Ihouki fuffer by their robberies ; and, in order to '*^ 
afcertain the faithful performance of thefc arti- 
cles, the chiefs themfclvcs were obliged to give 
hoftages to the king, or to put pledges in hia 
hands. Three towns> which might ferve as a 
rctrent for the induftrious, and a nurfery for arts, 
and commerce, were appointed to be built in 
different parts of the Highlands j one in Cantire, 
another m Lochaber, and a third in the ifle of 
Lewis ; and, in order to draw inhabitants thither, 
all the privileges of royal boroughs were to be 
conferred upon them. Finding it, however, to 
be no eafy matter to infpire the natives of thole 
countries with .the love of induftry, a refolution 
was taken to plant among them colonies of 
people from the more induftrious counties. The 
firft experiment was made in the ifle of Lewis ; 
and as it was advantageoufly fituated for* the 
fifhing trade, a fource from which Scotland ought 
natundly to derive great wealth, the colony 
tranlported thither was drawn out of Fife, the 
inhabitants of which were well (killed in that 
branch of commerce. But before they had re- 
mained there long enough to manifcfl: the good 
cflfefts of this inftitution, the iflanders, enraged 
at feeing their country occupied by thofe intruders, 
took arms, and furprifing them in the night-time, 
murdered fome of them, and compelled the reft 
to abandon the fettlctnent. The king's attention 
being foon after turned to other objeds, we hear 
10 more of this Iklutary projciJt. ThoMgh James 
Vql.U. U did 



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0^. THE HISTORY ^ 

^ vin. ^ ^*^' '^ purfue the dcfiign with that ftcady appll^ 
s ^ -'v"^ catioii and perfeverancc^ without whick k is im- 
^^^ pofliblc to change the manners of a whole peo- 
ple, he had the glory, however, not only of hiding 
6x0: conceived the thoughts, but of having firft 
pointed out the proper method of introducing the 
civil arts of life into that part of the ifland\ 
^*%Irf' After having long enjoyed a. good ftacc of- 
luidd^kith. health, the efFe£b of a found conftitution, and the 
reward of uncommon regolarity and temperance) 
Elizabeth began this, winter to feel her vigour de^ 
creafc, and to be (enfible of the infirmities of old^ 
age. Having removed oaa very ftormy day fix>ii^ 
Weftminftcr to Richmwd, whidicr fhe was unpa^ 
i«03. tient to retire, her oompiaints increafcd Shehadi 
"*^ ^'' no formed fever ; her pulfe was good ; but £hc cat 
little, and could not fleep. Her diftempcr feemed- 
to proceed from a deep melancholy, which ap* 
peared both in her countenance and behaviour* 
She delighted in folitude,. fhe fat conftantly in tho. 
dark; and was often drowned in tears. 

No fooner was the queen's indifpofition Jcnown^ 
than perfons of all ranks, and of all different feda. 
apd parties, redoubled dicir applications to thp 
king. of Scots, and vied with each other in pro- 
fcffions of attachment to his perfon, and in pro- 
mifes of' fubmiffion to his government. Even 
fome of Elizabeth's own fervants, weary of the 
length of her reign> fond of novelty, impatient 
to get rid of the burthen of gratitude for paft be-* 
nefits, and expeding. to (hare m the liberality of 

*Pari. 1587. 1594, 1597, Spotfw. 468. 

II a nc^ 



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OF SCOTLAND. 1291 

ifli new prince, began to dcfcrt her: and- crowds b 
of people hurried towards Scotland, eager to pre 
occupy the favour of the fucceffor, or afraid of *^^^ 
being too late in paying homage to him. 

Mean.whilis, the queen's difeafc increafed, and 
her melancholy appeared to be fettled and incura- 
ble. Various conjeftures were formed concern- 
ing the caufes of a difordcr, from which flic 
feemed to be exempted by the natural cheerful- 
ncfs of her temper. Some imputed it to her be-^ 
irig forced, contrary to her inclination, to pardon 
the earl of Tyronhe, whofc rebellion had for 
many years created her much trouble. Others 
imagined that it arofe from obferving the ingrati- 
tude of her courtiers, and the levity of her peo- 
ple, who beheld her health declining with mod 
indecent indifference, and looked forward to the 
acceffion of the Scottifli king, with an impa- 
tience which they could not conceal. The moft 
common opinion, at that time, and perhaps the 
moft probable, was, that it flowed from grief for 
the carl of Eflcx. She retained an extraordinary 
rtgard for the memory of that unfortunate noble- 
man J and though ^hc often complained of his 
obftinacy, ieldom mentioned his name without ^ 
tears*. An accident happened foon ^tcr her re- 
tiring to Richmond, which revived her afieftion 
^th new tendernefs, and embittered her forrows. 
The countefs of Nottingham, ^ing on her deaths 
bed, defired to fee the queen, irt order to reveal 
Something to her, wirfiout difcovering which, ftie 

* 3ircli. Mem. ii. 50J;. 

y 2 .C0Ul4> 



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0.^1 



THE HISTORY 



BOOK could not die in peace. When the queen came 
v^i^y^.^ info her chamber, fhc told her, that while Effcx 
»*^3- Jay under fentence of* death, he was defirous of 
imploring pardon in the manner which the queen 
hcrfelf had prefcribed, by returning a ring, which 
during the height of his favour (he had given him, 
with a promife that if^ in any future diftreis, he 
fent that back to her as a token, it ihould inride 
him to her proteftion ; that lady Scroop was the 
perfon he intended to employ in order to prefcnt 
it; that, by a miftake, it was put into her hands 
irtftcad of lady Scroop's; and that (he having 
communicated the matter to- her hufband, one of 
Eflex's moft implacable enemies, he had forbid 
her either to carry the ring to the queen, or to 
return it to the earl. The countefs having thus 
difclofcd her fccret, begged the queen's forgivc- 
nck : but Elizabeth, who now faw both the ma- 
lice of the earl's enemies, and how unjuflly fhe 
had fufpefted him of inflexible obftinacy, replied, 
" God may forgive you, but I never can;'' and 
left the room in great emotion". From that 

moment, 

^ This anecdote concerning EllzabethwasfirftpUbliihedby 
Ofbome, Mem. of Eliz. p. 23 ; is confirmed by the teftimony 
of de Maurier, Mem. 260, and by the trad!ti6nal evidence 
of lady Elizabeth Spelman, publifhed by Dn Birch, Negoc. 
1 06. Camden mentions the queen's grief for EfTex's death as 
one of the caufes of her melancholy. Some original papers 
remain, which prove that this was commonly believed at the 
time. Birch. Mem. ii. 506. Eflex, however, had been be- 
headed two years before her death, and there feems to have 
bqen no other reafon, but that which we have afligned, why 
her forrovvs fliould revive with fo much violence at fo great a 
Siftancc of time. As the death gf the countefs of Nottinghajn 

happened 



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OF SCOTLAND. 1293 



BOOK 

Vllf. 



moment, her Ipirit funk entirely j fhe could fcarce 
taftc food i fhe refufed all the medicines prefcribcd 
by her pKyficians; declaring that (he wiQied to '^^^' 
die, and would live no longer. No intrcaty could 
prevail on her to go to bed ; (he fat on culhions, 
during ten days and nights, penfive and filcnt, 
holding her finger almoft continually in her 
mouth, with her eyes open, and fixed on the 
ground. The only thing to which fhe feemed to 
give any attention, was the afts of devotion per- 
formed in her apartment by the archbifhop of 
Canterbury s and in thefe Ihe joined with great 
appearance of fervour. Wafted, at laft, as well 
by anguifh of mind, as by long abftinence, fhe 
expired, without a ftruggle, on Thurfday the ' 
twenty-fourth day of March, in the feventicth 
year of her age, and in the forty-fifth of her 
rcign\ 

Foreigners often accuft the Englifh of indif- ^"^^ «h« 
fcrence and difrefpeft towards their princes. But 
without reafon i no people are more grateful than 

happened about a fortnight before the qucpp's 4?ath, the 
coincidence of thefe events, together with the other evidence 
mentioned, adds fo much probability to the ftory related by 
Oibome, as will entitle it to a place in hiftory. The only 
objection to the account we have given of Elizabeth's at? 
tachment to EfTez, arifes from her great age. At the age 
of 68, the amorous paflions are commonly abundantly cool, 
and the violence of all the paflions, except one, is mucK 
abated. But the force of this objedlion is entirely removed 
by an author who has illuftrated many pafTages in the 
Engliih Hidory, and adorned more. Catalogue of Royal 
and Noble Authors, Article Eflcx. 
^ Camd. Birch. Mem. ii. 506. Birch. Negoe. 3o^» 

Str)-p?, iv- 373- 

U 3 they 



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194 THE HrSTORY' 

^ vui. ^ ^^^y ^^ ^^^^^ monarchs who merit their grati- 
li t -y >^ tudc. The names of Edward III. and Henry V^ 
^^^^' arc mentioned by the Engli(h of this age with 
the fame warmth as they were by thofe who 
ihared in the bleflings and Iplendour of their 
reigns. The memory of Elizabeth is ftill adored 
in England. The hiftorians of that kingdom, 
after celebrating her love of her people ; her fa- 
gacity in difceming their true intereft -, her fteadi- 
, ncfs in purfuing iti her wifdom in the choice of 
her miniftersi the glory fhc acquired by arms; 
the tranquillity Ihc fecurcd to her fubjcfts; and 
the increafe of fame, of riches, and of commerce, 
which were the fruits of all thcfe; juftly rank 
her among the moft illuftrious princes. Even 
the defefts in lier charafter, they obfecve, were 
not of a kind pernicious to her people. Her ex- 
ceffivc frugality was not accompanied with the 
Jove of hoarding; and though it prevented fomc 
great undertakings, and rendered the fuccefs of 
others incomplete, it introduced oeconomy into 
her adminiftration, and exempted the nation from 
many burdens, which a monarch, more profufc 
or more cnterprifing, muft have impofcd. Her 
(lownefs in rewarding her fervants fometimes dif* 
couraged ufcftil merit; but it prevented the un- 
deferving from acquiring power and wealth, to 
which they had no title. Her extreme jealoufy 
of thofe princes who pretended to difpure her 
right to the crown, led her tp take fuch precau- 
tions, as tended no lefs to the public fafety, than 
m her own ; and to court the afFeftions of her 
people, a3 the fiimeft fupport of her throne. 
* *^ Suclk 



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OF St Ot LAN p. 4^5 

Such is the pifturc which the En^ilh draw xif^ ^^ ^ 
this great queen. v - . ^ « mj 

Whoever undertakes to write die hiftofjr of *^''^' 
Scodand, finds himfelf obHged, frequently, te> 
view her in a very different, and in a lefs amiable 
light. Her authority in diat kingdom, dqring 
%ht greater part of her reign, was little inferior 
to that which Ihc pofleflcd in her own.- But this 
authority, acquired at firft by a fcrvice of great 
importance to the nation, fte exercifed m a man- 
ner extremely perniciom to its happinefi. By 
her induftry in fomenting the rage of the two 
contending factions; by fupplying the one with 
partial aids by feeding the other with ^fe hopes ^ 
by balancing their power fo artfully, that each oF 
diem was able to diftrcfi, and neither of them ta 
fubdue the other; flie rendered Scodand long the 
feat of difcord. confufion, and bloodlhed: and 
her craft and intrigues, efitfting what the valour 
of her anceftors could not accompKQi, reduced 
that kingdom to a ftate of dependance on Eng- 
land. The maxims of policy, often litde confo- 
nant to thofc of morality, may, perhaps> juftify 
this conduft. But no apology can be offered for 
her behaviour to queen Mary; a fcene of dif- 
fimulation without neceflity ; and of feverity be- 
yond example. In almoft all her other adions^ 
Elizabeth is the objeft of our higheft admiration; 
in this we muft allow that Ihe not only laid afide 
the magnanimity which became a queen, but the 
feelings natural to a woman. 

Though Elizabeth would never permit the Jame« p«>r 
qucftion concerning the right of fucceffion Co the km^ 

U 4, crown ^"»**'^' 



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%^ THli HISTORY 

* vin ^ crown to be determined in parliament; nor dc- 
i»i>-v-'v clare her own fentimcnts concerning a point 
'^^3- which fhc wifhed to remain an impenetrable myf- 
tcry J (he had, however, formed no defign of ex- 
cluding the Scottifh king from an inheritance to 
which his title was undoubted. A fliort time be- 
fore her death, flic broke the filence which fhc 
had fo long prefcrved on diat fubjcd, and told 
Cecil and the lord admiral, « That her throne 
was the throne of kings ; that (he would have no 
mean pcrfon to afcend it, and that her coufin the 
king of Scots fliould be her fucccflbr." This flic 
confirmed on her death-bed. As foon as fhc 
breathed her lafl, the lords of the privy council 
proclaimed James king of England. All the in- 
trigues carried on by foreigners in favour of the 
infanta, all the cabals formed within the kingdom 
to fupport the titles of lady Arabella and the 
earl of Hartford, difappearcd in a moment; the 
nobles and people, forgetting their ancient hof« 
tilities with Scotland, and their averfion for the 
dominion of ftrangers, teflified their fatisfadion 
with louder acclamations than were ufual at the 
acceffion of their native princes. Amidfl: this 
tumujt of joy, a motion made by a ft\ir patriots, 
who propofed to prefcribe fome conditions to the 
fuccefTor, and to exadt from him the rcdrefs of 
fome grievances, before they called him to the 
throne, was fcarccly heard; and Cecil, byftifling 
it^ added to hh flock of merit with his new maflcrt 
Sir Charles Percy, brother of the carl of Nordic 
pmberland, and Thomas Somerfet, the earl of 
Worceftcr's fon, were difpa^ched to Scotlap4» 
^ widi 



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OF SCOTLAND* \^f 

unthalcttcrto the king, fi^cd by all the peers ® %j2^ 
and privy counfellbrs then in London ; informing <■ — ^ .^ 
him of die queen's death, of his acccffion to the '^ 
throne, of their care to recognize his title, and of 
'the univerfal applaufe with which the public pro- 
clamadon of it had been attended. They made 
the utmoft hafte to deliver this welcome meflagc ; 
but were prevented by the zeal of fir Robert * 
Carey, lord Hunldon*s youngeft fon, who, fctdng 
out a few hours after Elizabeth's death, arrived at 
Edinburgh on Saturday night, jutt as the king had 
gone to bed. He was immediately admitted into 
the royal apartment, and kneeling by the: king's 
bed, acquainted him with the death of Elizabeth, 
faluted him king of England^ Scot^nd, France, 
and Ireland i and as a token of the truth of the 
intelligence which he brought,^ prefentcd him a 
ring, which his fitter lady Scroop had takert from 
the queen's finger after her death. James heard 
him with a decent compofure. But as Carey was 
only a private meffenger, the information which 
he brought was not made public, and the king 
kept his apartment rill the arrival of Percy and 
SomerfeL Then his rides were folemnly pro- 
claimed; and his own fubje£b exprefled no leis 
joy, than the Englifli, at this increafe of his dig- 
aity. As his prefcncc was abfolutely neceflary in 
England, where the people were extremely im- 
parient to fee their new.fovereign, he prepared to 
ibt out for that kingdom without delay. He ap- 
pointed his queen to follow him within a few 
weeks. . He committed the government of Scot- 
Jand to his privy council. He intrufted the ca;r 

of 



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^ THE HISTORY 

? vin * of Ws children to ^ficrenc ndbkmcn. On the 
yB ^ s ,i\ y¥ Sunday before his departure^ he repaired to the 
^^ chucch of St. GUes» and after hearing a fcrmon, 
in which t;he preacher difplayed the greatnels of 
the divine goodneis ik raifing him to the throne of 
jfuch a powerful kingdom without oppofition or 
bloodfhed, and exhorted him to cxprefs his grati- 
iude> by promoting, to the utmoft, the happinefs 
«hd profperity of his fubjedi 5 the king rofe up, 
and addrefCng himfelf to the peoplcj made many 
profeflions of unalterable affedion towards them ; 
promifed to vifit Scotland frequently 5 afliu-ed 
them that his Scottifh fubjefts,^ notwithftanding 
|us abfcnce, ihould feel that he was their native 
prince, i)0 k& th^ when he refided among 
them 5 and ttught &.\]3l truft that his ears ihould be 
alway$ open to their petitions, which he would 
anfwer with the alacrity and love of a parent. 
His words were often interrupted by die tears of 
the whole audience; who, though they exulted 
at the king's profperity, were melted into forrovr 
by thefe tender declarations". 
Take? pof. On the fifth of April he began his journey, with 
SteXfae. * fplcndid, bi|t not a numerous train ; and next 
day he entered Berwick. Wherever he came, im- 
menie multitudes were aflembled to welcome him ; 
and the principal perfcms in the difierent counties 
throu^ which he pafled, difplayed all their wealth 
and magnificence in entertainments prepared for 
him at their houfes. Elizabeth had reigned fo 
long in England; that moft of her fubje£ts re* 



Spotfw. 47& 



mcTObercd 



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OFSCOTLAND. 09^ 

jncmbcred no other court but hers, and ^eir * ^^ * 
notions of the manners and decorums fuitable tp * -. ^ 
a prince were formed upon what they had pbfervcd ^^^ 
there. It was natural to apply this ftandard to 
the behaviour and aftions cf their new moi)arch^ 
and to compare him, at firft fight, with the quecn» 
on whofe dirpne he was to be placed. Jamesy 
whofe manners were extremely different from 
hers, fuffered by the comparifon. He had not 
that flowing affability, by which plizajbcth cap^ 
tivatcd the hearts of her people ; and, though c^y 
among a few whom he loved, his indolence cojuld 
jfiot bear the fatigue of rendering himfclf agree* 
able to a mixed multitude^ He was no le(s a 
firangcr to that dimity with which Elizabeth 
tempered her familiarity. And, ioAead of that 

well-judged frugality with which (he conferred 
titles of honour, he beftowed them with an un- 
difiinguilhing profufion, that rendered them na 
longer marks of diftindbion, or rewards of mcfit. 
But thrfc were thje reflcftions of the few alone ; 
the multitude continued their acclamations 9 ^nd^ 
amidft thefe, James entered London on the 'Jdi pf 
May, and took peaceable poffeflion of the thfOfi?: 
of England. 

Thus were united two kingdoms, divided ffcxgn coochfioQ. 
the carlieft accounts of time, but deftined, by their 
fituation, to form one great monarchy. By tl^$, 
junftion of its whole native force, Great Brit^^fi. 
hath rifen to an eminence and authority in Europe» 
which England and Scotland, while feparate, could 
^ver have attained. 

Th«. 



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3CO THE HISTORY 

BOOK. The Scots had fo long confidered their mo-r 

VIII. . 

^ ' jt narchs as next heirs to the Englifli throne, thai 

Av^of they had full leifure to refleft on all the confe- 
theRcvo- qucnces of their being advanced to that dignitjr. 
theconS- But, dazzkd with the glory of giving a fovercign 
|^5Lid^- ^o their powerful enemy, relying on the partiality 
^^(t^ of ^^ ^^^^^ native prince, and in full cxpeftation of 
James VI. fliaf ing liberally in the wealth and honours which 
he would now be able to beftow, they attended 
Jittk to the nioft obvious confequences of that 
great event, and rejoiced at his acceflion to the 
throne of England, as if it had been no lefs bene- 
ficial to the kingdom, than honourable to the 
king. They foon had reafon, howevdr, to adopt 
very different fentiments j and from that period 
we may date a total alteration in the political con^r 
ftitution of Scotland* 

The feudal ariftocracy, which had been fub- 
verted in moft nations of Europe by the policy of 
dieir princes, or had been undermined by the 
progrefs of commerce, ftill fubfifted with full 
force in Scotland. Many caufes had contributed 
gradually to augment the power of the Scottilh 
nobles; and even the Reformation, which, in 
every other country where it prevailed, added to 
the authority of the monarch, had increafed their 
wealth and influence. A king poffeffed of a fmall 
revenue, with a prerogative extremely limited, 
and unfupported by a flanding army, could not * 
exercife much authority over fuch potent fubjefts. 
He was obliged to govern by expedients; and 
the laws derived their force not from his power 
to execute them, but from the voluntary fubmif-r 

fion 



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OF SCOTLAND. 301 

« 

Hon of the nobles. But though this produced a ® ^ ^ 
fpccies of government extremely feeble and ir- 
regular; though Scotland, under the name, and 
with all the ■ outward enfigns of a monarchy, waa 
really fubjeft to an ariftocracy, . the people were 
not altogether unhappy; and even in thb wild 
form of a conftitution, there were principles, 
which tended to their fecurity and advantage. 
The king, checked and overawed by the nobles, 
durft venture upon no aft of arbitrary power. 
The nobles, jealous of the king, whofe cl^ms 
and pretenfions were many, though his power 
was fmall, were afraid of irritating their depend- 
ants by unreafonable exaftions, and tempered the 
rigour of ariftocratical tyranny, with a mildnefa 
and equality to which it is naturally a ftranger. 
As long as the ^military genius of the feudal go- 
vernment remained in vigour^ the vaflals both of 
the crown and of the barons were generally not 
only free from oppreflion, but were courted by 
their fuperiors, whofe power and importance were 
founded on their attachment and love. 

But, by his acccflion to the throne of Eng- 
land, James acquired fuch an immenfe acceilion 
of wealth, of power, and of fplendour, that the 
nobles, aftonifhed and intimidated, thought it vain 
to ftruggle for privileges which they were now 
unable to defend. Nor was it from fe^r alone 
that they fubmitted to the yoke j James, partial 
to his countrymen, and willing that they (hould 
partake in his good fortune, loaded them with 
riches and honours ; and the hope of his favour 
concurred with the dread of 'his power, m taming 

their 



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^S&t THE HISTORY 

* vu? ^ ^^"^ fierce and independent fpirits. The will of 
the prince became die fupreme law in Scotland ; 
ahd the nobles ftrove, with emulation, who fhould 
moft implicidy obey commands, which they had 
formerly been accuftomcd to contemn. Satisfied 
\ritb having fubjcfted the nobles to the crown, 
the king left them in full poffeflion of their an- 
cient jurildidtion over their own vaflals. The 
fextcnfive rights, veiled in a feudal chief, became 
in their hands dreadful inftruments of oppreflion, 
and the military ideaS, on which thefe rights were 
founded,* being gradually loft or difrcgarded, no- 
thing remained to corred or to mitigate the rigour 
with which they were exercifed. The nobles, 
cxhaufting their fortunes by the expence of fre- 
quent attendance upon the Englifh court, and by 
attempts to imitate the manners and luxury of their 
more wealthy ncighbour$> multiplied exaftions 
upon the people, who durft hardly utter complaints 
which they knew would never reach the ear of 
their fovereign, nor move him to grant them any 
redrefs. From the union of the crowns to the 
revolution in 1688, Scotland was placed in a po- 
litical fituarion, of all odiers the moft Angular and 
the moft unhappy ; fubjeftod at once to the ab- 
folute will of a monarch, and to the opprcflive 
jurifdidion of an ariftocracy, it fufFcred all the 
miferies peculiar to both thefe forms of govern- 
ment. Its kings were defpotic ; its nobles were 
flavcs and tyrants ; and the people groaned undct 
the rigorous domination of both. 

During this period, the nobles, it is true, made 
Olio effort to Ihakt off the yoke, and to regain their 

ancient 



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OP SCOTLAKD4 3Sf 

»artcicnt independency. After the death of* /anic^ ^ vin^^ 
the Scottilh nation was n6 longer viewed hf our 
nionarchs ^ith any partial afl[e£tion. Ciaries L 
Cjducated anlong the £nglilh> difcovemd no pe<^ 
culiar attachment to the kii%dom of which he wai^ 
a native. The nobles, perceiving the ^eptrcf 
tp be now in hands lefs friendly, and fwayed bjr 
a prince with whom they had little connexion^ and 
aver whofe councils they had little influence, no 
longer fubmitted with the fame implicit obedience. 
Provoked by fomc encroachments of the king. o» 
their order, and apprehenfivc of others, the re- 
mains of their ancient fpirlt hcgAn to appeiar.* 
They complained and remonftrated. The peo- 
ple being, at the fame time, violently difgufted 
at the innovations in religion, the nobles fecredy 
heightened this difguftj and their artifices, to- 
gether with the ill-conduft of the court, railed* 
fuch a fpirit, that the whole nation took arms 
^gainft their fovereign, with an union and ani- 
piofity of which there had formerly been no ex^ 
•ample. Charles brought againft them the forces 
of England, and notwithftanding their own union, 
and. the zeal of the people, the noWes muft 
have funk in the ftmggle. But the difaflfedion 
which was growing among his EngUibi fubje6ts, 
^prevented the king from a^ing with vigour. A 
civil war broke out in both kingdoms s and after 
many battles and revolutions, which arc well 
jknown, the Scottilh nobles, who firft began the 
•«rar, were involved in the fame ruin with the 
throne. At the reftoration, Charles II. rcgain- 
^ full pofliffjon of the royal prerogative in Scot- 
land; 



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y>4 TITE HISTORY 

^vin ^ ^^* ^^ ^'^^ nobks, whofc cftatcs were wafted, 
or their fpirit broken, by the calamities to which 
they had been expofed, were lefs able and leis 
willing than ever to refift the power of the crown. 
During his reign, and that of James VII. the 
diftates p( the monarch were received in Scot- , 
land "with moft abjeft fubmifljon* The poverty 
to which many of the nobles were reduced, ren- 
dered them meaner flaves, and more intolerable 
tyrants than ever. The people, always neglcfted, 
were now odious, and loaded with every injury^ 
on account of their attachment to religious and 
political principles, extremely repugnant to thofe 
adopted by their princes. 

The revolution introduced other maxims into 
the government of Scotland. To increafe the au- 
thority of the prince, or to fecure the privileges of 
tiie nobles, had hitherto been almoft the fole objefl: 
of our laws. The rights of the people were hardly 
ever mentioned, were difregardcd, or unknown. 
Attention began, henceforward, to be paid to the 
welfare of the people. By the claim of right, their 
liberties were fccured ; and the number of their 
rcprefentatives being increafed, they gradually 
acquired new weight and confideration in parlia- 
ment. As they rame to enjoy more fecurity and 
greater power, their minds began to open, and to 
form more cxtenfivc plans of commerce, of in- 
duftry, and of police. But the ariftocratical fpirit, 
which ftill predominated, together with many 
other accidents, retarded the improvement and 
happineis of the nation.^ 

Anothbr 



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OP SCOTLAND. ^| 

Another great event completed what the re* * ^ ^ J^ 
%^ution had begun* The political power of the 
nobles^ already broken by the imion of the two 
crowns, was almoft annihilated by the union of 
the two kingdoms. Inftead of making a part, as 
formerly, of the fupremc aflcmWy of the nation, 
inftead of bearing the moft confiderable fway 
tiiere, the peers of Scotland arc admitted into the 
Britifli parliament by their reprcfcntadves only, 
and form but an inconfiderable part of one of thoie 
bodies in which die legiflative authority is vefted* 
They theitolclvcs are excluded abfolutely from the 
houfe of commonsi and even their eldeft fons are 
not peimitted to- rcprefent their countrymen iit 
that auguft a(|fembly» Nor have their feudal pri- 
vifcges remained, to compenfate for this extinc- 
tion of their political authority. .. As commerce 
advanced in its progrefs, and government attained 
nearer to perfeftion, thefe were infenfibly cii*cum* 
fcribe4j and at laft, by laws no leis falutary to 
the public than fatal to the nobles, they have 
been almoft totally aboCfhed* As the noblea 
were deprived of power, the people acquired li- 
berty. Exempted from burdens, to which they 
were formerly fubjeft, fcreened from oppreflion, 
to which they had been long expofed, anpl 
adopted into a conftitution whofe genius and 
laws wQre more liberal than their own, they have 
extended their commerce, refined their manners, 
made improvements in the elegancies of life, and 
cultivated the arts and fcicnces. 

This furvcy of the pblirical ftate of Scotland, 
in which events and their caufes have been men- 

VoL, IL X tioncd 



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VIU. 



^o&, THE HISTORTT 

B o o K troticd rather than developed, enables us to pbint 
out three aeras, from each of which we may daw 
fonie great alteration in 6nc or other of the thref 
different members of which the fupreme IcgiOa-, 
tive affembly in our conftiturion.is compofed. At 
their ^cceffion to the. throne of England, die 
icings of Scotland, once the moft limited, bc^ 
came, in an inftant, the moft abfolute princes^ in 
Europe, and exercifed a dcfpotic authority, which 
their parliaments were unable to controul, or 
their nobles to refift. At the umn of the two 
icin^ms, the fwdal - ariftocracy j which had fiib^ 
-fitted To many ages, and with power fo exorbi- 
tant, was overturned^ and the Scottifh noWO 
having furrehdcred rights .^^d pre-emioences 
•peculiar to their order, reduced, themfelves to a 
-condition which is no ioogcr die terror and envy 
of other fubjesfts. Since the unwty the cooit 
mons, anciently negleded by their kings, and 
fcldom courted by the nobles, have emei^gcd into 
dignity; and, being admitted to a pardcipatioB 
<)f all the privileges which the Englifh had pur- 
chafed at the expence of fo much blood, muft 
now be deemed a body not leis confideraWc in 
the one kingdom, than they have long been in 

the other. 

The church felt the effefts of the ahfolutc ppwer 
-which the king acquired by hisacceffioni and i© 
V re volurions, too, are worthy of notice. James, du- 
^ringvthe latter years of his adminiftrarion in Scot- 
land, had revived the name and office of bilhops. 
But they poffeflTcd no ecclefialHcal juriidiftion or 
pre-eminence j their revenues were inconfidcrabk, 
: . . «, and 



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OF SCOTLAND; 307 

and they were fcarccly diftinguiftied by any thiog ^ ^j,^ ^ 
but by their feat in parliament; and by being the 
objeftof the clergy's jealoufy, and the people's ha- 
ired. The king, delighted with the fplendour and 
authority which the Englifh bifliops enjoyed, and 
eager to effeft an union in the ccclefiaftical policy^ 
lirhich he had, in vain, attempted in the civil go- 
vernment of the two kingdoms, refolvecf to bring 
both churches to an cxaft confornlity with each 
ether. Three Scotfmen were confecrated bi&ops 
at London. From themi th^ii" brethren were 
commanded to receive orders; Ceremonies un- 
known in Scodand were impofed j and though di« 
clergy, Icfs obfequious than the nobles, boldly op-i^ 
pofed thefe innovations, James, long praft'iftd and 
well-lkilled in -the arts of managing them, ob- 
tained at length their cbmpliancc; • But Charles Ii 
a fuperftitious prince, unacquainted with the genius 
of the Scots, imprudent and precipitant in all the 
meafures he purfued in that kingdom, prelling too 
eagerly the . receprion of the Englilh liturgy, and 
indifcreetly attempting a refumption of church 
lands, kindled the flames of civil war; and the 
^ople being left at liberty to indulge thtit owft 
wilhes, the cpifcopal church was overturned, and 
the prefbyterian government and difcipline were re* 
•cftabliflied with new vigour* Together with mo*- 
narchy, cpifcopacy was reftorcd in Scotland. A 
form of government,' fb odious to the people, re- 
quired forcd to uphold it ; and though not only the 
whole rigour of authority^ but all the barbarity of 
perfccudon, Were employed in its fupport, the aver* 
fion of the nation was infurmountable, and it fulv 

X 2 fitted 



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3c« THE HISTORY 

^ vm. ^ ^ft^^ ^** difficulty. At the revoludon, rite In- 
clinations of die people were thought worthy the 
attention of the legiflature, the prefbyterian go- 
vernment was again eftablifhed, and> being ra« 
tilled by the Qnion^ is ftill itiaintained m the 
kingdooi. 

Nor did die influence of the acceflion extead 
to the civil and ecclefiaftical conftitutions alone; 
the genius of the nation^ ks ufte and ipirit^ 
things of a nature ftill more delicate, were ien<* 
fibly affefted by that event. When learning re- 
vived in the fifteenth and fixteenth centuries, all 
die modern languages were in a ftate extremely 
barbarous, devoid of elegance, of vigour, and 
even of perfpicuity. No author thought of writ- 
ing in languages fo ill adapted to exprcfs and 
f mbelliih his fendments, or of erefting a work 
for immortality with fuch rude and perifliable ma- 
ceriaU. As the Ijpiric, which prevailed at that time> 
did not owe its rife to any original effort of the 
human mind, but was excited chiefly by admiradon 
of the ancients, which began then to be ftudied 
with attenrion in every part of Europe, their com- 
pofitions were deemed not only the ftandards of 
tafte and of fentiment, but of ftylc j and even the 
languages in which they wrote were thought to bo. 
pecuUar, and almoft confecrated to leaming and 
the mufes. Not only the manner of the ancients 
was imitated, but their language was adopted : and> 
.extravagant as the attempt may appear to write in 
a dead tongue, in which men were not acciiftomed 
xo think, and which they could not fpeak> or cvciv 
pronounce, the fucccfs of it was,,aftonifliing. As 
. 2 they 



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OF SCOTLAND. 309 

ftcy formed their ftylc upon the pureft modeb ; * ^^^ ^ 
as they were tinmfcacd with thofc barbarifms, 
which the inaccuracy of familiar converfation, the 
tflfcftation of courts, intercourfe with ftrangcrs, 
and a thoufand other caufes, introduce into 
living languages; many modems have attained 
to a degree of elegance in their Ladn compo- 
(irions> which die Romans themfelves fcarce pof- 
fcflcd beyond the limits of the Auguftan age. 
While this was almoft the only fpecies of compo- 
fition, and all authors, by ufing one common lan- 
guage, could be brought to a nearer comparifon, 
the Scottifh writers were not inferior to thofe of 
any other nation. The happy genius of Buchanan, 
equally formed to excel in profe and in vcrfe, 
more various, more original, and more elegant, 
than that of almoft any other modern who writes 
in Larin, refkfts, widi regard to this particular, the 
grcatcft luftre on his country. 

But the labour attending the ftudy of a dead 
tongue was irkfome j the unequal return for their 
induftry which authors met with, who could be 
read and admired only within the narrow circle 
of the learned, was mortifying; and men, in- 
ftead of wafting half their lives in learning the 
language of the Romans, began to refine and to 
polifh their own. The modem tongues were 
found to be fufceptible of beauties and graces, 
which, if not equal to thofe of -the ancient ones, 
were at leaft more attainable. The Italians hav- 
ing firft let the example, Latin was no longer 
vfcd in works of tafte; it was confined to 
books of fcicnce; and the politer nations have 

X 3 baniihed 



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3tp THE HISTORY 

^ vin ^ biniihcd it even from thcfc. The Scots, wc may 
prefume, would have had no caufe to regret thU 
change in the public tafte, and would ftiU have 
been able to maintain fome equality with other 
nations, in their purfuit of literary honour. The 
Englifti and Scottifh langujigee, derived front 
the faroe fources, were, at the end of the fixteentk 
century, in a ftate nearly fimilar, differing from 
one another fomewhat in orthography, though 
not only the words, but the idioms, were much 
the fame. The letters of feveral Scotci(h ftatef- 
pien of that age are not inferior in elegance, or 
jn purity, to thofe of the Englilh mmifters with 
whom they correlponded. James himfclf was 
maftcr of a ftyle f^r from epnt?m.ptible j and by 
,his example and encouragement, the Scpttifli 
language might have kept pace with the Englifk 
in refinement, Scotland might have had a feries 
of authors in its own, as well as in the Latin lan- 
guage, to boaft of J and the improvements in tafte, 
in the arp, and in the fciences, which fprcad over 
the other polifhed nations of Europe, would ncjt 
have been unknown there. 

Byx, at the very time when other padons were 
beginning to drop ?he ufe of Latin in works of 
tafte, and to make trial of the ftrength and con^- 
pafs of their own languages, Scotland ceafed to 
be a kingdom. The tranfports of joy, which the 
acceffion at firft occafioned, were foon over: 
and the Scots, being at once deprived of all the 
» . objedls that refine or animate a people ; of the 
prefence of their prince, of the concou^fc of no-, 
bles, of the fplendour and elegance of a court^ ap 
^^ % univerfai 



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6F SCOTLAND §« 

wnivcrCd dcjcftion ^ fpirit fccms to have fcizcd ^ ^^^^ ^ 
ihe nation. The court being withdrawn, no do- 
mcftic ftandard of propriety and correftnefs of 
%eech remained; the few compofitions that 
Scotland produced were tried by the Ei^iifti 
ftandardj and every word or phrafe that varied iit 
the leaft from that, was condemned as barbarous r 
whereas, if the two nations had continued diftinft, 
each might have retained idioms and forms of 
4>eech peculiar to itfelf j and thefe, rendered 
Sdhionabk by the example of a court, and fup- 
ported by the authority of writers of reputation^ 
might have been viewed in the fame Kght with 
the varieties occafioned by the different diale<5ts 
in the Greek tongue j they even might have been 
confidered as beauties ; and, in many cafes, might 
have been ufed promifcuoufly by the authors of 
both nations. But, by the acceffion, the Englifh 
naturally became the fole judges and lawgivers 
in language, and rejefted as folecifms, every form 
of fpcech to which their ear was not accuftomcdr 
Nor did the Scots, while the intercourfc between* 
the n^'o nations was inconfiderable % and ancient 

prejudices^ 

' '■ A remarkable proof of the little iritercourfe between th€ 
Englifh and Scots before the union of the crowns, is to- 
be found in two curious papers, one publilhcd by Hayncs^- 
tie other by Strype. In the year 1567, Elizabeth com* 
manded the bifliop of London to'take afurvey of all the. 
ftrangers within the cities of London and Weftminfter. By 
this report, which is very minute, it appears that the whole, 
number of Scots at that time was 5^. Haynes, 455. A furvey 
of the fame kind was made by Sir Thomas Row, lord mayor, ^ 
A. D. 1568. The number oif Scots had then inci;eared to 
88. Stpype, iv. Supplement, No. L On the accefTron of* 

' X 4 James, 



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319 THE HISTORY 

* YH^ ^ prejudices were ftill fo violent as to prevent imi- 
cation^ pofiefs the means of refining their ownr 
tongue according to the purity of the Englilh 
fiandard. On the contrary, new corruptions flowed 
into it from every different fource. They clergy 
of Scotland, in that age, were more eminent for 
piety than for learning ; and though there did not 
arife many authors among them, yet being in pof- 
fcflion of the privilege of difcourfing publicly to 
the people, and their fermons being too long, 
and perhaps too frequent, fuch hafty produdions 
could not be elegant, and many flovenly and in- 
corre6t modes of expreffioh may be traced back 
to that original. The pleadings of lawyers wert 
equally loofe and inaccurate, and that profeffion 
having furniftied more authors, and the matters 
of which they treat mingling daily in common 
difcourfe and bufinefs^ many of thofe vicious forms 
of fpeech, which ' are denominated Sconicifmsi 
have been introduced by them into the language. 
Nor did either the language or public tafte re- 
ceive any improvement in parliament, where a 
more liberal and more correft eloquence might 
. have been expefted. All bufinefs was tranfafted 
there by the lords of arricles, and they were fo 
icrvilely devoted to the court, that few debates 
arofe, and, prior to the revolution, none were 
conduced with the fpirit and vigour natural to a 
popular aflembly, 

James, a confiderable number of Sqots, cfpeclally of tlie 
higher rank, reforted to England; but it was not tiJl the 
union that the intercourd between the two kingdoms bc« 
f 4me gr^at. 

Thus/ 



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OF SCOTLAND. 3^3 

Thus, during the whole fcventcenth qentury, ^ vii?^ 
the Engliih were gradually refining their language 
and theirtaftc; in-Scodand the former was much 
dcbafcd, and the latter almoft entirely loft. In 
the beginnbg of that period, both nations were 
emerging out of barbarity ; but the diftance be- 
tween them, which was then inconfiderable, be- 
came, before the end of it, immenfe. Even after 
fcience had once dawned upon them, the Scots 
feemed to be finking back into ignorance and ob- 
fcurity ; and aftive and intelligeht as they natu- 
rally are, they continued, while other nations were 
eager in the purfuit of fame and knowledge, in a 
ftate of languor. This, howtver, muft be im- 
puted to the unhappinefs of their political fitu- 
ation, not to any defcft of genius ; for no fooner 
was the one removed in any degree, than the 
other began to difplay itfelf The a6t abolifli- 
ing the power of the lords of articles, and other 
falutary laws paffed at the ^revolution, having in- 
troduced freedom of debate into the Scottifli par^ 
liament, eloquence, with all the arts that accom- 
pany or perfcdt it, became immediate objefts of 
attention ; and the example of Fletcher of Salton 
alone is fufficient to fhew that the Scots were ftill 
capable of generous fentiments, and notwithftand- 
ing fome peculiar idioms, were able to exprefs 
themfelves with energy, and with elegance, 

At length the union having incorporated the 
two nations, and rendered them one people, the 
diftindions which had fubfifted for many ages 
gradually wear away j peculiarities difappear -, the 
(aroc manners prevail in both parts of the ifland ; 

the 



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JI4 HIST.ORY OF SCDTLAND. 

B o^o K the fame authors are read and admired j the fame 

VIII. 

entertainments arc frequented by the elegant and 
polite i and the fame ftandard of tafte, and of pu- 
rity in language, is eftablifhcd. The Scots, after 
|;>eing placed, during a whole century, in a fitu-' 
ation no lefs fatal to the liberty than to the taftcj 
and genius of the nation, were at once put in 
pofleflTion of privileges more valuable than thofc 
"which their anceftors had formerly enjoyed j and 
every obftrudtion that had retarded their purfuit, 
or prevented theii: acquificion of literary feme^ wa$ 
totally removed. 



A CRt' 



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A CRITICAL 

DISSERTATION 

C0NCER1?IIN.G 

The Murder of King Henry, and the Genur 

inenefs of the Queen's Letters to BothwelU 

IT is not my intention to engage in all the con- 
trovcrfies to which the murder of king Henry, 
or the letters from queen Mary to Bothwell, 
h^ve given rife ; far lefs to appear as an advcrlary 
to any particular author, who hath treated of 
them. To repeat, and to expofe all the ill- 
fbundpcl ^ffertions with regard to thefe points, 
which have flowed from inattention, from prejur- 
dice, from partiality, from malevolence, and from 
diflionefty, would be no lefs irkfome to myfelfi 
dian unacceptable to mofl of my readers. All I 
propofe, is to aflifl others in forming fome judg- 
ment concerning the fadls in difpute, by ftating 
the proofs produced on each fide, with as much 
brevity as the cafe will admit, and with the fame 
attention and impartiality which I have endea- 
voured to exercife in examining other controverted 
points in the Scottifti hiftory. 

In order to account for the king's murder, two 
different fyftems have been formed. The one 
fuppofcs Bothwell to have contrived and executed 

this 



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3iS DISSERTATION ON 

this crime. The other imputes it to the cark of 
Murray, Morton, and their party. 

The dccifion of many controverted fefts in hif- 
tory, is a matter rather of curiofity than of ufe. 
They Hand detached ; and whatever we determbc 
with regard to them, the fabric of the ftory re- 
mains untouched. But the fadt under difputc in 
this place is a fundamental and eflential one, and 
according to the opinion which an hiftorian adopts 
with regard to it, he muft vary and difpofe the 
whole of his fubfequent narration. An hiftorical 
fyftem may be tried in two different ways, whether 
it be confiftent with probability, and whether it 
be fupported by proper evidence. 

Those who charge the king's murder upon 
Bothwell, argue in the following manner; and 
though their reafonings have been mentioned 
already in different parts of the narrative, it is 
necefllary to repeat them here. Mary's love for 
Darnly, fay they, was a fudden and youthful pal^ 
fion. The beauty of his perfon, fet oflF by fomc 
external frivolous acccmiplifliments, was his chief 
merit, and gained her afFeftions. His capricious 
temper foon rdfed in the queen a difguft, which 
broke out on different occafions. His engaging 
in the confpiracy againft Rizio, converted this dif- 
guft into an antipathy, which (he was at no pains 
to conceal. This breach was, perhaps, in its own 
pature, irreparable ; the king certainly wanted that 
art and condefcenfion which alone could have re- 
paired it. It widened every day, and a deep and 
fettled hatred effaced all remains of affeftion. 
5othwell obferved this, and was prompted by am- 

bitionj 



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K. HENRlf's MURDER; 2tcK Ji? 

bition» and perhaps by love, to found upon it a 
fchemc, which proved fatal both to the queen and 
to himfelfl He had fcrved Mary at di^rent 
times with fidelity and fuccefi. He infmuated 
himfclf into her favour, by addrcfe and by flattery. 
By degrees he gained her heart. In order to gra^ 
tify his love, or at leaft his ambition, it was ne- 
ccHary to get rid of the king. Mary had r«je6ted 
the propofal which, it b faid, had been made to 
her for obtaining a divorce. The king was equally 
hated by the partifans of the houfe of Hamilton, % 
confidcrable party in the kingdom; by Murray, 
©ne of the moft powerful and popular perfons in 
his country ; by Morton and his aflbciates, whom 
he had deceived, and whom Bothwell had bound 
to his intereft by a recent favour. Among the 
people Darnly was fallen under extreme contempt. 
Bothwell mi^t expcft, for all thefe reafons, that 
the murder of the king would pafs without any 
inquiry, and might trufl to Mary's love, and to 
his own addrcfs and good fortune, for the accom- 
plifhmcnt of the reft of his wifhes. What Bothwell 
cxpeftcd really came to pafs. Mary, if not privy 
herfelf to the defign, connived at an aftion which 
rid her of a man whom' fhe had fuch good reafon 
to dcteft. A few months after the murder of her 
hulband, Ihe married the pcrfon who was both 
fufpe^ed and accufed of having perpetrated th^ 
odious crime,. 

Those who charge the guilt upon Murray and 
his party reafon in this manner : Murray, they fay, 
was a maa of boundlefs ambition. Notwith- 
ftanding the illegitimacy of his birth, he had early 

formed 



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3it ^ ftlSSERTATIONT OK V 

fbrttied a defign of ufiirping the crown. On the' 
queen's return into Scotland, he infinuated him- 
fclf into her fevour, and engrofled the whok power 
ihio his own hands. He kt himfelf againft every 
propofal of marriage which was made to her, left 
his own chance of fucceeding to the crown Ihould 
be dtftroyed. He hated Damly, and was no lcl% 
liated by him. In order to be revenged on him> 
he entered into a fuddcn friendlhip with BpthweU, 
his ancient and mortal . enemy. He encouraged 
kim to af&flinate H^ry> by giving him hopes of 
quarrying the queen. All this was done with a^ 
defign to throw upQn the queen herfelf tdie impu- 
tation' qf being acceflary to the murder, and, under 
that pretext, to dellroy Bodiwell, to depofe and 
unprifonher, and to feize the fceptre which he had 
wrefted out of her hands. 

The former of thefe fyftems ha? an air of proba- 
bility, is confiftent with itfelf, and folves appear- 
ances. In the latter, fome aflcrtions are falfe, fome 
Hnks are wanting in the cham, and efFefts appear, 
of which no fufficicnt caufc is produced. , Murray, 
on the queen's return into Scodand, ferved her 
with great fidelity, and by his prudent adminiftra^ 
tion rendered her fo popular, and fo powerfiil, as 
enabled her with eafe to quafh^a formidable infurt 
redion raifed by the party of which he was the 
leader in the year 1565, What motive couldi 
induce Murray to murder a prince without car 
pacity, without follo^yers, without influence over 
the nobles, whom the queen, by her negledt, had 
reduced to the lowed ftat;e of contempt, and who, 
lifter a long difgrace^ had regained j[ according to 

tho 



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K/Ht-NRY's MUkDEit, &c/ ii> 

th^ moft favourable fuppofition) the precanou^ 
poflcfliofi of her favour only a few days before 
hi^ death ? It i? difEcuk to conceive what Mur- 
ray had to fear from the king*s life. It is ftill 
a more difficult matter to guefs what he could gain 
by his death. If we fiippofe that the queen had 
no previous attachment to Bothwell> nothing- c^r^ 
appear njore chimerical than a fcheme to perfuadc 
her to roarry a man, whofc wife was ftiil alive; 
and who was not only fufpefted, but accufed, of 
murdering her former hufband. But that fuch a 
fcheme Ihould- really fucceed is ftill more extra- 
ordinary.— If Murray had inftigated ^othwell to 
commit the crime, or had himfelf bjeen acceflkry 
to the commifllon of it, what hopes were there this 
Bothwell would filently bear from a fcllow-crimi-'' 
nal all the pr€>fecutions which he fufFered, without 
ever retorting upon him the accufation, or reveal- 
ing the whole fccne of iniquity ? An ancient and 
deadly feud had fubfifted between Murray, and 
Bothwell; the queen with difficulty had brought 
them to fome terms of agreement. But is it pro- 
'bable that Murray would chufe an enemy, to whonj 
he had been Q> lately reconciled, for his confident 
in the commiflion of fuch an atrocious crime ? Or, 
on the other hand, would it ever enter into the 
imagination of a wife man, firft to raift his rival 
to fupreme power, in hopes that afterwards he 
might render him odious, by accufing him of 
crimes which he had not committed, and, in 
confequence of this unjuft charge, fliould be 
enabled to deprive him of that power ? The moft 
adveiKuroU5 politician never hazarded fuch a dan- 

6 ' gerous 



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^10 Dissertation on 

gcrous cxperimcnL The moft credulous folly 
pcvcr trufted fuch an uncertain chance. 

How ftrong foever thefe general reafonihgi 
may appear to be> it is not upon them alone that 
we mufk decide^ biit according to the particular 
evidence that is produced. This we now pro* 
cced to examine. 

That Bothwell was guilty of the king's mur* 
der, appears, i. From the concurring tcftimony 
of ^11 the contemporary hiftorians. 2. From the 
confeflion of thofe perfons who fuffered for aflift- 
ing at the commiffion of the crime, and who cn^ 
tered into a minute detail of all its circumftanccs. 
Anderf. ii. 165. 3. From the acknowledgment 
of Mary's own commiffioners, who allow Both- 
well to have been one of thofe who were guilty of 
this crime. Good, ii 21 J. 4. From the cx- 
prefs tcftimony of Lefly, bifliop of Rofs, to die 
fame efFcft with the former. Def. of Q^ Mary's 
Hon. And. i. 76. Id. iii. p. 31. 5. Mortpn^ 
at his death, declared that -Botliwell had folicited 
him, at different times, to concur in the confpi- 
facy formed againft the life of the king ; andthaE 
he was informed by Archibald Douglas, one of 
the confpirators, that Bothwell was prefent at the 
murder. Crawf. Mem. App. 4. The letter from 
Douglas to the queen, which I have publiflied in the 
Appendix to Vol. II. No. XIV. confirms Morton's 
tcftimony. 6. Lord Herrics promifes, in his own 
name, and in the name of the nobles who adhered 
to the queen, that they would concur in punifliing 
Bothwell as the ttiurderer of the king. Append. 
Vol. I. No. 24. 

The 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. J21 

The moft direft charge ever brought againft 
Murray is in thefc words of bifhop Lcfly : " Is 
** it unknown," addreffing himfclf to the carl o( 
Murray, " what the lord Herries faid to your 
" face openly, even at your own table, a few 
" days after the murder was committed ? Did he 
** not charge you with the foreknowledge of the 
^* fame murder ? Did he not, nulla circutione ujus^ 
** flatly and plainly burden you, that riding in 
^« Fife, and coming with one of your moft aflured * 
** and trufty fcrvants the fame day whereon you 
** departed from Edmburgh, faid to him, among 
*' other talk. This night ere morning lord 
*' Darnly Ihall lofe his life ?" Defence of (^ 
Mary, Anderf. ii. 75. But the alTertion of a 
man fo heated with fa&ion as Lefly, unlcls it were 
fupported by proper evidence, is of litde weights 
The fervant to whom Murray is faid to have 
(poken thefe words, is not named j nor the man- 
ner in which this fccret converfation was brought 
to light mentioned. Lord Kcrries was one of the 
moft zealous advocates for Mary, and it is re- 
markable that, in all his negotiation at the court 
of England, he never once repeated this accufation 
of Murray. In anfwering the challenge given 
him by lord Lindfay, Herries had a fair oppor- 
tunity of mentioning Murray's knowledge of the 
murder; but though he openly accufes of that 
crime (bme of thofe who adhered to Murray, he 
induftrioufly avoids any infinuation againft Mur- 
ray himfclf. Keith, Pref xii. Mary hcrfelf, in 
converfation with fir Francis Knolles, accufed 
Morton and Maidand of being privy to the mur- 

VoL. IL Y der, 



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322 DISSERTATION ON- 

dcr, but docs not mention Murray. And. iv. 55. 
When the bifhop of Rofs and lord Hcrrics 
appeared before the Englilh council, Janu- 
ary II, 1569, they declared themfelves ready, 
in obedience to the queen's command, to accufe 
Murray and his aflbciates of being acceflbry to 
the murder, but " they being alfo required, whe- 
^ " ther they, or any of them> as of themfelves, would 
« accule the faid eari in fpecial, or any of his ad- 
^ hercnts, or thought them guilty thereof i" they 
anfwcred, " that they took God to witnefs that 
" none of them did ever know any thing of the 
" confpiracy of that murder, or were in coun- 
^^ cil and foreknowledge thereof; neither who 
*« were devifors, inventors, and executors of the 
" fame, till it was publicly difcovered long thcrc- 
«^ after by fome of the aflaffins, who fuffered 
" death on that account." Good. ii. 308. Thcfe 
words are taken out of a regifter kept by Rofs 
and Herries themfelves, and feem to be a dire6t 
confutation of the bifhop's aflertion. 

The earls of Hundy and Argyll, in their Pro- 
tejtation touching the Murder of the King of Scots, 
after mentioning the conference at Craigmillar 
concerning a divorce, add, " So after thefc prc- 
*' miffes, the murder of the king following, wc 
" judge in our confciences, and hold for certain 
*^ and truth, that the earl of Murray and fecre- 
" tary Lethington were authors, inventors, coun- 
" fellors, and caufcrs of the fame murder, in what 
«" manner, or by whatfoever perfons the fame 
^ was executed." Andcrf, iv. 188. But, i. 
This is nothing more than the private opinion 

10 or 



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k. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. jaa 

or pcrfonal affirmation of thcfc two noblemen. 
2. The conclulibn which they make has no connec- 
tion with the premifes on which they fotind it. Be- 
caufe Murray propofed to obtain for the queen a di- 
vorce from her hufband with her own confent, it 
does not follow that therefore he committed the 
murder without her knowledge. 3. Huntly and 
Argyll were at that time the leaders of that party 
oppofite to Murray, and animated with all the 
rage of fadbion. 4. Both of them Were Murray's 
pcrfonal enemies. Huntly, on account of the treat-^^ 
mcnt which his family and clan had received from 
that nqblemani Argyll was deflrbus of being di- 
vorced from his wife, with whom he lived on no 
good terms, Knox; 328. and by whom he had no 
children. Crawf. Peer. 19. She was Murray's 
fitter, and by his intereA A;^irs defign Was ob- 
.ftruftcdi Keith, 551. Thefe circumftance:^ woulcl 
go far towards invalidating a ppfitive teftimony j 
they more than counterbalance an indeterminate 
fijfpicion.. 5. It is altogether uncertain whether 
Huntly and Argyll ever fubfcribed this protefta- 
tion. A copy of fuch a protcftation as the queeii 
thought would be of advantage to her caufe, was 
tranfmitted to them by her. Andcrf. iv. b. ii. liSi 
The proteftation itfclf, publilhed by Anderfon, is 
taken from an unfubfcribed copy with blanks for 
the date and place of fubfcribing. On the back 
©f this copyj there is patted, indeed, a paper, which 
Cecil has marked " Anfwer of the earl of Murray 
^' to a writing of the earls of Huntly and Argyll/' 
Anderf. 194, 195. But it can hardly be deemed a 
reply to the above-menti9ncd proteftarion. Mur- 

If 2 ^ ray's 



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5h dissertation on 

ray's anfwer bears date at London, January 19, 
1568. The queen's letter, in which flic inclofed 
the copy of the proteftation, bears date at Bowton, 
Jan. 5, 1 568. Now it is fcarce to be fuppofcd that 
the copy would be fent into Scotland, be fubfcribed 
by the two earb, and be feen and anfwercd by 
Murray within fo fliort a time. Murray's reply 
fcems intended only to prevent the impreffion 
Ivhich . the vague and uncertain accufarions of his 
enemies might make in his abfence. Cecil 
had got the original of the queen's letter into 
his cuftody. Anderf. iv. 185. This naturally 
leads us to cohjedure that the letter itfelf, tc^- 
tiier with the inclofed proteftation, were inter- 
cepted before they cajne to the hands^ of Hundy 
and Argyll. Nor is this mere conjefturc alone. 
The letter to Huntly, in which the proteftation 
was inclofed, is to be found j Cott. Lib. Cal. 
C. I. fol. 280, and is an original fubfcribed by- 
Mary, though not written by her own hand, 
becaufe Ihe fcldom chofe to write in the Eng-* 
Tifti language. The proteftation is in the fame 
volume, fol. 282, and is manifeflJy written hf 
the fame perfon who wrote the queen's letter. 
This fcems to render it highly probable that both 
were intercepted. So that much has been founded 
on a paper not fubfcribed by the two eaiis, and 
probably never fcen by them. Befidcs, this me- 
thod which the queen took of fending a copy to 
the two earls, of what was pro^r for them to de- 
clare with regard to a conference held in their 
own prcfence, appears fomewhat fufpicious. It 
would have been more xiatural, and not fo liable 
I to 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 325 

CO any milintcrprctation, to have dcfired them to 
write the moft exaft account, which they could 
recoUeft, of what had paflfed at the converfation at 
Craigtnillar. 6. But even if all this reafoning fhould 
be fct afide, and the authenticity of the proteftation 
fliould be admitted in its full' extent, it may ftill 
be a queftion, what degree of credit fhould be 
given to the afTerdon of the two earls, who were 
not only prefcnt in the firft parliament, held by 
Murray as regent in December 1567, in wWch 
the one carried the fceptre, and the other the ^word 
of date, Spotfw. 214. but were both members of 
the committee of lords of articles, and iK 
that capacity aflifted in framing all the aAs by. 
which the queen was deprived of the crown, and 
her fon featcd on the throne i and in particular 
concurred in the aft by which it was declared, .' 

that whatever had befallen the queen, " was in her ^ 

awin default, in fa far as, be divers hir previc let- 
ters written halelie with hir awin hand, and fend 
by hir to James fometyme earle of Bothwell, 
cheif executour of the faid horribill murthour, 
as Weill bcfoir the committing thairof as thair- 
aftir: And be hir ungodlie and diflionourabill 
proceeding to ane pretendit marriage with him, 
fuddaindlie and unprovifidie thairefrir, it is 
maift certane that fche was previe, airt and pairt, 
of the aftual devife and dcid of the foirnamit 
murdiour of the king her lauchful huftand, and 
thairfoir juftlie defirvis quhatfumever hcs bene 
done to hir in ony tyme bygaine, or that fal be 
ufit towards hir, for the faid caufc." Andcrf. ii. 

Y 3 The 



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3?^ DISSERTATION ON 

The queen*s commiflioncrs at the confer^ 
pices in England accufcd Murray and his af- 
fociatcs of having murdered the king. Good 
ii. 281. Bqt this charge is to be confidercd 
as a recrimination, extorted by the acculation 
preferred againft the queen, and contains no- 
thing more than loofc and general affirmations, 
without defcending to fuch particular circum- 
ftances as either afcertain their truth, or difcover 
their falfchood. The fame acci|fa?ion is repeated 
by the nobles aflcmbled at Dumbarton Sept. 
1568. Good. ii. 359. And the fame obfcrvation 
may be made concerning it. 

All the queen's advocates have endeavoured 
to account for Murray's murdering of the king, by 
fuppofing that it was done on purpofc that he might 
have the pretence of difturbing the queen's admi- 
niftration, and thereby rendering inefFeifhial her 
general revocation of crown lands, which would 
have deprived him and his afibciatcs of the beft 
part of their cftates. Lefly Def, of Mary's Hon. 
p. 73. Anderf. iv- part ii. 130. But whoever 
confiders the limited powers of a Scottifh monarch, 
will fee tliat fuch a revocation could not be very 
formidable to the nobles. Every king of Scotland 
began his reign with fuch a revocation; and as 
often as it was renev/ed, the power of the nobles 
rendered it ineffectual. The beft vindication of 
Murray and his party from this accufarion, is that 
which they prefcnted to the queen of England, and 
fv{iich hath never hitherto been publi(he4. 



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K. HENRY^s MURDER, Sec. 517 

jtnfwers to the ObjeElions and Alledgance of the ^een, Pap«r 
alledging the Earl of Murray Lord Regent ^ the ^^^** 
Earl of Morton^ Marry Glencairn, Hume^ Ruth^ 
VeHy (^c. to have been moved to armoury for that 
they abhorred and might not abide her Revocation 
of the Alienation made of her Property. 

It is anfwered, that is alledgcd but [i. e. with- 
out] all appearance, and it appears God has be- 
reft the alledgance of all wit, and good remem^ 
brancc, for thir rcafons following : 

Imprimis, as to my lord regent, he never had 
occafion to grudge thereat, in refpeft the queen 
made him privy to the fame, and took refolution 
with him for the execution thereof, letting his 
lordfhip know fhe would afluredly in the famine 
except all things Ihe had given to him, and ratefy 
them in the next parliament as (he did indeed ; 
and for that caufe wifhed my lord to leave behind 
him mafter John Wood, to attend upon the fame, 
no whom flic declared, that als well in that as in all 
other her grants it fliould be provided, yea of freq 
will did promife and offer before ever he demand- 
ed, as it came to pafs without any lett or impe- 
diment ; for all was ratified by her command, and 
lund write, at the parliament, but [i. e. without] 
any difficulty. 

Item as to my lord of Morton, he could not 
grudge thereat quha never had of her property 
worth twenty dollars that ever I knew of 

Item the fame, may I fay of my lord Giencairn. 

Item the fame, I may fay of my lord Hume. 

Item the fame, I may fay of my lord Ruthven. 

Jtem the feme, I may fey of my lord Lindfay. 

y 4 o$4i.v 



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328 DISSERTATION ON 

Only my lord of Marr, had anc litdc diing 
of the property quilk alfua was gladly and libe- 
rally confirmed to him, in the faid parliament 
preceding a year ;] was never anc had any caufe 
of mifcontent of that revocation, far lefe to have 
put their lives and heritage to fo open and mani- 
feft ane danger as they did for fie ane frivolc 
caufe. 

Gyf ever any did make evill countenance, and 
ihow any mifcontentment of the faid revocation, 
it was my lord of Argyll in Ipeciall, quha Ipak 
largely in the time of parliament thairanents to 
the queen herfelf, and did complain of the ma- 
nifcft corruption of ane a<5t of parliament paft 
upon her majefty's return, and fa did lett any 
revocation at that time; but the armoxir for re- 
venge of the king's deid was not till twa months 
after, att quhat time there was no occafion given 
thereof, nor never a man had mind thereof. 

Having thus examined the evidence which has 
been produced againft the earls of Murray and 
Bothwell s we fhaU next proceed to inquire whcr 
ther the queen herfelf was acceflbry to the mur- 
der of her hulband. 

No fooner was the violent death of Damly 
known, than ftrong fufpicion arofe, among fome 
of her fubjefts, that Mary had given her confcnt 
to the commiflion of that crime. And. ii. 156. 
We are informed, by her own ambaflador in 
France, the archbifliop of Glafgow, that the fen- 
timents of foreigners, on this head, were no Icfi 
unfavourable to her. Keith, Prcf. ix. Many of 

her 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c/ 323 

her nobles loudly accufcd her of that crime, an4 
a great part of the nation, by fupporting them, 
fccm to have allowed the accufation to be well 
founded. 

Some crimes, however, are of fuch a nature, 
tliat they hardly admit of a pofitivc or direft prooC 
Deeds of darknefs can feldom be brought per^ 
fcftly to light. Where perfons are accufcd not of 
being principals, but only of being accejfories in 
the conmiiffion of a crime; not of having perpc* 
trated it themfelves, but only of giving confent 
to the commiflion of it by others j the proof be- 
comes ftill more difficult : and unleis when fome 
accomplice betrays the fecret, a proof by circum- 
ftanccs, or prefumptivc evidence, is all that can 
be attained. Even in judicial trials, fuch evi- 
dence is fometimes held to be fufficient for con- 
d^emning criminals. The degree of conviftion 
which fuch evidence carries along with it, is of- 
ten not inferior to that which arifcs from pofitivc 
tcftimony; and a concurring feries of circum- 
ftances fatisfies the underftanding no lefs than the 
cxprefs declaration of witnefles. 

Evidence of both thcfe kinds has been pro- 
duced againft Mary. We fhall firft confidcr that 
which is founded upon circumftances alone. 

Some of thefe fufpicious circumftances preceded 
the king's death; others were fubfequent to it. 
With rtgard to the former, we may obfcrve that 
the queen's violent love of Darnly was foon con- 
verted into an averfion to him no lefs violent ; and 
that his own ill condudt and exceffes of every 
kind, were fuch, that if they did not juftify, atleaft 

they 



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330 DISSERTATION ON 

they account for this fuddcn change of her dif- 
pofition towards him. The rile and progrcfs of 
this domcftic rupture, I have traced with great 
care in the hiftory, and to the proofs of it which 
ftiay be found in papers publiftied by other au- 
thors, I have added thofc contained in App. No. 
XVL and XVII. Le Croc, the French ambaf- 
lador, who was an cye-witnefs of what he dc- 
fcribes, not only reprefents her averfion to Dam- 
ly to be extreme, but declares that there could 
be no hopes of a reconcilement between them. 
©reJ !», " The queen is in the hands of phyficians, and 
'^ I do affure you is not at all well j and do believe 

the principal part of her difeafc to confift in deep 
grief and forrow j nor does it feem poflible to 
make her forget the fame. Still (he repeats thcfc 
words, / could wijh to be dead. You know very 
well that the injury (he has received is exceeding 
great, and her majefty will never forget it — To 
ipeak my mind freely to you, I do not expeft, 
upon fcveral accounts, any good underftanding;^ 
between them [i. e. the king and queen], un- 
.]fccx> lefs God effcftually put to his hand. — His bad 
deportment is incurable j nor can there ever be 
any good expeded from him, for feveral reafons, 
which I might tell you was I prefent with you. I 
cannot pretend to foretell how all may turn, but 
I will fay, that matters cannot fubfift* long as they 
are, without being accompanied with Ibndry bad 
confequences.*' Keith, Pref vii. Had Henry 
died a natural death at this junfture, it mull have 
been confidered as a very fortunate event to the 
queen> and as a fcafopablc deliverance from a- 

hufband 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c, . 331 

holband who had become altogether odious to 
her. ' Now as Henry was murdered a few weeks 
afterwards, and as nothing had happened to render 
the queen's averfion to him lefs violent, the opi- 
nion of thofe who confider Mary as the author of 
an event which was manifcftly fo agreeable to her, 
will appear perhaps to Ibme of our readers to be 
neither unnatural nor over-refined. If we add to 
this, what has been obferved in the hiftory, that 
in proportion to the increafc of Mary's hatred of 
her hufband, Bothwell feems to have made progrefs 
in her favour, and that he became the objeft not 
only of her confidence but her attachment, that 
opinion acquires new ftrcngth. It b eafy to ob* 
fcrve many advantages which might redound to 
Mary as well as to Bothwell from the king's deaths 
but excepting them, no perfon, and no party in 
the kingdoqi, could derive the leaft benefit from 
that event. Jothwell, accordmgly, murdered the 
king, and it was, ir> that age, thought no unwar- 
ranted imputation on Mary's charafter, to fuppofe 
that Ihe had confented to the deed. 

