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OP - ; 













TO 15 NOVEMBER 1795. 

15 NOVEMBER 1795 TO 5 MAY 1797. 




Opinions of each other held by English people and Dutch colonists of 
South Africa — Conciliatory measures adopted by the English com- 
manders — Submission of the burghers of the districts of Stellenbosch 
and Swellendam — ^Appointment of Major-General Craig as ' command- 
ant of the town and settlement of the Cape of Good Hope * — Refusal 
of the burghers of the district of Graaff-Reinet to submit to the new 
government — Employment of Hottentots as soldiers — Submission of 
the burghers of Graaff-Beinet — Efforts of Jan Pieter Woyer to obtain 
French assistance for the republican party — The luckless voyage of 
the Haoifje — Events at Delagoa Bay in 1796-7 — Capture of a Dutch 
fleet of war in Saldanha Bay — Character of General Craig's admini- 
stration — Creation of more paper money — Appointment of the earl of 
Macartney as governor — His arrival in South Africa — Character of the 
administration of Lord Macartney — Regulations concerning com- 
merce — ^Alterations in the courts of justice — Assumption of duty by 
Mr. F. R. Bresler as landdrost of Graaff-Beinet— Tour of Messrs. Bresler 
and Barrow among the Kosas in the Zuurveld — Account of the Kosa 
chief Gaika— Visit of Messts. Bresler and Barrow to Ghiika — Establish- 

VI History of South Africa 


ment of the first post>office in the colony — Proclamation defining the 
eastern and northern boundaries — Expedition for the purpose of taking 
possession of harbours on the western coast — Prices of bread and 
meat — Statistics of trade, revenue, and shipping — Establishment of a 
church at Swellendam — Mutiny in the fleet of war on the Cape station, 
and its suppression — Return to England of Lord Macartney on account 
of ill-health 1 






1801 TO 20 FEBRUARY 1803. 

Great fire in Capetown — Insurrection of a party of farmers in Graaff- 
Reinet — Its suppression by General Vandeleur — Invasion of the colony 
by a horde of Kosas under the chief Ndlambe — Attack on British 
troops by the people of Cungwa — Massacre of a party of soldiers — In- 
siirrection of Hottentots in the district of Graaff-Reinet — Progress of 
the war with the Kosas and Hottentots — Establishment of a kind of 
truce by Mr. H. Maynier — Erection of Fort Frederick at Algoa Bay — 
Appointment of Mr. Maynier as commissioner for the districts of 
Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet — Account of the Namaqua captain 
Afrikaner — Dealings with Bushmen on the northern frontier — Estab- 
lishment of missions by the London Society — Shipwrecks in Table 
Bay — Arrival of Governor Sir George Yonge — Trial of the leading 
European insurgents of Graaff-Reinet -Creation of an agricultural 
department of the Cape government — Bad seasons and consequent 
scarcity of grain — Commencement of the publication of a Oorernment 
Oatette — Unpopularity of Sir George Yonge — His recall — Assumption 
of duty as acting governor by Major-General Dundas — Inquiry into Sir 
George Yonge's conduct^Scandalous disclosures regarding his ad- 
ministration—Condition of the district of Graaff-Reinet— Armed 
opposition to the commissioner Maynier — Recall of Maynier — Resump- 
tion of open hostilities with the Kosas and Hottentots — Death in 
battle of Commandant Tjaart van der Walt — Conclusion of peace with 
the Kosas and Hottentots — Expedition to the Betshuana country — 
Fall of rock from Table Mountain — Ecclesiastical mattere— Pre- 
liminary articles of peace between Fiance and England, providing 
for the restoration of the Cape Colony to the Batavian Republic — 

Gontenis vii 


Form of goyemment of the colony decided upon by the states-general 
— Signing of the treaty of Amiens — Appointment of Mr. J. A. de Mist 
as high commissioner and of General J. W. Janssens as governor — 
Troops destined for the garrison of the colony — Arrival of the 
Batavian officials — Arrangements for the transfer of the colony — 
Delay caused by orders from. England— Completion of the transfer . . 3$ 



1803 TO 26 SEPTEMBER 1804. 


ARMY 18 JANUARY 1806. 

Installation by Commissioner-Greneral De Mist of officials of the new 
government — Grant of an amnesty to ^political offenders — Release of 
the Graaff-Reinet prisoners — ^Toor of General Janssens — Arrangements 
with the Hottentots and Kosas — Intelligence of the outbreak of war 
in Europe — Reduction of the garrison at the Cape — Confiscation of 
property belonging to the English East India Company — Toiir of 
Commissioner-General De Mist — Partition of the colony into six districts 
instead of four — Formation of drostdies at Uitenhage and Tulbagh — 
Efforts of Mr. Gysbert Earel van Hogendorp to send out colonists 
from the Netherlands — Appointment of a commission to make im- 
provements in agriculture and stockbreeding — Issue of an ordinance 
granting full religious toleration — Ecclesiastical matters — Attempt to 
establish public schools — Alteration of the marriage law — Selection of 
a coat-of -arms for Capetown — Issue of more paper-money — Jealousy 
of French influence entertained by the government — Return to 
Europe of Commissioner-General De Mist — Establishment of posts be- 
tween Capetown and the various drostdies — Resolution regarding a 
new northern boundary of the colony — Duties and powers of district 
officers — Expedition to the Batlapin country — Report upon the London 
missionary society's stations at Zak River and north of the Orange — 
Shipwrecks in Table Bay — Census returns — Condition of the colony at 
the close of 1805— Expedition sent from England against the Cape 
Colony — Landing of the English army under Major-General Baird on 
the Blueberg beach — Composition of the army under General Janssens 
— Battle of Blueberg — Defeat of the Batavian forces — Retirement of 
General Janssens with the remnant of his army to the mountains of 
Hottentots-Holland — Capitulation of Capetown— Scarcity of flour and 
wheat — Measures adopted by General Baird — ^Negotiations with 
General Janssens — C^itulation of the Dutch army — Departure of 
General Janssens for Holland 80 

viii History of South Africa 



1806 TO 17 JANUARY 1807. 


17 JANUARY TO 21 MAY 1807. 


22 MAY 1807, RETIRED 4 JULY 1811. 





Property regarded as spoil of war— Confiscation of the effects of the 
South AMcan chartered fishing company — Changes in the civil service 
— Capture of a French frigate in Table Bay— Scarcity of grain — 
Repeal of the marriage ordinance of Mr. De Mist — Form of govern- 
ment — Staff of officials sent from England — Arrival of the earl of 
Caledon as governor — Formation of a court of appeal in criminal cases 
— Matters relating to slaves — Appointment of deputy landdrosts of 
Tulbagh and Swellendam — Creation of the district of George — 
Appointment of a landdroet and heemraden for the Cape district 
— Unfortunate exploring expedition of Doctor Cowan and Lieutenant 
Donovan — Formation of a bank of discount — Increase of the paper 
currency — Establishment of the Moravian mission station of Mamre — 
Opinions concerning the London society's station of Bethelsdorp — 
Investigations by Lieutenant-Colonel Collins — Condition of the Kosa 
' tribe — Matters relating to the Hottentots — Erratic conduct of the 
reverend Doctor Halloran — Conquest of the island of Mauritius — 
Shocks of earthquake in Capetown — New system of water leadings 
through the principal streets of Capetown — Retirement of the earl of 
Caledon — Arrival of Governor Sir John Cradock — Particulars con- 
cerning the Kosas in the Zuurveld — Massacre of Landdrost Stocken- 
strom and a party of farmers — Expulsion of the Kosas from the 
Zuurveld — Foundation of Grahamstown — Establishment of deputy 
landdrosts at Cradock and Grahamstown — Outbreak of small-pox in 
Capetown — Establishment of a circuit court — The black circuit — 
Alteration of the land tenure — Tour of the governor — Establishment 
of free schools in Capetown— Enactment concerning slaves — 
Ecclesiastical matters — Particulars concerning new mission stations 
— Changes in the civil departments — Information concerning the 
Batlapin and the Griquas — Retirement of Sir John Cradock — Arrival 
of Lord Charles Somerset as governor — Revolution in the Netherlands 
— Cession of the Gape Colony to Great Britain by the sovereign princo 
of the Netherlands 1 27 

Contents ix 




Particulars concerning Lord Cliarles Somerset — Establishment of the 
Somerset farm — Management of the experimental farm at Groote Post 
— Improvement in the breed of horses — ^Commencement of an ocean 
mail packet service — Loss of the Amition and of the Amsterdam — 
Sstablishment by the widow MoUer of a sustenance fund for old 
women in indigence and of the South African orphan house — Salaries 
of the civil servants — Condition of the Hottentot regiment — Insurrection 
of a party of frontier farmers — Occupation of the islands of Tristan da 
Cunha as a dependency of the Cape Colony — Depredations by Kosas — 
Interview of Lord Charles Somerset with Gaika and other Kosa chiefs 
— Arrangements concerning compensation for thefts and commercial 
intercourse — Establishment of a mission station on the Kat river — 
Reprisal for theft upon a Kosa kraal — Reduction of the military force 
on the frontier — Progress of the feud between Gaika and Ndlambe — 
Battle of Amalinde — The fifth Kaffir war — Attack upon Grahamstown 
— Destruction of Ndlambe's power — New boundary of Kaffirland — 
Construction of Fort Willshlre — New system of checking Kaffir 
depredations — Arrival of a few British immigrants — Creation of the 
districts of Simonstown and Beaufort — Foundation of the village of 
Worcester — Opening of a coasting trade with Port Beaufort and the 
Knysna — Establishment of an asylum for lepers — Ecclesiastical 
matters — Census returns — Powers of different courts of justice — 
Departure of Lord Charles Somer^t for England on leave of absence 
— Assumption of duty as acting governor by Sir Rufane Shawe Donkin 176 



13 JANUARY 1820 TO 30 NOVEMBER 1821. 


Arrival of a large number of British settlers— Foundation of the village of 
Bathurst — Formation of the district of Albany — Plans of Sir Rufane 
Donkin to occupy the country between the Fish and Keiskama rivers 
— Causes of ill-feeling between Sir Bufane Donkin and Lord Charles 
Somerset — Overturning of Sir Rufane Donkin's measures by Lord 
Charles Somerset — Distress of the British settlers — Proclamation for- 
bidding public meetings — Sstablishment of fairs at Fort Willshire — 

IV. a 

History of South Africa 


Introduction of a party of Irish labourers — Proclamation concerning 
the law of inheritance — Great flood in the eastern districts — Improve- 
ment in the condition of the British settlers — Proclamation making 
English the official language of the colony — Arrival of commissioners 
of inquiry — Creation of a council of advice to aid the governor — 
Scheme to divide the colony into two nearly independent provinces — 
Ordinance fixing the value of the paper rixdollar at one shilling and 
sixpence English money — Effects of this measure — Extension of 
the colony— Creation of the district of Somerset — Occupation of the 
land between the Fish and Koonap rivers — Establishment of a hos- 
pital, a commercial exchange, a public library, and a museum in 
Capetown, of an observatory near the town, and of a lighthouse at 
Green Point — Construction of a road through the Drakenstein 
mountains at the pass behind French Hoek — Arrival of the first 
steamship in Table Bay — Ecclesiastical and educational matters — 
Causes of Lord Charles Somerset's unpopularity — Pecuniary difficulties 
of the colony — Cases of Lieutenant-Colonel Bird and Mr. Bishop 
Burnett — Events connected with the establishment and suppression of 
an independent newspaper — Case of Messrs. Thomas Pringle and John 
Fairbairn — Case of William Edwards — Case of Captain Carnall — 
Abusive placards — Case of Mr. Launcelot Cooke — Case of the reverend 
William Geary — Return to England of Lord Charles Somerset on leave 
of absence — Assumption of duty as acting governor by Major-General 
Richard Bourke — Resignation of his office by Lord Charles Somerset — 
Proceedings in the house of commons in reference to the complaints 
against him . 23^ 




Comjwirihon of the Bantu tribes of the interior with those livinp alonp: the 
coast — Rise of the Zulu chief Tshaka— Account of the chief Dingi- 
swayo — Formation of Tshaka*s army — Wars of extermination carried 
on by the Zulus— Account of the Tembu tribe — Invasion of the Tembu 
country by a horde of fugitives under the chief Ma^likane — Defeat 
and death of Madikane — Origin of the Finpos— Account of the Hluhi 
tribe— Devastation of the country between the sources of the Caledon 
and the Vaal — Terrible destruction of life by the Mantati honle — 
Devastation of the country along the Caledon — Rise of the liasuto 
chief Moshesh — Career of the Amangwane tril)c— Invasion of tlie 
Tembu country by the Amangwane — Flight of a Tembu elan into the 
Cape Colony — Invasion of the Tembu countrj- by a Zulu army — Defeat 
of the Amangwane by a colonial commando — Devastation of the 
Pondo country by a Zulu regiment — Settlement of the Batlokua trib« 

Contents xl 


Oh the upper Caledon — Growth of tlie Basuto tribe Under Moshesh— 
Account of the chief Moselekatse — Destructive career of the Matabele 
under Moaelekatse — Account of Griqua and Korana marauders — 
Settlement of missionaries of the Paris evangelical society with the 
Basuto under Moshesh — Account of the Barolong tribe — Settlement of 
Wesleyan missionaries with a clan of the Barolong — Occupation of 
land along the Caledon by various clans under guidance of Wesleyan 
missionaries . . 281 



1826 TO 9 SEPTEMBER 1828. 



10 AUGUST 1833 TO 16 JANUARY 1834. 

Successive English ministries— Alterations in the colonial courts of 
justice — Abolition of the boards of heemraden, and substitution of civil 
commissioners — Division of the colony into two provinces — Powers of 
the resident magistrates — Abolition of the burgher senate — Transfer 
of the district and town revenues to the colonial treasury — Alterations 
in the council of advice — Appointment of justices of the pea<;e — Dis- 
satisfaction of the burghers at the exclusive rights given to the English 
language— Reduction of the governor's salary — Sale of the estates 
Groote Post, Camp's Bay, and Newlands— Condition of the Bushmen 
and Hottentots — Ordinance placing these people on a political 
equality with Europeans — Account of the reverend Dr. Philip— Publi- 
cation of the book liesea/rches in South Africa — The libel case Mackay 
rerfus Philip— Arrival of governor Sir Lowry Cole— Dealings with 
Kaffir clans — Location of Hottentots in the upper valleys of the Kat 
river — Location of Europeans along the Eoonap river under a system 
of military tenure — Instructions by the secretary of state prohibiting 
the alienation of crown lands in any other manner than by public sale 
— Events connected with the liberation of the press from the control 
of the executive branch of the government — Alterations and improve- 
ments in Capetown — Establishment of savings banks — Foundation of 
the South African college — Formation of the villages of Malmesbury 

and Colesberg — Construction of the road over Sir Lowry's pass 

Retrenchment in public expenditure — Ravages by a robber band on 
the northern border — Ordinance concerning commandos — Its disallow- 
ance by the imperial government — Retirement of Sir Lowry Cole 

Temporary administration of Lieutenant-Colonel Wade — Arrival of 
Governor Sir Benjamin D'Urban 3;^0 

xii History of South Africa 



16 JANUARY 1834 


Tarticulars concerning Sir Benjamin D' Urban — Policy of the imperial 
government towards South Africa — Particulars concerning the public 
revenue, expenditure, debt, customs duties, the wine trade, production 
of wool, exports, and ships putting into Table Bay — Severe retrench- 
ment in the civil service — Revised charter of justice — Unsuccessful 
efforts of the colonists to obtain a representative legislature — Creation 
of legislative and executive councils — Communications of the governor 
to the Kosa chiefs — Condition of. western Kaffirland — Expansion of 
trade with the Kaffirs — Dealings of patrols and commandos — Prepara- 
tion of the Eosas for war — Treaty between the governor and the 
Griqua captain Andries Waterboer — Particulars concerning slavery 
in the colony — Succession of laws limiting the authority of slave- 
owners — Attitude of the colonists — The emancipation act — Manner 
of carrying out emancipation in South Africa — Great distress causeil 
by the confiscation of two millions' worth of property — Agitation con- 
cerning an attempt to pass an ordinance against vagrancy — Extension 
of the postal service — Condition of the British settlers — Growth of 
Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth — Agitation for a distinct govern- 
ment in the eastern province — Abolition of the commissioner-general- 
lihip — Expansion of mission work 379 

Notes on books 431 

Index 451 

VI. Showing the extent op the settlement 


VII. Showing the extent and divisions of the 

COLONY in the YEAR 1805 .... 

VIII. Illustrating the battle of Blueberg 

IX. Showing the extent and divisions of the 

colony in the year 1814 .... 

X. Showing the territory ceded by Gaika 
ON 13 October 1819 

XI. Showing the extent and divisions of the 

COLONY in the YEAR 1826 . . „ 252 

XIL Showing the country nearly depopulated 

BY the Zulu wars before 1834 . „ 328 

facing page 
















TO 15 NOVEMBER 1795. 



15 NOVEMBER 1795 TO 5 MAY 1797. 



Opinions of each other held by English people and Dutch colonists of South 
Africa — Conciliatory measures adopted by the English commanders — Sub- 
mission of the burghers of the districts of Stellenbosch and SweUendam — 
Appointment of Major-General Craig as * commandant of the town and 
settlement of the Cape of Good Hope * — Refusal of the burghers of the 
district of GraaflE-Reinet to submit to the new government — Employment 
of Hottentots as soldiers — Submission of the burghers of Graaff-Reinet — 
Efforts of Jan Pieter Woyer to obtain French assistance for the republican 
party — The luckless voyage of the Hcuutje — Events at Delagoa Bay in 
1796-7 — Capture of a Dutch fleet of war in Saldanha Bay — Character of 
General Craig's administration — Creation of more paper money — Appoint- 
ment of the earl of Macartney as governor — His arrival in South Africa — 
Character of the administration of Lord Macartney — Regulations concern- 
ing commerce — Alterations in the courts of justice — Assumption of duty 
by Mr. F. R. Bresler as landdrost of Graaff- Reinet — Tour of Messrs. Bresler 
and Barrow among the Kosas in the Zuurveld — ^Account of the Eosa chief 
Gaika — Visit of Messrs. Bresler and Barrow to Gaika — Establishment of 
the first post-oflSce in the colony — Proclamation defining the eastern and 
northern boundaries — Expedition for the purpose of talang possession of 
harbours on the western coast — Prices of bread and meat— Statistics of 
trade, revenue, and shipping — Establishment of a church at SweUendam — 
Mutiny in the fleet of war on the Cape station, and its suppression — ^Return 
to England of Lord Macartney on account of ill health. 

The surrender of tlie Cape Colony to the Britisli forces on 
the 16th of September 1795 brought together two branches 
^v. B 

2 History of South Africa 

of the same race, for conquerors and conquered were of one 
stock. Of all the nations of Europe, the inhabitants of 
the northern Netherlands are the closest in blood to the 
people of England and Scotland. During the centuries 
that they had been separated, however, their training had 
been different, so that many slight variations had arisen. 
Though in the most important features their characters 
were the same, each regarded the variations in the other as 
blemishes, and often made more of them than they merited. 
If this can be said of Englishmen and Dutchmen in 
Europe, it can be asserted more strongly of Englishmen 
and Dutchmen in South Africa, for in this country circum- 
stances had tended greatly to develop a few traits. 

The system of taxation had been pernicious in its effects 
upon the character of the people. For three-quarters of a 
century the tithes of grain had been paid upon statements 
of the quantity harvested made by the farmers themselves. 
For more than a century the tax for district purposes, 
called lion and tiger money, was paid by the burghers 
upon their own returns of the cattle that they possessed. 
The law thus placed a premium upon false statements. 
There were exceptions, but in general the farmers had come 
to regard very lightly the giving in the number of their 
cattle and the produce of their lands at less than a third of 
the true quantity. A man, whose word under other circum- 
stances might be depended upon, in this matter would utter 
deliberate falsehoods without any twinges of conscience, 
and even thought he was justified in doing so because the 
returns he was supplying were for taxation purposes. This 
trait in the character of the burghers was at once detected 
by the Englishmen with whom they came in contact, and 
made a very bad impression. 

On the other hand, the habit of most Englishmen of 
that time of distorting accounts of national events made 
an equally bad impression upon the South African burghers, 
and thus each regarded the other as untruthful. 

The manner in which the East India Company trans- 
acted business had caused another ugly trait to be unduly 

Elphinstone, Clarke, and Craig 3 

developed in the character of many of the colonists. 
Accustomed to being defrauded in various petty ways, 
and to dealings conducted in an indirect instead of a 
straightforward manner, they had come to consider it 
rather a proof of cleverness than an immoral act to get the 
better of those with whom they were bargaining. It was 
regarded as nothing more than fair retaliation to cheat 
the government and its officers whenever and by whatever 
means it could be done. The tendency to dishonest and 
deceitful practices was made much of by unfriendly critics, 
though it was far from general, and at its worst was not 
greater than that of traders elsewhere who sell a bad article 
at the price of a good one. 

The burghers were charged with being very ignorant. 
Excepting those in Capetown, they had hardly any educa- 
tion from books, and knew nothing more than how to read, 
write, and compute a little. All had bibles, the psalms in 
metre, and the Heidelberg catechism; but few possessed 
any books on secular subjects. Yet no people on earth were 
less stupid. They filled the offices of elders and deacons in 
the churches, of heemraden in the courts of law, of com- 
mandants and fieldcornets in war, with as much ability as 
educated people in Europe could have shown. 

The colonists at a distance from Capetown were described 
as living in a very rough style. Their houses were small, 
poorly furnished, and untidy, said English visitors. It was 
true that the frontier farmers did not build or furnish large 
houses, for they were constantly liable to be plundered and 
driven away by savages. As soon as a district became 
tolerably safe, however, comfortable dwellings were put up 
by all who had means. The untidiness complained of was 
the result of the employment of negro and Hottentot 
servants. The ancestors of the colonists brought to South 
Africa the cleanly and orderly habits of the people of the 
Netherlands ; but in manj instances families had been un- 
able to sustain the effort of compelling their servants to be 
neat and clean, and had fallen into the way of letting things 
take their course. But this was not peculiar to the 

H 2 

4 History of South Africa 

Cape Colony: it was the case wherever coloured people 
were employed as domestics. Mrs. Stowe -s picture of Aunt 
Dinah's kitchen is just as faithful with the scene laid in 
Louisiana as if it had been laid in South Africa. 

The other faults attributed to the colonists were those of 
country people all the world over. They were inclined to 
bigotry in religious matters, were very plain in their lan- 
guage, and loved to impose marvellous tales upon credulous 
listeners. They were accused of indolence by some English 
writers, but that was not a charge that could fairly be made* 
The man who managed either a grain or wine or cattle farm 
so as to make it pay had sufficient occupation without doing- 
much manual labour. 

On their side, the colonists found just as great faults in 
the English character. They pictured Englishmen as arrog- 
ant above all other mortals, as insatiable in the pursuit of 
wealth, as regardless of the rights of others, and as viewing 
everything with an eye jaundiced by national prejudice. 

And yet with all this abuse of each other, which is to be 
found in books and manuscripts and official documenta 
innumerable, there was really so little difference between 
English people and South Africans that as soon as they 
came together matrimonial connections began to be formed* 
Even the celebrated writer John Barrow, whose dark and 
distorted picture of the colonists was regarded in England 
for more than half a century as a faithful representation^ 
shortly after his arrival married into a Cape family. The 
attractions of blood were stronger after all than prejudices 
bom of strife and want of knowledge. 

For, in the blemishes of the colonial character that have 
been described, there was nothing that education of a 
healthy kind would not rectify, and against them could be 
set several virtues possessed in a very high degree. The 
colonists were an eminently self-reliant people. They did 
not lose heart under difficulties as readily as persons fresh 
from Europe, for their firm faith in God's care sustained 
them in distresses that others would have sunk under. In 
tenacity of purpose they were without equals. When once 

Elphifisto7ie, Clai^ke, and Craig 5 

they resolved to attain an object, they pursued it unre- 
mittingly until it was won. Their hospitality to strangers 
was admitted even by those who were determined to see in 
them nothing else that was praiseworthy, and their bene- 
volence towards persons in distress was very highly 
■developed. There had hitherto been no need for an orphan 
asylum in the whole country, for orphans quickly found 
homes with persons who adopted them and treated them as 
<;hildren. There was no part of the world where a well-be- 
haved and trustworthy stranger more readily met with 
assistance and genuine friendship. 

On the 16th of September 1795 the English troops took 
possession of Capetown, and as far as the government of the 
Dutch East India Company was concerned the colony was 
surrendered ; but the people of the country districts were 
not disposed to acknowledge the new authorities. The 
greater number of the militia retired to their homes, de- 
claring that they did not consider themselves bound by any 
capitulation made by Commissioner Sluysken, and about a 
hundred of the Dutch artillery corps deserted and followed 
the burghers inland. 

Under these circumstances every possible effort to soothe 
the colonists was made by the English commanders. The 
people of Capetown were treated in such a manner as to 
dispel their anxiety, and they were assured that they would 
presently be in the enjoyment of such liberty and good 
fortune as they had never known before. The government 
was carried on by Admiral Elphinstone and Generals Clarke 
and Craig, acting conjointly. On the 1st of October the 
important oflibe of secretary to government was provisionally 
bestowed upon Mr. Hercules Itoss. But many of the former 
oivil servants who were willing to take an oath of fidelity to 
the new authorities were retained in employment. On the 
10th of October the late secunde — Johan Isaac Bhenius — 
was offered and accepted the oflice of receiver and treasurer 
general, the late resident at Simonstown — Christoffel Brand 
— ^became collector of the tithes of grain and the wine tax, 
and another of the Dutch East India Company's old 

6 History of South Africa 

servants — Jan Pieter Baumgardt — was appointed collector 
of the land revenue. The fiscal — Willem Stephanus van 
Ryneveld — remained in office, and most of the clerks in the 
difierent departments were allowed to keep their situations. 

The paper currency of the colony amounted to 258,2552.^ 
and there was no metallic coin in circulation. To relieve 
anxiety concerning this matter, on the 1st of October the 
British commanders issued a proclamation fixing the rate of 
exchange at two hundred and sixty-four stivers in paper for 
a golden guinea, sixty stivers in paper for a Spanish silver 
dollar, and twelve stivers in paper for an English silver 
shilling. This proclamation was of great service in relieving^ 
the apprehensions of the colonists, though it was impossible 
to keep up the value of the paper by such means. Persona 
owing money in Europe, for instance, could not obtain billa 
of exchange under twenty to thirty per cent premium, and 
in common dealings three shillings in silver would purchase 
as much as a paper rixdollar. Copper coin that was paid 
to the troops was eagerly sought by shopkeepers, and penny 
pieces passed current as equal to two stivers, instead of only 
one. A few years later — in 1800 — this value was put upon 
them by law to prevent their immediate exportation, and ta 
this day they are often called by the coloured people 
dubbeltjes, a name they then acquired. For the time, how- 
ever, the attempt of the British commanders to place the 
paper money on a par with metal had the desired effect of 
doing much towards conciliating the colonists. 

Another popular proclamation was issued on the 30th of 
October, by which purchasers of small quantities of goods 
at auction sales were relieved of the obnoxious stamp duty. 
From the proceeds of the sale the auctioneer was to deduct 
three and a half per cent for the government and one and a 
half per cent for himself on movable property, and one and 
a half per cent for the government and three-fourths per 
cent for himself on fixed property. Purchasers of goods 
under the value of 202. at any sale were relieved altogether 
of the payment of stamp duty on their accounts as made out 
from the vendue rolls. 

Elphinstone^ Clarke, and Craig 7 

The committee of the high court of justice was dissolved^ 
and in its stead a board termed the burgher senate was 
created. This board consisted of six members, the senior of 
whom was president. Vacancies were filled by the head of 
the government from a fourfold list of names furnished by 
the board itself. The members were not by virtue of their 
office judges in the high court of justice, though any of 
them could be appointed judges without resigning their 
seats in the senate. The duties of the burgher senate were 
to represent to the government matters afiecting the 
colonists, to keep the roads in order, to provide watchmen 
for the town, to propose to the head of the government the 
best means of levying taxes for these pui'poses, to farm out 
the public windmills, to regulate the prices of bread and 
meat, to fix tradesmen's wages, &c., &c., in short to perform 
all the duties — except judicial — of the burgher councillors 
and the commissioners of the high court of justice in f(>rmer 
times. The creation of this board was announced soon after 
the capitulation, but the arrangements for its establishment 
could not be completed before the end of January 1796. 