The fteps which the queen took after her 
hufband's ;kath add ftrengtii to that fuppofition* 
J. Mclvil, who was in Edinburgh at the time of 
the king's death, aflerts, that *' every body fuf- 
pefted tlie earl of Bothwpll ; and thofe who durft 
fpeak freely to others, faid plainly that it was he," 
p. 155. 2. Mary having iffued a proclamation, 
on the 1 2th of Febru::ry, offering a reward to any 
perfon who Ihould difcover thote who had mur- 
dered her hufband i And. i. 36. a paper in con- 
fcqucncc of this was affixed to the gates of the 

Tolbooth, 



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^3> DISSERTATION O^ 

Tolbooth, February i6, in which BoAwell wa$ 
named as the chief perfon guilty of that crime,, 
and the queen her£elf was adcufed of having given 
her confent to it. And. ii. 156. 3. Soon after, 
February ao, the eari of Lennox^ the king's fa- 
ther, wrote to Mary, conjuring her, by every mo- 
rive, to profecutc the murderers, with the utmoH: 
rigour. He plainly declared his own fiKpicions of 
Bothwell, and pointed out a method of proceeding 
againft him, and for difcovering the authors of 
that crime, no lefs obvious than equitable. He 
^dvifed her to feize, and to commit to fure cuftody, 
pothwcU himfelf, and futh as were already named 
as his accomplices -, to call an aflcmbly of the no- 
bles; to iiTue a proclamation, inviting Bothwell's 
accufcrs to appear j and if, on that eficouragement, 
BO perfon appeared to accufc them, to hold them 
as innocent, and to difmifs them without farther 
trial. And. i. 40. 4. Archbifhop Beatoun, her 
ambaflador in France, in a letter to Mary, March 
9th, employs arguments of the utmoft weight to 
perfliade her to profccute the murderers with the 
greatcft fcverity. " I can conclude nathing (fays 
he) by quhat zour majcfty writes to me zourfclfi 
that fen it has plcfit God to conferve zow to make 
a rigorous vengeance thereof that rather than it 
be not aftually tainc, it appears to me belter in 
this warld that zc had loft life and all. I alk your 
majeftic pardon, that I writ fa far, for I can heir 
^ na;hing to zour prcjudife, but I man conftraindly 

writ the famin, that all may come to zour knaw- 
Icdgc i for the better rcmede may be put therto. 
Heir it is needfuU that ze forth Ihaw now rather 

than 



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K. HENRTs MURDER, Sec, 3ji 

than ever of beforei die grdtb vertue, magnani- 
mitie, and conftance that Odd has grantit iow, 
be quhais gface^ t hope. 2^ M (^ercome this moft 
heavy envie and deipleflf of the doitnnittihg there-' 
of, and conferve that Fepu&tioii inl aU godline&y 
ze have conquift of Tfeg, quhick can appear na^ 
wayis amr dearlie, dian that zou do Jkk juftice ficB 
Aat the katU world ittay declare zour innocence, vbth 
arid give tcfHmony forever of their treafon that' 
has committed (hti fear of God oi^ man) fo cruef ^tbcus 
and ungodly a murther, qi^irof there is fa meikle wmb 
^ fpotten^ that I ani conftraifiit to afk zou mercy, 
that neither can I or will I make the rehearfd: 
thereof^ which is owr odious. But alas ! madame, m 
all over Europe this day, there is na purpofe in 
head fa frequent as of zour majeftie, and of the 
prefcnt ftate of zour realm, quhilk is in the 
moft part interpretit fmifterly/' Keith, Pref. ix* 

5. Elizabeth, as appears from Append. Vol. I. 
No. XIX. urged the fame thing in ftrong terms* 

6. The circumftances of the cafe itfeif, no lefs than 
thefe Iblicitations and remonftrances, called for the 
utmoft vigour in her proceedings. Her hulband had 
been murdered in a cruel manner, almoft in her 
own prefcncc* Her fubjedts were filled with the 
utmoft horror at the crime, Bothwell, one of her 
principal ^vourites, had been publicly accufed as 
the author of it. Refleftions, extremely difho- 
nourable to herfelfi had been thrown out. If indig- 
nation, and the love of juftice, did not prompt her 
to purfue the murderers with ardour, decency, at 
k^, and concern for vindicating her own charac- 
ter. 



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JJ4 DISSERTATION ON 

tcr, fliould have induced her to avoid any appear-* 
mice of rcmiflhcfs or want of zcal^ 

But inftcad of this, Mary continued to difcovcri 
in all her anions, the xitmoft partiality towards 
BothwcU* On the 15th Qf.Fcbruaryi five days 
after the murder, fhe beftowed on him the rcvcr- 
fion of the fupcriority of the town of Lcith, whid^ 
in the year 1565, Ihe had mortgaged to ;he citizens 
of Edinburgh. This grant was of much impor- 
tancej as it gave him not only the command of the 
principal port in the kii^dom, but a great afcen-^ 
dant over the citizens of Edinburgh, who wiftied 
much to keep poffeffion of it *. 1. Bothwell being 

extremely 

* Cofy from the criginal in the Charter ^heufe of the City of ttUn^ 
turgh of an AJJignation to the reverfm of tbefitp^oritj ofLiiik 
by queen Mary, to tbf earl of Botb<welL 

Maria Dei gratia Regina Scotoram, omnibus probts hoizU'* 
nibus fuis ad quos prafentcs liters perVcnerint falutem. Sci- 
atis, quod hos ad memoriam rcduccntes multiplex bonunt 
vcnim ct fidcic fervitium, non tantum quondam noftr* cha- 
riffims matri Maris Regine regni noftri pro tempore in noftnl 
minoritate factum et impenfum, veram etiam nobiimet ipfis^ 
tam intra partes Gullix quam intra hoc noltrum regnum» ad 
cxtentionem noftri honoris et auftoritatis in punitione furum, 
nlalcfaftorum, ct tranfgrefforum infra idem, per noftnim 
confifum confanguineum ct confiliariom Jacobum comheni 
Bothuile, dominum Halis, Creighton, et Liddifdalcy mag<^ 
num admirallum regni noftrii commiflionem ct onerattonem 
ad hnnc eire<^um habentum, per quas ipfe fuum corpus et 
vitam in magno periculo pofuit ; ac etiamy in perfonnaticHie 
ct cxtentione noftri diifbi fervitii, fuam hereditatc\n> fupra 
fummam viginti millium mercarum hujus noftri regni, aKc- 
navit ac Isefit* £t nos eogitantes quod, ex noftra principatl 
honore et devoria did^um noftrum confifum coxifaaguineuiK 
iL confiliarium cum qaodam accideate et gratitudimc recom^ 

pesTare 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 335. 

extremely dcfirous to obtain the command of the 
caftle of Edinburgh, the ^ucen, in order to pre-* 
vail on the carl of Mar to furrcnder the govern- 
ment of it, offered to commit the young prince to 
his cuftody. Mar confentedj and fhe inftantly 
appointed Bothwell governor of the caftle. And. i. 
Pref. 64. Keith, J7.9. note (^). 3. The inquiry 
into the murder, previous to Both well's trial, 
feems to have been conducted with die utmoft 
remiflhefs. Buchanan exclaims loudly againft this* 
And. ii. 24, Nor was it without reafon that 
he did fo, as is evident from ^ clrcumftancc in the 

pcnfare et gratificare inciimbit qusc nos commodJ fibi con- 
ccdere poterimus, unde ipfe magis habilis omnibus a£Futunf 
temporibus eiTe poterit^ et ad hujufmodi perfbrmandam Ia 
omnibus caufis feu cventibus : In recompenfationem qi;\orum. 
praemifforum, ac pro diverfis aliis noftris rationabilibus cauOs 
et confiderationlbus nos moventibas, Fecimus, &c. didlum 
Jacobum comitcm Bochuile, &c. ac fuos h^redes maiculot 
quofcunquc noftros legittimos, &c. aiTignatos in et ad lltera« 
reverfionis fa^ftas, &c. per Symonem Prefton de eodem mi» 
litem, praepofitum, balivos, confules, et communitatem hujui 
Boftri burgi de Edinburgh, pro fcipfis ac fuis fuccefforibus, &c, 
nobis, noftrifque heredibus, fucceflbribus, et aflignatis pro re* 
demptione, &c. fuperioritatis totius vilise de Leith, &c. im« 
pignoratac per nos didlis prxpoiito, &c. fub reveriione aCenac^ 
continents fummam decern millium mercarum monetse pne* 
fcrlptae numerandura et calculandum in parochiali cccJefia dc 
Edinburgh, fuperpremonitione quadriginta dierum, ut moris 
eft, veluti in di^is reverficmis Uteris, &c. de data 8va,0<aob. 
1565, &c* (The reft is form, and contains a claufe of ab* 
folute warrandice.) In cujus rei Testimonium pncfentibus 
magnum figillum noftrum apponi fecimus. Apud Edinburgh, 
idecimo quinto die menfis Februarii, anno Domini millefim^ 
quingentedmo fexagefimo fcxto, et regni noftri vicefimO 
quinto. 

The grea,t feal entire- 

a^davit 



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^ DISSERTATION ON 

afRdavit of Thomas Nelfon, one of the king's 
fervants, who was in the houfe when his maftcr 
was murdered, and was dug up alive out of the 
rtibbifh. Being examined on the Monday after die 
king's death, " This deponar fchew that Bonkle 
had the key of the cellare, and the queenis fcr- 
vandis the keys of her fhalmir. Quhilk the laird 
of Tillibardin hearing, faid, Hald thair, here is 
^ne ground. Efter quhilk words fpokin, thai left 
of, and procedit na farther in the inquifition." 
And. iv. p. 2. 167, H^d there been any intention 
tb fcarch into the bottom of the matter, a circum- 
ftance. of fo much importance merited the ma&, 
careful inquiry. 4. Notwithftanding Lennox's 
repeated folicitations, notwithftanding the reafon- 
iiblenefs of his demands, and the neceffity of com* 
- plying widi them^ in order to encourage any ac- 
cufer to appear againft Bothwell, fhe not only re<* 
ftfed to commit him to cuftody, or even to remove 
him from her prcfence and councils ; And. i. 42. 48, 
but by the grants which we have mentioned, and 
by other circumftances, difcovercd an increafe of 
attachment to him. 5. Sh^ could not avoid bring- 
ing Botiiwell to a public trial 5 but Ihe permitted 
him to (it as' a member in that meeting of the privy 
council which direfted his own trial; and the trial 
itfelf was carried on with fuch unneceflary preci- 
pitancy, and with fo many other fufpicious cir- 
iurhftianccs, as render his acquittal rather an ar- 
gument of his guilt than a proof of his innocence.^ 
Thcfc circumftanccs have all been mentioned at 
length in Book IV. and therefore are not re- 
peated in this place. 6. Two days after the trial, 

Mary 



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K. MEHRri MURDER, &c. ^^7 

Mary gave a public proof of licr regard for Both*- 
well, by appdhmng him to carry the fccpttc bc-^ 
fore her at the meeting of parliament. Keiths 378^ 
7. In that parliament, ihe gmoted him a ratifica-- 
tion of all the great pofieffions and honours which 
ihe had conferred upon him, in which was con*- 
tained an ample enumeration of all the iervices he 
had performed. And i. 117. 8. Though Mel*- 
vil, who forefew that her attachment to Bothwell 
would at length induce her to marry him, warned 
her of the inlamy and danger which Would attend 
that afUon, /he Hot only difrcgarded this falutaiy 
admonition, but difcovered what had pafled be*, 
twecn them to Bothwell, which expofed Melvil t^ • 
bis fefentment. Melv. 156. 9. Bodiwell fcized 
Mary as ihe rptumed from Stirling, April ^4. If 
he had done this without her knowledge and con- 
fcftt, fuch an infult could not have failed to have 
filled her with the moft violent indignation. But 
according to the account of an old MS^ *^ Th(t 
friendly love, was fo highly contrafted between 
this great princefs and her enormous fubjed, that 
there was no end thereof^ (for it was conftantly 
eftcemed by all men, that cither of them loved 
odier carnemy,) fo that fhe fufFercd patiently t0 
be led ^here die lover lift, and all the way iici- 
tber made obftacle, impediment, clamour, or re* 
jgftance, as in fuch accidents uie to be, or that &e 
tnight have done by her princely authority, beiog 
accompanied with the noble carl of Huntly and 
fecretary Maitland of Lcthington." Keith, 383^ 
Melvil, who was prefcnt, confirms this aircount;, 
Vol. II* Z and 



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3^ DISSERTATION ON 

and tcUs us that the officer, by whom he W» 
fetzed; informed him that nothing was done with* 
out the queen's conient. Mclv. 158. 10. On 
the 1 2th of May, a few days before her marriagci 
Mary declared that (he was then at full liberty, 
and that though BothweU had offended her hj 
fcizing her perfon, flie was fo much iatisfied with 
his durifiil behaviour fince that time, and fo in- 
debted to him for paft fervices, that fhe not only 
forgave that offence, but refolved to promote 
him to higher honours. And. i. 87. 11. Even 
after the confederate nobles had driven BothweU 
from the queen's prefcnce, and though flie few 
that he was confidered as the murderer of -her 
former hulband by fo great a part of her fubjefts» 
her affedion did not in the leaft abate, and (he 
continued to exprcfs the moft unalteraible attach- 
ment to him. " I can perceive (fays Sir N. 
Throkmorton) that the rigour with which the 
queen is kept, procecdcth by order from thefe 
men, becaufe that the queen will not by any 
means be induced to lend her authority to profe* 
cute the murderer; nor will not confent by any 
perfuafion to abandon the lord BothweU for her 
hufband, but avoweth conftantly that (he will 
live and die with him j and faith, that if it were 
put to her choice to relinquifh her crown and 
kingdom, or the lord BothweU, (he would leave 
her kingdom and dignity to go a (implc damfel 
with him, and that fhe wiU never confent that he 
(haU fare worfe, or have more harm than herfelf." 
Append, to Vol. L No. XXII. In aU their nc- 
5 * gociations 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &o $39 

gociarions with Throkmorton, the confederates 
mention this unalterable attachment of the queen 
to Bothwell, as a fufficient reafon for rejefting 
his propofals of an accommodation with their 
fovereign. Keith, 419. 449, This aflcrtion they 
renewed in the conferences at York. Anderf. iv. 
part ii. p. 66. Murray, in his interview with 
Mary in Lochlevin, charged her with perfifting 
in her inordinate affeftion to Bothwell. Keith, 
446. All thefe> however, may be confidered 
merely as accufations brought by the confede- 
rates, in order to vindicate their rigour towards 
the queen. But Throkmorton, who, by his re- 
fidence in Edinburgh, and by his intercourfc 
with the queen's partifans, as well as with her 
enemies, had many opportunities of difcover- 
ing whether or not Mary had expreffed her- 
fclf in fuch terms, and who was difpofed to view 
her afbions in the moft favourable light, appears, 
by the paffage which I have quoted from his 
letter of the 14th of July, to be perfuaded that 
the confederates had not mifreprefcnted her fen- 
timents. He had foon an opportunity of being 
confirmed with greater certainty in this opinion. 
Although the confederates had refufed him ac- 
cefs to the captive queen, he found means of 
holding a fecret correfpondencc with her, and 
endeavoured to perfuade her to give her conlent 
to have her marriage with Bothwell diffolved by 
a fentencc of divorce, as the moft probable means 
pf regaining her liberty. She hath fcnt me word 
that flic will in no wife confent unto that, but 

Z 2 rather 



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a4<» DISSERTATION ON 

rather die. Append. tx> Vol. I. No. XXII« 
There is evidence of rfic continuance of Mary's 
attachment ftill more explicit. Lord Herrics, 
in the parliament held the 15th of December 
1567, acknowledged the queen's inordinate affcc- 
tion to that wicked man, and that (he could not 
be induced by perfuafion to leave him 5 and that 
in fcqueftering her within Lochlevin, the confe- 
derates had done the duty of noblerpen. App. 
to Vol. I. No. XXIV. In the year 1571, a 
conference was held by fome deputies from a 
convention of clergy, with the duke of Chatcl- 
herault, fecretary Maitland, fir James Balfour, 
and Kirkaldy; and an account of it written by 
Mr. Craig, one of the minifters of Edinburgh, is 
extant in Calderwood MSS. Hift. 11. 244. In 
prefence of all thefe perfons, moft of whom were 
in Edinburgh when the queen was taken at Car- 
berry, Maitland, who was now an avowed parti- 
fan of Mary, declares, that on the fame night (he 
was brought to Edinburgh, he himfclf had offered, 
that if fhc would abandon Bothwell, flie fbooW 
have as thankful obedience as ever flie had fince 
file came to Scotland. But no wife wouU (he 
confent to leave Bothwell. Accordinsj to fir 
James Mclvil, the queen found* means of writ- 
ing a kttcr to Bothwell on the evening of 
that day, when fhe was conducted as a prifoner 
to Edinburgh, in which fhe declared her affec- 
tion to him in the moft tender exprefflons, and 
her refolution never to abandon him. This 
ktter> he -fays, was intercepted by the confede- 
rates,^ 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. '341 

rates, and determined them to confine Mary in 
the caftle of Lochlcvin. But as neither Buchanan 
nor Knox, both abundantly difpofed to avail 
thcmfelves of every fad and report that<ould be 
employed in order to rcprefent Mary's conduft 
as improper and criminal, mention this letter; 
and as the confederates themfelves, in their ne- 
gotiations with Throkmorton, as well as in their 
accufations of the queen before the Englifli com- 
miflioners at York and Weftminftcr, maintain 
the fame Clence with regard to it, I am fatisfied 
that Mclvil, who wrote his memoirs for the in- 
formation of his fon in his old age, andUong 
after the events which he records happened, has 
been miftaken with regard to this particular. 
From this long enumeration of circumftances, wc 
may, without violence, draw the following con- 
clufion: Had Mary really been acceffary to the 
murder of her hufband j had Bothwell perpetrated 
the crime with her confent, or at her command -, 
and had flie intended to ftifle the evidence againft 
him, and to prevent the difcovery of his gpilt, 
flic could fcarcely have taken any other fteps 
than thofe which (he took, nor could her conduft 
have been more repugnant to all the maxims, of 
prudence and of decency. 

The pofitive evidence produced againft Mary 
may be clafled under two heads. 

I, The depofitions of fome perfons who were 

employed in committing the murder, particularly 

of Nicholas Hubert, who, in the writings of thar 

age, is called French Paris. This perfon, who was 

Z 3 Bgthwell's 



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34^ DISSERTATION ON 

Bodiwcll's fcrvanti and much truftcd by him, was 
twice examined, ^nd the original of one of his de- 
pofitiops, and a copy of the oth^r, are ftill extant- 
It is pretended that both thefe are notoriQu$ forge- 
ries. But they. arc remarkahk for a fimplicity and 
naivete which it is almoft impoffible to imitate; 
they abound with a number of minute fadb and 
pardcularities, which the moft dextrous forger 
could not have eafily affcmbled and connefted 
together with any appearance of probabiUty ; and 
they arc filled with circumftances, which can 
fcarcely be fuppofed to have entered the imagina- 
tion of any man but one of Paris's rank and cha- 
rafter, Put, at the fame time, it n^uft be acknow- 
ledged, that his depofxtions contain fome improbable 
circumftances. He feems to have been a foolifli 
talkative fellow ; the fear of death, the violence of 
torture, and the defire of pleafipg thofc in whole 
power he was, tempted him, perhaps, to feign 
• fome cirpumftances, and to exaggerate others. To 
fay that fome circumftances in an affidavit are im- 
probable or falfc, is very different from faying 
that the whole is forged. I fufpeft the former to 
be the cafe here; but I fef no appearance of the 
Jatter. Be that as it will, fome of the moft material 
fa6ts in Paris's affidavits reft upon his fmgle tefti- 
piony 5 and for that reafon, I have not in the Hiftory, 
nor fh all I in this place, lay any ftrefs upon them. . 
2. The letters faid to be written by Mary to 
Bothwell. Thefe have been frequently publilhed. 
The accident by which the queen's enemies got 
them into their poflcffion, is related in Book V. 

When 



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K. HENRY'S murder; &c. 34J 

When the authenticity of any ancient paper is du* 
bious or contefted, it may be afccrtained cither by 
external or internal evidence* Both thefe have 
been produced in the prefent cafe. 

I. External proofs of the gcnuinenefs of Mary's 
letters, i. Murray, and the nobles who adhered 
to him, affirm upon their word and honour, that 
the letters were written with the queen's own band, 
with which they were well acquainted. Good* 
ii. 64. 90. a. The letters were publicly produced 
in the parliament of Scotland, December 1567; 
and were fo far confidered as genuine, that they 
are mentioned in the a6t againft Mary, as one 
chief argument of her guilt. Good. ii. 66, 67. 
3. They were fliewn privately to the duke of Nor- 
folk, the earl of Suflex, and fir Ralph Sadler, 
Elizabeth's commiffioners at York. In the account • 
which they gave of this matter to their miftrcfs, 
they feem to confider the letters as genuine, and 
cxprefs no fiifpicion of any forgery j they parti^ 
cularly obfcrvc, " that the matter contained in 
them is fuch, that it could hardly be invented and 
devifed by any other than herfelf j for that they 
difcourfe of fome things, which were unknown to 
any other than to herfelf and Pothwell -, ai^d as it 
is hard to counterfeit fo many, fo the matter of 
them, and the maoner how thefe men came by 
them, is fuch, as it fcemcth that God, in whofp 
fight murder and bloodfhed of the innocent is abo- 
niinable, would not pprmit the fame to be hid or 
^concealed." Good. ii. 142. They feem to have 
flwfe fuch an imprcffion on the duke of Norfolk, 

Z 4 that 



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^4i DISSERTATION ON 

Aat III a ftibfcqucnt letter t6 Pembroke, Leiccftcf, 
Iknd Cecil, he has thefc words : « If the matter 
ftall be thought as dcteftiblc and manifcft to you, 
as for ought we can perceive it fcemeth here to us." 
Good. ii. 154. Nor did Norfolk declare thefe td 
be his fcntiments only in public official letters, he 
<xpreflcd himfclf in the feme maiuicr to his naoft 
confidential friends. In a fecrct conference with die 
bifhop of Rofs at York, the duke informed him, 
that he had fcen the letters, &c. which the regent 
had to produce againft the queen, whereby there 
would be fiich matter proved againft her, as would 
diftionour her for ever. State Trials, Edition of 
Hargravc, i> 91, Murdin, 52. The bifhop of 
JRofe, if he had known the letters to be a notoriom 
forgery, muft have been naturally led, in confe- 
quence of this declaration, to undeceive the duke, 
«nd to expofe the impofture. But, inftead of this, 
the duke, and he, and Lethington, after confiilting 
together, agreed, that the bifliop ftiould write to 
Mary, then at Bolton, and inftruft her to make 
fuch a propofal to Elizabeth as might prevent the 
public produftion of the letters and other evidence. 
State Trials, i. 94. Murdin, 45. Indeed tht 
whole of this fecrct conference Iccms to imply, that 
Lethington, Rofs, and Norfolk were confcious of 
feme dcfcdt in Mary's cauic, and therefore exerted 
^ their ingenuity in order to avoid a public accuia- 
tion. Murdin, 52, 53. To Banifter, whom the duke 
fcems to have trufted n^ore entirely than any odier 
of his fcrvants, he exprcflcd himfclf in fimilar 
tf rm? Vidi rcfpeft to th^ <juccn of Scots. State 

Trials^ 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c 345 

Trials, i. 98. The words of Baniftcr's evidence 
are rcmaricahle: ** Iconfefs that I, waiting of my 
lord and maftcr, when the earl of Suffex and 
Mr. Chancellor of the dutchy that now is, were in 
commifTion at York, did hear his grace fay, that 
upon examination of the matter of the murder, it 
did appear that the queen of Scots was guilty and 
privy to the murder of lord Darnly, whereby I 
verily thought that his grace would never join in 
marriage with her." Murdin, 134. Elizabeth, 
in her inftruftions to the carl of Shrewfbury and 
Bealc in 1583, afferts, that both the duke and carl 
of Arundel did declare to hcrfclf, that the proofi 
by the view of her letters, did fall out fufficient 
againft the queen of Scots ; however, they were 
lifter drawn to cover her faults and pronounce her 
innocency. MS. Advoc. Library. A. iii. 28, 
p. 314. from Cot. Lib. Calig. 9. 4. A fimilar 
impreffion was made upon other contemporaries of 
Mary by the produdtion of the letters, which im- 
plies a full belief of their' being genuine. Cecil, 
in his correfpondcnce with fir Henry Norris, the 
Englifh ambaffador in France, relates this tranfac- 
tion in terms which leave no room to doubt with 
refpcft to his own private opinion. In his letter, 
•Decem. 14th, 1568, the very day on which the 
letters, &c. were laid before the meeting of privy 
counfcllors and peers, he informs him, " That 
the regent was driven, for his defence, to difclofc 
a fiill fardel of the naughty matter, tending to con- 
vince the queen as devifcr of the murther, and the 
carl of Sotbwell as her exccutours and now the 

queen's 



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34^ DISSERTATION ON 

qiiccn's pirty, fo great, refufc to make any an- 
fwer, and prcfs that their miftreis may come in 
pcrfon to anfwcr the matter herfclfi before the 
queen's majcfty, which is thought not fit to be 
granted until ,the great blot of the marriage with 
her hufband's murthercr, and the evident charges, 
by letters of her own, to be devifcr of the murther, 
be fomewhat razed out or recovered; for that. as 
the matters are exhibited againft her, it is far un* 
fcemly for any prince, or for chaftc cars, to be 
annoyed with the filthy noifc thereof; and yet, as 
being a commifHoner, I muft and will ibrbear to 
pronounce any thing herein certainly, though as a 
private perfon I cannot but with horror and trem- 
bling think thereof." Cabala, 156. 5- From the 
correfpondence of Bowes, the JEngliQi refident in 
Scotland, _ with WaUingham in the year 1582, 
publifhed towards the clofe of this Diflertation, it is 
manifeft that both in England and Scotland, both 
by Elizabeth and James, both by the duke of Len- 
nox and earl of Gowrie, the letters were deemed 
• to be genuine. The cagemefs, on one fide to ob- 
tain, and on the other to keep, pofl^fFion of the 
caflcet and letters, implies that this was the belief 
of both. .Th^fe fentimcnts, of contemporaries, 
who were in a fituation to be thoroughly informed, 
and who had abilities to judge with difcernraent, 
will, in the opinion of many of my readers, far 
outweigh theories, fuppofitions, and conjedures, 
formed at the diftance of two centuries. 6. The 
letters were fubjefted to a fokmn and judicial exa- 
mination with refpcd to their authenticity, a$ 6r 

as 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 347 

as that could be afccrtaincd by refcmblance of cha- 
raftcrand fafhion of writing: for after the confer- 
ences at York and Weftminfter were finiflied, Eli- 
zabeth, as I have related, affembled her privy 
counfellors, and, joining to them feveral of the 
moft eminent noblemen in her kingdom, laid be* 
fore them all the proceedings againft the Scbttifh 
queen, and particularly ordered, that " the letters 
and writings exhibited by the regent, as the queen 
of Scots' letters and writings, (hould alfo be fhewed, 
and conference [i. e. comparifon] thereof made in 
their fight, with the letters of the faid queen's, 
being extant, and heretofore wi:itten with her own 
hand, and fcnt to the queen's majefly ; whereby 
may be fearched and examined what difference is 
betwixt them." Good. ii. 25a. They aflcmblcd 
accordingly, at Hampton Court, December 14 
and 15, 1568 J and, " TJic originals of the letters 
fuppofed to be written with the queen of Scots' 
own hand, were then alfo prefently produced and 
perufedj and, being read, were duly conferred 
and compared, for the manner of writing, and &- 
ihion of orthography, with fundry other letters 
long fince heretofore written, and fcnt by the faid 
queen of Scots to the queen's majefty. In collation 
whereof no difference was found." Good, ii. 256. 
7. Mary having written an apologetical letter for her 
conduft to the countefs of Lennox, July 10, 1570", 

(he 

* Mary's letter has never been pubUfhed, zni ongbt to 
have a place here, where evidence on all fides is fairly pro- 
duced. ** Madam, if the wrang and falfc rcportis of re- 

bcllis^ 



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54« DISSERTATION ON 

fhe tranfmittcd it to her hufband then in Scotland ; 
and he returned to the countefs the following anlwer: 
« Seeing you have remittit to me, to anfwcr the 
queen the king's mother's letters fent to you, what 
can I fay but that I do not marvell to fee hir writ 

bcllls, enemies wcill knawn for traitouris to zow, and alace 
to muche truftcd of me by zoure advice, had not fo far 
fturred you a^anis my innocency (and I muft fay aganis 
all kyndncfs, that zou have not onelie as it were con- 
<kmpnit me wrangfuUie, but fo hated me, as fome wordis 
and opene deideis hes tellifeic to all the warlde, a manyfeft 
mifliking in zow aganis zour awn blude), I wold not have 
omittit thus lang my dewtie in wryting to zow excufing me 
of thofe untrew reporties made of me. But hoping with 
Godis grace and tyme to have my innocency knawin to zow, 
«s I truft it is already to the maift pairt of all indifferent per- 
Ibnis, I thoclit it bcft not to trouble zou for a tyme till that 
fuch a matter is moved that tuichis us bayth, quhilk is the 
tranfporting zoure littil fon, and my onelie child in this 
countrcy. To the quhilk albeit I b© never fa willing, I wald 
be glaid to have zoure acivyfe therein, as in all other thingis 
tuiching him. I have born him, and God kna\vis with quhat 
danger to him and me boith ; and of zow he is defcendit. 
So I meane not to forzet my dewtie to zow, in fchewin herein 
any unkyndncfs to zow, how unkyndlie that ever zc havt 
dck with me, bot will love zow as my awnt, and rcfpcft zow 
as my moder in law. And gif ye pies to knaw farther of my 
mynd in that and all uther thingis betwixt us, my ambaf- 
fador the bifliop of Rofs fall be ready to confer with zou. 
And fo after my hairtlie commendationis, remitting me to 
snyfaide ambaffador, and zour better confideratioim, I com- 
mit zou to the protedion of Almighty God, quhom I pray 
to preferve zou and my brother Charles, and cans zou to knaw 
my pairt better nor ze do. From Chaitfworth this x of 
July 1570. 

To my Ladie Lennox Your natural gude Nice 

my modcr in law, and lovingc dochter." 

the 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c^ 34* 

the beft can for hirfelf, to fcame to purge her of 
that, quhairof many bcfyde me ate certainly per- 
fiiadit of die contrary, and I not ordf alRmt by 
my awin knawlcdgc, but by her hand writ, the con-' 
feffionis of men gone to the death, and uther in* 
fallibil experience. It wuU be lange tyme that ii . 
hable to' put a mattir fb notorious in oblivioun> 
to mak black quhyte, or innocency to appea/ - 
quhair the contrary is fa weill knawin. Thd 
maift indifferent, I truft, doubjcis not of the 
cquite of zour and my caufc, and of the 
jiil occafioun of our myfliking. Hir richt dewtie 
to zow and me, being the parteis intereft, were 
hir trcw confeffioun and unfcyncd repentance of 
that lamentable fad, odious for hir to be rcpor-* 
tit, and forrowfuU for us to think of. God i* 
juft, and will not in the end be abufcd; but as 
be has manifeftcd the trewth, fo will he puncife 
the iniquity." Lenox's Orig. Regift. of Letters. 
In their public papers, the queen's enemies may 
be fiifpeded of advancing what would be moft 
fubfcrvient to their caufe, not what was agree-* 
able to truth, or what flowed from their own 
inward conviAion. But in a private ktter to 
his own wife,> Lennox had no occafion to diP* 
fembki and k is plain, that he not only thought ' 
the queen guilty, but bcKeved the authenticity- 
of her letters to Both well. 8, In oppofition to 
all chefe reafons for believing the letters, &c. 10 
be authentic, the conduft of the nobles confe- 
derated againft Mary, in not producing them 
dire£tty as evidence againft her, has been reprefent- 
ed as an irrefragable proof of their being forged. 

According 



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5S0 DISSERTATION OK 

According to the account of the confederates them- 
felves, the cafket containing the letters was feized 
by them on the twentieth of June one thoufand five 
hundred and fixty-fcven i but the firft time that they 
were judicially ftated as evidence againft the queen 
was in a meeting of the regent's privy council, 
December fourth, and they afterwards ferved as 
the foundation of the ads made againft her in 
the parliament held on the fifteenth of the fame 
month. If the letters had been genuine, it is 
contended, that the obtaining poflcflion of them 
muft have afforded fuch matter of mumph to 
the confederates, that they would inftantly have 
proclaimed it to the whole world j and in their 
negociations with the Englifh and French mini- 
ftcrs, or with fuch of their fellow-fubjefts as 
condemned their proceedings, they would have 
filenccd, at once, every advocate for the queen, 
by exhibiting this convincing proof of her guilt. 
But in this reafoning fuificient attention is not 
paid to the delicate and perilous fituation of 
the confederates at that junfture. They had 
taken arms againft their fovereign, had feized 
her perfon at Carberry-hill, and had confined her 
a prifoner at Lochlcvin. A confiderable num- 
ber, however, of their fellow-fubjedb, headed by 
fomc of the moft powerful noblemen in the king- 
dom, was combined againft them. This combi- 
nation, they foon perceived, they could not hope 
to break or to vanquifh without aid either from 
France or England. In the former kingdom, 
Mary's imcles, the duke of Guife and cardinal 

of 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c- 3i^ 

of Lorrain, were, at that period, all powerful^ 
and the king himfelf was devotedly attached to 
her. If the confederates confined their views 
to the diflblution of the marriage of the queen 
with Bothwell, and to the exclufion c^ him for 
ever from her prefence, dicy might hope, per- 
haps, to be countenanced by Charles IX. and his 
miniftcrs, who had fent an envoy into Scot- 
land of purpofe to difliiade Mary from that ill- 
fated match ; Append, No. XXII. ; whereas the 
loadbg her publicly with the imputation of be- 
ing acccflary to the murder of her hulband, 
would be deemed fuch an inexpiable crime by 
die court of France, as muft cut off every hope 
of countenance or aid from that quarter. From 
England, with which the principal confederates 
had been long and intimately connefted, they 
had many rcafons to expeft more eflFc6hial fup- 
port; but to their aftonifhment, Elizabeth con- 
demned their proceedings with afperity, v^rmly 
cfpoufed the caufe of the 'captive queen, and 
was extremely felicitous to obtain her releafc aitd ■ 
reftoration. Nor was this merely the only one of 
the artifices which Elizabeth often employed in her 
tranfaftions with Scotland. Though her moft fa- 
gacious miniftcrs confidered it as the wifeft po- 
licy to fupport the confederate lords rather than 
the queen of Scots, Elizabeth difregardcd their 
counftP. Her high notions of royal authority, 

and 

* Ttis was the opinion of Throkmorton, as appears from 

an extrad of his letter of July i ith, publilhcd in the Appemd. 

No% 



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35» DISSERTATION ON 

and of the fubmiffion due by fid)je<5):8, iDduced 
her, on this occafion, to exert herfclf in behalf of 
Mary, not only with fincerity but with zeal ; 0ic 
negociated, (he folicited, ihe threateaed. Finding 
the confederates inflexible, (he endeavoured to pro- 
cure Mary's releafe by means of that party in 
Scotland which continued feithful to her, and in-* 
ftrufted Throkmorton to correfpond widi the 
leaders of it, and to make overtures to drnt eflfeft. 
Keith, 45 1 • App. No. XXIII. She even went 
fo far as to direft her amba(&dor at Paris to con* 
cert meafures with the French king how they, by 
their joint efforts, mi^t perfuade or compel the 
Scots to <^ acknowledge the queen her good (ifter 
to be their fovereign lady, and queen, and renounce 
their obedience to her fon." Keith, 462, 3, 4. 
From all thcfe circumftances, the confederates had 
every reafon to apprehend that Mary would foon 
obtain liberty, and by fome accommodation be re- 
ftored to the whole, or at Icaft to a confidcrable 
portion of her authority as fovereign. In that 

No. XXII« The (ame were the fentiments of Cecil, in his 
letter of Aug* 19th, 1567, to Sir Henry Norris, Elizabeth's 
ambalTador to France, " You (hall perccivt," fay» hct 
•* by the queen's letter to you, at this prefeiitt how eameftly 
ihe is bent in favour of the queen of Scots, and truly fince 
the beginning flie hath been greatly offended with the lords p 
and, howfoever her majelly might make her profit by bear- 
ing with the lords in this adlion, yet no counfel can ftay her 
majefty from manifcfting her mifliking of them." Cabala^ 
140. And in his letter of Sept. 3d, ** The queen's majefty, 
our fovereign, remaineth dill offended with the lordf for 
the queen; the example moveth her." lb. 141. Digges 
Comp. Amb. 1^ 

1 event 



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K. HENRY^a MURDER, &c. 252 

^vent they forcfaw, that if they Ihould venture to 
accufe her publicly of a crime fo atrocious as the 
murder of her hufband, they muft not only be ex* 
eluded for ever from power and favour, but from 
any hope of perfonal fafety. On this account they 
long confined themfelves to that which was ori« 
gindly declared to be the reafon of their taking 
arms ; the fiven^ng the king's death, the diflblv- 
if^ the marriage With Bothwellt the inflifting on 
him condign puniihment, or baniihing him for ever 
from the queen's prefence. It appears from the 
letters of Throkmorton, pubHflbed by bifhop Keiths 
and in my Appendix, that hk lagacity early difco-^ 
vered that this would be the tenor of their condu<!i* 
In his letter from £dinbuigh» dafed July I4th> he 
t)bferves, that ^' they do not fbiget dieir own peril 
conjoined with the danger of the prince, but, as far 
as I perceive, they intend not to touch the queen 
cither in furcty or in honour; for they fpeak of 
her with rcfpeft and reverence, and do affirm, as I 
do learn, that, the condition afbrefaid accomplifhed 
[i. e. the feparation from Bothwell], they will both , 
put her to liberty, and reftore her to her eftate." 
Append. No. XXII. His letter of Augufl aid, 
contains a declaration made to him by Letfaingtop, 
ili name and m prefence of his afTociates, ^^ that 
they never meant harm neidier to die queen's per- 
fon nor to her honour — that they have been con- 
tented hitherto to be condemned, as it were, of 
all princes, ftrangers, and, namely, of the queen 
of England, being charged of grievous and infa^ 
mous dtlcs, as to be noted rebels, traitors, fedi* 
Vol*. II. A a dous> 



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J5+ . DISSERTATION 01^ 

tious, ingrate, and cruel, all which they fuffer and 
bear upon their backs, becaufe they will not juftify 
themfclves, nor proceed in any thing that may 
touch their fovercign's honour. But in cafe they 
be with thefe defamations continually oppreflcd, or 
with the force, aid, and praftices of other princes, 
and namely of the queen of England, put in dan* 
gcr, or to an extremity, they fhall be compelled to 
deal odierwife with the queen than they intend, or 
than they defirc j for, added he, you may be furc 
we will not lofe our lives, have our lands forfeited, 
and be reputed rebels through the world, feeing 
we have the means to juftify ourfelvesw" Keiths 
448. From this view of the flippery ground on 
which' they ftood at that time, their condu6k in not 
producing the letters f6r fcveral nionths, appears 

' not only to have been prudent, but effential to their 
own lafety. 

But, at a fubfcquent period, when the confede- 
rates found it necef&ry to have the form of govern- 
ment, which they had eftabliflied, confirmed by 
authority of parliament, a different mode of pro- 

* deeding became requifite. All that had hitherto 
been done with rcfpeft to the queen's difiniffion, the 
fcating the young king upon the throne, and the 
appointment of a regent, was in reality nothing 
more than the deed of private men. It required 
the exhibition of fome legal evidence to procure a 
conftitutional aft giving the lanftion of its appro- 
bation to fuch violent meafures, and to obtain " a 
perfcdt law and fecurity for all them that either by 
deed, counfcl^ or fubfcription, had entered into 
7 that 



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11. HENRY^s MURfitk, &e. 3£f 

Aat caufe fincc the beginning." Haynes,. 4^51. 
This prevailed with the regent and his fecret coun* 
fely after long deliberation, to agree to produce 
all the evidence of which they were pofleflcd ; and 
upon that |)roduftion parliament paflfed the afts 
which were required* Such a change had happen- 
ed in the fbite of the kingdom as induced the con- 
federates to venture upon this Change in their 
condufb. In June, a powerful combination was 
forming againft them» under the leading of the 
Hamiltons. In December, that combination was 
broken ; moft of the members of it had acknow* 
ledged the king as their lawful fovereign, and had 
fijbmitted to the regent's government. Huntly>' 
Argyll, Hcrries, the moft powerful noblemen of 
that party, were prefent in the parliament, and 
concurred in all its ads. Edmburgh, Dunbar^ 
Dunbarton, and all the chief ftrong holds in due 
kingdom, were now in the hands of the regent^ 
the arms of France had fiill occupation in its civil 
war with the Hugonots* The ardour of Eliza- 
beth's zeal in behalf of the captive queen fcems to 
have abated* A ftep that would have been ft^l- 
lowed with ruin to the confederates in June, was 
attended with litde darker in December* From 
this long dedu6tion it appears, that no proof o( the 
letters being foi^d can be drawn from the cir- 
cumftance of their not having been produced im- 
mediately after the twentieth of June j but though 
no public accufation was brought inftantly againft 
the queen, in confequence of fei2dng the caiketj 
hints were given by the confederates, that they 
A. a a pofleflcd 



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3^6 DISSERTATION ON 

poflcffcd evidence fufficicnt to convift her. This 
is plainly implied in a letter of Throkmorton, July 
aift, Keith, Prcf. p. xii. and more clearly in the 
paflage which I have quoted from his letter of 
Auguft aa. In his letter of July ^5, the papers 
contained in the cafket are ftill more plainly pointed 
out, " They [i. e. the confederates] lay, duit they 
have as apparent proof againft her as may be, as 
well by the teftimony of her own hand-wriring, 
which they have recovered, as alfo by fufficicnt 
witnefles." Keith, 426. 

U. With regard to the internal prook of the 
genuinencfs of the queen's letters to Bothwell, we 
may obferve, i. That whenever a paper is forged 
with i particular intention, die eagernefs of the 
larger to eftablifh the point in view, his folicitude 
to cut oflF all doubts and cavils, and to avoid any 
appearance of uncertainty, feldom fail of prompt- 
ing him to uie expreflions the moft explicit and full 
to his purpofe. The paffages foifted into ancient 
audidrs by heretics in different ages ; the legendary 
miracles of the Romifh faints; the fuppofiddous 
deeds in their own favour produced by monafteries; 
the falfe charter^ of homage mentioned Vol. I. 
p. 10. are fo many proofs of this afTerdon. No 
maxim feems to be more certain than this, tha( a 
forger is often apt to prove too much, but feldom 
falls into the error of proving too litde^ The point 
which the queen's enemies had to eflablifh was, 
«* that as the earl of Bothwell was chief executor 
of the horrible and unworthy murder perpetrated, 
flrc. fo was fhe of die fortknowlcdgc, counfci, dc- 
• . vife, 



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K. HENfeY's MURDER, &c. 357 

rife, pcrfuadcr, and commawicr of the faid mtirder 
to be done/' Good* ii. 207. But of this there 
arc only imp€rfe& hint^ obfcure intimations, and 
dark, exprefiions in the letters, wl^ich, however 
convincing evidence they might fiarnilh if found in 
real letters, bear no rcfcmblance to that ghre^ and • 
fupcrfluity of evidence which forgeries commonly 
contain. All the advocates for Mary's innocence * 
in her own age, contend that there is nothing in 
the letters which can ferve as a proof of her guilt. 
Lefly, Blackwood, Turner, &c. abound with paf- 
fagcs tt) this purpofcj jior are the fentiments of 
thofe in the prcfent age different. «* Yet ftill it 
might have been cxpcAed (fays one of her ableft 
defcndere) that fomc one or other of the points or 
articles of the acculation Ihould be made out dearly 
by the proof. But nothing of that is to be fcen in 
the prcfent cafe. There is nothing in the letters 
that could plainly ihew the writer to have been in 
the foreknowledge, counfel, or device of any mur- 
der, fer Icfi tt> have perfuaded or commanded it ; 
and as little is there about maintaining or juftify- 
ing anjr munkrs." Good. i. 76. How iH advifed 
wane Mary's adverlarics, to contrad fo much guilt, 
and to prai5l:tfe fo many artifices, in order to forge 
letters, which are fo iH contrived for eftablifhing 
the conchifioct they had in view ! Had they bcea 
(o bafc as to have recourfe to forgery, is it not na- 
tural to think that they would have produced fome^ 
thing moie explicit and decifive ? 2. It is almoft 
impoflible to invent a long narration of fidkious 
events, confifting of various minute ^particulars;, 
A a 3 andi 



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35? PISSERTATION ON - 

and to conncft thcfe in fuch a maiuier mth real - 
fads, that no mark of fraud (hall appear* For this 
r^aibn^ fkilful forgers avoid any long detail of cir^ 
cumftances, efpecialiy of foreign and fi^)ei€uous 
ones, well knowing that the more diefe are rnulti-* • 
plied, the more are the chances of cfcte6tion in- 
creafed. Now Mary's letters, efpedaHy the firfl^ 
are filled with a multiplicity of ciiK:umQances, ex- 
tremely natural in a real correfpondcnce, but alto-- 
geth^r foreign to the purpofe of the queen's ene- 
mies, and which it would have been extreme &lly 
to have infeited, if they had been altogether ima- 
ginary, and without foundation* 3. The truth and 
reality of fevcral circumftances in the letters, and 
the fc, too, of no very public nature, are confirmed 
by undoubted collateral evidence. Lett. i. Good.ti« 
p. I. The queen is faid to have met x)ne qf Len^ 
npx's gentlemen, and to have had. fome convcrfat-* 
tion with him. Thomas Crawford, who was the-' 
perfon, appeared before Elizabeth's commifiioners,- 
and confirmed, iiponiOath,.th€ truth of this-circum-* 
ftance. He likewife declared, that during tfae^ 
queen's ftay at Glafgawi, the king repeated to him^ 
every night, whatever had pafled through the day, 
between- her majcfly and him j and that theaocount 
given of thcfe converlations in the firft letter, is 
nearly the fame with what the king communicated 
to him. Good. ii. 24^. According to the fame 
letter there was much difooqpfe between the king 
and queen concerning Mymo, Hiegait, and Wal-' 
f:ar. Good. ii. 8, 10, 11. What this might be, 
vas altogether unknown, until abetter of Mary's, 

r * preferve^ 



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K, H E N R Y's MURDER, ice. 3S^ 

prcfcrvcd in the ScottUh college at Paris, and pub- 
lifhed, Keith, Pref. vii- difcovcrcd it to be an 
^ir of fo much importance as merited all the 
iRtentioh (he paid to it at that time. It appears^ 
by a Icttef from die French ambaffador, that Mary 
was fubjeft to a violent pain in her fide. Keith, 
ibid. This circumftance is mentioned, Lett. i. 
p. 30. in a manner to natural as can fcarcely belong 
to any but a genuine production. If we (hall ftiU 
think it probable to fuppofe that fo many real cir- 
aim(lances were artfully introduced into the letters 
by the forgers, in order to give an air of authen- 
ticity to their production j it will hardly be poflible 
to hold the fame opinion concerning the following 
particular. Before the queen began her firft letter 
to Bodiwell, (he, as ufual among thole who write' 
long letters containing a variety of fiibjefts, made 
notes or memorandums of the particulars (he wilhed 
to remember ; but as Ihe fat up writing during a 
great part of the ilight, and after her attendants 
were afleep, her paper failed her, and (he con- 
tinued her letter upon the fame iheet on which Ihe 
had formerly made her memorandums. ThiiJ (he 
hcrfelf takes notice of, and makes an apology for 
Vt : *' It is late j I dcfire never to ceafc from writ- 
ing unto you, yet now, after the ki(fing of your 
hands, I will end my letter. Excufe my ' evil 
writing, and read it twice oven Excufe that thing 
that is fgriblit, for I had na paper zefterday, quiien 
I wraitc that of the memorial." Good. ii. !i8. 
Thefe memorandums ftUl appear in the middle of 
the letter -, and what we have faid fccma natu<:al|y 
A a 4 to 



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36a DISSERTATION OK 

to accouQt for the manner how they migfae find dietr 

way into a real letter. It is fqarce to be fuppofedj 

however, that any forger would think of pladuig 

memorandums in the middle of a letter, where, art 

firfl: fight, they make fo abfurd and Co unnatural 

an appearance^ But if any fhall ftill carry their 

refinement to fuch a length, as to fuppoie that the 

forgers were fo artful as to throw in this circum- 

ftancc,in order to preferve the appearance of gc- 

nuinenefs, they muft at leaft allow that the queen's 

enemies, who employed thefc forgery could not 

be ignorant of the de%n and meaning of diefe 

ihort notes and memorandun^ i but we find them 

miftaking them fo far as to imagine that ducy were 

the credit of the iiarcr, i.e. points concerning; 

which the queen had given him verbal inftruftiona. 

Good, iiv 152. This they cannot poffibly be ; for 

the queen herfelf writes with fo much exa&ne& 

concerning the different points in the memonui^ 

dums, that there was no need of giving any credit 

or inftrudions to the bearer concerning them. The 

memorandums are indeed the c^Uents of the letter^ 

5. Mary, mendoning her converiation with the 

king, about the affair of Mynto, Htegait, &c. 6ys, 

« The mornc, [i.e. to-morrow] I will fpcik to 

him upon that pomt;'* and then adds, " As to the 

reft of Wille Hiegwt*^ he confeflit iti but it waa 

the morne [i. e. the morning] after my comii^ or 

he did it.^ Good. ii. 9. This addmoo, which 

could not have been made till after the CQnvcr&« 

tion happened, (etxtiS either to have been inierted 

by the queen into the body of the letter, or, per* 

haps. 



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K. HENDRY'S MURDER, &c. 56^, 

haps, file having written it on the margm, it was 
taken thence into the text. If we fiippofe the let* 
trr to be a real one, and written at difierenc timcs» 
as it plainly bears, this circumfhoce 2^)pear& to be 
very natural^ jjut no reafon could have induced a 
(brger to have ventured upon fuch an anachronifisi» 
for which there was no neoeffity. An addttioa 
perfedtiy iimilar to this made to a genuine paper,^ 
nuqr be feund, Good. ii. 2tSa« 

BuTy on the other hand, Mary herfelC and the 
advocates for her innocence, have contended, that 
thefc letters, were fbrgod by her enemies, on pur-, 
pofe to Uaft her leputarion, and to juftify tfadr 
own rebellion; It is not nece&ry to take noiioe o£ 
the ai^;umeiits wluch were producedj^ in her ovm 
age, in fup^rt of this opinion ; the obTervatioo^i 
which we have already made, contain a fall reply- 
to diem. An author, who has inquired into die 
a&irs of that period with great inckiftry, and whot 
has acquired much knowledge of them, h» pub^ 
lifiied (as he affirms) a demonftration of the for* 
gery of Nfary's letters. This demonftratton he 
founds \xpon evidence both internal and extemaL 
With re^rd to the former, he ob(erves; that ti^ 
French cc^ of the cfueen's letters is phtinly # 
tranfladon of Buchanan's Latin copy f which Latin 
cc^ is only a tranflation of the Scottifb copy^ 
and» by confequence> the alTerdon of the queen's 
enecnies^ that (he wrote them originally in French^ 
H altogether groundk&, and the whok letoers are 
grois forgeries* He accounts for this ftrange fuc« 
ceflion of tranfladons, by fuppofing rfiat when tie 
forgery was proje&ed> no pcxfon couki be finuui 

capable 



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^^ DISSERTATION O N* 

capable of writbg originally in the French language 
letters which would pafe foi; the queen's; for that 
leafon they were firft compofed in Scotdih ; but 
unluckily the French interpreter, as he conjefturcs, 
did not underftand that lai^;uage i^ and therefore 
Buchanan tranflated them into Latin, and from his 
Ladn they were rendered into French* Good, i, 
^^ 80. 

It is hardly neceflary to obfcrvc, that no proof 
whatever Is produced of any of thefe fuppofidoos. 
The manners of the Scots, in that age, when ahnoft. 
every man of rank fpent a part of his youth in 
France, and the intercourfe between die two na- 
tions ^9^ great, render it altogether improbable 
that fo many complicated operations Ihould be 
necei&ry m order to procure a few letters to b^^ 
written in the French language. 

But without infifting farther on this, we may 
obfenre, that all this author's premifes may be 
granted, and yet his conclufion will not foBow, un- 
Icls he likewife prove that the French letters, as 
we now have them, arc a true copy of thofc which 
were produced by Murray and his party in the 
Scottifli parliament, and at York and Wefhnin- 
ftec. But this he has not attempted ; and if we at^ 
tend to the hiftory of the letters, fuch an attempt, 
it is obvious, muft have been unfuccefefol. The 
letters were firft publifhcd at the end of Bucha- 
nan's DeteSiion. The iirft edidon of this treadfe 
was in Latin, in which language three of the 
qxicen's letters were fubjoined to it; this Ladn 
edition was printed A. D. 1571. Soon after, a 
Scotrifh tranflation x)f jt was publifhcd, and at die 

en4 



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K- HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 363 

end of it were printed, fikewife in Scottifh, the 
three letters which had formerly appeared in La- 
dn, and five other letters in Scottifti, which were 
not in the Latin edition. Next appeared a French 
tranllation of the Deceftion, and of feven of the 
ktccrs; this bears to have been printed at Edin- 
burgh by Thomas Waltem, 1572. The name of 
die placcy as well as the printer, is altowed by all 
parties to be a manifeft impofture. Our author, 
from obfcrving the day of the month, from which 
the prmting is faid to have been finifhed, has al- 
fcrted that this edition was printed at London; 
but no ftrefs can be laid upon a date found in 
a book, where every other circumftance with rc^ 
gard to the printing is allowed to be falfe. Black- 
wood, who (next to Lefly) was the beft informed 
of all Mary's advocates in that age, affirms that 
the French edition of the Deteftion'was publifhed 
'in France: " II [Buchanan] a depuis adjouftc a 
cefte declamation un petit libcUe du prctendu ma- 
nage du due de Norfolk, ct de la fa^on de fon 
proces, ct la tout envoyc aux frercs a la Rochelle, 
•lefquels voyants qu'il pouvoit fervir a la caufe, Tont 
tradxiit.en Francois, et iceluy fut imprimce a Edin- 
bourg, c'eft a dire a la Rochelle, par Thomas 
Waltem, nom apoftc et fait a plaifir. Martyre de 
Marie. Jebb, ii. 256.'^ The author of the Inno- 
cence de Marie goes farther, and names the French 
'tranflator of the Deteftion. " Et icelui prcmiere- 
ment compofe (comme il femble) par George Bu- 
,chanan Efcoffoys, et depuis traduit en langue Fran- 
ffoife par un Hugonot, Poitevin (advocat de vo- 
ption) C^aipuz^ foy difaat gentilhomme, ct un de 
: ; . plus 



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^^ . DISSERTATION O^ 

plus pcmarqucz feditciir dc France. Jcbb> i. 425; 
4JL3.** Th« coficurrii^ teftimonjr of two contem- 
pomry authors, whofc rcfidcncc in France afforded 
them fqfikiem means of infbnnation> mufi: out- 
weigh ^ tUght conjeftwc. This French tranflator 
does not pretend to puWifli the cnriginal French 
letters as written by fh^ qu^en herfelf i he exprefely 
ikclar^s that he; tranlUted them &om the Latin> 
Good. i. 103. H^ our author aetiended to all thefe 
circumftaneeSj he fnight have favcd himfelf the la-* 
hour of fo ?aany criticifnjs to prove that the prefcnt 
French copy o( the letters is a. tranflation from the 
Latin. The French ecjitof himfclf acknowledges itj^ 
Ufyd, fo far as I know, no perfon ever denied it. 

Wz may obferve, that the French tranflator was 
fo ignorant, as to afHrm that Mary had written 
thcfc letters;^ partly in French, partly in Scottiflb*. 
Good. i. 103. Had this tranHation been puUiflied 
,at London by Ccci;!, or had it been made l?y his 
direction, fo grois an error would not have beea 
admitted into it. This error, however, was owii^ 
to an odd circumftance. In the Scottilh tra.n(bttion 
of the Detedlion, two or three; fcntenccs of the ori- 
ginal French were prefixed to each letter, which 
breaking off with an &c. the Scottifli tranfladon 
of the whole letter followed. This method of 
printing tranO^tions was not uncommon in that 
age. The French editor obferving this,. fooliiUy 
concluded that the letters had been written partty 
in French, partly in Scottilh. 

}t we carefully confider thofe few French fen- 
tences of etch letter, which ftill remain, and apply 
to them that fpccies pf criticifai> by which XMir au- 
thor 



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K. HENRY^s MURDEft, ice. ^>r| 

thor has cxamiocd the whole, a clear proof will 
arife, that there was a French copy «ot tranflated 
from the Latin, but which was itfelf the original 
from which both the Latin and Scotti(h have beeh 
tranflated. This minute criticifm muft neccflarily 
be difagreeable to many readers j but luckily a fe\i^ 
icntcnces only are to be examined, which will irn- 
dcr it extremely (hort. 

In the firft letter, the French Antcnce prefixed 
to it ends with thcfe words, y fai/o'uhon. It is plain 
this exprcflion, veu ce que peut un corps fans ca^ur^ 
is by no means a tranflation of aim plane perinde 
iffem atque corpus fine corde. The whole fentence 
has a fpirit and elegance in the French, which nei- 
ther the Latin nor Scottifh have retained. Jufquei 
u la dime is not a tranflation of toto prandii tem^ 
fGre\ the Scottifli tranflation, quhile denneti-timey 
cxpreflfes the fcnfe of the French more properly j 
for ahcicndy quhile fignified Until as well as during* 
Je n^ay pas tenu grand pr opes is not juftty rendered 
neque contulerim Jermonem cumquoquam\ the phrafe 
ufed in the French copy is one peculiar to that 
language, and gives a more probable account of 
her behaviour than the othen Jmgeant Men qu*il 
ifyfaijoit bony is not a tranflation of ut qui judical 
rent id non ejfe ex uju. The French fcntence pre- 
fixed to lett. 2. ends with apprendre. It is evident 
jhat both the Latin and Scottifli tranflations have 
omitted altogether thefe words, et toutefois je ne 
;puis apprendre. The French fcntence prefixed to 
Jett. 3. ends with pr ef enter. J' aye veilli plus tard 
la baut is plainly no tranflation of diutias illic mo^ 

I T rata 



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^€6 pISSERTAtlON OM 

ratajum j the fcnfc of the French is better tm^ 
pre0ed by the Scottifli, / A^x;^ walkit later there up. 
Again, Pour excujer voftre affaire is very different 
from nd excufandam nojira negotia. The five re- 
maining kttcrs never appeared in Latin; nor is 
there any proof of their being ever tranflated mta 
diat langu^e. Four of them, however, are pub- 
liflicd in French. This entirely overturns our au- 
thor's hypothcfis concerning the ncceffity of a tranf- 
lation into Latin. 

In the Scottilh edition of the Detc6bion the 
vi\io\t Jonnet is printed in French as well as in 
Scottilh. It is not poffibk to believe that this 
Scottifh copy could be the original from which 
the French was tranflated. The French confifta 
of verfcs which have both mcafure and rhime, and 
which, in many places, are far from being inele- 
gant. The Scotdfli confifts of an equal number of 
lines, but without meafur^ or rhune. Now no 
man could ever think of a thing fo abfurd and im- 
pnuElicable, as to require one to tranflate a certain 
given number of lines in profe, into -an equal 
number of verfes, where both meafure and rhime 
were to be obferved* The Scotdfli, on the 
contrary, appears manifeftly to be a tranflation 
of die French; the phrafes, the idioms, and 
many of the words are French, apd not Scottifti* 
Befides, the Scotdfli tranflator has, in fevcral in- 
ftances, mifl:akcn the fenfe of the French, ^nd in 
many more exprcflcs the fenfe imperfcdly. Had 
the fonnet been forged, this could not have hap- 
pened. The dircftors of the fraud would have 

iindcrftood 



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K. HENRY^s MURDER, &c^ 367. 

tmderftood their own work« I fliall &dsfy myielf 
with one example, in which there is a proof of botii 
tny aflerdons. Stanza yiii. ver 9. 

Pour luy j'attcndz toute bonne fortune. 
Pour luy je vc'ux garder fantc et vie. 
Pour luy tout vertu de fuivre jfay envie* 

For him I attend all good fortune. 
For him I will confcrve helthe and lyfc. 
For him I defire to cnfue courage. 

Attend in the firft line is not a Scottifh, but a 
French phrafe ; the two other lines do not exprefs 
the fenfe of the French, and the laft is abfolutc 
|ionfenle« 

The eighth letter was never tranflated intp 
French. It contains much refined myfticifm about 
deyicesy a folly of that age, of which Mary was 
very fond, as appears from fcvcral other circum- 
ftances, particularly from a letter concerning /V»- 
frejas by Drummond of Hawthomden. If Mary's 
adverfaries forged her letters, they were certainly 
employed very idly when they produced this* 

Fkom thefe obfervations it feems to be evident 
that there was a French copy of Mary's letters^ 
of which the Latin and Scqttifli were only tranf- 
jadons. Nothing now remains of this copy but 
thofe few fentences which are prefixed to the Scot- 
tilh tranflation. The French editor laid hold of 
thefe fentences, and tacked his own tranflation to 
them, which, fo far as it is his work, is a fervile 
and a very wretched tranflauon of Buchanan's La-. 

tin; 



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3jk DtSSKtflTATION OW 

tin; 'whereas^ in thofcintrodoAory fentehccs, ti/t 
have difcovcrcd ftrong marks of their beiflg origin 
.nals, and certain proofs that dicy are not tranflatcd 
from the Latin. 

It is apparent, tod> frohi comparing the Latin 
and Scottifli tranflaiibns wkh thefc fcntenees, that 
the Scottilh tranflator has more pcrfeftly attained 
the fenfe and fpirh of the French than the Ladn« 
And as it appears, that the letters were very early 
tranflated into Scotti(h> Good. ii. 76. it is probable 
that Buchanan made his tranflation, not from the 
French, but from the Scottifti copy. Were it nc* 
ceilary, feyeral cHtical proofs of this might be 
produced. One that has been already mcndoned 
fcems decifive. DitUius illU moratajum bears nor 
the leaft refcmblance to fay imlH plus tar d la bauf j 
but if, inftcad of / walkii [i. e. wa;tched] laiM" 
there ufy we ftippofe that Buchanan read / waititf 
&c. this miftake, into which he might fo eafdy 
have fallen, accounts for the error in his tranfladon. 

These critlcifms, however minute, appear to 
he well founded. Bot whatever opinion may be 
formed concerning them, the other afgumcntSf 
with regard to the internal evidence, remain in 
iuU force. 