These measures had equally good eflFects in Stellenbosch 
as in Capetown. Landdrost Bletterman, however, expressed 
a wish to retire from service, assigning as a reason that he 
was getting old and was not in good health. His resigna- 
tion was accepted, and on the 7th of November he was 
succeeded by Mr. Eyno Johannes van der Biet. In the 
district no opposition was made to the new authorities. 

Swellendam also was induced to submit without a 
struggle. Fieldcoruet Daniel du Plessis was made much of 
by the British officers, and was quite won over for the time» 
Two days after the capitulation, when he desired to return 
home, a document signed by Major-General Craig was given 
to him, with the request that he would make its contents 
known to everyone whom he should meet. It was worded 
as follows : 

'The monopoly and the oppression hitherto practised for the 
profit of the East India Company is at an end. From this day 
forward there is free trade and a free market. Every one may buy 

8 History of South Africa 

from whom he will, sell to whom he will, employ whom he will, 
and come and go whenever and wherever he chooses, by land or by 
water. The inhabitants are invited to send their cattle, &c., to 
Capetown, where they are at liberty to sell the same in such a 
mann(»r as they may find best and most profitable for themselves. 
No new taxes will be levied ; such as are at present in existence 
as soon as possible will be taken under consideration, and those 
which are found to be oppressive to the people will be done away 
with. The paper money shall continue to hold its value, but the 
English make their payments in hard coin. Lastly, the inhabitants 
of the different districts are invited by the English commander, if 
there is any subject which has not l)een explained to them, to 
choose fit persons and send them to Capetown for the purpose of 
conferring with him upon such subject.' 

Du Plessis was further informed that Mr. Faure would 
be sent back as landdrost, and that the past acts of the 
nationals would be buried in oblivion if they would submit 
to the British authorities. This mode of proceeding had the 
desired effect. Mr. Faure called a special meeting of the 
heemraden for the 4th of November, and invited the 
members of the national assembly to be present. The 
heemraden Hillegard Mulder, Pieter Pienaar, Pieter du Pr6, 
and Hermanns Steyn — the last named the landdrost under 
the nationals, — and the members of the national assembly. 
Jacobus Steyn, Ernst du Toit, and Anthonie van VoUen- 
hoven, attended. Mr. Faure read the instructions which he 
had received, when all who were present gave in their 
submission, and took the oath required by the British 
commanders. Mr. Steyn transferred the drostdy, and 
thereafter took his seat with the heemraden. 

A few months later a man of marked ability, named 
Andries Stockenstrom, was appointed secretary of the 
district of Swellendam. He was by birth a Swede, but had 
entered the Dutch East India Company's service, and in 
1786 became a clerk in an office in Capetown. The great 
difference between the ideas of those days and our own is 
exemplified by this man — who in later years was known as 
a philanthropist — having been for some time employed as 

Major-General James Henry Ct^atg 9 

Ihe supercargo of a vessel engaged in transporting slaves 
from Madagascar to the Cape. It was he who purchased 
the negroes, and collected them together for embarkation. 
But only a century ago it was regarded rather as a 
meritorious than as a sinful act to remove savages to a 
country where they would be within the influence of 
Christianity. Stockenstrom was next appointed bookkeeper 
of the naval establishment, and performed the duties of 
that oflice until the surrender of the colony. In March 
1796 he was selected by General Craig to fill the post of 
secretary of Swellendam. 

The oath which was required to be taken by all the 
•of&cials and generally by the burghers of the Cape, Stellen- 
bosch, and Swellendam districts was the following: ^I swear 
to be true and faithful to his Majesty George the third, by 
God's grace king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, 
•defender of the faith, &c., for so long a time as his 
Majesty shall remain in possession of this colony.' 

On the 30th of September Admiral Elphinstone and 
"General Clarke issued a proclamation in which they 
announced that they had appointed Major-General James 
Henry Craig * commandant of the town and settlement of 
the Cape of Good Hope,' and that he had their authority 
for the arrangement and disposal of all matters civil or 
military relating to the colony. The government, however, 
was conducted by the three oflicers conjointly until the 15th 
of November, when Admiral Elphinstone and General 
Clarke sailed for India. 

The people of Graafl^-Reinet had not yet submitted, but 
on the 27 th of October a letter explaining their conduct 
was written by the leaders of the nationals to the British 
commanders, which led to the belief that they were ready to 
come to terms. General Craig appointed as landdrost a 
colonist who had been an oflBcer in De Lille's regiment, 
named Frans Eeinhard Bresler, and gave him instructions to 
conciliate the farmers. *They would be required to obey 
liim as a father, but he was to act as such, to study their 
welfare, to represent what means would ameliorate their 

lO History of South Afrua 

condition, and to protect them against their enemies.' . . » 
^ [f he shoaid find that the Bnshmen, grown bold throagh 
want of proper exertions to stem their progress, had become 
formidable, and that he required powder and ball for the 
parties he might find proper to send on commando, he 
needed only to say so to be immediately supplied from the 
government stores.' 

On the 9th of February 1796 Mr. Bresler arrived at the 
village of Graaff-Reinet. He was accompanied by the 
reverend Mr. Von Manger, who had retired to Capetown 
some time before. On his journey he met a party of seven- 
teen farmers, who made no objection to take the oath or 
fidelity, and he sent out a commando, under Matthys de 
Beer, against Bushman marauders. Upon reaching the 
village, the national landdrost Gerotz gave him quarters in 
the drostdy. But he was not permitted to enter the court- 
room, and was informed that the landdrost, the secretarj', 
and the minor officials had been instructed by the represent- 
atives of the people to retain their posts and to allow no one 
else access to the records until after a meeting which was to 
be held on the 22nd. 

On the day appointed the lieemraden Jan Booysen, David 
van der Merwe, Schalk Burger, and Andries van der Walt 
were present, as were also the militia officers Adriaan van 
Jaarsveld, Andries Burger, Andries Smit, David van dei" 
Merwe, junior, and Pieter Kruger. At a separate table sat 
the representatives of the people : Hendrik Krugel, Jan 
Durand, ChristoflFel Letter, and Jacob Kruger. A messenger 
was sent to invite Mr. Bresler to appear and inform the 
assembly for what purpose he had visited Graaff-Beinet. 
He did as desired, and, after reading his commission, added 
that he would convene a meeting of the heemraden that 
afternoon and preside in it. He was nsked if the represent- 
atives of the people would be admitted, and replied that he 
could not acknowledge them. 

At two in the afternoon Mr. Bresler caused the drostdy 
bell to be rung, and directed one of his servants to hoist the 
English flag on the staff. A few minutes later a number of 

Major-Generai. Jajues Henry C^^aig i r 

excited people crowded about him, and one of them — Jacobu& 
Joubert — ordered him to have the flag lowered at once. He 
refused to comply. Joubert, Jan Groning, and Jan Kruger 
then hauled the flag down. Amid uproar, Mr. Bresler 
demanded to know whether they would acknowledge the 
king of England as their sovereign, Major-General Craig 
as their governor, and himself as their landdrost, alsa 
whether they would take the oath of fidelity. Not one was 
willing to do so. Mr. Bresler was informed that they had 
elected Marthinus Prinsloo, of the Boschberg, to be * pro- 
tector of the voice of the people,' and that they had 
instructions from him which they would obey. The district 
secretary, Samuel Oertel, was directed to read the letter of 
instructions. It forbade all persons from taking the oath of 
allegiance to the king of England, and announced that 
another meeting would be held on the 22nd of March to 
settle matters finally. 

Mr. Bresler remained to learn the result of this meetings 
The day before it was to take place, a man named Jan 
Keter Woyer returned to the village from a tour he had just 
made through the district. Woyer, who had studied 
medicine in Europe and was generally well informed, had 
not been long in South Africa, but had filled the post of dis- 
trict surgeon of Graaff-Beinet since December 1794, and had 
thus an opportunity of acquiring influence. He was a warm 
upholder of French principles, and hated England to a 
corresponding extent. At this time he was doing all that he 
could to induce the farmers not to submit to the British 
authorities. Mr. Bresler had found the landdrost Gerotz 
and the secretary Oertel men of sound sense and moderate 
opinions, so that he hoped to be able to convince them of 
the uselessness of resistance ; but when Woyer appeared, he 
recognised at once that his cause was hopeless. 

On the 22nd of March there was a large gathering at the 
drostdy. The heemraden, militia officers, and represent- 
atives of the people took their seats in the courtroom, and a 
son of Adriaan van Jaarsveld was then sent to call Mr» 
Bresler. There was a crowd outside the building, and upon 

1 2 History of South Africa 

Bresler's making his appearance, Marthinus Prinsloo ordered 
silence to be kept that they might hear what he had to say. 
He commenced to read some proclamations issued by 
General Craig, but was interrupted by Carel Triegard and 
others. At length Adriaan van Jaarsyeld seated that they 
intended to retain their own government, and would only 
agree to terms which he wished to be taken down in writing. 
These were : 

1. That the people of GraaflP-Reinet were willing to take 
to Capetown for sale such articles as their land produced, 
according to the ancient custom. 

2. That they would observe all reasonable orders and 
laws, provided the English governor would supply them with 
powder, lead, clothing, and such other articles as they 

Hendrik Krugel dictated two additional articles : 

8. That the people of GraaflF-Reinet would not draw the 
sword against the English, 

4. That their only reason for refusing to take the oath 
required was that when the states-general of the Netherlands 
should retake the country they would not be able to justify 
themselves if they did so. 

These articles were confirmed by all present, and the 
•crowd outside then dispersed. Next morning Van Jaarsveld 
and some others proposed to the reverend Mr, Von Manger 
that he should remain under their government, but he 
declined, on the ground that he had taken an oath of fidelity 
to the king of England. On the 25th he and Mr. Bresler 
left the drostdy to return to Capetown. 

On hearing of these proceedings. General Craig sent 
Major King with three hundred men of the 84th regiment 
to Stellenbosch, to be in readiness to move forward at short 
notice. Supplies of ammunition and goods of all kinds 
were cut oflf from the district of Graaflf-Reinet. A corps of 
Hottefltots was raised for service in the interior. They were 
enlisted for a year, were provided with arms, clothing, and 
rations, and each man received sixpence a week in money. 

Meantime dissensions broke out among the people of 

Major-General J aines Heniy Craig i 


Graaflf-Reinet. The farmers of the lieldcornetcies of Zwart- 
kops River, the Zuurveld, and Bruintjes Hoogte remained 
faithful to the government they had established, but the 
others came to a conclusion that it would be better to sub- 
mit to the English than to be deprived of a market to buy 
and sell in. Woyer, for whose apprehension the government 
was striving, suddenly disappeared. 

On the 22nd of August there was a public meeting at 
the drostdy, attended, however, by no one from Zwartkops 
River, the Zuurveld, or Bruintjes Hoogte, except Adriaan 
van Jaarsveld. The landdrost Gerotz and the secretary 
Oertel exerted themselves to bring about submission to the 
authorities at the Cape, with the result that a document 
was signed by all the people of note present — including Van 
Jaarsveld — in which they promised fidelity to the English 
government. Two deputies — Pieter Ernst Kruger and 
Christiaan Rudolph Opperman — were sent to Capetown with 

The deputies reached their destination on the 8th of 
September. Two days earlier Major King had left Stellen- 
bosch with two hundred dragoons, five companies of light 
infantry, one hundred and fifty pandours, and three field- 
guns, to commence military operations in GraaflF-Reinet. 
An express was sent to recall this force, and overtook it at 
Roodezand. General Craig empowered Mr. Gerotz to act 
as landdrost and Mr. Oertel as secretary until fiirther 
instructions, promised that the past should be forgotten, 
and issued a general amnesty from which only Woyer 
was excluded. 

The other party still held out. In June, on Marthinus 
Prinsloo^s summons, a meeting was held at the Boschberg 
to discuss the question of surrender, but the decision was 
adverse. By November, however, the want of ammunition 
and clothing materials was so pressing that some of the 
least resolute resolved to send a deputation to Capetown to 
proflFer submission and to make certain requests. The 
burghers Willem Prinsloo, junior, and Fi-ans Labuschagne 
accordingly brought to General Craig a letter dated the 

14 History of South Africa 

12th of November and signed bj twenty-nine persons, which 
professed to explain the wishes of the farmers of Bruiniges 
Hoogte and the Zuurveld. They desired the approval of the 
government to their entering the Kosa country for the 
purpose of recovering cattle that had been stolen from them, 
requested permission to occupy land along the Koonap and 
Kat rivers, objected to the appointment of Mr. Bresler as 
landdrost and asked that some one possessing greater 
sympathy with the farmers should be sent in his stead, 
suggested a slight alteration in the constitution of the board 
of heemraden, and hoped that a proclamation would be 
issued to secure them from being forced to serve in either 
the British army or navy. 

General Craig replied in writing on the 31st of December. 
He informed them that they became subjects of the king of 
England by the capitulation, and could not expect special 
terms. He strictly ordered them not to make war upon 
the Kosas to recover their cattle, or to occupy land beyond 
the boundary ; and advised them to treat the Kosas with all 
possible kindness. He could not allow them to dictate the 
nomination of a landdrost. No alteration in the form of 
government of the district could be made, and the heem- 
raden would be appointed as of old. He advised them to 
abandon the absurd idea of an independent government, and 
warned them against further opposition. He would not 
furnish them with powder and shot until they paid due 
obedience to the lawful authorities. 

The deputies hereupon declared that they were willing 
to submit, and with this the matter ended for a time. Mr. 
Gerotz remained as acting landdrost, and administered 
Justice in the name of the king of England, without any 
open opposition, though without any strong hold upon the 
people. The national party was by no means extinct, but 
recognised the uselessness under existing circumstances of 
attempting to set the British authorities at defiance. Many 
of them hoped that aid from abroad would shortly reach 
them, for Woyer had been confident of French assistance 
and had gone to procure it. 

Major-General James Henry Craig 15 

A Danish ship that pat into A.lgoa Bay gave him an 
opportunity to leave South Africa. Embarking in her, he 
reached Batavia safely, and found there the French admiral 
De Sercey with six frigates. The admiral was induced to 
send the frigate VrenevAe to Algoa Bay with ammunition for 
the use of the republican party in GraaflF-Reinet. On her 
arrival, she found the English sloop-of-war Rattleanake and 
a merchant vessel at anchor in the bay, so that communica- 
tion with the shore was impossible. The Preneuse exchanged 
a few broadsides with the Rattlesnake^ and then stood off to 

To the governor-general Van Overstraten, Woyer com- 
municated the condition of things in Graaff-Beinet, and 
persuaded him to believe that only a supply of ammunition 
was needed to ensure a formidable opposition to the English. 
After remaining eight days in Batavia, Woyer left in a 
French ship bound to Mauritius, and nothing more is related 
of him in the colonial records until October 1802. He was 
then a military lieutenant in the Dutch service, and had 
gone to the United States with a view of getting a passage 
to Java in an American ship. The government at the Cape 
was warned that he intended, if possible, to touch at South 
Africa, and it would be necessary to watch his movements 

Mr. Van Overstraten resolved to send all the aid that 
was in his power. Not a soldier could be spared, but there 
was plenty of ammunition in the magazines, and a smart- 
sailing brig named the Haasje was at anchor in the roads 
awaiting orders. In her the governor- general shipped 
thirty-six thousand pounds of gunpowder, eight pieces of 
field artillery, fifty bales of clothing material, and as much 
sugar and coffee as would complete her lading. With a 
crew of twenty Europeans and twenty-four Malays she 
sailed from Batavia on the 19th of February 1797, no one 
l)ut the governor-general and her skipper knowing her 
destination. The crew believed they were bound to Ternate, 
and so much secrecy was observed that a pilot who was 
engaged to conduct the brig through the strait of Bali was 

1 6 History of South Africa 

not set asbore lest he should make the true course known.. 
The skipper of the Haasje was a half-caste Javanese named 
Jan de Preyn, a natural son of a Dutch oflScer of rank. 

The destination of the Haasje was Al^oa Bay, but o» 
approaching the African coast a violent storm was en- 
countered, in which the brig sprang a leak and was other- 
wise so much damaged that Skipper De Freyn resolved to- 
put into Delagoa Bay to refit. He cast anchor there on the 
3rd of May, and found that nothing was to be had except 
from his own resources. 

The Portuguese fort at Louren<jo Marques had been 
destroyed by two French frigates in October 1796. The 
governor and garrison of eighty soldiers were obliged to 
retire into the back country, and they were then living in 
great discomfort and anxiously waiting for a vessel to come 
and take them away. There was a whaling ship named the 
Hopey with a crew of twenty-four men, lying at anchor, and 
flying the American flag. With the officers of this ship De 
Freyn opened a friendly intercourse, and after a short 
acquaintance he informed them that he intended to try to 
communicate with the farmers of Graaff-Beinet from 
Delagoa Bay, but if he could not do so he would proceed to 
Algoa Bay as soon as his vessel was repaired and he had 
taken in wood and water. This divulging of his busi- 
ness was fatal to his mission, for the Hope was really an 
English ship, and was only flying the American flag as a 

The Haasje went some distance up a river, to the 
territory of a chief named Kapela, where her cargo was^ 
landed, and she was then hove down to be repaired. On his. 
arrival Skipper De Freyn engaged a black man to go inland 
with a letter addressed to the farmers of GraaflF-Reinet, and 
while his vessel was being repaired he set out in person te 
try to make his way to them, but after three days* travel 
was obliged by the attitude of the natives to return. 

A day or two later a Portuguese vessel arrived in 
Delagoa Bay to remove the distressed governor and his 
people. From her the master of the Hope got assistance in 

Major-General James Henry Craig 1 7 

men aaid guns,* and then proceeded up the river to attack 
the Dutch. The Haasje was so far ready for sea that she 
was afloat in the river with six pieces of artillery in her 
hold^ when a native brought a report that the English were 
approaching with hostile intentions. De Preyn at once 
sank his vessel, and prepared for defence on shore, where 
all the cargo — except the six guns — was stacked up and 
covered with sails. On the 28th of May the English and 
Portuguese attacked him, but a party of Kapela's followers 
came to his aid, and enabled him to resist for some time. 
In the end, however, he was beaten, and the English got 
possession of the two fieldpieces which were on shore and 
twenty-two thousand eight hundred pounds of gunpowder. 
The remainder of the cargo was plundered and carried away 
by the natives while the skirmishing was going on. 

The Haasje was got afloat again, and Alexander Dixon, 
chief officer of the Hope, with a prize crew of five men, 
brought her to Simon's Bay, where she arrived on the 1 1th 
of August. De Freyn and some others were left behind.^ 
After vainly trying a second time to make his way to 
GraaflF-Eeinet, the skipper and his companions returned to 
Louren90 Marques, and obtained passages to Table Bay in 
some whalers that put in shortly afterwards. 

On his arrival at Capetown De Preyn entered a protest 
against the seizure of the Haasje by the crew of a vessel 
not provided with letters of marque, and in a neutral port 
belonging to a sovereign who was not at war with the 
Batavian Eepublic. But his protest was of no avail. He 

' De Freyn, in a deposition made in Capetown on the 18th of October 
before the attorney WiUem Kolver, says eight fieldpieces and fifty soldiers 
under a Portnguese officer. Alexander Dixon, mate of the Hope, in his official 
report, says ten men with a supply of ammunition and four guns. The only 
other document in the Cape archives from an actor and eye-witness — a de- 
position of Frans Nicholas Peterson, a Dane who was chief officer of the 
Haa^e — does not settle the question. 

' De Freyn, in his deposition, says that the English and Portuguese refused 
to make prisoners of the pilot Willem Sluyt^r, a mate named De Moor, and 
himself ; but abandoned them and some Indian seamen in the Kaffir country. 
Alexander Dixon, in his report, states that the master of the Dutch brig and 
two of the mates escaped inland. 


1 8 History of South Africa 

was arrested and sent to England, where he remained in 
confinement as a prisoner of war nntil March 1800, when 
he was exchanged. 

Some months earlier another and much more important 
expedition from abroad also failed in its object. 

During the night of the 8rd of August 1 796 an express 
arrived at Capetown from Saldanha Bay, with information 
that nine large ships were off that harbour. Admiral 
Elphinstone with the fleet under his command had returned 
from Madras a short time before, and General Craig imme- 
diately forwarded the intelligence to him at Simonstown. 
Since the 19th of June it had been known at the Cape that 
a Dutch squadron was approaching, but it was not supposed 
that it would attempt to enter any port west of Agulhas. 
Admiral Elphinstone therefore at once put to sea, with the 
object of intercepting the hostile ships off the Cape of Good 
Hope. Lieutenant McNab, of the 98th regiment, was 
sent with twenty mounted men to the coast below Saldanha 
Bay to watch their movements. On the 6th he reported 
that they had anchored in the bay that morning. 

On the 7th a proclamation was issued by General Craig, 
ordering all persons living within thirty miles of Saldanluk 
Bay to drive their cattle inland, and announcing that any 
one found communicating with or endeavouring to join the 
Dutch fleet, or supplying the Dutch forces with provisions, 
cattle, horses, or assistance of any kind whatever, would 
be punished with immediate death. 

There was a strong garrison in the Cape peninsula, and 
some transports on the way to India had just put into 
Simon's Bay, having on board the 25th and 27th regiments 
of light dragoons, the 33rd regiment of infantry, and five 
companies of the 19th. These were landed, and every 
exertion was made to mount the dragoons. All the saddle 
horses in the town and neighbourhood were required to be 
brought in by their owners, but were paid for on a valuation 
made by two dragoon officers and two members of the court 
of justice. Waggons for transport were also pressed into 
service, but without being purchased. One owner of a 

Major 'General J antes Henry Craig 19 

waggon — a wealthy resident in Capetown — declined to 
supply it on the demand of the commissariat officer. 
General Craig promptly warned others, by sending a ser- 
geant and ten soldiers to live at free quarters in his house. 

Leaving nearly four thousand soldiers in the Cape 
peninsula under command of Major-General Doyle, General 
Craig marched to Saldanha Bay to meet any Dutch troops 
that might be landed, and arrived on its eastern shore in 
the morning of the 16th of August with a well-equipped 
force of two thousand five hundred men and eleven field- 

Meantime Admiral Elphinstone, having encountered 
stormy weather at sea, had returned to Simon's Bay on the 
12th, and learned there that the Dutch fieet was in Saldanha 
Bay. The weather was so boisterous that he. could not 
put to sea again until the 15th, but next morning he cast 
anchor within gunshot of the Dutch ships. As the troops 
under General Craig approached on one side, they saw the 
English fleet drawing in on the other. It consisted of two 
ships of the line — the Monarch and the Tremendous — of 
seventy-four guns each, five ships of the line — the America, 
Stately y Ruby, Sceptre, and Trident — of sixty-four guns each, 
the Jupiter, of fifty guns, the Crescent, of thirty-six guns, 
the Sphinx, of twenty-four guns, the Moselle, Rattlesnake, 
and Echo, each of sixteen guns, and the armed brig Hope, 

As soon as the anchors were down. Admiral Elphinstone 
sent a letter to the chief Dutch officer, demanding surrender 
without shedding blood, as resistance to his overwhelming 
force must be useless. He received a verbal reply that a 
decided answer would be given next morning. Upon this 
he required an assurance that no damage would be done to 
the ships, and received a written promise to that eflPect from 
Bear-Admiral Engelbertus Lucas, who was in command of 
the Dutch fleet. 

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 17th a Dutch 
officer i/vas sent on board the flagship Monarch with a draft 
of terms of surrender, but the British admiral would grant 
no other conditions than the retention of private property 

c 2 

20 History of South Africa 

by every one and permission for the oflScers to remain in the 
colony under parole nntil they could return to the Nether- 
lands in neutral ships. The Dutch fleet with everything 
that belonged to it must be surrendered intact. At five in 
the evening these terms were agreed to, and on the 18th 
possession was taken of the Dutch ships. They were the 
Dordrecht and the Revolutie, each of sixty-six guns, the 
Admiral Tromp, of fifty-four guns, the Castor^ of forty-four 
guns, the Brave, of forty guns, the Bellona, of twenty-eight 
guns, the Sirme, of twenty-six guns, the Havik, of eighteen 
guns, and the Maria storeship, all in excellent condition and 
well fitted out. 

There were nearly two thousand soldiers and sailors on 
board, who became prisoners of war. Most of the soldiers 
were Germans, who asserted that they had been prisoners to 
the French and had been compelled to take service with the 
Dutch. They were very willing to change sides, and the 
next transports that sailed to India took most of them away 
in English uniforms. A considerable number of the seamen 
also offered to enter the English service, and were gladly 
taken over. The British officers, indeed, congratulated 
themselves on having secured not only a number of excellent 
ships, but a fine body of recruits, just then much needed in 

General Craig did his utmost to place English rule 
before the colonists in as favourable a light as possible. As 
a conqueror he could not be loved, but as a man he was 
highly respected. His government was just without being 
severe, and though the system was retained of civil servani» 
deriving the larger part of their incomes from fees,* bribery 
and corruption were not tolerated. Much of his attention 
was occupied with strengthening old fortifications and con- 
structing new ones. Some blockhouses which he caused to be 
built on the slope of the Devil's peak are still in existence, 
and a tower near the mouth of Salt River, which was called 

' As an instance, the salarj' of the landdrost of Stellenbosch at this time 
was 120/. a year, with house and garden. But his perquisites were officially 
stated to amount to at least 1500/. a year. 

Major-General James Henry Craig 21 

by his name, remained standing nntil 1888, when it was 
broken down, and a large earthen fort was built npon its site. 

In one matter only he made a great mistake. When 
the colony was surrendered there were over thirty-six thou- 
sand muids of wheat in the magazines, and the crops which 
were gathered a few months later were the best known for 
many years. Against the advice of men of experience in 
South Africa, General Craig sent a quantity of the prize 
wheat to England, and maintained that the demand created 
by the troops and naval forces would be met by increased 
production. But the harvest of the summer of 1796-7 was 
a. very poor one, and famine was barely averted by sending 
in haste to India for wheat and rice and to Europe for flour 
at any cost. It was necessary to adopt very stringent 
measures to obtain bread for the troops, and a farmer who 
was at all dilatory in furnishing grain, if he had any, might 
make sure of soldiers being quartered upon him. 

During the period of scarcity there was not sufficient 
money in the military chest to provide for urgent require- 
ments, and coin was not to be had for treasury bills. 
General Craig therefore issued paper to the amount of 
60,000i., similar to that already in use in the colony. It 
was appropriated solely to purposes connected with the 
support of the troops. 

The colony had been seized by the British government 
under the plea of keeping it out of the possession of the 
French and holding it in trust for the prince of Orange 
until his restoration to the stadtholdership of the Nether- 
lands. But in 1796 the English ministry openly declared 
their intention not to give it up. It was to be kept as a 
<?rown colony and a station of great value as commanding the 
highway to India. A civilian of eminence was to be placed at 
the head of its government, and next to him in authority was 
to be a military officer of high rank and having command of a 
strong garrison. The king's ministers selected as governor 
the earl of Macartney, an Irish gentleman who had recently 
been raised to the peerage, and as lieutenant-governor and 
commander of the forces Major-General Francis Dundas. 

22 History of South Africa 

Lord Macartney had previouslj filled many positions of 
importance. In 1764 he was sent as envoy extraordinary 
to the empress of Russia, in 1769 he was appointed chief 
secretary of Ireland, in 1776 he became governor of 
Grenada, and in 1780 governor of Madras. In October 
1785, when returning to Europe after holding the appoint- 
ment last named, he visited Capetown and resided here for 
a fortnight. In 1792 he was sent as ambassador extra- 
ordinary to the emperor of China. He arrived at the Cape 
in the ship of war Trusty on the 4th of May 1797, and at 
ten o'clock on the following morning, in presence of the 
members of the high court of justice, the burgher senate, 
the clergymen, and the principal residents in Capetown, at 
the government house in the garden his commission was 
read, and he took the oaths of office. General Dundas 
reached South Africa some months sooner, but did not 
assume duty until the 23rd of May, when General Craig 
proceeded to Bengal. 