The e:iMmal proofs of the forgery of the quccn^s 
letters, which our author has produced^ appear at 
firft light to ht fpecious, but are not more fofid 
than diat which wo have already examined. Tbc^ 
proofs may be clafled under two heads, i. The 
erroneous and contradidory accounts which aie 
laid to be given of the letters, upon the firft judi- 
cial 



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K. HEKRrs MURDER, 8cc. 36^ 

eial produQion of them. In the fccret council 
held D^cttn. 4. 1 567, thtfy arc defcribcd " as her 
privie letters written and fubfcrivit with her awinr 
hand/* Hayhes, 454. Good. ii. 64. In die aft of 
parliament, pa^d on the 15th of the fame month, 
diey arc defcribcd as " her privie letters writtin 
hakKe widi her awin hand/' Good. ib. 67. This 
diverfity of defcripdon has been confidcred as a 
ftrong prefumption of forgery. The manner in 
which Mr. Hume accounts for diis is natural and 
plaufible, V0I.V. p. 498. And fcveral ingenious 
remarks, tending to confirm his obfervadons, are 
made in a pamphlet lately publifhed, indded, Mif- 
ttllaneous Remarks on the Enquiry into the EiAdence 
again/ Mary ^een of Scots. To what diey have 
obferved it may be added, that the original ad of 
fecret council does not now eiift; wc have only a 
copy of it found among Cecil's papers, and the 
tranicriber has been manifeftiy fo ignorant, or for 
carekfs, diat an argument founded ehtireiy upon 
die fuppofition of his accuracy is of little force*. 
Sevend errors into which he has fallen, we are en« 
abled to point out| by comparing hisropf of the^ 
aft of fecret council wiA the t& of pariiamenr 
pafled in- confequence of it. The formei* codtaina 
a peddon to parliament; in the latter the reiff pe^ 
ddon is refined veriatim, taid converted iritoft 
hw. Jn the copy, die queen's marriage with 
Bothwell is caHed " a privelt xharriage,'* which it 
certainly was not; for it was ^lebrated, after pfo^ 
elamation of banns, in St^ Giles's churdi^tUe^ft^ 
vcraldays, and with poblfcfolemiiftyj but ifl^Atf 
aA it is denominated *' aiie pretendit inarriage^^ 
- Vol. II. B4> which 



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57© DISSERTATIOITON 

whkh is the proper djcfcripdRm W it» ftCOM&ig 0» 
the ideas of the party. la th« copy, the queen U 
' iaid '^ to be ib thrall and ^/niy afFedioaac to the 
privat appctke of that tyran^" which is oonfcnfe, but 
in the aa it is ** bUadfy affe£tionftt." In the caopy 
it is (aid, '^ all nobill and virtuous men abhorring 
their traint and company." In the aft, " their 
tyrannic and cornpanic," which is evidently the true 
reading, as the other has either no meaning, or is a 
mere tautology, a. The other proof of the foigcry 
of the ktters^ is founded i^n the impoffibility of 
reconciling the account, given of the time when, 
and the ^accs from which^ the letters are fuppofcd 
to liavt been written, with what is certainly knowi\ 
concerning die queen's^ nK>tioas. According to 
tdie pajper publifhed, AnderC ii. 269. wluch hai^ 
been called Murray's Di^,^ and which is formed 
«ipon the authority of the liters, Mary iet ou^ 
ffom Edinburgh to GJafgoWi January m, 1567 i: 
flie arrived there on^R? asd; left. that. place oa 
the a7th^ ihe^ together with the kii^ reached 
Iinlithg0w on the aStb^ flayed in that town only 
^tm nig^t, and rctut^l^ tq Edinbuxig^; before ^\ 
end pf't^ montdu Bi8fiaf:QprdiDg toMr. GoodaU^ 
tA j^i^^^ not feavt £dknbii||^ qotil Friday 
Ipfoff yp^j as; &f» ^ye4 a n^t at CaUemkr^ 
j^acould ^ot r«acl) (^fgow fpontr than rbe o^eti- 
mg of Satiwdaj x^^t:^i^yM^ fhc tpturncd to Iin-» 
i^\^ovif oti Tvfi^ Q,8£h. .% ^qafeqttcnce, 
the |ir§r;lctier> whifph Aiipppfcs the^RCflp to havo 

fefpfii j6Bcr^'SJ^**^ at Glafeow S^r^ 

ili^.jH)pf^ir. Whcce^ Ibc didvHot arrive there until 



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. K.HIENTlY's' murder; Sc, ^7; 

Ac evening, nuift be forgeries. That cfM ^een 
did not ict out firotn Cdiiibut^h iboner than the 
ft4th of January^ is cyidewi^as he contends) jfrom 
die public records, which comain a Precift df a 
€<n^rm4ihn of a life^nni by James Boyd to Mar- 
garet Chalmers, granted by the ^ueen, on the a4tb 
of January, at Edinburgh ; atid Kkewtfe 9 letter of 
the queen's daced at Edinburgh on the ftme day, 
appointing Jaihes Ing^s tay)dr ico the prince her 
fbn. That the king and queen had returned to 
linUthgow on ^t aSth, appears* firom a deed) in 
which they appoint Andrew Fcrrier keeper of their 
{M^ace there, dated at Lkdtthgow^ January aS. 
Good. i. ii«. 

This has been reprefented to be not only a con« 
vincing, but a legal proof of the forgery of the let- 
ficrs laid co be written by Mary ; but how far it 
falls fliort of this, will appear from die foUkmbg 
coniiderations : 

i» It is evident, fcom 1 declaration or dOnfef* 
fion made by the bifhop of Rois, that before the 
conferences at York, which were opened in the 
beginning of O^^er 156I), Mary had, by ah ar- 
tifice of Maitland*s, got into lier hands a copy of 
thofc let^rs which her fubjefb accufed her of hav- 
ing written to Bothweil. Brown's Trial of thi^ 
Duke of Norfolk, 31* 36. It is highly probable 
that the bifhop of Rofs hid fcen the letters bdbre 
he wrote the defence of queen Mary's honmir irt^ 
the year 1570. They were publifhed to all the 
World, together with Buchanan's Detcdlion, A. D. 
1 57 1. Now, if they had contained an error f^ 
grols, and, at that time, fb obvious tg difcovery, 
B b a ^ as 



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371 . D I S S E R T A T I O N' O N 

as the fvjppofing the queen to hire pafTed fcreral 
days at Glafgow, wbHe fhe was really at Edin* 
burgh; had they contained a letter dated at GlaT* 
gow^ Saturday mormng, though Ihe did not arrive 
there till the evening i b it pofllble that fhe her- 
felf, who knew her own motions^ or the able and 
zealous advocates who appeared for her in that 
age, (hoUld not have publiflied and expofed this 
contradi6tion> and, by fo doing, have blafted at 
once the credit of fuch an impofture ? In difqui- 
fidons which are naturally abftrufe and intricate^ 
the ingenuity of the lateft atididr may difcovcr 
many things which have efcaped the attendQn> or 
baffled the fagacity, of thofe who have formerly 
^nfideced die fatne iubjeft^ But when a matter 
of faft lay fo obvious to. view, this circumftance of 
its being Unobfcrved by the queen hcrfelf, or by 
any of her adherents^ is almoft a tiemonftration 
that there is fome miftake or fallacy in our author's 
arguments. So far are any, either of bur hifto- 
rians^ or of Mary's defenders, from calling in ques- 
tion th^ ccmimon account concerniog the dme 
of the qtieen's ittting out to Glalgow, and her re- 
turning from it, tiiat there is xK)t the kail appear^ 
ance. of any difFcre^ice ^ong them with regard to 
this point. But larther, 

2. Those papers, in <he public record^ on 
which our author refts the proof of his aflertion 
tonccrning the queen's motions, are not the origi- 
nals fubfcribed by the queen, but copies only, or 
tranflations of copies of thofe originals. It is not 
ncccflary, nor would it be very eafy, to render this 
intclKgibk to perfons unacquainted with the foims 

of 



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K. HENRY^s MURDER/ arc. 373 

ef law in Scojtlin4 > but every Scotfman conrcrfent 
in bufinefs will underftand me when I fay that the 
precept of cohfirmatian of the life-rent to Boyd is 
only a Latin copy or note of a precept, which was 
ieakd with the privy fcal, on a warrant from the 
fignet-office, proceeding on a fignature which bore 
date at Edinburgh the 24^1 of January ; and that 
die deed in favour of James IngHs is the copy of 
a letter, fealed with the privy feal, proceeding on 
a fignature which bort date at Edmburgh January 
24. From all this we may argiie with fome degree 
of reafon, that a proof founded on papers which 
are fo many removes diftant from the originals, 
cannot but be very lame and uncertain. 

3. At that time all public papers were iflued in 
the name both of the king and queen j by law, the 
king's fubfcription was no lefs requiflte to any 
paper than the queen's; and dierefore unlcfs the 
original fignatores be produced, in order to afcer- 
tain the particular day when each of them figned^ 
or to prove that it was figned only by one of them, 
the legal proof ariling from thefc papers would be, 
that both the king and queen figned them at Edin* 
burgh on the 24th of January. 

4. The dates of die warranty or precepts iflued 
by the fovereign, in that age, feem to have been^ 
in a great meafure arbitrary, and afExed at the 
pleafure of the writer j and of confequence, thefc 
dates were ieklom accurate, are often. falfc, and 
can never be relied upon. This abufe became fo 
frequent, and was found to be fo pernicious, that 
an aft of parliament A. D. 1592, declared the fix- 
ing a fajfc date to a fignature to be high treafon. * 
B b 3 5, There 



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374 ' P I S S E R T A T I ON O N 

jL Thire ftiil ftmrnt^f in the pid& records, a 
grcjt number of papers^ which prove the neceflitjr 
of this law, as well as the fallacy of. our author's 
arguments* And thotigh it be iio cafjr matter, at 
the diftancc of twoccfitu^^iefi, to prove any particu- 
Ur date to be falfe, yetrferprifwg bftaUccs of thift 
kind fhall be produced*^ Nothing is oiore certain 
from hiftory> than that die king was at Giafgov 
a4th January 1567 j and yet the retord of figna- 
tureS frpna 156J; to 1582, fol. ifithj icomains the 
copy of a fignaturcto Archibald Edrtoonftoi^ faid 
to have been fubfcribcd by Qur/evemgnsj i. c. thi^ 
king and queen, at Edinburgh, Januiuy 24, 1567^ 
fo that if we were to rely implicitly upbn the dates) 
in the records of that age, or to hcikl our anchor's 
argunicnt to be good,, it would proyc that not only 
the queens but the k^g too, was at Edinbui^h 
on the a4ih of January. 

It appears from an original letter lof the Ufhop 

^ of Rols, that on the asth of October 1566, Nfary 

lay at the point of death i Keithj A|qp. 1J45 an^ 

yet a deed is to be found in the public records^ 

^hich bears that it -Nvas figncd by the queen that 

^ay. Privy feal, lib, 35; fol, 89, Ou^htarlony*. 

. Both WELL fcized the queen as (he returned fron^ 

Stirling, April 24th, 1567, and (according to hei 

^wn account) conduced her to Dunbar with al) 

* N. Bt In fiwnc of tkc earij editions of this DKTertatioD, 
another inftance of the fame nature with thofe 'whxck go 
before and fdllow was mentioned \ but thiiti as has fuice beca 
iifcovcred, \vas founded on a miftake of the pcrfon employ- 
ed to fcarch the records, and is therefore omitted in this eiiK- 
tipn. The reafoning, however, in the Dilfertation, ftands 
ftiil in for^e, notwithftauding this ftT^HTu»>^, 

dDigencc. 



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K.THENRT's MURDER, &c. $7$ 

aUigence. And. 1. 95. Gut our author, relying 
0Q the dat^of fame ptpers which he found in the 
liccords, ftppofes that BothwcU aUowed her to ftpp 
at Edtnt»]rgh> and to tranfaft bufinc& thett* No- 
thing can be more improbaUe dian dm fuppofi* 
tiom Wc may therefore rank the date pf the deed 
to Wright, Privy fcal, Kb. 36. fol. 43. ai|d which 
is mendonicd by our authpr^ vol. i. 1 24* among the 
inftances of the falie dates of papers which were iffijed 
in the ordinary courfe of bufinefs in that age. Our 
author has mifl^ken the date of the other paper (o 
Forbes, ibid it is figned April 14th, not April a4th. . 
If there be any point agreed upon in Mary's 
hifl:ory> it is, that fhe renmined at Dunbar from 
the time that BothwcU carried her thither, till 
fhe returned to Edinburgh along with him in the 
beginning of May. Our author himfeif allpws 
that fee refided twelve days there, vol. i. 367. 
Now though there arc deeds in the records which 
bear that they were figned by the queen at Dun- 
bar during jhat amc> yet there are others which 
bear that they were figned at Edinburgh ; e. g. 
there is one at Edinburgh, April 27th, Privy feal, 
Jib. 36. foL 97. There arc others faid to be figned 
at Dunbar on that day* lib. 31 . Chart. No. 524* 
526. lb. lib. 32. N«. 154. 157* There arc fomc 
figned at Dunbar -Apdl aSth. Others at Edin- 
burgh April 3pth, lib. 32. Chart. No^ 492. 
Qthers at Dunbar May ifl. Id. ibid. No. 158. 
Thcfc different charters fuppolc the queen to 
have made fo many unknown, improjbable, and 
inconfiftent journeys, that they afibrd the clcareft 
demonflration that ^ ckites iq thefe records ought 
iiot to be depended on. 

B b 4 tm\ 



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37« DISSERTATION ON ' 

This becomes more evident from the date of 
the charter faid to be figned April 29th» which 
happened diat year to be a Sunday^ which was not» 
at that time» a day of bufineis in Scotland^ as ap* 
pears from the bodes ci JedermU^ then kept by 
the lords of iefliom 

From this ihort reriew of our author's proof 
of the forgjcry of the letters to Bothwell, it is evi- 
dent that his arguments arc far from amounting ca 
demonftr^on-. 

< The uncertainty of tny conclufion formed merely 09 
the date of public papers in that age, especially with re* 
(ft6t to the king, is conArmed and iiluftrated by a difcorery 
which was sna4e lately. Mr« Davidibn (to whom I was 
indebted for much information when I compofed this 
Diflertation thirty-three years ago) has* in the couffe of 
, his intelligent researches into the antiquities of his country, 
found an original paper which muft appear curious to Scot* 
tifh antiquaries. Buchanan afferts, that on account of the 
king's frequent abfence, occafioned by his diflipation and 
love of field fports, a cachette^ or ftamp cut in meul» was 
made, with which his name was affixed to public deeds, as 
if he had been prefent. Hift. fib. xrit. p. 343. Edit. Ruddim. 
Knox relates the fame things Hift. p. 393. How tanch 
this may have divefted the king of the confequence which h^ 
derived from having his name conjoined with ^at of (b? 
queen in all public deeds, as the affixing of his name was 
thereby put entirely in the power of the perfon who had the 
cuftody of the e^bette^ is manifcA* llie keeping of it, as 
both Buchanan and Knox affirm, was committed to Rizio, 
A late defender of queen Mary calls in queftion what they 
relate, and feems to confider it as one of their afperfionsl 
Gdodail, vol. i. p. 138. The truth of their aflertion, how- 
ever, is now fully eftablifiied by the original deed which I 
have mentioned. This I have feen and examined with atr 
tcntion. It is now lodged by Mr, Davidfon in the fignctTof- 
fice. In it, the fubfcription of the king's name has evidently 
been made by a cacbitu with printers ink. 

Another 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 377 

ANOTHER aiigument againft the genuinenefs of 
thcfe letters is founded on the ftyle land eompoQ- 
don, which are £ud to be altogether unworthy of 
the queen, and unUke her real productions. It b 
plain, both£rom the great accunuy of compoGtioQ 
in mod of Mary's letters, and even from her Ibli* 
citude to write them in a fair hand, that (he irahied 
berfelf on thofe accompUfhments, and was defirous 
of being efteemed an elegant writer. But when 
Ihe wrote at any time in a hurry, then many marks 
of inaccuracy appear. A remarkable inftancc of 
this may be found in a paper publifhed Good, ii* 
3cn, Mary's letters to Bothwell were written in 
the utmoft hurry; and yet under all the difadvan^ 
tages of a tranflation, they are not deftitute either 
of fpirit or of energy. The manner in which flic 
exprefles her love to BothwcU has been pronounced 
indecent and even fliocking. But Mary's temper 
led her to warm expreflions of her regard; thofe 
refinements of delicacy, which now appear in all 
the conunerce between the fexes, were, in that age, 
but little known, even among perfons of the higheft 
rank. Among the eari of Hardwicke's papers, 
theit is a fcrics of letters, from Mary to the duke 
of Norfolk, copied from the Harleian library, 
p. 37. b. 9. fol. 88. in which Mary declares her 
love to that nobleman in language which would now 
be reckoned extremely indelicate; Hard. State 
Papers, i. 189, &c. 

Some of Mary's letters to Bothwell were written 
before the murder of her hufl)and ; fome of them 
f fter that event, and before her marriage to Both- 
well. Thofe which are prior to the death of her 

6 hufband 



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^f DISSERTATION ON 

kuiband abound with the fondeft cxpreffims c^f her 
love xo Bothwell, and excke fbmcduDg more than 
a fuTpicion that ^tr fitmiliaritf had been extreniely 
criminal* We find in them^ too> fiKCoe dark ex- 
|nreflSonSs which her enemies employed to prove 
that ifae was no ftranger to die fchcmes which were 
formed againft her hi^band's life. Ofdiis kindair 
the foUowing paffagcs ; «^ ^^ce ! I never diiiavit 
ony body i but I remit me akogidder to zour will. 
Seod me adverti&ment quhat I fall do> and quhat- 
feever thing come thereof, I iall obey zow. Ad- 
vifc to with zourfclf, gif zc can find out any mair 
iecret inventioun by medicine^ for he fold tak medi* 
jrine and the bath at Craigmillar.'' Good, uu at. 
f^ See not hir quhais fenzeic teiris iuld not be £i 
ineikle praifit and eftemiti as the trew and &ithful) 
travcUis quhilk I fuftene for to merit hir place. For 
obtaining of the quhilk> ag^nis my natural, I be- 
trayis thamc that may impcfche me. God fbiigive 
mc," &c. Ibid. 17. *« I have walkit later thainip, 
than I wald have done, gif it had not been to draw 
fomethii^ out of hini, quhilk ^s berer will fchaw 
Zpw, quhilk is the jfaircft coipmodity that can be 
oiSerit to excufc zour affairs.'* Ibid. 32. From 
the letters pofterior to the death of her hi^band, it 
is evkient that the fcheme of Bothwell> feising 
Mary by force, and carrying her aloi^ with him^ 
fras contrived ia concert with herfclG ^^ with hct 
approbation \ 

With 

» That letters of fo fnnch iiuportancp as thofc of Maiy to 
T^othwell (bould have been entirely loft, appears to many al-. 
^ogether unaccountable. After being produced in England 
^Kiforc Elizabeth's commifl;oncrs> they were delivered back 

^y 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 379 

With rcfpcft to the fonficts, fir David Dalrym- 
pk has proved clearly, ^at they muft have been 

written 

by them to the caH of Morray. Gopd, Ji. 335. H< feems to 
have kept them m hk pofleiCon during life* After his 4c3thf 
they fell into the hamds of Lennox his facceflbr, who reftored 
them to the eari of Morton. Goodf ii. 91 . Though it be not 
necefikrily conneAed with any of the queftions whiph gave 
. occafion to this Difiertationt it may perhaps fatisfy the en- 
riofity of fome of my readers to inform themi that, after n 
very diligent fearch, which has lately been mai^f no copy of 
Mark's letters to Bothwell can be found in any of the piMie 
libraries in Great Britain. The only certain tntelligenee 
concerning them, flnce the time of their being deliver^ t^ 
Morton, JWSLS communicated by the accurate Dr. Birch. 

Extract of the letters of Robert Bowes, Efq. ambaflador 
from queen Eliaabeth to the king of Scotland, written to fir 
^rancis Walfmgham, fecretary of ftate, from the original 
fegifler book of Mr. Bowes's letters, from 15th of Auguft 
158a, to 28th September 1583, in the poffeflion of Chrifto-» 
pher Himter, M. D. of Durham. 

1582, 8th November, from Edinburgh. 
Albeit I hare been borne in hand. That the coffer where- 
in were the originals of lettci^ between the Scottiih queen and 
the earl of BothwelL had been delivered to fundry hands^ 
and thereby was at prefent wanting, and unknown where k 
yelled, yet I have learned certainly by the prior of Plufcar* 
dyne's means, that both the coffer and adfo the writings are 
^me, and now remain with the earl of Gowine, who, T per* 
ceive, will be hardly intreated to make delivery to her mat* 
jelly according to her majelly's deiire.. 

This time paft I have expended in fearching where %he cofv 
fer and writings were, wherein, without the help of the prioy^ 
I Ihould have found great difficulty ; now I wi(l eilay Gowrie^' 
and of my fuccefs you fliall bq ihortly advertifcd, 

12th of November 1582, from Edinburgh. 

Because I had both learned, that the cafket and letters 

mentioned in my laft, before thefe were come to the poffeflSoa 

cf the earl of Gowrie, and aUb fou^d that no mespi might pre* 



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3io DISSERTATION ON 

written after the murder of the king, and prior to 
Mary's marriage with Bothwell, But as hardly any 

part 

vail to win the fame out of his hands without his own conlbnt 
and privity ; in which behalf I had employed fit inftruments, 
that neverthelefs profited nothing ; therefor, I attempted to 
cflay himfelfy letting him know that the faid cafket and letters 
Ihould have been brought to hep majefty by the offer and 
good means of good friendsi promifmg to have delivered 
them to her majefty before they came into his hands and cuf- 
tody, and knowing that he did bear the like affedion, and was 
ready to pleafure her majefty in all things, and chiefly m this 
that had been thus far tendered to her majefty, and which 
thereby fhould be well accepted and with princely thanks 
and gratuity be requited to his comfort and contentment ; I 
moved him that they might be a prefent to be fent to her ma- 
jefty from him, and that I might caufe the fame to be convey- 
ed to her majefty, adding hereunto fuch words and arguments 
as might both ftir up a hope of liberality, and alio beft effect 
the purpofe. At the firft he was loth to agree that they were 
in his poiFeiEon ; but I let him plainly know that I was certain- 
ly informed that they were delivered to him by Sanders Jar- 
din ; whereupon he prefTed to know who did fo inform mc, 
enquiring whether the fons of the carl of Morton had done it, 
or no. I did not otherwlfe in plain terms deny or anfwer 
thereunto, but that he might think that he had told me, as the 
prior is ready to avouch, and well pleafed that I fhall give him 
to b^ the author thereof; after he had faid [though] all thefe 
ktters were in his keeping (which he would neither grant nor 
deny) yet he might not deliver them to any perfon without the 
conients and privities, as well of the king, that had intereft 
therein, as alfo of the reft of the noblemen enterprifers of 
the adion againft the king's mother, and that wotild have 
them kept as an evidence to warrant and make good that ac- 
tion. And albeit I replied, that their action in that part touch- 
ing the affignation of the crown to the king by his mother, had 
repeived fuch cftabliflimcnt, confirmation, and ftrength,by a^s 
of parliament and other public authority and inftrun^ent^i, as 
neither ftiould that cafe be fuffered tocomein debate or queftion, 
mor fuch fcrolis and papers ought to be ftiewcd for the ftrcngth^ 

cning 



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K, HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 3«i 

part of my narrative is founded upon what is con* 

tained in the fonnets, and as in this Diflertation I 

have 

ening thereof, fo as thefe might well be left aad be rendered 
to the hands of her majefty, to whom they were deftined be* 
fore they fell in his keepmg ; yet he would not be removed 
or iatisfied; concluding, after much reaibnings, that the 
earl of Morton, nor any other that had the charge and keep* 
ing thereof, durd at any time make delivery ; and becaufe it 
was the firil time that I had moved him therein, and that he , 
would gladly both anfwer her majefty's good expedation ia 
him, and alfo perform his duty due to his ibvereign and aflb- 
ciates in the a^ioi^ aforefaid ; therefore he would feek out the 
laid cafket and letters, at his rettu-n to his houfe, which he 
thought ihould be within a {Lon time ; and upon finding of 
the fame, and better advice and confideratlon had of the 
caufe, he would give further anfwer. This refolution I have 
received as to the thing ; and for the prefent I could not bet- 
ter, leaving him to give her majefly fuch tefltmony of his 
good will towards her, by his frank dealing herein, as (he 
may have caufe to confirm her highnefTes ^ood opinion con- 
ceived already of him, and be thereby drawn to greatcfrgood- 
nefs towards him. I (hall flill labour him both by myfelf and 
aUb by all other means ; but I greatly diilrufl the deflred 
fuccefs herein* 

34th of November 1582, from Edinburgh; 
For the recovery of the letters in the coffer, come to the 
hands of the earl of Gowrie, I have lately moved him eameftly 
therein, letting him know the purpofe of the Scottifh queeut 
both giving out that the letters are counterfeited by her rebels, 
and alfo feeking thereon to have them delivered to her or de- 
faced, and that the means which fhe will make in this behalf 
fliall be fo great and efieflual, as thefe writings cannot be fafe- 
ly kept in that realm without dangerous offence of him that 
hath the cuflody thereof, neither fhall he that is once known to 
have them be fuffered to hold them in his hands. Herewith I 
have at large opened the perils likely to fall to that a^ion, and 
the parties therein, afhd particularly to himfelf that is now 
openly kndvn to have the pofTefCon of thefe writings, and I 
have letcin him fee whzt furety it fhatl bring to the faid caufe 
aad all die parties therein; and to himfelf, that* thefe writings^ 

may 



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3tt t)ISS£RTAtlOM OM 

hare httn conftrained to dwdl longer upon nrimitt 
and verbal QiaciTais^ (hsin may be imercfiing of 

agreeable 

Afcy be wltli fecrecy and good order committed to the keeping} 
rf Mcr majefty^ that will have them ready whenfoever any tffe 
iaU be fer them, and by her highneffes countenance defend 
them and the parties from fuch wrongful objedions as ihall 
be laid againft themy ofiering at length to him, that if he be 

. AOt fully ikttsfied herein, or doubt that the reft of the z(h* 
dates fhall not Kkc of the deBvery of them to her majefty in 
this good manner, and for die intereft rehearfed, that I ihatt 
readily, upon meeting and confSerence with them, procure 
their afTent in this psut (a matter ny>re eafy to offer than to 
perform) ; and laftly, moving him that (for the fecrecy and 
benefit of the caufe, and that her majefty's good opinion to- 
wards himfelf may be firmly fettled and confirmed by his ac 
ceptable forwardnefs herein) he would, without needled 
fcruple, frankly commit thefe writings to her majefty*s good 
cuftody for the good ufes received. After long debate he rc- 
folved, and faid, that he would unfeignedly fhew and do t6 
her majefty ail the pleafiire that he might ^^thout oflencd 
to the king his fovereign, and prejudice to the aiTodates in 
the action, and therefore he would firft make feai'ch and view 

* the faid letters, and herein take advice what he might do, and 
how far he might fatisfy an.d content her majefty $ proibifin^ 
thereon to give more refolute anfWer ; and he concluded flittlyi 
that after he had found and fecn the writings^ that he mi^ 
ftot make delivery of tliem without the privity of the king. 
Albeit I ftood along With him againft his refolution in this 
point, to acquaint the king with this matter before the letters 
were in the hands of her majefty^ letting him fee that his 
doings there fhould admit great danger to the caufe ; yet I 
cbuld ftot remove him from it. It may be that he meaneth 
to put ov^er the matter from himfelf to the king, upon fight 
whereof 1 fltall travel effcftuallv to obtain the king's confcnt# 
that] the letters may be committed to her majefty 's keepings 
thinking it more ^y to prevail herein with die king, in the 
prefent bve and affe^on that he beareth to hct highDstf 
than to win any thing at the hands of the afibclates in^ tke 
:i4lioo, whereof fbme principal of them xsowcome and remain 

at 



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K. HENRY'S MURDER* &c. ^Ij 

agreeable to msmy q( my readers, I Audi reft fadf^ 
fed with referring, for infbrmadon concerning every 
particular relative to the fonnets, to Remarks on tbi 
Hyhry rf Scotland^ Chap. XL 

Having thus ftated the proof on both fides i 
having examined at fo great a lengdi the different 
fyflems with regard to the fafts in controverfyj 
it may be expe&ed that I flnnild now pronounce 
ientence. In mey c^miion, there are only two con* 
clulions, which can be drawn from the fads which 
kave been enumerated* 

at ihedevotion of the kiog^s mother ; in this I iliall ftill odi 
on Gowrie, to iearch out the coSer, according to his promft % 
amd as I (hall fmd htm)nitndcd to do therein, (b Aufl I do mj- 
btft and whole eadeojroor to effect the fuccefe to her majeftj's 
beft cODtentmeac* 

ad December i jSa, £rom £dinlmrg1i« 
BccAT^sE I fx^good opporttini ty offered to renew the mat* 
tcr to die earl of Got^rie for recovery of the letters in the cof* 
f^ in his hands, therefore I put him iH mind thereof; vhere* 
upon he told me, that the duke of Lennox had fought ear- 
nedly to have had thofe letters, and that the king did know 
where they wet^, k as they could Hot be rfoliTCred to her 
majefty without the king's privity and confeat, and he pre- 
tended to )>e (liU willing to pleafure jier majefty in the fame, 
fo far as he may with his duty to the king and to the reft of 
the adbciates %m that a^on; but I greatly diftruft toefe^ 
tJustohermajdly'spleafiire* 'wherein, neveithdeis, I fliaH 
do my utmbiib endeavours* 

Whetnsr James VI. who put the carl of Gowrie to death# 
A. D. 1584, and feizcd all his effc<5s, took care to deftroy hi« " 
jfiother's letters, for whofc honour he was at that time ex-^ 
tremely zealous ; whether they have pc^riAed by fome un* 
known accident ; or whether tbeymay not fttU remain onob-* 
ferved among the archives of fomc of our gre:^ families, it b 
impoHiblc to dctcrniiuc. 



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384 DISSERTATION, &c. 

One> that Bothwell, prompted by his ambidoit 
or love, encouraged by the queen's known averfion 
to her hufband, and preiuming on her attachment to 
himfelf, ftruck the bbw without havbg concerted 
with her the manner or circumftances of perpetrat- 
ing that crime. That Mary, inftead of teftifying 
much indignation at the deed, or difcovering any 
refentment againft Bothwell, who was accufed of 
having committed it, continued to k>ad him with 
marks of her regard, condufbed his trial in fuch a 
manner as rendered it impoflible to difcpyer his 
guilt, and fbon after, in oppofidon to all the maxims 
of decency or of prudence, voluntarily agreed to a 
marriage with him, which every confideradon (hould 
have induced her to deteft. By this verdid, Mary 
is not pronounced guilty of having contrived the 
murder of her hufband, or even of having prcvi- 
oufly g^ven her confent to his death ; but (he is not 
acquitted of having difcovcrcd her approbation of 
the deed, by her behaviour towards him who was 
the author of it. 

The other conclufion is that which Murray and 
his adherents laboured to cftablifli, *« That James, 
Ibmetymme earl of Bothwilc, was the chicfc exe- 
cutor of the horribill and unworthy murder, perpc-^ 
trat in the perfon of umquhile king Henry of gudc 
memory, fader to our foveraine lord, and the 
queenis lauchfiiU hulband j fa was fhe of the fore- 
knowledge, counfall, devifc, perfwadar and com- 
mand of the faid murder to be done." Good. ii. 207. 

Which of thefe conclufions is moft agreeable to 
the evidence that has been produced, I leave my 
readers to determine. 



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APPENDIX. 



No. L (VoL L p. ^i9») 

A MEMORIAL of certain points meet 
for rcftoring the realm of Scotland to 
the antient weale* 

IMPRIMIS, It is to be noted^ that the beft worldly fell- 5t!i Anpjft 
city that Scotland can have, is either to continue in '^^^Vj?^ 
a perpetual peace with the kingdom of England, or to o3.*b. io. 
be made one monarchy with England, as they both make fol.i7.FrocQ' 
but one ifland, divided from the reft of the worJd. J^^P^ '"^ 

If the firft is fought, that is, to be in perpetual peace c^T^ 
with England, thai muft it aeceflarily be provided, that ^^^nd 
ScotUnd be not fo fubjed to the appointments of France 
as is prefently, which, being an antient enemy to Eng- 
land, feekethalwavs to make Scotland an inftrument, to 
exercife, thereby, their malice upon England, and to make 
a footftool thereof to look over England as they may. 

Therefore, when Scotland fhdl come into the hands 
of a mere Scottifli man in blood, then may there be hope 
of fuch accord ; but as long as it is at the commandmenc 
of the French, there is no hope to have accord long be- 
twixt thefe two realms^ 

Therefore feeing it is at the French king^s com«* 
mandment by reafon of his wifC) it is to be confidered for 
the weale of Scotland, that until (he have children, and 
during her abfence out of the realm, the next heirs to 
the crown, being the houfe of the Hamiltons, (faould have 
regard hereto, ami to fee thatneither the crown be impofed 
nor wafted y and, on the other fide, the nobility and com* 
«ionalty ought to force that the laws and the ^d cuftoms 
of tbe realm be not altered, neither that the country be not 
impoveriihed by taxc3| emprefl, or new impoftt, after the 

Vol. II. C c manner 



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386 APPENDIX. 

manner of France; for provlfion wherein, both by jhc law 
of God and man; the French king and his wife may be 
moved to reform their mifgovemance of the land. 

And for this purpbfe it were good that the nobility 
and commons joined with the next heir of the crown, to 
feek due reformation of fuch great abufes as tend to the 
ruin of their country, which muft be done before the 
Fr ench gow too ftrong and infolcnt. 

First, That it may be provided by confent of the 
three eftates of the land, that the land may be free from all 
idolatry like as England Is; for juftification whereof, if 
any free general council may be had where the pope of 
Rome have not the feat of judgment, they may offer to 
flicw their caufe to be mod agreeable to Chrlfl's religion. 
' ' Next, To provide that Scotland might be governed, in 
all rules and offices, by the antient blood of the realm, 
without either captains, lieutenants, or foldiers, as all 
-" ■ * * other princes govern their c()untries,andefpecially that the 
forts might be in the hands of mere Scottlfli men. 

Thirdly, That they might never be occafioned to 
enter into wars againft England, except England ihould 
give the iirft caufe to Scotland. 

Fourthly, That no nobleman of Scotland fhould re- 
ceive pcnfion of France, except it were whilfl: he did 
ferve in France, for otherwife thereby thi French would 
Shortly corrupt many to- betray their own country. 

Fifthly, That no office, abbey, living, or commodity, 
be given to any but mere Scottiih men, by the alTent of 
the three eftates of the realm. 

Sixthly, That there be a council in Scotland ap- 
pointed in the queen's abfence, to govern the whole 
realm, and in thofe cafes not to be direfifced by the French. 

Seventhly, That it be by the faid three eftates ap- 
pointed how the queen*8 revenue of the realm Qiall be ex- 
pended, how much the queen (hall have for her portion 
^nd eftate during her abfence, how much (hall be limited 
to the governance and defence of the realm, how much 
yearly appointed to be kept in treafure. 

In thefe, and fuch like points, jf the French kmgand 
the queen be found unwilling, and will withftand thefe 
provifions for the weale of the land, then hath the three 
eftates of the realm authority, forthwith, to intimate td 
the faid king and queen their humble requefts ; and if the 
fame be not effeftually granted, then humbly they may 

commit 



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APPENDIX. 387 

tommit the governance thereof to the next heir of the 
crown, binding the fame alfo to obferve the laws and an- 
cient rights of the realm. 

Finally, If the queen (hall be unwilling to this, as it 
18 likely (he will, in refpeft of the greedy and tyrannous 
affe£kion of France, then it is apparent that Almighty 
God is pleafcd to transfer from her the rule of the king- 
dom for the weale of it, and this time muft be ufcd with 
great circumfpeftion, to avoid the dccepts and trompe- 
ries of tHe French. 

And then may the realm of Scotland confider, being 
once made free, what means may be devifed by God's 
goodnefs, to accord the two realm§, to endure for time to 
come at the pleafure of Almighty God, in whofe hand* 
the hearts of all princes be. 

No, II. (Vol. I. p. 129.) 

A letter of Maitland of Lethington's, thus di- 
rc6ted : 

To my loving'friend James. Be this delivere4 
at London. 

T Understand by the laft letter I received from yow, aotli Ja- 
■* that difcourfing with rour countrymen upon the mat- """'^g^ 
ter of Scotland, and commoditeys may enfew to that cot?" Lib. 
realm hereafter, giflFze prefently aflift ws with zour forces, CaL B. ix. 
ze find a nombre of the contrary advife,doubtingthatwe fal ^^jfL 
not at length be found trufty friends, nor mean to conty- his •wn 
new in conftant ametye, aloeit wfe promife, but only for *^*«^ 
avoyding the prefent danger make zou to ferve our tume^ 
tind after being delivered, becum enemies as of before. For 
profe quhareof, they alledge things that have pad betwixt 
ws heretofore, and a few prefumptiones tending to the fam 
end, all grounded upon miftruft ; quhilks, at the firft ficht^ 
have fome (hewe of appearance, gif men wey not the cir- 
cumftances of the matter ; but gif they will confer the 
tymepaft with the prefent, confider the natureof this caus^ 
and eftate of our contrye, I doubt not but jugement fal b^ 
able to banifli miftruft. And firft, I wad wilh ze (hould 
examyne the caufes off the old inmityc betwixt the 
realms of England and Scotland, and quhat moved our 
^ C c a ancellQurs 



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388 APPEND! X. 

anceftours to enter into ligue with the Frcnehe ; quhilkj 
by our ftoreys and regiftres off antiqtiiteys appear to be 
thefe. The princes of England, fome tyme, alledgiug a 
pertain kynde of fovcraintyc over this realm ; fome tyme 
' upon hye courage, or incited by incurfions off our bor- 
dourares, and femblable occafions, mony tymes enterpri- 
fed the conqueft of ws, and ia far furth prieft it by forc^ 
off armes, that we were dryven to great extramiteys, by 
lofs of our princes, our noblemen, and a good part of our 
cuntrey, fay that experience taught ws thatourownt ftrength 
was fcarfe fufficient to withftand the force of England, 
The Frcnehe zour auncicnt enemies, confidering well how 
nature had fa placed ws in a ifland with zow, that na na- 
tion was able fa to annoje England as we being enemyes^ 
foucht to joine ws to tneym in ligue, tending by that 
mcanc to detourne zour armycs from the invafionof 
France, and occupy zdw in the defence of zour country 
at hame, offering for that effeci to beftowc fome charges 
upon ws, and for cynpafling off theyr purpos, choyfed si 
tyme to propone the mattcr> quhen the frefche memory of 
injuris lately receaved at zour hands, was fa depely pretr« 
ted on our hartes, that all our myndes were occupied how- 
to be revenged, and arme ourfelfes with the powar of a 
ibrayne prince agatnft zour enterprises thereafter* 

This was the beginning offour confederacy withFrancc* 
At quhilk time, ourcronides maks mention, that ibmeoff^ 
the wyfeft forefaw the perril, and fmall frute (hould re- 
dound to us thereof atjenth: zit had affe&ion fa blinded 
{*ugement, that the advife of the maift part overcame the 
»e(l. The maift part of all quarrels betwixt ws fince 
that tvme, at leaft quhen the provocation came on our 
fide, hes ever fallen out by theyr procurement rather 
than any one caus off our felfcs : and quhenfaevcr we brack 
the peace, it come partly by their intyfements, partly ta 
cfchew the conqueft intended by that realm. But now hcft 
God's providence fa altered the cafe, zea changed it t& 
the plat contrary, that now hes the Frcnfche taken zour 
place, and we, off very jugement, becum defyrous to have 
'zou in theyr rowmc. Our eyes are opened, we efpy how 
Xincareftrf they have been of our weile at all tymes, how 
they made ws ever to fervc thejT tume, drew us in maift 
dangerous weys for theyre commodite, and neverthelefe 
Vad not fbyck, oft tymes, againft thenatour of the ligue, 
to contrak peace, leaving us in weyr, Wc fac that their 

fnppgrt^ 



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A , P P E N D I X. J89 

fupport, off late ssercs, we« not granm for any affeflioii 
they bare to ws, for pytie they had off our ellate, for re- 
compenfe of the lyl^ friendihip fcawin to them in tyme 
off theyr affli£lione8) but for ambition, and infaciable cu- 
piditie to reygne, and to mak Scotland ane acceffary to the 
crown of France. This was na friendly office, but mer-- 
cenary, craving hyre farre exceeding the proportion of 
theyr deferving ; ' a hale realm for the defence of a part. 
We fee theym manifeftly attempt the thing we fufpcfted • 
off 20W ; we feared ze ment the conqueft of Scotland, 
^nd they are planely fallen to that work -, we hated zow 
for doubt we had ze ment cvill towards ws, and fall wo 
Jove theym, quhilks bearing the name off friends, go about 
to bring ws in maift vile fervitude ? Gif by zour friendly 
fupport at this tyme, ze fall declare that not only feek ze 
not the ruync of our country, but will preferve the liber- 
tic thereof from conqueft by Itrangeares, fall not the oc- 
cafion of all inimite with zow, and ligue with theym, 
be taken away? The caufes being removed, how fall 
the effeftes remane ? The fear of conqueft made U3 to hate 
xou and love theym, the cais changed, quhen we fee theym 
pianely attempt conqueft, and zou fchaw ws friiendihip^ 
fall vvre not hate theym, and favour zow ? Gif we have 
fchawne fa great conftance, continuing za mony zeares in 
amity with theym, off quhome we had fa fmall commo- 
dile, quhat fall move us to breake with zow, that off all 
nations may do ws greateft plefour ? 

But ze will fay, this matter rtay be reconcyled and . 
then frends as off before. I think wcill peace is the end 
of all weyr, but off this ze may be affured, we will never * 
fa far truft that reconciliation, that we will be content to 
forgo the ametye of England, nor do any thing may bring 
ws in fufpicion with zow. Giff we wold at any tyme 
to pleafc theym, break with zow, fhould we not, befydes 
the loffe of eftimation and difcrcditing off ourfelfcs, per- ' 

{)etual]y expone our common weiil to a maift manifeft dan- 
ger, and bccum a prey to theyr tyranny ? (^hais aid 
could we implore, being deftitute of zour friendihip, gif 
ihey off new wald attempt theyr former enterprife ? Quhat 
nation myght help ws giff they waid, or wald giff thej 
xnyght ? And it is lyke eneuch, they will not ftick hereai- 
ter to tak theyr tyme off ws, quhen difplefour and grudge 
he,s taken depe rute on baith fydes, feeing ambition has f^ 
impyrit owcr theyr rcalbn, that before wc had ever done 

C c 3 anf 



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29Q APPENDIX; 

any thing myght oflFend thcym, but by the contrary pica- 
fed them by right and wrang) they did not ftick to at« 
temptc the fubverfionof our hale ftate* I wald ze fliould 
not eftecmc ws fa baraync of jugement, that we cannot 
forcfce our awnc perrii j or fa foolifche, that we will not 
ftudy by all godc means to entertayne that thing may be 
our fafetye ; quhilk confides in all the relaying of zour 
friendfliips. I pray zou confider in like cafe, when, in the 
days of zour princes oiFmaift noble memory king Henry 
the Vin. and king Edward the VI, meanes were opened 
off amytye betwixt baith realms ; was not at all tymes the 
difference of religion the onley (lay they were not em- 
braced ? Did not the craft of our clergy and power of 
theyr adherents fubvert the devifes of the better fort ? 
But now has God off his mercy removed that block furth 
off" the way ; now is not theyr praftice. lyke to tak place 
any mare, when we are comme to a conformity of doc- 
trine, and profes the fame religion with zow, quhilk I 
take to be the ftrayteft knot of amitye can be devifed. Giff 
It may be allcdged that fome of our countrymen, at ony 
tyme, violated theyr promis ? giff ze liff to way the cir- 
cumftances, ze fall find the promis is rather brought on 
by neccffite, after a great overthraw off our men, then 
comme ofi^ fre will, and tending ever to our great in^ 
comodite and decay off our haill (late, at leift fa taken. 

, But in this cafe, fall the prefervation ofi^ our libertie be 
infeparably joined with the keping off promeiTe, and thq 
violation ofi^ pur fayth caft ws in maift miferable fervi- 
tude. So that giff ncyther the fear off God, reverence of 

' man, religion, othe, promife, nor warldly honeftye wcs 
fufiicient to bynd ws, yet fall the zeale of our native 
countrcy, the maintenance off our own eftate, the fafcty 
of our wyffes and childrene from flavery, compell ws to 
kepe promife. I am aflured, it is trewly and finccrcly 
ment on our part to continew in perpetual ametye with 
zow; it fall be uttered by our proceedings. Giff ze be 
as defyrous of it as we ar, aflurances may be devyfed, 
quharby all parteys will be out of doubte. There be 
gode meanes to do it, fit inftruments for the purpos, tymc 
ferves weill, the inhabitants of baith realms wiOi it, Cod 
hes wrought in the people's hartes on bayth parties a cer- 
taine ftill agreement upon it, never did, at any tyme, fo 
mony things concurre at ones to knyt it up, the difpofi- 
tioa QJF a fewj ^uhais hart^ ^c ia Codis hwds, may male 



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APPENDIX. 2^ 

up the hale, I hope he quha hes begun his work, and 
mainteyned it qtihile now, by the expectation of mao, 
fall pcrtyte it. 

I PRAY zow, let not zour men dryve tyme in confulta- 
tion, quhether ze fall fupport ws or no. Seyng the mater 
fpeaketh for itfelf, that ze mon take upon zow the de- 
fence of our caus, gifF ze have any refpedl for zour awne 
Weill, Their preparatives in France, and levying of men 
in Germany, (quhcyroff I am lately advertifed,) arnot al- 
togidder ordcyned for us, ze ar the mark they ihote at ; 
they feke our realmc, but for ane cntrey to zours. Giff 
they ihould diredtly fchaw hoftilite to zow, they knaw 
20 wald mak rcdy for theyme, therefor they do, by in- 
direct meanes, to blind zow, the thing they dare not as 
zit planely attcmpte. They feme to invade us to th* end, 
that having afTembled theyr hayle forces fa nerc zour 
bordours, they may unlok it to attack zow : It is ane of 
their aid fetches, making a fchew to one place, to lyght 
on ane other. Remember how covertly zour places about 
Boulougne were afTaizeit, and carried away, ze being in 
peace as now. HoW the enterprife of Calais was fynely 
diiTembled, I think ze have not fa fone forgotten. Be- 
ware of the third, prevent theyr policy by prudence, 
GiflF ze fe not the lyke difpofition prefently in theym, ze 
le nathing. It is a grofle ignorance to miflcnaw, what all 
nations planely fpeks off. Tak heed ze zay not hereafter, 
** Had I will •," ane uncomely fentence to precede off a 
wyfe man's mouth. That is onwares chanced on to zow, 
quhilk zow commonly wiffed, that this countrey myght 
be divorfed from the Frenfche, and is fa comme to pafs 
as was maifl expedient for zow. For giff by your intyfe- 
meut we had taken the mater in hand, ze myght have 
fufpeCted we would have been untrully friends, aod na 
langer continued iledfafte, then perril had appeared. But 
now, qulien off our fclf, we have conceyved the hatered, 
provoked by private injuries, and that theyr evil dealings 
with ws hesdeferved our inimitytc, let no man dobte but 
they fall fynde ws enemyes in emeft, that fa ungent- 
ly hes demeyned our countrey, and at quhais hands 
we can look for nathing but sdl extremitye, giff ever 
they may get the upper hand. Let* not this occafion, 
fa happcly offered, efcape zow : giff ze do, neglcdting the 
prefent opportunitie, and hoping to have ever gode luk, 
comme fleaping upon zow, it is to be fearedj^our enemye 
C c 4 waxc 



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J92 A P F E I^ D I, X> 

waxe fo great, and fa ftrangj that afterwsprds quhen m 
waldy ze fall not be able %o put him do.wn ; and then, to- 
?our fmart, after the tyme ze will acknowledge zour 
error. Ze haye felt, by experience, quhat harme cometh of 
overfight, and trufting to zpur enemyes promcffc. "Wc 
, oiftr ?ow the occafion, quheyrby zour former lofles may 
hf repayred. QjAilk giff ze let over flydc, fufFering ws 
to~ be overrun, qi|ha then, I pray zow, fall (lay the 
Frcnfchc, that they fall not invade zow in zowr own 
boundes, Cck it is their lufl: to reygne, that they can nei* 
ther be content with theyr fortune prefent, nor reft and be 
fatisfied when they have gpde luck, but will ftill fbiiov 
on, having in thevr awne brayne conceaved the image ci 
i3i great a conqueu, quhat think ye fall be the end ? Is 
ther any of fa fmall iugement, that he doth not forefee 
already, that theyr hail force fall th^Q be bent againft 
tsow ? 

It fall not be amis, to conGder in quhat cafe the 
Frenfche be prefently. Theyr eftatc is not always fa 
^alm at hame as every man thinketh. And trewly it 
wes not theyr great redines for weyr made theym to tak 
this niatter on hand, at this tyme, but rather a vayne tnril 
in their awne policy, thinking to have found na refift^ 
ance, their opinion hes deceaved theym) and that makes 
them now amafed. The eftates off the empire (as I 
heare) has futed reftitution oflF th' imperial towns Metz, 
Toull, and Verdun, quhilk jnay grow to fome bcfyncs ; 
and all thing is not a calme within their awne countrey^ 
the Icfs fit they be prefently for weyr, the mare opportune 
efleme ye the time for zqw. Giff the lyke occafio^ were 
ofii^red to the Frenfche againft zow, wey, how gladly 
would they embrace it. Are ze not efchamed of zour 
ileuth, to Ipare theym that hes already compaffed zour 
deftruftion, giff theym w^re able ? Confider with zou» 
fclf quliilks is to be choyfed ? To weyr againft them out 
with zour realms or within ? Giff quhill ze flcape, wc 
ftl be overthrowne, then fall they not fayle to fate zou in 
zour awne countrey, and ufe ws as a fote ftole to overloke 
zow. But fomc will fay, perhaps^ they meants it not, 
it is foly to think they wald not giff they were able, quhen 
before hand they fticj: not to giff zour armcs, and ufurpc 
the ilyle of zour crown. Then quhat difference there is to 
camp within zowr awne bounds or without, it is manifeft. 
Q\^ ^^ arpye^ J[bp\44 fi^o^p ^ithip ;sowr country^ but a 

moneth } 



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APPENDIX- J9^ 

■KUietb ; albeit ye receavcd na other harme, zit (koviii 
zour lofie be greater, nor ali the charge ze will nede t6 
beftow on our fupport will draw to, befydes the diflio- 
nour. 

Let not men, that eyther lack godc advife, or ar not 
for particular refpedls weill affefted to the caus, move zow 
to fubtra£b zour helping hand, by alleging things not ap- 
parent, for that they be poffible. It is not, I grant, un- 
pofiible that we may receave conditiones of peace ; but I 
fee little likelyhode that our ennemyes will offer ws fik as 
will remore all miftruft, and giff we wald have accepted 
others, the mater had bene lang or now compounded. 
Let zow not be moved for that they terme ws rebel les, 
and diffames our juft querele with the name of confpiracy 
againft our foverayne. It is hir hyenes right we mane- 
tayne. It is the liberty of hir realm we ftudy to pre- 
ferve with the hazard of our lyves. We are not (God 
knaweth) comme to this poynt for wantones, as men 
impatient of rewll, or willing to fchake off the zokc 
of goremmcnt, but ar drawne to it by neceffite, to 
aroyde the tyranny of ftrangeares, feaking to defraude 
ws of lawful government. GifF we fhould fuffet 
ftrangeares to plant themfdffes peaceably in all the 
^renthcs of our realme, fortify the feyportes, and maift 
important places, as ane entrc to a plain conqueft, now 
in the minoritie of our foverane, beyng furth of the 
realme, fhould we not be thought oncareful off the com- 
pion Weill, betrayres of our native countrey, and evill 
fubje£ls to hir majefte ? Quhat other opinion could fchc 
have off ws? Might (he not juftly hereafter call ws to 
accompt, as negligent minifteres ? Giff ftrangeares fhould 
be thus fuffered to broke the chefe offices, beare the hail 
irewU, alter and pervert our lawes and liberty at theyr pie- 
four ; myght not the people efteem our noblemen unwor- ' 
thy the place of counfalours ? We mean na wyfc to fub- 
trak our obedience from our foverane, to defraud hir hye- 
nes pff her dew reverence, rents and revenues off hir 
crown. We feke nathing but that Scotland may remanc, 
as of before, a fre realme, rewlit by hir hyenes and hir 
minifteres borne men of the fam ; and that the fucceffiou 
pf the crown may remane with the lawful blode. 

I WALD not ze fould not fa lyttil efteme the friendHiip 
pf Scotland, that ze juged it not worthy to be embraced. 
|t-fall be na fmall coran^oditc for zow to be delivered off 

the 



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394 APPENDIX. 

the anoyance of fo neir a nyghtbour, quhais inimitye maf 
, more trouble zow, then of any other nation albeit twyfs 
as puifiant) not Ijreng dry marche with zow. Befydcs that 
fe fall not nede to feare the invafion ofFany prince lackyng 
the commodite to invade zow by land, on our land. 
Confider quhat fupcrfluous charge ze beftowc on the for- 
tification and keeping of Barwick : quhilk ze may reduce 
to a mean fowme, having ws to frendcs. The realme of 
Ireland being of natour a gode and fertill countrey, by 
reafon oflF the contincwall unquietnes and lak of policey, 
ze knaw to be rather a burthen unto zow than great ad- 
vantage 5 and gifF it were peaceable may be very commo- 
dious. For pacification quhayroflF, it is not unknowne to 
zow quhat fervice we are abill to do. Refufe not tliejrr 
commoditeys, befides mony ma quhcn they are offered. 
Quhilks albeit I ftudy not to amplify and dilate^ yet is na 
otKer countrey able to offer zou the iyke, and are the 
rather to be embraced, for that zour aunceftors, by all 
meanes, maid emeftly futed our amity, and yet it was 
liot theyr hap to come by it. The mater hes ahnaift 
carryed me beyond the boundes of a lattre, quharfor I will 
leave to trouble zow after I have given you this note. 
I wald wifs that ze, and they that ar learned, fould rede the 
twa former orations of Demofthenes, called Olynthiacx, 
and confydere quhat counfall that wyfe oratour gave to 
the Athenians, his countrymen, in a lyke cafe ; quhilk 
hes fo great affinite with this caufe of ours, that every 
word therof myght be applyed to our purpos. There may 
ze learne of him quhat advife is to be followed, when 
zour nyghtbours hous is on fyre. Thus I bid zow heartily 
fareweilL From Sant Andrews, the aoth of January 

No. III. (Vol. L p. 237.) 

Part of a letter from The. Randolph to Sir Wilr 
liam Cecil, from the camp before Leith, 29th 
of April 1560. 

An Original T WILL only, for this time, dlfcharge myfelf of my 
OffiSl^''^"' Promife to the earl of Huntlev, who fodefyrcthto 
be recommended to you, as one, who, with all his hearty 
favoureth this caufe, to the uttermoft of his power. Half 
the words that come out of his mouth were able to pcrr 
fuade an unexperienced man to fpeak farther in his b^ 

half, 



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APPENDIX. 39S 

half, than I dare be bold to write. I leave it to your ho- 
nour to judge of him, as of a man not unknown to you, 
and will myfelf always meafure my thoughts, as he (hall 
deferve to be fpokcn of. With much difficulty, and great 
perfuafion, he hath fubfcribed with the reft of the lords 
to join with them in this a^ion; whatfomever he can in- 
vent to the furtherance of this caufe, he hathpromifed tp 
do with iblemn proteftation and many words; he trufteth 
to adjoin many to this caufe; and faith furely that no man 
ihall lie were he taketh part. He hath this day fubfcribed 
a bond between England and this nation ; he faith, that 
there was never thing that liked him better. 

' No. IV. (Vol. I. p. 251. 

Randolph to Cecil, loth Auguft 1560. From 
Edinburgh^ 

oINCE the 29th of July, at what time I wrote laft to AnOnptai 
^ your honour, I have heard of nothing worth the re- ^^if *^ 
porting. At this prefent it may pleafe you to know, that 
the moft part of the nobles are here arrived, as your ho« 
nour (hall receive their names in writing. The earl of 
Huntly excufeth himfelf by an infirmity in his leg. His 
lieutenant for this time is the lord of Lidington, chofea 
fpeaker of the parliament, or harangue-maker as thefe 
men term it. The firft day of their fitting in parliament 
will be on Thurfday next. Hitherto as many as have been 
prefent of the lords have communed and devifed of cer- 
tain heads then to be propounded, as, who (hall be fent 
into France, who into England. It is much eaiier to find 
them than the other. It feemeth almoft to be refolved 
upon that for England the mafter of Maxwell, and laird 
of Lidington. For France Pittarow and the juftice clerk. 
Alfo they have confulted whom they think meeteft to 
^ame for the XXIV. of the which the XII. councelioit 
muft be chofen. They intend very (hortly to Tend away 
Pingwall the herald into France, with the names of thofe 
they (hall chufe ; and alfo to require the king and queen's 
confent unto this parliament. They have devifed l^ow to 
have the contradl with England confirmed by authority of 
parliament ; how alfo to have the articles of the agree- 
ment between them and their king and queen ratified^ 

Thefe 



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396' APPENDIX. 

Thcfe things yet have only bf en had in communication. 
For the confirmation of the coniraft witli En^and I hxtt 
no doubt; for that I hear many men vtry much like the 
fame, as the earl of Athol, the eari of t)utlisrhnd, the 
1. Glamis, who dined ycftcrday with 1. James. The 
lord James requcfted me this prefent day to bring die 
contraft unto him. I intend, alfo, this day, to fpcak un- 
to the 1. Gray, in our 1. Gray's name, for that he pro- 
jnifed in my hearing to' fubfcribe, and then prefently 
would have done it, if the contraft could hive been had. 
For the more aiTurance againft all inconvenients, I would, 
befides that, that I truit it ihali be ratified in parliament, 
that every nobleman in Scotland had put his hand and 
fet bis feal, which may always remain as a notable monu- 
ment, tho' the zQ. of parliament be hereafter difannuUcd. 
If it might, therefore, (land with your advice, that the 
lords might be written unto, now that they are here pre- 
fent, to that cfFeft, or that I might receive from your hon', 
fome eameft charge to travel hereiii, I doubt not but it 
tKOuld fervc to good purpofe. If it might alfo be known 
with what fubftantiai and effe£kious words or charge you 
defire to have it confirmed, I think no great difficulty 
would be made. The earl marftiall has often been moved to 
fubfcribe, he ufeth mo delays than men judged he would. 
His fon told me yefterday, that he would fpeak with mc 
at leifure, fo did alfo Drumlanrick; I know not to what 
purpofe: I have caufed 1. James to be the ear nefter with 
the 1. Marfiial, for his authority's fake, when of late 
it was in confultation by what means it might be wrought, 
that the amity between thefe two realms might be 
perpetual; and among diverfe men's opinion, one faid 
that he knew of no other, but by making them both 
one, and that in hope of that mo things were done, 
than would otherwife have ever been granted ; the carl 
of Argyll advifed him cameftly to ftick unto that, that he 
had promifed, that it (hould pafs his power and all the 
crafty knaves of his counfel, (I am bold to ufe unto your 
h. his own words,) to break fo godly a purpofe. 
This talk liked well the affifters, howfomever it 
pleafed him to whom it was fpoken unto. The barons, 
who in time paft have been of the parliament, had 
yefterday a convention among themfelves in the church, 
in very honeft and quiet forf, they thought it good to 
fir<juire to be reftored unto their ancient liberty, to have 



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APPENDIX- 

▼oicc in parliament. They prcfentcd that day a bai 
unto the lords to that eflFe<3:, a copy whereof fhall he 
fent as foon as it can be had. It was anfwered unto 
gently, and taken in good part. It was referred unto the 
lords of the articles, when they are chofen, to refolvc 

thereupon. Jtitre follows a long paragraph concerning 

the fortifications of Dunbar^ l^c. ^This prefent mornings 

xoz. the 9th, I underftood, that the lords intended to be 
at the parliament) which caufed me fomew}vat to ftay my 
letter^ to fee what I could hear or learn worth the re- 
porting unto your hon'. The lords, at ten of the clock, 
aflemUed themfelves at the palace, where the duke lieth; 
from whence they departed towards the Tolbopth, as 
thej were in dignity. Each one being fet in his feat, in 
fuch order as your h. (hall receive them in this fcroU. 
The crown, the mace, the fword, were laid in the queen's 
feat. Silence being commanded, the 1. of Lidingtoa 
began his oration. He excufed his infufficicncy to occupy 
tha^ place. He made a brief difcourfe of things pad, and 
of xAizt neceflity men were forced unto for the defence of 
their country, what remedy and fupport it pleafed God 
to fend them in the time of their neceflity,. how much he 
were bound heartily to acknowledge it, and to requite it. 
He took away the pcrfuafion that was in many men's 
mind that lay back, that mifdecmed other things to be 
meant than was attempted. He advifed all eftates to lay 
all particulars apart, and to bend themfelves wholly to 
the true f«rvice of God and of their country. He willed 
them to remember in what (late it had been of long time 
for lack of government, and excrcife of juftice. In the 
end, be exhorted them to mutual amity and hearty friend* 
(hip, and to live with one another as members all of one 

body. He prayed Gk)d long .to maintain this peace and 

amity with all princes, eipecially betwixt the realms of 
England and Scotland, in the fear of God, and.fo ended« 
The clerk of regifter immediately ftood up, and aflcod 
them to what matter they would proceed : it was thought 
neceflary, that the articles of the peace (hoold be confirmed 
with the common confent, for that it was thought necef- 
fary to fend them away* with fpeed into France, and to re- 
ceive the ratification of them as foon as might be. The 
articles being read, were immediately agreed unto : a day 
was appointed to have certain of the nobles fubfcribc unto 
them, and to put their feals, to be font away by a 

^ herald. 



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597 



398 APPENDIX. 

herald^ who (hall alfo bring the ratification again widi 
him. The barons, of whom I have above written, re- 
quired an anfwer to their requeft; fomewhat was faid, 
unto the contrary. The barons alledged for them cuftom 
and authority. It was in the end refolved, that there (bould 
be diofen fix to join with the lords of the articles, and 
Aat if they, after good advifemcnt, ihould find it right 
and neceflary for the commonwealth, it (hould be ratified 
at this parliament for a perpetual law. The lords proceed- 
ed immediately hereupon, to the chufmg of the lords of the 
articles* The order is, that the lords fpiritual chufe the 
temporal, and the temporal the fpiritual, and theburgeiies 
their own. There were chofen as in this other paper I 
have written* This being done, the lords departed and 
accompanied the duke, all as far as the Bow, (which is 
the gate going out of the high ftreet,) and many down 
into the palace where he lieth. The town all in armour, 
the trumpets founding, and other mufic fuch as they 
have. Thus much I report unto your honour of that I 
did both hear and fee. Other folemnities have not been 
ufed, faving in times long paft the lords have had parlia- 
ment robes, which are now with them wholly out of ufe^ 

Thb names of as many earls and lords fpiritual and 
temporals as are aflembled at this parliament. 

The duke of Chatelherault. 



Earls* 


Lords. 


Lords fpiritual. 


Arran. 


Erflcine. 


St. Andrews. 


Argyll. 


Ruthven. 


Dunkcll. 


Athole. 


Lindfey. 


Athens. 


Crawford* 


Somerville. 


The bifliop of the Ifles. 


CaffiUs. 


Cathcart. 


Abbots aud Priors, 1 know 


Xarihall. 


Hume. 


not how many. 


Morton* 


Livingfton. 




Glencaim. 


Innermeth. 




Sutherland. 


Boyd. 




Caithnefs. 


Ogilvy. 




Rothes. 


Fleming. 




Montcith* 


Glamis. 





Gray. 

Ochiltree. 

j^ordon* 



The 



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APPENDIX, 



399 



The Lords of the Articles. 



Spiritual. Temporal. 



Athens. The Duke. 

Ifles. Argyll. 

Lord James. Marfliall. 

Arbroath. Atholc. 

Newbottle. Morton. 

Lindoris. Glencaim. 

Cowpar. Ruthven. 

Kinrofs. Erikine. 

Kilwinning. Boyd. 

Lindfay. 

So that with the Subprior of St. Andrews, the whole 
is 36. 



Barons ele^ed to be of 
the Articles. 

Maxwell. 

Tillibardine. 

Cunninghamhead. 

Lochenvar. 

Pittarow. 

Lundy. 

Ten Provofts of the 
chief towns, which 
alfo arc of the Ar- 
ticles. 



It were too long for me to rehearfe particularly the 
difpoGtion, and chiefly the affediions of thefe men, that arc 
at this time chofen lords of the articles. May it fatisfy 
your hon\ for this time to know that, by the common 
opinion of men, there was not a fubftantirfller or more fuf- 
ficient number of all forts of men chofen in Scotland thefe 
many years, nor of whom men had greater hope of good 
to enfue. This prcfent morning, viz. the 10th, the I. 
of Lidington made me privy unto your letter 5 he intend- 
eth, as much as may be, to follow your advice. Some 
hard points there are. He himfelf is determined not 
to go into France. He allegeth many reafons, but 
fpeaketh lead of that, that moveth him mofl, which i^ 
the example of the hft, that went on a more grateful 
jneflage than he fhall carry, and ftood on other term^ 
with their prince than he doth, and yet your honour know- 
eth what the whole world judgeth. 

Petition of the Lcffer Barons to the Parliament, 
held Aug. 1560. 

MY lords, unto your lordfhips, humbly means and inclofraio 
(hows, we the barons and freeholders of this j^^^jP^** 
realm, your brethren in Chrift, That whereas the caufes of cccij, 15th 
true religion, and common well of this realm, are, in this ^^S >5^ 
prefent parliament, to be treated^ ordered, and eftabliflied, 

to 



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#» 



^APPENDIX. 

to the gloTT of Gckl, and maintenance of the common* 
wealth} and we being the greateft number in proportion, 
-where the laid caufes concern, and has been, and yetaip 
ready to bear the greateft part of the charges thereuntir, 
as well in peace as in war, both with our bodies and 
with our goods *, and feeing there is no place where we 
may do better fervice now than in general councils and 
parliaments, in giving our beft advice and rcafon, vote 
and councell for the furtherance thereof, for the mainte- 
nance of virtue and puniflunent of vice, as ufe and cuftom 
had been of old by ancient a£ls of parliament obfenred 
in this realm 5 and whereby we underft^nd that we ought 
to be beard to reafon and vote in all caufes concerning 
the commonwealth, as well in councils as in parliaments; 
otherwife we think that whatfomever ordin^ccs and fta- 
tutes be made concerning us and our eftate, we not being 
required and fufFercd to reafon and vote at the making 
thereof, that the fame.lhould not oblige us to ftand there- 
to. Therefore it will pleafc your lordfliips to take con- 
fideration thereof, and of the charge bom, and to be bom 
by us, fince we arc willing to ferve truly to the common 
well of this realm, after our eftate, that ye will, in this 
jprefent parlian^ent, and all counfells, where the common 
well of the realm is to be treated, take our advice, coun- 
fell, and vote, fo that, without the fame, your lordfliips 
would fuiFer nothing to be pafled and concluded in par- 
Jiament or councils aforefaid 5 and that all afts of par- 
Jiament made, in times paft, concerning us for our place 
;ind eftate, and in our favour, be at this prefent parlia- 
ment confirmed, approved, and ratified, and a£t of par- 
liament made thereupon. And your lordfliips anfwcr 
humbly befeeches. 

Ofthefuccefs of this petition^ the following account if given 
iy Kandolph ; Lett, to Cecil, 19 Aug. 1560. The mat- 
ters concluded and paft by common confent on Saturday 
laft, in fuch folemn fort as the firft day that they afibm- 
faled, are thefe: Firft, that the barons according to an 
old a& of parliament, made in the time of James I. in 
the year of God 1427, fliallhave free voice in parliament, 
this aift pafled without any contradi^ioa. 



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A P P E N D I X* 4qi 

No.V. (Vol. L p. 262.) 

A ktter of Thomas Randolph, the Englifli refi- 
denty to the right worlhipiul Sir William Cecil, 
knt. principal fecrcurj to the queen's majeffy. 