The administration of Lord Macartney in South Africa 
has been described by one of the ablest writers of the day, 
and that description has been received generally by English- 
men as correct. But the official records of his government, 
as well as the accounts given by colonists and by foreign 
visitors and travellers, do not accord with all that Mr. — 
afterwards Sir John — Barrow wrote. There are reasons for 
this, without implying that Barrow was intentionally guilty 
of misrepresentation. He was bound to Lord Macartney by 
the strong tie of gratitude. He had accompanied the 
embassy to China, during which he met with many favours. 
Then he was selected by Lord Macartney as one of his 
private secretaries, with a promise that he should be well 
provided for in South Africa, a promise that was faithfuUy 
kept. The one was a munificent patron, the other a grate- 
ful receiver of favours. This position must insensibly have 
coloured Barrow's pages. Then there was at least one strong 
sentiment in common to them both : a detestation of jacobin 
principles, so deep-rooted as to prevent them seeing any 
merit whatever in those who held republican views. 

Lord Macartney 23 

What to Barrow seemed good and liberal gOYernment 
appeared to others of his time oppressive and narrow ; and 
there certainly never was a period in the history of the 
Cape Colony when there was less freedom of speech than 
during the administration of the earl of Macartney. 

All the high oflBces were filled by Englishmen in receipt 
of large salaries. From the date of his appointment — 1st 
of August 1796 — the governor drew from the colonial 
revenue 10,000i. a year, besides a table allowance of 2,000Z. ; 
and he had the promise of a pension upon his retirement of 
2,000i. a year for life. Mr. Andrew Barnard, colonial 
secretary, drew a salary of 3,500i. a year. Mr, Hercules 
.Boss, who had acted as secretary under General Craig, was 
now appointed deputy secretary, with a salary of l,500i. a 
year. Mr. John Hooke Green filled the office of collector of 
customs, with a salary of l,000i. a year. Mr. Anguish, a 
young gentleman who came out with Lord Macartney pur- 
posely to be provided for, received the situation of controller 
of customs, with a salary of 1,000Z. a year ; and upon his 
death a couple of days later, the office was transferred to 
Mr. Acheson Maxwell, previously one of the governor's 
private secretaries. Mr. Barrow was employed for a time 
in commissions to difierent parts of the country, and was 
then made auditor-general, with a salary of 1,000Z. a year. 
Without going further, here was a sum of 20,000Z. a year, 
which was the first charge upon the colonial revenue. And 
the whole revenue of 1796, the year before Lord Macartney 
and the new staff took office, was 28,903Z. 198. All other 
expenditure was necessarily reduced to the lowest possible 
amount, in order that the imperial treasury should not have 
to make good any deficiency. 

The government was free of the slightest taint of 
corruption, but was conducted on the strictest party lines. 
Those colonists who professed to be attached to Great 
Britain were treated with great favour. Lady Macartney 
had not accompanied her husband to South Africa, conse- 
quently there were no entertainments except dinners at 
government house ; but Lady Anne Barnard, wife of the 

24 History of South Africa 

colonial secretary and one of the most fascinating women of 
her time, did all that was possible to captivate the wives 
and daughters of the leading townspeople, so as throagh 
them to secure the goodwill of their husbands and fathers. 
Her receptions and frequent evening parties at her beautifol 
home at Paradise were designed for that purpose ; but the 
circle to which she was able to extend her influence vras 
small. To those within it, as well as to the English 
military and naval officers and the high-placed officials, the 
government seemed a model of perfection. 

Among those who expressed the greatest satisfaction at 
having been relieved from the fear of French domination 
were Lieutenant- Colonel De Lille and Mr. Honoratus 
Maynier. The latter had come to reside at Wynberg, and 
will presently be found in office again. De Lille was now 
barrack-master in Capetown. The sitaation was not one 
usually held by a man of higher rank than a captain, but he 
seemed perfectly satisfied with his position. 

As it had been resolved that the colony was to be a 
permanent British possession, a new oath of allegiance to 
the king was required of the burghers. To many of them 
this was very objectionable, and a few held back when 
summoned to appear before the officers appointed to 
administer it. The governor was firm. Dragoons were 
quartered upon several of the reluctant ones, and others 
were banished from the country. The late national 
o/)mmandant of Swellendam, Petrus Jacobus Delport, was 
among those who tried to evade taking the oath. He kept 
out of the way for a while, but a year later he was arrested^ 
and was then placed on board a ship and sent into exile. 

Quartering dragoons upon offenders holding jacobin 
principles was the ordinary method with Lord Macartney of 
* bringing them to reason.' There was a scale of diet, 
according to which the dragoons could insist upon being 
provided, if they were not supplied with food to their liking. 
In some instances payment was made, but in others food 
and lodging were demanded free. Burghers who were 
suspected of being republicans, but whose language and 

Lord Macartney 25 

<condact gave no opportunity of bringing them to account, 
were appointed to some petty unpaid office, and if they 
-declined to perform the duty and take the stringent oath 
required, a sergeant and ten dragoons speedily appeared 
with a demand for free quarters. 

Allowance, however, must be made for the circumstances 
of the time, England and Prance being then engaged in a 
-desperate struggle, and men of the tory party, such as Lord 
Macartney, regarding republican principles with something 
like horror. 

The slightest indication of French proclivities roused the 
ire of the governor, as the following incident will show. 
In August 1798 Mr. Hendrik Oostwald Eksteen, of 
Bergvliet, between Wynberg and Muizenburg, invited a 
number of his friends to be present at his daughter's 
marriage, and was so imprudent as to issue the invitations 
on cards in the French style, substituting for Mr. the word 
Oitizen. On the day of the ceremony the governor ordered 
a party of dragoons to ^ proceed to the festive assembly of 
Citizens,' and to remain there * to prevent any irregularity 
that might be apprehended from disaffected or suspected 
persons.' Mr. Eksteen was required ^without delay to 
retract and redress in the most public manner this wanton 
and petulant conduct, and to provide sufficient security for 
his good behaviour and dutiful deportment towards govern- 
ment in future, or to repair to that country where in the 
midst of confusion and medley his invitations would be 
better relished.' This order, conveyed in writing, brought 
ihe offender to government house, protesting that he had 
not meant to cause the slightest annoyance ; but his apology 
was not accepted until he produced a. bond for a thousand 
pounds, signed by two substantial persons, as * security that 
lie would not in future be guilty of similar or any other 
offences against the government.' The dragoons were then 

Greneral Craig had promised the colonists free trade, and 
he kept his word as well as he could. By free trade must 
of oourse be understood what the words implied in those 

26 History of South Africa 

days, not what they imply now. A duty of five per cent of 
the value was charged upon both imports and exports, as 
under the Dutch East India Company. No merchandise 
whatever was allowed to be landed from a vessel under & 
foreign flag, unless by special permission under urgent 
circumstances, and then double import duties were charged 
upon such goods. The only exception to this rule was the 
case of a Portuguese vessel from Mozambique, which put 
into Table Bay with three hundred and fifty slaves on board. 
General Craig was of opinion that slaves were so greatlj 
required for the extension of agriculture in the colony that- 
he allowed this cargo to be landed and sold by auction on 
payment of the ordinary duty of 2Z. a head. Any produce- 
required by the government could be demanded at stated 
prices. Before the arrival of Lord Macartney direct 
commerce with England was not established, but goods were- 
obtained from ships that called for supplies. Lord 
Macartney brought out with him and put in force an order 
in council concerning trade at the Cape of Good Hope. 

Goods imported from the United Kingdoms of Great 
Britain and Ireland were to be admitted free of duty. This 
clause appears to be sufiiciently explicit, but in practice it 
caused a great deal of controversy. In 1801 another order 
in council was issued interpreting it to imply that goods of 
British growth or manufacture brought from British ports 
in British ships were to be admitted free of duty, but goods 
of foreign growth or manufacture brought from British 
ports in British ships were to be subject to a duty of five 
per cent of their value, and the same duty was to be charged 
upon British goods imported in foreign ships. Subjects of 
friendly powers were to be permitted to carry on trade in 
the colony ; but all goods that were not the growth, produce^ 
or manufacture of Great Britain and Ireland imported in 
foreign ships were to be subject to a duty of ten per cent 
upon their value. No goods could be imported from any 
place to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope except hj 
the English East India Company. 

No changes were made in any of the public institutions 

Lord Macartney 27 

except thej courts of justice. The high court was now 
reduced to a president and seven members, five of whom 
were to form a quorum. Under the former government the 
judges received no salaries, but half of their number held 
other offices, to which good incomes were attached. In the 
court as now constituted, the president — who was the senior 
member — received a salary of 400J. a year, the three 
members next in order of seniority received each 200i. a 
year, and the four junior members each lOOZ. a year. In 
civil cases,^when the amount in dispute was over 200i., there 
was an appeal to*a court consisting of the governor and 
lieu tenant-governor; and, when the amount in dispute was 
over 5002., there was a final appeal to the king in council. 
The torture of criminals and infliction of death in any other 
manner than by the English mode of execution had been 
provisionally forbidden by General Craig, and his order upon 
these subjects was now confirmed. The powers of the minor 
courts to adjudicate in civil cases were enlarged : the court 
of commissioners for petty cases in Capetown to sums not 
exceeding 40/., the courts of landdrost and heemraden of 
Stellenbosch and Swellendam to sums not exceeding 30/., 
and the court of landdrost and heemraden of Graaff-Reinet, 
on account of the great distance from the seat of govern- 
ment, to sums not exceeding 66/. 13«. 4c/. 

Mr. Bresler was instructed to return to Graaff-Reinet 
and assume duty as landdrost. With him was sent a guard 
of twelve dragoons, who were to remain at the drostdy as a 
garrison and to carry despatches. All arrears of land rents 
to the 16th of September 1795 were remitted. The former 
inhabitants of the fieldcornetcies of Zuurveld, Tarka, 
Zwagershoek, Sneeuwberg, and Nieuwveld, who had been 
driven from their homes by Bushmen or Kaffirs, were to 
hold their farms free of rent for the next six years, provided 
they would return and resume occupation within four 
months. If the landdrost should consider it necessary to 
call out a commando against Bushmen, the farmers were 
ordered by proclamation to obey. The Kosas in the colony 
were to be treated differently. The landdrost was instructed 

28 History of South Africa 

to try to induce them to return to their own country, and 
he was to be careful that no encroachment was made by 
Europeans on territory beyond the Fish river, that the 
white men then living beyond that river should come back 
to the colonial side, that all Kaffirs in service with colonists 
should be discharged, and that no one should cross from 
either side of the Fish river to the other without special 
permission. In dealing with the Kaffirs, the landdrost was 
instructed that he must only employ force when he was sure 
of success. He was to report upon the advisability or other- 
wise of removing the drostdy from the village of Graaff- 
Eeinet to the neighbourhood of Zwartkops River. 

On the 30th of July Mr. Bresler, accompanied by Mr. 
Barrow, Lord Macartney's private secretary, arrived at the 
drostdy of Graaff-Reinet, and met with a friendly reception 
from a body of fermers who had assembled purposely to 
welcome him. On the following morning Mr. Gerotz 
transferred the office and the records, and he assumed the 
duties of landdrost. 

After arranging matters at the drostdy, Messrs. Bresler 
and Barrow proceeded on a tour of inspection of the district. 
They first visited the country around Algoa Bay, and then 
travelled eastward through the Zuurveld, taking as guides 
the farmers Jan du Plessis and Hendrik van Rensburg, and 
as interpreter the Hottentot Willem Hasebek. At the 
Kariega river parties of the Amambala clan of Kosas, under 
the sons of Langa, were met, and near to them the clans of 
the Amantinde, Imidange, and Amagwali, under Tshatsha 
and other captains. Farther eastward was a clan that had 
recently come to reside there, under a young chief named 
Jalusa, who was a near relative of Ndlambe. All of these, 
on being requested to return to their own country, replied 
that they were willing to do so, but were afraid of G^ika. 
The chief of whom they thus spoke was the son of Umlawu 
and grandson of Rarabe in the great line. He had recently 
come of age, according to Kosa ideas, and had then claimed 
the position of chief of that section of the tribe over which 
his grandfather had ruled; but he had not succeeded in 

Lord Macartney 29 

establishing himself in it without opposition. A large 
party was desirous that the regent Ndlambe should remain 
in power, and had aided him to resist Gaika in arms, but 
had been beaten. The clans in the Zuurveld preferred to 
acknowledge the superiority only of Kawuta, head of the 
Galeka branch of the tribe and representative of Tshawe in 
the great line, because in that case they would be much less 
subject to control. 

Messrs. Bresler and Barrow visited Gaika at his kraal on 
the bank of a little stream flowing into the Keiskama. 
Between the Fish and Keiskama rivers they found no 
inhabitants, as the former residents had recently crossed 
over to the Zuurveld. Gaika stated that the clans in the 
Zuurveld were not his subjects, and that he had no control 
over them, but he would be glad to receive them as friends 
if they chose to return to their former homes. He stated 
also that he had been at war with his uncle Ndlambe, wha 
had been assisted by Kawuta, but that he had been vic- 
torious and had taken Ndlambe prisoner. The captive chief 
was then residing at Gaika's kraal with his wives and 
personal attendants, and was well treated, though he was 
not permitted to move about. 

An agreement was made with Gaika that he should send 
a messenger with an offer of peace and friendship to the 
chiefs in the colony; that none of his subjects, on any 
pretence whatever, should have intercourse with the colon- 
ists, or cross the established boundary unless expressly 
directed to do so by him; and that he should keep up a 
friendly communication with the landdrost by sending to 
GraaflP-Reinet, yearly or oftener, one of his people, who 
should carry as a mark of office a brass-headed staff with 
the arms of the king of England engraven on it. 

Mr. Bresler next sent Du Plessis and Van Rensburg to 
Cungwa, who was living on the Bushman's river, to try to 
persuade him to remove beyond the Kei. But the Kaffirs in 
the Zuurveld had no intention of leaving it, and all the con- 
ferences and messages were useless. In February 1798 the 
landdrosts of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet were instructed 

30 History of South Africa 

to renew the attempts to induce them to retire, and to warn 
them that if they did not leave of their own accord they 
would be expelled by force ; but the warning was as un- 
heeded as the requests. 

In March 1798 the first post-oflBce in the colony was es- 
tablished. Previously, letters for private individuals were 
sent as a favour with government despatches, or were given 
in charge of people on board ships. The oflBce was at first 
intended only for an ocean mail, as there was no thought 
yet of a post within the colony. The charge on letters was 
at the rate of a shilling a sheet, and on books or newspaper 
packets four shillings a pound. Mr. John Holland was ap- 
pointed postmaster-general, with an office in the castle. 
The revenue derived from this source was for some time 
about 200Z. a year. 

The northern boundary of the colony had never been de- 
fined by the East India Company. On the 14th of July 1 798 
Lord Macartney issued a proclamation, which added to the 
district of Graaff-Reinet a small piece of territory beyond the 
Tarka river, and declared the following to be the boundaries : 
the Fish river from its mouth up to Bsterhuis's Poort at the 
end of the Kaga mountain, the Eaga mountain to the Tarka 
mountain, the Tarka mountain to the Bamboes mountain, 
the Bamboes mountain to the Zuur mountain, the Zuur 
mountain to Plettenberg's beacon on the Zeekoe river, 
Plettenberg's beacon to Great Table mountain, thence to 
the Nieuwveld mountains, along the Nieuwveld mountains 
to the source of the Riet river, the Riet and Fish rivers 
behind the Eoggeveld mountain, the Spioen mountain, the 
Kabiskow peak, the Long mountain, the northern point of 
the Eamies mountain, and the river Koussie or Buffalo to 
the Atlantic. In the proclamation, all persons were for- 
bidden to settle or graze their stock beyond these limits, 
under penalty of banishment and confiscation of their cattle, 
or to hunt game or travel there without a pass from the 
governor, under penalty of corporal punishment. 

But, in point of fact, colonists were then living and 
paying rent for farms north of the Nieuwveld mountains, and 

>00,whea its bounduHes on all sides 

wore deiVned. 






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Lord Macartney 31 

"they were not disturbed by the government. . On that distant 
frontier, seldom or never visited by any official of higher 
rank than a fieldcomet, it was impossible to have every- 
thing in regular order. The wording of the proclamation 
43hows how vague was the knowledge at the seat of govern- 
ment of the geographical features of the country. Thus 
both the Eiet and Fish rivers behind the Eoggeveld moun- 
tains are named as forming the boundary, which is an im- 

On the western coast several harbours that had not been 
declared Dutch property by Skipper Duminy in 1793, as 
well as those which had been so declared, were taken 
possession of for the British crown shortly after the conquest 
of the Cape Colony. 

When Admiral Elphinstone went to India in November 
1795, he left Commodore Blankett in command of a squad- 
ron to guard the Cape until he should return. At the be- 
ginning of December the commodore sent Captain Alexander 
in the prize vessel Star — which had been converted into a 
British cruiser — up the western coast to examine the bays 
along it, and to take possession of them for the crown of 
England. The Star proceeded as far as the fifteenth degree 
of south latitude, touching on the passage at Angra 
Pequena, Spencer Bay, Walfish Bay,* and two ports several 
hundred miles farther north. At each of these places 
possession was taken by Captain Alexander, the ceremony 
consisting in hoisting the British flag, firing three volleys of 

* The spelling of this name in oflBcial documents being as above, 1 am 
obliged to retain it, altliough the word Walfish, being partly Dut<;h and partly 
English, is objectionable. The Portuguese discoverers gave the inlet the name 
Bahia das Balsas, on account of the number of whales found there. The 
Dutch, who came next, merely translated the name into Walvisch Baal, and 
the first English followed their example and called it Whale Bay. During the 
time that Napoleon was confined on St. Helena, cattle were often brought down 
from Damaialand and sent from the bay for the use of the garrison at that 
- Illyidt and the English sailors corrupted the word Walvisch — which they 
frameome Oi^ fishermen there — into Walwich and Woolwich. Some 
*!QOk over this corraption, and as Walwich Bay it is still often 
tiL When it was annexed to the Cape Colony in 1884, the word 
s ohange in the proclamation, and appeared as Walfish. 

32 History of South Africa 

musketry, and turning over a few spades full of soil. Very- 
few natives were seen, and those few could not be commu- 
nicated with. At Angra Pequena two whalers were found, 
and from them it was ascertained that in the preceding^ 
season thirty ships — half of them American — were engaged 
in taking whales on the coast, Possession Island being their 
main station. 

The harvest of 1797-8 was a tolerably good one, and 
food was again at a reasonable price. A contract for the 
supply of bread to the troops was taken at a penny a pound, 
and of meat at two pence and two-twenty-thirds of a penny 
a pound, payable in paper currency at the rate of four 
shillings for a rixdoUar. The government permitted no 
provisions of any kind to be exported without special leave 
from the secretary's office ; and the prices of cattle and com, 
meat and bread, were fixed just as in the olden times. 
There was an excellent market provided by the shipping, a 
garrison of five thousand soldiers, and a large naval estab- 
lishment ; and payment for supplies was promptly made by 
the government; but the farmers had no more liberty of 
buying and selling than they had under the East India. 

At this time, and until the close of 1802, the average 
imports of goods of all kinds were in value 253,927Z., and or 
slaves 44,950L a year. The average exports amounted only 
in value to 15,047Z. There was thus a balance of trade 
against the colony of 283,830Z. a year, which was met in coin 
that came into the country chiefly thi'ough the military and 
naval departments. 

The revenue rose rapidly after 1796. During the period 
1797 to 1802 it was on an average 73,518/. a year. The 
accounts were kept in rixdollars, and the figures here given 
are obtained by computing the rixdoUar at its nominal 
value of four English shillings. Its real value, as deter- 
mined by the rate of exchange, fluctuated so much that it 
is impossible to give statistics with absolute accuracy in 
English money. 

Between the date of the surrender of the colony to the 

Lord Macartney 33 

British forces and the close of the eighteenth century seven 
hundred and forty-two vessels, exclusive of coasters, touched 
either at Table Bay or Simon's Bay. Of these, four hund- 
red and fifty-eight were English, one hundred and twenty- 
four were American, ninety-one were Danish, thirty-four 
were prizes to English men-of-war, and the remaining 
thirty-five belonged to various nations. The average num- 
ber that touched yearly was one hundred and seventy-one. 

In 1798 the district of Swellendam was first provided 
with a clergyman. The reverend Mr. Von Manger, who had 
retired from GraaflF-Reinet, objected to return to his duty 
there, and in consequence his salary was stopped at the end 
of June 1797. But in May 1798 he was again taken into 
service, and was sent to Swellendam, where he commenced 
duty on the 18th of June. A church-building was erected in 
the village, and a consistory was formed in the usual 

Graaflf-Reinet was not left long without a clergyman. In 
August 1797 the reverend Hendrik Willem Ballot, recently 
minister at Malacca, arrived in South Africa in a Danish 
ship from the East Indies, and as he expressed a wish to be 
employed here, he was shortly afterwards sent to Roodezand 
to perfonn the duties temporarily while the reverend Mr» 
Vos went on a pastoral tour to the eastern frontier. In 
February 1798 he was appointed permanent minister of 

On the 7th of October 1797 a mutiny broke out in the 
English men-of-war lying in Simon's Bay. The causes were 
the same as those which produced the mutiny in the fleet at 
Spithead — 15th April to 15th May of the same year, — an 
account of which had been received in South Africa. Un-^ 
fortunately, tidings of the mutiny in the fleet at the Nore — 
20th May to 15th June, — and of the terribly severe punish- 
ment of those who took part in it, had not reached the 
seamen in Simon's Bay. Three officers were put ashore, but 
Admiral Pringle — who had succeeded Sir George Elphin- 
stone on the station — was detained on board the Tremendous^ 
and was not allowed to send any other than open letter* 

IV. D 

34 History of South Africa 

away. Lord Macartney was preparing to occupy the 
Leigh ts above Simonstown with troops when on the 12th, 
under promise of a general amnesty, the seamen gave in 
their submission. But on the 9th of November, when the 
fleet was in Table feay, the mutiny broke out again. The 
aidmiral was on shore at the time, and he and Lord Macart- 
ney at once sent a message to the mutineers that if they did 
not surrender unconditionally within two hours, fire would 
be opened upon them from the batteries with red-hot shot. 
This message had the desired effect. The crew of the flag- 
ship Tremendous were the first to hoist the signal of sub- 
mission and send the ringleaders ashore, and their example 
was followed shortly by the crews of the other ships. The 
Orescent was at anchor off Eobben Island, and her crew, not 
being aware of what had happened, on the 10th of Novem- 
ber sent her officers ashore and brought the ship up to the 
usual anchorage; but the same measure that had been 
employed against the others secured their surrender also. 
The punishment which followed was in those days con- 
sidered moderate, though if inflicted now for a similar 
offence it would be regarded as unnecessarily severe. 

In giving an account of these occurrences to the secre- 
tary of state, Lord Macartney wrote that ' from the most 
minute investigation of the second mutiny he could not dis- 
cover that there was the shadow of a grievance to be pleaded 
in its alleviation.' The character of his government cannot 
be better exemplified than by this sentence. There is no 
special information in the Cape records concerning the sea- 
men in Admiral Pringle's fleet; but there is only one 
opinion now : that throughout the British navy at that time 
the sailors had many and serious grievances. If nothing 
else, a considerable number of those in the fleet on the Cape 
station were pressed men, taken out of merchant ships — 
whether they were willing or not — in exchange for others 
obtained from prizes. But in Lord Macartney's opinion 
that was not a grievance. With men of their class he had 
very little sympathy indeed. 

And Barrow, the writer who could not find words too 

Lord Macartney 35 

strong to express the cruelty of colonists towards their 
Hottentot dependents, quotes Lord Macartney's letter upon 
the mutiny with approbation. It seems never to have 
occurred to him that the sailors in the king's ships were 
quite as badly treated as the Hottentots, even if all the tales 
of atrocities on frontier farms that had come to his ears 
were true. 

Lord Macartney was over sixty years of age, and was 
subject to severe attacks of gout and other diseases. Before 
leaving England he had stipulated that if he should find it 
necessary for his health, he might at any time return 
without waiting for a successor. Major-General Dundas 
held a commission as lieutenant-governor, and was em- 
powered to carry on the administration whenever the 
governor was absent. The first summer of Lord Macart- 
ney's residence had tried him severely, and as another hot 
season drew nigh he made up his mind to leave South 
Africa. On the 20th of November 1798 he embarked in the 
ship-of-war Stately^ and the following morning sailed for 
England. Thereafter until 1803 he drew a pension of 
2,000i. a year from the revenue of the Cape Colony. 

On the 21st of November, at eleven o'clock in the 
morning, the principal civil and military of&cers assembled 
at government house in the garden, when General Dundas 
caused his commission to be read, and formally assumed the 
administration as lieutenant and acting governor. 


36 History of South Africa 


21 NOVEMBEE 1798 TO 9 DECEMBEE 1799. 



20 APEIL 1801 TO 20 PEBEUAEY 1803. 

Great fire in Capetown — Insurrection of a party of farmers in Graaff-Reinet — 
Its suppression by General Vandeleur — Invasion of the colony by a horde 
of Kosas under the chief Ndlambe — Attack on British troops by the people 
of Cungrwa — Massacre of a party of soldiers — Insurrection of Hottentots in 
the district of Graaff-Reinet — Progress of the war with the Kosas and" 
Hottentots — Establishment of a kind of truce by Mr. H. Maynier — Erection 
of Fort Frederick at Algoa Bay — Appointment of Mr. Maynier as commis- 
sioner for the districts of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet — Account of the 
Namaqua captain Afrikaner — Dealings with Bushmen on the northern 
frontier — Establishment of missions by the London Society — Shipwrecks 
in Table Bay— Arrival of Governor Sir George Yonge— TrLil of the leading 
European insurgents of Graaff-Reinet — Creation of an agricultural depart- 
ment of the Cape government — Bad seasons and consequent scarcity of 
grain — Commencement of the publication of a Government Gazette — Un- 
popularity of Sir George Yonge — His recall — Assumption of duty as acting 
governor by Major-General Dundas — Inquiry into Sir George Yonge's con- 
duct — Scandalous disclosures regsirding his administration — Condition of 
the district of Graaff-Reinet — Armed opposition to the commissioner May- 
nier — Recall of Maynier — Resumption of open hostilities with the Kosas 
and Hottentots — Death in battle of Commandant Tjaart van der Walt — 
Conclusion of peace \\ith the Kosas and Hottentots — Expedition to the 
Betshuana country — Fall of rock from Table Mountain — Ecclesiastical 
matters— Preliminary articles of peace between France and England, pro- 
viding for the restoration of the Cape Colony to the Batavian Republic — 
Form of government of the colony decided upon by the states-general — 
Signing of the treaty of Amiens— Appointment of Mr. J. A. de Mist as high 
commissioner and of General J. W. Jjinssens as governor — Troops destine<l 
for the garrison of the colony — Arrival of the Bataviiin officials—Arrange- 
ments for the transfer of the cf)lony — Delay caused by orders from Eng- 
land — Completion of the transfer. 

Shortly after the direction of afiFairs was assumed by 
Major-General Dundas, some of the farmers of GraaflF-Reinet 
rose in insurrection. It is not unlikely that they would 

Majoi^'General Francis Dundas 37 

liave done so at an earlier date, had it not been for the fear 
produced by the strong body of troops kept at the Cape. 
That fear was now to some extent removed. 

During the night of the 22nd of November 1798 a fire 
broke out in the dragoon stables in Capetown, which were 
roofed with thatch. A violent south-east wind caused 
the flames to spread to the adjoining buildings, notwith- 
standing vigorous efforts were made to stop them. The fire 
was at length got under by destroying a row of houses in 
advance of it, and saturating the ruins and buildings 
beyond with water; but there was great destruction of 
government property. The coal sheds, the timber yard, the 
commissariat magazines, and the victuallers' warehouses 
were consumed with their contents. Seventy-two dragoon 
horses were burned to death. All the naval and military 
stores in the colony, except a very small quantity in 
Simonstown, were destroyed. This disaster was magnified 
by rumour, and the farmers on the frontier believed that 
the army was made almost powerless by it. 

The arrest of the old commandant Adriaan van Jaarsveld 
on a charge of forgery was the immediate cause of the out- 
break. Van Jaarsveld owed the orphan chamber money to 
the amount of 733Z., for which he had given a bond upon 
the premises on his farm Vrede. The interest was paid 
only to the 31st of December 1791, but when in March 1798 
he was called upon to make good the whole debt, he pro- 
duced a receipt for the interest to the 31st of December 
1794. He was then summoned by the high court of justice 
to appear on the 29th of November to answer to the charge 
of falsifying the receipt by changing the figure 1 into 4, 
and as he did not obey, the fiscal issued instructions to 
Landdrost Bresler to cause him to be apprehended and sent 
to Capetown. 

On the 17th of January 1799 Van Jaarsveld, who was 
ignorant of the fiscal's order, visited the drostdy of Graaff- 
IReinet, where he was arrested, and next morning he was 
«ent away in a waggon under charge of a sergeant 
and two dragoons. Mr. Oertel, secretary of the disti*ict. 

38 History of South Africa 

who had business to transact in Capetown, was also witb 
the party. On the 19th the landdrost was informed that an 
attempt to rescue the prisoner would probably be made^ 
and he therefore sent a corporal and four dragoons to 
strengthen the guard. But on the 21st these men returned 
to the drostdy with a letter from Secretary Oertel, informing^ 
the landdrost that there was no cause to suspect inter- 

Meantime news of Van Jaarsveld's arrest had been con- 
veyed to Marthinus Prinsloo, at the Boschberg, who at once 
called out a number of men to rescue him. About forty 
responded, and on the 2lst they overtook the waggon and 
demanded that the prisoner should be released. Mr. Oertel 
and the three dragoons complied, as resistance was out of 
the question. On the 16th of February the secretary 
reached Capetown, and reported what had occurred. 

After releasing Van Jaarsveld, the party under Marthinus- 
Prinsloo marched back, and encamped about a mile from 
the drostdy. There they were joined by some farmers from 
the Zwartkops river and the border of the Zuurveld, who 
brought up their number to about one hundred and fifty 

The landdrost sent the heemraden Hermanns Olivier and 
Andries Smit to inquire what their object was in appearing^ 
there with weapons in their hands. Marthinus Prinsloo 
and three others then went to the drostdy, and informed 
Mr. Bresler that the fear of being arrested as Van Jaarsveld 
had been was the cause of their taking up arms. They 
would not believe that Van Jaarsveld had been apprehended 
on a charge of setting the summons of the high court of 
justice at defiance, but insisted that the real reason was the 
part he had acted in former years. 

The farmers of the Sneeuwberg and generally of the 
north-western portion of the district now declared them- 
selves on the side of the government, which greatly discon- 
certed the insurgents. Leaving thirty men at the camp to 
blockade the drostdy, they dispersed ; but on the 28th of 
January most of them assembled again on Prinsloo's farm« 

Major-General Francis Dundas 39 

There they were joined by Jan Botha and Coenraad du Buis, 
two men who were living with the KaflBrs, and who were, 
believed to have great influence with the young chief Gaika. 
Du Buis had been outlawed by the government, on account 
of his continuing to live in KaflSrland in defiance of an order 
to return to the colony. He was a man of great bodily 
vigour, and was by no means wanting in intellect, but was 
utterly devoid of morality. Among his female companions 
was the mother of Gaika, and this connection was the chief 
source of his influence in the colony as well as in KafSrland, 
for it caused the colonists to believe that his power was con- 

Prinsloo and Du Buis now sent our circulars, calling 
upon the farmers of the district to assemble in arms at the 
drostdy on the 12th of February. But as many of those to 
whom the circulars were sent announced that they had no 
intention of joining the insurrection, and the commandants 
Hendrik van Rensburg and Thomas Dreyer declaring^ 
themselves on the side of the government, the meeting did 
not take place. 

On the 17th of February about one hundred men as- 
sembled at the farm of Barend Burger. The reverend Mr. 
Ballot was there, and tried to persuade them to return to 
their homes, but they did not seem disposed to listen to his 
advice. They dispersed indeed, but with the understanding 
that they should meet again at Koega in a few days, and 
form a camp there to prevent the landing of troops at Algoa 

On the 20 th of February the thirty men who wera 
blockading the drostdy entered the village and threatened 
violence, but the reverend Mr. Ballot persuaded them to retire 
quietly. The dragoons — only eight in number — under 
Sergeant Maxwell Irwin, stood firm on this occasion. They 
hoisted the English flag, and drew up under it, announcing 
that if attacked they would defend themselves to the last. 

The rescue of Van Jaarsveld was reported to General 
Dundas on the 16th of February, and next morning 
Brigadier-General Thomas Vandeleur with a strong detach- 

40 History of South Africa 

ment of dragoons left Capetown to march overland to 
Graaff-Reinet. Two vessels — the brigs JETope and Biwr — 
were ordered to proceed to Algoa Bay, and in them were 
embarked two companies of the 98fch regiment and the 
Hottentot corps. The Star arrived at Algoa Bay on the 
2nd of March, and the JSbpe on the 8th. The troops were 
landed without delay, and on the 14th commenced the 
march to the village of Graaff-Reinet. 

General Vandeleur found the people in the eastern part 

of the district of Swellendam in strong sympathy with the 

insurgents of Graaff-Reinet. Disaffection in fiict existed all 

along the coast east of the present village of George. The 

general issued orders that every man should remain upon 

his own farm, under penalty of being treated as a traitor 

if found beyond it, and he stationed some dragoons in a 

position that commanded the eastern road. Pushing on 

with the remainder of his detachment, he joined the troops 

landed at Algoa Bay, and on the 20th of March reached the 

drostdy of Graaff-Reinet. On the same day fifty-three 

farmers from the Sneeuwberg joined the English forces. 

The insurgents had not ventured to make a stand, and 

indeed theu' number was too small to do so, for only abont 

one hundred and thirty men assembled at Koega. 

The English general had with him the Hottentot 
regiment. Tidings of the presence of these new soldiers 
spread rapidly through the district, and the people of their 
blood who were in service with the farmers, believing the 
strife to be one between colonists and Hottentots, rose upon 
their employers, seized all the guns, ammunition, and 
clothing they could lay their hands upon, and joined the 
British forces. About a hundred of the young men enlisted 
in the Hottentot regiment, and five or six times that 
number of men, women, and children threw themselves 
under the protection of the army. This tended so greatly 
to discourage the farmers who were with Marthinus Prinsloo 
that they gave up all idea of resistance. 

On the 24th of March Willem Prinsloo, junior, and 
Daniel Liebenberg arrived at the drostdy, and presented to 

Major-General Francis Dundas 41 

Oeneral Vandeleur a petition from the insurgents, begging 
for pardon. The general gave them a reply in writing, that 
they must lay down their arms before he would have any 
-dealings with them, and that those who chose to do so could 
meet him on the 6th of April at the house of Willem 
Prinsloo, senior, at the Boschberg. 

Pour days later .Greneral Vandeleur with all the troops, 
•except thirty men left at the drostdy as a garrison, set out 
for the Boschberg. Landdrost Bresler accompanied him. 
A party of soldiers was sent to arrest Adriaan van Jaarsveld 
and his son Zacharias, and made prisoners of them without 

On the 6th of April one hundred and thirteen of the in- 
surgents, commanded by Marthinus Prinsloo, appeared at 
the place app6inted, and laid down their arms before the 
troops. There was no promise of pardon in the document 
that General Vandeleur had sent to them, but they were 
under the impression that pardon was implied in its terms, 
and therefore remonstrated when they were placed under 
guard. The general caused a short investigation to be 
made, and then offered forgiveness to the ninety-three whom 
ihe considered least guilty, upon their paying a fine or 
furnishing one or two horses. The offer was gladly 
accepted, and these prisoners were then released. The re- 
maining twenty were sent to Algoa Bay, where they were 
put on board the Rattlesnakey a ship-of-war that had brought 
from the Cape a detachment of the 81st regiment. On the 
12th of June they arrived in Table Bay, and were immedi- 
ately placed in close confinement in the castle. 

Within a few days twenty-two others came in, and were 
pardoned. Twenty-seven of the insurgents, however, did 
not make their appearance, so on the 22nd of April General 
Vandeleur issued a proclamation calling upon them to sur- 
render themselves at the farm of Thomas Ignatius Perreira, 
at the Zwartkops river, on the 3rd of May. Several of them 
-did so, but the others fied into Eaffirland. On the 24th of 
May General Vandeleur offered a reward of 200Z. for each of 
the following, dead or alive : Coenraad du Buis, Jan Botha, 

42 History of South Africa 

ChristofiFel Botha, Frans Kruger, Jan Knoetsen, Coenraad 
Bezuidenhout, and Jan Steenberg. All of these were then 
in Kaffirland, where they had been joined by nine deserters 
from the English army. They tried to make their way to 
some distant tribe, but were turned back by the Tembus^ 
and remained for several years under Gaika's protection. 

While these events were taking place, the colony was- 
invaded by a horde of Kosas. In February 1799 Ndlambe 
made his escape from the kraal of his nephew Gaika, and 
was joined by a great many people, who crossed the Fish 
river with him and spread over the Zuurveld. All the clans 
in that district, with the exception of the Gunukwebes. 
under Cungwa, at once allied themselves with the powerful 
refugee. Between Ndlambe and Gaika a fresh quarrel had 
arisen, which greatly increased the bitterness caused by 
their former struggle for power. The old chief had recently 
added to his establishment a girl named Tutula, who was 
regarded as the beauty of KaflBrland ; and Gaika had 
enticed her to himself. The Bantu in general regard im- 
])urity very lightly, but by the coast tribes chastity ia 
strictly observed within certain degrees of relationship. In 
this matter Gaika offended the prejudices of his people, 
with the result that many thousands went over to Ndlambe. 

Before this invasion a large portion of the Zuurveld was- 
in occupation of the Kosa clans who remained there when 
open hostilities ceased in November 1 793. But some parts- 
of it were inhabited by farmers, and the border north and 
west was in possession of white men. As the horde under 
Ndlambe advanced, all who were in or near the line of 
march took to flight, some losing all they had, others wha 
could gather their cattle driving them off and abandoning 
everything else. 

General Vandeleur had no intention of employing- 
British soldiers against the Kosas, and he did not anticipate 
that they would commence hostilities against him without 
provocation. After receiving the submission of the great 
majority of the farmers who had been in arms, he collected 
the troops that were posted in different parts of the district^ 

Major-General Francis Dundas 43 

and marched towards Algoa Bay, with the intention of re- 
turning to Capetown. But at the Sunday river the column 
was unexpectedly attacked by Cungwa's followers, who 
believed that an attempt was about to be made to drive 
them over the Tish river. The Gunukwebes were concealed 
in a thicket through which the troops were passing, and 
poured in a shower of assagais from the shelter of trees, but 
did not expose themselves or continue the contest long. 

Twenty men of the 81st regiment, under Lieutenant 
Chumney, had previously been sent to reconnoitre the 
country towards the coast, and, fearing for their safety. 
General Vandeleur now fell back to the Bushman's river, to 
enable them to join the column again. A temporary camp 
was hardly formed when an attack was made upon it by 
Cungwa's people, who on this occasion exhibited great 
bravery, rushing forward in masses with their assagai shafts 
broken short so that they could be used as stabbing 
weapons. These charges were met with volleys of musket 
balls and grape shot, that covered the ground with bodies, 
until at length the Gunukwebes turned and fled. 

Meantime Lieutenant Chumney's party was surrounded, 
and, after making a desperate defence, all were killed except 
four men who managed to escape in a waggon. When 
these reached the main column the general resumed his 
march to the neighbourhood of Algoa Bay, and, after 
sending the larger portion of his force back to Capetown, 
he formed a camp on the farm of Thomas Ignatius Ferreira. 
In the month of May he called out two large burgher com- 
mandos to take the field ^against the Kosas : one from the 
district of Swellendam, under Commandant Tjaart van der 
Walt, the other from the district of GraafiF-Reinet, under 
Commandant Hendrik van Rensburg. 

While the commandos were assembling, a number of 
farmers appealed to the general for assistance against their 
late Hottentot servants. Many of these were roaming 
about the district, but several hundreds were at the British 
camp. General Vandeleur considered it prudent to take 
from those who were under his immediate protection the 

44 History of South Africa 

guns which they had carried ofiF from their employers, and 
this excited their suspicion that he was about to betray 
them. Before the burgher commandos arrived they fled, 
and forming themselves into three bands led respectively by 
the captains Klaas Stuurman, Hans Trompetter, and Boesak, 
they joined the Kosa invaders. 

At the beginning of June the burghers mustered at the 
Bushman's river, provided for a campaign of two months. 
It was General Vandeleur's intention that they should drive 
the Kosas over the Fish river, but not follow them across ; 
and to this effect he prepared instructions, which he sub- 
mitted to General Dundas. 

The acting governor approved of this line of action; 
but urged the general to do his utmost to prevent prolonged 
hostilities, and * by conciliatory means, by ambassadors, by 
presents, and by promises, to endeavour to impress the king 
or great chief of the Kaffir nation with confidence that the 
government wished to maintain peace.' The great chief of 
the tribe at this time was Kawuta, but Gaika was the 
person referred to by General Dundas, and as the head of 
the invading horde was at feud with him, the negotiations 
which General Vandeleur opened upon receipt of these 
orders were a failure. The commandos, however, were 
dispirited by being kept waiting, and the Eosas came to be- 
lieve that the white men were afraid to attack them. They 
iind the insurgent Hottentots then overran and pillaged the 
whole frontier. 

On the 22nd of July a horde of combined Eosas and 
Hottentots crossed the Gamtoos river, and ravaged the 
Longkloof upwards for many miles. Trom several of the 
farmhouses the owners had not time to escape, and eleven 
white men and four white women were murdered. Twelve 
women and children were made prisoners, but during the 
night they were permitted to walk away, and they wandered 
about for nearly a fortnight before they were rescued. 

On the 29th of July Landdrost Bresler reported that 
nearly the whole district of Graaff-Reinet was in possession 
of the Hottentots and Eaffirs. He was apprehensive that 

Major-General Francis Dundas 45 

an attack would be made upon the drostdy, then protected 
only by a company of soldiers under Lieutenant Lynden. 

The femilies of the burghers were now, however, safe in 
lagers, and every man who could be spared from their 
defence was in the field. But instead of acting in unison, 
the farmers were fighting in little parties, each on its own 
account. Often these parties were too small to attack the 
enemy, and in one instance, in an engagement on the left 
bank of the Sunday river, a commando of considerable- 
strength was defeated, when five men were killed and over a 
hundred horses — most of them saddled — were driven ofil 

At the close of July matters were in a deplorable con- 
dition. Twenty-nine white people had lost their lives, there 
was hardly a house left standing east of the Gamtoos, and 
nearly all the horses, horned cattle, and sheep were in the 
hands of the Eosas and Hottentots. Great herds of homed 
cattle had been driven over the Tish river, and many of the 
farmers' oxen and cows were now in Gaika's kraals. The 
Kosa clans, except the immediate retainers of Ndlambe^ 
were willing to share with Gaika the spoil of the white man, 
and so he acted the part known to these people as *the 
bush,' that is he professed to be sitting still in order that he 
might protect the plunder. The farmers were not deceived, 
but the government credited him with too much honesty to 
be capable of doing anything of the kind. 

On the 7th of August General Dundas set out for the 
frontier, to take the direction of affairs there in person, 
leaving Brigadier-General Henry Fraser to act for him at 
Capetown. At the same time a large burgher commando- 
was called out in each of the districts of Stellenbosch and 
Swellendam, and fifty dragoons with some companies of the 
Gist and 81st regiments were ordered to the front. As yet 
the troops had taken very little part in the war, but it wa& 
now intended to employ them to assist the burghers if peace 
could not be made. 

General Dundas was exceedingly desirous of coming to 
terms with the Eosas and Hottentots. He stated hi& 
opinion that the expulsion of the Eosas who had invaded 

46 History of South Africa 

the colony was justifiable defensive warfare, but that hostil- 
ities with them were to be deplored on the ground of 
humanity and as tending to increase the bitterness of feeling 
between the two races. As for the Hottentot insurgents, 
they were the descendants of the original occupiers of the 
country, and deserved on that account to be very tenderly 
dealt with. In order to try if an amicable settlement 
could not be arrived at, he took with him Mr. Honoratus 
Maynier, who had managed to secure his confidence. May- 
nier asserted that his influence with Ndlambe and with the 
Hottentots of GraaflF-Reinet was so great that he felt sure he 
could induce them to agree to a reasonable peace, and he 
was so plausible that the acting governor gladly made use of 
his services. 

On the 10th of August, before General Dundas and Mr. 
Maynier reached Swellendam on their way to the scene of 
disturbances, a great horde of Kosas and Hottentots 
appeared in the neighbourhood of the camp at Ferreira's, and 
got possession of most of the slaughter and draught oxen 
belonging to the commissariat ; bat they were followed up, 
and the cattle were recovered. General Vandeleur was so 
irritated by this occurrence that he caused a Eosa spy, who 
was detected in the camp on the following day, to be hanged 
' as an example to the savages.' 

In the beginning of September General Dundas arrived 
on the frontier, and shortly afterwards Mr. Maynier com^ 
menced to treat with the KaflSrs and Hottentots for peace. 
A considerable military force under General Vandeleur, and 
three strong divisions of burghers from the districts of 
Stellenbosch, Swellendam, and Graaff-Reinet, respectively 
under Commandants Strydom, Van der Walt, and Van 
Rensburg, were at the time in the field. There was nothing 
left to plunder within reach of the insurgents and invaders. 
Under these circumstances it was an easy matter to persuade 
the Hottentot and Kosa captains to give their word that 
they would abstain from further hostilities and not trespass 
beyond the Zuurveld. They were promised that they would 
not be molested there, and large presents were made to 

Major 'General Francis Dundas 47 

them. To the condition of things thus created Mr. Maynier 
gave the name of peace, and the government gladly con- 
sented to the word being used. On the 16th of October it 
was announced that hostilities were at an end. The hearts 
of the farmers sank within them, but they were obliged to 
:abide by the decision of the authorities; and thus was 
established a kind of truce, which was thereafter obseiTcd in 
^n indifferent manner. 

The commandos were disbanded, and the troops were 
withdrawn. On a hill overlooking the landing-place at 
Algoa Bay a wooden blockhouse, prepared in Capetown and 
sent round by sea in August 1799, was put up, and a stone 
redoubt eighty feet square was built and named Fort Fred- 
•erick. Here three hundred and fifty soldiers under command 
of Major Lemoine were stationed as a garrison, and in the 
village of Graaff-Reinet a few dragoons and a number — con- 
tjtantly varying — of men of the Hottentot regiment were left. 
The other troops returned to Capetown. 

On the 29th of October General Dundas appointed Mr. 
Maynier a judge in the high court of justice and bookkeeper 
of the loan bank, *as a reward for his very meritorious 
public services.' And on the 25th of December he had the 
additional appointment conferred upon him of * resident com- 
missioner and superintendent of public affairs within the 
•districts of Swellendam and Graaff-Eeinet,' in which capacity 
he was invested with ^ power and authority to issue such 
orders and directions as might appear requisite for the good 
government of the said districts and for the proper admini- 
stration of justice therein.' 

While the eastern part of the colony was in this state 
of confusion, the northern border was disturbed by the 
Namaqua captain Afrikaner, the same man who aided the 
colonists against the Bushmen along the Zak river in 1 792. 
Upon his return to his clan after visiting Capetown in 1793 
he resumed hostilities against his former enemies, and 
rapidly drifted into a state of warfare with all of his 
neighbours who had property that could be plundered. The 
first white man murdered by his band was the fieldcomet 

48 History of South Africa 

Pienaar, i/vho had supplied him wjith ammunition during the 
Bushman war. 

To his original clan Afrikaner now added a number of 
vagabonds who were attracted by the prospect of spoil, and 
in a short time he became a terror to the country far and 
wide. His stronghold was on an island in the Orange river^ 
and from it bands of his followers made sudden swoops- 
upon places as far distant as two hundred and fifty mUes^ 
from which they carried off everything that was valuable. 
Whoever resisted, whether white man, half breed, Hottentot,, 
or slave, paid for the attempt with his life. 

There was a party of Hottentots and halfbreeds under a 
captain named Cornells Kok, sometimes roaming along the 
southern bank of the great river, at other times living on a 
reserve in the Kamiesberg secured to them many years 
previously by the Cape government, when Adam Kok, the 
father of Cornells, gathered them together. This clan waa 
in possession of a good many homed cattle and sheep, and 
was therefore particularly exposed to Afrikaner's attacks. 
Kok managed to hold his own, however, until the spring of 
1798, when he suffered heavy losses. In December of that 
year he repaired to Stellenbosch to confer with the landdrost 
and endeavour to obtain aid to bring the marauders to 
justice ; but it was not possible to assist him then. 

In May 1799 the robbers were unusually successful in 
securing a large booty in cattle, but in doing so they 
murdered a farmer named Jacob Engelbrecht, a halfbreed, 
a Hottentot, and two slaves. In the following month 
Afrikaner sent one of his gang, named Kobus Booy, to- 
Stellenbosch, under pretence of asking for pardon, but it 
was afterwards strongly suspected that the messenger's real 
object was to obtain a supply of ammunition. General 
Dundas refused to pardon the robber captain, and instructed 
the landdrost to call out a commando against him and set a 
price upon his head. This was done, but without any good 
result, as the marauder's retreat could not be reached. 
After this date, however, Afrikaner's depredations were 
chiefly confined to the clans beyond the colonial boundary,. 

Major-Ge7teral Francis Dundas 49 

though his name remained a terror to the farmers of a large 
portion of the district of Stellenbosch. 

In November 1800 he sent Kobus Booy again to 
Capetown, professedly to ask that he might be pardoned, 
but more probably to act as a spy. Sir George YoDge, who 
was then governor, was disposed to overlook the past in 
order to prevent greater evils in the future, and forwarded 
to Afrikaner a safe-conduct for himself and his followers, ta 
hold good for six months, to enable them to visit Capetown 
and make arrangements by which they could live honestly .^ 
To Kobus Booy the farm Klipf ontein in Little Namaqualand 
was given, as an earnest of the governor's desire to provide 
for their maintenance. But Afrikaner declined the oflFer, 
and continued his career as a marauder. 

With the Bushmen on the north-eastern frontier there 
was at this time a cessation of hostilities. In July 1798 
Lord Macartney directed the fieldcornets Ploris Visser and 
Jacob Gideon Louw to endeavour to make peace on the basia 
of famishing the Bushmen with a supply of breeding cattle 
and making them periodical presents. The fieldcornets 
thereupon collected a large number of cows and sheep by 
means of free gifts from farmers, and they then got together 
as many Bushmen as they could and submitted the proposal 
to them. The wild people accepted the offer, and were 
provided with stock to commence cattle-breeding on their 
own account, with an assurance that they would not be 
molested if they would keep on the northern side of the 
boundary proclaimed by Lord Macartney. In December 
1798 this arrangement was reported to the government, and 
a request was made by Fieldcornet Visser for a supply of 
trinkets as presents. A quantity of beads, tinderboxes, 
rings, pocket mirrors, and knives, was at once sent to him 
for that purpose. 

But this scheme, apparently so admirable, soon proved a 
failure. As the Bushmen were without government, none 
but those who personally made an agreement and received 
cattle considered themselves bound by the arrangement, and 
though for a time it was found possible to supply all wha 

IV. E 

50 History of South Africa 

could be communicated with, the stock of cattle collected bj 
subscription was at length exhausted. Then there was 
great waste with the new cattle-breeders, and to complete 
the destruction of the project, the savages farther inland 
fell upon those who were not living according to the 
traditions of their race, and plundered them of everything. 

In March 1799 the London missionary society commenced 
its labours in South Africa. Its first agents were the 
reverend Dr. J. T. Vanderkemp, the reverend J. J. Kicherer, 
and Messrs. James Edmonds and William Edwards, who 
took passage from England in the Hillsborotigh^ a convict 
«hip bound to Botany Bay. They received a warm welcome 
from many of the residents in Capetown, and a South 
African missionary society, which is still in existence, was 
formed with a view of assisting in the conversion of the 
heathen. Within a few weeks after their arrival the two 
laymen were ordained in the church at Boodezand. 

Dr. Vanderkemp and Mr. Edmonds proceeded to 
Kaffirland, and attempted to form a station close to Gkdka's 
kraal; but after a short time Mr. Edmonds abandoned 
the effort and went to India. Dr. Vanderkemp remained 
behind, though he found the Eosas indisposed to listen 
to his exhortations. The European renegades at Gaika's 
kraal, being quite incapable of appreciating his work, also 
gave him much annoyance, till at length, after a residence 
of over a year, he left Kaffirland and retired to Graaff- 
Reinet, where he commenced to instruct the Hottentots in 
the truths of Christianity. 

In the roll of prominent men in South Africa before 
1820 there is no one who has been more lauded by one 
party or more decried by another than this missionary, the 
London society^s most conspicuous agent in the country for 
many years. He had once been an officer in the Dutch 
army, and afterwards a physician of eminence. When part 
middle life he abandoned comfort and competence in Europe 
that he might carry the gospel to the heathen. But no one 
could be less practical in general conduct, or less conciliatory 
towards those who were not in full accord with him. He 

Major-General Francis Dundas 51 

took no pains to give other instruction than in religious 
doctrine, thus placing himself in striking contrast with the 
Moravian brethren. A great and sudden domestic bereave- 
ment seems to have disturbed the balance of his mind, for 
eccentricity is too mild a word to use with regard to some 
of his habits. One of his maxims was that to secure the 
confidence of savages it was necessary to conform to such 
of their customs as were not sinful, and at a little later date 
this man, who had moved in refined circles in Europe, 
actually purchased a black slave girl, whom he married and 
lived with in a style hardly diflfering from that of people of 
her race. 

Mr. Kicherer was a clergyman of the reformed church of 
Holland. He and Mr. Edwards went northward to try to 
form a mission station among the Bushmen on the Zak river. 

These pioneers were speedily reinforced by many others 
from England and Holland. A society was established at 
Rotterdam, which sent out agents to cooperate with those 
of the London mission, and soon there were several stations 
beyond the northern border and quite a number of evangelists 
instructing the coloured people within the colonial limits. 

In the afternoon of the 5th of November 1799 a heavy 
north-west gale set into Table Bay, an unusual event at that 
period of the year. Among the vessels at anchor was the 
English ship of the line Sceptrcy carrying sixty-four guns, 
and, all told, a complement of four hundred and ninety-one 
souls. At noon the Sceptre fired the number of guns usual 
in commemoration of the discovery of the gunpowder plot, 
and some of her officers and sailors then went ashore. A 
little after dark the ship began to drag her anchors, upon 
which others were dropped, and when all these failed to 
hold, a couple of cannon were attached to cables and 
lowered. The Sceptre slowly drifted in, and struck on a 
ledge of rocks close to Fort Knokke, where she went to 
pieces immediately. Next morning the beach was covered 
with her fragments and with the bodies of her captain, 
eleven officers, and nearly three hundred seamen and 
marines who perished with her. 

E 2 

52 History of South Africa 

The Oldenburghy a Danish ship of the line, of sixty-four 
guns, parted soon after the Sceptre. Instead of droppiug^ 
other anchors, she set her head sails and steered for a sandy 
beach, upon which she was cast ; and though the ship was 
lost, the lives of all on board were saved. The same course 
was followed by the English whaler Sierra Leone, the 
American ships Hannah and Anubis^ and three small crafty 
all of which were lost, but their crews got safely to land. 