IHatb received ymit honour's letters of die firft of this 9 ^H- 
tnondi, written at Ofyes in Effcxj and alfo a letter if^B.^I"^' 
imto the lord James, from hie kinfman St. Come out of fy. 3^.* 
France, in this they^ree both that the queen of Scotland 
is nothing changed of her purpofe in home coming. I 
atfure your honour that wUl be a ftout ^idventure for a 
fick crafed Dvbman, that may be doubted as veU what may 
happen unto her upon the ^eas, as alfo bow heartily (he 
ttiay be lecehred when (he cometh to land of agreat num« 
ber, who aie uttei^ perfaaded that (he intendeth their 
Utter r«)n, come when (he will ) the preparence is very 
fmaH wheiifoever that (be arrive, (carcdy any man can be 
t»^uaded that (he hath any fuch diought in her head. I 
have (hewn vour honour's letters unto Uie lord James, lord 
Mortooi lord Lidington ; they wi(h, as your honour dodi^ 
that (he might be ftayed yet for a fijmee, and if it were 
not for their obedience fake, fome of them care not tho^ 
diey never faw her face. They tmvel what they can to 
prevent the wicked devices of thefe mifchievous purpofet 
of her minifters, but I fear that that will always be feu^d 
that filij hujus feculi, they do what thev can to (land with 
the religion, and to maintain amity witn dieir neighbours^ 
chey have akb need to look unto themfelves, for their ha* 
rard is great, and that they (ee there is no remedy not 
fafety for themfelves, but to repofe themfelves upcm the 
queen's majefty, our fovereign's favour and fupport* 
Friends abroad they have none, nor many in whom they 
may truft at home. There are in mind (hortly tO try what 
they may be afiiured at of the queen's majefty, and vidiat 
they may affuredly perform of diat they intend to ofier for 
their parties. This the queen of Scotland above all other 
things doubteth; this (he feeketh by all means to pre* 
vent ; and hath caufed St. Come, in her name, eameftly 
to write to charge him that no fuch things be attempted 
befote her coming home ; for that it is faid, that they too 
already arrived here out of England for the purpofe, what 
lemblant fomever the noblemen do make^ that they are 
Vol. U. D d • grieved 



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4^ APPENDI.X 

grieved with their queen's refufal, that cometh far {rom 
their hearts. They intcmd to expoftulate with me here- 
upon. I have mv anfwcr ready enoii^h for them. If 11^ 
thruft all £ngli(hmen out of this country, I doubt not 
(but there will be fome of her own that will bear us ibme 
kindnefs. Of mt fhc (hall be qust» to toon as it pleafetfa 
the queen's majefty my miftrefs no longer to ufe my fer- 
vice in this place. By fudi talk, as I have of late had with 
the lord James and lord of Lidington^ I perceive that 
they are of mind that immediatel v of the next conventioo^ 
I fhall repair towards you with their determinations, and 
irefoltttions, in all purpofes, wherein your honour's advice 
is eameiUy required, and fliortly looked for. Whatfomr 
ever I defire myfelf, I know my will ought to be fiibjcd 
unto the queen my fovereign's pkafure, but to content 
myfelf, would God I were fo-happy as to fervc her majefty 
in as mean a ftate as ever poor gentleman did> to be quit 
of this place ; not that I do in my heart wax weary of 
iier majcft/s (ervice, but becaufe my time and years tc* 
quire fome place of mc^e repofe and quietnefs. than I fioil 
in this country. I doubt alfo my infufficience when, other 
troubles in this country arife, or ought (hall be reqiiire4 
of me to the advancement of «her majefty's fervice, thst 
either my will is not able to compafs, or my credit fuffi- 
cient. tp^work .to that,effe£l, as perchance (hall be looked 
for at mv hands* As your honour hath been a means of 
my conunuance in this room, fo I truft that I (haU find 
that continual favc^r at your hands, that fo foon as it (hall 
ftand with the queen's majefty's pleafure, I may give this 
place unto (bme far. worthier than I am myfelf, and in the 
mean feafon, have ihy courfe direded by your good ad- 
vice how I may by my contrivance do fome fuch fcrvicc, 
as may be agreeable to her majefty's will and pleafure. . 
Thesh few words, I am bold to write unto your ho* 
nour of myfelf. For the reft, where that is wiihed that 
the lords will ftoutly continue yet far one month, I afiiire 
your honour that thzre is yet nothing omitted of their old 
and accuftomed manner of doing, and feeing that they 
have brought that unto this point, and (hould now prevail, 
they were unworthy of their lives. 
. I FIND not that they are puTpo(ed fo to leave the mat- 
ter. I doubt more her money than I do her fair words ; 
Und yet can I not conceive what great things can be 
wrought with fort^houfand crowns and treafure of het 

own 



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A f P E N D 1 X/ 403, 

t^nL heie 1 know there U no fore or ready means to get 
it. The lord of Lidington leavetk nothing at this time 
unwritten^ that he thinketh may be able to fatUfy your 
defire, in knowkdge of the prclent ftate of tilings here* 
Wbortlbmettr cometh of that) he findeth it erer beft, that 
ihe come ilot ; but if (he do come, to let her know, at 
the firfty what (he fhall find, which is due obedience^ 
and willing iervice, if (he embrace Chrift, and defire to 
Uf e in peace with her neighbours. By (iich letters as you 
hare laft received) your, honour fomewhat underftamfeth 
of Mr. Knox himfelf, and alfo of others, what is deter- 
miaed, he htmfelf to abide the nttennoft, and cdier never 
to leave him until €rod have taken his life, and thus to- 
gether with what comfort fomever it will plea(e you to 
give him by your letters, that the queen^s majefty doth not 
utterly condemn him, or at the Icaft in that- point, that he* 
is fo fore charged with by his own queen, that her majefty 
will^not allow her doing. I doubt not but it will be a 
great comfort unto him, and will content many others:' 
his daily prayer is for the maintenaace of unity with Eng« 
land, and that God wiU never fufier men to be fo un^te> 
as bvany perfuafion to runlieadlong unto the deftruf^oit^ 
of oiem, diat have faved their lives, and reftored their 
oountry to libertyl I leave farther, at this time, to trouble 
your honour, defiring God to fend fttch an amity between 
thefe two realms diat God may be glorified tothemof thi$ 
world.^^At Edenburgh the 9th of Auguft ii6u 

N0.VL (Vol. L p. 271-) 
A kttcr of Q^en Elizabeth to Queen Mary*. 

To the right excellent, i^ht high, and mighty princcffe, 
bur tight dear and well-beloved fifter and coufin the 
queen of Scotland* 

-n JGHT^ excellent, right high, and mighty princcflc, tethar 
f^ our right dear and right well-beloved fifter and cou- Aug. is6u 
fin, we greet yo^ well. The lord of St. Cofme brought 15*^^ 
to us your, letters, dated the 8th of this prcfent at Ah- copy 
beviUe, whereby yc fignify, that although by the anfwcr 
brought to you by naonileur Doyzell, ye might have had 

A Thift IS the complete psper of which that inchifliloQi Mkl ixnpaftUI 6oU 
1Kh>r, biAiop Keith, has ^iih!i(hed a fhigincnt, from Whit he caUthblhat*' 
Ux9d MS. ^54« ziatc«(a) sSc. 

O d 3 occafion 



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4e^> A p p EN d: I :x. 



occaAon to have entered into fomcftouiibo^ovr amkyt f^ 
after certain purpoles paflcd betwbt you and otr-amlMUi^: 
fador, you would afibre us of your good tnttsmio^ to ine 
with us in amity, an A fcryour pttrpofe theieis ye rcqiiinr. 
uk to give credit to the -feid St. Cofme. We have Aod^ 
unto thought good to .an&K^er as fdloweth: The £uae 
St. Cofme hath made like declaration unto us on yogot part, 
for your excufe in not ratifying the neaty, as yoiirfislf 
made to our ambafla<for, and we have briefiy anfvcmdM. 
everyuhe fame pointSi as *be can ibew you: and if he 
(hall not fo do, yet lead in the mean ieafon ycnrttigitt be 
induced to think that your reafons has fatisfieius^ ibmet^ 
ally we af&re you» that' to dur requefts yoar msfwet can- 
not be reputed for a fatisfadion. For we rvquire no be* 
neftt of you> but that yon mtX perform yibttrproimfe vhere* 
unto you are bound by your leal and your hand, for the 
refufal whereof we fee no reafon alkdged tan fenre. Net* 
ther covet we any thing, but that which is hi joer own 
^wer as queen of Scotland, thai which yourfell in wor& 
and (peech doth conf«6, tlut which your late hnftaad's 
our good brother's ambafladon and you cdnchdofi^ that 
^hieh your own nobility and people were made privy un* 
tOy thai which indeed made peace and qutetnefe faetwiset us^ 
vea that without which no perfed abuty can comiane 
betwisit us> aa if it be iii£ffirently weighed) we doubt 
tjpt but ye will perceive, aHow, and acc^mpfiflk Kever<» 
^elefs, pcraeiviugy by the repoic of the bciuti^ett ^at yow 
mean furthwith upon your coming home, to follow herein 
the i^vice of "your cowicU in Scodajid)' we are content to 
fofpend pur conceipt of all unkindnefs, ^d do aflure you 
that' we be fully rrfdlved, upon thJ$ being performed, to 
unite a fure band of amity, and>to Uve in oe^hb^uiliood 
with jou as quietly, friendly, yea as aflurediy in the knot 
of fnendfhip as we be in the knot pf patur^ and blogd. 
And herein we be fo earneftly determine^, that the world 
ftould fee if the contrary (hould follow (which God ftM> 
bid)- the very occaRpn to be in you and not in us ; as the 
ttory witnefleth the like of the king your father, our unde^ 
with Ivhom our father fought to Have knit a perpetual 
bond by inviting to comem this realm fo Yott, of wfaicli 
ll»alt«r we know there remain with us, and we diink 
with you, fundry witneflcs of 6\xt father's eameft good 
meaning, and of the error whereuuto divers evil council* 
ior« Induced your father i or finally where it fecmeth that 

i - - repoor^ 



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Jl f P t N D f X. 40; 

Wport had been made unto yoQf that we bad (knt but 
^miral to the feas with our navy to impeche your paf«> 
fage, both yo«ir fervants do well underftand now falfe 
that 15) knowing for a truth that we have not any more 
than two or three fmall barks upon the feas, to apprehend 
certain jHrates, being thereto entreated, and almoft com- 
pelled, by the earneft eotnplaint o£ the ambaflador of 
ourgcMDd brother the king of Spaing made of -certain Scot«> 
tilhmen haunting our feas as pirates, under pretence of 
letters of marque, of which nckatter alfo we earneftly require 
you, at yout coming to -your realme, to have fame good 
confideration, and the rather for refped that ought to be 
betwixt your regime and the countries of us, of France, 
cf Spain, and of the houfe of Burguady. And fo, right 
excellent, right high and mighty princeis, we recommend 
us to you with moft eameflr xequeft, not tp negie^ thcfe 
our friendly and fiftcrly offers of friend&ip, which, before 
God) we mean and intend to accomplish. Given uadev 
our fignet at Heyningham the i6th of Auguft, in the third 
year of our rclgti. 

No. VII. (Voir, p- 306.) 

A letter of Randolph to the right honourable Sir 
William Cecil, knight, principal fccrctary to the 
tjucen's majcfty. 

OF late, until the arrival of monfieiir Le Croc, I had 15th of 
nothing worth the writing unto your honour.— Be- ^*y '5^3« 
fore his coming we had fo HtUe to think upon that we ficJ/fit)m 
<lid nothing but pafs our time in feads, banquetting, the original 
maiking, and running at the ring, and fuch like. He 
brought with him fuch a number of letters, and fuch abun- 
4lance of news, that, for the fpace of three days, we gave 
ourfelves to nothing elfe but to reading of writings, and 
hearing of tales, many fo truly reported, that they might 
be compared to any that ever Luclane did write de veris 
narrationibus* Among all his tidings, for the mod at 
fured, 1 fend this unto your honour as an undoubted truth, . 
whidi is, that the cardinal of Lorraine, at his being vfifh 
the emperor, m<tved a marriage between his youngefl fon, 
the duke of Aftruche, and this queen ; wherein he hath 
fo far trayelled, that it hath already come unto this point, 
that if Ihe £ud it good^ the faid duke will oya of hand fend 

D d 3 hither 



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40< APPENDIX- 

hither his ambofladoT) and farther proceed to the conftim* 
mation hereof) with as convenient fpeed as may be ; and 
to the intent her mind may be the better known, I< Croc 
is fcnt unto her with this meflage from the cardinal, who 
hath promifed unto the emperor, to have word ajgain be- 
fore the end of May ; and for this caufe Le Croc ia ready 
for his departure, and his letters writing both day and 
night. This queen being before advertiC^ of his toward- 
neOsi by many means hath fought far off, to know my 
lord of Murray's mind herein, but would iMver fo plainly 
^deal with him, that he could learn what her meaning is, 
or how (he is bent. She ufeth no man'a council, but only 
this man'« that laft arrived, and afiiieedlv until the L of 
Lidington's return, (he will do what ine can to keep 
that fecret ; and becaufe refdution in his abfence cannot be 
tiken, (he will, for this time, return Le Croc with requeft, 
to have longer time to devUe ; and after, with the moft 
fpeed (he can, (he fully purpofeth to advertize him, I mean, 
her uncle the cardinal, of her mind. Of this matter the 
!. of Lidiiigton is made privy. I know, not whether by 
fome intelligence that he had before his departure, or fince 
his arrival in France, divers letters have pafled between 
her grace and him, whereof as much as it imported not 
greatly the knowledge of, was communicated to fom^ 
as much as was written in fypher is kept unto themfelves. 
Whether alfo the 1. of Lidington hath had conference 
with the Spanl(h ambafTador in England of this matter 
or any like, I leave it unto youf honour's good means 
to get true knowledge thereof. Gueflfes or furmizcs in 
fo grave matters, I would be loath to write for verities* 
This alfo your honour may take for truth, that the em- 
peror hath offered with his fon, for this queen's dower, 
the county of Tyroll, which is faid to be worth 30,000 
franks by year. Of this matter alfo the rhingrave wrote 
a letter unto, this queen, out of France not long (ince. 
This is all that prefcntly I can write unto your honour 
hereof; as I can come by farther knowledge^ your honour 
(hall be informed. 

I HAVE received your honour's writings by the Scot- 
tifli man that laft came into thcfe partsv ne brought alfo 
letters unto this queen from the 1. df aldington ; their 
date wars old, and contained only the news of France* 
I perceive divers ways, that Newhaven is forre clofed^ 
l)^^I am not (b ignorant of their nature;, but that I know 

they 



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APPEND IX. 4>t 

diey will fay as much as tliey dare do, I wiO not fay as 
the proverb doth, < canis timtdus fortius latrat/ From ^ 
hence I do aflure them, what means fomerer they make^ 
or how pitiful fomever their mone be, they are like to re- 
ceive but fmall comfort for all their long allie. We 
fland daily in doubt what friendihip we imll need our* 
fclf, except we put better order unto our mifruled papifts 
than yet we do^ or know how to bring to pafs tnat we 
may be void of their comber. 

To-MOERPWy the 15th of this inftant^ the aueen de« 
parteth of this town, towards Edenburgh, If my hap 
be good, you fliall thoroughly hear fome merry tidings 
of the bp. of St. Andrew3i upon Wednefday next he 
fliall be arraigned, and five other priefts, for their mailing 
at Eafter laft. Thus mod humbly I uke my leave \ at St. 
Andrews the 15th of May, 1563. 

No.Vin. (Vol. I. p. 316.) 

Letter of Randolph to the right honourable Sir 
William Cecil, Icnight, principal fccrctary to the 
qucen^s majefly. 



M^ 



r AT it pleafe your honour, the 7th of this inftant^ loth of 
^ Rowlet, this queen's fccretary, arrived here \ he ^P^ '563. 
reportcth very honcftly of his good ufage, he brought fi^Tfrom 
with him many letters unto the queen that came out of , the original 
France, full of lamentation and forrow. She received j^ij**^'^" 
from the queen mother two letters, the one contained 
only the rehearfal of her griefs, the other fignify the 
iUte of France as then it was, as in what fort things were 
accorded, and what farther was intended for the appeafing 
of the difcords there, not miftrufting but that if reafop 
could not be had at the queen of England's hands, but 
that the realm of France (hould find her ready and wil- 
ling to fupport and defend the right thereof, as by friend- 
fhip and old alliance between the two realms Ihe is 
bound. 

How well thcfe words do agree with her doings your 
honour can well confider, and by her writings in this fort - 
lUito thb queen, (which I aflure your honour is true,) you 
may afluredly know^ that nothing (hall be left undone 

Dd4 of 



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4p8r. APPENDIX. 

of htf pavtt that may move dd)ate or controverGe between 
this queen ind oar tovereign. 

, It vr^9 much mufed by the queen herfelf, how this 
new kindaefs came about, that at this time flie received 
tW9 long letters written all with her own hand, faying, all 
the time fince her return ihe never received half lb many 
Uflca as were in one of the letters, which I can myfelf 
teftify by the queen's own faying, and other good a& 
furance, where hitherto I have not been deceived. I can 
^ alfo farther afliire your honour, that this queen hath fayed 
that (he knoweth now, that the friendfliip of the queen's 
majefty my fovere^ may (land her more in ftead, than 
"" that of her good mother in France, and as flie is defi- 

rous of them both, fb will ihe not lofe the one for the 
other. I may alfo farther aflure your honour^ that what- 
fomever the occafion is, this quc^ hath fomewhat in her 
heart that will burft out in time, which will manifeft that 
fome unkindnefs hath pafled between them, that will not 
be eafy forgotten* In talk fometimes with myfelf, {he faith 
that the queen mother might have ufed the matter other- 
wife than ihe hath done, and doth much doubt what fliall 
be the fuccefs of her ereat deCre to govern alone, in all 
things to have her wiU. Seeing then that prefendy they 
iland in fuch terms one with the other, I tho'tit better 
to confirm her in that mind, (this queen I mean,) than 
to fpeak any word that might caufe her to conceive bet- 
ter of the other. And yet I am affured ihe ihall receive 
as friendly letters, and as many good words from this 
queen, as the other did write unto her. Whether the 
queen mother will fpeak any thing unto the 1. of Li- 
dington of that purpofe ihe did write unto this queen 
of, I know nof, but if ihe do, I think it hard if your ho- 
nour can get no favour thereof, at his return, or I per- 
chance by fome means here. It may perchance be writ- 
ten only by that queen, to try what anfwcr this queen 
will give, or underftand what mind ihe beareth unto the 
queen's majefty our fovcreipi. The queen knoweth now 
that the earl Bothwell is iint for to London. She cau- 
fed a gentlentan of hers to enquire the caufe; I anfwercd 
that I knew none other, but that his takers were in con- 
troverfy who took him, and that it ihould be judged 
there. I know that ihe thinketh much that he is not fent 
into Scotland. It is yet greatly doubted that if he were 
here, he would be rcferved for an 'evil inftruracnt. " 

the 



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APPENDIX. 409 

the lord of Lidrngtonfiave not been plain widi jott ho^ 
i^oar herein, he is in the wrong to thofe who are hit 
friends here, but mod of all to himfelf. There conies 
a vukare in this realm, if ever that man come again into 
<redit. 

No. IX. (Vol. I. p, 324.) 

The oratiofH made by William Maitland of Lc- 
thington, younger fccretary for the time, in the 
parliament holdcn by our fovereign the king's 
mother, queen of this realm for the time, the 
time of the reftitution of Umquile Matthew earl 
of Lenox. 



M^ 



[Y lords, and others here convened. Albeit, be 
that it has'pleafed her majefly mod gracioufly to 
utter unto you, by her own mouth, ye may have fufli- 
ciently conceived the caufe of this your prefent aflembly j 

Iet having her majefty's commandment to fupply my 
)rd chancellor's place, being prefently as ye fee de- 
ceafed, I am willed to exprefs the fame fomewhat more 
at large.^ 

NoTo'im it is, how In her highnefs's minority, a pro- 
cefs of forfauhour was decreed againft my lord of Len« 
nox, for a certain offences alledged committed by him ^ 
fpecified in the dome and cenfement of parliament given 
thereupon; by reafon whereof he has this long time 
been exiled, and abfent forth of his native country \ how 
grievous the fame has been unto him, it has well appeared 
by divers his fuites^ fundry ways brought unto her ma- 
jefty's knowledge, not only containing moft humble and 
due fubmiflion, but always bearing witnefs of his good 
devotion to her majeily, ms natural princefs, and earneft 
affeftion he had to her highnefs motl humble fervice, if 
it ihould pleafe her majefty of her clemency to make him 
able to enjoy the benefit of a fubjeft j many refpeAs 
might have moved her highnefs favourably to incline to 
his requeft, as the ancicncy of his houfe, and the fir* 
name he bears, the honour he has to appertain to her 
majefty by affinity, by reafon of my lady Margaret her 
highnefs's aunt, and divers other his good confidera- 
Uonsi as alfo the afie£tuou3 requeft of her good fifter the 

queen's 



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4IO APPENDIX. 

qaeen's mzjcky of England, whofe earned conunendatioit 
was not of leaft moment, befides that of her own nat»» 
raly her majefty has a certam inclimttkm to pity the de- 
cay of noble houfes, and as we heard, by her own report, 
has a great deal more pleafure to be tne inftrumeut of 
the uphold, maintenance, and advancement of the ancient 
blood, than to have matter miniftered of the decay or 
overthrow of any good race. Upon this occafion, her 
majefty the more tenderly looked upon his requeft, and 
her good fifter the queen of England's favourable letter, 
written for recommendation of his caufe, in conGderation 
whereof not only has fhe granted unto him her letter of 
a^ftitution, by way of grace, but alfo Uccnfcd him to pur- 
fuc, by way of reduAion, the remedies provided by the 
law for fucli as think themfelves grieved by any judgment, 
unorderly led, and to have the procefs reverfed; for exa- 
mination whereof, it has pleafed her majefty prefently to 
affemble you the three eftates of this her realme, by 
whofe advice, deliberation, and decifion at her majeftr^s 
mind, to proceed forward upon his complaints, as tne 
rherits of the caufe, laws of the realme, and pradice ob« 
ferved in fuch cafes, will bear out. The fum of all your 
proceedings at this time, being by that we have heard, thus 
as it were pointed out, I might here end, if the matter 
we have in hand gave me not occafion to fay a few more 
words, not far diflerent from the fame fubje£t, wherein 
I would extend the circumftances more largely. If X 
feared not to offend her hi^hnefs, whoff prefence and 
modeft nature abhors long (peaking and adulation, and 
fo will compel me to fpeak fuch things^ as may feem to 
tend to any good and pcrfeft point ; and left it (hould 
be compted to me, as that I were oblivious, if I fhould 
omit to put you in remembrance, in what part we may ac- 
cept this, and the like demonftrations of her gentill na- 
ture ; whofe gracious behaviour towards all her fubjefts, 
in general, may ferve for a good proof of that felicity, 
we may look for under her happy* government fo long 
as it (hall plcafc God to grant her unto us ; for a good 
harmony to be had in the common weill, the offices be- 
tween the prince and the fubje£ls muft be reciproque ) 
as by her majefty's prudence we enjoy this prefent peace 
with all foreign nations, and quietnefs among youriclves, 
in fuch fort, that I think juftly it may be affirmed Scothnd, 
in no man's age, that prelently lives^ was in greater 

traa^ 



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APPENDIX. :4i,« 

tnnauility ; fo i^ it the duty of all us her loving fubjeds 
to ackftowtedge the fame as a moft high bcfnefit, proceed- 
ing from the good goremment of her majcffty, declaring 
ourfelTes thankful tor the fame, afid rendering to hertna<« 
,jefty fuch due obedtencei as a juft prince may Jook foe 
at the hands of faithful and obedient fubje£bs# I metit 
tio forced nor unwilling obedience, which I know her 
nature does deteft, but luch as proceeds from the con- 
templation of her modeft kind of regiment, will for love 
and duty fake produce the fruits thereof. A good proof 
have we all in general had of her majeft/s benignity 
thefe three years, that (he has lived in the government 
over you, and many of you have largely tafted of her large 
liberality and frank dealing ; on the other part her high- 
nefs has had large appearance of your dutiful obedienci, 
fo it becomes you to continue, as we have begun, in con- 
fideration of the many notable examples of her clemency 
above others her good qualities, and to abhor and deteft 
all falfe bruites and rumours, which are the moft peftilent 
evils that can be in any common weill, and thefowers and 
inventors thereof. Then may we be well aflured to have 
of her an moft gracious princefle, and (he moft faithful and 
loving fubjefls ; and fo both the head and the members, 
being encouraged to maintain the harmony and accord of 
the politic bodies, whereof I made mention before, at 
the glory thereof ihall partly appertain to her majcfty^ 
fo {hall no fmall praife and unfpeakable commodity re- 
dound therethrough to you all univerfally her fubje£ts. 

NaX. (Vol. I. p.'3350 

The perils and troubles that may prefcntly enfue, 
and in time to come follow, to the queen's ma- 
jefty of England, and ftate of this realm, upon 
the marriage of the queen of Scots to die lord 
Darlcy. 

"C IRST, the minds of fuch as be affeAcd to the queen 
^ of Scots, either for herfelf or for the opinion of 
her pretence to this crown, or for the defire to have 
change of the forme of leligion in this realm, or for the 
difcontentatioa they have of the queen's majefty, or her 
iucceiSon, or of the focctQlon of ai)y . odicr befide th^ 

queen 



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41^ APPENDIX. 

^mtn of Sc0tt8» Iball V<» hj this nmmage ercdedi 
comfortec}^ and induced to devife and labour lu>w tobnug 
^ir defires to pafs } and to make ibmc edimate whai 
perfone tboCe aiC) to the latent the quantity^ of the dan- 
ger mzy ^ weighed } the fa^cne may be coippafled ia thofe 
ioits either witUn the realme or witboatf^ 

Thb firft are fuch as are fpecially d&roted to the queen 
of Sco£t6y or to the lord Darleyy by bond of blood and ak 
Uance ; al» firft, all the houfe k4 Lorram aofi Guife for her 

ertf and the earl of Lemiox and hh wiic, all fuch m 
otland aa be of their bloody smd have rocmed difplea* 
fores by the duke of Chatelherault and the Hamiltons. 
The fecond are all manner of perfons, both in this reahne 
.and odier countries, that are devoted to the authority of 
Home, and miflike of the religion now received ; and i^ 
thefe two forts are the fubftance of them camprehended| 
that (hall take comfort in this marriage. 

Next therefore to be considered what perils and trou« 
bles thefe kind of men ihall intend to this realm. 

First, the general fcope aad mark of all their defirea 
by and always ihall be, to bring the queen of Scotts (Q 
have the royal crown of this realm ; and thereforei 
though the devifers may vary amongft themfelves for thb 
compaiBng hereof, according to the accidents of the timesj^ 
and according to the impediments which they fhallfind by 
means of the queen's majedy's a£tiona and governmentSt 
yet all their purpofes, drifts, devifes, and pra£iices, ihall 
wholly and only tend to make the queen of Scotts queen of 
this realm, and to deprive our fovereign lady thereof; and 
in their proceedings, there are two manners to be confider« 
ed, whereof the one is far worfe than the other ; the one 
is intended by them, that either from malicious blind* 
nefs in religion, or for natural affe£);ion to the queen of 
Scotts, or the lord Darley, do perfuade themfelves that the 
, 'faid queen of Scotts hath prefcntly more right to the crown 
than our fovercign lady the queen, of which fort be all 
their kindred on both fides, and all fuch as are devoted to 
popery, either in England, Scotland, Ireland, or elfe- 
where ^ the other is meant by them, which, with lefa 
malice are perfuaded that the queen of Seocts hath only 
right to be the next heir to fucceed the queen's majeily 
and her iiTue, of which fort few are without the realm, 
but here -within, and yet of them, not b many as are of 
the contrary, ami frcMXi^ thefe two forts ihaU the peril, de« 

viies 



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A P P E isr D: I- x; 4f5 

▼ifea, and praftices proceed* From the firfti which ima* 
gtne the quee\i of Scotta to hanre pierpetually right are to 
'be looked for thefe perils. Firft^ is it to be doubted the 
devil wili inSeA feme ^ them to miWkie the hurt of tht 
life of our dear fovereign lady, by fuch means as the 4e« 
-vU (hall fuggeft to them, altboi^ it is to be afluredly 
hoped, that Almighty God wiU, as he hath hitherto, gra« 
cioufly prote£l and preferve her from fiich dangers f So- 
crondly, there will be attempted, by petfuafions, by bruits» 
by rumours, ai>d fuch like, to alienate At mitids of good 
ftibjedis from the queen's majefty, and to conciliate diem 
to the queen of Scotts, and on this behalf the froQtierf 
and the north will be much folicited and labored. Hiird- 
ly, there ^ill be attempted caufts of £bme tumults- and 
rebellions, ef^ecially in the north toward Scotland, lb as 
thereupon may follow fome open enterprife fet by vio- 
lence. Fourthly, there will be, by the faid queen's coun- 
cil and friends, a new league made with Trance^ or Spain, ' 
that Ihall be ofienfive to this realm, and a furtherance 
to their title. And as it is alfo very likely, that they wilt 
fet a foot as many practices as they can, both upon the 
frontiers and in Ireland, to occafion the queen's majefty 
to incrcafc and continue her charge thereby, to retain her 
from being mighty or potent, and for the attempting of 
all thefe things, many deviies will be imagined from time 
to time, and no negligence will therein appear. 

From the fecond fort, which mean no other favour to 
the queen of Scotts, but that (he (hould fucceed in tide 
t6 the queen's majefty, is not much to be feared, but that 
they will content themfehres to fee not only the queen's 
l^jefty not to marry, and fo to impeach it, but to hope, 
that the ^ueen of Scotts ihaH have iffuc, which diey will 
think to be more pleafable to all men, becaufe thereby the 
crowns tf England and Scodand' fhall be united in one, 
and thereby the occafion of war (hall ceafe ; with which • 
perfuafion many people may be feduced, and abufed td 
incline themfelves to the part of the queen of Scotts. 

Thb ren^edies againft thefi; perils. 



A Du^ 

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4J4v • A P P E N I> I.X> 



A Diqilicat. 

4th of June A (iwTimary of die confultation and advice given 
i^^a£"' by the lords and others of the privy council, 
B. lo. foL * Colledled out of the fundry and fcvcral Ipccchcs 
*^ of the faid counfcUors* 

Lord - Keeper, Mr. Comptroller, 

Lord Treafurcr, Mr. Vice Chsimberlaiiiy 

r Derby, Mr. Secretary, 
*. Eafls of I Bedford, Cave, 

t Leicefter, Peter, 

Lord Admiral, Mafon« 

Lord Chamberlain, 

Qjieftioiis propounded were thefe two« 

I. 'ppIRST, what perils might enfue to the q«ieen^d 
' ^ majefty,, or this realm, of the marriage ' betwixt 
ihe queen 6f Scotts, and the lord Darnley. 

2. What were meet to be done, to avoid or remedy 
the fame. 

To the Firft. 

, The perils being fundry, and very many, were reduced 
by fome counfellors into only one. 

1. First, That by this marriage, the queen of Scotts^ 
(being not married,) a great number in this realm not of 
the word fubje£ls might be alienated in their minds from 
their natural duties to ber nujefty, to depend upon the 
fuccefs o^this marriage of Scotland, as a mean to eft^blifli 
the fuccefTion cf both the crowns in the iffue of the fame 
marriage, and fo favour all devifes and pradiices, that 
jhould tend to the advancement of the queen of Scotts. 

2. Secondly, That confidcring the chief foundation of 
diem, which furthered the marriage of lord Dandey, 
was laid upon the truft 6f fuch as were papifts, as the 
only means left to reftore the religion of Rome, it was 
plainly to be feen, that both in tliis realm and Scotland, 
the papids would mod favour, maintain, and fortify this 
marriage of the lord Darnley, and would, for furtherance 
of fa&ion in religion, dcvife all means and pra£lices that 

could 



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APPENDIX. 4H 

XoaLi he within this realnii to difturb the eftate oi the 
^een's f^iajefty, and the peace of the realm, and confe- 
quently to atchieve their purpofes by force rather thaa 
Ail. Df fome other, thefe perils having indeed many 
branches, were reduced, though fomewhat otherwife, in^ 
^ two forts, and thefe were in nature fuch as they could 
not be eafily fevered the one from the other, but were 
knit and linked together, naturally for maintaining the 
one with the other. The firft of thefe fort of perils was, 
that, by this marriage with the lord Damley, there was a 
plain intention to further the pretended title of the queen 
of Scotts, not only to fucceed the queen's majefty, as in 
her bed amity (he had profefled, but that to occupy the 
queen's eftate, as when the was in power, {he did mani- 
feftly declare. 

The fecond was, that hereby the Romilh religioA 
(hould be ereded, and increafed daily in this realm, ^nd 
thefe two were thus knit together, that the furtherance 
;ind maintenance of the title ftaid, in furthering of the 
religion of Rome within this realm ; and in like manner 
die furtherance of the fame religion ftood by the title; 
for otherwife the title had no foundation. 
. Proofs of the firft.) And to prove that the intention 
to advance the title to difturb the queen's majefty, muft 
needs enfae, was confidered that always the intention and 
will of any pcrfon is moft manifeft, when their power is 
greateft, and contrary when power is fmall, then the in- 
tention and will of every perfon is covered and lefs feen. 
So as when the queen of Scotts power was greateft, by 
het marriage with the dauphin of France, being after- 
wards French king, it manifeftiy appeared of what mind 
flic and all her mends wore ufirig then manifeftiy all 
the means that;could be devifed to impeach and difpofTefs 
the queen's majefty, firft by writing and publiihing her- 
felf in all countries queen of England ; by granting char- 
ters, patents, and commiflions, with that ftyle, and with 
the arras of England, both the French and Scotts, which 
charters remain ftill undefaced ; and to profecute it with 
e£Fe£l, it is known what preparations of war were made, 
and fent iiito Scotland; and what other forces were aflem- 
bled in foreign coimtries ; yea, in what manner a fhame- 
ful peace was made by the Fl-ench with king Philip to 
employ all the forces of France to purfue all the matters 
by force which by God's providence and the queen's ma- 

/ 13 • j<iftr 



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4i6 A P P E N D I X- 

Uftj contrary power, were repelled ; and afterwards, by 
Jier huiband's death, her fortune and power being cfaai^ 
ged, the intention began to hide itfelf, and although hj 
the Scottiib queen's commiifaries an accord was made at 
Edinbrough, to reform aU thofe titles, and claims, an! 
pretences, yet to this day, by delays and cayiUations, 
the ratification of that treaty has been deferred. And 
fo now, as foon as (he (hail fqel her power, (he will (et 
,tlie fame again abroad^ and by confidering of fuch errors 
as were committed in the fird, her friends and alUes wiU 
amend the fame, and proceed fubftantkdly to her j)urpofew 
>]By fome it was thought plainly, that the peril was greater 
rof this marriage with the lord Darnky, being a fubjed of 
this realm, than with the mightieft prince abroad, for 
by this, he being of this realm, and having for the caufe 
of religion, and other refpeds, made a party bere^ ftould 
encresde by force with diminution of the power of the 
realm ; in that whatfoever power he could make by the 
fa£lion of the papift, and other diicontented perfoos nere^ 
Ihould be as it were dedu£ted out of the power of thb 
realm ; and by the marriage of a ftranger, fiie cowld not 
1>e alTured of any part here } fo as by this marriage fbc 
fbould have a portion of bet own power to ferve her ttirn, 
and a fmall portion of adversaries at home in our own 
howds, always feem more dangerou? than treUe the Bkc 
abroad, whereof the examples are in our own ftories 
many, that foreign powers never iHCvatled in diis zealnit 
but with the help of fome at home. It was alfo temem* 
bered, that feeing how before this attempt of marriage, it 
is found, and manifelUy feen, that i« every corner of the 
realm, the fa£lion that moil favoureth the Scotrifii tide^ 
is grown (tout and bold, yea feen manifeftly in this courtf 
botti in hall and chamber, it could nbt l>e but (except 
good heed were fpeedily given to it) by this nHurriage, 
and by the pra^ice of the fautors thereof, the fame be* 
tion would (bortly encreafe, and grow fo great and danger* 
oua, as the redrefs thereof would be almoft defperate* 
And to this purpofe it was remembered, how of hte in pe* 
ru(ing of the fubllance of the juftice of the peace, in all 
the countries of the realm, fcantily a third was found fuUy 
aflured to be trufted in the matter of religion, upon wladi 
only (Iring the queen of Scotts title doth hang, and Ibme 
^ubt might be, that the friends of the carl of IximoZt 
and his bad more knowledge hereof than was thought, and 

) X thereby 



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thereby made ftvant ndw^ift Scotland, and their party was 
to great in '^gland as tbe queen's majefty durft not at-^ 
tempt to contrary his marriage. And ih this fort^ was 
tlie Aim of the perils declarell^ being notwithftauding' 
ftibre largdV and plainly fet out, and made fo apparenr 
by many mre arguments, ^ no oQe of the council 
could deny them to be but many and very dangerous^ 

Sectirid Queftioii. 

'The qud^ioh of Uus confultsltion wis what were meet 
lb be done to avoid thefe perils, or elfe to divert ^e 
force thereof from hurting the realm j wherein there were 
a great number of particular devifes propounded, and yet 
die more part of ^em was redu(^ed by fgnie into three 
kcadsi 

1. The firft thought tteceflary by all perfons,* as the 
only thing .of the mod moment* and efficacy, to remedy 
all thefe perils, and many others, and fuch as without it, 
no other remedv could be found fufficient, and that *wasf 
to obtain that tne queen's majefty would marry, and make 
therein no long delay* 

2. The fecond was, to advance, cftablifh, and fortify 
indeed the profeffion of religion, both in Scotland and in 
England, and to diminifh, weaken, and feeble the con-^ 
trary. 

3. The third was, to proceed on fundry thmgs, either 
to difappoint and break this intended marriage, or, iat the 
leaft, thereby to procure the fame not to be fo hurtful to 
this realm, as otherwife it will be. 

The firft of thefe three .hath no particular rights in it,* 
but an eameft and unfeigned dcfire and fuite, with all 
humblenefs, by prayer to Almighty God, and advice and 
council to the queen's majefty, that fhe would defer no 
Inore time firom marriage, whereby the good fubjc£ls of 
the realm might ftay their hearts, to depend upon her 
majefty, and the iflue of her body, without which no furety 
' can be devifed to afcertain any perfon of continuance of 
their families or pofterities, to enjoy that which otherwife 
(hould come to them* 

Second, concerning the matters of religion, wherein 
both truth and policy were joined ' together, had ' thefcf 
•particulars. 

Vol., II. E c First, 



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4i8^ A P: P E N D I- X;. 

FiRdrr, ^hertta of l^te tbe A^nei^Mrifis o£ xtHgHHtkf tit 
the reali)9» have taken Oficafion t}9 comfott and, inci^, 
their fj^f^ion, both in England; Sei^tkndj, and abro;^) wkb 
» rumour a»<i expe&atit>i>\haBt th« rel^ibn f^U be(hort)f 
changed ;in thU xc^imy by nie{in$ that thi? jbi&opsi If 
the qii^nL3 .nv»jefty'$ QOflnmandnMmt^ have. q£ late 4eate 
ftreight}jtwUhAm&pcxipii8of:g(^rcligi<Mh bec^vifethqi 
had forborn to wear certam apparel, and fuch like things; 
being more of form and accidents, than of any fubitancCi 
for that it is well known that her majefty had no meaning 
to comfort the advei-faries, but only ta maintain an w- 
fbrmuy as.wcll. in things external, as in the fubftancc, 
nor yet hath any intention to make any change of the re- 
Hgbn, a» it is eftabliihed by laws* It was thought by 
all men very neeeflary, for the fupprefling ot the pride and 
arrogancy of the idverfarics, indire£Uy hereby to notifj, 
by her fpecial letters to the two archbiibops, that bcr 
former commandment was only to retain an uuifonni^, 
and not to give any occafion to any perfbn to misjndge ot 
^er naajedy, in the change of aay part of religion, but that 
^e did determine firnily.to maintain the form of her rcG-. 
gion, as it was e(lab(i(hed, and to punifli fuc^ as dii 
therein violate her laws. And in thefe points, fome alfo 
wiflied that it might plcafe her archblfliops, that if icy 
fiiould fee that the adverlaiies continued in taking oco 
(ion to fortify their fa£lion, that in ttiat cafe tliey ftould 
ufe a moderation therein^ until the next parliament, at 
which time, fome good, uniform, and decent order might 
be devifed, and dlablifiied, for fuch ceremonies* fo as 
both uniformity and gravity might be iretamed amongft 
the dergy. . 

Tsi& lecond means was, thtt the quondam biibopi« 
and others, which had refiifed to acknowkdgp the queen's 
majefty's power over them, according to the law, and 
leere of late difperfed ki the plague time to fundry placts 
abraad, where it is known they ceafe not to advance their 
fa£lion, might be retuxned to the tower, or fome other 
prifon, where they might not have fuch liberty to feducc 
and inveigle the queen's majefty's fubje&s, as they daily 
do. 

The third mean* was, that where the bifliops do com- 
piain that they dare not execute the ecclefiadical Iaw% to 
the furtherance of religion, for fear (rf the jiremunlrc 
wherewith the judges and lawycn^of the tcalm, being not 



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A !» P £ K t) i *. 

htti affe£led in t^ligion, do threaten them, and lii niany 
cafes lett not to pinth and defiace them, that upon fucn 
cafes opened, fome convenient authority might be given 
^hcm, from the queen*s majcfty, to continue during her 
plcafure. 

The fourth was, that there were daily lewd, injudi* 
eiou6 and unlawful books in EngKih brought from beyond . 
feas> and are boldly received, read, and kept, fmd efpe- 
cially in the North, feducing of great numbers of good 
fubjefts, the like boldnefs whereof was never fufFercd in 
any other princefs's time, that fomc ftreicht order might t>c 
^iven to avoid the fame, and that it might be confidcreid 
by the judges, what manner of crime the fame is, to 
maintain fuch books, made direftly againft her majcfty's 
authority, and maintaining a foreign power, contrary to 
the laws of the realm. 

The fifth was, that where a great number of monks^ 
fryars, and fuch lewd perfons, are fled out of Scotland, 
-and do ferve in England, efpecially in the North, as curates 
of churches, and all fuch of them ^s are not found honeft 
and conformable, may be banifted out of the realm, for 
tliat It appeareth they do fow fedition in the realm, in 
many places, and now will increafe their doings.* 

The fixth, where fundry having ecclcfiaftical livings, 
arc on the otfier fide the fea, and from thence maintain 
fedirion in the realm 5 that livings may be better beftowed 
to the coihmodity of the realm, upon good fubjeds. 

The fcvcnth is, that the judges of the realm, having 
no finall authority m this realm, in governance of all pro* 
perty of the reahn, might be fwom to the queen's ma- 
jcfty, according to the laws of the realm, and fo thereby 
they fhould for confcience fake maintam the queen's ma- 
jcfty's authority. 

The parriculars of the third intention to break and 
avoid this marriage, or to divert the perils. 

First to break this marriage, confidering nothing can 
likely do it, but force, or fear of force, it is thought by 
fome that thefe means following might occafion the breach 
of the marriage. 

1. That the carl of Bedford repair to his charge. 

2. That the works at Berwick be more advanced. 

3. That the garrifon be there incrcafcd. 

E e 2 4. That 



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419 



4^ 



APPENDIX. 

4> That all die wardens put their frontiers in ofdtf 
^ith fpeed, to be ready at an hour's warning. 

(. That fome noble perfon, as the duke of Norfolk, 
or the earl of Salop, or fuch other, be fent into Yorfcr 
(hire, to be lieutenant-general in the North. 

6. That preparations be made of a^ power, to be in 
readinefs to ferve, either at Berwick, or to iarade Scot- 
land. 

7. That prefently Lady Lennox be comnutted to fomc 
place, where (he may be kept from giving or receiving of 
intelligence. 

0. That the earl of Lennox and hi6 fon may be tent 
for, and required to be (cnt home by the queen of Scots, 
according to the treaty ; and if they (hall not come, then 
to denounce to the queen of Scots the breach of the trea- 
ty, and thereupon to enter with hoftility ; by which pro- 
ceeding, hope is conceived (fo the (ame be done in deeds 
^nd not, in (hews) that the marriage will be avoided, or 
at the leaft that it may be qualified &om mamy perils ; and 
\vhatfoever is to be done herein, is to be executed with 
fpeed, whild (he has a party in Scotland that favouscdi 
not the maniage, and befove any league made by the 
queen of Scots with France or Spain, 

Some other allows weH of all theCe proceedings, faving 
of proceeding to hoftility, but all do agree ia the reft) 
and alfo to tne(e particularities following* 

10. That the earl's lands upon hisrefo(aly or hisfon'i 
refufing, (hould be fisized, andbeftowed in gift or cuftody, 
as (Hallpleafe hef majefty, upon good (ubieds.^ 

1 1. That all ma'nife(t favourers of tne early in the 
Korth, oi elfewhere, be inquired icr^ and that they be, 
by fundry means, well looked to. 

12. That enquiry be made in the North, whahavc 
the ftcward(hip of the queen's majefty*8 lands there, and 
that no yerfon, defervii^ miftruflr,, be fuffered to hare 
governance or rule of any of her AibjeQs or lands in the 
North, but only to retain their ^s, and more trufty pcr- 
ion have rufe of the fame people's lands. 

13. That all frequent pafiages into this realm, to and 
from Scotland, be reftrainect to all Scottifh men, faving 
fuch as have fafe-«e«^duft, otl?e efpecially recommended 
from Mr. Randolph, a^ hyaan^pf the realin.r 

v^^ That fomc. inteUigeuce be ufcd with fuch in 

Scot^ 



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A- F P EN D I X^ jfi% 

tSieotIahd» as £iv«iir not the nMrriage> and they comfiTrted 
fcGtm timp to time* 

15. That the queen's majefty's houfliold, chamber^ 
and peniionersy be better feen unto, to a^oid broad and 
uncomely fpeecti ufed by fundry againft the ftate ef the 
neahn. 

1 6. That the younger fon of the earl of Lennoz, Mr. 
Charles^ be remembered to fome place where he may be 
forth comiog. 

1 7« That ooniidering the fa&ion and title of the 4)ueen 
of Scotts hath now of long time received great favour^ 1 

and continued, by the queen's majefty's favour herein to 
the queen of Scotts and her miniftorsy and the lady Ca- 
tharine, whom* the (aid queen of Scotts accompted as a ^ 
competitor unto her in pretence of title, it may pleafe the 
queen's maieftf , by fome ecterior a£3b, to ihew fome ire- 
million of her diipleafure to the ladjr, and to die earl of 
Hartford^ that the queen of Scotts thereby «nay fmA fome 
change, and her frieads p^t wl doubt of nurther proceed*- 
ing therein* 

1 8. That whofoesrer 0uU be lieutenant in the Nondi^ 
Sir Ralph Sadler may accompany him. 

19. That with Ipeed the realm of Ireland may be 
committed to a new goyer&or. 

ao. FiNAi^LY, that thefe advices being confidered by 
her majefty, it may pleafe her to choofe which of them 
ihe liketh, and to put them in execution in deeds, and 
not to pais them over in coafukarions and fpeecfaes. 

For it is to be afiured, that her adverfaries will ufe 
all means to put their intention in execution. Some by 
pradlice, fome by force, when time (hall ferve, and no 
time can ferve fo well the queen's majefty to interrupt the 
perils, as now at the fir(t, before the queen of Scotts pur« 
po&s he £ally fettled^ 

No. XI. (Vol I. p. 346.) 

Randolph to the carl of Lciccftcr, from Edin- 
burgh the 31ft of July 1565. 

MAY It pleafe your lordfliip, I have received your Cott. Lib. 
lordfhip's letter by my fervant, fufficicnt tcftlmony ^^^^^ 
oi yo^ir lordlhip's. favour towards me, whereof I think AnoriginjiV 
£ c 3 myfelf 



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4 ia ' A F p: E N D. I x: 

rtyfelf zlw2!fs (o afii^red; that wftiat otfaw mUbap foerer 
befal me, I nave enough to comfort myfdf with ; tfaoosh 
I have not at this tiine received neither acconting to me 
deed I ftand, nor the neceffity of the feryice that I am 
employed in> I will gather pafa it, as i may with pa» 
tience, than trouble your lordfiiip to be further futer for 
me» wbm there is u> little hope that any good will be 
done for me. I doubt not but your lordihip hath beard 
by fuch information as I have given from henoe^ what 
Ae prefcnt ilate of this country is» how tlus queen is now 
become a married wife, and horhufband, die felf-fame day 
of his marriage^ made a king. In their dcfires, hithertOy 
they have found fo nnich to their contentment^ that if the 
ceft focceed and profper accordmgl]P| they may think tfaenw 
£elves much happier^ thm thsrc is appearance that they 
ihall be ; ib many difcontented minds> fo much nufliking 
of the fubjefts to have thefe matters thus ordered, and in 
this fort to be brought to pafs I never heard of any 
marriage \ fo little hope^ fb little comfort as men dp talk 
was never feen, at any time, when men ihould moft have 
fliewed themfelves to rejoice, if that confideration of her 
own honour and well of her country had been had as ap* 
pertained in fo weighty a cafe. This is no^ their fear, 
the overthrow of religion, the breach of amitie with die 
tjiieen's majefty, and the deftrudion of as many of the no* 
bility as (he hath mifliking of, or that he liketfa to pttcl^ 
a quarrel unto. To fee all thefe inconveniencys approad^ 
ing, diere are a good number that may fooner lameflt 
'With themfelves, and complain to their neighbours, dian 
be able to find remedie to hdp them, fome attempt widi 
»ail the force they have, but are too weak to do any good, 
what is required otherways, or what means there is made 
•your lordihip knoweth ; what will be anfwert^d, or what 
will be done, therein, we are in great doubt, and though 
your intent be never fo good unto us, yet do we fo much 
fear your delay, that our ruin (hall prevent your fupport 
when council is once taken . Nothing fo needful, as fpecdy 
execution. Upon the queen's majefty, we wholly de- 
pend, in her majefty's hands it ftandcth to favc our lives, 
or to fuffer us to perift ; greater honour her majefty can- 
not have, than in that which licth in her majclly's power 
to do for us 5 the fuhis are not great, the numbers of men 
arc not many that v/t defire; many will dayly be found, tbo' 
this will be fomc charge j men grow dayly, though, at 

' this 



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APPENDIX. 4X3 

diistime^ Itifink her majefty ihall fcofe but £ev; hat 
'fri^kl^ beire being onoe ttfke« away^ where wiH her ma- 
lefty find the like ; I iptak ieaft of that which I tfaiak 
15 meft earneftly intended by thn^uc en, and her hufbaod, 
mhtn by him it was laftely £ud, that h^ xuined more for 
'Ac pi|>fft9 in Englandi than be did £or ihc proteftants in 
Scodand $ if therefore, hift hopes be fo great ii^the papiiis 
of Enj^andi what inay your iordfliip believe that he think- 
eth of the proteftants there; for his birth, for his nurri- 
toirr, for the homour he hath to be of kine to the queen 
my miftrefs, if in preftrring thofe that are the qaeen'^ ma- 
* jefties werft fubjeds to thofe that are her beft, he declaretli 
M4iat mind he beareth to the queen's majefty's fclf, any 
man may fay it is flenderly rewarded, and his duty evU 
' forgotten ; he would n6w feem to be indifiSnrent to both • 
the religions, flie to ufe her mafs, and he to com^ fome- 
ttmes to the preachings they were married with all the 
' fblemnities of the popifii 4ime, faf ing that he heard not 
the mafs) his fpeech and talk argueth his mind, and yet 
wovld he fam feem to the wofld that he were oif iome re- 
-Kgton; his words to aN HMn, ^Ig^inft whom he ixmcctr- 
«& any diipkafure how niijaft feever it be, fo proud and 
iprtftill, that rather he feemddi « monarch <tF the worlfl, 
tnan he that, not long Gnce, we have feeb-and Jcoown 
the lord Damley ; he lookethrlww for rermnee of many 
that have little wiD to gure \t him; and fofne th^re are 
' that do gtre it, that think him tittle worth of it. All;ii6*' 
nonr that may be attributed urtto any man by a wife,: he 
liath it wholly and fully ; all praifes that may be fpofcen. of 
liim, he iacbeth not from herfelf ; all dignities that Ae 
' can indue him u'ith, which are already giren and grant- 
ed ; no man pleafeth her that contenteth not him ; and 
what may I fay more, fhe hath given chkx to him, hkr 
whole win, to be ruled and guided as himfelf beft liketh ; 
ihe can as much prevail widi him, in any thing that is 
Againft his will, as your lordfhip may with me to perfuade 
that I {hottM hang myfelf ; thilB laft dignity out of hand 
to have been proclaimed king, (he would have it deferred 
nmiU it were agreed by parliament, or be had been him- 
"felf a I years of age, that things done in his name might 
have the better authority. He would, in no cafe, have 
it deferred one day, and either then or never ; whweupoa 
this doubt is rifen amongft our men of law whether ihe be- 
ing clad vith a hulband, and her huiband not twenty- 
£« 4 one 



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.4»4 A P P E Sr f) I X. 

one years, any thing wtdibut pajrliameAt. cast be of 
ftrcngth, that is doi^e between diem } upon Saturdajf at 
.afternoon thefe matters were long in debating. An4 be- 
: fore they were wdl rcfolTed upon, at nine hcmrs at nighty 
by three heralds, at found of the trumpet he was pi^ophuiii-> 
ed king. This was the night before the marpagc ^ this 
day, Monday at twelve of the <:lock, the Iprds, all that 
were in the toun, were prefent at the proclaiming of him 
;igatn, where no man faid fo nmdk as Arnen^ faving his fa- 
ther, that cried, out aloud God favi: hi^ queep. The, man- 
ner of the marriage was in this (ort> upon Sunday in the 
morning between five and fix, (he was conveyed by difcr^ 
of her nobles ^o the chapell ; ihe b^d upon her l^k the 
great mourning gown of black, with the great widp mourn-- 
ing hood, not unlike unto tha V which ihe wofe th^ dou U 
fuU day of the burial of her huiband : ihe was led into 
the chapeU, by the earle of Zicnox and Athpl, and thepe 
was (he left untill her huibind .came, who alfo was pon« 
veyed by the fame lords, t^ minifter priefls, two, dp 
there receive them, the bands are a(ked the third time, and 
an tttftrument taken by a nptp^yur that no m^ faid a^gainfl 
them, or alleged any canfc why the marriage nngbt P9t 
proceed* The words were fpoken, ihc rings whim ^j^ere 
three, the middle a rich dis^ond) were put.^pon her fin* 
ger; they kneel together, and ^ihs^ny prayer^ faid over 
them, (he tarricth out the mafs, and he taketh a kifs, and 
-leaveth her there, and went to her chamber, whither with- 
in a fpace (he foUoweth ; and being required, according 
to the folemnicy, to caft off her cares and leave a(ide tho^ 
forrowfull garments, and give herfelf to a more pleafant 
life, after fome pretty refufaU, more I bel^ye fqr inann^ 
fake than grief of heart, (be fufiered thepi ;hat ftood 
by, every man that could app^roacJi, to take o^t-apin, 
. and fo being committed to her ladi^, changed her gar-» 
ments, but went not to bed, to fignifie to the world, that 
:;it was not lud that moved them to marry, but only t^e 
. ncceflity of her country, not, if God will, long tp leave it 
^ deftitute of an heir, Sufpicious men, or fuch 2^ are giv^n 
^ of all things, to make the worft, would tha^ it (hpuld be 
* believed, that they knew each other before that they came 
: there ; I wpuld not your Iprdfliip (hould fo b^jeyc it, the 
f likelihoods are fo great tq the contrary, that if it were 
- po(rible to fee fuch an z(k dene, I would not believe it. 
After, the m^rriag^. foUow^th commonly great cheer a^d 
. . ^ dancing: 



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APPENDIX. 4>| 

4aiituig : to tlidr dinner they were conveyed by the ^holr 
90biKty; the trumpets fiomid) a largcfs cried; niQUj 
thrown about the houle in great abundance, to fuch a6 
were happy to get any part ; they dine both at one tables 
(he upon the upper hand, there ferve her thefe earls Athoir 
fever, Morton. canrer, Craufoord cup-bearer; th^fi? ferve 
him in like offices, earls Eglington, Cafiels, and Qlei>- 
caim ; after dinner they danced a while, and then retired 
tfaemfelves t^l the hour of fupper ; and as they dined fp 
do they fup, fome dancing there was, and fo they gp 
to bed ; of all this I have written to your lordihip I ana 
not oculatus teftis, to this, but of the verity your lordihip 
ihall not need to doubt, howfoever I came by it ; I was 
lent for to haTe been at the fupper, but like a curri(h cap 
uncourtly carle I refnfed to be there ; and yet that which 

iour lordihip may think might move me much, to have 
ad the fight of my miilre(s, of whom thefe eighteen days 
by juft account I got not a fight, I am my lord taken by 
aU that fort as a very evil perfon, which in my heart I 
do well allow, and like of myfelf the better, for yet can 
I not find either honeft or good that liketh their doings. 
I leave at this time ftirther to trouble your lordihip, cra^ 
ing pardon for my long filence, Ihave more ado than I 
am able to diicharge, I walk now more abroad by night 
than bv day, and me day too little to difcharge myfelf of 
that wnicb I conceive, or receive in the night. As yoi;^ 
lordihip, I am fure, is partaker of fuch letters as I write 
to Mr. Secretary, fo that I truft that he ibal) be to this, 
' to fave me of a little btbour, to write the fame ags|in, mofk 
humbly I take my leave at Edinburgh, the lad day of 
July 1565. 

No. XII. (VoLI. p.351.) 

letter of the carl of Bedford to the honourable 
Sir William Cecil, knt. her majcfly's principal 
fccrctary, and one of hey highnefs's privy 
council. 

A fTER my hearty commendations, this day at noon tddSopU 
^^ captain Brickwdl came hither, who brought with pjf^Joa^- 
him the queen's majeily's letters containing her full re- from cbt 
folution, an^ pleafure for all things he had in charge to ons^n^ 
. give ii^ormation of> (aving that for the aid of the lords 

T .'■''" ■ "of 



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^^ APPEHDIX 

'cf die congregation there is nodung' determined, or at 
^e lead exprefied m the fame letter%. and &r xhu poc- 
^pofe received I this morning, a ktter fvdbficribed by. tbe 
4uke, the earl of Murray, Giencarnc, and others, craving 
to be holpen with 300 harquebn^rm out, of this gasri- 
fon, for tneir better defence. And albeit, i know rigbt 
-weU the goodncfs of their caufe, and the. queen's majcftf 
our ibvereign's good will, and care towards them ; «iid 
'do aHb underftand that it wcreYeiy reqtnfite to have tbcm 
hoioen, for that now their caufe is to be in this manner 
-decided, and that it now/ftandeth u^on their otter over* 
throw and undoing, finee the queen's party is at the kaft 
5000, and they not much above 1000 % befides tibat the 
<]ueen hadi harquebufyers, and they have none, and do 
yet want the power that the em of Axguyle flumhl 
bring to them, who is not yet joined with ^drs i I .have 
•thereupon thought good to pray yoo. to be a means to 
learn her majefty's pleafure in this behalf, vrhat, and 
how, I {hall anfwer them, or otherwtfe deal in this jnat-* 
-ter, now at dris their Extreme neceffity^ For, to the one 
•fide, lyeth thereupon dheir utter min and ov e r thro w, 
und the miferaUe fubverfioa of teKgion ^there ; and, en 
the other fide, to odventfiie fo great and weiglyty a qaat- 
ter as this is, (albeit it be but of a few foldier8,.for a foudl 
time) without good warraunte, and thereby to bring, per- 
'adventurcy upon our heads fome wilful warrs, and in the 
mean time to leave the place unfumi&ed, (haying in the 
*whole but 800) wi&out any grant of new fupply for the 
fame ; and by that means alfo, to leave the marches heie 
the more fubjed to invafion, white |n the mean feafen 
new helps are preparing ; to this know not I what toi^ 
or how to do. And fo much more I marvel thereof, as 
that having fo many times written touching this matter 
, no refolute determination cometh. And fo between the 
writing, and looking for anfwer, the occafion cannot pals, 
but muft needs proceed and have fuccefs. God tutn it to 
his glory ; but fuvely all mens reafon hath great caufe to 
fear it. Such a pufh it is now come unto, as this little 
fupply would do much good to advance God's honour, to 
continue her majefty's great and careful memory of them, 
i^nd to preferve a great many noUemen and partlemen. 
If it be not now hclpen, it is gone for ever. Your good 
will and afFeftion that way I do nothing mtftnift, and 
herein fliall take fuch good advice as by any means I cai* 

Ire- 



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A P P E If D r X. 427: 

X reorifed horn tfaefe lords two papers aclofod, the efitft 
tidicreef fliaU appear imto yoo. For thofe matters t^ 
captain BrkkweU broogbt, I Audi infwer you by mp 
next, and ktrevith fend you two leiteiB from Mr» Ram 
dolph, both recekred dus day. By him you fliaU hew 
fbai tht proteftants are retired irom Edenbovoc^h^ fur-* 
tker off. So I kope your rdblution for their aid AM, 
come in tbae^ if it eome wkh fpetd, for that diey wiU 
not now fo prefently need them ; and fo with my hearty 
dianks commit you to God* From Berwick^ this ad of 
Sept. 1565. 

No. XIII. (VeLI. p.351.) 

The queen to the earl of Bedford. 

YlPON the advenifements lately received from yon, iiSept,' 
^ with fuch other things as came alfo from the lord JS^S- 
Scrope and Thomas Randolph, and upon the whole mat- q^^ 
ter well confidered, we have thus determined. We will, 
with all the fpeed that we can, fend to you 3000 1. to be 
thus ufed. If you Ihall certainly undcrftand that the carl 
of Murray hath fuch want of money, as the imprefting to 
kim of I cool, might ftand him in ftead for the help to 
defend himfelf, you (hall prefentfy let him fecrct>y to xm- 
derftand, that you will, as of yourfelf, let him have fo 
much, and fo we will that you let him have, in the moft 
fecrct fort that you can, when the feid fum ftiall come to 
you, or if you can, by any good means, advance him 
fome part thereof beforehand. 

The other 2000 1. you (hall caufe to be kept whole, 
' imfpcnt, if it be hot that vou (hall fee neceffary caufc to 
impreft fome part thereof to the now numbers of the 
600 footmen and 100 horfemen ; or to the cafting out of 
wages of fuch workmen, as by Ccknefs, or othcrwife, 
ought to be difcharged. And where we perceive, by 
▼our fundry letters, the eameft requeft of the faid earl of 
Murray and his affociates, that they might have, at Ac 
leaft, 300 of our foldiers, to aid them. And that yoa alfo 
write, that tho' we would not command you to give them 
aid, yet if we would but wink at your doing herein, arid 
feem to blame you for attempting fuch things, as you 
wltli the help pf others Ihould bring about, you doubt 

4 not 



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^Tt A Ef F e: N: K r Xl 

1^ but things wouU do* weU ; yoii dull uftdeiHand fof 
a truth, that we have no intentioo, for many Tcfpc&S) ia 
maintain any other prinsMS fiibjeda, to take ailsis againft 
their ibvereign ) neither would we willingly do any thing 
to give oocafion to make wars betwixt U6 and dutprioCe^ 
which has caufed us to forbear, hitherto^ to give you any 
power to let them be aided- with any men. But now, 
coniidering we take it, that they are purf^ed, notwidi^ 
Handing their humble fubmiihoo and ofier to be ordered 
and tried by law and juilice, which being refufed to them, 
they are retired to Dumfrefe, a place near our wtA 
marches, as it feemeth there to deifend themfelves, and 
adding thereunto the good intention that prefently the 
French king pretendcA, by fending" one of his to join 
writh fome one of ours, and jointly to treat with that 
queen, and to induce her to forbear this manner of vio- 
lent and rigorous proceeding againil her fubje£ls, for 
which purpofe the French ambailador here with us ha^ 
lately written to that queen, whereof anfwer is dailf 
looked for ; to the intent in the mean time the faid lords 
fliould not be opprefied and ruined for lack of fome h^lp 
to defend them, we are content and do authorize, if you 
Ihall fee it neceilary for their defence, to let them (as of 
your own adventure, and without nothing that you have 
any diredion therein from us) to have the numbor of 300 
foldiers, to be taken, either in whole bands, or to be 
drawn out of all your bands, as you (hall fee caufe. Ani 
to cover the matter the better, you fliall fend thcfe num- 
ters to Carlifle, as to be laid there in garrifon, to defenfl 
that march, now in this time that fuch powers arc on ^he 
other part drawing to thofe frontiers, and fo from thence 
as you ihall fee caufe to iircCt of, the fame numbers, or 
any of them, may mod covertly repair to the faid lord^ 
when you Ihall exprefsly advertize, that you fend them that 
aid only for their defence, and not therewith to make war 
againft the queen, or to do any thing that may offend her 
perfon; vi^erein you (hall fo precifely deal with them, that 
they may perceive your care to be fuch as if it fhould 
otherwife appear, your danger (hould be fo grpat, as ail 
the friends you have could not be able to fave you towards 
us. And fo we afliire you our confciencc moveth us to 
charge you fo to proceed with them j for otherwife than 
*|o..prefcrve them from ruin, we do not yield to give them 
^ of money qx men : And yet we would not tnat either 

of 



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A P P £ K i) i X. 4^ 

TOf thefe were known to be our aft, but rather to Ite o^ 
* rered with your own defire and attempt. 

No. XIV. (Vol.1, p. 361.) 

Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh, 7th F^b. 
1565-6. 

Xif Y humble duty confidered ; what to write of the An origt- 
'^'' prefcnt ftate of the country I am fo uncertain, by "^ 
reafon of the daily alterations of mens minds, that it 
maketh me much flower than otherwife I would. Within 
thefe few days there was fome good hope, that this queen 
would have fhewed fome favour towards the lords, and 

] that Robert Melvin {hould have returned unto them with 
comfort upon fome conditions. Since that time, there 
are come out of France Clernau by land, and Thorneton 
by fca j the one from the cardinal, the other from the 
bifliop of Glafgow. Since whofe arrival neither can there 
be good word gotten, nor appearance of any good in- 
tended them, except that they be able to perfwade the 
queen's majefty our fovereign to make her heir apparent 
to the croun of England. I write of this nothing lefi 

' than I know, that fhe hath fpoken. And by all means 
that (he thinketh the bed doth travaili to bring it to pafs. 
There is a band lately devifed, in whicli the late pope, the 

*cmperor, the king of Spain, the duke of Savoy, with di- 
vers princes of Italy, and the queen mother fufpeflcd to 
be of the fame confederacy to maintain, papiflry through- 
out Chriftiandom ; this' band was fent out of France by 
Thorneton, and is fubfcribed by this queen, -the copy- 
thereof remaining with her, and the principal to be re- 
turned very fliortlie, as 1 hear, by Mr. Stephen Wilfon, a 
fit minifter for fuch a deviliih dcvifej if the coppie hereof 
may be gotten, that ihall be fent as I conveniently in»» 
Monfieur Rambollet came to this toun upon Monday, he 
fpoke that night to the queen and her hufbahd, but not 
long ; the next day he held long conferences with them 
both, but nothing came to the knowledge* of any whereof 
they intreated. I cannot fpeak with any that hath any 
hope that there will be any good donp for the lords by 
him, though it is fa id that he hath very good will to da 
fo to the uttermoft of hfs power. He is lodged near to the 
court, and livcth upon the queen's charges. Upon Sun- 

dafy 



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*»3^ A !> P S K D I X. 