Upon the retirement of Lord Macartney, the king'a 
ministers selected as governor of the Cape Colony an old 
baronet named Sir George Tonge. The grounds upon which 
the appointment was made are uncertain, as the new gover- 
nor, though he had filled important situations, had never 
displayed any ability of a high order. From 1754 to 1794 
he had represented Honiton in the house of commons. He 
had been vice-treasurer of Ireland, a lord commissioner of 
the admiralty, from 1784 to 1794 one of the secifetaries at 
war, and more recently master of the mint. He may there- 
fore have had a claim to a lucrative appointment, but this is 
mere conjecture. On the 9th of December 1799 he arrived 
in Table Bay in the ship-of-war Lancaster, and at eleven 
o'clock on the following morning, in presence of all the 
officials and people of note in the town, he took the oaths 
of office. General Dundas was still on the frontier. 

Owing to various causes, the prisoners who were sent 
away from the Boschberg on the 6th of April 1 799 were 
not brought to trial before August 1800. For nearly fifteen 
months they had been in confinement in the castle, and in 
those days the treatment of prisoners was very different 
from what it is now. These men, whose early lives had 
been passed in active exercise in the open air, suffered 
severely from the scanty prison diet and the closeness of 
their quarters. With them were detained a number of 
persons charged with political oflences, and in one apart.- 
ment eighty -six prisoners were locked up at night. It was 
rarely that any of their friends could obtain permission to 
visit them. Many of their relatives, various people in 
Capetown, and even the burgher senate, from time to time 

Sir George Yonge 53 

sent petitions to the government, begging that they might 
receive less rigorous treatment; but the authorities thought 
that an example was necessary, and held that, considering 
the crime with which they were charged, they were being 
very leniently dealt with. 

The members of the high court of justice who sat upon 
this trial were Mr. Olof Godlieb de Wet, as president, and 
Messrs. A. Fleck, C. Matthiesseii, H. A. Truter, and J. P. 
Baumgardt. Mr. W. S. van Ryneveld, as fiscal, conducted 
the prosecution. One of the prisoners having died, nineteen 
were put upon their trial. On the 3rd of September judg- 
ment was delivered. Marthinus Prinsloo and Adriaan van 
Jaarsveld were sentenced to death. Cornelis Edeman was 
sentenced to be flogged on the scaffold, and then to be 
banished from the colony for life. Theunis Botha, Gerrit 
Hendrik Rautenbach, Barend Jacobus Bester, Jan Izaak 
Bonte, Keter Frederik Rautenbach, Godlieb Koch, Gerrit 
Scheepers, and Pieter Ignatius van Kamer were sentenced 
to be struck over the head with a sword, and then to be 
banished from the colony for life. Lucas Meyer, Zacharias 
AJbertus van Jaarsveld, Willem Grobbelaar, and Jacob 
Kruger were sentenced to witness the foregoing punish- 
ments, and then to be banished from the colony, the first 
two for life, the last two for ten years. Willem Venter 
was sentenced to imprisonment for two years, and Paul 
Venter to imprisonment for one year. Gerrit Botha and 
Jan Kruger were acquitted, on consideration of having 
already undergone a long imprisonment. 

Sir George Yonge mitigated the sentences of Willem 
and Paul Venter, by releasing them upon their giving secu- 
rity to appear whenever called upon. Gerrit Botha and Jan 
Kruger, though acquitted, were required before leaving the 
prison to take an oath of allegiance to the king of England 
and to give security for their future good behaviour. The 
sentence of Cornelis Edeman was ordered to be carried out 
at once. This man was a schoolmaster, and had written 
letters exciting the farmers to take up arms. He was 
flogged on the scaffold, and was sent to New South Wales 

54 History of South Africa 

as soon as an opportunity occurred. The sentences of the 
remaining fourteen prisoners were suspended until the 
pleasure of the king could be made known. Some time 
afterwards orders were received from the secretary of state 
that they were to be carried into effect; but General 
Dundas, who was then again acting as governor, took the 
responsibility of further postponement, and strongly recom- 
mended the prisoners to mercy. By this time a treaty of 
peace between France and England was concluded, under 
which the colony was to be restored to its former owners. 
The prisoners were therefore kept in confinement, with tbe 
sentence of the court of justice in suspense, and in that 
condition were transferred in February 1808 to the 
Batavian authorities. 

Before Sir George Tonge left England an arrangement 
was made between the secretary of state and himself that an 
agricultural department was to be added to the Cape govern- 
ment. With which of them the idea originated cannot be 
ascertained, but at any rate the governor threw himself 
heartily into the project, and made a very expensive hobby 
of it. At this time it was supposed that only skill was 
needed to make South Africa a great com and wine produc- 
ing country, from which England could draw large supplies. 
To encourage the production of brandy and wine, on the 
9th of June 1800 the house of commons reduced the duty on 
Cape brandy entering Great Britain to that on West Tndian 
spirits, and the duty on Cape wines to that on wines from 
Portugal. But to the taste of the English people the pro- 
duce of South African vineyards was objectionable, so that 
this measure had little or no effect. Shortly after his 
arrival, Sir George Yonge caused a * society for the en- 
couragement of agriculture, arts, and sciences ' to be 
established, of which he was president and Mr. Barrow 
secretary ; but beyond talking, this society did nothing. 

The agricultural department was designed to introduce 
improved implements and, by means of a model farm, to 
show the best method of tilling the ground. It was con- 
fidently anticipated that the whole expense would be covered 

Sir George Yonge 55 

by the crops raised. On the 20th of September 1800 the 
persons selected to form the department arrived in Table 
Bay, after a very long passage from England. They were 
Mr. William Duckitt, superintendent, with a salary of 500Z. 
a year, Mr. lies, assistant, with a salary of 60Z., a carpenter 
and a blacksmith, each with 33Z. 12«., six husbandmen, each 
with 31 Z. 10«., one farm boy, with lOZ., and one dairy woman,, 
with lOZ. 10«. a year. They brought implements of various, 
kinds with them. Upon their arrival they were placed on 
the farm B3apmuts, where they were provided with homed 
cattle, horses, a party of slaves, and everything else neces- 
sary for their work and maintenance. 

Before this date the ground in South Africa was culti- 
vated in a very rough manner. The plough in use was a 
heavy wooden implement, with only one handle ; and it 
needed a team of six or eight oxen to draw it. The harrow 
was equally clumsy, being formed of three blocks of wood 
attached to each other in the form of a triangle, with strong 
pegs driven in to scratch the ground. Sometimes a large 
bush was used. The sheaves were threshed by laying them 
upon a hard floor enclosed with a circular fence, and driving: 
a troop of horses or young oxen round upon them. Grain 
was winnowed by throwing it up in the air when the wind 
was blowing. 

Much had been tried of late years to improve the stock 
of cattle. A fairly good horse for either the saddle or the 
trace was now common, and there was a healthy spirit of 
rivalry — especially among young men — as to who should 
have the best. In horned cattle the aim had been to- 
increase the size and strength of oxen rather than the 
quantity of milk given by cows. It was the fashion for 
a young farmer who wished to be thought respectable to- 
take his bride from church in a waggon drawn by a span of 
fourteen large oxen of the same colour, and to become pos- 
sessed of such a team was the object of each lad's ambition. 
Thus anything tending to improve horses and horned cattle 
met with general approbation. The attempt to introduce 
woolled sheep, begun some years before, had not succeeded 

56 History of South Africa 

80 well. The tracts of country supposed to be best adapted 
for sheep runs, and where the experiments were showing 
most signs of success, had been laid waste* No one had yet 
thought of endeavouring to keep sheep on the karoo plains 
all the year round, and those vast ti-acts of land were only 
inhabited for a few months during and just after the rainy 
season, when flocks and herds were driven down from the 
colder highlands, and their owners lived in great tent- 
waggons. There were still, however, some woolled sheep in 
the colony, though they were not increasing in number, and 
there were no longer any enthusiastic breeders. Some of 
the best stock had been purchased for exportation, and had 
been taken to New South Wales. Goats, on the contrary, 
Inid been greatly improved in weight of carcase by imported 
animals, and were much thought of, as they were hardy and 
throve where sheep would not. 

This was the state of things when the agricultural 
<lepartiiient was established. The superintendent, Mr. 
Duckitt, was an enthusiast in the cause of high culture. 
His father was a well-known writer on subjects relating to 
farm machinery, and he himself had improved a drill for 
sowing seed, which was then in general use in England. 
As soon as he arrived he began to try to persuade the 
farmers near the Cape to cultivate their ground in the 
English manner. He succeeded in inducing two or three of 
the Van Reenens to make the experiment, but all the others 
held back. Some of them informed him that they would 
follow his advice as soon as they saw his model farm giving 
better returns than their own, others tried to argue the 
matter. They informed him that if God sent abundant rain 
the land only required to be scratched to yield heavy crops ; 
and if little rain fell, the highest cultivation would be use- 
less, for nothing would grow. Their ploughs and harrows 
cost hardly anything beyond their own labour, whereas his 
were expensive. Theirs required more draught cattle than 
liis did ; but they were obliged to keep a large number of 
oxen to take their produce to market, and in seedtime these 
might as well be working as doing nothing. 

Sir George Yonge 57 

The model farm was established at a bad time. The 
crops since 1798 had been very poor, and such was then 
the scarcity of grain that on the 4th of December 1800 a 
stringent proclamation was issued by Sir George Yonge to 
prevent its exportation or waste. To provide for the re- 
quirements of the army, fleet, and townspeople, the farmers 
were called upon to bring all their wheat to the magazines 
at Capetown, except sufficient for their own consumption 
and for seed. The government undertook to pay for the 
grain so delivered at the rate of 8Z. 12«. in paper for ten 
muids, from which would be deducted 128. instead of. the 
tithe. Farmers disobeying the order were to forfeit their 
grain and pay a fine of lOOZ. The government would sell 
wheat to bakers and to families, according to their needs, 
At the rate of 9Z. 2^. for ten muids. 

The drought continued, and in 1801 it was necessary to 
import flour and rice to avert a famine. Mr. Duckitt's high 
<3ulture produced nothing beyond the ordinary tillage of the 
<50untry, and the farmers observed that it cost much more. 
In the next year it was nearly the same. By that time over 
8,000Z. had been expended upon the model farm, and there 
were no returns. In neither of these years, nor in the one 
that followed, was sufficient food raised for the consumption 
of the large number of people employed. The experiment 
was an utter failure, except that it was the means of 
bringing English ploughs into use to a limited extent, the 
farmers finding them more economical than the large 
wooden ones in ground that had been long under cultiva- 

During Sir George Yonge's tenure of office as governor 
un official Gazette began to be published. It was at first 
termed the Capetown Gazette and African Advertiser^ and was 
issued weekly by Messrs. Walker and Robertson, merchants 
at the Cape. It was the organ by which all proclamations 
and official notices were made public, and for many years 
it contained also trade advertisements and such general 
reading matter as the government considered might be 
safely placed before the people. Very little information 

58 History of South Africa 

concerning South Africa is to be had from it, however, and 
even its foreign intelligence is generally limited to matters 
not political. Shortly after its first appearance — 16th of 
August 1800 — Mr. Barrow was appointed censor. From 
that date until the present time the publication has beei^ 

No man who has ever been at the head of the Cape^ 
government has been more generally disliked than Sir 
George Tonge. In one of his despat'Ches to the secretary 
of state he reported that the colonists termed him their 
father ; but in truth those who used such language were 
only a few suppliants for mercy. With the exception of 
some favourites of his own appointment, he was not on 
friendly terms with the officers of his government, and he- 
reported of them that the only efficient public servant whom 
he found here on his arrival was Mr. nercules Boss. Hia 
despatches were read with something like alarm by the 
secretary of state ; and when complaints of his misgovern- 
ment, supported by apparently complete proofs of his cor- 
ruption, were received at the colonial office, the ministry 
resolved to recall him and make a strict inquiry into his- 

On the 20th of April 1801 the Nutwell arrived in Table- 
Bay, with despatches dated on the 14th of January, ad- 
dressed to Sir George Yonge and to Major-General Dundas.. 
Sir George Tonge was informed that Lord Glenbervie had. 
been appointed to succeed him as governor, that he was at- 
once to transfer the administration to Major-General. 
Dundas, and to return to England by the first opportunity.. 
Major-General Dundas was instructed immediately on 
receipt of the despatch to assume the administration, and 
to act as governor until the arrival of Lord Glenbervie* 
The general thereupon called at government house, and 
informed Sir George Yonge of his instructions. Sir George- 
Yonge desired to retain his position a few days longer — 
really for the sake of appearance, nominally to put some* 
accounts in order, — but General Dundas would not consent* 
That afternoon two notices were issued: one by General 

Sir George Yonge 59 

Dundas, announcing that in consequence of a despatch from 
the secretary of state he was then acting governor of the 
colony ; the other by Sir George Tonge, announcing that the 
king had been pleased to appoint Lord Glenbervie governor 
of the colony, and had given him permission to transfer 
the administration to Major-General Dundas and to return 
to England at once. 

Next morning — 21st of April — at eleven o'clock the 
principal civil and military officers assembled at the castle, 
when General Dundas caused his instructions to be read, 
and he then took the prescribed oaths as acting governor. 
Sir George Tonge applied to the admiral on the station for 
a man-of-war to convey him to England, as was usual with 
governors of colonies returning home, but had the mortifi- 
cation of meeting with a refusal. On the 29th of May he 
left in a private ship, to the great satisfaction of nearly 
every one in the colony. 

A commission was appointed to investigate the charges 
against him, the most serious of which were : That he had 
increased the taxes, in violation of the terms of the capitu- 
lation of September 1795. That he had granted monopolies 
to improper persons, and had shared the profits with them. 
That he had taken government slaves from the fortifica- 
tions, and had given their services to the holders of the 
monopolies. That he had caused lavish and unnecessary ex- 
penditure, and had made improper use of the public money. 
That he had received from Mr. Hogan, a merchant at the 
Cape, the sum of 5,000Z., and had appropriated it to his own 
use, in consideration of giving leave to import eight hund- 
red slaves from Mozambique. That he had not prosecuted 
some persons who illegally obtained two hundred and fifty 
slaves at Mozambique, ninety of which slaves had died for 
want of water on the passage to the Cape. There were 
various other charges of less note. 

After investigation. Sir George Tonge was exonerated 
by the commission of having personally received bribes, and 
even of having been cognisant of the corruption of the 
officials who were in his confidence ; but a scandalous state 

6o History of South Africa 

of things was disclosed in regard to his government. He 
had violated the terms of the capitulation by imposing 
licences for killing game, by doubling the duty on brandy 
passing the barrier, and by several other taxes ; but this was 
a very small matter. He had alienated some of the public 
lands pledged as security for the redemption of the paper 
money, but no one regarded that as a very great offence. 
What was brought to light that was really disgraceful was 
a system of corruption without parallel even in the verj' 
worst days of the rule of the East India Company. The 
only way to get a decision from the governor, or even to 
communicate with him, was by bribing the favourites about 
his person. They could procure monopolies, licences to 
perform illegal acts, protection from punishment for crime, 
almost anything indeed that one in possession of enormous 
power could bestow. That they misrepresented matters to 
the governor was considered sufficient reason to acquit him 
of criminal conduct, but not of incapacity for high office. 
Among other disclosures, it was proved that the slave trade 
with Mozambique was being actively carried on, though 
that trade was supposed to be almost restricted to the west 
coast.* The method of conducting it was to obtain letters 
of marque for a privateer, and then to represent slaves 
brought in by such a vessel as having been captured from 
the enemy. 

After the arrangement of Mr. Maynier which was called 
the conclusion of peace, the district of Graaff-Keinet 
remained in a very wretched condition. The upper field- 
cornetcies were again occupied by farmers, but the heavy 
losses of cattle were not made good, and poverty and distress 
were general. In addition to other troubles, towards the 
close of the year 1799 locusts in vast swarms made their 
appearance, and ate off every green thing, so that even the 
game disappeared. In February 1800 heavy rains fell, and 
great flocks of locust-birds came from some unknown place 
in the north and speedily devoured the destructive insects. 

* The object of the British government in prohibiting trade with the east 
coast was to prevent the French from jirctting supplies of provisions there. 

Major-General Francis Dundas 6r 

But the game did not return for a long time, and many 
families who had few or no domestic cattle to depend upon 
were in consequence actually in want of food. The country 
in the neighbourhood of the Kosa and Hottentot kraal& 
was nearly uninhabited, as neither life nor property was safe 

To the farmers it seemed as if justice, as well as order, 
had fled from the land. It was of no use for them to bring 
charges against coloured people before the commissioner 
Maynier, for no matter how good their case might be, he 
would not give a decision in their favour. He reported to 
General Dundas that the Kosas and the Hottentots were 
behaving themselves very well. But for the colonists in 
the district he had no good word, and on their part it is not 
too much to say that they considered his presence a greater 
evil even than that of the Kafl&r horde. They blamed him 
for all the misery they were enduring, and certainly laid 
much more to his charge than they should have done. 

There was one thing that irritated them exceedingly. 
The original church in the village of Graaff-Eeinet had been 
destroyed by fire early in 1799, but in the midst of all their 
troubles they had put up another building for the worship 
of God, and it was now being used as a barrack for the 
pandours. General Dundas could not enter into their 
feelings with regard to this matter, though he expressed 
regret that the ofl&cer in command was obliged to make use 
of the church. He said that it was a necessity to have 
shelter for the Hottentot soldiers, and there was no other 
building available; that it was cleaned out and the 
Hottentots withdrawn from it some time before the hour for 
divine service ; and that he would cause a proper barrack to 
be built as soon as possible. He could not comprehend why 
the colonists, who were of all men the least given to attach 
sanctity to human productions, objected so strongly to a 
very plain and poor building being occupied by the 
Hottentot soldiers, when they would have occupied it them- 
selves, or have stored goods in it, without the slightest 
hesitation. But their view was that the church was being 

62 History of South Africa 

polluted by the heathen, and this was also set down to 
Maynier's account, though in reality he had nothing to do 
with it. 

In July 1801 the heads of families in the district were 
called upon to appear at the drostdy and g^ve in the usual 
census returns. Instead of doing so, on the 20th of the 
month those who had formerly occupied farms in the 
Zuurveld, together with those of Bruintjes Hoogte and the 
fieldcornetcy of Zwartkops Eiver, appeared in arms and 
demanded the removal of Maynier and the Hottentot soldiers. 
They expected to be joined by the people of the other ports 
of the district, but were disappointed, as only a few men 
came to their assistance. 

The dragoons and the Hottentot soldiers were prepared 
to receive them, and throughout the day some shots were 
fired on both sides, but without anyone being hurt. In the 
evening Maynier offered pardon to all who would retire, and 
during the night the insurgents withdrew, though a large 
party of them kept together in arms beyond the Bamboes 

General Dundas confirmed the pardon promised by 
Maynier, and appointed Dr. William Somerville joint com- 
missioner in Graaff-Reinet, empowering him and Maynier to 
suspend the civil authority and enforce martial law in such 
parts of the district as they might think necessary. Dr. 
Somerville, however, did not take up the appointment. 

For a few weeks after this there was no commotion, but 
early in October a large armed party appeared before the 
drostdy again. The ofi&cer in command of the troops in- 
trenched his force and prepared for defence, after burning 
down one of the public buildings by which his position was 

General Dundas hereupon sent Major Sherlock, of the 
8th light dragoons, with three hundred men, selected from 
his own regiment, the artillery corps, and the 9 1st infantry, 
by sea to Algoa Bay, and instructed him to march to Graaff- 
Reinet as speedily as possible. Petitions and letters repre- 
senting Maynier's conduct in the most unfavourable light. 

Major-General Francis Dundas 63 

^md imploring that he might be recalled, were pouring in, 
and General Dundas observed that most of these were from 
people who were staunch upholders of law and order. 
Among them was a letter from the reverend Mr. Vos, of 
Boodezand, who was on a pastoral tour to the frontier, and 
who was one of the warmest adherents of the English 
government in South Africa. Another was a letter from 
Commandant Tjaart van der Walt, of the Swellendam 
<listrict, making manj and grievous charges against the 
-commissioner. A third was a strongly-worded document to 
the same eflfect, signed by the best men of the Sneeuwberg, 
Gouph, and Nieuwveld. These documents could not be 
•disregarded, coming from such sources, and besides it was 
evident that Maynier was unable to suppress the insurrec- 
tion, which had drawn into its vortex even such a man as 
the able and law-abiding commandant Hendrik van 
ISensburg. General Dundas therefore recalled Maynier, 
^and announced that the charges against him would be in- 
vestigated. Mr. Bresler and the heemraden were instructed 
to resume their ordinary duties, which had been for some 
time suspended. And Major Sherlock, Major Abercrombie, 
and Lieutenant Smyth were appointed a commission to take 
over the chief civil authority in the district of Graaff-Eeinet 
and to inquire into the cause of the disturbances. 

Major Sherlock arrived at Graaff-Beinet on the 29th of 
November. He found the country between Algoa Bay and 
the drostdy quite deserted, and the inhabitants of the district 
to a man under arms. The garrison of the village was 
holding out, but had then been four days without bread. 
Bands of Hottentots were marching up and down, wherever 
they chose, plundering whatever still remained. During the 
night of the 6th of November the heemraad Stephanus 
Naude and his wife had been murdered on their farm twelve 
miles from the village. The camp of the insurgent burghers 
was so situated that the drostdy was closely invested. 

Having ascertained the condition of affairs. Major Sher- 
lock sent a dragoon to the farmers' camp, offering a full and 
free pardon to all who would return to their allegiance, with 

64 History of South Africa 

protection of their persons and properties, inviting them at 
the same time to make him acquainted with their rea¥ 
grievances, which would be redressed by the governments 
He demanded a positive and immediate answer. The 
farmers, being informed that Maynier was no longer in 
power, at once sent Fieldcornet Erasmus and Jacobu» 
Kruger to state that they had no complaint against the 
government, but were in arms solely to drive the late com- 
missioner away. Several of them followed the messengers 
into the British camp, others went back to their farms 
without delay, and before nightfall on the 30th all had dis- 
persed and the insurrection was at an end. On that day 
one hundred and forty-seven Hottentots came in and 
enlisted as soldiers. 

A commission, consisting of Lieutenant-Colonel Dickens 
and Messrs. Acheson Maxwell and Clement Matthiessen^ 
was appointed to investigate the complaints against Maynier.. 
Some of the charges were preposterous, such as that he had 
incited the Hottentots and Kaflirs to rob and murder the 
Europeans. Others, such as that he had applied the 
district funds to his own purposes, were easily shown to be 
without foundation. In this last case, he had collected 
money and expended it in the repair of public buildings, but 
disdained to give that explanation to the farmers, and 
neglected to make an entry of it in the district books.. 
Other charges were for acts performed in accordance with 
the wishes of the government. Altogether, he was mnch 
too able intellectually for uneducated farmers to contend 
with, so that in June 1802 the commission acquitted him of 
all the charges brought against him, and decided that he 
had conducted himself upon every occasion as an upright 
and honest man. While the investigation was pending, he 
had been suspended from acting as a member of the high 
court of justice; but upon his acquittal he was requested 
to resume that duty, and soon afterwards was awarded 
by General Dundas a sum of one thousand pounds from 
the colonial treasury as compensation for his losses and 

Major-General Francis Dundas 65 

The government now saw fit to take measures for 
reducing to order the Hottentots who were roaming about 
the country. An arrangement was made with the reverend 
Dr. Vanderkemp, who was residing in the village of Graaff- 
Eeinet, that a location should be provided for as many of 
the Hottentots as might choose to settle in it, where he 
could carry on mission work among them. On the 27th of 
November 1801 instructions were issued to Landdrost 
Bresler to select a suitable site for a temporary location near 
Algoa Bay. The government undertook to send a supply of 
rice and other provisions for the maintenance of the 
Hottentots until they could obtain food from gardens, and 
to furnish them with seed wheat and implements for culti- 
vating the ground. 

The landdrost selected the farm once occupied by 
Theunis Botha, on the Zwartkops river; and Dr. Vander- 
kemp, having collected a large number of Hottentots at 
Graaff-Beinet, left that village with them to proceed to the 
place appointed. On the way many of them deserted, but 
he reached the location with several hundred women and 
children and a few men. 

At the same time two hundred burghers of Swellendam 
were summoned to take the field under Commandant 
Tjaart van der Walt, for the purpose of assisting the people 
of Graaff-Reinet to recover the cattle that had been stolen 
from them and to punish the marauders who would not 
consent to retire to the location. Instead of two hundred, 
only eighty-eight appeared at the appointed time, and six 
of these deserted immediately. Leaving sixteen men to 
guard a camp which he formed at Winterhoek, with the 
remaining sixty-six Van der Walt marched to Eoodewal, 
beyond the Sunday river, where on the 13th of February 
1802 he attacked a kraal of the banditti. In the onset his 
only son received a mortal wound. The thoughts of the 
dying man turned to his home and to her who would soon 
be Us widow. The brave old commandant bade the 
youth — who was only twenty-one years of age — take com- 
fort in the assurance that God would provide for the loved 

IV. P 

66 History of South Africa 

one, then hastily oflFering up a short prayer, he proceeded 
with his duty. The robbers were beaten, and twelve fire- 
locks, two hundred head of homed cattle, and five horses 
were taken as spoil. 

After the action Van der Walt tried to return to his 
camp, but found the Sunday river so full that he could not 
cross. On its bank he was in turn attacked by the banditti, 
who were led by Klaas Stuurman. For a day and a half he 
stood on the defensive, during which time three Hottentots 
were killed. Stuurman then sent to propose peace on con- 
dition that the farmers should restore the cattle and guns 
captured by them on the 13 th, and that the Hottentots 
should engage to cease from roaming about and plundering. 
Van der Walt agreed to these terms, and everything was 
given up ; but an hour afterwards the Hottentots attacked 
him again. By this time the river was fordable, and as the 
burghers were too few in number to keep the field, they re- 
turned to the camp at Winterhoek, losing one man on the 
way. On the 23rd the puny force was disbanded. 

The whole colony was now in a state of alarm. It was 
feared that the Hottentot soldiers would desert and join 
their countrymen, and any trifling event was sufficient to 
cause a panic. Thus on the 18th of April, as the reverend 
Mr. Vos, who was about to proceed to Europe, was preach- 
ing his farewell sermon in the church at Boodezand to an 
audience in which were some five hundred men, an alarm 
was given that a party of Hottentots was in sight. There 
was a rush from the building, and in the frantic haste to 
get out the windows were broken open. The Hottentots 
were found to be a company of pandours sent to patrol the 
district, but this was not calculated to allay the fear of the 

On the 15th of December 1801 intelligence was received 
at the Cape that preliminary articles of peace between 
Prance and England had been signed at London on the Isi 
of October, and that the restoration of the colony to the 
Netherlands — then the Batavian Eepublic — was one of the 
conditions. Greneral Dundas was therefore anxious that the 

Major- General Francis Dtmdas 67 

country should assume such an appearance of order as 
would allow of its transfer with credit to the British 
authorities. To bring this about, attempts were renewed in 
March and April to induce the Hottentots to settle at the 
location on the Zwartkops river; and, when these failed, 
efforts were made to get a burgher force together. 

On the 7th of May a proclamation was issued by the 
acting governor, requiring the whole of the farmers of the 
districts of Swellendam and Graaff-Eeinet to take the field 
on the 1st of June against the Hottentot and Kosa 
marauders. The latter had recently been unusually active. 
Tjaart van der Walt was to lead the burgher force, though 
operations were to be directed by Major Francis Sherlock, 
the oflBcer in command of the garrison at the village of 

At this time so great was the distress of the frontier 
farmers that many were in want of the barest necessaries of 
life, and the government, fearing that actual starvation 
was imminent, sent a quantity of rice to Algoa Bay to be 
distributed among them. 

On learning that a large force was being assembled, 
Klaas Stuurman applied to the government, through the 
reverend Dr. Vanderkemp, to know on what terms his sub- 
mission would be accepted. General Dundas replied on the 
28th of May, requesting Dr. Vanderkemp to inform Stuur- . 
man and the other captains that unless the Hottentots 
would consent to the following conditions, their kraals on 
the Sunday river would be attacked by the commando : 

1. They were to make complete restitution of all the 
stolen cattle that were still alive. The cattle were to be 
sent to Fort Frederick to be restored to their owners by 
Major Lemoine. 

2. They were to surrender at Fort Frederick all the 
arms and ammunition in their possession. 

3. The men were then either to enlist as soldiers, to 
engage themselves to the farmers, or to take up their 
residence at the mission station, as they might choose. 

4. All the Hottentots of either sex at the mission 

F 2 

68 History of South Africa 

station would be fed and sustained by the government for 
one year, and none would be molested for past conduct 
except the actual murderers of two families named Naude 
and Van Eooyen, who were excluded from the general 
pardon. They would be supplied free of cost with ground, 
farming implements, and seed corn. 

The operations of the commando were suspended until 
Dr. Vanderkemp could communicate the result of this ojffer, 
but as Stuurman and the other captains rejected it, in June 
1802 the burgher forces under Commandant Tjaart van der 
Walt attacked the combined Kosa and Hottentot hordes, 
who were posted in thickets along the Sunday river. 
During eight weeks there was almost constant skirmishing, 
in which the burghers suflFered some losses, but about two 
hundred and thirty of the marauders were killed, and 
thirteen thousand one hundred head of horned cattle were 
recovered and sent to Bruintjes Hoogte for distribution. 

On the 8th of August, however, the tide of fortune 
turned. On that day, in an action at the Kouga hills^ 
between the Baviaans' Kloof river and the Kouga river. 
Commandant Tjaart van der Walt was shot dead. Never 
was the loss of a single individual more fatal to the success 
of an enterprise. Every one, from General Dundas to the 
poorest burgher, had felt the utmost confidence in the tact 
and skill of the commandant. There was but one opinion as 
to his high moral character, his bravery, and his devotion to 
duty. When he fell, Philip Rudolph Botha, the next burgher 
officer in rank, became commandant, and early on the 
following morning he ordered a retreat eastward through 
the country that had previously been cleared of the enemy. 
In great confusion the commando marched to the Bushman^s 
river, and on the 1 4th of August the burghers composing it 
dispersed and set out for their homes. 

Upon intelligence of Van der Walt's death and the dis- 
persion of the commando reaching Capetown, General 
Dundas immediately repaired to the frontier, taking Mr, 
Honoratus Maynier with him. General Vandeleur was 
left in command in Capetown. Maynier was sent to the 

Major-General Francis Dundas 69 

Hottentots to try to induce them to lay down their arms, but 
he succeeded only with seven petty captains, who with their 
people were conducted overland to the seat of government, 
where they were maintained at the public expense until the 
transfer of the colony. 

On the 10th of September there was a conference of 
military officers, under the presidency of General Dundas, at 
Port Frederick. Landdrost Bresler was present, and took 
part in the proceedings. The troops were being withdrawn 
from the village of Giuaff-Eeinet, and those in Port Fred- 
erick were on the point of leaving for Capetown, as the 
colony was shortly to be restored to its old masters. Some 
Dutch ships of war and transports with troops bound to 
India had recently arrived in Simon's Bay, and on the 19th 
of August General Dundas had written to Commodore 
Mellissen, who commanded them, requesting that Dutch 
troops might be sent to Algoa Bay to relieve the English 
soldiers there. The commodore replied that he was not 
empowered to act as desired, and General Dundas had 
therefore resolved to leave the fort without a garrison, and 
to withdraw from the interior of the colony all the troops 
except a few dragoons who were stationed at Hagelkraal. 
No one could suggest any other course than again to call 
out a large burgher commando, and orders were therefore 
issued to the farmers of the districts of Stellenbosch, 
Swellendam, and Graaff-lleinefc to meet in arms at Wolve- 
fontein on the 20th of December.^ Philip Rudolph Botha 
was appointed commandant-general, but the burghers of 
each district were to be under the immediate orders of their 
own commandants. 

The* Kaffirs and Hottentots had now the coimtry along 
the coast from Pish River to Plettenberg's Bay entirely at 
their mercy. On the 15th of October a party of fugitives 
was overtaken in the poort between Plettenberg's Bay 
and the Knysna by a band of marauders under command of 
David Stuurman — a brother of the captain, — when three 
white men and one black were murdered. Their waggons 
were plundered, but three women and some children were 

70 History of South Africa 

spared, and after five days' detention were set at liberty^ 
All the farms as far west as Kaaiman's Eiver, near the 
present village of George, were then laid waste. 

In December there was a report that the Kosas were 
returning to their own country, so the commando did not 
assemble at the time appointed. Fresh orders were then 
issued by General Dundas, and in January 1803 a large 
burgher force took the field. The Hottentots and the Kosas 
were now quarrelling about the division of the spoil, and 
each professed a desire to be at peace with the white people. 
The colony was just about to change its masters, and the 
burghers were anxious to know what assistance they might 
expect from the new authorities. On the 20th of February, 
therefore, at the very time that the Batavian troops were 
being quartered in the castle of Good Hope, an arrangement 
was made between the commandants and the Kosa chiefs 
that neither should molest the other, that the Kosas should 
return to their own country as soon as they could, and that 
in the mean time they should not trespass beyond the Zuur- 
veld. The Hottentot captains promised to abstain from 
vagrancy and robbery, on condition of not being attacked.r 
As soon as these arrangements were made the burghers were 

Owing to the devastation of the district of Graaff-Eeinet, 
it was so difficult to obtain slaughter cattle for the supply of 
the military and naval forces at the Cape that General Dun- 
das thought of trying to find a new market to buy in. For 
a generation past vague accounts had been received of the 
people now known as the Betshuana, then usually called by 
the Hottentot term Briquas. There is no doubt that the 
southern Betshuana tribes had often been visited by Euro- 
pean hunters and traders, but these men did not choose to 
make their discoveries known, and either kept silent or gave 
incorrect accounts of their travels. The first authentic 
information concerning the people north of the Orange and 
east of the Kalahari was obtained by an expedition sent by 
General Dundas to ascertain whether cattle could be pro- 
cured from them. 

Major-General Francis Dundas 71 

This expedition was under the joint command of Mr. 
Pieter Jan Truter and Dr. William Somerville ; a skilful 
artist — Mr. Samuel Daniell — accompanied it as secretary 
and draughtsman, Mr. P. B. Borcherds was assistant 
secretary, and Mr. T. C. Schultz superintendent of the 
waggon train. There were twenty-four halfbreeds and 
Hottentots to tend the cattle, and four slaves to wait upon 
the Europeans. The caravan left Capetown on the 1st of 
October 1801, and passing through Boodezand and Hex 
Eiver kloofs and over the Bokkeveld and the Roggeveld, on 
the 18th of the same month reached the northern boundary 
of the colony. Here the travellers were joined by seven 
farmers from the Roggeveld — Prans and David Kruger, Jan 
Cloete, Jan Maritz, Caspar Snyder, Pieter Jacobs, and David 
Lombard — who had been required by the landdrost of the 
district to accompany them as an escort. On the 23rd they 
passed the ruins of a mission station near the Zak river, 
once occupied by the reverend Messrs. Kicherer and Edwards, 
and on the 2nd of November they arrived on the southern 
bank of the Orange. After leaving the colonial boundary 
they had seen only a few half-starved Bushmen. 

Crossing the Orange without much difficulty, they were 
joined on its northern bank by the reverend Mr. Edwards 
and his wife, who wished to proceed with them. Accompany- 
ing the missionary was a colonist named Jacob Kiniger, who 
had been wandering about the banks of the great river for 
many years. On the 8th of November the party encountered 
a horde of halfbreeds, Koranas, and Bushmen, with whom 
was a colonist named Jan Kock acting as a volunteer 
missionary. Another stage brought them to Rietfontein, 
where a number of people of the Hottentot race were 
collected together, and the missionaries Kicherer, Anderson, 
and Kramer, assisted by two young colonists — Jacobus 
Scholtz and Christiaan Botma — were labouring. 

After travelling several days farther in the same direction 
the Kuruman river was reached, and here the first kraals of 
the Batlapin tribe of Betshuana were seen. The reverend 
Mr. Edwards remained at this place to commence mission 

72 History of South Africa 

work, and after a few days he was joined by Jan Kock. 
From the Kumman the travellers went on to Lithako, a 
large kraal partly occupied by a Barolong clan under a chief 
named Makraki, and partly by the principal section of the 
Batlapin tribe, then under the government of the chief 
Molehabangwe. Near the kraal were large gardens, from 
which the people derived the greater portion of tlieir food* 
The travellers estimated that Lithako contained from ten to 
fifteen thousand inhabitants. 

At this place they remained until the 12 th of December, 
gathering information, but unable to procure any cattle 
worth speaking of. Molehabangwe informed them that he 
had been attacked and nearly ruined a few years before by a 
halfbreed named Jan Bloem, who was at the head of a 
Korana horde. Messrs. Truter and Somerville wished to go 
on to the principal sections of the Barolong tribe farther 
north, but Molehabangwe, following an invariable custom 
with African chiefs, gave his neighbours such a bad char- 
acter, and pictured so many obstacles to the journey, that 
they abandoned the idea. 

In returning, the expedition went down the Orange river 
to a place on its southern bank where the halfbreed captain 
Cornelis Kok was then residing, in hope of being able to 
obtain a drove of cattle from him. In this they were not 
successful. Mr. Botma and a number of halfbreeds from 
the mission station at Eietfontein overtook them here, and 
asked for assistance against the robber captain Afrikaner* 
Cornelis Kok's people were ready to join, and an expedition 
set out under the leadership of Adam Kok, the captain's son. 
Messrs. Somerville, Daniell, and Botma accompanied it a 
short distance, until it became necessary to proceed on foot, 
when they returned. 

In Afrikaner's gang there was at this time a white num, 
by birth a Pole, who had been a soldier in the Dutch East 
India Company's service, but had committed a crime for 
which he was sentenced to death. He escaped from prison, 
and made his way to the banks of the Orange river, where 
he palmed himself off upon the Korana hordes as a religions 

Major-General Francis Dunaas ^2> 

instructor sent to them direct from heaven. When the 
missionaries of the London society appeared there, this 
vagabond, fearing that he would be detected and sent to 
Capetown for punishment, joined Afrikaner's band, and 
shortly became a prominent member of it. Messrs. Truter 
and Somerville, as well as the missionaries, were anxious to 
have him apprehended, as a renegade European in such a 
situation WM particularly dangerous. 

The party that went against the robbers found them on 
one of the islands in the river below Olivenhout Drift. 
Adam Kok's band attacked them there, and defeated them, 
but both Afrikaner and the renegade Pole escaped. Three 
hundred oxen, one hundred sheep, and two muskets were 
secured as spoil. 

Messrs. Truter and Somerville were desirous of visiting 
Little Namaqualand, but the country to the westward was 
so parched that it could not be traversed. The expedition 
therefore turned back at Comelis Kok's kraal, and followed 
the same route to the Cape that it had taken when going 
inland. At the Zak river the reverend Mr. Kicherer was 
again met. He was busy rebuilding the abandoned station, 
and intended to renew the effort to establish a mission there 
for the benefit of the Bushmen. 

Messrs. Truter and Somerville brought back with them 
information that the Betshuana were a branch of the same 
race as the Kosas on the eastern frontier of the colony, but 
that their language and their habits were in some respects 
different. The Kosas were more warlike, but less skilfiil in 
manufactures. The travellers were particularly struck with 
the comparative comfort of the huts used by the Betshuana, 
and with the neatness of their skin robes. A great deal of 
information which they gathered has since proved to be 
correct, but they formed some erroneous opinions, as was 
indeed unavoidable when the means of communication were 
defective and the intercourse short. 

At ten o'clock in the morning of the 8th of December 
1801 the residents in Capetown were startled by a crashing 
noise, which was caused by the fall of an enormous mass of 

74 History of South Africa 

rock in the gorge on the face of Table Mountain. No damage 
was done, but the fissure for a great distance was found to 
be strewn with fragments of stone, and its appearance waa 
changed considerably. This was not the first instance in 
historical times of heavy masses of rock becoming detached 
at the top of the mountain. In a great storm on the lOih 
of July 1695 stones of enormous size rolled down, and on 
the l<)th of September 1699 there was a fiill of rock accom- 
pauied with a great noise. Again, on the 27tli of May 
170U, during a violent storm, many rocks rolled far into 
Table Valley, and much damage was caused to the g^ardens 
of Jacob van Reenen and the widow Eksteen on the 
Eondebosch side by the huge stones that lodged in them. 
After 1801 there was no fall of any consequence until the 
<>tlL of June 1880. About half an hour before noon on that 
day the people of Capetown were startled by a heavy 
rumbling noise, which at first was believed to be caused by 
an earthquake. They rushed out of their houses in great 
alarm, when the noise was found to proceed from the descent 
of immense rocks from the face of the mountain. 

During tliis period there is not much to be related con^ 
cerning church matters. No new congregations were 
formed, and in 1803 several of the old ones were without 
j)a8t(n-s. The reverend Mr, Kuys, of Capetown, died in 
January 1700, and the reverend Mr. Aling, of Drakenstein, 
in May 1800. In January 1802 the reverend Mr. Von 
Manger was removed from Swellendam to Capetown, and in 
April of that year he was succeeded at Swellendam by the 
rov(?rend Mr. Ballot. In February 1803 the churches of 
iJnikenstein, Boodezand, and Graaff-Beinet were without 
other clergymen than consulents, the reverend Messrs. 
Serrurier, Fleck, and Von Manger were in Capetown, the 
reverend Mr. Borcherds was at Stellenbosch, the reverend 
Mr. Van der Spuy was at Zwartland, and the reverend Mr. 
Ballot was at Swellendam. In the Lutheran church in 
('ape town the vacancy caused by the death of the reverend 
Mr. Kolver was filled in Februarj' 1799 by the temporary 
upi)ointment of the reverend Johan Haas, who called here 

Major-General Francis Dundas 75 

in a Danish ship. He remained as acting clergyman until 
February 1802, when the reverend Mr. Hesse arrived from 
England with the permanent appointment. A clergyman of 
the church of England was stationed in Capetown as 
chaplain to the troops, but there was no congregation 
formed other than military, though some of the officers of 
government and several merchants attended the services. 

The only public building in Capetown which still remains 
as a memorial of the first English occupation of the colony 
is St. Stephen's church in Eiebeek-square. It was put up 
by a company for a theatre, and during half a century was 
used for that purpose; but was then purchased by the 
reverend George Stegmann of the evangelical Lutheran 
communion and was turned into a mission church and 
schoolroom. In 1857 Mr. Stegmann and his congregation 
united with the Dutch reformed church, with Avhich St. 
Stephen's has been connected since that date. 

On the 1st of October 1801 preliminary articles of peace 
between France and England were signed at London, and in 
them Great Britain agreed to surrender the Cape Colony to 
the Batavian Eepublic. The old Dutch East India Company 
had disappeared. On the 1st of March 1796 the assembly 
of seventeen was replaced by a commission of the states- 
general termed the committee for the East Indian trade and 
possessions, and this again in 1800 was superseded by a 
council for the Asiatic possessions and establishments. 

On the 8th of March 1802 the states-general resolved 
that the executive and legislative authority of the colony 
should be entrusted to a governor and a council of four 
members, at least one of whom should be by birth or long 
residence a colonist. The governor was to be also com- 
mander-in-chief of the troops. His salary was to be 
4,1662. 13«. 4d. a year, and that of each of the councillors 
833Z. 6«. 8d. The high court of justice was to be inde- 
pendent of the executive and legislative authority. It was 
to consist of a president and six members, all of them versed 
in law and unconnected with parties in the colony. A secre- 
tary was to be attached to the court, and there was to be an 

76 History of South Africa 

attorney-general to conduct public prosecutions. Trade 
between the colony and the possessions of the Batavian 
Eepublic everywhere was to be unrestricted, except that for 
revenue purposes customs duties of three per cent upon the 
value of articles of commerce were to be charged. The 
colony was not to be subject to any control from Java, but 
was to be a direct dependency of the Netherlands. . With 
these general principles as a foundation, the task of drawing 
up a plan of government was entrusted to Mr. Jacob Abraham 
de Mist, an advocate of high standing and a member of the 
council for the Asiatic possessions and establishments. 

The final terms of peace were signed at Amiens on the 
27th of March 1802. The sixth article is thus worded: 
' The Cape of Good Hope remains in full sovereignty to the 
Batavian Republic, as it was before the war. The ships of 
every description belonging to the other contracting parties 
shall have the right to put in there, and to purchase such 
supplies as they may stand in need of as heretofore, without 
paying any other duties than those to which the ships of 
the Batavian Eepublic are subject.' 

The document drawn up by Mr. De Mist gave such satis- 
faction that on the 1st of April he was appointed com- 
missioner-general to receive the colony from the English, 
install the Dutch officials, and make such regulations for the 
government as he might find necessary. A very able 
military officer and man of high moral worth — Lieutenant- 
General Jan Willem Janssens — was appointed governor, 
and a staff of subordinate officials was selected. Three 
commissioners — Messrs. A. Muller, R. de Klerk Dibbetz, 
and J. F. Benay — were directed to proceed to the colony, 
and make arrangements for the reception of the troops 
destined for a garrison. 

These commissioners arrived in Simon's Bay on the 
12th of August, and on the same day an English frigate 
brought official intelligence of the signing of the treaty of 
Amiens and the first despatches from the secretary of state 
received during ten months. 

On the 5th of August Mr. De Mist and General Janssens 

Major-General Francis Dundas jy 

with a staff of officers sailed from Texel in the Bato^ one of 
the ships of war belonging to a fleet under Commodore 
Dekker, destined for the Cape of Good Hope and India. 
Some transports with troops and some storeships sailed at 
the same time, others followed a little later. The troops 
selected to form the garrison of the colony consisted of the 
twenty-second and twenty-third battalions of infantry, each 
seyen hundred and sixty-four men in strength, the ninth 
battaUon of jagers, four hundred and twenty strong, the 
fifth battalion of artillery, four hundred and twelve strong, 
a squadron of two hundred and six light dragoons, and the 
fifth battalion of Waldeck, five hundred and eighty-four 
strong, altogether, officers and men, three thousand one 
hundred and fifty souls. 

The Bato arrived in Table Bay on the 23rd of December, 
and next morning the commissioner-general took up his 
quarters in the castle, where he was at once waited upon by 
the principal residents in Capetown. Two members of the 
council and six of the judges of the high court landed at the 
same time. The troops were disembarked as the transports 
airived, and were quartered in the barracks. 

On the 80th of December General Dundas issued a pro- 
clamation absolving the inhabitants of the colony from the 
oath of allegiance to the king of England on and after the 
1st of January 1803. 

It was arranged that at sunset in the evening of Friday 
the Slst of December the English guards should be relieved 
by Batavian soldiers, and at sunrise next morning the Dutch 
flag should be hoisted on the castle. The English troops 
were nearly all embarked in transports, when at half past 
two in the afternoon of the 31st General Dundas and Vice- 
Admiral Sir Eoger Curtis went to the castle and informed 
Mr. De Mist that the transfer must be delayed. At noon a 
packet had arrived with a despatch from the sficretary of 
state, dated the 14th of October, instructing the acting 
governor not to give up the colony until further orders. 
The soldiers in the transports had then been hurried inicy 
boats on the offshore side of the ships, and a strong forc^? 

78 History of South Africa 

had landed and was within the castle walls before the Dutch 
officers knew that anything was amiss. Only half the 
Batavian troops had arrived, and those on shore were not 
provided with weapons. There was no attempt therefore to 
insist upon the transfer. 

An arrangement was made that the Batavian troops 
should camp out under canvas on a plain near Rondebosch, 
which from that circumstance has ever since been known as 
the campground. Mr. De Mist remained at the castle, but 
General Janssens and the Dutch officials took up their 
residence with the troops. 

This event caused great consternation in Capetown, for 
it was feared that war would break out again immediately. 
In a panic some of the residents were preparing to retire to 
the inland districts. On the 2nd of January General 
Dundas issued a proclamation, declaring martial law in force, 
forbidding assemblages of people, and prohibiting the re- 
moval of families from the town to the country. 

Matters remained in suspense until the 19th of 
February, when his Majesty's ship Concord brought a de- 
spatch from the secretary of state, dated the 16th of 
November 1802, instructing General Dundas to transfer the 
colony at once. At half past seven in the evening this was 
communicated to the commissioner-general, and next day 
several companies of Batavian troops marched from the 
campground and took up their quarters in the castle. 

At sunset in the evening of Sunday the 20th of February 
180-5 the English guards were relieved by Dutch soldiers, 
and next morning the Batavian flag was hoisted on the 
castle and was saluted by the ships of war in the bay. 

Tlie British soldiers proceeded to other stations, the 
officials returned to England, and only two commissioners 
remained to settle accounts with the new government. The 
diief item was the paper money that had been created. 
(Jeneral Craig had issued notes to the amount of 50,000Z. to 
purchase silpplies for his troops. General Dundas, on the 
1st (){ January 1802, had increased the paper in circulation 
by r)C},()(U)l., of which a sum of 20,000^ was added to fhe 

Major-General Francis Dundas 79 

capital of the loan bank, the interest of which wa^ to be 
applied to keeping the streets of Capetown in order, another 
sam of 20,000Z. was advanced to a committee to lay in a 
supply of wheat to provide against famine in the town, and 
the balance of 16,000Z. was advanced to the same com- 
mittee to purchase rice for a like purpose. The 20,000i. 
created for the purchase of wheat was destroyed when the 
wheat was sold; but another amount of 13,000Z. was added 
to the capital of the loan bank, so that the paper currency 
was increased during the British administration by four 
hundred and ninety-five thousand rixdoUars, or 99,000Z. 
The rice purchased with the 16,000Z. created for the pur- 
pose was still in the magazines, and it was transferred 
Ttntouched. Of the other items, the only one which the 
British authorities could be expected to pay was the issue 
by General Craig. To that amount — 50,000Z. — property 
was transferred to the new government. 

It looks strange to one who does not reflect upon the 
changes which the present century has seen to find the 
government slaves included in this property. After the 
snrrender of the colony in September 1795 the slaves be- 
longing to the Dutch East India Company, four hundred 
and fifty-eight in number, great and small, were claimed by 
the army and navy as prize. The claim was admitted, and 
the slaves were purchased ^ for his Majesty's service ' at 30Z. 
a head all round. They were now transferred to the 
Batavian authorities at the same rate, and the balance of 
the amount was paid in munitions of war. 

8o History of South Africa 



BUABY 1803 TO 25 SEPTEMBER 1804. 



Installation by Commissioner- General De Mist of officials of the new govern- 
ment—Grant of an amnesty to political offenders — Release of the Graaff- 
Reinet prisoners — Tour of General Janssens — Arrangements with the 
Hottentots and Kosas — Intelligence of the outbreak of war in Europe — 
Reduction of the garrison at the Cape — Confiscation of property belonging 
to the English East India Company —Tour of Commissioner-General De Mist 
— Partition of the C(^lony into six districts instead of four — Formation of 
drostdies at Uitcnhnge and Tulbagh — Efforts of Mr. Gysbert Earel van 
Hogendorp to send out colonists from the Netherlands — Appointment of a 
commission to make improvements in agriculture and stockbreeding — 
Issue of an ordinance granting full religious toleration — Ecclesiastical 
matters — Attempt to establish public schools — Alteration of the marriage 
law — Selection of a coat-of-anns for Capetown — Issue of more paper-money 
— Jealousy of French influence entertained by the government — Return 
to Europe of Commissioner-General De Mist — EstabUshraent of posts be- 
tween Capetown an<l the various drostdies — Resolution regarding a new 
northern boundar%' of the colony — Duties and powers of district officers — 
Expedition to the Batlapin country — Report upon the London missionary 
society's stations at Zak River and north of the Orange — Shipwrecks in 
Table Bay— Census returns —Condition of the colony at the close of 1805 
— Expedition sent from England against the Cape Colony — Landing of 
the English army under Major-General Baird on the Blueberg beach — 
Composition of the army under General Janssens — Batlle of Blueberg — 
Defeat of the Batavian forces — Retirement of General Janssens with the 
remnant of his army to the mountains of Hottentots-Holland — Capitula- 
tion of Capetown— Scarcity of flour and wheat — Measures adopted by 
General Baird — Negotiations with General Janssens — Capitulation of the 
Dutch army — Departure of General Janssens for Holland. 

The 1st of March 1803 was observed as a day of thanks- 
giving to Almighty God for the restoration of the colony to 
its ancient owners. In the morning service was held in all 
the chnrches, and at noon the commissioner De Mist 
installed Lieutenant-General Janssens as governor. The 
ceremony took place in the hall of the castle of Good Hope, 

De Mist and Janssens 81 

in presence of a crowd of spectators. The other officials- 
also who had arrived from Europe had their duties formally 
assigned to them. The member of council R. G. van 
Polanen had not yet reached the colony; but the other 
three — Roedolf Anthony de Salis, Willem Ferdinand van 
Seede van Oudtshoom, and Jacobus Philippus van 
Medenbach Wakker — were invested with office. Jan Henoch 
I^eethling was named as secretary, and C. H. van Hasselt 
as assistant secretary to the council. 

One of the judges of the high court was still in Europe, 
as was also the secretary, Mr. Gerrit Buyskes; and the 
attorney-general, Mr. Gerard Beelaerts van Blokland, was at 
sea on the passage out. The judges who were present and 
were sworn in were Messrs. L. C. Strubberg, E. de Man, R. 
Tan Burmania, W. Hiddingh, M. Wichers, and D. Denyssen. 

The commissioner-general announced that after making 
Iiimself acquainted with the circumstances of the country 
it would be his duty to prepare a charter, which, however, 
would require to be confirmed by the states-general. An 
amnesty was granted to all persons confined or banished by 
the late government for political oflFences. 

In the evening the principal houses in Capetown were 
illuminated, and a series of festivities followed. 

The amnesty did not include the Graaff-Reinet farmers 
who had been nearly four years in prison, as they had been 
sentenced by a court of law. But they were not left long 
in doubt concerning their fate. Adriaan van Jaarsveld had 
died in confinement. The others were set free on the 30th 
of March. 

The landdrost, secretaries, and in general all the clerks 
who had held office during the English administration 
retained their appointments. So did the collector of tithes 
and the wine tax, Christoflfel Brand, and the receiver-general 
of revenue, Arend de Waal, who had succeeded Mr. Rhenius- 
in April 1797. Mr. J. P. Baumgardt had left the country 
on its transfer to its old masters, and in his stead as 
collector of land revenue Mr. De Mist appointed Sebastiaan 
Yalentyn van Reenen, who had suffered heavy losses under 

!▼• G 

82 History of South Africa 

the late administration by being detained for a long time in 
arrest on suspicion of having communicated with the Dutch 
fleet under Admiral Lucas. 

The burgher senate was enlarged to seven members, but 
in the following year was reduced to five. Those now 
<;hosen were Cornells van der Poel, Gerrit Hendrik Meyer, 
Anthony Berrange, Pieter van Breda, Jan Andries Horak, 
Jacobus Johannes Yos, and Jan Adriaan Yermaak. Cajus 
Jesse Slotsboo was appointed secretary. After the re- 
duction in number took place, the senate consisted of a 
president and four members. At the end of every year one 
retired, when a list of four names was furnished to the gov- 
ernor, from which to select a successor. At the same time 
the governor appointed one of them to act as president 
during the ensuing twelvemonth. 

On the 3rd of April Governor Janssens left Capetown to 
visit the eastern part of the colony, and ascertain how 
matters were standing with the white people, the Kosas, and 
the Hottentots. At Fort Frederick he found Dr. Yander- 
kemp and the Hottentots under his care, who had abandoned 
Botha's farm some time before. Upon close inquiry he 
learned that many of these people who had once been in 
service with farmers had good reason of complaint on the 
ground of ill-treatment. He fully approved of the plan con- 
templated by General Dundas, of assigning a tract of land 
for their use, where they could be under the guidance of 
missionaries ; and he oflFered for this purpose any vacant 
ground that was available. A commission, consisting of the 
commandants Botha and Yan Rooyen, Mr. Dirk van Beenen, 
and Mr. Gerrit Oosthuizen, was thereupon appointed by the 
governor to act in conjunction with the reverend James 
Eead, Dr. Yanderkemp's nominee, in selecting a suitable 
place. They chose a tract of land about six thousand 
seven hundred morgen in extent, lying along the Little 
Zwartkops river, between the loan farms of Thomas Ferreira 
and the widow Scheepers. On the Slst of May the governor 
gave his formal consent in writing to the occupation of this 
place by the Hottentots under supervision of missionaries of 

De Mist and Janssens 83 

the London society, and at Dr. Yanderkemp's request named 
it Bethelsdorp. The permission thus given was confirmed 
by Mr. De Mist a few months afterwards. 