•^7 the. order is gltrea» wberent ai^sstit ma^ to IHifly to 
be prefent that daj at the mtis^ Upon Candlemas d^y 
there carried their candles, with the queen, her hufband, 
the earl of Lennox, s^ddedrrAthd; divers other lords 
have been called together and' required to be at the mais 
that day,, fame have promifed, as Cifiels, Mongomer», 
Seton, Cathnefs. OthcxB have refuft^, as Fleming, Lc- 
vingfton, Lindfay, Huntly and Bothel4 and of diem all 
Bouicl is the ftoutcft, but worft thought of; it va« 
moved in council that mafs (hould have been in St. Giles 
church, which I believe was rather to tempt men's minds, 
than intended indeed : She was of late minded again to 
fend Robert Melvin to negotiate with fuch as fhe trufteA 
in amongil the queen's majefl:y*8 ftibje£t8, of whofe good 
willis this way I truft that the bruit is greater than the 
truth, but in thcfe matters, her majefty is too wife not 
in time to be ware, and provide for the worft j foroc in 
that country are thought to be privie unto the bands and 
confederacie of which I have written, where of I am frnc 
there is fome things, tho* perchance of all I have not 
heard the truth} in this court divers quarks, contentions, 
and debates, nothing fo much fought as to maintain mif- 
chief and diforder. David yet retaineth ftill his place, 
not without heart crief to many, that fee their fovereign 
guided chiefly by luch a fellow ; the queen hath utterly 
refufed to do any good to my lord of Argyll, and it 14 
faid that (hall be the firft voyage that (he will make after 
flie b delivered of being with child ; the bruit is common 
that (he is, but hardly believed of many, and of this, 1 
can aflure you, that there have of late appeared fome to- 
kens to the contrary. 

No. XV. (Vol. I. p. 370.) 

Part of a letter from the carl of Bedford and Mr. 
Tho. Randolph to the lords of the council of 
England fr6ni Barwick, 27th of March 1^66. 
An Originalin die Cotton. Library, Caligula b, 10. 
fol.372. 

May it pliofe your Honours^ 
ftTthMirch TJEARING of io maynie matters as we do, and 
15(6. n fyndinge fuch varietie in the rtt)orts, we have 

mjthe ado to dtceme the ttritie \ which make& us the 

flower 



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A: ir P E N p I X. 431, 

Qbimr and kxnJmr to put any thing m wrytis^ to Ac 
oq^eote we wold not that your honoyrs^ and by you tb# 
cyie^'s majcfticy our fovcreigncp (hould not be advertiled 
but of the vcvie trothe as we can poi&ble. To this end 
W< thought good tofepd up oqptain Carewe^ who was ia 
Sdiahoui^e at the tenae of the laft attemptate, who fpoke 
there, wilh divoffe, .and after that with the queen's felf 
and her huiband oonforme to that, which we have learned 
kf i»thprs ^nd know by this reporte, we fend the fame» 
^oafirioed by the parties felf, that were there prefent and 
i/SficTS uQtQ tkefe that were executors of the a£%e. 

- This we fynde for certain, that the queen's hu(band 

bctng entered into a vehement fufpicion of David, that by 

hymfonae tbvnge was committed, which was moft agaynilc; 

^ queen'^ honour, and not to be borne of his perte^ 

fyrfte communicated his mynde to George Dughs, who 

fyndtng his, fonDws to great fought aU the me^ns he 

coulde to put feme remedie to his grieff ; and communi- 

eating the fa«e unto my lord Ruthen by the king's com-» 

mandment, no other waye coulde be found then that 

Pavid ihould be taken out of the waye. Wherein ha 

was fo eameft and daylye preiTed the fanoe, that no reftp 

<;ould be had untyll it was put in execution. To thia 

ihsit was found good, that the lord Morton, and lord Lind- 

foye (hottld be made privie to th' intente that theie mighq 

have their friends at hande, yf neade required \ whtd^ 

caufed them to effemhle fo mayny, as theie thought fuf-« 

ficknt agatnil the tyme, that tnis determination of their* 

ihould be put in executione ; which was determined the 

isth of this inftante 3 daies afore the parliament (hould 

begyne, at which time the fayde lords were aflured that 

iac eiks Argyle, Morraye, Rothes and their complyce* 

flioMe liare been forfeited, yf the king could not be per* 

fttaded through this means to be their friends ; who for 

die^efyre he had that this intent (hould take tfkCk th"^ 

<me waye was content to yielde, without all difficultie 

toT t'other, with this condition, that theie (hould give 

their oonfents, that Jie might have the crowne matrimo- 

»iaL He was fo impatient to fee thefe things he faw, and 

were daylye brought to his eares, that he dayly prefTed 

the faid lord Ruthen, that there might be no longer de-f . 

lay; and to the intent that myghtmanifefte unto the worlds 

tku he approved the a£te, was content to be at the doing 

of that hunfelf*. 

Upon 



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:4j± A f ? £ K D I Xi 

-' Uj»on Saturday at night ncirc unto vnt of the il _ 
the king eonveyeth himlclf, the lord Rathen, Gwrft 
Duglafs, and two others, throwe hid own channber hf 
the privv (layers up to the queen's chamber going W 
'which there is a cabinet about xrt foot fquare ; in die 
fame a little low repofing bed and t table, at the whidi 
theyr were fitting at fupper the ^uoene, the lady Ar- 
gile, and David with his capp u|k>n his head. Into the 
cabinet there cometh in the king and lotd Ruthen, wbo^ 
willed David to come forth, f^yhigi that was no place 
for him. The queen faid, that it was her will. Hef 
l^owfband anfwerede, that y< was againft her honour. 
The lord Ruthen faid, that he (hould leme better hii 
deutie, and offering to have taken him by the arm, David 
took the queen by the blychtes of her gown and put 
Kimfelf behind the queen who wolde gladlee have faved 
him: But the king having loofed his hand, and hold* 
hig her in his arms, David Was thruft out of the cabi« 
net throw the bed chamber into the chamber of pre- 
fens, whar were the lord Morton, lord Lindfey, who in- 
tending that night to have referved hym, and the next day 
to hang him, fo mane being about him, that bore him 
evil will, one thruft him into the boddie with a dagger, 
and after hym a great many others, fo that he had in hi# 
bodie above wonds. It is told for certayne, that 

the king's own dagger was left fticking in him. A¥hca- 
ther he ftuck him or not we cannot be here certayn« He 
Was not flayne in the queen's prefens, as was (aid, but 
^oing down the ftayres out of the chamber of prefens. 

There remained a long tyme with the queen her howf- 
band and th« lord Ruthen. She made, as we here, great 
interceilion, that he fhold have no harm. She blamed 
greatlee her howiband that was the aftor of fo foul t 
deed. It is faid, that he did anfwer, that Darid had 
more companie of her boddie than he for the fpace of two 
inontbs ; and therefore for her honour and his own con- 
tentment he gave his confent that he ihould be takfai 
away. *• It is not" (faythe flie) •* the woman's part to feck 
« the hufband^" and therefore in that the fault was his 
own. lie faid that when he came, flie either wold not 
or made herfclf fick. « WclV' faythe (he, «<you have 
•* tarkcn your laft of me and your farewell." Then were 
pity, Aiyth the lord Ruthen, he ia your majefty's huf- 
baiid 'j(i\d mult yield dutie to each other, m Why «ay 

"Inot^** 



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A P ^ £ N D I X. i|.5> 

•• 1 not,** faytlie (he, *• leave him as well as your wife 
w did her hufband ?** Ouhet have done the* like. The lord 
Ruthen faid that (he was lawfully divorced from her huf- 
band, and for no fuch caufe as the king found himfelf 
greve. Befydcs this man was mean, baflc, enemie to the 
nobility, fliame to her, and deftruftton to herfcif and 
country. « Well," faith flje, " that fliall be dear blude 
•^ to fome of you, yf his be fpylt." God forbid, fayth 
the lord Ruthen j for the more your grace Ihowe yourfelf 
offended, the world will judge the worfe. 

Her hufband this tyme focakcth litle, herfelf conti- 
nually weepcth. The lord Kuthen being ill at eafe and 
weak calleth for a drink, and fay the, ** This I muft do 
•* with your majefties pardon," and perfuadeth her in the 
beft fort he could, that fhe would pacify herfelf. Nothing 
(bat could be faid could pleafe her. 

In this mean time there rofe a nombre in the court ; to 
pacify which there went down the lord Ruthen, who went 
ftra3rt to the erles Huntly, Bothwell and Atholl, to quiet 
them, and to afTure them from the king that nothing was 
intend againft them. Thefe notwithftanding taking fear, 
•when thcie heard that my lord Murray wold be there the 
next day, and Argile meet them, Huntly and Bothwell 
both get out of a window and fo depart. Atholl had leave 
of the king with Flyfh and Glandores (who was lately- 
called Deyfley the perfon of Owne) to go where they 
wold, and bring Concorde out of the court by the lord cf 
Lidington. Theie went that night to fuch places where 
they thought themfclves in mofl fauftie. 

Before the king leaft talk with the queen, in the her- 
ing of the lord Ruthen fhe was content that he fhould lie 
with h^r that night. We know not how he ♦ * himfelf, 
but came not at her, and excufed hymfelf to his friends, 
that he was £o fleepie, that he could not wake in due 
(cafon. 

There were in this companie two that came in witli 
the king ; the one Andrewe Car of Fawdenfide, whom 
the queen fayth would have ftroken her with a dagger, and 
one Patrick Balentine, brother to the judice clerk, who 
alfo her grace fayth, offered a dag againft her belly with 
the cock down. We have been carneftly in hand with 
the lord Ruthen to know the varitie ; but he ailureth us 
of the contrarie. There were in the queen's chahibcr 
the lord Robert, Arthur Arikin, on« or two Others^ 
^'^MoL.U. Ff XJidf 



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45> A P P E N D I X. 

Thev tt tlic firft offering to make a defence, the lord 
Rutnven drawd his dagger^ aud .^mo weapons then, thac 
were not drawn nor feen in her piefena, as we arc by this 
lord afiured. 

[The letter afterwards gifCf an account of the flight 
to Dunbar Caftle, whither rcforted the lords Huncly 
and Bothwell : That the earl of Morton and lord Ruth* 
vcn find themfclves left by the king for all his fair pro* 
snifcs, bonds, and fubfcriptions. That he had protefled 
before the council, that he was nerer confenting to the 
death of David, and that it is fore againft his will : ^< That 
«' of the great fubftance David had there is much fpokcn, 
*< fome fay in gold to the ralue of 1 1"*;^. Hb apparel 
<« was very good, as it is faid, 28 pair of velret hofe. 
^^ His chamber well fomifhed, armour, dagger, pvfto* 
<< letts, harquebufes, 22 fwords. Of all &is notluiq; 
•' (poyld or lacked laving 2 or 3 daggers. He had the 
** cuilody of all the queen's letters, which all were deli- 
** vered unlookcd upon. We hear of a juill^ that he had 
<< hanging about his neck of fome price, that cannot be 
<< heard of. He had upon his back,, when he was flayn, 
« a night gown of damalk furred, with a fatten doublet^ 
" a hofc of ruflTet velvet."] 

No. XVL (Vol. I. p. 379,) 
Part of a Letter from Randolph to Cecil, Jan. 16, 

— — I Cannot tell what mifliki^g of late there hath 
* been between her grace and her hufband, he 
prcflcth carneftly for the matrimonial crown, which ihc 
is loth haftily to grant ; but willing to keep fomewhat in 
ftorc, until (he know how well he is worth to enjoy fuch 
a fovcrcignty : and therefore it is thought that the par- 
liament for a time (hall be deferred, but hereof I caa write 
no certainty. 

From Mr. Randolph'^ letter to fecrctary Cecil 

ictr*'?!- Tp^^^ jiifticc-clcrk in hard terms, more for his bro- 
pr Office*' thcr\s caiife tlian ^ny dcfert, and as far as I can hear 

from the the kln^ of all otlier in worlt, for neither hath the aueen 



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APPENDIX. 

good opinion of him for attempting of any thing that 
was againil )ier will, Qor the people that he hath denied 
fo manifcft a matter, being proved to be done by his com- 
mandment^ and now himfelf to be the accufer and pur« 
fuer of them that did as he willed them. This Scott, that 
was executed, and Murray that was yefterday arraigned^ 
were both accufed by him. It is written to me, for cer« 
tain, by one, that upon Monday laft fpoke with the 
queen, that fhe is determined that the houfe of Lennox 
fliall be as poor in Scotland as ertx it was. The earl 
continueth fick, fore troubled in mind ; he ftaith in the 
abby, his fon hath been once widi him, and he once 
with the queen, fince (he came to the caftle. The queea 
hath now feen all the covenants and bands that paiTeth he^ 
tween the king and the lorids, and now findeth that his 
declaration, before her and council, of his innocency of 
the death of David was falfe ; and grievoufly offended 
ihat, by their means, he ibould feck to come to the 
crown matrimonial* 

Part of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, from Ber- 
wick, 25 April 1566. 

— — 'T^HERE iscontinuaMy very much fpeech of fhb 
^ difcord between the queeh and her hofband, 
£0 for that^ that is commonly faid and believed of him^ 
felf, that Mr^ James Thornton is gone to Rome to fue 
for a devotee between thenu It is very certain tluit Ma^ 
levafier had not fpoken with him within thefe three days; 
He is neither accompanied nor looked upon of any noble* 
man : attended upon by certain of his own fervants^ and 
lix or feven of the guard ; at liberty to do, and go where 
and what he will, tfaey have no hope yet among them« 
(elves of quietnefs. 

—David's brother named Jofeph, who came this 
^pray with Malevafier, unknown to any man here, is be- 
come fecrctary in his brother's place. 



i2} 



Ffa K«.XVII, 



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^3^ A i^ P E N b I ±. 

No. XVII. (Vol. L p. 384.) 

• The carl of Bedford to Cecil, 3d Auguft 1^66. 

rp H £ queen and her hufband agree after the old man* 
-*• ncT, or rather worfc. She eatech but very feldom 
with him, licth not, nor kcepcth company with him, nor 
loveth any fuch as love him. He is fe tar out of her books, 
as at her going out of the caftle of Edinburgh, to remofe 
abroad, he knew nothing thereof. It cannot for modeftf, 
Tior with the honour of a queen, be reported what (he 
feid of him. One Hickman, an Engliflt merchant ther^ 
liaving a water fpaniel which was very good» gave him to 
Mr. James Melvill, who afterwards, for the pieafure, 
which- he fsrw die king have in fuch kind of , dogs, gave 
kim to the king. The queen thereupon fell marvellouflj 
«ut with Melvill, and called him^diflembler and flatterer, 
and faid (he could not tnift one, who would give any tfctfl| 
to fuch one as (he loved not* 

The earl of Bedford to Cecil, Aug. 8. 

-n^ HE diCagreement between the queen and her hu&and 
'^ continoeth, or rather iiicreaieth. Robert Melvill 
drawing homewards, within twelve miles of Edinbuigii^ 
could not tell where to fiod the queen; fith which time 
ihe is come to £dinhurgh» and had not twelve horfes at^ 
tending on her* There was not then, nor that I can hesr 
«f (ince, any lord baron, or other nobleman in her com* 
^ny. The king her hufband is gone to Dum£ermling» 
^nd piifleth his time as well as he may 1 having at his fare* 
well, fuch countenance as would make a haiband heavy 
at the heart. 

' Sir John Forfter to Cecil, 8 Sept. from Berwick. 

np H E queen hath her huftand in fmall eftimation, a»i 
^ the earl of Lennox came not in the queen's fight 
fince the death of Davy; 



Sk 



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APPENDIX. S^5» 



sir John Forftcr to Cecil, i ith Dec- 

^^'TTHE carl of Bot^w^ll is appointed to recclv^the am- 
^ bafladors, and all things for the chriftening are at 
liis lordfliip's appointment, and the fame is fcarcely Well 
liked of the nobility, as is ^aid. The king and qtieeti id 
preftntly at Craigmillar, but in little greater familiarity 
than he was all the whUe paft* 

Advcrtifcmcnts out of Scotland from the earl of 
Bedford 

THAT the king and queen agreed \rell together A«guft 
two days after her coming from — — *, and after l^^'^,^*^ 
tny lord of Murray's coming to £dinburg<h, fome new thcoriguiaL 
difcord has happened. The queen had declared to my 
lor4 of ^urray that the king bears him evil will, and. 
has faid to her, that he is determined to kill him, find- 
ing fault that {he doth bear him fo much company : and 
in like manner hath willed my lord of Murray to fpicrc 
the king, which he did a few nights fince in the queen's 
prefence, and in the hearing of divers. The king con- 
fefled, that reports were made to him, that my lord of 
Murray was not his friend, which made him fpeak that 
thing he repented ; and the queen affirmed, that the king 
had fpoken fuch words unto her, and confeiicd before the 
whole houfe, that Tne could not be content that either he 
or any other (hould be unfriend to my lord of Murray, 
My lord of Murray enquired the fame ftoutly, and ufed 
his fpeech very modeilly, in the mean time the king de^^ 
parted very grieved ; he cannot bear that the queen (hould 
life familiarity either with man or woman, and efpecially 
-the ladies of Arguile, Murray, and Marre, who keep 
juoft company with her. My lord of Murray and Both- 
well have been at evil words for the 1. of Ledington, 
before the queen, for h^ and Sir James Balfoure had new 
xome from Ledington, with his anfwer upon fuch heads 
of articles as Bothwell and he (hould agree upon, which 
being reported to the faid carl in the queen's ptefcnar, 
imade anfwer, that ere he parted with fuch lands as was 
• dcfircd, he (hould part with his life. My lord of Murray 

Ff3 faid 



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43« -APPENDIX. 

faid ftoutif to htni) that twenty as honeft men as he 
(hould lofe their lives ere he reafte Ledangton. The queen 
' fpake nothing, but heard both ; in thefe terms they parted, 
and fincet that I hear of, have not met* The queen after 
her hunting came to Edinburgh, and carryeth the prinee 
thence to Stirling with her. This laft Saturday was exc* 
cuted a fervant of the lord Ruthven's, who coafefied that 
he Mras in the cabinet, but not of council of the fa£b. The 
queen hath alfo opened to my lord of Murray, that monej 
was fent from the pope, how much it was, and by whom, 
^d for what purpofe it was brought. 

No. XVIII. (Vol I. p. 399.) 

Part of a letter from Elizabeth to Mary, Feb. 20, 
1 569. A copy interlined by Cecil. It contains 
an anfwer 10 a complaining letter of Mary's 
upon the imprifonmcnt of the biihopof Rols. 

— A FTER Ais [i. c. Mary's landing in Scotland] 
«^ how patiently did I bear with many vain dtlaji 
in not ratifying the treaty accorded by your own com- 
miffioners, whereby I received no fmall unkindnefs, be- 
fides the manifold caufes of fufpicion that I might not 
hereafter truft to any writings. Then followed a han! 
mamer of dealii^ >vith me, to intice my fubjed and near 
kinfman, the loi^ Damly, under colour of private fuits 
for land, to come into the realm, to proceed in treaty df 
marriage with him without my knowledge, yea to coo^' 
elude the fame without my aflent or liking. And how 
many unkind parts accompanied that fa£i, by receiving 
of my fubje£t8 that were bafe runnegates and offenders at 
home, and enhancing them to places of credit againft my 
will, with many fu(£ like, I will leave for that the ro- 
membrance of Uie fame cannot but be noyfome to you. 
And yet all thefe did I as it were fupprefs and overcome 
with my natural inclination of love towards you ; and 
did afterwards gladly, as you know, chriften your fon, 
(he child of my faid kinfman, that had before fo unloyallf 
offended me, both in marriage of you, and in other un- 
dutiful ufages towards me his fovereign. How friendh 
glfo dealt t by mcffagcs to r^gowcilc bi^i being ypur hut 

bandt 



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APPENDIX. 43* 

bandy to you, when others nouriihed difcord betwixt you, 
who at it feemed had more power to work their purpofes, 
being evil to you both, than I had to do you good, in re- 
fytSt of the evil I had received. Well I will overpafs 
your hard accidents that followed for lack of following 
jny council. And then in your moil extremity, when 
you was a prifoner indeed, and in danger of your life from 
your notorious evil willers, how far from my mind was 
the remembrance of any unkindnefs you had (hewed 
me. Nay how void was I of refpe£l to the defigns which 
the world had feen attempted by you to my crown, and 
the (ecurity that might have enfued to my (late by your 
death, when I finding your calamity to be great, that you 
were at the pit's brink to have miferably loit your life, did 
not only intreat for your life, but fo threatened fome as 
were irritated againft you, that I only may fay it, even I 
was the principal caufe to fave your life. 

No. XIX. (Vol.1, p. 419.) 
Letter of Q^ Elizabeth to Q^ of Scots. Thus 
marked on the back with Cecil's hand. — Copia 
Literarum RegU Majeftatis ad ReginamScotorum. 
VlU\Jprilis. 

Ik^ADAME, vous ayant trop molefte par M. de PapeiOf- 
-^^ Crocq, je n'eufle cu fi peu de conGderation de vous ^*^- 
fafcher de cette lettre, fi les liens de charite vers les ruine/, 
et les prieres des miferables ne m'y contraignaiTent. Je en- 
tens que un edit a eti divulgue de par vous, madame, que 
ung chafcun, que veult juftiner que ons ede les meurtriers 
de votre feu man, et mon feu coufin, viennent a le faire 
le xiime de ce mois. La quelle chofe, comme c'eft plus 
honorable et neceflaire, qui en tel cas fe pourra faire, ne 
y eftant cache quelque miftere ou finefie, ainfi le pere et "* 

amis du mort gentelhomme m'ont humblement requis, 
que je vous priaiTe de prolongue le jour, pource qu'ila 
cognoiflent que les iniques fe font combines par force de 
faire ceque par droi£^ Us ne pourront pas faire ; partant, 
je ne puis mais finon pour Tamour de vous meme, a qui 11 
touche le plus, et pour la confolation des innocens, de 
vous exhortcr le leur conceder cette requefte, laquelle, Cy 
elle les feroit nie, vous toumeroit grandement en foup9on,. 
de plus que j'efpere nc peniez, et que ne veudriea rolon* 

F f 4 tiers 



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44« APPENDIX; 

tiers CHiyr. Pour Tafnour de Dicu, madame, ufez de tdk 
fnicerite St prudence en ce cas qui vos touche de ii pres^ 
que tout le monde aye raifon, de vous livrcr commc in- 
noccntc d'ung crme fi cnorme, cliofe que fi nc fiiles, fcrica 
dignement efbloye hors de rancz de princeiTes, & non fans 
caufe faite opprobre de vulgaire, tt plutot que cela roas 
avienne^ je vous fouhaitcrois une fepulture honorabk| 
qu'une vie maculee; vous voiez madame^ que je vous traite 
comme ma (ille, et vous promets, que fi j'en eufle, ne luy 
fouhaiterois mieulz, que je vous defire, comme le Seigneur 
Dieu me porte tefmoignage, a qui je prie dc bon cqear de 
¥0us infpirer a faire ce qui vous icra plus a honneur, cf 
a vos amis plus de confolation, avec mes tres cordialki 
recommendations comme a icelle a qui fe fouhaite le ploi 
de bieii^ qui vo^s pourra en ce monde aveniis De WefU 
ce 3 jour de Janvier ^ en hade. 

No. XX. (Vol. I, p. 434,) 

Account of the fentcncc of divorce between the 

carl of BothwcU and lady Jean Gordon his wife. 

, From a rpanufcript belonging to Mr. David 

Falconer, advocate. Fol. 455. 
T tPOUN the 2g of Apryle 1567, before the riclfl 
^ hpn. Mr. Robert Maitland dean of Abcrdcpe, Mr. 
Edward Henryfon doftor in the laws, two of the fc- 
nators of the college of juflice, Mr. Clement Litde, and 
Wr. Alexander Syme advocattis, commifTcrs of Edn'5 
compeered Mr. Henry Kinroffe, procurator for Jean Gour- 
dounc countcs of Bothwell, conftitutc be her for purfcw- 
ing of ane proccs of divorcement intendit by her contn 
James erle tiothwel her hufband for adultiy, committed be 
him with Bcflie Crawfurde the purfucrs fcrvant for the 
lime ; and ficklyke, for the faid erle, compeared Mr. Ed-» 
mond Hay, who efter he had purfued and craved the pur* 
fuer's procurator's oath dc calumnia, if he had juft caus 
to purfew the faid adion, and obtained it, denyed the li- 
bell, and the faid Mr. Harrie took the mome, the laft daj 
of Apryle, to prove tlie fame pro prima. The quhilk day, 
having produced fome witnefles,. he topk the next day, 
being the i of May, to do farther diligence. Upon the 
quhilk I of May, he produced fome moe witncflbs, aii4 

' Amiflakemthedatcconr^acdMri^CccU'ihaodyiUo 



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APPENDIX. 

xcnounced farther probatioun^. After quhi'k, he defired 
a term to be affigned to pronounce fentence. To whom 
the faid commiflars afligned Satterday next, the 3 of May^ 
to pronounce fentence therein^ fecundum allegata et pro- 
l>ata^ quilk accordingly was given that day in favour of 
ihc purfewar. 

At the fame time there was another proces intendit be 
the erl of Bothweli contra his lady, for to have their mar« 
iriage declared nul, as being contracted againft the canons^ 
widiout a difpen&tion, and he and his lady being within 
degrees defendand, viz.ferdis a kin, and that wyfe for ex* 
peding of this proces^ there was a commiiIio\ine grantit 
to the archbifiiop of St. Androis to cognofce and determine 
it, and ito^ bifliop of Dunkeld, Wiiliam biihop of Dun- 
blane, Mr. Andro Craufurd chanon in Glafgow, and par- 
fon of Egellhame, Mr. Alexander Creichtoun^ and Mr« 
Qeorge Cooke chancellor of Dunkeld, and to Mr. Johne 
Manderftoune chanon in Dunbar and prebendar of Bcl- 
toune, or any ane, of them« This commiiTione is datit 
27 Aprile 1567, was prefented to two of the faids com- 
miflioners, viz. Mr. And' Crawfurd and Mr. John Man- 
derftoune on Satterday 3 May, by Mr. Thomas Hepburnc 
parfon of Auldhamftocks, procurator for the erle ot Both- 
well, who accepted the dclegatioune, and gave out their 
citation by precept, diredted, Decano Chriftianitatis dc 
liadingtone, nee non vicarioTeu curato eccle. parochi^e de 
Crcichtoune, feu cuicunq; alteri cappellano debiti requifi- 
tis, fer fummoning, at the faid erles inftance, both of the 
iady perfonally if fhe could be had, or othcrways at the 

Sarofche kerk of Crcichtoune the time of fervice, or at he^: 
welling place before witncffes, primo, fecundo, tcrtio et 
percmpjorie, unico tamen contcxtu protupjice ediftoJ 

\^d Hkeways to be witnefles in the faid matter, Alex, 
biihop of Calloway, who did marry the faid erle and his 
lady, in Halcnid-houfe kirk, in Feb. 1565, fir John Ban- 
natyne of Auchnoulc juftice clerk, Mr. Robert Creich* 
toun of Elliok the queen's advocate, Mr. David Chalmers^ 
provoft of Creichtoun and chancellor of Rofs, Michael — ; 
abbot of Melrofs, and to compear before the faid judge9| 
or any one of them in St. Geils kirk in Ed' on Monday 
the 5 of May, be thamfelves, or their procurators. Upon 
the (aid 5 day, Mr. John Manderftoun, one of the judges 
delegat only being prefentj compeared the fame ptocura* 

- tors 



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44« 



M* 



A P P E N D I 3{» 



Two words 
in tlie. pa- 
renthelii 



tors for both the parties that were in the former procet ; 
Mr. Edmund Hay ( articulatiie ) and 

fome of the witncffes fummoned produced^ and recciTed 
for proving of the fame. The faid procurator retiounccd 
farder probatioune, and the judge affigned the momc, the 
6th of May, ad publicandum produ£la, nempe depofi- 
tiones ipforum tedium. The qnhilk day ,poft publicatas 
depofitiones praediftas, Mr. Hen. Kinrofie, procurator for 
the lady inftantcr objecit objeftioncs juris generditer^ 
contra produ£bi, infuper renunciavit ulteriori defenfioni ; 
proinde conclufa de confenfu procuratorum hinc inde 
caufa, judex pncdiftus ftatuit craftinum diem protcrmina, 
ad pronunciandam fuam fententiam deiinitivam, ex de* 
tlu^is coram co, in pracfenti caufa et proccffu. Conform 
hereunto, on Wcdnefday the 7th of May, the faid judge 
gave out his fentence in favour of the eric, declaring the 
marriage to be, and to have been null from the begii>- 
ning, in rcfpcft of their contingence in blood, wliicli 
hindered their lawful marriage without a difpenfation ob- 
tained of befoir. 



1. of Mot. 
ton*s Ar- 
chievcs. 
BuodlcB. 



No. XXI. (Vol.1, p. 438.) 

A letter from England concerning the mia-dcr of 
king 'Henry Darnlcy. 

TJ AVING the commodity of this bearer Mr. Clark, I 
^^ tho't good to write a few word& unto you. 1 have 
rec* fome writs from you ; and fome I have fcen lately 
fent to others from you, as namely to the earl of Bedford of 
the 1 6th of May. I have participat the contents thereof to 
fuch as I thought meet, this mekle I can aflure you ; the 
.intelligence given hither by the French was untrue, for 
there was not one papilt or proteftant which did not con* 
fent that juftice fliould be done, be the queen my fov*^ aid 
and fupport, againil fuch as had committed that abomi- 
nable ill murder in your country ; but to fay truth, the lack 
and coUtnefs did not rife from fuch as were called to coun- 
cil, but from fuch as fhould give life and execution 
thereunto. Aud further, I aiTure you, I never knew no 
matter of eflate proponed which had fo many favourers of 
all forts of nations as this had : yea, I can fay unto you, 
no man promoted the matter witn greater a^^ion« %bm 

the 



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APPENDIX. 44J 

the Spanifli ambaflador. And fure I am that no man dare 
openly be of anv other mind, but to affirm that whofo- 
cver is guilty ot this murder handfaded with advoutrc, 
is unworthy to live. I fhall not need to tell you, which 
.be our letts, and ftayes from all good things here* Tou 
are acquainted with them as well as I* Needs I mud con- 
fefs, that howfoever we omit occafions of benefit, ho^ 
nouri and furety ; it brhoveth your whole nobility, and 
namely fuch as before and after the murder were deemed 
to allow of Bodwell, to profecute with fword and juftice 
the puniflunent of thofe abominable a£^s, though we lend 
you but a cold aid, and albeit you, and divers others, both 
nonourable and honed, be well known to me, and fun- 
dry others here, to be juftifiable in all their anions and ^ 
doings ; yet think not the contrary but your whole nation 
is blemiOied and hifamit by thef<? doings which lately paiTed 
among you. What we (ball do I know not, neither do I 
write unto you afluredly, for we be fubjef^ unto many mu- 
tations, and yet I think we (ball either aid you, or conti- 
nue in the defence and fafeguard of your prince, fo as it 
appear to us that you mean his fafeguard indeed, and not 
to run the fortune of France, which will be your own 
deftru£lion, if you be unadvifed. I know not one, no not 
one of any quality or eftate in this country, which does 
allow of die queen your fovereign, but would gladly the 
world were rid of her, fo as the fame were done without 
farther dander, that is to fay by ordinary judice* This 
.1 fend the 23d of May. 

No. XXII. (Vol. L p. 448.) 

Part of a letter from Sir Nicolas Throkmorton to 
Cecil, nth of July 1567, from Berwick. 

^i—OlR, your letter of the 6th of July, I received the An orJ- 

*^ loth at Berwick. I am forry to fee that the f/^^rOC 
queen's majefty*s difpofition altereth not towards the lords, ficc. 
for when all is done, it is they which mud (land her 
more in (lead, than the queen her coufin, and wIJl be 
better inftruments to work fomc bcncfite and quietncfs to 
her majefty and her realm, than the queen of Scotland 
whi$;h IS vgid ^f good fame, 

A let. 



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Jt P P E N D r X. 



A letter from Sir Nicolas Throkmorton to Cecil, 
from Faftcaftlc, 12th of July 1567. 

Pipo- (H- C I R, as yon might perceive b/ my letter of the 1 itli 
fioc ^ July, I lodged at Faftcaftle that night, accompasiycd 

with the lord Hume, the lord of Ledington, and James 
Melvin, where I was intreated very well, according to the 
ftate of that place, which it ftttcr to lodge prifoners ^an 
folks at liberty, as it is very little, fo it is very ftrong. 
By the conference I have had with the lord of Ledington 
I find the lords his afibciates and he hath left nothing uxw 
thought of, which may be either to thir danger, or work 
them furety, wherein they do not forget what good and 
hanne France may do them, and likewife they confider 
the fame of England *, but as farr as I can perceive^ to 
be plain with vow, they find more perril to grow unto 
them through tnc queen's majcfty's dealing than either they 
do by the French, or by any contrary fa£lion amongeit 
themielves, for they aflure themfelves tne queen will leave 
them in the bryers if they run her fortoun, and though 
they do acknowledge great benefit as well to them, as to 
the realm of England by her majefly's doings at Leith, 
whereof they fay mutually her majefty and both the realms 
|iave received great fruit : yet upon other accidents which 
have chanced fince, they have obferved fuch things in her 
inajedy's doings, as have ended to the danger of fuch as 
(he hath dealt withal, to the overthrpw of your own deiign* 
inents, and little to the furety of any party : and upon thefe 
^onfiderations and difcourfes at length, methinketh I find 
a difpofition in them, that either they mind to make their 
bargain with France, or elfe to deal neither with France 
jior yow, but to do what they fhall think meet for their 
flate and furety, and to ufe their temedy as occafions fhall 
move them ; meanipg neither to irritate France nor Eng- 
land, untiU fuch time as they have made their bargain af- 
furedly with one of yow 5 for they think it convenient to 
proceed with yow both for a while pari pafTu, for that 
was my lord of I^cdington's terms. I do perceave they 
take the matter very unkindly, that no better anfwer is 
made to the letter, w}?ich the lords did fend to her majefty, 
and likewife that they hear nothing from yow to their fa- 
;isfa£^ion, I have anlwered ds well as I can, and have al- 
ledged their own proceedings fo obf^purely with the queen, 
4 an4 



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A p p E N d' I x: 45» 

«|id tbeir uncertainty hath occafioned this that i$ yet hap« 

r»ed| and therefore her inajefty hath fent me to the end 
may in£onn her throughly of the (late of the matters, and 
upon the declaration of their m^nds and intents to fuch 
purpofes as {hall be by me propofed on her majcfty's be- 
half unto them, they (hall be reafonably and rcfolutely an- 
fwered. At thefe things the lord of Ledington fmiled and 
fhook his heady and faid it were better for us yow would 
let us alope, than neither to do us npr yourfelves good, a^ 
I (ear rne in the end that will prove ; S' if there be any 
truth in Ledington, le Crocq is gone to procure Ram- 
boiiet his coming hither or a man of like quality, and to 
deliver them of their queen for ever, who (hail lead her life 
in France in an abbey reclufed, the prince at the French 
devotion, th^ realm governed by a council of their elec- 
tion of the Scottifh nation, the forts committed to the 
cuftodjr of fuch as (hall be chofen amongft themfelves, as 
yet I find no great likelihood that I (hall have accefs to the 
queen, it is objeftcd thev may not fo di(i)leafe the French 
^ng, unlefs they were i!ure to find the queen of England 
a good friend ; and when they once by my accefs to the 
^ueen have offended the French, then they fay yow wiU 
make your profit thereof to their undoing ; and as to the 
cjueen's Hbert)', which was the firft head that I propofed, 
Aey faid that thereby they did perceive that the queen 
wants their undoing, for as for the reft of the matters it 
was but folly to talk of them, the liberty going before; 
but faid they, if you will do us no good, do us no harm, 
and we will provide for ourfelves. In the end they faid, 
we (hould refufe our own commodity, before they con- 
cluded with any other, which I (hould hear of at my 
coming to Edin' ; by my next I hope to fend you the 
band concluded by Hamiltons, Argyll, Huntly, and that 
faAion, not fo much to the prejudice of the lords of Edin% 
as that which was fent into France ; thus having no more 
leifure, but compelled to leap on horfeback with the lords » 

to go to £din% I humbly take my leave of from Faft* ^ 

cattle the I2tb of July 1567- 



n 



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44« APPENDIX* 

To Sir Nicolas Throkmorton being in Scotland. 
By die queen, the 14th July I567# 

TRUSTY and well beloved we greet you well, thouga 
we think that the caufes will often change upon va- 
riety of accidents, yet we think for fundry rcfpeds, not 
amifs, that as you fliall deal with the lords having charge 
of the young prince for the committing of him mto our 
vealm, fo ihall yow alfo do weU, in treaty with the queeni 
to offer her that where her realm appcarcth to be fubjcd 
to fundry troubles from time to time, and thereby (as it it 
manifeft) her fon camiot be free, if flie {hall be contented 
that her fon may enjoy furety and quictnefs, within thir 
our realm, hcing fo near as fhe knows it is ; we fhall not 
faill to yield her as good furety therein for her child, as 
can be devifed for anv that might be our child bom of 
cur own body, and (nail be glad to (hew to her thercia 
the trew cffeci of nature j and herein {he may be by yow 
remembered how much good may enfue to her fon to be 
mourilhcd and acquainted with our country j and there- 
fore all things confidered, this occafion tor her chiW, 
were rather to be fought by her and the friends of him, 
than offered by us j and to this end, we mean that yow 
fliall fo deal with her, both to (lay her indeed from in- 
clining to the French praflice, which is to us notorious, 
to convey her anA the prince into France* and alfo to 
avoid any juft offence, that (lie might hereafter conceive, 
if (he (hould hear that wc (hould deal with the lords for 
the prince. 

Sir Nicobs Throkmorton to queen Elizabeth, 
14th July 1567, from Edinburgh. 



AbgH- 

rinal. 



iT may pleafc your raajefty to be advcrtifcd, I did figni- 
pxiii 1 fie unto Mr, Secretary by my letters of the i ith and 

^^ I'ithof July, the d;iy of mine entry into Scotland, the 

cnufes of my (lay, my lodging at Faftcaftlc, a place of the 
lord Hume's, where I was met by the faid lord and by the 
lord I/idington, and what had paffed in conference be- 
twixt us, whikft I was at the faid Fa(kcaftlc, Since 
which ti'^e, accompanied witli the lords aforefaid, and 
irhh 400 horfcs by their appointment for my better con- 
10 du% 



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APPENDIX. 

duft, I came to Edin^ the 1 2th of this prefcnt. The 1 3th 
being Sunday appointed for a folemnc communion in thia 
town, and alfo a folemnc faft being publifhed, I could not 
have conference with the lords which he affembled withia 
this town as 1 defired, that is to fay the carls of Athole, 
and Morton, the lord Hume, the lord of Lidington, fir 
James Balfour captnia of the caftle, Mr. James M^Gill^ 
and the preftdent of the feflion* 

Nevertheless I made means by the lord of Liding*^ 
ton that they would ufe no protra<S^e of time in mine au- 
dience, fo did I like wife to the earle of Morton, whom I 
met by chance j I was anfwercd by them both, that albeit 
the day were deftined to facred exercifes, fuch as were 
there of the council would confult upon any moyen touch- 
ing my accefs unto them and my conference with them^ 
and faid alfo, that in the afternoon either they would come 
to me, or I fhould hear from them. About 4 of the clock 
in the afternoon, the faid 13th day, the lord of Lidtng- 
ton came to my lodgings, and declared unto me on the 
behalf of the lords and others, that they required me to 
havepatience,tliough theyhad defferred my conference with 
them, which was grounded principally upon the abfence 
of the carles of Mar and Glencairn, the lords Semple» 
Crighton, and others of the council, faying alfo that they 
did confider the matters which I was on your behak 

to treate with them of, were of great importance/ as they 
could not fatisfy nor conveniently treate with me, nor 
give me anfwer without the advice of the lords, and others 
their aflbciates ; the lord of Lidington alfo faid unto me, 
that where he perceived, by his private conference with 
me In my journey hither wards, that I pteffed greatly to 
have fpeedy accefs to the queen their fovereign, he per- 
ceivedi by the lords and others which were here, that in 
that matter there was great difficulty for many refpe£ls, but 
fpecially becaufe they had refufed to the French ambafla- 
dor the like accefs, which being granted unto me, might 
greatly ofFend the French, a matter which they defired 
and intended to efchcw ; for they did not find by your ma- 
jefty's dealings with them hitherto, that it behoved them 
to irritate the French king, and to Jofe his favour and good 
intelligence with him : I anfwered, that as to their refufal 
made unto the French ambaflador, monfieur de Villc 
Roye was difpatched forth of France before thefc acci- 
dents here happened, and his fpecial errand was to impeach 

the 



44^ 



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44* APPENDIX* 

tlie qucen^s marriage with the earle of Bothel (for fo in* 
deed fince my coming hither I learned his commiffion 
tended to that end, and to make offer to the queen of an- 
other marriage), and as to monfieur de Crocq. he could 
have no order forth of France concerning thefe matters, 
fince they happened y and therefore they might very well 
hold them fufpefted to have conference with the queen, 
lead they might treate of matters in this time without in- 
ftruftioiis, and fo rather do harm then good ; but your ma- 
jelly being advertized of all things which had chanced, had 
fent me hither to treat with them, for the well of the realm, 
for the confervation of their honours and credit, and for 
their furety ; and I might boldly fay unto him, that your 
majefty had better deferved than the French hai He 
faid, for his own part, he was much bound unto your ma- 
jefty, and had always found great favour and courtcfy in 
England ; but to be plain with vou, fir, fayed he, there i$ 
not many of this aflembly that have found fo great obliga- 
tion at the queen your fovereign's hands, as at the French 
king's, for the earlcs of Morton and Glencairn be the only 
perfons which took benefit by the queen's majefty's aid at 
Leith, the reft of the noblemen were not in the aftion ; 
and we think, faid he, the queen's majefty your fovereign, 
by the opinion of her own council, and all the world, took 
as great benefit by that charge as the realm of Scotland, 
"or any particular perfon ; and not to talk with yow as an 
ambaflador, but with fir Nicolas Throkmorton, my lord 
Morton, and fuch as were in pain for the death pf Davie, 
found but cold favour of the queen's majcfty's hands, when 
they were banifhed forth of their own country; but I 
would all our whole company were as well willing to ac- 
complifli the queen your fovereign intents and deCres as 
I am •, for mine own part, I am but one, and that of the 
meaiteft fort, and they be many noblemen and fuch as 
have great intereft in the matter, mary yow (hall b^ affurcd 
I will imploy myfelf to imploy my credit, and all that I 
may do, to fatisfie the queen your miftrefs, as much ai 
lyeth in me, and for your own part you have a great 
many friends in this aflembly, with many other good 
^ords. But for conclufion I muft take this for an anfwer 
to ftay until the other lords were come, and thereupon I 
thought meet to advertize your majefty what hath paffcd, 
and how far forth I have proceeaed ; your cxpcdation 
being great to hrar from hence. * 

And 



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. A P ? £ N I> I X. 

And now to advertize your majefty of the ftatc of all 
tilings, as I have learned fince my coming hither, it may 
pleafe your majcfty to underftand as followeth. 

The queen of Scotland rcmaincth in good health in tlio 
cradle of Lochleven, guarded by fhd lord Linfay and Loch- 
leven the owner of the houfe ; for the lord Ruthven is im- 
ployed in another commiflion, becaufe he began to ihow 
great favour to the queen, and to give her intelligence.' 
She is waited bn with 5 or 6 ladys, 4 or 5 gentlewomen, 
and 2 chamberers, whereof one is a French woman. The 
^irle of Buchan, the earle of Murray's brother, hath alfo 
liberty to come to her at his pleafure ; the loMs afore faid, 
which have her in guafd, doe keep her very ftraitly, and 
as far as I can perceive, their rigour proceedeth by their 
order from thcic men, becaufe that the queen will not by 
any means be induced to lend her authority to profecutc 
the murder, nor will not confent by any petfwafion to 
abandon the lord Bothcll for her hufband, but avowcth 
conftantly that (he will live and die with him ; and faith 
that if it were put to her choice to relinquifli her crown 
arid kingdom, or the lord Bothell, flie would leave her 
kingdom and dignity, to go as a fimple dathfell with 
him, and that fhe will never confent that he fhall fare 
Worfe or have more harm than herfelf. 

And as far as I can perceive, the principal caufe of het 
detention is, for that thefe lords do fee the queen being 
of fo fervent afFeftion towards the earle Bothell as Ihe is, 
and being put at, as they (hould be compelled to be iti 
continuall arms, and to have occafion of many battles, he 
being with manifeft evidence notorioufly detefled to be 
the principal murderer, and the lords meaning profe- 
cution of jufllce againil him according to his merits. 

The lords mean alfo a divorce betwixt the queen and 
him, as a marriage not to be fufFered for many refpefts, 
which feparation cannot take place if the queen be at li* 
bertVj and have power in her hands. 

They do not alfo forget their own perill, conjoined 
with the dailget of the prince, but as far as I can per- 
ceave, they intend not either to touch the queen in furety 
or in honor, for they do fpeak of her with refpeft and re-- 
vercnce, and do affirm, as I do learn, that the condi- 
tions aforefaid accomplifhed, they will both put her to li- 
berty, and rcftorc her to her cftatc. 

Vol. II. C g These 

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449 



450 A P . P E N D I K. 

These lords have for the guard of their town 450- har- 
qubufliers which be in every good order, for the enter- 
tainment of which companys, until all matters be com- 
pounded, they did fue unto your majcfty, to aid them with 
fuch fum of money as hath been mentioned to Mr. Se- 
cretary by the lord of Lydington's writing, amounting as 
I perceive to ten or twelve thoufand crowns of the 

They were lately advertized that the Frendi king 
doth mind to fend hither monfieur de la Chapell des Ur- 
fine, a knight of the French order, and always well affec- 
tionate to the houfe of Guyfe, and howfoever la Forcft, 
Villaroy, and du Crocq have ufed language in the queen's 
favour and to thefe lords difadvantage there, to your ma- 
jefty ; la Crocq doth carry with him fuch matter as fhall 
be little to the queen's advantage \ fo as it is thought the 
French king, upon his coming to his prefence, will ra- 
ther fatisfie the lords, than pleafure the queen ; for they 
have their party fo well made, as the French will rather 
make their profit by them, than any other way. 

Herewith I fend your majefty the laft bond agreed 
on, and figned by the Hamiltons, the earl of Argyll, 
Huutly, and fundry others at Dumbarton. 

Nevertheless, fince my coming to this town, the 
Hamiltons have fent unto me a gentleman of their fur- 
name nan^ed Robert Hamilton, with a letter from die 
bifliop of St, Andrews and the abbot of Arbroth, the 
copy whereof I fend your majefty and mine anfwer unto 
them, referring to the bearer the declaration of feme 
things, as thefe did by him unto me. 

The earle of Argyll hath, in like manner, fent an- 
other unto me with a letter and credit, I have ufed him 
as I did the others, the copy of both which letters I fend 
your majefty alfo. The lord Harrys hath alfo fent unto 
me but not written, and I have returned unto him In Uke 
fort. 

AcatKst the 20th day of this month there is a general 
aflembly of ajl the churches, {hires, and boroughs towns 
of this realm, namely of fuch as be contented to repair to 
thefe lords to this town, where it is thought the whole 
ftate of this matter will be handeled, and I fear me nmch 
to the queen's difadvantage and danger 5 unlefs the lord of 
Lidington and fome others which be beft a&£^ed unto her 
do provide fome remedy ; for I perceave the great niim- 
ber, and in manner all, but chiefly the common people, 

wiuch 



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APPENDIX. ^51 

^hicb have ailifted in thefe doings^ do greatly difhonour 
the queen, and mind feriouily either her deprivation, or 
her deftru£tion ; I ufed the beft means I can (confidering 
the furie of the world here) to prorogue this aifembly, for 
that appeareth to me to be the beft reniedy : I may not 
fpeak of diflblution of it, for that may not be abiden, and 
I (hould thereby bring myfelf into great hatred and peril. 
The chiefeft of the lords which be here prefent at this time 
dare not fhow fo much lenity to the queen as I think they • 

could be c;ontentedy for fear of the rage of the people. 
The women be moft furious and impudent againft the 
queen, and yet the men be mad enough ; fo as a ftranger 
over buiie may foon be made a facrifice amongft them. 

There was a great bruit that the Hamiltons with 
their adherents would put their force info the fields againft 
the 24tb of this month, but I do not find that intent fo 
true, as the common bruit goeth. 

The earle of Argyll is in the Highlands, where there 
is trouble among his own countrymen. 

The earle of Lennox is by thefe lords much deGred 
here, and I do believe your majefty may fo ufe him, and 
dire£l him, as he fhall be able to promote your purpofe 
with thefe men. 

The carle of Argyll, the Hamiltons and he be incom- 
patible. 1 do find amongft the Hamiltons, Argyll and 

the company two ftrange and fundry humours* 

Hamiltons do make (how of the liberty of the queen, 
and profecute that with great eameftnefs, becaufe they 
would have thefe lords deftroy her, rathv than ihe ihould 
be recovered from them by violence ; another time they 
feem to defire her liberty and Bothwell's deftruftion, 
becaufe they would compafs a marriage betwixt the queen 
and the loid of Arbroth* 

The earle of Argyll doth affeft her liberty, and Both- 
well's deftruflion, becaufe he would marry the queen to 
his brother. • * 

Amb yet neither of them, notwithftanding their open 
CDncurrence (as appeareth by their bond), doth difcover 
their minds to each other, nor mind one end ; Knox is 
not here, but in the weft parts, he and the reft of the 
nutufters will be here at the great afiembly, whofe aufte-* 
rity againft the queen I fear as much as any man's. 

By fome conference which I had with fomc of his 
' council!, me thioketh that they have intelligence that there 

Gg 2 is 



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4^ APPENDIX. 

is a difpofidon in the queen of Scotland to leare this tcalmi 
and to retire herfclf into cither England or into France. 
but mod wiUingljr into England, for fuch . and mjh 

likeings as fhe kyoweth hath been, and is meant unto m 
in France, leaving the regiment either to a number of 
pcrfons delcagued, and authorized by her, or to fomconc 
or more. 

And it picafe your majcfty, I think it not amifs to put 
• yow in remembrance, that in cafe the faid queen come 

into England by your allowance, without the French 
king's confent, {h« (hall loofe her dowery in France, and 
have little or nothing from hence to entertain her ; and 
in cafe (he do go into France with the king's content- 
ment, (lie may Gkan inftrument (if (he can rccevcr fa- 
vour, as time will help to cancell her difgrace) cither by 
matching with fome hu(band of good quality, or fcy fomc 
other devife, to work new unquietnefs to her own con- 
try, and fo confequently to your majefty's. 

Therefore it may pleafc your majefty to ctnGdct of 
this matter, and to let me know your pleafure with con- 
renient fpeed, how I (hall anfwer the fame, if it be 
propounded unto me, eithe»^by the queen or by the coun- 
cil!, as a piece of the end and compofition. For &m fmc, 
of late, (he hath feemed very defirous to have tn matter 
brought to pafs that (he might go into Englanci, retain- 
ing her eilate and jurifdi£tion in herfelf, thougWfliedo 
not excrcife it ; and likewife I underftand that ibme of 
this council which be lead afie£bed to her fafety do think 
there is no othe^vay to fave her. Thus Almighty God 
preferve your majefty in health, honour, and all fclicitjr ^ 
at Edin^ tlie 14th July iS^J. 

Sir Nicolas Throkmorton to queen Elizabeth, d»c 
1 8 th of July 1567, from Edinburgh. 

An ©rigi. iT may pleafe your majefty, yow might perccavc by nff 
nai. 1 letters of the i6th, how far I had proceeded withthrfc 

qJ^ lords, and what was their anfwer j (incc which time I 

have fpokcn particularly with the earle Morton, the kird 
of Lidington, and fir James Balfour Captain of thiscaftic; 
at whofe hands I cannot perceave that as yet acce(s to the 
queen to Lochleven will be granted me, (taying themfdrcs 
(lill by the abfence of the lords and others their affociatcs, 
which (they fay) they look for withm two days ; and foe 

IQ that 



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APPENDIX. 453 

that I find, by likelihood and apparent prefumptions, that 
mine accefs to the queen will hardly be granted, I have 
thought good not to defer this difpatch until I have a r^ 
folute anfwer in that matter. 

May it therefore pleafe yourmajefty, to underftand Ro- 
bert Melrin returned from the queen in Lochlevin, to this 
town the 6th of July, and brought a letter from her writ* 
ten of her own hand to thefe lords, which doth contain, asi 
I underftnnd, matter as foUoweth— A requeft unto theni • 

to have confideration of her health, and if they will not 
put her to liberty, to change the plac^ of reftraint to the 
caflle of Stirlinjp;, to the end (he might have the comfort 
and company of her fon, and if they wiH not change her 
from Lochleven, (he required to have fome otlier gentle- 
women about her, naming none. 

To have her apothecary, to have fome modeft minifter. 
■ * T o have an imbroiderer to draw forth fuch work as 
ihe would be occupied about, and to have a varlet of the 

chamber.-^ ^Touching the government of the realm flic 

maketh two offers, which are but generally touched in 
her letter, the particularitys be not fpecified, but referred 
to Robert Mclvin's credit, the one is to commit it only ^ 

and wholly to the earle of Murray, the other is to the lords 
whofe names enfue, aflifted with fuch others as they flxall 
call unto them, that is to fay, the duke of Chattelrault^ 
the^arls of Morton, Murray, Marr, and Glencairn. 

She &ath written unto them that I might haye accefe 
unto her. ——She requireth further, that if they will not 
treat her and regard her as their queen^yet tQ ufe her as 
the king their fover^ign's daughter (whom many of them 
knew) and as their prince's mother. — She will by no means 
yield to abandon Bothell for her hulband, nor rclinquifli 
nim ; which matter will do her moll harm of all, and 
hardeneth thcfe lords to great feverity againft her. 

She yieldeth in words to the prolecution of the mur- 
der. ' 

• I HAVE the means to let her know 'that your majefty 
hath fent me hither for her relief, ^ 

I HAVE alfo perfuaded her to confori i herfelf to re- 
nounce Bothell tor her hufl)and, and to be contented to 
fufFer a divorce to pafs betwixt them ; flie hath fent me 
word that flie will in no ways confent unto that, but ra- 
ther die 5 grounding herfelf upon this reafon taking her- 
fclf tp be feven weeks gone with child ; by renouncing 
G g 3 ' Bothell^ 



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454 APPENDIX. 

, Botlicll, {he (liould acknowledge herfelf to be with child 
of a baftard, and to have forfeited her honour, which 
life will not do to die for it ; I have perfwaded her to 
favc her own life and her child, to choofe the leaft hard 
condition. 

Mr. Knox arrived here in this town the 6th of this 
month, with wham I have had fome conference, and 
with Mr. Craig alfo, the other minifter of this town, 

I HAVE perfwaded with them to preach and perfwad 
lenity. I find them both very auftere in this conference, 
what they fhall do hereafter I know not, they are fur- 
nifhed witli many arguments, fome forth of the fcripturc, 
ifonie forth of hiftories, fome grounded (as they fay) upon 
the laws of this sealm, fome upon praftxces ufcd in this 
realm^ and fome upon the conditions and oath made by 
their prince at her coronation. 

The bi(hop of Galloway, uncle to the carle of Huntley^ 
hath fent hither to thefe lords, that his nephew the earie 
and fome others of that fide may, at Linlithgow or at 
Stirling, have fome communication with fome appointed 
on this fide, afluring them that there is a good difpofi- 
fton in the lords of the other party to concurrc with thcfc, 
afluring further that they will not diflcnt for triffles or 
unneccfTary things, and (as I am given to undcrftatod) 
they can be pleafed the queen's rcftraint be continued un- 
til the murder be purfued in all pcrfons, whereby the 
reparation of the queen and Bothell is implyed, the pre- 
fervation of the prince, the.fecurity for all men, and a 
good order taken for the governance of the realm in tran- 
quillity. 

Captain Clerk, which hath fo long ferved in Den- 
mark and ferved atNewhaven, did the i6th of this montii 
(accompanied with one of his foldiers, or rather the foldier 
as the greater fame goeth) kill one Wilfon a feaman, and 
fuch a one as had great eftimation with thefe lords both 
for his {kill, his hardynefs, honefty, and willingnefs in 
this ^iftion ; ^"hereupon Clerk hath retired himfelf ; their 
quarrel was aKout the (hip which took Blacketer, which 
fhip was appointed by thefe lords to go to the north of 
Scotland to impeach the pafTage of the carle Bothcll, in 
cafe he went either to the ifles, or to any other place 5 by 
the death of this man this enterprife was daflied.. 

The bifliop of Galloway is come to Linlithgow, and 
doth dcfire to fpcak with the lord of Lidington. 

Thk 



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appendix; 45^. 

The abbot of Kilwinning hathfent for fir James Bal« 
four, captain of the caftle, to have conference with him. 

As I wrote unto your majefty in my laft, theHamiltonf 
now find no matter to difever thefc lords and them aflun'^ 
dcr, but would concur in all things (yea in any extremity 
againft the queen) fo as that they might be aflurcd the 
prince of Scotland were crouned king, and fhould die 
without iflue, that the earlc of Lenoxes fon living fhould 
not inherit the croun of this realm, as naX heir to his 
nephew. 

And although the lords and councclors fpeak reverent- 
ly, mildly, and charitably of their queen, fo as 1 cannot 
gather by cheir|fpeech any intention to cruelty or violence, 
yet I do find by intelligence, that the queen is in very 
great peril of her life, by reafon that the people affem- 
bled at this convention do mind vehemently the deftruc- 
tion of her. 

It is a public fpeech amongft all the people, and 
amongft all eftates (faving of the counfellors) that their 
queen hath no more liberty nor privilege to commit mur- 
der nor adultery, than any other private perfon, neither 
by God's laws, nor by the }aws of the realm. 

The earl of Bothwell, and all his adherents and aflb- 
ciates, be put to the horn by the ordinary juftice of this 
town, named the lords of the feffion ; and commandment 
given to all ihirriffs, and all other officers, to apprehend 
him, and all other his followers and receiptors. — The earl 
of BothelFs porter, and one of his other fervitors of his 
chamber, being apprehended, have con&iTed fuch fundry 
circumftances, as it appeareth evidently, that he the faid 
carl was one of the principal executors of the murder, in 
his own perfon accompanyed with fundry others, of which 
number I cannot yet certainly learn the names but of three 
of them^ that is to fay, two of the Ormiflons of Tivot- 
dall, and one Hayborn of Bolton ; the lords would be 
glad that none of the murderers fhould have any favour 
or receipt in England, and hereof their defire is, that the 
officers upon the border may be warned $ Bothelldoth (till 
remain in the north parts, but the lord Seaton and Fie* 
ming, which have been there,- have utterly abandoned 
him, and do repair hither wards. — The intelligence doth 
grow daily betwixt thefe lords, and thofe which held of ; 
and notwithflanding thefe lords have fent an hundred and 
fifty harqubulhcrs to Stirling, to keep the town and paf- 

G g 4 f age 



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45$ APPENDIX. 

ftge from furprize ; and fo have they done in like inan« 
ncr to St. Johnfton, which be the two paffagcs from the 
north, and weft to this town, I do underftand the captain 
of Dunbar is much bufied in fortifying that place, I do 
mervile the carriages be not impeached otheruife than 
they be. 

Of late thjs queen hath written a letter to the captain 
of the faid caftle, which hath been furprized ; and there- 
by mauer is difcovered which maketh little to the queen's 
advantage. 

• Thus, having none other matter worthy your maje* 
fly's knowledge, I befeechj God to profpcr vour majefty 
with long life, perfeA health, and profperous felicity. 
At Edinburgh the i8th of July 1567. 

Letter of Sir Nicholas Throkmorton to the right: 
honourable the carl of Lcicefter, knt. of the or- 
der, and one of the lords of her majefly's moll 
honourable privy council. 



BY my former difpatches fent to her majefty, and Mr. 
Secretary, fince the 12th of July, your iordihip 



»4tliofJuJy 

otticc. might have perceived the ftate of this country, and to 
From the what end thefe matters be like to come : fo as not to 
AigintL trouble your Iordihip with many words ; this queen is like 
very, fhortly to be deprived of her royal eftate, her fon to 
be crowned king, and (he detained in prifon within this 
realm, and the fame to be governed, in the young king's 
name, by a councel, confifting of certain of the nobility^ 
and other wife men of this realm ; fo as it is eafy to be 
feen that the power and ability to do any thing to the 
commodity of the queen's majefty, and the realm of Eng- 
land will chiefly, and in manner wholly, reft in the 
hands of thefe lords, and others their afTociates, aflembled 
at Edinburgh. Now if the queen's majefty will ftiH per- 
» fift in her former opinion towards the queen of Scot- 
land (unto whom fhe (hall be able to do no good), then 
I do plainly fee that thefe lords and all their accomplices 
will become as good French, as the French king can wifti, 
to all intents and purpofes. And as for the Hamiltons, 
the earls of Argyll, Huntlye, and that fadtion, they be 
already fo far inchanted that way, as there needeth little 
devifc to draw them to the French devotion. Then this 
is the ftate of things fo come to pafs of this country, that 

France 



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APPENDIX. 457 

France has Scodand now as much conjoined unto them, 
to all purpofes, as ever it was ; and what an in(lrument» 
the young prince will prove, to ujpquict England, I report 
me to your lordflitps wifdoms, and therefore confidering 
the weight of the matter, and all the circumftances, I 
truft your lordfhips will well bethink you in time (for 'tis 
high time) how to advife her majefty, to leave nothing un- 
done that may bring the prince of Scotland to be in her 
pofleilion, or, at the leaft, to be at her devotion* And 
amongfl: other things, that I can imagine, for the firft . 
degree nothing is more meet to bring this to cffe£k, than 
to allupe this company here aflembled, to bear her majefty 
their favour. Some talk hath pafled between the lord of 
Liddington and me, in certain conferences, about this 
matter. By him I find, that when her majefty (hall have 
won thefe men to her devotion, the principal point that 
will make them conformable to deliver their prince into 
England, will reft upon the queen, and the realms en- 
abling him to the fucccflion of tlie crown of England, 
for fault of iffue pf the queen's majefty's body, fome other 
things will alfo be required, as the charge of the faid prince 
and his train to be at the charge of En«,land. I do well 
perceive that thefe men will never be brought to deliver 
their prince into England, without the former condition, 
for the fucceflion of England; for (faith Liddington) that 
caking place, the prince ftiall be as dear to the people of 
England as to the people of Scotland ; and the one will 
be as careful of his prefervation as the other. Otherwife, 
he faith, all things confidercd, it will be reported that the 
Scottiihmen have put their prince to be kept in fafety, as 
thofef which commit the flieep to be kept by the wolves. 
So as for conclufion, your lordfhips may perceive here 
will be the fcope of this matter. As unto the delivering 
<A him upon hoftages, ' he fayeth, let no man think, that 
the condition of the fucceflion not being accompliftied, 
the nobility and the gentry will never confent to leave 
thOmfelves deftitute of their fovcreign, upon any hoftages, 
neither upon any promifes, nor likelihood of good to iffue 
in time to come. It were not good for yourfelves (faith 
he) that the matter were fo handled} for then you ftiould 
adventure all your goods in one ftxip, which might have 
a dangerous effcft, confidering the unwillingnefs of the 
queen your fovercign to confent to eftabliftiing any fuc- 
ccffor to the crown. And then, how unmeie were it^ that 

her 



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45S APPENDIX. 

her majcfty having m her poflciEon already all fuch per-» 
fons as do pretend to it, or be inheritable to the crown, 
to have our prince alfo in her cuftody. For fo there 
might follow, without good capitulations, a ftrangc and 
dangerous iflue, tho' the queen your miftrefs do think 
that fuch imaginations could not proceed but from bufy 
head?, as you have uttered unto us on her behalf. What 
is come to pafs fince my laft difpatch, and how far forth 
things arc proceeded, I refer your lordfliip to be informed 
by my letters fent unto her majcfty, at this time. And 
fo I pray Almighty God, prcferve your lordfliip in much 
honour and felicity. At Edinburgh this 24th of July 

1567- 

It may pleafe your good lordfliip to make my lord 
Stuard partner of this letter. 

The queen to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton. 

By the queen. 

WrAtig. 'T^RUSTT and right well-beloved, we greet you 
J567. A i^eii^ for as much as we do confider that you have 

now a long time remained in thofe parts without expe- 
dition in the charge committed unto you, we think it not 
meet, feeing there hath not followed the good acceptation 
and fruit of our well meaning towards that ftate, which 
good reafon would have required, that you fliould conti- 
nue there any longer, our pleafure, therefore, is, that you 
ihall, immediately upon the receipt hereof, fend your fer- 
vant Middlemore unto the lords and eftates of that realm, 
that are aflembled together, willing him to declare unto 
them, that it cannot but feem very ftrange unto us, that 
you having been fent from us, of fuch good intent, to deal 
with them, in matters tending fo much to their own 
quiet, and to the benefit of the whole eftate of their coun- 
try, they have fo far forgotten themfelves, and fo flightly 
regarded us and our good meaning, not only in delay- 
ing to hear you, and deferring your acceis to the queen 
their fovereign, but alfo, which is ftrangeft of all, in not 
vouchfafing to make any anfwer unto us. And altho' 
thefe dealings be fuch, indeed, as were not to be looked 
for at their hands, yet do we find their ufage and pro- 
ceeding 



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APPENDIX. 459. 

ceeding towards their fovcraign and queen, to overpafs 
all the reft in fo ftrangc a degree, as we for our part, and 
we fuppofe the whole world befides, cannot but think 
them to have therein gone fo far beyond the duty of fub- 
jefts, as muft needs remain to their perpetual tauche for 
cyer. And therefore ye (hall fay, that we have tho't good, 
without confuming any longer time in vain, to revoke you 
to our prefence, requiring them to grant you licence and 
pafport fo to do, which when you (hall have obtained, we 
will that you make your repair hither, unto ui, with at 
convenient fpeed as you may. Given, &c. 
Indorfcd 6th Auguft 1567. 