One hundred and fifty men of the Waldeck regiment, 
under command of Major Yon Gilten, had in the meantime 
airiyed by sea, and had occupied Fort Frederick. Order 
could therefore be enforced in the immediate neighbourhood. 
The governor found it advisable to remove two farmers, who 
were much disliked by the Hottentots on account of their 
harsh conduct. Thomas Ignatius Ferreira he ordered to 
reside in the neighbourhood of the drostdy of Swellendam, 
and Jan Arend Eens he sent to Stellenbosch. 

Two parties of Hottentots who had not chosen to place 
themselves under the guidance of missionaries were living 
near the Sunday river. The governor sent friendly messages 
to their captains, Klaas Stuurman and Boesak, the first of 
whom accepted an invitation to visit Fort Frederick and 
make his wants known. Stuurman stated that his followers 
were thoroughly impoverished, and most of them would be 
very glad to take service with the colonists, if they could be 
assured of peace and good treatment. He asked for a tract 
of land on the left bank of the Gamtoos river, where he and 
his people could have their homes, while those who were so 
disposed could engage themselves to the farmers. The gov- 
ernor did not immediately give a decision upon this request, 
as he wished Stuurman's clan to move farther westward ; but 
he came to a firiendly understanding with the captain. The 
past was to be forgotten on both sides, or, if it was re- 
membered, the misdeeds of the Hottentots during the wai- 
were to be regarded as a set-oflF against the ill-treatment 
which some of them complained of having received from 
colonists. The Hottentots were assured of complete pro- 
tection of person and property, and it was arranged that 
when any of them went into service a record of the terms 
should be kept by the landdrost, who should see that strict 
justice was done. 

By the governor's directions, on the 9th of May an ordin- 
ance was published by the council, requiring contracts 

a 2 

84 History of South Africa 

between farmers and Hottentots to be made in triplicate^ 
npon certain prescribed forms, before an official of position, 
as no notice would be taken bj the courts of law of com- 
plaints against servants engaged in any other manner. 

On the 19th of June the governor instructed Captain 
Alberti, the second in command of the garrison of Fort 
Frederick, to select a suitable tract of land on the Gumtoos 
river, and give it to Stuurman for the use of his people. A 
great many of these in the meantime had gone into service. 
The captain was then away hunting buffaloes, and the next 
that was heard of him was that his gun had burst and 
shattered one of his arms, from the effects of which he died 
in November. His brother David Stuurman then became 
captain of the clan, and in February 1804 a location wa» 
assigned to him on the Gamtoos river. 

Boesak and'his followers wandered about for a time, but 
did not molest any one, and ultimately they also settled 
down peaceably. 

When the colony was transferred, the Hottentot regiment 
in the British service was transferred with it to the Batavian 
authorities. The regiment was then quartered at Rietvlei, a 
farm on the Cape flats that from early times had been kept 
for the use of the government. There were two hundred 
and fifty- nine privates, thirty corporals, and seventeen 
drummers, drawing rations and trifling pay, and requiring to- 
be clothed and housed. At the same place, Rietvlei, were 
the seven captains that Maynier had induced to remove fix)m 
the Zuurveld, and who had with them one hundred and 
twenty-threermen, two hundred and eighty-nine women, and 
two hundred and fifty-two children. All these were being 
fed at the expense of government, and their presence had a 
very bad effect upon the pandours. To those among them 
who would not enter service the governor allotted locations 
of ample size at some distance from the frontier, and he 
furnished them with a few cattle to commence stock- 

By these arrangements the disturbances with the Hot- 
tentots were brought to an end. 

De Mist and Jmissens 85 

TJpon the axriyal of General Janssens at Fort Frederick 
lie sent messengers to the Kosa chiefs in the Zuurveld, 
inviting them to come atnd talk over matters with him. 
Ifdlambe and Jalnsa thereupon sent some of their councillors 
to declare that they wished to live in peace and friendship 
with the white people. Cungwa and one of the sons of 
lianga returned for reply that they would meet the governor 
on the Sunday river in five days' time, if he would be there, 
•and that they were anxious to be on good terms with the 

The governor then made arrangements for a conference 
with the chiefs at the place of their own selection. He was 
Accompanied from Fort Frederick by sixty-five soldiers and 
thirty other attendants, and on the way was joined by 
€!ommandant Van Eensburg with one hundred and eight 
burghers, who came to pay their respects and express their 
•gratification that the country had been restored to its ancient 

The conference took place on the 24th of May, on the 
eastern bank of the Sunday river. The chiefs would not 
venture into the camp, which was on the opposite side of 
iJie stream, and General Janssens was obliged to leave his 
retinue and go across with a few officers and the burgher 
•commandant. Ndlambe, Cungwa, Jalusa, Tshatshu, and 
«ome others of less note, with numerous attendants, were 
present. Klaas Stuurman and some of his people were also 

During three days a discussion was carried on concerning 
« friendly arrangement between the two races. The chiefs 
expressed an earnest wish for peace and friendship with the 
white people, and there was no difficulty in settling such 
matters as the delivery of deserters and fugitive slaves, the 
mode of punishing offenders on either side, and the like. 
But the all-important question of the removal of the Kosas 
from the Zuurveld could not be arranged so easily. The 
chiefs admitted the Fish river as the boundary, but declared 
that they could not cross it through fear of Gaika. They 
were about to attack him, they said, and if they were 

86 History of South Africa 

victorious they would at once return to their own country, 
otherwise they must wait for a convenient opportunity. 
The governor tried to persuade them to make peace with 
Gaika, and after much talking all except Ndlambe ex- 
pressed their willingness to do so, provided the overtures 
came from him. Ndlambe could not be induced to say that 
he would come to terms with his nephew. 

As nothing more could be done, presents were made to 
the chiefs, who sent a couple of oxen in return ; and with 
assurances of friendship on both sides the parties separated. 
The governor now issued a proclamation prohibiting the 
colonists from engaging Kaffirs as labourers, and ordering 
that all of that race who were in service should be immedi- 
ately discharged unless they had been over a year with their 
employers and expressed a wish to remain. 

The governor next proceeded to visit Gaika, from whom 
he had received a message requesting assistance against the 
Kaffirs in the Zuurveld. At the Fish river the persons 
whom he sent in advance to announce his intention brought 
him back intelligence that they had been received in a very 
friendly manner, and Coenraad du Buis came as the chiefs 
confidant to welcome him and request him to go on to the 
Kat river. 

On the 24th of June the governor had a conference with 
Gaika, at which a formal agreement of friendship was entered 
into. The Fish river was declared to be the boundary be- 
tween the two races, and the chief promised that none of his 
followers except official messengers should cross it. He 
gave an assurance that if the Kaffirs in the Zuurveld would 
return to their own country he would not molest them, but 
he declined positively to make overtures of peace to Ndlambe. 
He consented to expel the European renegades who were 
living with his people, but desired to make an exception in 
favour of Coenraad du Buis. That individual, however, 
promised the governor that he would return to the colony, 
and a few months later he kept his word. As for the others, 
several were delivered to the colonial authorities and were 
placed where they could be watched, eight or ten fled to 

De Mist and Janssens 87 

distant tribes, and one— Jan Botha — was murdered bjr 
Ndlambe's people. 

Prom the Kat river, General Janssens proceeded to the- 
northern border of the colony, to ascertain the condition of 
the white people and the Bushmen. At Plettenberg's. 
beacon on the Zeekoe river a messenger met him with a de- 
spatch announcing that on the 1 2th of Maj, less than three 
months after the restoration of the colony, war had broken 
oat again between Great Britain and France. The Batavian 
Bepublic was so closely allied with the latter power as 
necessarily to share its fortunes. The governor therefore 
hastened back to Capetown, without being able to do more 
than gather what information could be obtained in a verjr 
rapid journey. 

It was now resolved to reduce the garrison of Fort 
Frederick to half the strength at first intended. Captain 
Lodewyk Alberti, who was about to take over the command 
from Major Yon Gilten, was instructed to continue urging 
the Kosas in the Zuurveld to cross the Fish river without 
delay. In August that officer made a tour among them for 
this purpose, but was unsuccessful. In the following mouth 
Cangwa came to terms with Gaika, and promised Alberti to 
leave the colony as soon as his crops were gathered. 
Ndlambe's people at this time were making gardens on the 
western side of the Bushman's river, though the chief 
had undertaken not to do so. Parties of them were 
roaming about lifting: cattle wherever they could find an 
unprotected herd. The war between them and Gaika's 
clan was being carried on actively, and Kawuta had 
been applied to again for assistance, but declined to give 

Soon after this another combination was formed* 
Cnngwa and Jalusa joined Gaika, and together they 
attacked Ndlambe in the Zuurveld, but did not succeed in 
dislodging him. The belt of land along the coast east of 
the Bushman's river was thus kept from being reoccupied 
by the farmers, but the remaining portion of the district of 
Graaff-Beinet was in a fair condition of tranquillity. 

88 History of South Africa 

Upon learning of the renewal of hostilities in Europe, 
General Janssens devoted all his attention to putting the 
Oape peninsula in a condition for defence, and to the in- 
crease of his military strength. But soon instructions were 
received from Holland that he must send his best regiment, 
the 23rd battalion of infantry, to Batavia, as the mother 
country was unable to furnish more men, and troops were 
urgently needed in Java. In February 1804 this regiment 
left South Africa. The governor did what he could to make 
up for its loss, by increasing the Hottentot corps first to five 
hundred, and soon afterwards to six hundred men. But to 
the burghers he looked chiefly for the defence of the colony, 
if it should be attacked. 

The English East India Company had a large amount of 
property in Capetown, under charge of its agent, Mr. John 
Pringle. On the 29th of September 1803 this was declared 
<5onfiscated, on account of war, and was seized for the govern- 
ment. There was a great quantity of salt provisions, and 
11,351Z. in money, which proved very serviceable, as the 
funds in the treasury were low. Mr. De Mist brought with 
iiim from Holland 8,333Z. in money and 33,333/. in bills of 
•exchange, but that was nearly all expended, and, except for 
the maintenance of the troops, nothing could be expected 
from Europe after the renewal of the war. The yearly 
average of the colonial revenue from January 1803 to 
January 1806 was only three hundred and sixty-nine 
thousand six hundred and thirty-eight rixdoUars, equal at 
the estimated rate of exchange to 61,606Z. 

On the 9th of October the commissioner-general left 
Capetown for the purpose of making a tour through the 
colony and becoming acquainted with the condition and 
wants of the people. He took with him a number of 
attendants and a military escort, so that the train had quite 
an imposing appearance. Proceeding first in a northerly 
direction, he visited Saldanha and St. Helena bays ; then 
turning inland, he passed through Pikenier's Kloof, and 
kept onward to the Hantam. From the Hantam he made 
his way over the Boggeveld and the Bokkeveld to the land 

De Mist and Janssens 89 

•of Waveren — now the Tulbagh basin, — where he remained 
some days to refresh his cattle. He then kept down the 
valley of the Breede river, and after passing the site of the 
present village of Worcester he turned to the south to visit 
the Moravian mission station in Baviaans' Kloof. 

More people were residing at that station than at any 
other place in the colony except Capetown, but it had still 
no distinctive name, for there were several Baviaans' Kloofs 
in the country. It was only on the 1st of January 1806 
Ihat Greneral Janssens confirmed the name Genadendal — 
T'ale of Grace — which the missionaries at his request had 
just previously given to it. At the time of Mr. De Mist's 
visit, there were nearly eleven hundred people attached to 
"the mission. They occupied about two hundred wattle-and- 
daub cottages, small and scantily furnished, but a great 
Advance upon Hottentot huts. Each little cottage stood in 
a. garden, in which vegetables and fruit trees of various 
kinds were growing. There was an air of order and neat- 
ness over the whole place, and marks of industry were appar- 
ent on all sides. The most thriving of the residents were 
naturally the halfbreeds, many of whom had really comfort- 
able homes ; but even the pure Hottentots had made 
^vances towards civilisation. Some of the men belonging 
to the station were away in service with farmers, but at 
stated intervals they returned to their fiimilies with their 
-earnings. There were five missionaries, two — Bose and 
Xorhammer by name — having come from Europe in 1799 
io assist the three who founded the station. They were 
living in plain, but comfortable houses. They and their 
^ves were all engaged during stated hours of the day in 
-teaching industrial occupations, and in the evening the 
^hole community assembled in a large and neat building to 
join in the worship of God. The missionaries, having 
power to expel unruly persons from the place, maintained 
:8trict discipline among the Hottentots ; but it was the kind 
of discipline that parents enforce upon children, tempered 
by love and interest in their welfare. Nothing more admir- 
able than this excellent institution could be imagined, and 

90 History of South Africa 

Mr. De Mist and the officers of his train had a difficulty in. 
finding words to express their pleasure and satisfaction with 
what they saw. 

From the Moravian village the commissioner-general 
went eastward through Swellendam to Fort Frederick at 
Algoa Bay. Here he was visited by the reverend Dr. Van- 
derkemp, with whom he had been acquainted in Holland 
thirty-five years before. Dr. Yanderkemp was dressed in 
coat, trousers, and sandals; but was without shirt, neck- 
cloth, socks, or hat. In a burning sun he travelled about 
bareheaded and thus strangely attired. Yet his conver- 
sation was rational, and his memory was perfectly sound. 
He had formed an opinion that to convert the Hottentots to 
Christianity it was necessary to descend in style of living* 
nearly to their level, to be their companion as well as their 
teacher, and being thoroughly in earnest he was putting 
his views into practice. 

Mr. De Mist and his party visited the London society's- 
station of Bethelsdorp, where Dr. Yanderkemp and the 
reverend Mr. Bead were residing. They found no indication 
of industry of any kind, no garden — though it was then the 
planting season, — nothing but a number of wretched hut» 
on a bare plain, with people lying about in filth and indol- 
ence. The Hottentots having settled there so recently, it 
was not to be expected that the place would present the 
appearance of Genadendal, and Mr. De Mist was well aware 
that the London missionaries were not in as favourable a 
position as the Moravian brethren. They had to deal with 
a wild people, who had been less than a quarter of a century 
in contact with Europeans, and to whom expulsion from the 
station would be no punishment. The Moravians, on the 
other hand, were working with people who had grown up 
among farmers, who could appreciate the advantage of a 
fixed residence, and who were accustomed to the use of suck 
food as could be derived from gardens and orchards. It 
was not therefore the absence of improvement that gave Mr. 
De Mist and those who were with him an unfavourable- 
impression of Bethelsdorp, but the absence of any effort to 

De Mist and Janssens 91 

induce the Hottentots to adopt industrious habits, and the 
profession of principles that tended to degrade one race 
without raising the other. The missionaries themselves 
were living in the same manner as the Hottentots, and were 
so much occupied with teaching religious truths that they 
entirely neglected temporal matters. Dr. Vanderkemp was 
loud in complaints against the colonists in the neighbour- 
hood, because they gave nothing towards the maintenance 
of the station, as he held it was their duty to do, and 
because they often tried to induce some of the people to 
leave the school and enter into service. More with a view 
of keeping the Hottentots out of mischief than with any ex- 
pectation of this institution becoming useful, the commis- 
sioner-general made a small grant of money from the 
colonial treasury towards the funds of the place, and added 
to the gift some sensible advice. 

Prom Bethelsdorp Mr. De Mist and his train travelled 
north-eastward through the Zuurveld. They found parties 
of Kosas wandering about the country begging and making 
themselves a nuisance to such colonists as had returned to 
the devastated farms, but not committing any open 
hostilities. Messengers were sent to Ndlambe, Cungwa, and 
Jalusa, to invite them to a conference on the Bushman's 
river ; but they did not appear, and it was not found pos- 
sible to meet them. A messenger was also sent to Gaika^ 
who appointed a place for an interview, but on Mr. De 
Misf 8 arrival he was not there. One of his councillors 
appeared instead, and requested the commissioner-general 
to proceed still farther, as the chief was anxious to see the 
great captain of the white people. He stated that Gaika 
was then preparing to attack Ndlambe, and therefore could 
not leave his kraal. Mr. De Mist, however, did not choose 
to put himself to any more trouble, so from the Fish river 
the party turned homeward. 

The route now followed was by the way of Bruintjes 
Hoogte to the village of Graaff-Reinet. Here a detention of 
several days was made, for the purpose of arranging the 
aflairs of the eastern part of the colony. When this was 

92 History of South Africa 

completed the party moved on, and after suffering greatly 
from heat on the Karoo, passed again through the land 
•of Waveren, and arrived at the castle on the 23rd of March 

On the 7th of February the commissioner-general issued 
a proclamation from the village of Graaff-Beinet, cutting off 
from the district of that name the fieldcornetcies of Zwarte 
Euggens, Bruintjes Hoogte, Zuurveld, Bushman's Eiver, 
and Zwartkops River, These were the fieldcornetcies in 
which the most turbulent burghers resided, and which had 
been the principal field of depredations by the Kosas. 
They were now formed into a new district, which was to 
have as landdrost a military ofiicer in command of a body 
of troops. Mr. Bresler had been recalled some time before, 
and in his stead Mr. Andries Stockenstrom, secretary of 
•Swellendam, was appointed landdrost of Graaff-Eeinet. On 
the 14th of February he assumed the duty. On the 22nd 
of April Captain Alberti, who was in command of the 
garrison of Fort Frederick, was instructed to act as land- 
drost of the new district, to which three days later General 
Janssens gave the name XJitenhage, an old family name of 
the commissioner-general. 

Captain Alberti was instructed to consult the leading 
burghers in the selection of a site for the drostdy, and the 
three landdrosts of Swellendam, Graaff-Eeinet, and Uiten- 
hage were directed to confer together and send in a report 
upon the advisability or otherwise of increasing the size of 
the new district. On the 4th of October they recom- 
mended that the fieldcometcy of Winterhoek should be 
taken from Graaff-Eeinet, and the fieldcornetcies of 
Zitzikama, Kromme Eiver, and Baviaans' Kloof from 
Swellendam, and added to XJitenhage, Each district should 
then have a landdrost and six heemraden. The commis- 
sioner-general approved of this, and the necessary orders 
were given. 

The boundary of the new district of XJitenhage was 
declared to be * from Grenadier's Cape through the upper 
end of Kromme Eiver in a straight line through Kougaberg 

De Mist and Janssens 95 

to the lower point of Anthoniesberg, thence along the wag- 
gon road through Dasjes Poort, Groote Eiver Poort, Groote- 
Eiver, SwanepoePs Poort, Hop Eiver, Bui Eiver, Sunday 
Eiver, Vogel Eiver, and Blyde Eiver to Bruintjes Hoogte,, 
thence along the top of Bruintjes Hoogte to the Bosch berg, 
along the Boschberg to the end of Kagaberg, and thence 
Pish Eiver to the sea.' 

Captain Alberti, with Commandant Hendrik van Eens- 
burg and Pieldcomet Ignatius Mulder, selected as a suitable 
site for the drostdy a farm belonging to the widow Elizabeth 
Scheepers, which had been laid waste by the Kaffirs, and 
had not since been occupied. The widow oflFered to 
sell the farm for 400Z., provided the right of free resid- 
ence during her life was left to her. On the 22nd of 
September the council agreed to purchase it on these terms* 
The drostdy buildings were commenced shortly afterwards,. 
when the site took the same name as the district. The first 
session of the landdrost and heemraden was held on the 
16th of November. 

In the same year another district was created. On the 
11th of July 1804 the commissioner-general issued a pro- 
clamation cutting off from Stellenbosch a tract of country 
north of a provisional line, which was laid down as extend- 
ing from Verloren Vlei north of St. Helena Bay along 
Kruis Eiver, thence east through Pikenier's Kloof and 
Eland's Kloof, along the northern base of the mountains of 
Cold Bokkeveld, and thence south-east by the Draai at 
Verkeerde Vlei to the border of Swellendam. On the 15th 
of July General Janssens gave to the district between this 
provisional line, the northern boundary of the colony, and 
the Gramka river or western boundary of Graaff-Eeinet, the 
name Tulbagh, in honour of the highly esteemed governor 
of former days. It was proposed that the drostdy should 
be at Jan-Dissers-Vlei, where the village of Clanwilliam 
was built a few years afterwards ; but as it was doubtful 
whether a better site could not be found, Mr. Hendrik 
Lodewyk Bletterman, formerly landdrost of Stellenbosch,. 
was appointed a commissioner to inspect the new district,. 

94 History of South Africa 

report upon this matter and the provisional boundary, and 
make arrangements for opening a court. 

On the 1st of August Mr. Hendrik van de 6raa£P was 
appointed landdrost of Tulbagh. This gentleman was a 
nephew of the former governor Van de Graaff, and was an 
officer of the artillery corps when the colony was sur- 
rendered to the British forces in 1795. In April 1797 he 
was appointed a director of the loan bank, in which position 
he had acquitted himself so well that he was now considered 
the best man who could be found as landdrost. 

Mr. Bletterman sent in a report, in which strong objec- 
tions were urged against Jan-DissePs-Vlei being made the 
seat of magistracy, on account of its being cut oflF from the 
eastern part of the district by a very rugged tract of land. 
He recommended instead the farm Eietvlei, close to 
Roodezand's church. This farm belonged to a man named 
Hercules du Pr6, who was willing to sell it for 1,11 If. The 
council adopted the report on the 18th of September, and 
extended the district of Tulbagh southward to the Breede 
river from its junction with the Hex upwards to the western 
point of the so-called island, thence the western chain of 
mountains to Roodezand's Kloof, thence the Little Berg 
river through the kloot, and thence the mountains of 
Twenty-four Rivers and Elephant River to the first-named 
provisional boundary. 

One of the most enterprising and patriotic men in the 
Netherlands at this time was Mr. Gysbert Karel van 
Hogendorp, whose name at a later date was intimately con- 
nected with the history of his country. This gentleman 
formed a plan of colonising a tract of land in the neighbour- 
hood of Plettenberg's Bay, by which means he hoped to 
benefit both the mother country and the dependency. 

The design was a large one. Mr. Van Hogendorp was 
to receive from the government a grant in freehold of an 
extensive district, comprising forests as well as ground 
adapted for tillage and pasturage. The government was to 
provide free passages from the Netherlands for such persons 
.as he should send out. These persons were to be farm 

De Mist and Janssefts 95 

labourers and artisans, who were to enter into a con- 
iaract to serve him after their arrival in South Africa for a 
istated time at fixed wages, after which they were to have 
plots of ground from thirty to one hundred acres in extent 
assigned to them. He was then to provide them with stock 
to farm with, for which he was to receive interest in produce 
for twenty-five years, at the expiration of which period they 
•could either repay the capital or continue as before. 

He intended to have a portion of the land cultivated on 
"his own account, and it was for this purpose that he re- 
•quired the services of the people. A magazine was to be 
•erected for the storage of produce until it could be exported, 
and for the sale of clothing and other goods. There were 
to be no slaves in the new settlement. 

A saw-mill, with the best appliances then known, was 
'<M>nstructed and made ready to be forwarded to South 
Africa, for he intended to prepare timber for exportation. 
TThe production of wool was another of his objects, and 
^th this view he purchased a flock of choice Spanish sheep, 
which he kept under his own eye in Holland, that he might 
1)6 able to send out rams yearly. 

Mr. Van Hogendorp took as an associate a retired 
military oflBcer named Von Buchenroeder, who had a very 
liigh opinion of his own abilities, but who — as General 
Janssens said — succeeded in nothing, because he was a mere 
-theorist. In Holland there had been living for some time a 
•colonist named Hermanns Vermaak, who was one of those 
banished for political opinions during the British occu- 
pation, and who did not fail to speak of the land of his 
t>irth in the highest terms. He returned in 1803 as one 
of Mr. Van Hogendorp's agents in South Africa, the 
attorney-general Beelaerts van Blokland being the other. 

Both Mr. De Mist and General Janssens were very 
willing to assist in the settlement of industrious European 
immigrants. They could not suflSciently express their 
regret that the mistake had been made of introducing negro 
slaves into the country ; but they were of opinion that it 
was not too late partly to repair that error. If Europeans 

96 History of South Africa 

in considerable numbers could be obtained as immigrants^ 
and further importations of blacks be prevented, in course or 
time the negroes already in the country might have a tract 
of land assigned to them where they could live by them- 
selves, and the remainder of the colonj' thus be made a pure 
European settlement. A stringent regulation was put in 
force that not a negro should be landed without the special 
permission of the government being first obtained. Holding 
these views, the authorities were averse even to the sale or 
a few slaves from ships that called, and though in several 
instances under pressing circumstances such sales were 
authorised, the number of negroes added to the population 
while Mr. De Mist and General Janssens were at the head 
of affairs was very small. 

In April 1803 Major Von Buchenroeder arrived vnth a 
party of immigrants, consisting of twenty-two men, four 
women, and live children, when all that was possible waa 
done to aid him. It was believed in Holland that the whole 
country in the neighbourhood of Plettenberg's Bay was^ 
capable of supporting a dense agricultural population, and 
as General Janssens had already formed a different opinion,, 
he did not assign a tract of land to Mr. Van Hogendorp, but 
advised that the most suitable vacant ground should firat be 
selected by a competent person. Major Von Buchenroeder 
regarded himself as the best judge of a proper locality, and 
he made a tour along the coast, concerning which he after- 
wards published a small volume that proves how just waa 
the governor's estimate of his character. Before his return 
to Capetown intelligence of the outbreak of war in Europe 
was received, which practically put an end to the colonisa- 
tion scheme, though another party, consisting of fifteen 
men, six women, and sixteen children, was sent from 
Holland by Mr. Van Hogendorp. These people, however, 
never reached South Africa, as they were forwarded by way 
of the United States, and preferred to stay there instead of 
proceeding farther. 

Meantime the men brought out by Major Von Buchen- 
roeder ascertained that employment could readily be had in> 

De Mist and Janssens 97 

Capetown on terms much more lucrative to them than the 
wages for which they had contracted before leaving Holland. 
Mr. Van Hogendorp had advanced them money for outfits, 
and his agents tried to keep them to their engagements; 
but most of them gave ceaseless trouble. Von Buchen- 
roeder, too, worried the government with long memorials 
and endless complaints, until the commissioner found it 
necessary to deal very abruptly with him. A tract of land 
in the valley above Hout Bay was offered to Mr. Van 
Hogendorp's agents to make a trial with, and the major was 
sent back to Holland. 

The end of the matter was that in 1806 one man only 
of the people broui^ht out was living on the ground, and he 
was getting a living as a woodcutter. There was not a 
square yard of the soil under cultivation. Mr. Van 
Hogendorp had forwarded a quantity of stores and imple- 
ments from Holland, but most had been lost in two ship- 
wrecks. The failure of the design was complete, and the 
promoter was some thousands of pounds out of pocket by it, 
without any return whatever. 

Among the measures devised by Mr. De Mist for the 
adyancement of the colony was the appointment of a com- 
mission to carry out improvements in agriculture and 
stockbreeding, and particularly for tlie conversion of Cape 
sheep into merinos. The commission consisted of a president, 
a vice-president, and twelve members experienced in farming 
operations, who were appointed in May 1804. No salaries 
were attached to their duties. The tract of land called 
Groote Post, at Groenekloof, was allotted to them, and paper 
money to the amount of 4,167Z. was stamped and assigned 
as a ftmd to work with. Hopes were entertained in Holland 
of the colony becoming a great wool-producing country, 
and some Cape wool was woven into cloth at Amsterdam 
and sent back to show the farmers what could be done. 
The commission imported some Spanish rams, and within 
two years the number of wool-bearing sheep in the colony 
was increased to eleven thousand ; but slaughter stock was 
still 80 scarce and dear that very few breeders could be 

IV. H 

98 History of South Africa 

induced to exchange "weight of carcase for quality of fleece. 
To try to improve the quality of Cape wine, a man of 
experience in Rhenish vineyards was engaged and brought 
out. Experiments were again commenced with that Will- 
o'-the-wisp of the early government in South Africa, the 
olive. On this occasion the plants were brought from 

On the 25th of July 1804 an important ordinance was 
published by the commissioner-general. It declared that all 
religious societies which for the furtherance of virtue and 
good morals worshipped an Almighty Being were to enjoy 
in this colony equal protection from the laws, that no civil 
privileges were to be attached to any creed, but that no 
religious association might hold public worship or meet in 
public assembly without the knowledge and consent of the 
governor. The time was ripe for freedom of public worship 
in Capetown, but in the country people were not yet pre- 
pared for such liberal measures, and they did not regard 
with favour an enactment that gave to Jews, Roman 
Catholics, and Mohamedans the same civil rights as them- 
selves. As yet the whole rural population of European 
blood adhered to the Dutch reformed church. In Capetown 
there were residents professing almost every shade of reli- 
gious belief, and in the castle itself in October 1805 a room 
was fitted up as a chapel, in which a Roman Catholic clergy- 
man conducted service for the soldiers of his creed. 