Throkmorton to the right honourable Sir William 
Cecil, knight, one of her majcfty's privy council • 
and principal fccrctary, give thefc, 

SIR, 
TTI/HAT I have learned, fincc the arrival of my isthAvf. 
^'^ lord Murray, and Monf. de Linnerol, vou (hall I'^'^'q, 
underftand by my letter to her majefty, at this time. ^^Tnm 
The French do, in their negotiations, as they do in their titeorigi&al, 
drink, put water to their wine. As I am able to fee into 
• their doings, they take it not greatly to the heart how 
the queen deep, whether (he live or die, whether (he be 
at libertv or in prizon. The minrk they (hoot at, is* to 
renew tneir old league ; and can be as well contented to 
take it of this little king (howfoever his title be), and the 
fame by the order of thefe lords, as otherwife. LyneroU 
came but yefterday, and methinketh he will not tarry 
long ; you may guefs how the French will feek to dif- 
pleafe thefe lords, when they changed the coming of la 
Chapelle des Ourfins for this man, becaufe they doubted 
that de la Chapelle (hould not be grateful to them, 
being a papift. Sir, to fpeak more plainly to you, than 
I wUl do otherwife, methinketh the earl of Murray 
will run the courf^ that thofe men do, and be par-* 
taker of their fortune. I hear no man fpeak more bit- 
terly againft the tragedy, and the players therein, than 
he, fo little like he hath to horrible fins. I hear an ink- 
ling that Ledington is to go into France, which I do as 
much miilike, as any thing, for our purpofe. I can aflure 
you the whole proteilants of France will live and die in 

4 thefe 



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46qi appendix. 

thefe men's quarrels ) and^ where there is bruit among(V 
youy that aid (hould be fent to die adverfe party, 2m<l 
that Martigues fljould come hither with fomc force j 
Monf. Boudelot hath affured me of his honour, that in- 
Aead of Martigues coming againil them, he will con)c 
with as good a force to fuccour them : and if tliat be 
fent under meaner conduct, Robert Stuart (hall come with 
^s many to fortify tliem. But the conilabic l\ath afiurcd 
thefe lords, that the king meaneth no way to offend them. 
Sir, I pray you find my revocation convenient, and fpccd 

!rou to further it, for 1 am here now to no purpofe, un^ 
efs it be to kindle thefe lords more againil us. Thus I 
do humbly take my leave of you, from Edcnburgh the 
j2thof Auguft I567, 

Yours to ufe and command. 



The queen to Nicholas Throkmorton. 

^ RUSTY and well-beloved, we greet you weft 
* We have, within thefe two days, received fhrec 
fuudry letters of yours, of the 20th, 22d, and 23d, of 
this month, having not before thofe received any fcven 
days before ; and do find, by thefe your letters, that you 
have very diligently and largely advcrtifed us of all the 
hafty and peremptory proceedings there j which as we 
nothing like, fo we truft in time to fee them wax colder^ 
and to receive fome reformation. For we cannot per- 
ceive, that they with whom you have dealt can anfwer the 
doubts moved by tlie Hamiltons, who howfoever they may 
be carried for their private refpefts, yet thofe things which 
they move, will be allowed by all rcafonable perfons. For 
if they may not, being noblemen of the realm, be fufiPered 
to hear the queen their fovereigh declare her mind con- 
cerning the reports which are made of her, by fuch as 
keep her in captivity, how (hould they believe the reports, 
or obey them, which do report it ? and therefore oxir 
meaning is, you (hall let the Hamiltons plainly under* 
(land, that we do well allow of their proceedings (as far 
forth as the fame doth concern the queen their fovereign 
for her relief) and in fuch things as (hall appear reafon- 
able for us therein to do, for the queen our fitter, wc 
will be ready to perform the fame. And whdre it is fo 
required, that upon your coming thence, the lord Scroope 

ihwld 



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APPENDIX. 461 

ftouid deal with the lord Herns to impart thch* meaning* 
to us, and ours to them, we are well pleafed therewith; 
ond we require you to advertize the lord Scroopc hereof 
by your letters, 'and to will him to (hew himfelf favour- 
able to them in their aftions, that may appear plainly to 
tend to the relief of tlic queen, and maintenance of her 
authority. And as we willed our fccretary to write 'unto 
you, that upon your mefHige done to the earl of Murray, 
you might return, fo our meaning is you (hall. And if 
thcfc our letters (hall meet you on the way, yet we will 
have you advertifc both the lord Scroopc and the Hamil- 
Cons of our meaning. 

Indorfed 29 Aug. 1567. 



No. XXIII. (Vol. I. p. it54.) 

^Ir Nicholas Throckmorton to the archbiihop of 
St. Andrew's and the abbot of Arbrothc. 

AFTER my good commendations to your good lord- 13th Anj^ 
(hips, this (hall be to advertize you, that the queen's i^^^'Q^ 
majefty my fovercign having fent mc hither her ambafla- ficrprom* 
dor to the queen her (ifter your fovereign to communi- copy whicti 
catc unto her fuch matter as (he thought meet, confider- f^ Nic^o- 
xng the good amity and intelligence betwixt them, who ^c queciu 
being detained in captivity (as your lordfhips know) con- 
trary to the duty of all good fubjefts, for the enlargement 
of whofe per(bn, and the reftitution of her to her dignity, 
her majefty gave me in charge to treat with thefe lords 
a(rembled at Edenburgh, offering them all rcafonable con- 
ditions and means as might be, for the fafeguard of the 
young prince, the puni(hmcnt of the late horrible murder, 
the diflblution of the marriage betwixt the queen and the 
carl of Bodwell, and laftly for their own fureties. In the 
negociation of which matters I have (as your lordfliipg 
well know) fpent a long time to no purpoie, not being 
able to prevail in any thing with thofe lords, to the queen 
my fovereign's fatisfaftion. Of which ftrange proceed- 
ings towards her majefty, And undutiful behaviour towards 
their fovereign, I have advertifed the queen's majefty, (he 
(not being minded to bear this indignity) hath given mc 
in charge to declare her further pleafure unto them, in 
fuch fprt as they may well perceive her majefty doth difal- 

low 



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45a APPENDIX^ 

low of their proceedings, :ifid thereupon hath revoked me» 
And further hath given me in charge to communicate the 
fame unto your lordihips, requiring you to let me know» 
before my departure hence (which fliaU be, God willing, 
as foon as I haye received anfwer from you) what you 
and your confederates will afluredly do, to fet the queen 
your foyereign at liberty, and to reftorc her to her former 
dignity by force or otherwife; feeing thefe lords have re- 
fufed all other mediation, to the end the queen^s majefty 
my fovereign may concur with your lordihips in this ho- 
nourable enterprife. 

And in cafe, through the difperiion of your afTbciates^ 
your lord (hips can neither communicate this matter 
amongft you, nor receive refolution of them all by that 
time, it may pleafe you to fend me the opinions of fo 
many of you as may confer together, within two or three 
days, fo as I may have your anfwer here in this town by 
Monday or Tuefday next at the fartheft, being the 19th 
of this Auguft ; for I intend (God willing) to depart to- 
wards England, upon Wcdnefday following. Thus . I 
moll humbly take my leave of your lordihips at £den» 
burgh, the 13th of Aug. 1567. 

Indorfcd the 13th of Aug. 1567. 

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton to the lord Hcrrys* 

MtbAuj. Y^^^^ 8^^ lordlhip's letter of the ijth of Auguft 
1567. X 1 have received the 19th of the fame. For anfwer 

ficrjEroma whcreunto it may like your lordfliip to undcrftand, that I 
copy which will fignify unto you plainly, how far forth I am already 
b^ ^^^' thoroughly inftruded of the queen's majeily my (bvereign^s 
fccreury ^ pleafure concerning the detention of the queen your fove« 
CeciJ. reign, and concerning her relief. 

To the firft her majefty hath given in charge, to ufe all 
•kinds of perfuafion in her name, to mov« the& lords aflexn* 
bled at Edenburgh to dedft from this violent and undutifkl 
behaviour, which they ufed toward their foverei^. And 
in this part, beCdcs the fiiew of many reafons, and fun* 
dry perfuafions of amicable treaty with thgn, her maje*^ 
fty hath willed me to ufe fomc plain and fcvere fpeecfa on- 
to them, tending fofar forth, as if they would not be bet- 
ter advifed, and reform thefe their outrageous proceedings 
exercifed againft their fovereign, that then they might 

be 



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APPENDIX. 46$ 

\k afiuTcd her majefty neither v^ouM nor could indurc fuck 
an indignity to be done to the queen, her good couGn and 
neighbour. 

And notwithftanding thefe my proceedings with them, 
they have made proof to be little moved thereby j for as 
yet neither will they confent to the enlargement, neither 
fufier me to fpeak with her.* So as it feemeth to me, it 
is fuperfluous to treat any more with them after this 
manner. Whereupon I have advertifed the queen's ma- 
jefty my fovereign, expefling daily her majefty's further 
order ; and as I (hall be advertifed thereof, fo will not 
fail to fignify the fanoe to your good lordfhip ; and in the 
mean time will advertife her majefty alfo, what your lord^ 
ihip hath written unto me. Thus with my due com- 
mendations to your good lordfliip, I commit the fame to 
Almighty God, refting always to do you the pleafure aud 
fervice that I can lawfully. At Edenburgh. 
Inflorfcd 24th Auguft i J67. 

No. XXIV. (Vol. I. p. 465.) 

Account of lord Hcrrcis's behaviour in the parlia- 
ment held December 15, 1567. 

^HE lord Herrys made a notable harangue in the VtperCC* 
^ name of the duke and himfelf, their friends and ad- ^^» 
berents (the duke himfelf, the earl of Caffilles, and the 
abbot of Kilwinning being alfo prefent) to perfuade the 
union of the whole realm in one mind. Wherein he did 
not fparc to fet forth folemnly the great praifc that part of 
this nobility did deferve, which in the beginning took 
meanes for punifliment of the earl Bothwell, as alfo feeing 
the queen's inordinat afie^on to that wicked man, and 
that (he could not be induced by their perfuafion to leave 
him, that in fequeftring her perfon within Lochlevin, 
they did the duty of noblemen. That their honourable 
doings, which had not fpared to hazard their lives and 
lands, to avenge their^native country from the flanderous 
reports that were fpoken of it among other nations, had 
well deferved that alt their brethren fhould join with them 
in fo good a caufe. That he and they, in whofe names 
he d'4 fpeak, would willingly, and without any compul- 
Con, enter themfelves in the fame yoke, and put their 

lives 



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464 APPENDIX. 

lives and lafids in the like hazard, for maintenance of ottt 
caufe. And if the queen herfelf were in Scotland, ac- 
companied with 20,000 men, they will be of the fame 
mind, arid fight in our quarrel. He hoped the remainder 
noblemen of their party, Huntly, Arguile, and others, 
which had not as yet acknowledged the king, would come 
to the fame conformity, whereimto he would alfo eameft- 
ly move them. And if they, will remain obftinate, and 
refufe to qualify themfelves, then will the duke, he and 
their friends, join with us to correft them, that othcf- 
wife will not reform themfelves. So plaufibie an oration, 
and more advantageous for our party, none of outfelvcs 
could have made. He did not forget to term my lord re- 
gent, by the name of regent (there was no* mention at aH 
of the earl of Murray), and to call him grace at every word^ 
when his fpeeches were dircded to him, accompanying att 
his words with low courtefics after this mamier. 



No- XXV- (Vol. I. p. 488.) 

> Queen Mary Co Queen Elizabeth- 

MADAM, 
e«tt. Lib. A Lthough the neceflity of my caufe (which maketh mtf 
cai.vi. -^ to be importune to you) do make yoU to judge thaft 

Uy a tranf- nor the rcfpcfts whereof you are perfuaded, will tliink that 
Uiion. I do as my caufe doth require. Madam, I have not accu* 
fed you, neither in words, nor in thought, to have ufed 
yourfelf evil towards me. And I believe, that you have 
no want of good underftanding, to keep you from per- 
fwafion againil ^our natural good inclination. But in the 
mean time I can*t chufe (having my fenfes) but perceive 
very evil furtherance in my matters, fince my coming hi- 
. * ther. I thought that I had fufficiently difcourfed unto 
you the difcommodities, which this delay bringeth untor 
me. And efpecially that they think in this next month of 
Auguft, to hold a parliament again ft me and all my fcr- 
vants. And in the mean time, I am ftayed here, and yet 
will you, that I (liould put myfelf further into your couin 
try (without feeing you), and remove me further from. 
mine j and there do me this difhonour at the requeft ©f my 
rebels, 2^ to fend commiflioners to hear them agaiult me, 

as 



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APPENDIX. 465 

tis you wold <te to a mere fubjeA, and not hear me by 
mouth. Now, madam, I have promifed you to come to 
you, and having there made my moan and complaint of 
thefe rebels, and they coming thither, not as poffeflbrs, 
but as fubjefts to anfwer. I would have befought you 
to hear my juftification of that which they have falfly fet 
furth againft me, and if I could not purge myfclf thereof, 
you might then difcharge your hands of my caufes, and 
let me go for fuch as I am. But to do as you fay, if I 
were culpable I would be better advifed ; but being not 
{b, I can't accept this difhonour at their hands, that be- 
ing in poffcflion they will come and accufe me before your 
conyniflioners, whereof I can't like : and feeing you tnink 
it to be againft your honour and confignagc to do other« 
wife, I befcech you that you will not be mine enemy, un- 
till you may fee how I can difcharge myfclf every way, 
and to fuffer me to go into France, where I have a dowry 
to maintain me ; or at leaft to go into Scotland, witn ' 

aflurance that if there come any ftrangers thither, I will 
bind myfelf for their return without any prejudice to you^ 
or if it pleis you not to do thus, I protcft that I will not 
impute it to falfhood, if I receive ftrangers in my country, 
without making you any other difcharge for it. Do with 
my body as you^will, the honour or blame (hall be yours. 
For I had rather die here, and that my faithful fcrvants 
may be fuccoured (tho' you would not fo) by ftrangers, 
than to fuffer them to be utterly undone, upon hope to 
receive, in time to come, particular commodity. There 
be many things to move me to fear that I ihall have to 
do, in this country, with others than with you. But for- 
afmuch as nothing hath followed upon my laft moan, I 
hold my peace, happen what may hap. I have as leef to 

^J^ > my fortune, as to feck it, and not find it. Further, 

it pleafed jpu to give licenfe to my fubjefts to go and 
come. This has been refufed by my lord Scroop and 
Mr. Knolls (as they fay) by your commandment, becaufe 
I would not depart hence to your charge, untill I had 
anfwer of this letter, tho' I fliewcd them that you required 
my anfwer upon the two points, contained in your let-* 
Icr. 

The one is to let you briefly underftand, I am come 
to you to make my moan to you, the which being heard, 
I would declare unto you mine innocency, and then require 
• Vol. II. H h your 



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46€ APPENDIX. 

your ald^ and for lack thereof, I can't but make my moaH 
and complaint to God, that I am not heard in my juft 
quarreli and to appeal to other princes to have refped 
thereunto as my cafe requireth ; and to you, madam» firft 
of all when you {hall have examined your confcience be- 
fore him, and have him for witnefs. And the other, 

which is to come^ further into your country, and not to 
come to your prefence, I will efteem that as no favour, 
but will take it for the contrary, obeying it as a thing 
forced. In mean time, I befeech you, to return to 
jne my lord Herries, for I can't be without him, having 
none of my counfel here, and alfo to fuffer me, if it pleafe 
you, without further delay, to depart hence whitherfo- 
ever it be out of this country. I am fure you will* no: 
deny me this fimple requeft for your honour's fake, feeing 
it doth not pleafe you to ufe your natural goodnefs to- 
wards mc otherwife, and feeing that of mine own accord, 
I am come hither, let me depart again, with yours. And 
if God permit my caufes to fucceed well, I ihall. be 
- bound to you for it ; and happening otherwife, yet I can't 
blame you. As for my lord Fleeming, feeing that upon 
my credit you have fuffered him to go home to his houfe, 
i waijant you he (hall pafs no further, but &all rctoni 
when it (hall pleafe you. In that you truft me, I will not 
Pe^hips/e^. (to die for it) deceive you. But from Dimibarton I an- 
fwer not, when my 1, Fleeming ihall be in the Tower. 
Tor they which arc within it, will not forbear to receiTC 
fuccour, if I don't aflure them gf yours ; no, the* yoa 
.would charge me .withal, for I have left them in charge, 
to have more refpe£t to my fervants and to my eftate, t^n 
to my life. Good fifter, be of another mind, win the heart, 
and all ihall be yours, and at your commandment. I 
thought to fatisfy you wholly, if I might have feen yoii. 
Alas ! do not as me ferpent, that itoppeth his hearii^ 
for I am no enchanter, but your iifter, and natural coufis. 
If C^efar had not difdained to hear or read the complaint 
of an advertlfer, he had not fo died ; why Ihould prioces 
ears be (lopped feeing that they are pauited fo long,? mean* 
ing that they ihould hear all and be well advifed, before 
they anfwer. I am not of the nature of the hpfiliik, and 
Icfs of tfhe chamelion, to turn you to my likeneisy ^fl4 
tho' I (hould be fo dangerous and cursed as men fay, ycin 
arc fufliciently armed with conftancy and with jufticc^ 
wliich I require of God> who give you grace to ufe it w4 

. . . witk 



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APPENDIX. ^f 

Vith long and happy life. From Carliflcj the 5th'of July 
1568. 

No. XXVI. (Vol. ;. p. 489-) 

Part of a letter from fir Francis Knollys to Cccil> 
8th Aug. 1568, from Bolton. 

> ■ ■ 'PUT furely this queen doth feem, outwardly, not AnoripnaL 
"^ only to fayour the form, but alfo the chief ar- PaperOflicc. 
ticle of the religion of the gofpel, namely juiUfication by ' 
faith only : and fhe heareth the faults of papiftry re- 
vealed by preaching or otherwife, with contented ears, 
and with gentle and weak replys, and fhe doth not feen^ 
to like the worfe of religion throw me. 

Part of a letter from fir Francis Knollys to Cecil, 
21 Sept. 1568^ from Bolton. 

i— — iT came to this queen's ears of late that (he was 
-*• bruited to be lately turned to the religion of the 
gofpell, to the great difliking of the papifts ^hereabouts, 
which thine (he herfelf confcfied unto me, and yeflerday, 
openly in tne great chamber, when the afiembly was full^ 
and fome papifts prefent, (he took occafion to fpeak of 
religion, and then openly (he profefled herfelf to be of thd 
papift religion, and took upon her to patronize the fame^ 
more earneilly than flie had done a great while afore, al« 
tho' her defences and arguments were fo weak, that the 
eife£l of her fpeech was only to (hew her sceal ; and after^ 
.wards to me alone, when I mifliked to fee her become 
fo confidently backward in religion. Why, faid (he, would 
you have me to lofe France and Spain, and all my friends 
in other places, by feeming to change my religion, and 
yet I am not aiTured the queen my good fifter will be 
my affured friend, to the fatisfa£tiou of my honour and ex-* 
Reflation. 

No. XXVII. (Yol. I. p. 490.) 

A letter from my lord Hcrries to my lord Scroop 
and fir F. Knollys, September 3d, 1568. 

MY lords, pleafit your honourable lord{hips,*I am cottLih. 
informed by James Borthwick, lately come fiPom CaJ, c. 
the queen's maieily your foverane, that is fchawin to her An^^ginal j 

, . , " « ^ Jiigh- hand. 



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458 APPENDIX. 

higlinefs> I Ihuld have riddeh ifi Crafurdmurei fen mf 
laft cuming into this realm^ upon the earl of Murray's de- 
pendants. And that I fuld have caufit, or been of coua- 
fall to Scottifmen to have ridden in^Ingland^ to flay or 
fpulzie her majefty's fubjeds. 

Mt lords, I thought it right needful becaufe your lord* 
{hips is, by your foverane, commanded to attend upon the 
queen*s majefty my miftrcfs, fo haring daily accefs in thir 
matters, to declare upon the truth ; humbly dcfiring that 
your lordftips will, for God's caufe^ certificate the qaeca 
your foverane the fame. 

As God lives, I have neither confented, nor iny wife 
had knowledge of any Scottifman's riding in England^ to 
do the fubjefts thereof hurt in bodies or goods, fenc the 
iiege of Leith ; and as I underftand it (hdl be fund true, 
tliat gif ony fie open hurt be done, it is by the queen ray 
fovereign*s difobedients, and that I have not ridden nor 
hurt no Scottilhman, nor commanded no hurt to be done 
to tliem fen my coming from the queen's majefty of Eng- 
land, it is well kend, for that never anc will complain 
of me. 

I HAVE done more good to Crawfurdmure nor ever the 
carl of Murray has done, and will be leather to do them 
any harm than he will. Except the queen's majefty yoor 
fovcreign, command Cc falfe reports to be tryit, quhcrcof 
this is altogidder an invcntit leafing, her grace fall be 
trublit, and tyne the hearts of true men here, quhom of 
fie report fall be miade, that batth would ferve hir, and 
may, better than they unworthy liars. 

My lords, I underftand the queen's majefty your fb- 
vereign is not contented of this bruite, that there fliould 
ony Frenchmen come in this realm, with the duke of 
Chattelherault. Truth it is, I am no manner of way the 
counfall of their cuming, nor has no fie certainty thereof, 
• ^ as I hear by Borthwick's report f»om the queen's majefty 
your fovereign. And gif I might as well fay it, as it is 
true indeed, her grace's felf is all the wyitt, and the counfall 
that will never let her take order with my maiftrefs caufe. 
For that our fovereign havand her majefty's promife, be 
writing, of luflF, friendfliip, and affiftance gtf need had 
£> rcquirit, enterit that realm, upon the i6 day of May^ 
fen that time the queen's majefty has commanded me <fi- 
v(*rfe times to declare (he would accept her caufic^ and 
do for ber^ and to put her in peaceable pofl^ffion of this 

Tcalme, 



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APPENDIX. 4^5^ 

realmcy and when I required of her majefty^ in my malf-* 
trefs name, that her highnefs would either do for her, (a» 
ber fpecial truft was ihe wold) according to her former 
promifes, or otberwife give her counfal, wold not confent, 
(as I ihow her grace I fand diverfe repugnant) than that 
ihe would permit her to pals in France, or to fome other 
prince to feek fupport, or failing hereof, (quhilk was 
agains all reafon) that ihe would permit her to return in 
her awia countries in fie fempil manner as ihe came out 
of it, and faid to her majefty ane of thir, for her honour, 
would not be refuiit, feeand that ihe was corned in her 
realm upcm her writioffs and promifes of friendfliio. And 
iicklike» I faid to her highne£i, gif my maiftrefs had the 
like promife of her nohiltty and eftates, as ihe had of 
herfelf, I ihould have reprovit them highly, gif they had 
aot condefcendit to one of thir three, and fo I fay, and 
(o I write, that in the warld it ihall be maiil reprehend- 
able, gif this promife taketh not other gopd tfft£tj nor 
yet it doesn NotwitUlaiiding, I get gud ^bfwer of thir 
promifes of friendihip made to my fovereign, and to put 
her grace in this her awin countrie peaceably, we have 
fund the contrary working by Mr. Middtcnu)re diredit 
from her highneto to ftay the. army that cniil down our 
houfes. And allUa, in tne proceeding of this late preten- 
dit parliament, promiled twenty days before the time to 
jQyfelf to hzYC caufed it been difchargit. And yet con- 
trary to this promife, have they made Uieir pretendit man- 
ner of forfaukure of 3 1 men of guid reputation, biihops* 
abbottis, and barroni, obedient fubje^s tp our fovereign, 
only for her caufe* 

They have alfo difponit, fen our fovereign's caufe was 
taken upon hand be the queen's majeily of that realm, an 
hundred thoufand pound Scots worth of her awin true 
fubjefts geir, under the color of the law, groundit upon 
their falfe, treafonable, ilowin, authority. 

The murders, the oppreiEons, the burnings, the ra- 
virhing of women, the deftrufiion of policy, both cccle- 
fiaftical and temporal, in this mean time, as in my for- 
incr writings I faid it was lamentable to ouy chriflian 
wan to hear of, except God gif g^ace, the profeflion of 
the evangile of Jefus Chrift profclht be your prince, coun- 
fall and realme, be mair myndit, nor the auld inamity 
that has ftand betwixt the realms, many of my countrymen 
H b 3 wiU 



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I^^o APPENDIX. 

Will doubt in this article, and ijieir proceedings puttls iny 
fclf in Sanft Thomas belief. 

Now, rtiy lords, gif the queen's majefty of that realm, 
upon quhais promife and honour my raailtrefs cdme tberc» 
as I have faid, will leave all the French writings ^>*d 
French phraies of writings, quhtlks »nongis them is over 
meikle on baitli the fides unfit, and plainly, according to 
the auld true cuftom of Ingland and Scotland, quhmm 
be a word promift truth was obferv'dt pmmife, in the 
name of the eternal God, and upon the high honour of 
that nobill and princely bhide of the kings of Ingland. 
quhereof (he is defcendit,' and prefendy wears the dia- 
den>, that (he ixrill put my maiftrefs in her awin ooimtry, 
and caufe her as queen thereof in her authority and 
(brengtli to be obeyit, and to do the fame will appoint an 
certain day within two months at the iarrhell, as we 
imderftand this to be our wcil, foa wiU we, or the maift 
part of us all, follow upon it, leaving the Fretichineii, 
and their evil French phvafes togidden And tiierefore, 
and for die true perpetual friendfliip of that realm, will 
eondition, and for our part, with the grace of Almighty 
Xiody keep fie heads and conditions of agreement, as noUe 
and wife m^ can condefcend upon, for the Weill of Ab 
•haill ifland. As I have been partlings declaring to the 
queen your fovereign, quhilk I Ihew to your lordlhip 
^elfis both in religion, in the punifliment of the earl Both- 
^le, for the queen^s laft hufband's flaughter, and for a 
mutual band of amity perpetually to remain amanris us. 
( Doubtless, my lords, without that, we maj find fie 
time and friendly working, as may gif us occauon baith 
-to forgette Middlemore and his late pretendit parliament, 
:we will turn the leaf, leaving our fovereign agains our 
will to reft where (he is, under the promife of fiiendfh^ 
^ As I have bai^ faid, and will ever affirm, made by your 
fovereign, quiplk was only caufe of her grace's coming 
' in that realme,'^d feek the help and moyen of French, 
*or Spanifh, tillexpulfe this treafonable and falfe pretendit 
- authority, quhilk means to reign above us* 

My lords, I defire your lordQiips confider, that it is 
he, that maift defires the amity betwixt Ingland and Scot- 
land to continue, and of a poor man heft caufe has, ihii 
' writ this. 

My brother, the laird of Skirling, fchawy me, that id 
^ your lordQiips communing with him, it appearit to him, 

your 



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A I^ P E N D I X. 47« 

y6ur mind was wc ftiold fuflfinr the carl of Murray to 
MTork, altho* it were agains reafoa to us, and complain 
♦hereof to the queen's majefty, and her hiehnefs wald fee 
it rcformit. My lords, her majeifir will be over meikle 
troublit to reform the wranges we nave fuftainit already. 
For I am fure> gif reafon and juftice may have place, our 
cnaiftrefs, and we her fubjedls, have received exprefs 
wrang, far above two hundred thoufand poimds fterling, 
in the time of this unhappy government, feeing the re- 
formation of fa great caufes, comes, now a days, fo flowlie 
and the ungodly law of oblivion in fie matters fo meikle 
praAis'd, I think, nowther for the queen's honour, nor 
our Weill, your lordfliips would fua mean, nor that it is 
good to us to follow it. And that ye will give your fo« 
vereign fie advertifement thereof, as your good wifdoms 
fliall find in this caufe meet. It will be true and friiid- 
ful working for us,/ indeed, and nowther French phrafes^ 
nor boafting, and finding little other efie£b, that will caufe 
us to hold away the Frenchmen. This is plainly written, 
and I defire your lordfhip's plain anfwer, for in truth and 
plainnefs langeft continues gud friendihip, quhilk in this 
matter I pray God may lang continue, and have your lord- 
fliips in his keeping. Off Dumfreis, the 34 day of Sep-» 
tember 1568. 

Tour lorddiips at my power 
to command IcifuHy 

H ERR IS. 

Queen Mary to (^Elizabeth. 

MADAME ma bonne focur. J' ay refccu 4c vos 15^8. 
lettres, d'une mefine ,dete ; Tune, ou vous faitcs c2.'',!'^Aii 
.mention de Texcufe de MonP. de Murra pour tenir foa originia, 
pretendu parlement, qui me femble bien froid, pour obtc- 
nir plus de toUerance que je m'eftois perfuadee n'avoir par 
voflre promefie, quant a n'oflTer donner commiSion de ve- 
nir fans un parlement pour leur peu de nombre dc noblefle 
alors, je vous refpons, q'uils n'ont que trois on quatrc 
d'avantage, qui euflent aufii bien dit leur opinion hors 
de parlement, qui n'a eftQ tenu tant pour cette eifefl, mais 
pour faire ce qu'expreflemcnt nous avions rcquis cftre em- 
pefchcs, qui eft la forfalture de mes fubjetts pour m'avoir 
eiles fidelles, ce que je m^affurois, jufques a heir, avoir eu 
en proQiefle dc vous, par la lettrc ecrite a mi lord Scriy> 
A l|.h 4 ' c Maif- 



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\7i A P. F E N Q I X. 

C maiftre 4CQoIeis vous ifidutre a ire contre eulx, vobe* 
a les enfavre refentir^ toutefoisje vols queje raymal 
prisi j'en luis plus marrie,. pour qc que fur votre lettrs 
qu^il me montrerent) ft leur parole} je Tay fi divulguemen( 
afluray que pour .vengeaiu:e que j'cn dcfirailej d non met- 
tre difierence entre leur fauk deportemens, et les mieos 
(inceres. Dans voftre lettre aufli datce du lo"* d'Aouft« 
¥Qus inetties ces mots. << I think your adverfe party, up- 
^< on my fundry former advices, will bold no parliament 
«< at all ; and if they do, it fliall be only m form of an 
^ aflembly, to accord inborn to fend iq(oibis realm, and 
^< in what fort; for otherwife, if theyfli^U piioceed in man«- 
^< ner of a parliament, with any z€t of jiu^gment ^ainfl 
^< any perfon, I (hail not, in any wife^ allqV thereof; and 
^< if they (bail be fo overfeen, then you. may think the 
«• fame to be of no other moment) tlign the former pro^ 
M cedures ; and by fnoh their ralh manner of proceeding 
*< they fliall moft prejudice tbemfelyes $ and be affured to 
*^ find me ready to condemn them, in their doings/' Sur 
quay, j'ay contremande mes ferviteurs, les faiifant retixer, 
foufiirant felon voftre commandement d'etre fau0enieiit 
nommes traitres, par ceulxi qui le font dc vray ; et en- 
core d'e(r&proYoques par efcarmons dicB, otpar.prinfcs de 
me^ gens et lettrcs, et au contraire vous ctes informee 
que mcs fubjefbs out evahis les voftre3, M adan^e, qui a. fait 
ce rapport n'eft pas homme de bien, car lai^d de Sesford et 
fon ills font et ont eftes mes rcbelles depuis le commencc- 
fnent ; enquires vous, s'ils n'eltoient a Donfris aveques 
culx, j'avois ofFri rcfpondrc de fa frontiere, ce qui me fut 
refuse, ce qui m'^n devroit afles defcharger, neanmoins, 
pour vous faire prcuvc dc ma fidelity, et de leur faliit^ $^ 
voi^s me fayte donner le nom des coulpables, et me forti- 
fier, je commanderay mes fubjefk? les pour fuivre, ou fi 
vousi voules que ce foit les voftres, les miens leur ayde- 
tont ; je vous prie m'en mander voftre volontc, au rcAe 
me^ fubje£bs iidelles feront refponfables a tout ce que leur 
fera mis fu les contre vous, ni les voftres, ni les rebelles, 
dcfpuis que me confeillates les faire retirer, Quant zux 
Francois, j'efcrivis que Ton m'en fit nulle pouriuite, car 
j'cfpcrois tant en vous, que je n'cn aurois befoign, — je ne 
fjeu fi Ic di^ aura en mes lettres, maisje vous jure devant 
Pieu que je ne fcay chofe du monde de leur venue, que 
ce c][uc m*en i^vcs manday, ni n'cn ai oui de France iho^ 
^u mondCj et ne It puis croire popr ceft occafion^ e^ fi ik 

• -4 * 



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APPENDIX- 47i 

fi font} ^eft fans mon fceu ni confenteaient, Pourquoy je 
TOU8 fupplie ne mc condanmer fans m'ouire^ car je fim 
prtft dc tenir tout ce que fay ofFert a Mefter Knoleis^ et 
vous aflure que voftre amite, qu'il vous plcft m'offrir, fera 
refcae avant toutes les chofes du monde, quant France 
fervit la pour prefler leur retour a cefte condition, que 
premes mcs affinrcs en mctn, en foeuri et bonno ami^ 
comme ma France eft en vous ^ mais une chofe feuk mt 
rcnde confufe, j'ay tant d'encmis qu*oot Totrfe oreiUe, la 
quelle ne pouv^t avoir par parollci toutes mes aflions vous 
font defgutiees, et falfement* raportees, p^r quoi il m'eft 
inipoflible de m'aflurer dc vous, pour les manterics qu'on 
▼ous a fait, pour deftfuire voftre bonne volenti de moy j 
par quoy je defirerois bien avoir ce bien vous faire entendre 
tna fincere et bonne ai&£bion, laquelle je ne puis fl bien 
defcrire, que mes enemls a tort ne la decolore. Ma bonne .' 
foeur, jgagnes moy •, envoyes moy querir, n*entres en jar 
loufi^ pour faulx raports de celle que nc defire que-votrc 
bonne grace; je me remettray fur Mefter Knoleis a ^ui je 
me fuis libren^ent defcouverte, et apres vous avoir baif^c 
les mains, je prierai Dieu vous donner en fant6, longue 
ct heureufe vie, De Boton, ou je vous proraets, je n'ef- 
pcre perti/, qu'aveques voftre bonne grace, quovque le^ 
inentei^s mentent, Ce 26 d'Aouft, 

No. XXVIII, (Vol. I. p. 491.) 
. Queen Elizabeth to the earl of Murray, 

RIGHT trufty and right well beloved coufin, we paper 
greet you well, Where we hear fay, that certain omcc. 
reports are made in fundry parts of Scotland, that what- con?acd*K 
foever fhouldfall out now upon the hearing of the queen fecrctary 
of Scotts caufe, in any proof to convince or to acquit the ^^^ 
faid queen concerning the horrible murder of her late huf- 
band our coufin, we have determined to reftorc her to her 
^cingdom and government, we dp fo much miflike hereof, 
:^s we cannot indure the fame tp receive any credit : and 
therefore we h;|ve thought good to aflure you, that the 
f;^m^ is untruly devifed by the authors to our difhonour, 
For ^s we have been ajways certified from our faid filler, 
both by her letters and meflages, that ihe is by no means 
guilty or particif>aAt of that miirder^ which w^ wifli to be 



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^74 APPENDIX. 

true, fo furely if (he fhotdd be found juftly to be paSkf 
thereof as hath been reported of lier, whereof we wouid 
be very forry, then, indeed, it (hould behove us to con- 
lider otherwife of her caufc than to fatisfy her deiire in rc- 
ftitution of her to the government of that kingdom. 
And fo we would have you and all others think, that 
(hould be difpofed to conceive hooourably of us and our 
«£lionB. 

Indorfed 20 Sept. 1568. 

No. XXIX. (Vol. I. p. 498.) 

Sir Francis KnoUys to CccU, the 9th of Odobcr 
1568, from York. 

An«rtjnnaL "^^^IVT^ lord's grace of Norfolk fending for me to 
PapCT^ Bolton, to attend upon him here Thurfday 

OAoe. laft, I made my repair hither accordingly, meaning to 
day liere until Monday next y as touchmg the matters of 
the commilTion, that his grace and the reft have from her 
highnefs, his grace hath imparted unto me of all things 
thereunto appertaining, and what hath hitherto pafled, 
and altho' tne matters be too weighty for my y^eak capa- 
city, to prefume to utter any opinion of mine own therc- 
. of, yet I fee that my lord Herris, for his parte laboureth a 
reconciliation, to be had without the extremity of odious 
accufations ; my lord of Ledington alfo faith to me^ that 
he could wifh thefe matters to be ended in dulce maner, fo 
that it might be done with fafety ; of the reft you can 
• conceive, oy the advertifements and writings, fent up by 
our commiflioners. 

A letter from the bifliop of Rofs to the queen of 
Soots, from York, Oftobcr 1568. 

Cott Lib pLEIS your majefty I conferred at length with A. 
Caiig. c. I. anc great part of a night, who aiTurit me that he 

A Copy, had reafoncd with B. this Saturday C. on the field, who 
determinate to him that it was the D. determinit pur- 
pose not to end your caufe at this time, but to hold the 
tame in fufpence, and did what was in her power, to make 
the E. purfue extremity, to the efFeft F. and his adhe- 
rents might utter all they could to your difhonour, to 
the cffeft to caufc you come in UiAlain with the hai) fub- 

jccb 



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APPENDIX. 475. 

Jc£ls of this realm, that ye may be the mair unable to 
attempt any thing to her difadvantage. And to this effedk 
is all her intention, and iX^hen they have produced al] they 
can againft you, D. will not appoint the matter inftantly, 
but* tranfport you up in the country, aod retain you tiiere 
till (lie think time to fhew you favour, which is not likely 
to be haftily, "becaufe of your uncles in France, and the 
fear (he has of yourfelf to be her unfriend. And there- 
f6rc their counfel is, that ye write an writing to the D. ' • ' 

ineaning that ye arc informit that your fubjeds which hai 
offendit you. — ^This in c(Fe£l that your majc(br hearing 
the cftate of your a(fiairs as they proceed in York, was 
informed that her majefty was informed of yott, tkat you 
could not gudcly remit your fubje£ls in fucn fort as they 
might credit you hereafter, which was a great caufe of the 
(lay of this controverfy to be ended. And therefore per- 
suading her D. efFe£lually not to truft any who had made 
fuch narration. But like as ye had rendered you in her 
hands, as moft tender to you of any living, fo prayit her 
take na opinion of you, but that ye wauld ufe her coun- 
fell in all your affairs, and wald prefer her friendfliip to 
all others, as well uncles aj others, and affure her to keep 
that thing ye wald promife to your fubje^s by her advice. 
And if D. difcredit you, ye wald be glad to fatisfy her 
in that point be removing within her realm in fecret and 
<juiet manner, where her G. pleafed, until the time het 
G. were fully fatisfied, and all occafion of difcredit re- 
moved from ner. So that in the mean time your realm 
were holden in quietnefs, and your true fubjefts reftored 
and maintained in their own eftate, and fie other things 
tending to this cffcQ:. And afErms that they believe 
that this may be occafion to caufe her credit you that ye 
offer fo far ; and it may come that within two or three 
months (he may become better-minded to your grace, 
for now (he is not well minded, and will not (hew you 
any pleafurc for the caufes aforefaid« 

N. B. The title of this paper is in Cecil's hand ; the 
following key is added in another hand, 

A. The laird of Lethington. 

B. The duke of Norfolk. 

C. Was the day he rode to Ca\^ ood. 

D. The queen of England. 

E. The queen of Scots commiffioners. 
r. The earl of Murray. 

No. XXX. 



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47d APPENDIX, 



No. XXX. (VoL I. p- 510.) 

Deliberation of Secretary Cecirs concerning 
Scotland, Dec, ai, 1568. 

Paper 'T^HE bed way for England, but not the eaficft, tliat 

omcc. X ^^ queen of Scots might remain deprived of her 

crown, smd the ftate continue as it is. 

Thb IcQOQd way for England profitable, and not fo hard* 

«^Tkat the queen of Scotts might be induced, by feme 

Crfwafions, to agree that her fon might continue king, 
caufe. he is crowned, and herfelf to remain alfo queen ; 
and. that the government pf the realm might be committed 
to fuch perfons as the queen of England Ihould name, 
fo as for the nomination of them it might be ordered, 
that a convenient number of perfons of Scotland (hould be 
firft named to the queen of England, indifferently for the 
queeq of Scots, and for her fon, that is to fay the one 
half by the queen of Scots, and the other by the earle 
pf Lennox and latdy Lennox, parents to the child i and 
cut of thofe, the queen's majefty of England to make 
choice for all the cheers of the realm, that are, by the 
laws of Scotland| difpofable by^ the king or queen of the 
l?nd. 

That until this may be done by the queen's majcfty, 
the government remain in the hands of the earle of Mur« 
ray as it is, providing he (hall not difpofe of any offices or 
perpctuals to continue any longer but to thefe offered of 
the premifes. 

That a parliament be fummoned in Scotland by fe- 
veral commandments, both of the queen of Scots and of 
the ypung king, 

That hoftagcs be delivered unto England on the 

young king's behalf, to the number of twelve perfons 
pf the carle of Murray's part as the queen of Scots fliaU 
name ; and likewife on the queen's behalf, to the like num^ 
ber as the earle of Murray (hall name ; the fame not to be 
apy that have by inheritance or office caufe to be in this 
parliament, to remain from the beginning of the fumnion$ 
of that parliament, until three months after that parlia- 
ment i which hoftagcs (hall be pledges^ that the friends 

of 



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APPENDIX. %77 

of either part (hall keep the peace in all cafes^ till by thU 
payliament it be concluded, that the ordinance which the 
ijueen of England fhall devife for the government of the 
realm (being not to the hurt of the crown of Scotland^ 
nor contrar? to the laws of Scotland for any man's inhe* 
ritance, as tne fame was before the parliament at £din^ the 
Decern*. 1567) (hall be eftablilhed to be kept and obeyed^ 
xinder pain of high treafon for the breakers thereof. 

-——That by the fame parliament alfo be eftablHhed 
all executions and judgments given againft «uiy perfon for 
the death of the late king. 

That by the fame parliament, a remiflion be 

made uniyerfaUy from the queen of Scots to any her con* 
trarys, and alfo from every one fubjed to another, faving 
that reftitution be made ot lands and houfcs, and dl other 
things heritable, that have been by either fide taken from 
them which \^ere the owners thereof at the committing of 
the queen of Scotts to Lochlevin. 

That by the fame parliament it be declared who fhall 
be fucceiTors to the crown next after the Q^of Scots and 
her iffue ^ or elfe, that fuch right of the D. of Chatclhe- 
rault had, at the marriage of the Q^of Scots with the 
lord Damley, may be conferved and not prejudiced. " 

^That the Q. of Scots may have leave of the tjueenV 
majcfty of England, twelve months after the faid parlia- 
ment, and that (be fliall not depart out of England, with- 
out fpecial licence of the queen's majefty. 

That the young king, fhall be nourifhed and brought 
up in England, till he be years of age. 

It is to be co/ifidered, that in this caufe the compoff- 
tion between the queen and her fubje£ls may be made with 
certain articles, outwardly to be fecn to the world for her 
honour, as though all the parts fhould come of her, and 
yet for the furety of contrarys, that certain betwixt her 
And the queen's majefty are to be concluded^ 

No.XXXL (Vol.1, p. 513.) 

The queen to fir Francis KnoUeys, 22 Jan. 
1568-9. 

"lll/E greet you well, we mean not, at this point. Paper 
^^ by any writing, to renew that which it hath Office, 
{^leafed God to mabe grievous to us and forryfuU to yow ; 

but 



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47l A P P E N D I X. 

but forbearing the fame as unmeet at this point, having^ 
occafion to command you in our fervice, and yow al£^ 
whileft you arc to fervc us. We require yow to con- 
fider of this that foUoweth with like confideration and 
diligence, as hitherto yow have accuftomate in our fer- 
Vik ', at the time of our lad letters written to yow the 
fourteenth of this month for removing of the queen of 
Scots, we had underftanding out of Scotland of certain 
writings fent by her from thence into Scotland, amongft 
the which one i$ found to contain great and manifeft un- 
truths touching us and others alfo, as (hall and maj 
plainly appear unto yow by the copy of the fame, which 
Hkewife we fend you, and bccaufe at the fame time we were 
advertifed, that it (hould be (hortly proclaimed in Scotland, 
though then it was not, we thought good firil to remove 
the queen, before we would difclofe the fame, and then 
expert the iiTue thereof; and now, this day, bv letters from 
our coufm of Hunfdon we are afcertained, that iince that 
time the fame matters contained in the writing, are pub- 
lifhed in diverfe parts of Scotland, whereupon we have 
thought it very meet, for the difcharge of our honor, and 
to confound the falfehood contained in that writing, not 
only to have the fame reproved by open proclamation 
upon our frontiers, the copy whereof we do herewith 
fend yow, but alfo in convenient fort to charge that queen 
therewith, fo as fhe may be moved to declare the authors 
thereof, and perfuaders of her to write in fuch ilanderous 
fort fuch untruths of us ; and in the mean feafon, we have 
here ftayed her commiflioners,^ knowing no other whom 
we may more probably prefume to be parties hereunto, 
than they, until the queen (hall name ibme other, and 
acquit tlicm ; who being generally charged, without ex- 
prefling to them any particularity, do ufe all manner of 
Speeches to difcharge themfelves ; wherefore our pleafure 
is, that ye (hall, after ye have well perufed the cop|f 
of this writing fent to yow, fpeedily declare unto her, 
that we have good undemanding given us of diverfe let- 
ters and writings, fent by her into Scotland, figned by 
Jier own hand, amongil which, one fudi writing is feat 
with her commandment expreily as now it is already 
publilhed, as we are much troubled in mind that a prin- 
cefs as ihe is having a caufe in our hands fo implicated 
with diOicuItys and calamitys, (hould either conoeave in 
her own miiid, or allow of them tbaV (hould dcvifc fucii 

felfc. 



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APPENDIX. 4?> 

faUci untrue, and improbable matters againft us> and our 
honor, and fpecially to have the aveiiture to have the fapic 
being known fo untrue to be publifhed; and you (hail 
alfo fay, becaufe we will not think fo ill of her, as that it 
ihould proceed of her felf, but rather (he hath been coun^ 
felled thereunto, or by abufe made to think fome part 
thereof to be true, we require her, even as Ihe may look 
for ony favour at our hands, that ihe will difburden her- 
felf as much as truly (he may herein, and name them 
"which have been the authors and perfwaders thereof, 
and fo (he {hall make as great amends to us as the cafe 
may require } after you have thus far proceeded, and 
Xome anfwer of her> whether flie fhall deny the writ* 
ing abfolutely, or name any that have been the advifers 
thereof, you fhall fay unto her that we have ftayed her 
commiflioners here, untill we may have fome anfwer here- 
of, becaufe we cannot but impute to them fome part of 
this evil dealing, untill by her anfwer the authors may 
be known ; and as foon as you can have dire£l anfwers 
from her, we pray you to return us the fame ; for as the 
cafe (landethj we cannot but be much difquieted with it, 
having our honour fo deeply touched contrary to any in- 
tention in us, and for any thing we know in our judg- 
liient the earl of Murray and others named in the fame 
writing void of thought for the matters, to them therein , 

amputed ; you nuy impart to the queen of Scots either 
the contents of tne flanderous letter, or (hew her the 
copy to read it, and you may alfo impart this matter to 
the lord Scroop, to join with you there as you (hall think 
meet. 



Sir Francis Knolleys to queen Elizabeth, from 
Wetherby^ the iSth January 1568. 



—I 



Will fupprefs my own griefs, and pafs them Anorii^i- 
over with filence, for the prefent leamkig of your n^ Papo" 
majcftv — and for this queen's anfwer to the coppie of her ^^^* 
fuppo(ed letter fent unto Scotland, I muft add this unto 
my brother's letter, fent upto Mr. Secretary ycftcmight 
late ; in procefs of time (he did not deny but that the 
firft lines contained in the fame copie, was agreeable ta 
a letter that (he had fent unto Scotland, which touched 
; 6 my 



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4Sd APPENDIX. 

my lord of Murray's promifc to dclircr her fon into ymtit 
majefty's hands, and to avoid that the fame (hould not be 
done without h^ confent> made her, (he faith, to write 
in that behalf; (he faith alfo that die wrote that they 
ihould cairTe a proclamation to be made to ftir her people 
to defend my lord of Murray's intent and purpofe^ for 
delivering of her faid fon, and impunge his rebellious go* 
remmcnt; as flic termed it, but (he utterly denycth to 
iiave written any of the other flanderons part of the faid 
letter touching your majefty ; (he faid alfo, that fhe fof- 
pefied that a Frenchman, now in Scotland, might be the 
author of fome Scotch letters devifed in her name, bnt (be 
would not allow me to write this for any part of her an« 
fwen 



No, XXXII. (Vol. I. p. 522.) 

Sir Nicholas Throkmorton to the right honour- 
able the lord of Liddington. 

iiothof July TTOUR letter of the 3d of July, I have received the 
,>569 * 15th of the fame. For anfwer whereunto you ftall 

•rSwaL* underftand, that friends here to my lord regent and you 
do wi(h fuch a concurrence in all doings, as in matter and 
circumftances there arife . no diiTenfion, or at the leaft, 
no more nor other than the difFerence of countries doth 
neceflarily require. We here do think convenient that as 
few delays be ufed as may be, for the confummation of the 
matter in hand, which principally to advance, your al- 
lowance, profecution, and fpeedy promotion in Scotland^ 
is mod requiGte, for you are fo wife, and well acquainted 
with the flate of the world> and with all our humours, as 
you know that fome do allow and difallow for reafon, fome 
for refpeft of multitude, fome forrefpeft of perfons, and 
fo the caufe is to go forward as men do like to fct it for* 
ward. You are not to feek that fome will ufe cautionSf 
feme neutrality, fome delays, and fome will plainly im- 
punge it. And yet all and every of thefe forts will alter 
their doings, when they fliall fee the regent and hit fa- 
vourers accord with the beft and greatcft part dierc, and 
agree with the wifcft and ftrongcft part here. Tho' the 
matter has taken its beginning here, upon deep and wei^tf 

confi- 



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APPENDIX. 48i 

Confidenitlon^, for the well of both tl^e princes and their 
realms,, as well prefently, as in time to come, yet it is 
thought mod expedient, that the regent and realih o£ 
Scotland, by you, fhould propofe the matter to the queen 
our fovereign, if you like to ufe convenience, good order, 
or be difpofed to leave but a fear, and no -^ound of the 
hurts paft. I wotild be glad that this iny letter ihoiild 
comi to yout hands before the convention, whfcreiit it 
feems your queen's reftoration and marriage to the duke 
of Norfolk (hotild be propounded, either to wynne in them 
both allowance or rcjeftion. To which proceedings, be- 
caufe you pray me to write frankly, I fay and reafoli thus, 
me thinketh you ufe a prepoftcrous order, to demand the 
confent bf fuch petfons, in fuch matters, as their minds 
to a good end hath rather been felt or prepared, and 
therefore there muft needs follow either a univerfal re- 
fufal, or faftious divifion amongft you, whereby a bloufter^^ 
ing intelligence muft needs come to queen Elizabeth of 
the intended marriage from thence, which ought to have 
been fecretly and advifedly propounded Unto her high- 
nefs I hereby you fee then tne meaning is, by this dealing, 
her majeftv ihall be made inexorable, and fo bring the 
matter to luch*paflc, as this which (hould have wrought 
furity, quietnefs, and a ftay to both queens and their 
realms, (hall augment your calamity, and throw us your 
beft friends into divorfe with you, and into unhappy divi- 
fion amongft ourfdves } for you may not conjefture that 
the matter is now in deliberation, but ezpe£leth good 
bccafion for executing ; fure I am you do not judge fo 
flenderly of the' managing of this matter, as to think we 
have not caft the worft, or to enter therein fo far with- 
out the affiftance of the nobility, the ableft, the wifeft, 
and the mightieft of this realm, except queen Elizabeth : 
from whom it hath been concealed until you, as the fitted 
miniftef, mi^ht propound it to her, on the behalf of the 
regent, and the nobility of Scotland. How far mafter 
Woddes defamations do carry them of queen Elizabeth's 
aflFe£tions, and mafter fecretary's, to aOxft the regent and 
to fupprefs the queen of Scots, I know not, nor is it not 
material ; but I do afluredly think, that her majefty will 
prefer her furety, the tranquillity of her reign, and the 
converfation of her people, before any device, which may 
proceed from vain difcourfe, or imperfeftions of paffions, 
and inconfiderate affections. And as for Mr. Secretary, 
Vol, 11. I i you 



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482 APPENDIX. 

you are not to learn, that as he liketh not to go too faft 
afore, fo he covctcth not to tarry too for behind, and fpc- 
cially when the reliques be of no great value or power* 
If I could as well alTure yoa of his magnanimhyt and 
cunilancy, as of his prefent conformity, I would {ay con- 
iidently, you may repofe as well of him in this matter, 
1 as of the duke of Norfolk, the earls of Anindel* Pem- 

broke, Leiceftcry Bedford, Shrewfbury, and the reft of the 
nobility ; all which do embrace and protefte the accom* 
pllfhrnent of this cafe. I have, according to your adrice, 
written prefently to my lord regent, wi£ the fame ceal 
and care of his well doing that I owe to him, whom I lote 
and honour. Mr. Secretary hath aflured unto 'him the 
queen of Scotland's favour and good opinion, wherewidi 
he feemcth to be well fatisfy'd. If your credit be, as I 
truft, haften your coming hither, for it is very nece&ry 
tliat you were here prefently. Q^Elizabeth both dodi 
write to my lord regent in fucb fort, as he may peroetfe 
Mr. Wood's difcourfes of her majeft/t affe£kion to be 
vain, and Mr. Secretary otherwtfe bent than he coojet> 
tureth of him, the cScCt of which her majeft/s letter yoa 
Ihall undcriland, by my lord Leicefter^s letter unto you at 
this difpatch. At the court, loth July t$6^ 



Ko. XXXIII. (Vol. I. p. 524.) 

Part of a letter from the carl of Murray to L. B. 
probably Lord Burleigh. 



f; 43, 



,^9. i— TjECAUSE I fee that great adirantage is taken 
Hatl Lib. -D Q^ {tn^\ occafions, and that the mention of the 

»! 43. ^ marriage betwixt die queen my fovereign's mother, and 
the d. of Norfolk hath this while pad beei^ rery frequent 
in both the realms^ and then I myfelf to be fpoken of as 
a motioner, which I perceive is at the laft come to her 
majefty's ears *, I will, for fatisfaAion of her highne6| 
and the difcharge of my duty towards he? majefty, mani' 
fed unto you my intereft, and medling in that aiatter, 
ftom the very beginning, knowing whatfeever is preju- 
dicial to her hichnefs, cannot but be hurtful to the kug 
my fovereign, this his realm, and me. What conferences 
was betwixt the duke pf J^orfblky and any of them that 



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APPENDIX. 4^3 

tirere with me within the realm of England, I am not aBIc 
to declare ; but I am no wife forgetful of any thing that 
pafled betwixt him and me, either at that time, or finctf. 
And to the end her majefty may mxderftand how I hate 
been dealt with, in this matter, I am compelled to touch 
fome circumftancesy before there was any mention of her 
marriage. In Tork» at the meeting of all the commiiBoii*^ 
ersy I found very— and neutral deahng with the duke, and 
others her highnefs's commiffioners in the beginning of 
the caufe^ as in the making of the others to proceed 
4ncerely> and fo furtlu Diuring which time, I entered 
into general lpeech» (ticking at our juft defence in the 
matters that were c^e&ed a^^ft us, by the laid queen's 
commiffioners* lodcmg certamly for no other thing, but . 
fummary cognition in the caufe of controverfy, with a 
final declaration to have followed* Upon a certain day 
the lord Lithington fecretary rode with the duke to 
Howard, what purpofe they had I cannot fay, but that 
night Lithington returning, and entering in conference 
with me upon the ftate of our a6^i6n, I Was advifed by 
him to pafs to the duke, and require familiar conference^ 
by the which I might have fome feeling to what iffue our 
matters would tend. According to which advice, having 
gotten time and place convenient in the gallery of the 
houfe where the duke was lodged, after renewing of our 
firft acquainunce made at Borwick* the time bdFore the 
affize of Leith, and fome fpceqlies pafled betwixt us ; he 
l>egan to fay to me, how ho in England had favour and 
citdit, and I in Scotland had will and friendlhip of many^ 
it was to be thoueht there could be none more fit inftru- 
ments, to travd for the continuance of the amity betwixt 
the realms, than we two. And fo that difcourfe upon the 
prefent Hate of both, and how I was entered in that adion 
tending fo far to the queen's difhonour, I was willed b^ 
him to confider how matters flood in this, what honour 
I had received of the queen, and what incotiveniences hct 
defamation in the matters laid to her charge might breed 
to her poderity. Her refpeA was not little to the crown 
of England t there was but one heir. The Hamiltons my 
unfriends, had the next refpeA, and that I fhould efteem^ 
the ifiue of her body would be the mote afie^ionate to 
me and mine, than any other that could attain to that 
crown. And fo it ihould be meeteft, that (he affirmed her 
difmiiiioB made in Lochlevin^ and we do ahttra^ ^e let- 

I i a ters 



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^ A P P E 1^ D I X. 

tets of her hand write, that (he (hoidd not be defamed kk 
Ei^land. My reply to that was, how the matter had paficd 
in parliament, and the letters feen of many, fothat die 
abdra£ting of the fame could not then fecure her to any 
purpo£s, and yet fliould we, in that doing, htin^ the ig- 
nominy upon U8. Affirming it would not be fair for ui 
that way to proceed, feeing the queen^s majefty of En^ 
land was not made privy to the mat^r as (he ought 
to be, in refpe£^ we were purpofely come in England for 
that end, and for die -^ of the grants of over caufe. The 
dulse's anfwer was, he woidd take in haoad to handle maf- 
ters* well enough at the court. After this, on the occa- 
fkm of certain articles, that were required to be refblved 
on, befdre we entered on the declaration of the very 
ground of our a£iion, we came up to the court ; where 
fome new commiflioners were adjoined to the former^ and 
'the hearing of the matter ordained to be in the parixas 
ment houfe at Weihninfter, in prefence of which com^ 
mii&oners of the faid queen, and ■ ' through the — 
rebuking of the queen of England's own commiffioner^ 
we uttered the whole of the aflion, and produced fudi 
evidences, letters, and probations, as we had, which xnigfat 
-move the queen's majefty to think well of our cauJEe. 
"Whereupon expe£tingherhighnefs' declaration, and feeii^ 
w> great likelihood of the fame to be fuddenly given, but 
daily motions then made to come to an accord with the faid 
queen, our matteris in hand in Scotland, in the mean fea- 
fon, ftanding iii hazard and danger, we were put to the or* 
termoft point off our wit, te uxiagine whereunto the mat* 
tcrs would tend, tho' albeit we had left nothing undooc 
for juftification of our caufes,^ yet appeared no end, but 
continual motions made to come to fome accord with the 
queen, and reftore her to whole or half reign. I had no 
other anfwer to give them, but that I flxoidd neither do 
againft confcience or honour in that matter. Notwidi- 
ftanding feeing this my plain anfver wrought no end, nor 
di^tch to us,, and that I was informed that the duke be- 
gan to miflike of me, and to fpeak of me, as that I had 
Probably reported of the faid queen irreverently, caUing her ■ 

and murderer, I was advifed to pafs to him, and girc 
him good words and to purge myfelf of the things ob^ 
jedled to me, that I fhonld not open the fudden en^of 

his evil grace, nor have him to our enemy confidcr- 

ing his greatnefe* It being therewithal wht%ered, and 

fiicvcd 



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4tdulscrcr% 



A P P E N D I X, 48^ 

0ie^ed to me, that if I departed, he ftandlng difcontcpted 
and not fatisfied, I might peradvcnture find fuch trouble 
in my way, as my throat might be cut before I came to 
Berrick* And therefore fince it might well enough ap- 
pear to her marriage, I (hould not put him in utter defpair, 
tJiat my good will could not be had therein. So few day? 
before my departing I came to the park in Hampton court, 
where the duke and I met together, and tliere I declared 
tirito him thajt it was come to my ears, how fome mif- 
report ihould be made of me to him, as that 1 fhould 
fpeak ijrreverently and rafiily of the faid queen my fove- 
reign's mother, fuch words as before exprefled, that he 

mght ^ thereby my afie^ion to be fo alienate from Prohahly 

her, as that I could not love her, nor be content of her >^''^* 
preferment, howbeit he might pcrfwade himfelf of the con- 
trary, for as (he once was the perfon in the world that I 
loved beft, havmg that honour to be fo near unto her, and ' 
having received fuch advancement and honour by her, f 
was not fo ungrate or fo unnatural ever to wifli her bodr 
barm, or to fpeak of her as was untruly reported of 
me, (howfoever the truth was in the felf ) and as to the 
prefervation of her fon, now my fovereign, had moved 
me to enter into this caufe, and that her ownprefling was 

the occafion of that was uttered to her whenfoever ProfMbly 

God (hould move her heart to repent of her bypaft beha- d^ifiowur,^ 
VAOur afld life, and after her known repentance, that (lie 
(hould be feparate from that imgodly and unlawful mar- 
riage that (he was entered in, and then after were joined 
with fuch a godly and honourable a perfonage, as were 
;f^e£Honed to the true religion, and whom we might truft, 
i could find in my heart to love her, and to (hew her as 
great pleafure, favour, and good will, as ever I did in my 
life \ and in cafe he fliould be that perfonage, there was 

uone whom I could better like of, the queen in — - 

of England being made privy to the matter, and {he allowr 
jjig thereof, wliich being done, I (hould labour in all things 
that I could, to her honour and pleafure, that were not 
prejudicial to the king my fovcreign's eftate, and prayed 
bim not to think otherwife of me, for my affedion was 
rather buried and hidden within me, awaiting until God 
ijiould direft her to know herfelf, than utterly alienated 
and abftra£led from her ; which he feemccl to accept in 
-very good part, faying, Earl of Murray tljfou thinks pf me 
1*3 thaj: 



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486 APPENDIX. 

that thing, whcreunto I will make none in England or Scot* 
land privy^ and thou had Norfolk's lift in thy haiidj». 
So departing, I came to my lodging, and by the Mray 
and all night, I was in continual thought and agitation 
of mind, how to behave myfelf in that weighty matter, 
iSrft, imagining v/hcreunto this ihould tend, if it were at* 
fempted without the queen's majcftv of England's know- 
ledge and good will, this realm ana I myfelf in particu- 
lar having received fuch favour and comfort at her Ugh- 
nefs's hands, and this whole ifie fuch peace and quietnefe, 
fince God poflcfled her majefty with her crown. And on 
the other part, feeing the duke haddifclofed him to mc, 
protefting, none other were or Ihould be privy to our 
fpeechy I tho't I could not &nd in my heart to utter any 
thing diat might endanger him ; moved to the uttermolt 
with thefe cogitations*, and all defire of fleep then remov- 
eif I prayed God to fend me fome good relief and out- 
gate, to mv difcharge, and fatisfadion of my troubled 
mind, whicn I found indeed ; for upon the morn, or with- 
in a day or two thereafter, I entered in converfation with 
my lord of Leicefter, in his chamber at the court, where 
he began to find ftrange with me, that in the matter I 
made fo difficult to him. Handing fo precifely on confer- 
rence, and how when I had in my communication with 
the duke, come fo far — — and there he made fome dif- 
courfe with me, about that which was talke betwijct us, I 
Probably perceiving that the duke had — -— the matter to my lord 
di/difftii, of Leicefter, and thinking me thereby difcharged at the 
duke's hands, therefore I repeated the fame communir 
cation in every point to mv lord of Leicefter, who deCred 
pie to {hew the fame to the queen's majefty, which I re- 
fufed to do, willing him if he tho't it might import hey 
highnefs any thing, that he as one — •— by her majefty, 
and for many benefits received at her highnefs^s hands ns 
pbliged to wifii her well, {hould make declaration of the 
fame to her majefty, as I underftand by fome fpcech of 
her highnefs to me, Jie did. This my declaration to the 
duke was the only caufe, that ftaid the violence and trouble 
prepared for me unexecuted, as I have divers ways uur 
derftood. Tlie fame declaration I was obliged to re* 

new fince in writings of — fent to my fervant John 

Wood. The fum whereof, I truft, he ftiewed the duke, 
and fomething alio I wrote to himfelf, for it was tho't this 

flioul4 



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APPENDIX. 487 

flioui^ redeem fome time, that the duke ihould not fud^ 
denlv declare him our enemj, for his greatnefs was oft 
laid Defore sne, and what friendihip he Ii^d of the chief of 
tlie nobility in England^ fo that it might appear to the 
queen^s majefty of England — fo cold tpwards us, and doing 
nothing publickly that might feem favourable for usj we- 
had fome caide to fufpe£l that her highnefs ihould not be 
contrarious to the marriage when it ihould be propofcd to 
her. The iharp meflage fent by her majelly with the lord- 
Boyd, who had the like commiilion from the duke tending 
fo far to the faid queen's preferment^ as it were propofmg 
one manner of conditions from both, gave us to think that 
her highnefs had been forefeen in the duke's deiien, and 
that ihe might be induced to allow thereof. But howbeit 
it was devued in England, that the lord of Lethington 
ihould come as from me, and break the matter to her 
highnefs, as her majeily in a letter declared that ihe 
looked for his coming, yet that devife proceeded never of 
me, nor the noblemen at the convention could no wife ac- 
cord to his fending, nor allow of the matter motioned, but 
altogether miiliked it, as bringing with the fame great in- 
conveuiencies to the furety and quietnefs of this whole iile ; 
for our proceedings have declared our mifliking and difal- 
lowance of the purpofe from the beginning, and if we had 
pleafed he was ready for the journey. And in likewife 
it was devifed to give confent tliat the ■ between Probably 

the faid queen and Both well, ihould be fufFcred to pro- ''"*^^'- 
ceed in this realm, as it was defired by die faid lord Boyd, 
by reafon we could not underlland what was the queen's 
majefty's pleafure, and allowance in that behalf . '■ 

And whereas ^e mean, that hdr highnefs was not made 
privy of any fuch intention, the fault was not in me. The 
iiril motion being declared, as I have written, to my lord 
of Leiceder, and by him imparted to her majeily, fo far 
as I could perceive by fome fpcech of her highnefs's to me, 
before my departing. Thus I have plainly declared how I 
have been deak withal for this marriage, and how jult ne- 
ceffity moved me not to require diredly, that which the 

duke appeared fo unto. And for my threatenings, 

to aiTent to the fame, I have expreiled the manner ; the 
perfons that laid the matter before me, were of my own ' 
company. But the duke fince hath I'poken,, tliat it was 
his writing which fuved my life at that time. In con- 

114 cluGon 



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488, A P P E N D r X- 

clttfion I pray you perfuade her majefty> that (he let no 
fpeeches nor any other thing palled and obje£led to my 
prejudice^ move her majefty to' alter her favour— towards 
me, or any ways to doubt of my aflured conftancy to- 
wards her highnefs ; for in any thing which may tend 
tp her honour and furety, I will, while I live, beftow my* 
felf, and all that will do for me, notwithftanding my I^ 
zard or danger, as proof ihould declarej when her majefty 
^d» time to employ me^ 



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APPENDIX 

TO THE 

$fECOND VOLUME. 



No. L (Vol, 11. p. 2.) 

William Maitlaftd of Lcdington, to my lord of 
Lciccfter, March 20th, 1 570, from Ledington. 

f llHE great defolation threatened to this whole realm, Anoritiiial* 

\ be the divifions thereof in dangerous fadions, doth 
prefs me to frame my letters to ybur lordlhip, in other 
forty than were behovefuU for me, if I had no other 
refped, but only to maintain my private credit ; therefore ^ 

I am driven to fumifh them with matter, which I know 
not to be plaufible, whereupon by mifconftruing my mean- 
ing, fome there may take occafion of offence, thinking 
that 1 1'ather titter my own paiHons, than go about to in* 
form your lordfliip truly of the (late ; but I truft my plain 
dealing (hall bear record to the (incerity of my meaning; 
to make the fame fenfible, I will lay before your lordfhip's 
eyes, the plat of this country 5 which firft is divided into 
two factions, the one preteilding the maintenance of the 
king's reign, the other alledging the queen to have been 
cruelly dealt withall, and unjuftly deprived of her ftate ; 
the former is compofed of a good number of nobility, gen- 
tlemen, and principal burroughs of the realme, who fhall 
have, as Mr. Randolph beareth us in hand, the queen's 
majefty your fovereign's allowance and proteflion; the 
other hath in it fome moft principall of the nobility, and 
therewithal!, good numbers of the inferior fort, through- 
out the whole realm, which alfo look afTuredly that all 
kings do allow their quarrel and will aid them according- 
ly. What confequence this divifion will draw after it, I 
leave it to your lordlhip's confideration \ there is fallen out 
another divifion, accidentallv, by mv lord regent's death, 
which is like to change the ftate of the other two faftions, 
to encfeafe the. one, and dimini(h the other, which is 

grounded 



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490 



APPENDIX. 

grounded upon the regiment of the rtzhru Some nusi» 
ber of moblemen afpire to the government, pretending 
right thereto by reafon of the queen's demiflion of the 
croun, and her commiflion granted at that time for the 
regiment during the king's minority y another fa&ioo doth 
altogether repine agaiuft that divifion, thinking it neither 
fit nor tolerable, that three or four of the meanefl fort 
amongft the earls, (hall prefume to challenge to themfclTes 
a rule over the whole realme, the next of the blood, the 
firft in rank, the greateft alway both for the antientrj of 
their houfes, degree, and forces, being negleckted ^ this 
order they think prepofterous, that the meaner fort fhall 
be placed in public fundion to command, and the greater 
* {hall continue as private men to obey ; beiides that, they 
think if the commiflion had in the beginning been valew- 
able, (which the moil part will not grant) yet can it not 
be extended to the preient, for that the conditions there- 
unto annexed are ceafed, and fo the efie^l of the whole 
void i the latter part of this divifion hath many preten- 
ces, for beiides the queen's fa£lion, which is wholly on 
that iide, a great number of thefe that have heretofore pro- 
feiTed the king's obedience, do favour the fame^ and will 
not yield to the government of the other, whofe pr efem^nt 
for tefpe&s they miflike, when the queen's fa£tion iball 
be increafed, with a part of the king's, and thefe not of 
lead fubftance, and yow may judge what is like to enfue; 
an otber incident is like to move men to enter in further 
difcourfes, it is given out here in Scotland that the queen's 
majeily is fetting forth fome forces towards the border, 
which (hall enter this realm, to countenance thefe, tliat 
afpire to the regiment, and fupprefs the contrary faction, 
and bruits are fpread, that the fame ihall be here out of 
hand ; thefe that think themfelves of equal force with their 
contrary faftion at home, arc ratlier an overmatch to them^ 
yet not able to encounter with the forces of another prince, 
rather than yield to their inferiors, will, I fear, take ad- 
vice of neceiDty, and evil counfellors, and feck alfo ihe 
maintenance of fome foreign prince, whertby her majefty 
(altho* no further inconvenient were to be feared) miifl be 
driven to exceiTive cliarges, and it would appear there 
were a confpiracy of all the elements at one time to fet 
us together by the ears, for now when the rumour of 
\our forces coming towards the border is fpread abroad, 
even at the fame time is arrived at Dumbarton, a galzeon 

with 



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APPENDIX. 491 

with a mcflenger fcnt exprefly from the king of Frartce,- 
to that part of the nobility that favours the queen, to 
learn the Itate of the country, and what fupport they lack 
or defire, either for furtherance of her affairs, or for their 
own fafety ; afluredly this meflfagc will be well received, 
and fuffbred accordingly, this is the prefent ftate of Scot* 
land. Now, if your lordihip would alfo know my opinion, 
how to choice the beft, as the cafe Aandeth; I will in 
that alfo (atisfie your lordfhip, I am required from them to 
deal plainly, and youriordfhip (hall judge whether I do fo 
or not ; for I think it plain dealing, when I (imply utter 
my judgment, and go not about to difgnife my intents. 
I truft the queen's majefty hath a defire to retain at her 
devotion the realmc of Scotland, which ihe hath gone 
about to purchafe, with bellowing great charges, and 
the lofs of fome of her people ; this defire is honourable 
for her highnefs, profitable for both the country?, and 
of none to be difallowed ; fpecially if it be (as I take it) to 
have the amity of the whole realm, for it is not a portion 
of Scotland can ferve her turn, nor will it prove commo- 
dious for her to fuit the friendfhip of a fad ton of Scotland, 
for in fo doing, in gaining the bell, (he may lofe the 
more, and the fame would bring all her anions with us 
in fufpicion, if (he fhould go about to nourifli fa£lions 
amongft us, which meaning I am fure nevtr entered into 
her majefty*8 heart ; then if it be the friendfhip of the 
whole me doth demand, let her not, for pleafure of end 
part, go about to overthrow the remnant, which will not 
be £0 faifable, as fome may give her to underfland ; but 
rather, by way of treaty, let her go about to pacify the 
whole ftate, bring the parties to an accord, reduce us all 
by good means to an uniformity, fo Ihall ihe give us all 
occafion to think well of her doings, that (he tendeth our 
wealth, and provokes us univerfally to wilh unto her ma- 
jefty a moft profperous continuance 5 by the contrary, if, 
for the pleafure of a few, ihe will fend forces to fupprefii 
fhcfe whom they miflike, and fo confrquently offend ma- 
ny 5 men be not fo faint hearted, but they have courage 
Jo provide for their own fafety, and not only will embrace 
the means partly offered, but will alfo procure further, at 
the hand of other princes. This for mine own part, 
i do abhor, and protcft I defire never to fee forces of 
ftrangers to fet foot within this land, yet I know not what 
Doint neceiBty may drive men into, ;is if mf u in the middle 

of 



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^^% APPENDIX. 

of the fea were in a fhip, which fuddenly fiiould be fct on 
fire, the fear of burning would make them leap into the 
fea, and foon after the fear of the water would drive them 
to cleive again to the fired fhip, fo for avoiding prcfcnt 
evil, men will many times be inforced to have recourfe to 
another, no lefs dangerous. Truft me forces will not 
bring forth any good fruit to her majefty*s behove, ii 
muft be fome way of treaty (hall ferve the turn, wherein 
by my former letters your lordfliip doth know already 
what is my judgment 5 you fee how plainly I do write, 
without confideration in what part my letters may be 
taken, yet my hope is that fuch as will favourably iatcr- 
pret them, (hall think that I mean as well to her majefty, 
iind that realme, as thefe that will utter other lan- 
guage. I wiOi the continuance of the amity betwixt the 
two countrys, without other refped, and will not con- 
ceal from her majefty any thing, to my knowledge, tendr 
ing to the prejudice thereof ; if I Ihall perceave her majefty 
taking frank dealings in evil part, I (hall from thenceforth 
forbear ; in the mean feafon I will not ceafc to trowbte 
youi lordfhip, as I (hall have occaiion to write^ and to I 
pkt my leave of your lordfliip. 



No. II. (Vol. II. p. 9.)' 

Letter of queen ElUabeth to the carle of Sufleks, 
July ad, 1570. 



Caldeiw. 
MS. Hif- 



n I G HT trufty and well beloved coufin we greet yoo 
*^ well, this day we have received your letters of 28 
f^Tsj? ^^^ ^^^ month, with all other letters, fent from Scot- 
land, and mentioned in your letters, wherettnto anfwer is 
defired to be given before the tenth of this month 5 which 
is a very ftiort time, the weightinefs of the matters, and 
the diftance of the places confidered; neverthelefs we 
have, as the fhortnefs could fuffer it, refolved to give this 
anfwer following, which we will that yow, by warrand 
hereof fhall caufe to be given in our name to the earl of 
Lennox and the reft of the noblemen convcened with him. 
Where it is, by them, in their letters, and wririogs al- 
ledged, that for lack of our refolute anfwer, concerning the 
eftablifhing of the regiment of the realm, under their young 
^ng, great inconvenlencies have happened^ and therefore 

5 they 



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A F P E N D r X. 493 

they have dtferred now at their laft convention to deter* 
mine of the famine, who (hall have the place of govern*^ 
our, until the 21 ft this month, before which time they 
require to have our advife, in what perfon or perfons the 
government of that realm fhall be eftabliihed, we accept 
very thankfully the goodwill and reputation they have of 
usj in yielding fo frankly to require and follow our advife 
in a matter, that toucheth the ftate of their king, theirr 
felves^ and reahn fo near, wherein as we perceive, that by 
our former forbearing to intermeddle therein, they have 
taken fome difeomfort, as though that we would not have 
regard to their ftate and furety, fo on the other part, they 
of their wifdoms ought to think, that it might be by the 
Vhole world evil interpreted in us to appoint them a form 
of government, or a govemour by name, for that bowfo* 
ever we fhould mean well if we (hould do fo, yet it could 
not be without fome jealoufy in the heads of the eftate, no- 
bility, and community of that realm, that the government 
thereof ihould be by me fpecially named, and ordained ; 
fo as finding difficulty on both parts, and yet miiliking moft 
that diey fhould take any difeomfort by our forbearing to 
(how our mind therein, we have thougtit in this fort for to 
proceed, confidering with ourfeives how now that realm ' 
had been a good fpace of time ruled in the name of their 
king, and by reafon of his bafe age, governed h^etofore 
by a very careful and honourable perfon, the eatrle of Mur- 
ray, untill that by a mifchicvous perfon, (an evil exr 
ample) he was murdered^ whereby great diforder and con- 
fufion of neceffity had, and will more follow, if determin- 
ation be not made of fome other fpecial perfon, or perr 
fons, to take the charge of governor, or fuperior ruler^ 
fpeciall for adminiftration of law and juftice, we cannot 
but very well allow the defire of thefe lords to have fome 
fpecial governor to be chofen ; and therefore being well 
afliired, that their own underftanding of all others is 
beft to confider the ftate of that realm, and to difcern 
the abilities ami quaUties of every perfon meet and ca- 
pable for fuch a charge, we fhall better fatisfie ourfeives^ 
whom they by their common confont fliall iirft choofe, 
and appoint to that purpofe, then of any to be by us afore- 
hand uncertainly named, and thatt becaufe they ihall per- 
ceave that we have care of the perfon of their king, who 
by nearncfs of blood, and in refpeft of his fo young years, 
ought to be very tender and dear to us, we (ball not hide 

our 



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Tf^ ^ T T E TT D IX'. 

oar opinion from them, but if they fball all accord to name 
his grandfather, our coufin, the earl of Lennox to be 
goYcmor alone, or jointly with others, (whom we hear tm 
be In the mean time by their common confent appointed 
lieotenant'^generat) reafon moveth us to think that none 
can be chofen in that whole realm, that (baU more defire 
the preferration of the king, and be more meet to have 
the government for his fafety, being next to him in blood 
of any nobleman of that realm, or elfewhere $ and yet 
hereby, we do not mean to prefcrive to them this choice, 
except they fhall of themficlves fully and freely allow 
thereof ; furthermore we would have them well aflored, 
that whatfoever reports of devifes are, or ihaD be fpread 
cnr invented, that we have already yielded our mind to 
alter the ftate of the king or government of that realm, 
the fame are without juil caufe or ground by us given, 
for as we have already advertized them, that although we 
have yielded to hear, which in honour we could not re- 
fttfe^ what the queen of Scots on her part (hall £qr and 
^fier, not only for her own aflurance, but for the ^^ealth 
^ that realm, yet not knowing what the fame will be, 
that (hall be offered, we mean not to break the order of 
law and juftice, by advancing her caufe, or prejudging 
her contrary, before we (ball deliberately and afloiedly 
fcCf upon the hearing of the whole, fome place nead- 
dry, and juft caufe to do ; and therefore finding that 
realm ruled by a king, and the fame affirmed by laws of 
that realm, and thereof invefted by coronation and other 
folemnities ufed and tequifite and generally fo received be 
the whole eftates, we mean not by yielding to hear the 
complaints or informations of the queen ;^ain(l her Cuh 
to CO any zGt whereby to make conclufion ofgovemmentSt 
but as we have found it, fo to fuflPer the(ame to continue^ 
yea not to fufFer it to be altered by any means that we 
may impefhe, as to our honour it dcth belong, as by your 
late a£ltons hath manifeftly appeared, untill by fome juitice, 
an(* ':lear caufe, we (hall be diredly induced otherwKeto 
declare our opinion $ and this we would have them to 
know to be our determination and courfe that we mean 
to hold, whereon we truft they fot their Iddg may tsc 
how plainly and honourably we mean to proceed, and 
how httle caufe they have to doubt of us, whatfoever to 
the contrary they have or (hall hear; and on the other 
part, we pray them of their wifdoms to think how unho* 

nouraUe, 



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APPENDIX. 49^ 

Aoumbk) and contrary to all human order it were for nSf 
when the queen of Scotland doth fo many way$ require 
tt> hear her caufe, and doth offer to be ordered be us in 
the fame, as well for matters betwixt ourfelves and her, 
as betwixt herfelf and her fon and his party of that realm, 
againft which offers no reafon could move us to refufe to 
give ear,, that we (hould aforehand openly and direQly, 
before the caufes be heard and confidered, as it were, give 
a judgment or fentence either for ourfelves or for them 
.whom ihe maketh to be her contraries. Fmally ye (hall 
admonifli them, that they do not, by mifconceiving our 
food meaning towards them, or by indirefl affertions of 
Sieir adverfary grounded on untruths, hinder or weaken 
their own caufe, in fuch fort, that our good meaning to- 
wards them ihaU not take fuch eSeO: towards them, as 
they (hall defire, or themfelves hare need of. All this 
our anfwer ye fhall caufe be given them, and let them 
know, that for the ihortnefs of time, this being the^end 
of the fecond of this month, we neither could make any 
longer declaration of our mind, nor yet write any feveral 
letters, as if time might have ferved we would have done, 
ad July 1570. 

No. III. (Vol. IL p. 9.) 

The bilhop of Rofs to fccrctary lidington from 
Chatrifworth. 



I 



HAVE received your letters dated the 2<Jth of May, 15th Jvm* 
here at Chattifworth, the 10 of January, but on '57o* 
die receipt thereof I had written to you at lengdi, like as 
the queen did wfth my lord Levingfton, by the wUch you 
will be refolved of many points contained in your (aid 
letter. I writ to you that I received your letter and cre- 
dit from Thomas Cowy at London, and fent to Leicefter 
to know the queen of England's mind whether yoa 
(hould come here or not. He fent me word, that (he will 
no ways have you come as one of the commiffioners, 
becaufe (he is. yet offended with you; and therefore it 
appears good thflt ye come not hither, but remain where 
you are, to ufe your wifdom and diligence, as may be(t, 
advance the queen's affairs, for I perceive your weill and 
£ifety depends thereon, in refpe^ of the great feid and 
6 cnnU 



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49^ APPENDIX. 

cimimitv born againft you by ydur Scots people; and iht 
great heirihip taken of your father's landis i both were fore 
demonftrations of thfehr malice. Yet I am encouraged by 
your ftout and deliberate mind* AiTure yourfelf no dil^ 
gence fliall be omitted to procure fupports forth off all 
parts where it may be had. We will not refufe the aid 
neither of Papift, Jew, nor Gentil, after my advice ; and 
to this end, during this treaty, let all things be well pre* 
pared. And feeing my lord Seaton is defirous to go into 
Flanders, the queen thinks it very neceffary that he fo dor, 
for the duke D'Ah-a has gotten exprefs command of the 
king of Spain to give fupport, and I am fure that there 
he (hall have aid both of Flanders and the pope, for k 
abides only on the coming of fomc men of countenance, 
to procure and receive the fame. He muft needs tarry 
there, on the preparations thereof, during the treaty, 
which will be a great furtherance to the fame here. TTic 
queen has already written to the duke D'Alva for thk 
efieft, advertizing of his coming ; there is cer^n fums 
of money coming for fupport of the Englifhmen, as I wrote 
jiQ you before from the pope. Whereupon I would he 
had a general commiffion to deal for them, and receive 
fuch fums as (hall be given. The means fhall be found 
to caufe you to be anfuerit of the fums you writ for, to be 
difpoifit upon the fumilbing of the caftle of Edinburgh, 
fo being fome honeft and true man were fent to Flanders 
to receivie it, as (aid is, which I would you prepared and 
fent. Orders (hall be taken for the metals as you writ of. 
We have proponit your avyce in entering to treat with the 
queen of England, for retiring of her forces puntyoaUy 
for lack of aid. Your anfwers to the £ngli(hmen are tho*t 
very good, but above all keep you weill out of thdr hands^ 
in that cafe, eftote prudentes ficut ferpentes* You may 
take experience with the hard dealing with me, bow ye 
would be ufed if ye were here, and yet I am not forth of 
danger, being in medio nationis pravac ; always no fear, 
with God's grace, (hall make me (brink from her majedy's 
fervice. Since the queen of England has refufed that you 
come here, it appears to me quod nondum eft fedata ma- 
litia amorreorum, &c. and therefore if Athol or Cathenes 
might by any means be procured to come, they were the 
moft fit for the purpofc, Rothes were alfo meet, if he and 
I were not both of one (imame ; fo the treaty would get 
the lefs credit cither in Scotland or here. Therefore avys, 

and 



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APPENDIX. 4j^ 

and fend the beft mav ferve the turn, and fail not Robert 
Melvil come with tnem, whoever comes, for fo i$ die 
queen's pleafure; in my laft packet, ^th James Fogo, 
to you, in the beginning of May, I fent a letter of the 
queen's own handwriting to him, which I truft ye re« 
ceived. I am forry ye come not for the great relief I hoped 
to have had by your prefence, for you could well have 
handled the queen of England, after her humour, as you 
were wont to do. The reft I refer to your good wifdom, 
praying God to fend you health. From Chattifworth the 
15th of January. 

No. IV. (Vo1.il p. 3 X.) 

The declaration of John Cais to the lords of 
Grange and Lechington zoungare upon the 8th 
day ofOA. 1571. 

inrrHEREAS you defire to know the queen^t majefty'a 
^^ pl^fure, what flie will do for appeafing of thefe 
controverfies, and therewith has ofiered yourfdres to be 
at her commandment, toudung the common tnmqnillitf 
dF the whole ifle, and the amity of both realms | her plea* 
fore is in this behalf, that ye fliould leave off the main- 
tenance of this civil difcord, and give vour obedience to 
the king, whom ihe will maintain to the utmoft of her 
power. 

And in dus doing, Qie will deal ^inth the rtgMt and 
the king's party, to receive you into favour, upon loifon- 
able conditions for fecurity of life and livings. 

Also file lays that the queen of Scotts, for tMt (he 
has pra^ifed with the pope and other princes, and alfo 
with her own fubjeAs in England, great and dangerous 
treafons againft the ftate of her own country, and alfp to 
the deftrudlion of her own perfon, that (he ihaU acver 
|>ear authority, nor have liberty while (he lives. 
/ If ye refu(e tbeie gentle ofiers, now ofiered unto yottf 
fhe will prefently aid the king's party, with men, ammu* 
aition, and all oeceffary things, to bie had agaiaft yo9. 

JWhbrbiippn her majcfty requires ^our anfwer with 
ipced, without any dela^. 

VauIL Kk Na.V. 

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350. 



4^^ APPENDIX. 



No.V. (Vol.IL p. 43.) 

Articles fcnt by Knox to the general Aflcmbly, 
Auguft 5th, 1572. 

Caiderw. p^IRST, dcGring z new aft to be made ratifying all 
MS. Hif-, " things concerning the king and his obedience that 
i^^T' ^^'^ * ^^^^ enafted of before without any change, and that the 
miniftcrs who have contraveencd the former ad^s be 
correftcd as accordeth. 

That fute be made to the regent's grace and nobility 
maintaining the king's caufe, that whatfoevcr proceedcth 
in this treaty of peace they be mindful the kirk be not 
prejudg'd thereby, in any fort, and they efpecially of the 
miniftcrs, that have been robbed of their pofleffions within 
the kirk during the time of the troubles, or otherwifc 
dung and injured, may be rcftorcd. 

To fute at the regent, that no gift of any bifhoprick 
or other benefice be given to any perfon, contrary to the 
tenor of the afts made in the time of the firft regent of 
good memoryt and they that are given contrar the faid 
a£b, or to atiy unqualified perfon, may be revoked and 
made null be an aA of fecret council, and that all biffaop- 
ricks, (b vacand may be prefented, and qualified perfons 
nomine tiieremito, within a year after the vaking thereof, 
according to the order taken in Leith be the commifHon- 
crs of the nobility and of the kirk in the month of January 
lad, an.cl ki fpec^al to complain upon the giving of biOiop- 
rick of Rofs to the lord Methven. 

That no pentions of benefices, great or fmall, be 
given bft fimplc donation of any lord regent, without 
CQiifcnt of. the pofleflbr of the faid benefices having tittle 
thereto, and the admifBon of the faperintendent or com- 
m^iioQcrR of the province where- this benefice lyeth, or of 
the bifhops lawfully ele£led according to the faid order 
taken- at X^eith ^ and defire an zGt of council to be made 
thereupon^ until the next parliament, wherein the famine 
may be* fpecially ina£ied, with inhibition to the lords of 
feil^ to give any letters or decreets, upon fuch fimple 
^ifts of benefices or pentions not being given in manner 
above rehearfed, and that the kirk prcfently afiembled 
deck re all fuch gifts null fo far as lyeth in their power. 

That 



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A' If f^ ^' N- 6 t XV ^9^ 

^rtAT* tKe firft form of pVefcntatiim to benefices, which 
^^etc ih the fii^ and fecond Tegent's time, b^ not changerf 
as now it 18 commonly ; but that this clauft be dontairierf 
in the^prcfcntatkin, that if the p^rfon 'prefented make 
not refinance, • or be flaiidcrous or found unVorthy either 
in life or doft-^fine' be the judgment of the kirC (to which' 
alwife he ftiall be fubjecb) or meft to be tfanlpoYted to 
another room at the fight of the kirk, the faicPprefenta- 
tion and all that fhall faff thereilp'op ^fliall bfe DtiB' an^ ci 
no force nor efFefl: ; and this to l^a'vc plag'i aMb in thfe no- 
mination of the bi (hops. **'"// "''' • ' 

That an aft be made in this aflembly' that all thing^ 
done in prejudice of the kirk's afTumption of the thirds 
either by papifts or others, by giving of fews, Kferp nts,' 
or taks, or any otherwife difponing the faid affiniecl 
thirds, be declared null with a folemn jprotertation*^th^ 
whole kirk difafcnteth thereto: , . * ^' 

That an aft be made detertiing ahd' ordaimng. zH bi« 
ftops, admitted to the order of the 'kirk now rocfeJVed, to 
give account of their whole rents; aiid inti'imifllonfe 'there- 
with once in the year, as the ki^k fhall appoint^' ftiif fucK 
caufes as the kirk may cafily confider the fame to.bfe mofli 
expedient and neceflar. '*;. * ' --f^ 

Anent the jiirifdidliori of the kirk, that tTie'fatoe hd 
determined in this" aflembly,' bt^Cauft this iarticle ffith long 
been poftponed to mak^ fute to iht recent and' council fof 
remedy againft meflfengers and cx'^onimuuicate'jjerfons. 

Last, That'orAers be taken anem tl^e |)ttfcitrers of thi^ 
kirk, who procure againft mintffcrs'and rtiirifftry, and fox? 
futtingof juftice of the kirVs.atJlions'iti the feflion. 

No. VI. "(Vol. w ^^\ 49;) : ; . ; ;;• . ' 

Declaration of Henry KiHigrtw; efq;.-ii|ion th^ 
peace concluded the ;:;:3d Ft,b. 1^72. • ' 

TjE it known to all men,' by' thefe prefents, . that 1 
^ Henry Killigrewe, cfq ; ambuflador for the queen^s 
majefty of England. Forafmuch aS,"at the earn<^ft motioii 
and folicitation being made to me, on her highriefs's be- 
half, there is accord and pacification of the public trolibles 
and civil war within this realm of Scotland agrCed ah'd con- 
cluded, and the fame favourably extended towards the right 
K k a honour- 



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ioo APPENDIX, 

i^nourable George earl of Htmtl j, lord GSordon and Baid« 
zenuch, and the lord John HamOton, (on to the duke^a 
grace c^ Chaftellarauk, and commendatoiur of the abby of 
AUrbrotbocky for die furetv of their livei» livings^ hononrst 
and goods of them^ their kinafdka, friends, (errattts, and 
partakers» now properly depending on them ; in treating 
of the which faid pacificatbn, the murders of the late earl 
of Murray vade, and the earl of Leirenax, ffrandfather^ 
late regent to the kti^s majeftj of ScoUand his realm and 
fiegesy as alfi> an article touching the difchargc for the 
fruAb or moreaUe goods, whic£ the £ud p^ons hare 
taken fra perfons pioMing the king^s obedience^ be£»re 
dbe damages done or committed by them, dnce the 15th 
day of Junij iS^T* ^nd before the penult day of July 
laft by pafled, by reafon of the common caufe or any thing 
dependmg thereupon, beiog thoiiriit by the king's commi- 
faries matteris of fuch wecht and importance, as the king's 
prefent regent could not conveniently, of bimfelf, remit 
or difcharge the fame. Tet in tcffeSt of the neceflity of 
the prefent pacification, and for the weill of the king, and 
common qmetnefs of this realm and lieges, it is acccHtled, 
that the matters of remiflaon of the faid murderers, and 
of the difcharge of the faid fru^is, moveable goods, and 
other damages, be moved by the perfons dedring the faid 
remiffions and difcham to the queen's majefty my love- 
teign, as to the princeU neareft both in blood and habita- 
tFon to the king of Scots. And whatfoever her majefty 
(ball advife and counfel touching the faid renriflion and 
diicharge, the (aid lord regent, for the weill of the kiw 
and univerfal quietnefs of the realm of Scotland, (haO 
perform, obferve, and fulfil the fame. And in likewife, 
the £aid earl Huntly, and commendatour of Abfrbro- 
thock^ being urged to have delivered pledges and hoftagcs 
for obfervation of the conditions of the laid accord and 
pacification, hath reqwed me in place thereof, in her 
majefty's name, by virtue of my ooquniffion, to promiie 
for them, diat they (hal! truly and faithfully obferve and 
keep the faid pacification^ and all articles and cooditioiis 
thereof, for their parts, and that it would pleafe her im* 
Jeitv to interpofe herfelf, as furety and cautioner for them 
to that effedt, to the king's majefty of Scodand their fovc- 
reign and his faid regent, which I have done and pro* 
ilil^ to do, by virtue of her majefty's commilEoH, as by 
tkcbxmburablc andt>lain dealing of the faid carl and lord, 

their 



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APPENDIX- 501 

fbA intemiM i* pe«eeiv«li appeatrt, tbe famebeiogmoft 
^reeable to the mind of the queen's majefty tny fove« 
reign, which fo long by her minifters hath travelled for 
the faid pactficatbot and in die endt at her motion and 
foliciutiony the {amt i$ accorded, knofwing her majefty's 
defire, that the £ime may continvc unyiotate, and that 
the noUemen and others now itttiniing to the king's obe^ 
dienoe fliall have fufficient forety for their liTes, livings^ 
honours, and goods. Therefore in her majefty's name, 
and by virtue of my coouniflhrn, I promife to the afore- 
faid earl Huntly and commeadator of Abirbrothock, that 
bv her maiefty's good means, the (aid remiifion and dif- 
cnaige (hall be puraufed and obtained to them, their kinf- 
folks, friends, fenrants, and partakers, now properly de- 
pending upon them {the perfons fpecified in the firft ab* 
ftinence always excepted), as alfo that the faid pacification 
{hall be truly obfervcd to them, and that her majefty AaU 
interpofe berfelf as confenratrix thereof, and endeavour 
herCilf to eaufe the fame to be truly and iincerely kept in 
all pobu and articles thereof accordingly. In wttnefs 
whereof, I lave to this prefeat fubfcribed with my hand, 
and fealed the fame with mine own feal the 13th day of 
Feb* Anno Domini 157a* And this to be performed bv 
me, heiwixt the date hereof, and the parliament whicn 
<hall be appointed for thehr reftitution, or at the furtheft 
Woic the end of the faid parliament. Sic fobfcribitur. 

The bilhop of Glafgow's note concerning the 
queen of Scotland*s dowry. 

'T^HE queen of Scotland, dovtrager of France, had for coil^ub* 
^ her dowry, befides other pofleffions, the dukedom caiig. K 4. 
of Turene, which was folemnly contraded and given to 
her by the king and eftatesof parUament^ which dukedom 
fbepoflbfled peacefully till 1567, and then, upon the pa- 
cification betwixt the king and Monf. his brother, to aug- 
ment vdiofe appcna^ this dutchy was given, to which the 
queen of Scotland yielded upon account of princes, who 
were her near rehtions, provided the equivalent which 
was promifed her (hould be faithfully performed. So 
that year, after a great many folicitations, in lieu of that 
dutchy, file had granted her the county of Vermandaife 
Vith the lands and bailiwicks of Seuley and Vetry : tho' 
Kk3 '(i» 



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5o« AlfFENDIX^ 

'tis kno^a* that county* «»d the other' laoch were nci o? 
equal value with Turene^ but was protnifcd to have an 
suidit^on of lands in die neighboarhood to an equal value. 
Upon this lct(ec8 ^tent were granted, whicii were con.- 
firmed in the courts of parrumieiit»- cbamber of accounts, 
CQurt Qf«i^i chambecof the trestfurf , and others necef- 
faryi nipon which flic entevad into poiTeflioa of that coun- 
t/} &C/ Afterwards, i>y a valuation of the commifConers 
qf the chamber of accomaits, it was found that the revenue 
of iliat gounty, &c. did not amount to thofe of Turene, 
by 2op<>.Uvres. But inAeadof making up this deficiency 
according to Judicci foihe of ^e privy council, viz. M. de 
Chcver ney, the prefidents of Beiiievre, Nicocholay, and 
St. Bonet^ iu the name of the king, hotwithftanding of 
lier aforefaid lofles, did fell and alienate the lands of Sea^ 
lis, and the dutchy of Eftaimpes, to madam de Montpen-. 
ficr, from whom the king received money ;'- of which fale 
the counfellors aforefaid obliged themfelves to be guaran« 
tees, which hath hindered the aforefaid queen to have 
judice done her. So that madam de Montpenfier hath 
been put in poflcflion of thefe lands of Senlis, contrary to 
all ihe declaration, proteftation, and aflhrances of the 
king of France to queen Mary's ambafladors. So that the 
queen of Scotland is difpoCTefied of her dowry, contrary 
to all equity, without any regard to her quality, 

No.VIL (Vol.n, p. 55.) 

A letter from the lord of Lochleyin to the regent 
Mortoun. 

jd March iT will pleafe your grace, I received your grace's; \cU 

1577. E. of A ^g,.^ aj^^ jjjjg confidered the fame. The parfon of 

A^vc"s* Camfcy was here at me before the receipt thereof, dircded 

Bund. B. fra my lord of Mar, and the mafter anent my laft written, 

Np. 19. vyhich was the anfwer of the writing that the matter 

feut to me, which I fend to your grace, defiring me to 

come to Sterling to confer with them. I had given my 

tnfwer before the receipt of your grace's letter, that I be- 

huiffit to be bcfyd San^ Androis, at ane friends tryft, 

which I might not omit ; I underftand by my faid coufin, 

that the king's majefty is to write to divers of the nobility 

to come thercj anent your lordfhip's trials ^nd chat he 

had 



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APPENDIX. .503 

had written before his departure to mjr lord Monthrois. 
I underiland likcwife, he will write to your grace to 
come there for the fame effefi, which I tho't gopd to 
make your grace forefeen o£ the fame, praying yonr , , 
grace, for the love of God Almighty, to look upon the 
beft, and not to fleep in fecurity, but to turn you with 
unfeigned heart to God, and to confider with yourfelf, 
that when the king's majefty was very young, Goil made 
him the inftrument to divcft his mother from her authority, 
who was natural princefs, for offending of his Divine Ma- 
jefty, and that there ran no vice in her, but that the fame 
is as largely in you, except that your grace condefcend- 
ed not to the deftruftion of your wife. For as to har- 
lotry and ambition, I think your grace has as far offended 
God, and far more in avaritioufnefs, which vyces God 
never left unpjagued, except fpeedy repentance, which I 
pray God grant to your grace, for otherwife your grace 
can never have the love of God nor man. I pray your 
grace flatter not yourfelf 5 for if your grace believes that 
ye have the good will of them that are the king's good 
willers ye deceive yourfelf 5 for furely I fee perfectly that 
your own particulars are not contented, lat be the reft, 
and that moft principally for your hard dealing. I pray 
your grace, beir with me that I am thus hamlie, for cer- 
tainly it proceeds from no grudge, but from the very af- " 
f eft ion of my heart towards your grace, which has con- 
tinued fince we were acquainted. And now I fee, becaufe 
the matter ftands in your grace's handling with the king's 
majefty, for certainly if your grace fall forth with him 
now, I fee not how ye (hall meet hereaftej j pray I your 
grace to call to God, and look on the beft, and caft from 
your grace both your vices, to wit, ambition and avari- 
tioufnefs. I am riding this xiay to Sanft And^F^is, and 
truft to return on Wednefday at the fartlicft. If your 
grace will command me in any ofEpes that are honeft, 
that I may do your grace pleafure in at Sterling, adyer- 
tife of your grace's min^, and {hall do to my po^g^r 9|id 
luiowledge, and this with mj beaitlie, &c &c« t 



1 1. 



Kk 4 To 

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504 APPENDIX. 



To our crafty coufin die lord Lochleven. 

^THUSTT couffat) after our moft hearty commcncfa- 
' turns, we recehred your letter of the pd of March, 
ttta^ArT* ^^ ^ ^"^ ^^ 7^^^ plunnefs therein in good part, as pro- 
chlvta^ * ceeding from a friend and Idnfman, in whofe good af« 
j^yj^ ^ ledion U wr ard> iu we nerer doubted, fb ye may not think 
^'' it ftrange that wc purge oorfelf fo far of your accufation, 
as in confcience we find not ourfelf to have offi:nded 
in. As touching our oflence to God, we intend not to 
excufe it, but to fubmit us to his mercy ; for amotion 
furely we think none can juilly accufe us ; for in our 
private eftate we could, and can live as well contented, as 
any of our degree in Scotland, without further afpirin^ 
The bearing too the charge of the government of the realm^ 
indeed, mon lead us, or any other that ihaS occupy that 
place, not fimply to refpe£l ourfelf, but his majefty*^ rowme 
which we fupply, and therein not tranfcending me bounds 
cf meafure, as, we truft, it (hall not be found we have 
done, it ought not to be attributed to any ambition in us. 
For as foon as ever his majefty ihall think himfelf ready 
and able for his own government, none ihall more wiU 
lii^ly agree and advance the fame nor I, fince I think 
never tx^ktmf bet minSt him, whofe honour, fafctft 
and preiervatiDtt has been fo dear unto me, nor I wOl 
Siever belicvt to find odierwife at his hand than favour^ 
althoagh dl tkt wifriends I have in the earth were about 
him, to perftitJe hia to tiie contrary. As we write unto 
yott, oor firitadh dealing and confidence in the houfc of 
Mar is sot tftBttUmBr aequit i as we truft yourfelf con* 
fiders I but b«Mle tfie ambafladors of England, my lord 
of Angi^ dbe chwWfWor^ treafurer, and lome noblemen 
rides weft d^ inef to fee the king, we pray you heartily 
addrefr yoiflrfetf to kt Acre as ibon as ye can, and as ye 
Ihall fiad tkeMMbood of sB things. Ictus beadvertized 
Ihtfiilj wiA fMT own advice, by Alex' Hay, whom 
wtlttve llMwhl pood to fend weft, fedng my lord of 
Angus from ^erhng fides to Doughs. Andfowcccu»« 
mtt yois fai th« p foto ai on of God, At Holyrood houfot 
the 41b of March iglJ* 

For the avarttioianeft laM to oor charge, bdeed it lies 
not in OS fo liberally to deal die king's geare, as to farisfy 
all craversy aor never ftaH any fevcreign and native 

bora 



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APPENDIX. 505 

lx>ni prince, let be anr officer, efchew the difdalns of 
fuch, as thinks them judges to their own reward ; in many 
caufes I doubt not to find the afliftance of my friends, 
but where my a&ions (hall appear unhoneft, I will not 
crave their affiftance, but let me bear my own burthen* 

No. VIII. (Vol. IL p. a.3.) 

Letter of Waldngham's to Randolph, Feb. 3, 
1580-1. 

SIR, 

T HAVE received from my lord lieutenant the copy of Cott. ufcu 
* your letter of the 25th of the laft dircdcd unto his ^aiig-Ci. 
lordihip, containing a report of your negociation with the 
king and his council, in your fecond audience, where* 
with having made her majcfty acquainted, fhe fccmed 
fomewhat to mijlike^ that you (hoidd fo long iLfer to deal 
for the efdargement ^Empedocles* But I made anfwer in 
your behalf, that I thought you were dire£led by the ad- 
vice of the faid Empedocles friends^ in the foliciting of 
that caufe, who knew what time was fitteft for you to 
take to deal therein, with mod effed, and bed fuccefs, 
with which anfwer, her majefty did in the end reft very 
well fati^fied, touching that point. 

Your putting of us in hope that d'Aubigny might ea- 
Cly be won at her majefty's devotion, was at firft inter- 
preted to have been ironie fpoke by vou. But fmce it 
feemeth you infift upon it, I could wim you were other- 
wife perfuaded of the man, or at leaft kept that opintou 
to yourfelf, for confidering the end and purpofe of his 
coming into Scotland, as may be many ways fufficieotly 
proved, was only to advance the queen's liberty, and re- 
ception into that government, to overthrow religion, and 
to procure a foreign match with Villenarius, wherein the 
inclofed copy, which you may ufe to good purpofe there, 
Ihall partly give you fome light ; there is no man here can 
be perfuaded that he will change his purpofe, for fo fmall 
advantage as he is likely to find by it, and therefore you 
ihall do well to forbear to harp any more upon that ftring, 
as I have already written to you. The prince of Orange 
fending, I fear will not be in time that it may do any 
gopda i^^ befidcs that thefe people are in themfelves 
^ flow 



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5o6 APPENDIX. 

flow in their refolutions, their own afiairs are, at prefcnt, 
fo great, their ftatc fo confufed, and the prince's autho- 
rity fo fmall, that he cannot fo foon take order in it ; and 
yet for mine own part, I have not been negligent or care- 
lefs in the matter, having, more than three weeks paft, 
fent one about it, from whom neverthfelefs I do yet hear 
nothing. The letters you defire fliould be written thi- 
ther by-the French miniftcrs, I have given order to Mr. 
Killingrew to procure, who, 1 doubt not, will carefully 
perform it, fo that, I hope, I fhall have them to fend you 
by the next. And fo I commit you to God. At White- 
hall, the 3d of February 1580. 

Your very loving coufin and fcrvant, 

Fra. Walsingham. 

This letter is an original^ and in fame parts of it ivrote in 
cyphers and explained by another hand. By Empedodes is 
underjiood Morton. By Villenarius the king of' Scots. 
D'jiubigney is marked thus o l o. 



3 Feb. 1580. 

Sundry notes gathered upon good diligence given, 
and in time to be better manifefted, being now 
thought meet to be in convenient fort ufed and 
laid againft D'Aubigny, to prove him abuUng 
the king, the nobility, and that ftate. 

Cott. Lib. THIRST, it hath been informed by credible means, 
CaUg.c.6. " that D'Aubigney was privy and acquainted with la 
4iiori^naL N^ye the king's mother's fecretary, coming into Scotland, 
and of his errand there, tending chiefly to perfuade the 
king, to think and efteem it an evil prefident for princes 
that fubjeds might have power to deprive their lawful fo- 
vereigns, as they did his mother J who was not minded, 
by any mean, to defeat him, either of the prefent govern- 
ment of that realm, or yet of the poflcflion of the crown 
and inheritance thereof, but rather to aflure the fame to 
him : and that for the accompliflimcnt of that aflTurancc, 
the king ihould have been advifed and drawn to have go* 

vemcd. 



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A P P E' N' D I X. 507 

teme4, for fome iJiort time, ns prince, calling D'Aubig* 
iiy to rule as governor of the prince, by commiffion from 
ihc queen his mother, until. the king's enemies ivcre fup- 
profl'cd ; after which time D'Aubigny fhould have power 
given to cftablifh and rcfign that kingdom to the king, 
by his mother's voluntary confent, whereby all fuch, as 
had before been in adlion againft the queen or her autho- 
rity, might be brought to ftand in the king's mercy. 
And for tnat the king, might hve in more furety, lyAubig-* 
jiy (hould be declared both fecond perfon in facceffion of 
that crown, and alfo lieutenant general of Scotland, and 
that D'Aubigny before his departure out of France, re- 
ceived commiffion from the king's mother to the effeds 
remembered, or near the fame. That in this behalf he 
had conference with the biftiops of Glafgow, and Rofs, t 
and with fir James Baford, with which pcrfons, and with 
the duke of Guife, he had and hath frequent intelligence, 
and by fir James Baford he was advifcd to confer with 
the lord John Hamilton before his repah- into Scotland, 
whereunto he agreed, and yet afterwards he fcnt one 
John Hamilton to the faid lord John to excufe him in 
this part, allcdging, that he did forbear to come to him, 
left thereby he (hould mar or hinder greater efFefts to be 
executed by him in Scotland. 

That before hi* coming into that realm, the nobilitj 
iind country were well quieted and united in good con- 
cord, with great love betwixt the king and nobility, and 
amongft the noblefle, but hath both drawn the king 
againft fundry of the chiefcft of his nobility, that have 
been moft readv, and have expended their blood and pof^ 
feffions to preferve religion, and defend the king's per- 
fon, his government and eftate, and alfo hath given occa- 
fion of great fufpicions and offence to be engendered be-? 
twixt the king and his nobility, and efpecially with fuch 
as have been in aftion againft the king's mother, and her 
authority, who by force and means of the faid commiffion 
and praftice, (hould have been brought into moft dan- 
gerous, condition ; and who alfo may find themfelvcs in no 
Imall perill while he pofTeffes the king's ear, abufeth his 
prefence, and holdcth fuch of the principal keys and ports 
of his realm, as he prefently enjoyetb. 

That he hath drawn the king not only to forget the 
great benefits done to him and his realmc, by the queen's 
pi;^efty of England, but ^IjTo to requite the fame with 

fundrj 

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jo8 APPENDIX. 

therewith the honour of her majefty, and tberdyj faa£ 
adventured to fluke the hsLjfj amity long time continiicd 
betwixt thofe prinees. 

And whereas thefe griefs were to be repaired by gentle 
letters and good o(Iers» to have pafled and been done be- 
twixt them : In which refpeA the king and council haT- 
ing refolved to write to her majefty, for her higfaxKlii 
better fatisfa£^ion in the late negotiation of Mr. Alexander 
Hume of Nortl^Jberwick, had given order to the king^s 
iecretarv to frame that let£er : He minding to break the 
bond ot amity in funder, willed the fecretary to be fure 
that nothing ihould be infcrted in that letter whereby the 
king ihould crave any thing at her hands, feeking thereby 
to cut off all loving courtefies betwixt them, as by die 
declaration of the faid fecretary may be better learned^ 
and thereupon further approved. 

That under the hope and encouragement of lyAu-^ 
bigny's protef^iony Alexander King prefumed with that 
boldnefs to make his lewd harangue, and by his means. 
hath hitherto efcaped challifement and corre Aion, due for 
his offence. 

That fir James Baford, condemned of the flaughter 
of the king's father, hath been called into the reatei by 
Lennox, without the privity of the king. And whereas 
the faid fir James found in a green velvet deik, late the 
earl of Bothwell's, and faw and had in his hands the 
principal band of the confpirators in that murder, and can 
bed declare and witnefs who were authors and executors 
of the fame \ he is drawn by Lennox to fuppre£i the troth, 
and to accufe fuch as he himfelf knoweth to be innocent ^ 
and as by order of law, will be fo found, if they may 
have due trial, which, contrary to all juftice, is by XiCiuiox 
means denied* 

This u the charge ageing UAviignj^ mnttwmd im tb^ 
foregoing Utter by Walfingham s but by BqforJ they meam fa- 
Jama Balfour. 



K«.IX» 



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A P P E N D I X, 509 

No. IX. (Vol.11, p. loi.) 

The copy of the king of France his dircftions fcnt 
to Scotland with Seifieur de la Motte Fenelon. 
Tranflated out of the French. 

FIRST, on their moft chriftian majefty's part, he (hall Caiderw. 
make the moft honourable falutation and vifiting to ^^ "^^ 
the moft ferene king of Seodandf their good brother and ^i7^][^s, 
Etde foDj that in him is poflable. 

To give him their letters that are clofed, fuch and fuch 
Eke as they have written to him with their hands, and to 
{bow exprefslv the perfeft friendfliip and fingular affeo 
don, that their majeftys bear to him, and to bring back 
the anfwer. 

To take heed to the things which touch near the moft 
ferene king, to the cScGt that his perfon may be in no daii* 
ger, but that it may be moft furdy preferved. 

And that he be not hindered in the honeft liberty t!iat 
he ought to have, and that no greater, or ftraiter guards 
be about him than he had before. 

And fuch like, that he be not impeached in the aiw 
thority, that God hath given to him of king and prince 
fovereign above his ful^e^is, to the effe£i he may a^ 
freely ordain and conmiand in his aflairs, and in the af- 
fairs of his country, with his ordinary council, as he was 
ufed to do of before. 

That his nobility, barons, and commonality of his 
country may have their free liberty to refort to his ferene 
majcfty witnout fufpicion of greater guards or more armed 
men aoout his perfon than the ufe was, that they be not 
afraid and hindered to refort ) and further that the feg- 
nieur de la Motte Fenelon- fsdl liberally and freely fpeak 
to the faid fierene king and council, requiring the re-efta« 
blifliing of that that may or hath been changed or al- 
tered» 

^ And that he may know if the principalis of the nobi« 
lity, and odier men of good behaviour of the towns and 
commonality of the country conveens, and are content with 
the form ot government prefoidy with the faid ferene 
i^ing, to the end that if there he any mifcontent he may 
tfava^ile ta agree them together, axid that he return not 
without ibs certainty of t^ famine. 

4 Anb 



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510 A' P P E N D r 3ft 

And if he may underftand that there be any "who hare 
not ufed them fo reverently towards the faid ferene king 
their fovereign lord, as the duty of their obedience re- 
quired, that he may pray on this bclialf of his majefty 
mod chriftian the fdid ferene king hi?^ good b- other, gi'ing 
him council wholly to forgot the f me, and e\h jrting 
them to do their duty towards his niajefty, in time coming, 
in all refpedts with the obedience and true fubje<5ioa they 
ought him. 

And if the faid f^igncur de la Motte perceives the LiJ 
ferene king to be in any manner conftrained ^( his pcrfcn, 
authority, liberty, and difpolition of l.'.s affiirs, thnn he 
ufed to be, and not convenient for his royal dignity, or 2S 
the fovercignty of a prince docs rCv^uire, that he ufc all 
moyen lawful and honeft to place him in the famine, and 
that he imploy as much a& the credit of his mod chriflian 
majefty may do toward the nobility, and fubjefts of that 
country, and as much as may his name, with the name 
of his crown towards the Scbttifli nation, the which he 
loves and confides in as much as they were proper French- 
men. 

And that he wittnefs to the faid ferene king, and hU 
cTlates, of his confent, and to all the nobility and princi- 
pal! pcrfonages of the contry, that his mod chriftian ma- 
jeftie will continue on his part in the mod ancient alli- 
ance and confederacy, which he hath had with the faid fe- 
rene king his good brother, praying his nobility and con- 
try, with his principall fubjefts, ta pcrfevere in the famine, 
in all good underftanding aiid friendlhip with him j the 
which, on his part, he ftiall do^ obferving the famine mod 
inviolable. 

Further his mod chridian majefty underdanding 
that the ferene king his good brother was contented with 
the duke of Lenox, and his fen^ife, the faid fignieur de 
la Motte had charge to pray his ferene majefty that he 
might remaine befide him to his contentment, believing 
that he fliould more willingly in ' 

and confederacie, betwixt their n 
becaufe he was a good fubjeft t( 
might not remain, without fome 
lity of his eftate, that he migh 
houfe in the faid contry, in fur 
return to France that he might fi 
his ferene majefty, to caufe ceai 

mcnts. 



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APPENDIX. 511 

nients, that aic made of new upon the frontiers, to the 
cffeft that the natural Frcnchnicn may enter as freely into 
the contry, as theywcre wont to do of before. 

And that thexc may be no purpofe of difiamation, nor 
no fpeech but honourable of the nK)ft chriftian king, in 
thai contry, "but foch.like as is fpoken moil honourably of 
the ferenc king of Scotland in France. 

He had ^miother head to propone, which he concealed 
till a little before "his departure, to wit, that the queen, 
the king's mother, was content to receive her fon in aflTo- 
ciationof the kingdom. 

? • No. X. (Vol. II. p. 119.) 

Lord Hunfdon to fir Francis Walfingham, the 
14th of Auguft 1584, from Berwick. 

SIR, 
ACCORDING to my former letters, touching my Caidcrwr. 
-^ meeting with the earl of Arran upon Wednefday ^^* ^JjJ" 
laft, there came hither to m« from the earle, the juftice p*!*^;^ ^ 
clerk, and fir William Stuart, captain of Dumbarton, 
both of the king's privie council, to treat "with me about 
the order of our meeting, referring wholly to me to ap- 
point the hour, and the number we fhould meet withal ; 
fo as we concluded the place to be Foulden, the hour to 
be ten o'clock, and the number with ourfehes to be 13 of 
a fide; and the reft of our troops to.ftand each of them 
a mile from the town ; the one on the one fide, the other 
on the other fide, fo as our troops were two miles afunder ; 
I was not many horfemen, but I fupplied it with footmen, 
where I had 100 (hot on hor&, but they were very near 
500 horfe well appointed : According to which appoint- 
ment, we met yellerday, and after fome congratulations, 
the eric fell in the like proteftations of his good will and 
rcadinefs to ferve the queen's majefty, before any prince 
in the world, next his fovereign, as he had done hereto- 
fore by his letters, and rather more ; with fuch earned 
vows, as unlefs he be worfe than a devil, her majefty may 
difpofe of him at her pleafure ; this being ended, I en- ' 
tered with him touching the caufe I had to deal with him, 
and fo Qear as I could, left nothing unrehearfcd, that I had 
to charge the king or him with amy unkind dealing toward 

her 



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5ia APPENDIX. 

her majefty, according to my bftru^Uons^ wbidiwidiovt 
any delay ne anfwcied prcfently, as yc (hall pcrceiTe ^ 
the faid anfwers fent herewith ; but i laying unto Iuid» 
he amplified them with many moe dfcamftanccs, but to 
this efre£l. Then I dealt wkh him touching the point 
of her majefty's fatisfafHon, for the uttering fuch praoicet 
as has been lately fet on foot for the difquietiflf of her 
majefty and her eftate, who thereof made fyndrywcoorfeti 
what marriaees haTe beenoffered to his augeftie by f»i4rie 
priaces> and by what means the earle has fought to dircft 
them, and for what caufes ; the one, for that oe mump 
with* Spain or France, he mufl alfo alter his rebrioo, 
which as he is fure the king will nerer doe, (b wul k 
never fuffer him to hearken unto it, fo long as he kii 
any credit with him ; he denp not but the kine haskca 
dealt withal be pradices to deal againft her majcfty, wladi 
he has fo far denied and refufed to enter into, as Atj 
have left dealing therein, but whatfoever the king ork . 
knoweth therein, there (hall be nothing hidden frooi her 
majefty, as her majcfty (hall know Yery ihordy; fuidf it 
feems oy his fpeeches, that if the king would haine yidm 
thereunto there had been no fimall oon^ny of French in 
Scotl^d ere now to difquiet her majefty.— —This b^ 
ing ended, I dealt with hun eameftly for the ftay of tbit 
parliament, which now approacheth ; or at the leaft that 
there may be nothing done therein, to the pfejudiceof 
thefe noblemen and others now in England^ for the far* 
faulting of their livings and goods; hocupon he made s 
long difcourfe to me, firft of the earl of Angus dealio; 
about the earl of Morton, then of his goine out, notwith* 
ftanding of fundrie gracious ofiers the king nad made hiffiy 
then of the road of Ruthven, how that prefently after dicy 
had the king's majefty in their hands, they imprifoned 
himfelf,, dealt with the king for putting of the duke out 
of the realme, the king reuifed fo to do, they told him 
plainly that if he would not he ihould have the ead of 
Arran's head in a difh ; the king aiked what offence the 
earl had made? and they anfwered it muft be fo, and 
ihould be fo ; hereupon, tor the fafeguard of Arran's Hfc> 
tho king was confent to fend away the duke, and yet Ar- 
mn afterwards fundrie times in danger of his life; I allalf' 
Cii unto him the king's letter to the queen's, majeftv, and 
Us a61s in council, that they had done nothing but for 
1*15 fervifc, and with his good liking and contentinwrti 

vbo 



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a' P P E N D 1 X. 51J 

^hho anfwercd fne he durft do no otherwife, nor could not 
dd any thing but that which plcafed them, with fuch a 
number of other their deaUngs with the king whileft he was 
in their hands as are tbo long to be written, and too hzd 
if they were true; I faid the kmg might have let thequeenS 
majelty's ambaflador have known his mind fecretly, and 
her 'majefty would have relieved him ; he anfwcred, that .^, 
the king was not ignorant that the appreheilfions in that 
niahrier, |)rocfeede'd from Mr. Bdw*^ praftice, and thereby 
durft not impart fo much to hinfi, and yet the kuig^ was 
content, and did give rcmiffion to as. many as would 
acknowledge their fanlts, and afk remiffion, and fuch as 
would not, he thought fit to banifli, to try their further 
loyalty, in vp^hich tinie they confpired the king's fecond 
apprehenfion, afid the killing of the earky and others, 
and feduced the minifters to theit fa^iotl, and yet not 
iatisfied with thefe confpiracies and treafonable dealings 
(as he terms them), are entered into a third, being in Eng- 
land under her majefty*s protection, to diflionour her nia- 
jcfty as far as in them lycth, or at lead to caufc the king 
conceave fome unkindnefs in her majefty, for harbouring 
of them ; I wrote to yow what the confpiracy was, the 
taking of the king) the killing of the earle of Arran, and 
feme others, the taking of the caftlc of Edin', and bring- 
ing hojne thi earlcs, to take the chatg^ of the king ; all 
which (favs he) is by Druraniond conffcfled, ind by the 
provoft of Glcncudderi not greatly denied, and the con-* 
liable of the caftle thereupon fled ; the earl brought Drum- 
xnond with him as far as Langton, where he lay, to have 
confefled the confpirac^ before me, but having at his light- 
ing received a blow on his leg with a borfe, fo as he could 
hnng him no^further, I replied that I thought verily they 
-would not work any fuch pfafticCs Jn refpcdl of the. 
<Itiecn's majefty, abiding within her realme, and if there 
l>c any fuch praftices, they have proceeded from others, 
and they not privic unto them : and that if it be not ap- 

E^rently proved againft them, that it will be thought to 
e fome pra£lice to aggravate the fault, and to make theni 
the more odious to the king. He anfwered me, that it 
Ihould be proved fo fufficicntly, that they (hould not be 
able with truth to deny it, for their own hands is to be 
ihowed to part of it, and therefore concluded, that if 
her majefty fhoirid fo prefs the king for them at this time, 
that wotdd rather hinder this matter of the amittv, nor 
Vdti XL L 1 lurthcr 



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f^4 



APPENDIX- 

further it^ stad that fince they feek chiefly his lxfe» he couU 
tiot| in any reafon, feek to do them any good ; and beGdes 
he aflUred me, that if he would, he tlare not, this laft 
matter being fdlen out aa it is ; and furelj if fins matter 
had not fallen out, I would not have doubted the reftor- 
ing of the earl of Mar very (hortlv, if her majefty would 
have employed me therein, but lor the earl of Angus, I 
perceive the king is perfuaded that both he, and the reft 
of the DouglaiTcs, have conceived fo mortal an hatred 
againft him and the earl of Arran, about the death of the 
carl of Morton, as if they were at home, to-morrow nex^ 
they would not leave to pra£tice and confpire the death of 
them both, and therefore a hard matter to do any thing 
for him : finally, he concluded and required me to aflure 
her majefty from the king, that there ihall nothing be hid 
from her, nor any thing left undone that may (atisfie her 
majefty with reafon, and that the king ihall never do any 
thing, nor confent to have any thing done in her prejudice, 
fo long as he had azry credit with him, or authority under 
him* Having this far proceeded, he defired to ihew me 
his commiflion, which is under the great feal, to hlm- 
felf only, which is as large as may be, and yet fundrie of 
, the privie council there with him, but not erne in com* 
mifllon, nor prefent, nor near us all this time havixig 
fpeiit almoft five hours in thefe matters ^ he prefented to 
me the mafter of Gray, who delivered to me a letter fioki 
the king in his commendation, whom I perceive the 
king means to fend to her majefty, and therefore requires 
a fafe*condu£t for his paflage, whidi I pray yaw procure, 
and to fend It as foon as you may. I let him undcraand of 
the lord Seaton's negociation with the French king. He 
twore to me, that Seaton was but a knave, and that it 
was partly againft his will, that he (hould be lent thither* 
But his commiflion and inftru&ion being of no neat im-t 
portance, he yielded the fooner ; and if Seaton has gone 
beyond his inftru£lions, which Arran drew himfiel^ bt 
will make Seaton fmart for it. Touching WHliam New<» 
gate, and Mark Golgan, he protefted he never heard of 
any fuch ; he fays there was a little poor foul, with a black 
beard, come thither a begging, who faid he was an ene* 
my to Defmond, to which he gave a croun^ but never 
heard of him fince, and for any Scots man going ima 
Ireland, he fays there is no fuch mattq:; if dierc bc^ 
tliere may be fome few nJkab that he knows not of ^ aai 



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A P P E K D 1 X* 51^ 

tonchmg the coming of any Jefuits into Scotland^ he fays 
h is but the flanderous devife of the king's enemys^ and 
fuch as would have the world believe the king were ready 
to revoh in reKeion, who the world ihall well fee wiu 
continue as conftant therein, as what prince foever pro- 
fefled it moft ; and the earl himfelf dos proteft to me^ 
that to his knowledge, he never faw a Jefuit in his life, 
and did aflure me if there was any in Scotland, they 
ihould not do fo much harm in Scotland, as their minifters 
would do, if they preach fuch do£):rine as they did in 
Scotland ; and touching one Ballenden, of whom I wrote - 
to yow, I heard from Mr* Colvill, the carlo avows con-# 
ftantly that he knows not, nor hath not heard of any fuch 
man, out he would inquire at the juftice clerk, and would 
inform me what he could learn of that ; thus I have made 

J row as (hort a difcourfe as I can of fo many matters, fo 
ong difcourfed upon, but thefe are the principal points 
of 2l our talk, fo near as I can remember it, and for this 
time, I commit yow to the Almighty. At Berwick die 
1 4th of Auguft, 1 5 S4* 

The kins is very defirous to have 
my fon Robert Gary to come to him* 
I pray yow know her majefty's pleafure* 

Arran's Anfwers to the griefl^ or articles proponed 
to the lord Htmfdon, fct down m another form, 

AS to the ftrait and fevere perfecution of all fuch, as 
have been noted to have heen well zSeGtcd to the 
queen's majeftj, it cannot appear they were either fot 
diat caufe puniflied, or hardly dealt with, iince his ma« 
jefty of late has been fo careful and diligent to choice out 
good inftruments to deal betwixt her majefty and him, 
as his majefty has done in de&ing of your lordlhip an4 
xne ; befides that in all their accufations, their good will 
and afie^on bom to her majefty was, at no time, laid 
to their charge, but capital a&ions of treafon many way 
tried now be the'whole three eftates, and more than ma« 
nifeft to the world. 

As for his majefty inhibiting, by publlck proclamation, 

fuch as were baniihed, not to repair in England; the 

luruits and wUfperings that came to his majefty's ears, of 

tfaek confjnraciet and tireafons, which finse fyn they at- 

L 1 a compUibedy 



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5x6 APPENDIX. 

complifhcd, fo far as in them lay, moved his majefty td 
inhibit them to repair to any place, fo near his majefty't 
realm, left they fliould have attempted thefe things, which 
ihortly they did attempt, being farther oflF, and more dif- 
tant both by fea ahd land. 

As for reception of Jefuits, and others, her majefty's 
fugitives, and not delivering them according to his pro- 
mife, as yourlordfhip propones, his majefty would be moft 
glad, that fo it might fall out by your lordfliip's traviles, 
that no fugitive of either realme fliould be received of ci- 
the;r, and when fo (hall be, it fliall not fail on his majefty's 

Eart, albeit in very deed this time bygone his majefty has 
een conftrained to receipt her majefty's mean rebells and 
fugitives, contrar his good naturall, fince her majefty. 
hath receipt, in eflfefl, the whole and greateft rebdls 
and traitors his hiajefty in his own blood ever had ; as 
for the agreement with his majefty^s iiiother anent dieir 
aflbciation, his majefty has commanded me, inprefence of 
your lordlhip's fervant, to aflfure her majefty and your lord> 
(hip, in his majefty's name, that it is altogether falfe, and 
an untruth, nor any fuch like matter done yet* 

His majefty has alfo commanded me to aflure your 
lordfliip, that it is alfo falfe and untrue, that his majefty 
has, by any means dired^ or indireft, fent any meflagc to 
the pope, or received any from him ; or that his majefty 
has dealt with Spain or any foreigners, to harm her msi-. 
jefty or her realm^ which his majefty could have no ho- 
nour to do, this good intelligence taking place, as I hope 
in God it fliall. 

As concerning thc'contemptuous ufage of her majefty's 
minifters,' fent jinto his mtfjefty, his majefty ufed none 
of them fo ; and if his majefty had, fufiicient caofe was 
given by them, as fome of their own' writs do yet tefti£y 5 
as I more particularly fiiowcd your lordfliip at Foulden at 
our late meeting. 

No.XI^ (Vol 11: p. 123.) 

The Scottifh queen's offers i^n the effc6t of her 
liberty propounded by her fccretary Naw, No- 
vember 1584. 

Cut^. Lib. 'TpHE queen inymiftrefs being oBfce waU aflured of yoor 

Caiig. c. 8« X majefty's amity^ 

^•^**^- I.Wat 



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APPEND! X, P7 

•' I. Will declare openly that (he will (as it is Cncereljr 
her meaning) ftraitly to join unto your majefty, and to the 
fame to yield and bear the chief honour and refpedl, be- 
fore all other kings and princes in Chridendom. 

2. She will fwear, and proteft, folemnly, a fincere for- 
getfulnefs of all wrongs which (he may pretend to have 
been done unto her in this realm, and will never, in any 
fort or manner whatfoever, fliew offence for the fame. 

3. She yrill avow and acknowledge, as well in her own 
particular name, as alfo for her heirs and others defcend- 
ing of her for ever, your majefty, for juft, true, and law- 
ful queen of England^ 

4. And confequcntly, will renounce, as well for herfelf 
as for her faid heirs, all rights and pretences which (he 
may claim to the crown of England^ during your majefty'$ 
life, and other prejudice. 

' 5. She will revoke all a£ls and fliews, by her hereto- 
fore made, of pretence to this faid crown to the prejudice 
of your majefty, as may be the taking of the arms and 
ftile of queen of England, by the commandment of king 
Francis her late lord and hufband. 

6. She will renounce the pope's bull for fo much as 
may be expounded to turn in her favour, or for her be- 
hoof, touching the deprivation of her majefty, and will 
declare that fh^ will never help and ferve herfelf witl^ 
it. 

7. She will not profecute, during your majefty's life, 
by open force or otherways, any publick declaration of 
her right in the fuccef&on of this realm, fo as fecrct afliir- 
ance be given unto her, or at the leaft publick promife^ 
that no deciding thereof fhall be made in the prejudice of 
her, or of the king her fon, during your majefty's life^ 
not after your deceafe, until fuch time as they have been 
heard thereupon, in publick, free, and general aflemblv 
of the parliament of the faid realm. 

8. She will not pradlife, direftly or indirc£lly, with 
any of your majefty's fubjefts, neither within nor out of 
your realm, any thing tending to war, civil or forei^^ 
againft your majefty and your eftate, be it under pretext 
of religion, or for civil and politick govemmept. 

9* She will not maintain or fupport any of your fub« 
je^s declared rebels, and convi£ted of treafon a^aiiift 
you. 

hi z 10. Sm 

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y8k APPENDIX. 

lo. Shb will enter into the aflbctation^ vlitch 
Ihewed her at Wingfield for the furety of your majefty's 
life, to as there be mended or rignt explicated loine 
daufes which I will ihew to your maje(ly» when 1 (hall 
hayeithe copy thereof, as I have before time required. 

1 1. She will not treat with foreign kings and princes, 
for any war or trouble againft this ftate, and will renounce, 
firom this time, all enterprifes made or to be made in her 
favour for that refped. 

12. Furthermore, this realm being aiTailed by any 
civil or foreign war, (he will take part with your majefty, 
and will afllft you in vour defence with all her forces and 
means, depending of herfelf and with all her friends of 
Chriftendonu 

13. And to that effed, for the mutual defence and 
msdntenance of your majefty, and the two realms of this 
ifle, Ihe will enter with your majefty in a league defen- 
five, as ihall be more particularly advifed, and will per« 
fwade as much as in her, the king her fon to do the like. 

The leagues with all parts abroad remaining firm, and 
' cfpecially me antient league between France and Scotland, 
in that which fliall not be againft this prefent. 

14. She will enter into a league ofFenfive, having good 
afliirance or fecret declaration and acknowledgment of 
her right in the fucceilion of this crown, and promifc 
that happening anv breach betwixt France and this realm, 
(which flie prayeth God never to happen) the juft value 
of her dowry (hall be placed for her in lands of the revenod 
of the crown* 

^ 15. For aflurance of her promifes and covenants, (ba 

doth ofier to abide herfelf in this realm for a certain time 
(better hoftage can (he not give than her own perlbn) 
Vhich, fo as (he be kept in me liberty here before pro- 
pounded, is not in cafe to efcape fecretlvoutof this counr 
trv, in the fickly ftate (he is in^ amtwith ^e good order 
wnich your majefty can take therein* 

i<$. And in cafe your majefty do agree to her full and 
whole deliverance, to retire herfelf at her will out of this 
jjcalm, the faid queen of Scots (he will give fufficient hoi- 
tage for fuch time as will be advifed. 

17^ If (he abide in this reahn, (he will promife no( tp 
Hepart out of it, without your licence, 10 as it be pro- 
'rnued unto her that her ftate, in fuch liberty as (h^ be 
^c^qxdpi unto her, (hall QOt bp in any fort altered, untill 

af^ 



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APPENDIX. 

^fter trjrall to have attempted againft joux hk, or otiler 
trouble of your eftate. 

1 8. If die go into Scotland^ flie will prooiife to alter 
nothing there in the religion which is now ufed there, (he 
being niffered to have free exercife of hers, for her and 
her hou(hold, as it was at her return out of France ; and 
further, to pull out every root of new divifion between the 
fid>je£i8, that none of the fubjcAs of Scotland ihall be 
fifted for his confcience, nor combrained to go to the fervice 
of the contrary religion. 

19. Shb will grant a general aboli&m of all offences 
. done againft her in Scotland, and things ihall remain there 

as they are at this prefent, for the refped, faving that 
which hath been done againft her hooour^ which ftc 
meaneth to have revoked and annulled* 

20. Shb will travel to fettle a fure and general recc^* 
ciliation between the nobilitv of the country, and to cauik 
to be appointed about the king he^ ion, and in his coua^ 
cil, fuch as ihall be fit for the entertainment of the peace 
and quiet of the country, and the amity of the realm. 

a I. She will do her beft to content your majefty, hi 
favour of the Scots lords baniihed and refuged hither^ 
upon their due fubmil&on to their princes, and your ma- 
jefty's promife to affift the faid queen and king of Scotlwid 
againft them, if they happen to fall into their former 
faults* 

22* She will proceed to the marriage of the king het 
fon, with the advice and good council of your majefty. 

23. As ihe will pafs nothing without the king ncr fon^ 
fo doth ihe defire that he intervene conjointly with her in 
diis treaty, for the greater and perfe^er aflurance there* 
of; for otherwifc any thing can hardly be eilabliihed to 
be found and continue. 

24. The faid Scotch queen trufteth, that the Frendi 
king, her good brother, according to the good aiFe£kion 
which he hath always ihewed her, and hath been afreih 
teftified unto me by Monf". de ManniiBere for this faid 
treaty, will very wiiUngly intervene, and will aiSl^ her for 
the furety of her promifes. 

25. And fo will the princes of the houfe of Lorfain^ 
following the will of the faid king, will bind themfelves 
thereunto. 

26. Fon other kings and princes of Chriftendom, Ike 
Wil} aflay to obtain the like of th^mi if for greater fo* 

X' 1 4 kpnit^ 



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V9 



^ao 4 P P 5: N D I X. 

kjf^nlty and approbation of the tircaty it be found to be 
neceffary. 

27. She doth deGre a fpeedy anfwer, and final condu- 
fion of the premifes» to the end to meet in time with all 
^conveniencies. 

28. And in the mean time, the morp to ftrengthen the 
faid treaty, as made by her of a pure ^nd frank will» (he 
defireth that demonftratipn b^ made of fome relpafeoic&t 
of her captivity. 

Obje6tions agalnft the Scottifli queen, under fc- 
' cretaiy Walfinghame's hand, November 1584, 

THE queen of Scots is ambitious, and ftandeth 31 
afFefted to her majefty, and therefore it cannot be 
but that her liberty fliould bring peril unto her majcfty. 
f That her enlargement will give comfort to papifts, and 

other ill aiTefked fubje£ls, and greatly advance ^e opi* 

• aion had of her title as fucceflbr. 

That as long as (he (hall be continued in her m»- 
jefty's poffeffion, (he may ferve as it were a gage of her 
majefty's furcty, for that her friends, for fear of the dan- 
ger (he may be thrown into, in cafe any thing (hould be 
done in her favour, dare not attempt any thing in of* 
fence of her majefty. 

M/^xr^rr^K^- ^ What courfe were fit to be taken 
fNOYemPcr j ^j^^ ^^ ^^^^^ of Scots, cither 

^S ^* L to be enlarged or not. 

Cptt. L&. ^HE courfe to be t^ken with the faid que^ may be 
CaL S. X. confidered of in three degrees ; either, 

1. To continue her under cuftody in that (late (he 

• now is. 

2. To reftrain her of the prcfent liberty (he now hath. 

3. Or to fcthcr at liberty upon caution. 

I. Touching the firft, to continue her under cuftody 
in that (late (he now is; it is to be confidered, that the 
princes that favour that queen, upon the complaint the 
maketh of hard ufage, are greatly moved with commifera* 
/ tion towards her, and promife to do their endeavour for 
her liberty, for which purpofe her miniftcrs folicit them 
daily. 
'*•.*- : . . ' ' And 



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APPENDIX. 

' And to move them the more to pitv her cafe, flic ac-^ 
quainteth them with her offers made to ner majefty, whiol^ 
appeared to be no lefs profitable than reafonablc for her 
majefty, fo as the rcfufal and rejefting giveth her friends 
and favourers caufe to think her hardly dealt withal, and 
^therefore may, with the better ground and reafon, attempt 
fomewhat for the fetting of her at liberty. 

It is alfo likely that the faid queen, upon this refufal, 
finding her cafe defperate, will continue her prafticc un- 
der hand, both at home and abroad, not only for her dc* 
livery, by t to attain to the prefent pofTeflion of this crown 
upon her pretended title, as (he hath hitherto done, as 
.appeareth, and is moft manifeft by letters and plots inter* 
cepted, and chiefly by that late alteration of Scotland^ 
which hath proceeded altogether by her diredion, where- 
by a gap is laid open for the malice of all her majefty's 
enemies, fo as it appeareth that this manner of keeping 
her, with fuch number of perfons as fhe now hath, and 
with liberty to write and receive letters (being duly oonfi- 
dered), is offenfivc to the princes, the faid queen's mends ; 
rather chargeable, than profitable to her majefty; and fob- 
lc£k to all fuch pra^lices as may peril her majefty's perfon 
or ftatc, without any provifion for her majefty's fafety, 
and therefore no way to be liked of. 

2. ToucHrNG the fecond, to reftrain her in a more 
firaighter degree of the liberty (he hath hitherto enjoyed* 

It may at firft fight, btf thought a remedy very apt to 
ftop the courfe of the dangerous pradices foftered heretp- 
iott by her : For, true it is, that this remedy mi^ht prove 
very profitable, if the realm of Scotland ftood in that fort 
devoted to her majefty, as few years paft it did ; and if the 
king of that realm were not likely, as well for the releafe 
of his mother, as for the advancement of both their pre- 
tended titles, to attempt fomewhat againft this realm and 
hey majefty, wherein he fhould neither lack foreign af- 
fiftance, nor a party here within this realm : But the 
king and that realm ftanding affe£led as they do, this re* 
ftraint, inftead of remedying, is likely to breed thefe in«^ 
f:onvenicncics following : 

First, it will increafe the offence both in him, and in 
%he reft of the princes her friends that niifliked of her rc4 
^raint. 

Secondly, 



{f«i 



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5«* 



APPENDIX 

- Secondly, It will give them jaft caufe to take fitane 
way of redrefs. 

Lastly, It is to be doubted, that it maj provoke 
fome defpen^ ill-difpc^ed perfon, all hope of her fiberty 
removed, to attempt fomewhat againft her majefty's own 
paton (a matter above all others to be weighed), wiiidi 
mconveniencv being daly confidered, it will appear mam- 
feftly, tbzi tne reftraint, in a ftra^hter degree, is Mkely 
to pf ove a remedy fubje£t to very hard events. 

Thk latter degree, whether it were fit to fet the faid 

aueea at liberty, minillreth fome caufe of doubt, toocfaif^ 
tie manner d die liberty, in what fort the fame is to be 
porformedy whether to be Continued here within the rcahOf 
cf to be reftored into her own country. 

.But firft, this propofition, before me pardcularitiea be 
wdgbcd, is to be cmfidered in generality. 

For i( is very hard for a well-afieOed iubjed, that ten- 
^kreth her majefty's fuiety, and weigheth etdner the natmv 
joi the Scottifb queen, oeing inclmed to ambition and 
;rev«iiget or her tormer a£bions, what pra&ices fhe hadi 
iet on foot moft dangerous for her majefty and this reafas, 
to allow of hqr liboty, being not made acquainted with 
fudh caufes, as time luth wrought, to make it lefs peril- 
ous than it hath been, nor with fuch cautions as may, in 
ibme fort, be devifed to prevent both her ambition and 
malice ; and therefore, to make this apparent. 

It is 10 be confidered^ that die danger that was in the 
mother, is now grown to be in the fon. He pretendedi 
die fame title (he doth: Such as do zffcGt her,. both at 
home and abroad, do afied him (and he is the more 
dangerous for that he is unmarried, which may gready 
advance his fortune) and that he b a man, whereby he 
may enter into a^ion in his own pcrfon) ; where (be is re- 
ftratned, he is at liberty } his own realm is now altoge* 
dier at his devotion, and the party afie£led to this crown 
stofed) fo as the matter duly confidered, neither her li- 
berty nor reftraint doth gready alter die cafe for peris 
towards her ma^fty, unlefe by fuch promifes as may be 
made by way oi treaty with her,, the danger likely to grow 
firom the king her fon to be provided for. 

But in this behalf it may be objeded, that fo kmg as 
the mother remains in her majefty's hands, the king w81 
ttt^mpt nothing for fear of bis mothei^s peril. 

To 



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APPENDIX. 

To this objc£lion it may be anfwcred, firft. That they 
hope that her majefty, being a prince of juilice, and in-r 
dined to mercy,^ will not pnnilh the mother for the fon's 
ofiencC) Hnlefs^e ihall be found, by good proofs culpable. 
Secondarily, That men will not be over-hafty, confider* 
ing in what predicament the king ftandeth touching his 
expectation of this crown, to advife any thing that in 
time futuf^ may be dangerous to the giver of fuch council 
as may reach to his nK)ther's peril. 

And laftly^ the taking away of his mother, he bang ' 
ftrong in the field through both foreign ailiftance, and % 
party here within the realm, will appear fo weak a^remedf 
(which may rather exafperate both him, and her party, (d 
proceed with more courage and heat to revenge, if anf 
iuch hard meafure (hould be offered unto her), as they 
-will fuppofe for the reafon above fpecifiedj that no fuck 
extremity will be ufed. 

It may alfo be objected, that the fetting of her at B» 
berty will greatly encourage the papifts both at home and 
abroad ; but herein, if the provifion be duly confidere^ 
that may be made by parliament both here and there^ thej 
ihall rather find caufe of difcomibrt than othenrifc. 

These two doubts being refolved, and the perils iht 
'Was in the mother appearing moft manifeftly to be feea 
in the fon accompanied with more danger, with due coiw 
fideratioahad alfo of fuch remedies as may be provided for 
xhe preventing of die dangers, that her libmy may m>- 
nifter Juft caufe to doubt of; there will be good caufe of 
hope round, that the fame will rather breed benefit than 
perils. 

Now it refteth, in what fort the fsud liberty (hall be 
performed ; if it (hall be thought meet ihe ihaU be coik 
tinned within the realm with fame limitation, efpeciallj 
in that place where ihe now refideth, the country roimd 
about being fo infeded in religion as it is, it is greatly to 
be doubted that will very much increafe the corruption^ 
and falling away in that behalf. Befides, ihe ihould have 
commodity, with much more eafe and fpeed, to entertain 
practices within this realm, than by being in hf^r own 
country. 

If abroad freely without limitation either in Scotland 
pr France, then ihall her majefty bfc the gages of her 
Safety, then (hall (he l^e at h^nd to give advice in furtho^ 

ance 



saj 



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n 



APPENDIX- 

tncc of fuch pra£liccs, as have been laid for to ftir trouUc 
in this realm, wherein {he hath been a principal party. 
. For the firft, it is anfwered before, that the refpcft of 
any perils that may befal unto her, will in no fort refliain 
her fon. For the other, if it be confidered what barm 
her advice will work unto herfelf, in refpeft of the vio^ 
lation of the treaty, and the provifion that may be made 
in parliament here, it is to be thought, that (he will then 
be well advifed, before (he attempt any fuch matter, whick 
now (he may do without periU. Befides fuch princes, as 
have interpofed their faith and promife for her, cannot 
with honour aflift her, wherein the French king will Bot 
be found very forward, who, in moil friendly fort, hath 
lately reje£ted all fuch requefts, propounded either by 
her, or her fon's minifters, that might any way oflfend 
her majefty. And fo to conclude} feeing the caufe of her 
grief (hall be taken away; the French king gratified, 
who is a mediator for her, and will miilike, that, by any 
Spaniih pra£Hce, (he (hould be drawn to violate her faith, 
that the reft of the princes (hall have no juft caufe of of- 
fence, but rather to think honourably of her majefty con- 
iidering die Scotti(h queen's carriage towards her, whxcb 
hath deferved no way any fuch favour ; the noblemen of 
Scotland (hall be reftored, who will be a eood ftay of 
fuch counfells as may tend to the troubling of this realm, 
efpecially having fo good a ground of warrant as the par- 
liament to (land unto ; the charges and perills which her 
pra&ices might have bred to this realm fliall be avoided ; 
and laftly, the hope of the papifts (hall be taken away, by 
fuch good provifions, as in both the realms may be mad^ 
whereby the perills that might fall into her majeftj's own 
perfon, (a matter of all odicrs to be weighed) (hall be 
avoided, when by the change that may grow by any fuch 
wicked and ungodly pr^ftice, they (hall fee their cafe nq 
way relieved in point of religion. 

Reafons- to induce her majefty to proceed in the 
treaty under Secretary Walfingham's hand. 

Cot. iJk ^H AT fuch plots as have of late years been devifed 
CMk C. 8. ^ (tending to the raifing of trouble within this realm) 
have grown from the Scots queen's minifters, and favour^ 
ejr$, not without her allowance and feeking : Or, 

Tbat 



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APPENDIX. Jij 

That the iricans iifcd by the faid minifters, t6 indue* 
{>rinces to gire ear to the faid plots, is principally ground-^ 
cd upon fome eommi£eration had of their reftraint. 

That the ftay, why the faid plots have not been put 
in execution, hath proceeded, for that the faid prmce$ 
have^ for the moft part, been entertained with home and 
domeftick troubles. 

That it is greatly to be doubted, that now their 
realms begin to be quiet, that fomewhat wiU be attempted 
in her favours by the faid prinees. 

That it is alfo to be doubted, that fomewhat may be 
attempted by fome of her fautors in an extraordinary fort, 
to the periU of her majefty. 

That for the pfefervation thereof, it (hall be conve- 
nient for her majefty to proceed to the fi^iftiing of the 
treaty, not long fithence begun between her and the £u4 
queen. 

No. Xtl. (VoL 11. p. 134.) 
Letter of Q^^ Mary to (^ Elizabeth; 

Madame ma bonne Seur, 
Xif 'Afleurant que vous avez en communication d'une ^^^^^ ZA. 
•^^ Icttre de Gray que voftre homme Semer me livra viiL^ot 
iiier foubz le nom de mon iilz y recongnoiiTant quafi de 147. 
mot a la mot lefs^mefines raifons que le dit Gray m'efcrivit , An orlp- 
en chifre eftant dermerement pres de vous defmonfrant la 
fuiEfance.& bonne intention du perfonage je vous prieray 
leulement fuivant ce que fi devant je vous ay tant inftan-. 
tement importune que vous me permettiez defclaircir li- 
brement & ouvertement ce point de TaiTociation d'entre ^ 
moy Sc Qion filz & me deflier les mains pour proceder avec, 
lui con^ne je jugeray eftre requis pour fon hien & le. 
mien. £t j'entreprendz quoi que Ton vous die & puifle . 
en rapporter de faire mentir ce petit bruillon qui perfuado 
par aucuns de vos miniftres a enterprls cette feparation- 
cntre moy & mon enfant, & pour y commencer je vous . 
fupplie m'oftroyer qui je puifle parler a ce juftice cleric , 
qui vous a efte nouvellement envoye pour mander par luy 
a mon £lz mon intention fur cela, ce qui je me promis que - 
xie ma refuferez, quant ce ne feroit que pour demontrer 
CJA eSefX la bonoe intention que vous m*avez afTcureC/ 
5 avoir 



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|l^ APPENDIX. 

tvotr a Paccord & entreticn de naturel detotr cntre la moe 
& Tenfant qui dit en bonnes termes eftre empcfchc pov 
Tous me tenant captive en un defert ce que vous ne po w i ei 
mieux defmentir & faire paroitre vofftre bon defir a notic 
wiion que me donnant les moyens d*y proceder^ ic nom 
m'en retenir 6c empefcher comme aucune de vos minif- 
tres pretendent a fin de laifier toujours lieu a leur mavraif 
& finiftres pratiques entre nous* La lettre porte que Fa& 
jbciation n'eft pas paflee, auffi ne luy ai ]e jamais dit^ baei- 
que mon filz avoit accept^ ; & que nous en avions canvc> 
Ml enfemble^ comme VvLfke figne de fa main^ & ces Icttics 
tant a moy, que en France en font foy, ayant dcmne ce 
meme temoignage de fa bouche propre aplufieurs amhafli^ 
deurs & perfonnes de credit, s'excufant de ne refer hitc 
publier par craint de vous feulement^ demandant forces 
pour vous refifter d'avant de ce declarer fi oavtrtement 
cftant journellement perfuade au contraire par vos mifiif' 
tres qui luv prometovent avecque une entreire a Yordc 
le faire declarer yotre heretier, Au furplus Madame quand 
mon enfant feroit fi malheureux que de s'opiniaftrer en 
cette extreme impiete & ingratitude vers moy^ jc nc puis 
penfer que vous non plus qu'aucun aultre prince de la 
Chretiente le vouliiEez eu cela applaudir ou meinteoir 
pour luy fayre acquerir ma malediction ains que plutos 
introviendrez pour luy faire recongnoitre la raiibn trop 
jufte & evidant devant Dieu & les bommes. Heks & en- 
cores ne luy vouloier j'cn ofter, mays donner avec Atdk 
ce qu'il tient par ufurpation. Je me fuis du tout commiie a 
vous, & fidelement faites fi il vous pled que je ne en foye 
pis qu'aupravant) & que le faulfete des uns ne prevale drf* 
vant la verite vers vous, pour bien recevant mal, & b 
plus grande affliQion que me fcaurroit arriver a fcavrar la 
perte de mon fils* Je vous fupplie de me mander en cas 
^u'il perfifte en cette m'efconnoiflance de fon devoir, que 
de luy ou de moy il vous plaift advotier pour legtttimeroy 
cm Toyne d'Ecofle, & fi vous aves agreable de pourfmrre 
a^ec moy a part la trait6 conunence tnttt nous de qnoy je 
Tous reauiers £ms plus attendre de refponfe de ce inal 
gouveme enfant vous en requerrant avcc autant d'aflcc- 
• tion que je fens mon coeur opprefle d'ennuy. Pour Dieu 
fiunrenez vous de la promefle que m'avez faites de me 
prendre en votre proteftion me raportant de tout a vim^ 
& fur ce prian. Dieu qu^l vous viueille preferver de toott 
vos ennemy^ & difltoiulez amys> comme je le defire deme 

conibler 



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APPENDIX. ^aTt 

ctefder & de tne vcnger cle ceub qui potirchaflent im td 
msUheor entre la mere & Tenfant. Je ceflenj de voos 
tcoobler, mais non a m'ennuier que je ne recoive quelque 
confolation de vous & de Dieu encore nn coup je le (jxf^ 
pUe de vous garder de tout periL Fudibery xii Mars. 

Votre fidelement vouee {beur 

& obeifiaut confine, 

MARIE (^ 
A la reyne d'Angletterre 
madame ma bonpe fceur & 
toufine* 



No. XIII. (Vol 11. p. 134.) 
A Tcftament by Q^ Mar jr. 

N. B. The following paper was tranfcribed by tbe fCt*. cott Uk 
Mr. Crawford late regius profeflbr of church hiftonr VeTpaC 
in the umverfity <rf Edinburgh. Part of this paper, b^h 
according to him, is written by Naue, Mary's fccre-^ 
tary, die reft with the queen's own hand« Whit ii' 
marked << is in the queen's hand. 

COnfiderant par ma condition prefente Tefiat de vie/ 
humaincj n incertain, que perfonne ne s'en peuft, 
ou doibt afleurer, finnon foubs la grande et in&iie mi-' 
f«ricorde de Dieu. £t me voulant prevaloir d'icdle contra 
tous les dangers et accidens, qui mc pourroicnt inopinc-** 
ment furvenir en cette captivity, mefmes a caufe des g r aa d et ' 
et longues maladies, ou j'ay ete detenue jufques a ptefeat | 
^ay advife tandis que j'ay k commodite, ou rai£Dfi en ju«' 
gcmenty de pourvoir apres ma mort la falut de mon ame#' 
enterrement de moa corps et difpofition de mon bien^' 
eftatf & afiairesi) par ce prefent mon tcftament ct ordoa^* 
nance de moa dernier volont6» qui s'enfuyt. 

Au nom du Pere, du Filz, et du benoite S^ £%titr 
Pjremiexement, me recQugnoifiant indigne jpechevefle aveo * 
plus d'ofiences envers mon Dieu, que de Utisfadktt paff ' 
touies les adverfites que j'ay fouffinrt j dont je k lone fa > 
bont^. Et m'appuyant fur la croix de mon Sauveur et Ile«»' 
demptfur Jefus Chrift. Jerecmnmcnd^moQtiaiaeiilabe^' 

6 Miftf 



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5?ft Appendix* 

DoiAe ct individac Tiinitc, ct aux pricrcs dc la glorieufe' 
Vierge Msirie, et d^ tous Jes anges fain£U & fain£lc$ <ie 
paradisy efperant par leur merites et interceffion^ eftre ayde< 
a obtenif de eftre hifkt pardcipante avec eulx de feHcite 
etemelle. Et pour m'y acheminer de cueur plus net et. 
entier defpouillant des a prefent tout refTcntiment des in- 
juresy calomnieS) rebellions, et auhres offenfe^ qui me 
pourroient avoir efte fades durant ma vie, par mes fabjets 
rebelles et aultres ennemis; J'en retriet la vengeance a 
Dieu, & le fupplie leur. pardonner, de mefme affe^i^^ 
que je luy requiers pardons a mes faeltes, et a tous oeultf 
et celles que je puis avoir oSenfe de fai£^s ou de parolfe?. 
Je veulx et ordonne, &c. [Tie two fbllofving paragraphs 
contain direflions concerning the place and circumfiances of her 
iuriaJ.2 

Pour nc contrevcnir a la gloire, ho^eur, et conferva- 
don de TEglife catholique, apoftolique et Romaine, en la 
quelle je veulx vivre et mourir, fi le prince d'Efcofle mon 
ntz Y pUcft etre reduiet contre la mauvaife nourritutc, 
qu'U a prife a mon trcs grand regret en Therefie dc Calvin 
entre mes rebelles, je le laiife feul et unique heritier de 
' mon rbyaume d'Efcofle, de droi£l que je pretende jufte- 
mtnt en a la coutonne d'Angleterre et pays qui en depen- 
dent, et generallement de tous et chacun mes meubles et 
immeubles qui refteront apres ma mort, et execution de 
cc prefent teftament. 

Si non, et que mon dit filz continue a vivfe en la dite 
hercGe, Jc cede, traniportc, et faidie don ^* de touts ct 
<< chacims mes droits, que je pretende Sc puis pretendit 
•« a la couronne d'Angleterre, ct aultfes droifls, feig- 
<< neuries, ou royaulmes en dependantz, au roy catholiquCf 
*< ou aukre de fiens qu*il luy plaira, avcfques advis, con- 
<« fentement de fa faintetc ; tant pour le voyr aujourhuy . 
^ le feul feinrs appui de la religion catholique, que pour 
'•< rcconnoiffance de gratuites faveurs que moy, et fes miens 
*< recommandez par moy, ont avons receu de hiy en ma 
<< plus grande neceflite ^ et refguard aufli au droid que • 
«< Itiy mefme peut pretendre a ces ditz royaulmes ct pays, 
*< je le fupplie qtfen recompence il preign alliance, de la - 
** maifon de Lorraine, ct (i ii ce pleut de ceUe de Guife, 
<< pour memoire de la race de laquelle je fuis fortie au 
<* cofte de Mere, n'a ayant de celuy de mon perc, que 
*^ non feul enfant^ lequcl eftant Catbolique yay tousJQurt' 
I ♦* vouc 



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APPENDIX. 529 

« vouc pour une de fcs fiUcs, fi il luy pkifoit de Tacccp* 
« ter, ou faillant une de fes niepccs marice comme fa fiUe. 

« Je layffe mon filz a la proteftion du,roy, de prince, 
«* et dues de Lorrayne et de Guifc, ct du Maync, zut 
" quelz je recommcnde ct fon eftat en Efcoffe, et mort 
<* droift en Angleterre, fi il eft catholiquc, et quelle It 
<* parlie de cefte roync/' 

Je faitz don au *' compte de Lenox'* de compte de Le- 
nox tenu par feu fon pere, et commande mon filtz, comme 
mon hcretier et fucceffeur, d'obeyr en ccft en droit a paoa 
yolonte* 

Je veulx et ordonne toutes lesfommed et deniersi quife 
trovcront par moys deues, tien mis caufe de iroi£t eftre 
fails " a Lohliven** etrc promptement pay^ et acquittes, 
ct tout tort et griefs repares par lefdits executeurs defquel^ 
J'en charge la confcience. Oultre, &c. ^Follow two or 
three paragraphs concerning particular legacies ^ and then it 
added'} Fai£i au manior de SheSeld en Angleterre le jour 
de *— — « Mil cinq cens foixant & dix fept. 

jf/ter a large blank page follows in the queen* s hand: 

** Si mon filz meurt, au comte de Lenox, au Claude 
** Hamilton lequel fe montrera le plus fidelle vers moy, et 

«« plus conftant efn religion, au jugementde Ducsde 

«« Lorraine et de Guyfe, ou je le rapport fur ce de cculx a 
*• que j'auray donnay le charge de trayter avefque eux de 
«« par moy et cculx, a condition de ce marrier ou allier en 
«< la dite mayfon ou par leur advis.^ 

Follow near two pages of particular legacies • 

<* Et le remets ma tante deLenox au droi£l quelle pent 
*< pretendre a la cont6 d' Angous avant Tacort fait par mon 
*' commandement cntre ma dite tante de Lenox et le 
' ** comte de Morton, veu quil a efte fait & par le feu roy 
<* mon Mary et moy, furla promeffe de fa fidelle affift- 
«* ance, fi luy et moy encouriofts dangler et befoing d'aydc, 
*« cc qur'il rompit, s'entendant fecretement au les nos en- , 
*« nemis rebclles, qtfattemptprient contre fa vie, et pour 
*' ceft eSkiSt pris les armes, et ont port£ lesbannieres def- 
^* ploiees, contre nous, je revoque auffi toute autre don 
«' que. je luy ay fait de contc de Morton fur promcfles 
^« dc fes bons fcrvices a advenir, et entcnds que la dite 

Vo3L.lL y Mm «Cont6 



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530 APPENDIX. 

Cohte foit rcunie a la couronnc, fi ell fe trouve y par- 
tenir, comme fes trabifons tant en la mort de mon fm 
Mary, que en mon baniflement, et pourfuit dc la mien 
ne Tont mcrite. Et defends a mon filz dc cc jamaysfcr- 
vire de luy pour de luy pour la hayne qu'il aye a fes pa* 
rents> la quelle je crains ne s'eftende jufques a luy, k 
connoUTant du tout afie£tionne aux ennemis de nxm 
drotte en ce royaume^ du quel il eft penconnaire. 
** Je recommende mon nepve^ Francois Stuart a i&oo 
filz, et luy commande detenir pres de luy et s^enfenrit, 
et je luy laiffe le bien du conte de Boduel fon ondc, 
en refped qu'il eft de mon fang, mon filleulj et mi 
efte laiffe en lutelle par fon pere. 
** Je declare que mon frere baftard Robert Abbe de St. 
Croix n'a en que par circonvention Orkenay, et que k 
ne fut jamays mon intention, comme il aprct par la ^^ 
vocation que j'ay fiiyte depuys, et cte auffi faitc d'aTant 
la afge de xxv. ans, ce que j'aimois deliberer fi il oe 
m'cuflcnt prcnner par prifon de fe de defayre aulx eftats 
je veulx done que Orkenay foit reune a la coaroooe 
comme une de plus neceffaires pour mon fUz, & fa^s 
mayfon ne pourra etre bien tenue. 
« Le filles dc Morra ne parvient acceffi hcritcr, aim 
rcvient la conte a la Couronne, fi il luy pleft luy doo- 
ner fa ou ^lle en marriafge^ et il noo^ Ten fieoae 

ligne." 



No. XIV. (Vol. II. p. 146.) 

A letter from Mr, Archibald Douglas to the qoeco 
of Scots. 



AprU — - pLEASE your majefty, I received your letter of rftf 
HarL Lib. r ^^^^ ^f ^{^ ,2th of Nov. and in like manner has fccn 



37. B. 9. 
to. 126. 



fome part of the contents of one other of the fame date, 
dirc£led to Monf. de Movifir, ambaflador for his majefty 
the moft Chriftian king, bdth which are agreeable to your 
princely dignity, as by the one your ht^mefs defires id 
know the true caufe of my baniihment, and ofiers unto me 
all favour if I fliould be innocent of the heinous z&s com- 
mitted in the perfon of your hufband of good memory, fe 
by the other the faid ambaflador is willed to declare onto 
mc, if your huiband's murder could be laid juftly agaisft 

me. 



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inc, that you could not folicit in my caufcj ncithct yet foi 
any perfon that was participant of that execrable fa£l^ 
but would feek the revenge thereof, when you fliould 
have any means to do it j your majefty's offer^ if I be in- 
nocent of that crime, is mod favourable, and your de- 
fire to know the truth of the fame is moft equitable ; and 
therefore that I fliould with all my fimplicity, fincerity and 
truth anfwer thereunto is moft reafonable, to the end that 
your princely dignity may be my help, if my innocence 
ihall fuffidently appear, and procure my comdemnation^ 
}f I be culpable in any matter, except in the knowledge of 
the evil difpofed minds of the moft part of your nobility 
againft your faid huft)and, and not revealing of it; which I 
am affured was fuffidently known to himfelf, and to all that 
had judgment never fo little in that realm ; which alfo I 
was conftrained to underftand, as he, that was fpecially 
employed betwixt the earl Morton, and a good number 
of your nobility, that they might with all humility inter- 
cede at your majefty's hand for his relief, in fuch matters 
as are more fpecially contained in the declaration follow- 
ing, which I am conftrained for my own juftification, by 
this letter to call to your majefty's remembrance. Not- 
"withftanding that I am aflured, to my grief, the reading 
thereof will not fmally ofiend your princely mind. It 
may pleafe your majefty to remember, that in the year of" 
God 1566, the faid earl of Morton, with divers other 
nobility and gent, were declared rebels to your majefty^ 
and baniflied your realm for infolent murder committed 
in your majefty's own chamber, which they alledged was 
done by command of your huft>and, who notwithftanding 
affirmed that he was compelled by them to fubfcribe the 
warrant given for that effe£l, howfoever the truth of thaf 
matter remains amongft them, it appertains not to m6 
at this time to be curious ; true it is that I was one of that 
number, that heavily offended againft your majefty, and 
pafled into France the time of our banifliment, at the de- 
fire of the reft, to humbly pray your brother the moft 
Chriftian king to intercede that our offences might be par- 
doned, and your majefty's clemency extended towards U6, 
albeit divers of no fmall reputation, in that realm, was 
of the opinion, that the faid h£k merited neither to be re^ 
quifite for. not yet pardoned. Always fuch was the care* 
ful mind of his majefty towards the quietnefs of that realm, 
that the dealing in that caufe was comoiitted to Monar* 

Mm a it 



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53* APPENDIX; 

ie Movifir, who was dcr&^ed at that time to go mtD Scct« 
land, to congratulate the happy birth of your fion, whom 
Almighty God of hi« goodtiefs may long prcferve in happy 
cftatc and perpetual felicity 5 the careful travail of the dud 
de Movifir was fo effectual, and your majeftT's mind b 
Inclined to mercy, that within ftiort fpace tacreaftcr, I 
was permitted to repair in Scotland, to deal with cals 
Murray, Athol, Bodwel, Arguile, and fccretary Lcdinp 
ton, in the name and behalf of the faid earl Mofxtoiit kxdi 
, Reven, Lindfay, and remanent complefis, that they might 
make offer in the names of the faid earl, of any matter that 
might fatisfy your rtajefty*s wrath, and procure your de- 
m'cncy to be extended in their favours 5 at my coming to 
them, after I had opened the tffcGt of ray mefla^/ they 
^declared that the marriage betwixt you and yoiir K*'fl«~< 
bad been the occafion already of great evil in that realn, 
and if your hufband fhould be fuflSnred to follow the iqK 
petite and mind of fuch as was about him, tint kind of 
dealing might produce with time worfe efibfts 5 fear h^ 
ing of fuch inconvenience that might (all out by that kind 
t)f deahng, they had thought it convenient to join them- 
felvcs in league and band with fome other noblemen^ le- 
folved to obey your majcfty as their natural fovcreign, anl 
have nothing to do with your hufband's command whatfi>- 
cver, if the iaid earl would for himfelf enter into that band 
and confederacy with them, they could be contezu to 
humbly requeft and travel by all means widi your majcftf 
for his pardon, but before they could any farther proceed, 
they delired to know the faid earl's mind herein ; wbn I 
had anfwcred, that he nor his friends, at my departnre^ 
could not know that any fuch like matter would be pr»- 
ponit, and therefore was not inftrufted what to anfiver 
therein, they defired tjiat I fliould return fuffidently ts- 
ftru£led in this matter to Sterling, before the baptifmcf 
your fon, whom God might preferve ; this meflage was 
faithfully delivered to me at Newcaftlc in England^ what 
the faid earl then remained, in prefence of hisiH^ds and 
company, where they all condefcended to have no far- 
ther dealing with your hufband, and to enter into tk 
faid band. With this deliberation I returned to Ster* 
ling, where at the requeft of the moft Cbriftian kingatfi 
the queen's majcfty of England by their ambafiadors ]pe- 
fent, your majetty's gracious pardon was granted unto than 
all| under condition always that they fhould nonain banilii- 

cd 



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APPENDIX. §^ 

cd -forth of the realm, the fpacc of two years, and farther 
during your majefty's pleafurc, which limitation was after 
mitigated it the humble requeft of your own nobility, fo 
that immediately after the faid earl of Morton repaired in- 
to Scotland to Quhittingaime, where the earl of Bodvcll 
and fecretary Ledington come to him ; what fpeech paiied 
there amongft them, as God fhall be my judge, I knew 
nothing at that tinte, but at their departure I was requeft- 
cd by the faid edrl Morton to accompany tlie earl Bod* 
veil and fecretary to Edinburgh, and to return with fiich 
anfwer as they feould obtain of your majefty, which be- 
ing given to me by the faid perfcms, as God (hall be my 
judge, was no other than thcfe words, " Scbaw to the 
** carl Morton that the queen will hear no fpeech of that 
•* matter appointed imto him :" when I crafit that the 
anfwer might be made more fenfible, fecretary Ledington 
faid, that die earl would fufficiently underftand it, albeit 
few or none at-that time underftand what pafled amonglt 
them. It 18 known to all men, als veil! be raiUihg let- 
ters pafled betwixt the faid earl and Ledington when they 
become in divers fa£Hons, as alfb ane buck fet furth it by 
the minifters wherein they affirm that the earl of Mor- 
ton has confeficd to them, before his death, that the carl 
Bodvell came to Quhittingairtie to prepon. the calling' 
away oflF the king your hufband, to the which propor- 
tion the faid earl of Morton affirms that he could give no 
anfwer unto fuch time he might know your majefty's 
mind therein, which he never received. As to the abo- 
minable murder, it is known too by the depofition3 of 
many perlbns that were executed to the death for the corn* 
mitting thereof, that the fame was executed by them, and 
dt the command of fuch of the nobility, as had fubfcriyit 
band for that effe£b -, by this unpleafant dechration, th^ 
moft part thereof known to yourfelf, and the remainder 
may be undcrftood by the afort"faid witneflcs that was ex- 
amined in torture, and that arc extant in the cuftody of 
the ordinary judges in Scotland, my innocency, fo far as 
may concern any faft, does appear Sufficiently to your ma- 
jefty. And as for my dealing afore faid, I can be no other- 
"wifc charged dierein, but as what would accufe the veflel 
that ptefervcs the wine from harm, for the intempcrancy 
of fuch as immoderately ufe the Came, As for the fpe- 
cial caufe of my banifliment, I think the fame has pro- 
^«eded upon ane opinion conceived^ that I was able to ac<- 

JlA m 3 cufc 



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5J4 APPENDIX. 

cufc the carl of Morton of fo much matter as they alledgd 
himfelf to have confefled before he died, and would not 
be induced, for lofs of reputation, to perform any part 
thereof. If this be the occafion of my trouble, as I fup- 
pofe it is, what punifhment I ihould deferve, I remit me 
to your majefty's better judgment, who well knows hov 
careful ever ilk gentleman (hould be of his fame, reputa- 
tion and honour^ and how far ever ilk man (hould abhor 
the name of a paltroun, and how indecent it wouU 
have been to me to accufe the earl of Morton, being fo 
near of his kin, notwithftanding all the injuries I wis 
conilrained to receive at his hand all the time of his go- 
vernment, and for no other caufe, but for (hewing of par- 
ticular friendihip to particular friends in the time of the 
laft cruel troubles in Scotland. Sorry I be now to accufe 
him in any matter being dead, and more forry that being 
on lyff, be fuch kind of dealing obtained that name of 
Ingrate. Always for my own part I have* been baniihed 
my native country thofe three years and four months, liv- 
ing in anxiety of mind, my hoU guds in Scotland, which 
were not fmall, intermittit and depofit upon, and has 
continually fince the time I w^s relieved out of' my laft 
troubles at the defire of mons^ de Movifir, attended to 
know your majeft/s pleafure, and to wait upon what 
fervice it (hould pleafc your majefty for to command. Up- 
on the 8th of April inft. your good friend fecretary Wal- 
fmghame has declared unto me, that her highnefs dio't 
it expedient that I (hould retire myfelf where I pleafed, I 
declared unto him I had no means whereby I mightperfonn 
that defire, till fuch time as I (hould receive it from your 
majefty. Neither knew I where it would pleafe your high- 
nets to dircA me, until fuch time as I (hould have received 
further information from you. Upon this occalion, and 
partly by premiflion, I have taken the hardrefs to write 
this prefent letter, whereby your majefty may underftaod 
any part of my troubles paft, and ftrait prefent. As to 
my intention future, I will never deny that I am fully rc- 
folved to fpend the reft of my days in your majefty's fcr- 
vice, and the king your fon's, wherefoever I (hall be di- 
refted by your majefty, and for the better performing 
thereof, if fo (hall be her majefty*s pleafure, to recom- 
mend the tryal of my innocency, and examination of the 
verity of the preceding narration, to the king your £cm, 
ifflih rcqueft that I maY be pardoned for fuch offences as 

concemeil 



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APPENDIX. 535 

concerned your majefty*8 fervice, and var common to all 
meii the time of his les aige and perdonic to all, except to 
me, I (hould be the bearer thereof my felf, and be dire£ted 
in whatfoever fervice it (hould pleafe your majefly for to 
command. Mod humble I befeech your majefty to con- 
fider hereof, and to be fo gracious as to give order, that 
I may have means to ferve your majefty according to the 
Cncerity of my meaning, and fo expefting vour majefty's 
aufwcr, after the kiffing your hand with all humility, I 
take leave from London. 



No. XV- (Vol. 11. p. 154.) 
A letter from fir Amias Paulct. 

SIR, 

I Did forbear according to your direftion fignified in origin. 
your letters of the fourth ot this prefent, to proceed to Caic.9. 
the execution of the contents of Mr. Waadc*8 letters un« 
to you, for the difperfing of this lady's unnecefTary fer- 
vants, aud for the feafing of her money, wherein I was 
bold to write unto you my fimple opinion (although 'in 
vain as it now falleth out), by my letters of the 7th of 
this inftant, which I doubt not are with you before this 
time ; but upon the receipt of your letters of the .jth^ 
which came not unto my hands until the 8th in the even- 
ing, by reafon, as did appear by indorfement, that they 
had been millaken, and were fent back to Windfor, after 
they were entered into the way towards me; I conGder- 
cd, that being accompanied only by my own fervants,* it 
might be thought that they would be intreated to fay as I 
would command them, and therefore I thought good, 
for my better difchargc in thefe money matters, to crave 
the affiftance of Mr. Richard Baggot, who repairing un- 
to me the next morning, we had accefs to this queen, 
whom we found in her bed, troubled after the old man- 
ner with a defluxion, which was fallen down into the fide 
of her neck, and had bereft her of the ufe of one of her 
hands, unto whom I declared, that upon occafion of her 
former pra£lifes, doubting left (he would perfift therein 
by corrupting underhand fomc bad members of this ftate, 
I was exprefly commanded to take her money into my 
J^aods^ and to reft anfwerable for it^ when it fliall be re- 
M m 4 quired j 



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^tf APPENDIX. 

quired ; advifmg her to delirer the faid money unto me 
with quietnefs. After many denials, many exclamations^ 
and many bitter words againft you (I fay nothing of her 
railing againft myfelf ), with flat affirmation that her ma* 
Jefty might have her body, but her heart (he ihould nerer 
have, refufmg to deliver the key of the cabinet, I called 
tny fervants, and fent for barrs to break open the door, 
whereupon (he yielded, and caufing the door to be opened, 
tibund there in the coffers, mentioned in Mr. Waadc's re- 
membrance, five rolls of canvas, containing five thoufand 
French crowns, and two leather bags, whereof the one 
had, in gold, one hundred and -four pounds two (hillings, 
and the other had three pounds in (ilver, which bag of fil- 
ver was left with her, affirming that (he had no more mo- 
ney in this, houfe, and that (he was indebted to her fer- 
Curie can vants for their wages. Mr. Waade*8 note maketh men- 
tell you the tion of 3 rolls left in Curie's chamber, wherein, no doubt, 
TOturf ^' he was mifreckoned, which is evident as well by the tcftt 
monies and oaths of diverfe perfons, as alfo by probabk 
conjedures ; fo as in truth we found only two rolls, every 
of which containeth one thoufand crowns, which was this 
queen's guifte to Curie's wife at her marriage. There is 
found in Naw's chamber, in a cabinet, a chain worth by 
. eftimation one hundred pounds, and in money, in <Mie 
bag nine hundred pounds, in a fecond bag two hundred 
fourfcore and fix pounds eighteen (hillings* All the fore^ 
faid parcels of money are beftowed in bags, and feakd 
by Mr. Richard Bagot, faving five hundred pounds of 
Naw*s money, which I refervc in my hands, for the uie 
of this houfiiold, and may be re))ayed at London, \i4Kre 
her majefty (hall appoint, out of the money received 
lately by one of my fervants, out of the Exchequer. I 
feared left the people might have difperfed this money la 
all this time, or have hidden the fame in fome fccret cor- 
ners ; for doubt whereof I had caufed all this queen's 
family, from the higheft to the loweft, to be guarded in 
the fevcral places where I found them, fo as yff I had not 
found the money with quietnefs, I had been forced to 
have fearch firft all their lodgings, and then their own 
perfons. I thank God with all my heart, as for a Angu- 
lar bleffing, that that falleth out fo well, fearing left a 
contrary fuccefs might have moved fome bard conceks 
in her majefty. 

Touching 



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APPENDIX. 537 

Touching the difperfing of this queen's fenranls^ I 
truft I have done fo much, as may fufficc to fatisfy her 
majefty for the time, wherein I could not take any tbfolutc 
courfe, until I heard again from you, partly becaufe her 
majefty, by Mr. Waade's letter, doth refer to your confi«- 
deration to return fuch as (hall be difcharged to their feve- 
ral dwellings and countries, wherein, as it fccmeth, you 
have forgotten to deliver your opinion j partly, for that as 
yet, I have received no anfwer from you, of your refolution, 
.upon the view of the Scottifh family fcnt unto you, what 
perfons you will appoint to be difmift ; only this I have 
done, I have beftowed all fuch as are mentioned in this 
bill inclofed in three or four feveral rooms as the fame 
may fuffice to contain them, and that their meat and drink 
(hall be brought unto them by my fcrvants. It may pleafe 
you, to advertife me by your next letters, in what fort, 
and for what courfe, I (hall make their paflports, as alfo, 
if they (hall fay that they are unpaid of their wages, what 
fhall I do therein. Yt is faid that thev have been ac- Thlshdj 
cuftomed to be paid of their wages at Chriftmas, for the ^^ ^?^ 
whole year. Her majefty's charge will be fomcwhat di- neSTat^prST 
minifhed by the departure of this people, and my charge fcnt 'm tl» 
by this occafion will be the riiore eafy. But the perfons, ^*^*J 
all fave Baftian, are fuch (illy and (imple fouls, as there dw^iaildi, 
was no great caufe to fear their pra^iices, and upon this 
ground, I was of opinion, in my former letters, that all 
this difmiflcd train (hould have followed their miftrefs 
until the next remove, and there to have been difcharged 
upon the fudden, for doubt that the faid remove .might be 
delayed, yf (he did fear, or expeft any hard meafure. 

Others (hall excufe their fooli(h pity as they may j but 
for my part, I renounce my part of the joys of heaven, yf 
In any thing that I have faid, written, or done, I have 
had any other refpe£k than the furtherance of her ma- 
jefty's fervice j and fo I (hall moft earncftly pray you to af- 
firm for me, as likewife for the not feafing of the money r 
by Mr, Manners, the other commiflioners, and myfelf. I 
truft Mr. Waade hath anfwered, in all humble duties, for 
the whole company, that no one of ,us did fo much as 
think that our commiflion reaching only to the papers, wc 
might be bold to touch the money, fo as there was no 
fpeech of that all to my knowledge, and as yo6 know I 
vas no comxml&ona: in this fearch^ but had my hands fuU 

at 



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55» APPENDIX. 

at Tyxall, difcrcet fervants arc not haftily to deal in great 
matters, without warrant, and cfpccially where the cau(e 
is fuch as the delay of it carried no danger. 

Your advertifemcnt of that happy remove hath been 
greatly comfortable unto me. I will not fay, in refpccl 
of myfelf, becaufe my private intereft hath no meafure of 
comparifon with her majeily's fafety, and with the quiet 
of this realm. God grant a happy and fpeedy yflue to 
thefe good qnd godly counceis ; and fo I commit you to 
his merciful protcftion. From Chartley the loth of Sep- 
tember 1586, 

No. XVI. (Vol.11, p. 168.) 

Letter from the king of Scots to Mr. Archibald 
Douglafs his ambaflador in England, October, 
1486. 

0»t. Lib. "O ESERVE up yourfelf na langer in the eameft dealing 

Calig. c. 9. IV for my mother, for ye *havc done it too long ; and 

^ ITuw ^W"'^ "^^ ^^^^ ^"7 y°^^ travellis can do goode if hir life 

Irinf't be taken, for then adieu with my dealing with theimc that 

^^ are the fpecial inftruments thairof ; and theirfore, gif ye 

look for the contineuance of my favour towartis you, fpair 

na pains nor plainnes in this cace, but redde my letter 

wrcttin to Williame Keith, and conform yourfelf quhollie 

to the contentis thairof, and in this rcqueift let me reap 

the fruiftis of your great credit there, ather now or never, 

Fairwell. Oaober 1586. 

J-Ctter to fir William Keith, ambafladof in Eng- 
- land, probably from fecretary Maitland. Nov. 
ay, 1586. 

A copy ip JX^ J^^^ letters fent by tliis bearer (albeit concerning 

thecoll^^. ^ no pleafant fubjeft), his majefty conceives well of 

D k"^ ^v I ^^^^ earneftnefs and fidelity in your negotiations, as alfo 

a! ft)l. 219. *^f Mr* Archibald's aftivity and diligence, whom you fo 

greatly praifc and recommend, I wifli the iflue' corrc- 

fpond to his majefty's opinion, your care and travel!, 

and his |prcat diligence as you write. His majefty takes 

this rigorous prpceeding againft his mother deeply ia 

beart| 



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APPENDIX. 53J 

heart, as a mtitter greatly concerning him both in honoufi 
and otherwife. His highnefies actions and behaviour utter 
plainly not only how far nature prevails, but alfo how he 
apprehends of the fequel of that procefs, and of what mo- ^ 
ment he efteems it. There is an ambaflade (hortly to be 
<}ire£led, wherein will be employed an earl and two coun- 
fellors, on whofe anfwer will depend the continuance or 
diflblution of the amity and good intelligence between 
the princes of this ifle. In the mean feafon, if farther ex- 
tremity be ufed, and hismajefty's fuit andrequeft difdain- 
ed, his highnefs will think himfclf diflionoured and con- 
temned far befides his expeftation and deferts. Ye inay 
perceive his majefty's difpofition by his letter to you, 
which you (hall impart to Mr. Archibald, and both deal 
according thereto. I need not to recommend to your care^ 
concerning your mailer's fervice both in weill and in ho- 
nour. As you and your colleague ftall behave yourfelf 
in this behalf, fo for my own part, will I interpret your 
affe£tion to your matter. I am glad of that I hear of 
yourfelf, and I do fully credit that you write of Mr. Archi- 
bald, whofe friends here make great account of his pro« 
feiTed devotion to the queen, befides the duty he owes 
to the king's majefty her fon. Farther I am conftrained 
to remit to next occafion, having fcarce time to fcribble 
thefe few lines (which of themfelves may bear witnefs of 
my hafte). Wifliing you a profperous ifl'ue of your nego- 
ciation, I commit you, &c, Halyrudhoufe, Nov'. 27th, 
1586. 

The people, and all ettates here are fo far moved by 
the rigorous proceeding9 againtt the queen, that his ma- 
jefty, and all that have credit are importuned, and may 
not go abroad for exclamations againft them, and impre- 
cations againft the queen of England. 

No. XVII. (Vol.II. p. 171.) 

To the king's majefty, from Mr. Archibald 
Douglas. 

T>LEASE your majefty, I received your letter of the 16th 0£t 
* date the 28th of September, the 5th of Oftober, JJ^^ ^j^ 
Jwhich was the fame day that I direfted W". Murray original in 
towards your highnefs; by fuch letters as he carried, and the coUea. 
Rtlierii of fpyeral dates, your majefty majr percpive th^t I ^J^ y^^ 

had B. foL 324. 



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^40, APPENDIX. 

hid omitted nothing ib far as my travel might reach jxn* 
to, anent the performing of the two chief points contained 
the faid letter befbr the receipt thereof, which by tfaefe 
prefcnts I muft repeat for anfwering of the faidis. As to 
the firft, fo far as may concern the interceding for the 
queen your majefty's mother her life, I have divers times, 
and in every audience, travelled with this queen in that 
matter, fpecially to know what her full determination 
muft be in that point, and could never bring her to any 
farther aiiCwer, but that this proceeding agaiiSl her by or- 
der of jufticc was no lefs againfl: her mind, than againft 
th^W will that loved her beft : as towards her life (he could 
give no anfwer thereunto, until fuch time as the law hath 
declared whether flic was innocent or guilty. Herewithai 
it was her pleafure thus far to inform me, that it was a 
number of the aflbciants that eameftly preffed her that the 
iflw might proceed againft her, giving reafons that fo long 
is (he was fufiered to deal in matters, fo long would 
never this realm be in quiet, neither her life, neitfier this 
Rate in aflurance, tind in the end they ufed this protefta- 
tion, that if (he would not in this matter follow their ad- 
vice, that they (hould remain without all bfame whatfo- 
ever (hould fall out 5 whereupon (he had granted them 
liberty to proceed, left fuch as had made the requcft 
might hereafter have charged herfclf with inconvenient 
if any (hould happen. 

. Akd by myfelf I know this her fpeech to be true, be- 
caufe both papift and proteftant has behaved them, as it 
hath been her pleafure to declare, but upon divers rc- 
fpefls, the one to avoid fufpicion that otherwifc was con- 
ceived againft them, the other upon zeal, and care that they 
will be known to have for prefcrvation of their fovcrcign's 
life and ftate in this perilous time, upon con(}derati<»i 
whereof, I have been conftrained to enter into fomc deal- 
ing with both, wherewith I made her.majefty acquainted; 
the proteftants, and fuch as in other matters will be known 
to bear no fmall favour unto your majefty's fervice, hath 
prayed that they may be excufed from any dealing in the 
contrary of that, which by their oath they have avowed, 
and by their fpeech to their fovereign req^efted for, and 
that before my coming in this country ; if they (hould 
now otherwife do, it would produce no better cfieft but to 
make them fubjed to the accufation of their fovereign, 
when it iliould pleafe her to do it^ of their incoliftaiKy, 

in 



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APPENDIX. ^41 

in gmng council whctcby they might incur tbe'dahgfit 
of ill councellorS) and be confequent worthy of puniihmenti 
Such of the iNtpifts> as I did deal with» went immediate* 
ly, and told her majefty what I had fpoken to them, who 
albeit (he underftood the matter of before, fcnt for mc 
and declared to me my own fpeech that I had uttered to 
them, willing me for the weii of my maiiter's iervice to 
abftain from dealing with fuch, as were not yet fuffi* 
ciently moved to think of my mailer a* fiie did. I craved 
leave of, her majefty, that I might inform them of your 
coajefty's late behaviour towards her, and the ftate of this 
realm, whereunto with fome difficulty (he gave her con- 
fcnt. At my late departure from court, which was upon 
the 5th of this inftant, and the day after that the lords of 
this grand jury had taken their leaves of her majefty to go 
northward to Fotheringham, it was her pleafure to pro- 
inife to have farther fpeech in this matter at the returning 
cf the faid lords, and to give full anfwei; according to your 
xnajeft/s contentment to the remainder matters, that I 
had proponit in name of your majefty. As to the zi 
part concerning the afTociation, and defire that the pro* 
mifc made to the matter of Gray concerning your majefty's 
title may be fulfilled j it appears by the laid letter, thai 
the very point whereupon the queftion that may bring 
your majefty's title in doubt, hath not been rightly at the 
writing of the faid letter confidered, which I take to have 
.proceeded for lack of reading of the aft of parliament, 
wherein is fulfilled all the promife made by the queen to 
the faid matter, and nothing may now caufe any doubt to 
arife againft your faid title, except that an opinion ihould 
be conceived by thefe lords of this parliament that are fo 
vehement at this time againtt the queen your majcfty*s 
mother, that your majefty is, or may be proved hereafter 
afienting to her proceedings, and fome that love your ma- 
jefty's fervice were of that opinion that too earneft requeft: 
might move a ground, whereupon fufpicions might grow 
in men fo ill aflfeSed in that matter, which I tho't might 
be helped by obtaining of a declaration in parliament of 
your majefty's innocence at this time, and by.reafon that 
good nature and public honefty would conftrain you to io« 
tercede for thequeen your mother, which would carry with 
it£elf, withouf any further, fome fufpicion that might n^ove 
ill affefted men to doubt. In my former letters I humbly 
craved of your majefty that fome learned men in the laws 

might 



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54« APPENDIX- 

might be moved to advife with the words of the afibcfaH 
tion^ and the mitigation contained in the a£l of parlia-* 
ment) and withall to advife what fufpicious efie^ your 
majefty's requeft might work in thefe choleric men at this 
time, and how their minds might be beft moved to re- 
ceive reafon \ and upon all thefe confiderations they might 
have formed the words of a declarator of your majei^i 
innocence to be obtained in this parliament, and railing 
thereof, the vcrv words of a proteftation for the fame d^ 
fc£t that might oeft ferve for your majefty's fervice, and 
fol; my better information. Albeit this was my fimple 
opinion, I ih^l be contented to follow any dire^on it 
(hall pleafe your majefty to give; I have already opened 
the fubftance hereof to the queen of this realm, who 
feems not to be offended herewith, and hath granted li- 
berty to deal therein with fuch of the parliament as may 
remain in any doubt of mind. This being the fum oif 
my proceedings in this matter, befides the remainder, 
contained in other letters of feveral dates, I am conftrained 
to lay the whole open before your majefty, and to 
humbly pray that full information may be fent unto me 
what further to do herein ; in this middle time, while I 
fhall receive more ample dire£lion I (hall proceed and be 
doing according to fuch dircfiion as I have already re- 
ceived. And fo, moft gracious fovereign, wifhing unto 
your majefty all happy fuccefs in your afi^rs, I humbly 
take my leave from London, i6th of Oft', this 1586*. 
Your majefty's moft humble fubje<^ andobed^ fenrant* 

A memorial for his majefty by the maftcr of 

Gray. 

la Jan, |T will pleafe your majefty, I have tho*t meeter to fet 

1586. An 1 do^n all things as they occur, and all advertifements 

his own •« they come to my ears, then jointly m a lettre. 

hand in the I CAME to Vare the 24th of DcC, and fent to W"« 

firA%i«L ^^^^^ ^"^ ^^* Archibald Douglas to advertife the queen 

VeL A. of it, lik as they did at their audience. She promifc^ the 

foL laa. queen your majcfty*s mother's life fliould be fpared till 

Ve were heard. The 27th they came to Vare to mc, 

the which day Sir Robt. came to Vare, where they (hewed 

us how far they had already gone in their negociation, 

but for that the difcourfe of it is fet down in our general 

Iptter, 1 remit me to it, only this .far. I will tcftily unco 

I your 



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APPENDIX. J43f 

your majcfty thaj Wm. Keith hath* ufcd himfclf right ha^ 
ncftly and wifely till our coming, rcfpefting all circum- 
ftanceSi and chiefly his colleague his dealing, which indeed 
is not better than your majefty knows already. 

The 29th day of Dcc^ we came to London, where 
we were no ways friendly received, nor after the honeft 
fort it has pleafed your majcfty ufe her ambafladors ; never 
man fent to welcome or convey us. The fame day wc 
underftood of Mr. de Bellievre his leave taking, and for 
that the cuftom permitted not we fent our excufes by Mr. 
George, Young. 

The I ft day of Jany. Wm, Keith and his colleague 
according to the cuftom fent to crave our audience. We 
received the anfwer contained in the general ktter, and 
could not have anfwer till the 6th day, whaf was done 
that day your majefty has it in the general, yet we was 
not out 01 efperance at that time, albeit we received hard 
anfwers. 

The 8th day we fpeak with the earl of Leicefter, where 
our conference was, as is fct down in the general. I re- 
marked this, that he that day faid plainly the detaining 
of the queen of Scotland prifoner was for that (he pre- 
tended a Tucceffion to this crown. Judge then by this 
what is tho't of your majefty, as ye ihall hear a little 
after. 

The 9th day we fpeak with the French ambaflador, 
whom we found very plain in making to us a wife difcourfe 
of all hisj)roceedings, and Mr. de Bellievre we thanked 
him in your majcfty's name, and opened fuch things as we 
had to treat with this queen, fave the laft point, as more 
largely fet down by our general. 

It is tho't here, and fome friends of your majeft/s ad- 
vifed me, that Bellievre his negociation was not cfl^eflual, 
and that the refident was not privy to it, as indeed I 
think is true, for fince Bellievre his perting, there is a talk 
of this Chafteauneuf his fervants taken with his whole 
papers and pacquets, which he was fending in France, for 
that they charge him with a confpiracy of late againft the 
queen here her Ufe. It is alledged his fervant has con- 
fefled the matter, but whom I (hall truft I know not, 
-but till I fee proof I (hall account him an honeft man, 
for indeed fo he appean, and one (without doubt) who 
hath been very inftant in this matter. I (hew him that the 
queen and earl of Leicefter had defured to fpeak with me 

in 



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^44 APPENDIX, 

ia {)ri^ale, ;ind erlved Kb bpiniofl; he gavb it fr^j tbat 
he tho't it mecteft, I flicw him the reafon why I commu- 
nicate that to htm, for tliat I had been fufpc^d by fome 
of her majefty's friends in France to have done evil oiBcet 
in her fgrvice, that he fliould be my witneft that my camcft 
stealing in this (hould be a fufficient teillmony that all wat 
lyes, and that this knave Nauc who now had betrayed her, 
bad in that done evil offices ; he defired me^ feeing Ihe faw 
only with other folks eyes, that I ihould no ways impute 
it to her, for the like (he had done to himfelf by Naue his 
perfuafion. I anfwered he (hould be my witnefs in that. 

The ptb day we fent to court to crave audience, which 
we got die lothtiav *, at the firft, (he faid a thing long 
looked for fliould oe welcome when it comes, I wouU 
now (ee your matter's offers. I anfwered, no man makes 
ofiers but for fome caufe ; we would, and like your ma- 
jefty, firft know the caufe to be extant for which wc ofier, 
and likewife that it be extant till your majefty has heard 
us. I think it be extant yet, but I will not promife for an 
hoi^, but you think to (hift in that fort. I anfwered we 
mind not to (hift, but to offer from our fovereign all things 
that with reafon may be. ; and in fpecial, we ofiered as is 
fet down in our general, all was refufed and tho*t nothing. 
She called on the tliree that were in the houfe, the eail 
of Leicefter, my lord admiral, and chamberlain, and very 
defpitefully repeated all our ofiers in prefenceof them alL 
I opened the lad part, and faid. Madam, for whst refped is 
it that men deal againft your perfon or eftate for her caufe? 
She anfwered, becaufe Uiey mink (ho (hall fucceed to me, 
and for that (he is a papift ; appearingly faid I both the 
caufes may be removed, (he faid (be would be ^ad to on* 
derftand it. If, Madam, faid I, all that (he has of r^ht 
of fucceffion were in the king our fovercign^s perfon, were 
not all hope of papifts removed i She anfwered,. I hope 
fo. Then, madam, I think the queen his mother ihaH 
willingly demit all her rights in his perfon» She anfwered 
ihe hath no right, for (he is declared unhabil. Then I 
faid, if (he have no right, appearingly the hope ceafes al- 
ready, fo that it is not to be feared that any man attempt 
for her. The queen anfwered, but the papifts aUow not 
our declaration ^ then let it fall, fays I, in the king's per- 
fon by her adignation. The earl of Leicefter anfwered^ 
fee is a prifoncr, and how can (he demit ? lanfwered thrde- 
msi&on is to her hn, by the advice of all the friends (he 

4 has 



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APPENDIX. 

has in Europe, and in cafe, as God* forbid, that any 'at- 
tempt cuttis the queen here away, who fliall party with 
her to prove the dcmiflion or allignation to be inefFeftual, 
her fon being oppofite party and having all the princes her 
friends for him, having bonded for the efficacy of it with 
his majefty of before. The qnten made as flie could not 
comprehend my meanmg, and fir Rob^ opened the matter 
again, flie yet made as tho' flie underftood not. So the 
carl of Leicefter anfwered that our meaning was, that 
the king (hould be put in his mother's place. Is it fo, the 
queen anfwered, then I put myfelf in a worfe cafe than of 
before ; by God's paffion, that were to cut my own throaty 
and for a dutchy, or an earldom to yoUrfelf, you or fuch 
as you would caufe fome of your defperate knaves kill me. 
No, by God, he fliall never be in that place. I anfwered, 
he craves nothing of your majefty but only of his mother. 
The carl of Leicefter anfwered that were to make him 
party to the queen my miftrefs. I faid, he will be far 
more party, if he be in her place thro' her death. She 
would ftay no longer, but faid ihe fliould not have a worfe 
in his mother's place. And faid, tell your king what 
good I have done for him in holding the crown on his 
head fince he was bom, and that I mind to keep the league 
that now ftands between us, and if he break it fhall be 
^ double fault, and with this minded to have bidden us 
a farewell 5 but we atchevit [i. e. finifhed arguing upon 
this point]. And I fpake craving of her that her life may 
be fpared for 15 days ; flie refufed. Sir Rob^ craved for 
only eight days, flie fatid not for an hour ; and fo geid her 
away. Your majefty fees we have delivered all we had 
for offers, but all is for nothing, for flie and her councel 
has laid a determination that they mind to follow forth, and* I 
fee it comes rather of her councel than herfclf, which I Kke 
the worfe; for without doubt, fir, it fliall cut ofF all friend- 
fliip ye had here. Altho' it were that once they had mean- 
. cd well to your majefty, yet remembering themfelves, that 
they have medled with your -mother's blood, good fai