The Dutch reformed remained the established church of 
the country, however, to the extent that its clergymen were 
appointed by the government and drew their salaries from 
the public treasury. Their number in Capetown was 
reduced to two, of whom the senior received a salary of 
338Z. 6«. 8(^., and the junior 300Z. a year, with no other emo- 
luments whatever. In June 1804 the reverend Mr. Semirier, 
after forty-four years' service, retired on a pension, leaving 
Messrs. Fleck and Von Manger to perform the duties. It 
was intended that a clergyman should be stationed at each 
of the drostdies and at Drakenstein and Zwartland, but it 
was not possible to obtain a suflScient number. During the 

De Mist and Janssens 99 

tune that the colony remained a dependency of the Batavian 
Republic only one new name was added to the list : that 
of the reverend Jan Augustus Schutz, who called in a ship in 
September 1803, and accepted the appointment to the church 
of Swellendam, from which the reverend Mr. Ballot had 
been removed to Roodezand in May of the same year. The 
churches of Drakenstein and Graaff-Reiuet remained "with- 
out clergymen, and no church could be formed at Uitenliage. 
All the ministers in the country districts received the same 
salary : 166Z. 13«. 4d. a year, with a house and a garden. 

The ordinance which granted equal civil rights to 
persons of every creed also provided for the establishment 
of schools under control of the government and not 
belonging to any religious body. This was a measure 
altogether in advance of the times, and met with such 
decided opposition from the farmers that nowhere except in 
Capetown could such schools be founded. Better no educa- 
tion at all from books than instruction not based on religion 
was the cry from one end of the colon}' to the other. Before 
the country again changed its owners there was not time to 
settle this question ; but had there been, without doubt the 
government must have given way, or have forfeited the 
confidence of the burghers. 

Another ordinance of the commissioner-general — though 
it was not published until the 3 1st of October 1804, after 
he had laid down his authority — facilitated the celebration 
of marriages. Prior to this date all persons desiring to be 
married were required to appear before the matrimonial 
court in Capetown, to show that there were no legal impedi- 
ments. Prom this court a license was obtained, and they 
could then either be married by a clergyman in Capetown, 
or return to their own district and be married by the clergy- 
man of the congregation of which they were members. 
The ordinance of Mr. De Mist provided that after the 1st of 
January 1805 marriages were to take place before the land- 
drost and two heemraden of the district in which the bride 
had lived for the previous three months. The necessity 
for a journey to Capetown was thus done away with, and 

F 2 

ICO History of South Africa 

quite as good security was provided against improper 

It was the commissioner-general De Mist who gave to 
Capetown the coat-of-arms now used by the authorities of 
the city. He adapted the devices from the escutcheon ol 
Abraham van Riebeek, who was born here, and who was 
governor-general of Netherlands India from 17C9 to 
1713. Possibly that gentleman's father, Jan van Riebeek, 
may have used a coat-of-arms with three annulets in it. 
Mr. De Mist thought it likely that he had, but there is no 
certainty about it, though the probabilities are very much 
greater than that the portrait in the town-house, which is 
commonly said to be Jan van Riebeek's, really is a likeness 
of the founder of the colony. The commissioner-general 
made the adoption of the coat-of-arms by the city of Cape- 
town an occasion for festivity. It was the 3rd of July 1 804. 
There was an entertainment in the town-house, and in the 
evening the buildings along the principal streets were illu- 

The paper currency of the colony was increased in 
quantity by the commissioner-general, though the govern- 
ment now admitted that it had depreciated in value. When 
the colony was transferred to the Batavian Republic, there 
were in circulation one million seven hundred and eighty-six 
thousand two hundred and seventy-five rixdoUars, which at 
four English shillings to the rixdoUar — its nominal value- 
represented 357,255^. On the 30th of March 1804 the 
commissioner-general issued fresh notes to the amount oi 
seventy -five thousand rixdollars, for the purpose of relieving 
the sufferers by a fire in the village of Stellenbosch on the 
28th of December 1803, when the mill, the parsonage. 
twenty-four private dwelling-houses, and fourteen ware^ 
houses and stores were totally destroyed.^ A few months 
later notes to the amount of twenty-five thousand rixdollars 
were issued to provide a fund for the commission for the 

> Some time afterwards it was discovered that this calamity causeo 
by an incendiary, a IJcngakso slave named Patientie. He was punished with 
death for the crime. 

De Mist and Janssens loi 

improyement of agriculture and stockbreeding to work with, 
fifty thousaud rixdollars to erect the necessary buildings at 
the new drostdies of Uitenhage and Tulbagh, and one 
hundred and fifty thousand rixdollars to erect granaries, a 
hall of justice, and a prison in Capetown. The last sum was 
not, however, used for the purpose originally intended, but as 
a measure of necessity was placed in the military chest. The 
whole quantity of notes in circulation was thus raised to two 
millions eighty-six thousand two hundred and seventy-five 
rixdollars, of which eight hundred and forty-five thousand 
rixdollars formed the capital of the loan bank. Most of this 
paper was worn and nearly defaced, and some of it differed 
in style from other ; so it was all called in, and new notes 
xiniform in appearance, though varying in colour according 
to the amount represented, were issued in exchange. On 
this occasion a trifling sum was ascertained to have been 
lost, so that notes representing only two millions and eighty- 
six thousand rixdollars were stamped. The paper rixdollar 
was now computed in the government accounts as well as 
in private transactions at two gulden of Holland, or three 
shillings and four pence English money, so that the 
whole amount in circulation was equal to 347,666/. 1 3s. 4^. 

There are strong indications in the official documents 
that both Mr. De Mist and General Janssens were not 
unfavourably disposed towards the Orange party, though 
they served the Batavian Eepublic faithfully. They were 
very jealous of French influence. In December 1803 an 
agent arrived from Mauritius, and wished to be termed 
IVench Resident ; but they would not accord him that title, 
though they were careful not to offend him. When a French 
fleet put in and the admiral applied for provisions in a time 
of scarcity, the commissioner-general instructed the governor 
to give him what he needed, as it would not do to refuse, 
though payment might be doubtful. 

Another instance of jealousy of French influence occurred 
in the treatment of a man named George Francis Grand, 
who arrived in South Africa in April 1808, and claimed the 
poflition of privy councillor and the second place in the 

I02 History of South Africa 

government. The commissioner-general De Mist knew no- 
thing whatever of the man or the office, and he was not as 
much as named in any despatches received from Holland. 
His pretensions were therefore disregarded, though he was 
treated with courtesy. He was by birth a Swiss, but had 
been for many years in the service of the English East India 
Company, and had held important situations in Hindostan 
until for some unexplained cause he was dismissed. He 
could not speak a word of Dutch. At length, particulars 
concerning him were received from Holland, when it 
appeared that he had been appointed consulting councillor, 
with a salary of 166Z. 13«. 4d. a year. He had been for 
some time separated, but not legally divorced, from his wife, 
owing to her seduction by the celebrated Philip Francis; 
and she was then married to a French minister of state ot 
the highest rank. This being the secret of Grand's appoint- 
ment, Mr. De Mist did not pay much regard to his 
importunate requests for a seat in the council, if not the 
second place in the government. He was informed that he 
would be consulted in matters relating to the Indian trade, 
of which he was supposed to have special knowledge ; and 
to this vague position he was at length obliged to submit. 

On the 25th of September 1804 Mr. De Mist formally 
laid down his authority as commissioner-general, so that 
the governor might be more free to act with vigour. The 
great question of the time was how to place the colony in a 
condition for defence, as no one doubted that sooner or later 
it would be attacked by the English. Mr. De Mist did not 
profess to know anything of military matters, and thought 
that the governor, upon whom the responsibility would fall, 
should have sole authority, though they had worked together 
in perfect concord. There are many indications that they 
were both too far advanced in modern opinions to remain 
popular in this country much longer, unless they made large 
concessions to the sentiments of the colonists. General Jans- 
sens was the more flexible of the two. He was already 
beginning to see plainly that a body of people secluded from 
intercourse with Europe for more than a century could not 

L ieutenant- General Jan Willent Jans sens 103 

be dealt mth in the same manner as men who had lived in 
the whirl of the French revolution. 

Mr. De Mist resided at Stellenbnrg, close to Wynberg, 
from August to November 1804, when he removed to 
Maastricht, at the Tigerberg. On the 24th of February 
1805 he embarked iu the American ship Silenusy and on the 
following day sailed for the United States. So entirely 
was Dutch commerce driven from the seas that there was 
no other way by which he could return to Europe. 

In January 1805 a post for the conveyance of letters 
and the Oovertiment Gazette was established between Cape- 
town and the various drostdies. A mail bag was conveyed 
weekly by post-riders to Stellenbosch and Tulbagh, and to 
the other drostdies whenever the government wished to send 
despatches. In this case farmers along the lines of road 
contracted to forward the bag from one station to another, 
and the landdrosts sent the letters and papers to the field- 
comets with the first convenience. 

As the northern boundary proclaimed by Lord Macartney 
did not include all the occupied farms, and as in one place 
it was somewhat obscure, on the 20th of February 1805 the 
council rectified it by resolving that it should thenceforth 
be the Koussie or Buffalo river from its mouth to its source 
in the Koperberg, thence south-eastward in as nearly as 
possible a straight line — but following the mountains — to 
the junction of the Zak and Riet rivers, thence the Zak river 
to its source in the Nieuwveld mountains, thence the Nieuw- 
veld mountains to the Sneeuwberg, and thence northeastward 
a line enclosing the Great Table mountain to the Zeekoe 
river at Plettenberg's beacon. The eastern boundary as 
defined by Lord Macartney was not changed, though it 
was worded diflTerently, namely, as the Zuurberg, thence a 
line along the western side of the Bamboesberg enclosing 
the Tarka and Kwadehoek and passing along the foot of the 
Tarka mountain through Kagaberg to the junction of the 
Baviaans' and Fish rivers, and thence the Fish river to the 

It has already been stated that the high court of justice 

I04 History of South Africa 

was independent of the exeeative and legislative branches of 
the government. It was intended that all the judges should 
be appointed in Holland, and should be removable only by 
the supreme authorities there. The full court was to consist 
of a president and six members. As one of the judges had 
not arrived, and as there was good reason to suppose that 
he would never reach South Africa, on the 6 th of October 
1803 the commissioner-general, with the concurrence of 
the governor and the council, appointed Mr. Jan Henoch 
Neethling, a doctor of laws, to the vacant place. The office 
of secretary to the council, which he had previously held, 
was given to Mr. Jan Andries Truter. Mr. Gerrit Buyskes, 
the secretary to the high court, who was appointed in 
Holland, did not arrive until two years later. 

The inferior courts were remodelled by an ordinance 
enacted by the governor and council in October 1 805. 

The landdrosts were to remain, as before, the chief repre- 
sentatives of the supreme authority in their respective 
districts. They were to guard the rights of the inhabitants 
to personal freedom and possession of their property ; to 
encourage industry, education, the extension of agriculture, 
and the improvement of cattle; to maintain peace and 
friendship with the aborigines beyond the border ; to protect 
the Hottentots in their rights as a free people ; to preserve 
forests, and encourage tree-planting; to keep a record of 
land-grants of every kind, and to prevent the alienation of 
vacant ground to the prejudice of the public; to receive 
revenue ; to take preparatory examinations in charges of 
crime ; to cause deserters and vagrants to be arrested, and 
to send them, together with prisoners charged with the com- 
mission of serious offences, to Capetown for trial; and to 
protect slaves from ill-treatment. Their power of inflicting 
punishment upon slaves was limited to imprisonment for six 
months, the infliction of a moderate number of lashes, or 
placing the culprit in chains. In cases of petty crime, for 
which the law provided penalties not exceeding fifty rix- 
dollars, the landdrosts were left at liberty to compound with 
the ofienders without public trial. The office of auctioneer 

JOS under the admuuKtration of the BaUtvian Republic. 

Lieutenant-General Jan Willent Janssens 105 

was separated from that of landdrost, and was attached to 
that of district secretary. Each landdrost was to be pro- 
Tided with a house, a garden, and a cattle run. He was to 
have a salary of two thousand five hundred rixdollars a 
year, and was to be entitled to specified fees for certain 
duties. The landdrost of Stellenbosch was to have five 
hundred rixdollars a year extra salary. 

In each district there were to be six heemraden, selected 
from the most respectable and trustworthy burghers. The 
qualifications of these officers were the attainment of thirty 
years of age, residence in the district for three years, and 
the possession of freehold property or the occupation of a 
leasehold farm. They were to receive no salaries or emolu- 
ments, as their office was to be regarded as one of honour. 
On the formation of a new district the heemraden were to 
be appointed by the governor ; but at the end of each suc- 
ceeding year the two who had served longest were to retire, 
when the governor was to select their successors from a list of 
four names supplied by the board. A session of the court 
of landdrost and heemraden was to be held monthly in the 
districts of Stellenbosch and Tulbagh, quarterly in the other 
districts. The landdrost was to preside, except in case of 
unavoidable absence, when the senior heemraad was to take 
the chair. The landdrost and four heemraden were to form 
a quorum. 

This court had jurisdiction in all disputes concerning the 
boundaries of farms and the impounding of cattle, all suits 
connected with auction sales, and all civil cases in which the 
amount contested was less than three hundred rixdollars. 
There was a right of appeal from its decisions to that of the 
high court of justice in cases over the value of twenty-five 
rixdollars. The landdrost and heemraden were to perform 
the duties of coroners. They had charge also of the high- 
ways, and generally of such matters as were carried out at 
the expense of the district. In their judicial capacity 
they were responsible only to the high court of justice, and 
criminal cases were reported by them to the attorney-general. 
In all other matters they were responsible to the governor. 

io6 History of South Africa 

There was a very useful class of oflScers, termed field - 
cornets, whose sphere of duty other than military had only 
been recognised of recent years, as they had gradually and 
almost imperceptibly taken the place of the corporals of 
militia and the veldwachters of earlier times. The ordi- 
nance of October 1805 gave them a better position than 
they had previously occupied. Every district was now 
divided into wards, none of which were to be of greater 
extent than could be ridden across by a man on horseback in 
six hours ; in each of these wards there was to be a fieldcomet, 
nominated by the landdrost and appointed by the governor. 
He was to be a man of unblemished character, over twenty- 
five years of age, a resident for more than two years in the 
ward, and in possession of freehold property or in occupa- 
tion of a leasehold farm. He was to be the representative 
of the landdrost, to maintain order and tranquillity, to settle 
petty disputes, to keep a register of the people, to make new 
laws known, and generally to promote industry and what- 
ever might tend to prosperity. He was to be free of district 
taxation, and was to have a farm without rent or twenty- 
five rixdollars a year. 

For military purposes the fieldcornets were to call out 
and lead the burghers of their wards whenever required by 
the landdrost. The burghers were divided into three 
classes. The first to be called upon for personal service 
were those between sixteen and thirty years of age, next 
those between thirty and forty-five, and lastly those be- 
tween forty-five and sixty years of age. If all the men of 
a class were not needed, the unmarried and those without 
employment were to be called out before the others. Such 
as were not called upon for personal service were to be 
assessed to supply food, horses, and means of transport. 
When in the field, the several divisions of the burgher 
militia of each district were under the general orders either 
of the landdrost or of a commandant appointed by the 
governor, and the fieldcornets often had the title of captain 
conferred upon them. In this manner the whole European 
population of the colony was organised for military purposes^ 

Lieutenant-General Jan Willem Jans sens 107 

During recent years reports of various kinds had reached 
Capetown concerning the settlements formed by agents of 
the London missionary society north of the Orange river, 
and as some of these reports were to the effect that a com- 
munity hostile to the colony was growing up there, the 
government resolved to send a commission to inspect the 
settlements and obtain accurate information. The oflScers 
chosen for this purpose were Landdrost Van de Graaff, of 
Tulbagh, and Dr. Henry Lichtenstein, surgeon of the Hot- 
tentot corps. In May 1805 these gentlemen left Tulbagh, 
and travelling by way of Karoo Poort, reached the colonial 
boundary without difficulty. Along the route they heard 
numerous complaints of depredations by Bushmen, and 
ascertained that the arrangements made with these people 
in former years had completely failed in their object. 

At the mission station on the Zak river they found the 
colonist Christiaan Botma in charo^e during the reverend 
Mr. Kicherer's absence in Europe. The Bushmen gathered 
together here had dispersed as soon as the missionaries' 
means of providing them with food failed, and only about 
forty individuals remained, most of whom were halfbreeds 
that had from youth professed Christianity. Botma, the 
teacher, was a man of great zeal, and had expended a 
large portion of his private property in maintaining the 
station ; but it seemed to the commission that the principles 
on which the work was being conducted were decidedly 
wrong. Eeligious services were frequently held, and were 
attended by everyone on the place. But industry was not 
enforced, and the habits of the people formed a striking 
contrast to those of the residents at the Moravian institu- 
tion in the district of Stellenbosch. The mission was doing 
no harm politically or in any other way, though it appeared 
to be of very little service to the few people under its 

Here a party of farmers joined the travellers as an escort. 
making the whole number up to eight Europeans, twelve 
Hottentots, and five slaves. On the southern bank of the 
Orange a horde of Kosas was met, under two near relatives 

io8 History of South Africa 

of the chief Ndlambe, who had wandered away from their 
own country. 

The Orange was crossed at Prieska Drift. On its 
northern bank the missionaries Vanderlingen and Jan Kock 
were met, journeying from the Batlapin country towards the 
Cape. Eock, who understood the Setshnana language, was 
easily persuaded to send his family on to the station at 
the Zak river, and return with the commission. 

At Lauw-waters-kloof, which was reached on the same 
day, a number of halfbreeds and Eoranas were found. 
Here two more missionaries — Koster and Janssen by name — 
were met returning from the Batlapin country, haying 
abandoned the work there. Lauw-waters-kloof was ascer- 
tained to be one of six mission villages, inhabited by half- 
breeds and Eoranas, with several Namaquas and a few 
blacks and Hottentots from the Cape Colony. The other 
five were Rietfontein, Witwater, Taaiboschfontein, Leeuwen- 
kuil, and Ongeluksfontein. In these villages nearly a 
thousand people were living, many of whom were half- 
breeds that had been wandering along the southern bank 
of the Orange for fifteen or twenty years, before the mis- 
sionaries induced them to settle down to receive instruction. 
Among them were also several individuals who had grown 
up in the families of colonists. These had always worn 
European clothing, and were baptized professors of Christi- 
anity before the arrival of the missionaries. 

The district in which the villages were situated — [since 
1880 the colonial division of Hay] — had from time immem- 
orial been occupied by Eoranas and Bushmen, who were 
at bitter feud with each other. The halfbreeds, Namaquas, 
and colonial Hottentots were recent immigrants, who had 
come in with the missionaries. Small-pox in a mild form 
was prevalent among the people, and was said to have been 
brought from the north, but how or when was not ascer- 
tained. It had been unknown in the Cape Colony since 
1769, and most likely had spread overland from Delagoa Bay. 

At Leeuwenkuil the missionary Anderson was then 
residing. The travellers were greatly impressed with his 

Lieutenant'General Ja7t Wille^n Janssens 109 


devotioii to his work, and with the exemplary life he was 
leading. He and Mr. Kramer were the only white men 
living in the district, the others who had formerly assisted 
them having retired from that field. 

The commission found that nothing was to be feared 
from this settlement. Mr. Anderson regarded himself as 
subject to the colonial government, and the halfbreeds, who 
gained their subsistence chiefly by hunting, were so depend- 
ent upon Europeans for ammunition and other necessaries 
that their engaging in hostilities was out of the question. 

From Ongeluksfontein, the farthest of the six villages to 
the north, the travellers set out for the Batlapin country. 
Since the journey of Messrs. Truter and Somerville to 
lithako in 1801, a good deal had been heard of the Be- 
tshnana, but the different accounts by no means agreed. 
Among those who supplied information was the reverend 
Mr. Edwards. This missionary, who might be supposed to 
know more than any other European about the Batlapin, 
left the Kuruman river towards the close of 1803, and 
visited Capetown, where he gave the government a de- 
scription in writing of the people he had been living with, 
some portions of which could only be regarded as fabulous. 
For instance, he stated that they regarded his wife as a 
goddess, and offered him a great number of cattle for a 
daughter born at Molehabangwe's kraal. In March 1805 
he wished to return, but the council declined to give liira 
permission ; and shortly afterwards Messrs. Van de Graaff* 
and Lichtenstein were instructed to include the Batlapin 
country in their tour. 

A little beyond Ongeluksfontein the travellers met a 
waggon containing the families of two halfbreed brothers 
named Jantje and David Bergover, who had been in Jan 
Kock's service on the Kuruman river. They had left the 
Kuruman with a view of following Kock to the mission 
station on the Zak river, but had been attacked on the way 
by Bushmen, and the two men and one little girl had been 
murdered. The party from the south arrived just in time 
to rescue the other children and the women. 

1 1 o History of South Africa 

la the valley of the Kuruman the first Batlapin were 
found. The principal kraal of Molehabangwe was then only 
a short distance from the spot where that stream issues 
with great force from a cavern. The kraal was found to 
consist of five or six hundred huts, and to contain about five 
thousand people. The year after Messrs. Truter and Somer- 
ville's visit, the Barolong under Makraki had separated 
from the Batlapin, and had moved away to the neighbour- 
hood of their kinsmen in the north. This migration reduced 
the kraal to one-third of its former size. The commission 
was received in a friendly manner by the old chief 
Molehabangwe, and by his sons Mothibi, Telekela, Molimo, 
and Molala. There were no missionaries remaining on the 
Kuruman, all who had been there having left for the 
colony ; but it was Jan Kock's intention to return. The 
commission could not ascertain that any of them except 
Kock had made the slightest impression upon the people, 
and what benefit had been derived from his teaching was in 
an improved method of tilling the ground, not in the adop- 
tion of Christianity. 

Of the Betshuana tribes to the north — the Barolong, 
Bahurutsi, Bangwaketsi, Bakwena, and others which have 
since disappeared — some information was gathered, but it 
was not very reliable. The existence of slavery among 
these tribes, which was not suspected by Messrs. Truter and 
Somerville, was proved beyond all doubt. In fact two boys 
were offered for sale to the commission at the price of a 
sheep each. But the abject state in which the slaves were 
living at a distance from the principal kraal was not made 
known until some years later. 

The Kuruman was the farthest point reached by the 
expedition. During the return journey nothing occurred 
that was of more than passing interest, and the travellers 
arrived safely at Tulbagh again after an absence of three 

On the 14th of May 1804 the whaling schooner Kofe was 
wrecked near Walfish Bay. The crew got safely to land, 
and left the wreck ^vith a view of trying to make their way 

Lieutenant'General Ja7i Willem fanssens iii 

along the coast to Capetown. On the 20tfa they were at- 
tacked by a party of Hottentots, and all were killed except 
two sailors, who were badly wounded, but were rescued on 
the following day by an English whaler. 

Oa the 3rd of November 1805 during a violent gale from 
the north-west, three American ships were driven ashore in 
'fable Bay, and became total wrecks. The French frigate 
Aialamte also went ashore, and was dismasted and otherwise 
damaged, but was got afloat again after the storm subsided. 

In 1805 the European population of the whole colony, 
according to the census returns, consisted of twenty-five 
thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven individuals, exclus- 
ive of soldiers. They owned twenty-nine thousand five 
hundred and forty five slaves, and had in their service under 
agi'eements twenty thousand and six Hottentots, halfbreeds, 
and Bushmen. It is impossible to say how many Hottentots 
were living at their own kraals, or Bushmen roaming about, 
for these people paid no taxes and therefore no notice was 
ever taken of them by the census framers. Those in 
service and their families were registered, in order that they 
might be protected. Capetown contained, in addition to 
public edifices of various kinds, one thousand two hundred 
and fifty-eight houses and stores, and had a population of 
six thousand two hundred and seventy-three Europeans, one 
thousand one hundred and thirty Asiatics and free blacks, 
nine thousand one hundred and twenty-nine slaves, and four 
hundred and fifty-two Hottentots. 

From the time that news was received of the renewal of 
the war. General Janssens made unceasing efforts to prepare 
for the defence of the colony. There were a good many 
British subjects in the country, mostly men who had settled 
here as traders during the English occupation. In February 
1804 a proclamation was issued, ordering them all to leave 
in neutral ships within two months ; but this was not 
enforced. After the 8th of October 1804 they were 
required by proclamation to reside in Stellenbosch, and 
could only leave that village with a pass from the governor 
stating the object and time of their absence. Some, however, 

1 1 2 History of South Africa 

who were married into colonial families, or who had farming- 
interests that would suflFer by their being away, were ex- 
cepted, and were permitted to remain at their homes on 
giving a pledge that they would do nothing hostile to the 
Dutch in the event of the colony being attacked. 

The Hottentot infantry regiment, six hundred stronc^, 
was brought to such an efficient state that it was regarded 
as a really serviceable corps. Its officers were colonists who 
understood the character of the men and how to manage 
them. Frans le Sueur, who was in command, had the title 
of lieu tenant- colonel. 

In November 1804 the Asiatics in and about Capetown 
were enrolled as volunteers in a corps termed the Javanese 
or Malay artillery. They were drilled with field-guns and 
to work the cannon in the forts, until the governor pro- 
nounced them a highly efficient and reliable body of 

An attempt was made to lay up a supply of grain at the 
old Company's estate Ziekenhuis behind the mountains of 
Hottentots-Holland, so that if Capetown should fall, the 
army could retreat and cut oflF supplies from the invader. 
But this could not be carried out, as the crop of 1803-4 was 
a poor one, and that of 1804^5 unusually bad. In December 
1805 the government was offering the farmers around the 
Cape for the wheat then being reaped sixteen shillings and 
eight pence a muid, from which only one shilling a muid 
was to be deducted instead of the tithe. About Zwartkops 
Eiver orood crops were being gathered, and Captain Alberti 
was instructed to try to secure a quantity at Algoa Bay at 
eleven shillings and eight pence a muid clear. But this 
season's harvest was not out of the farmers' hands in Janu- 
ary 1806. 

General Janssens was doing his utmost to excite a mar- 
tial spirit among the burghers. Drills and reviews were 
more frequent than ever before, flattering addresses were 
made by the governor on every opportunity, and no event in 
which bravery or patience was displayed was aUowed to pass 
by without notice. As an instance, on the 20th of PebruaiT 

Lieutenant-General Jan IVillem Janssens 113 

1806 three corporals and twenty-eight privates of the Hot- 
tentot corps deserted with their arms from the camp at 
Wynberg. They were pursued by parties of mounted burgh- 
ers, but they were not captured until the corporals were 
all shot, when the privates surrendered. In skirmishing 
with the deserters, a burgher named Mattheus Zaaiman was 
lolled, and Jan Boux and Jan Swanepoel were wounded. 
At the instance of the governor, the council hereupon 
resolved to give to Zaaiman's parents, Boux, and Swanepoel 
&rms free of quitrent for life ; and to present silver goblets 
with suitable inscriptions on them to the militia captains 
Willem Wium, Willem Morkel, Jan Linde, and Pieter 

The regular European troops of all arms were between 
fifteen and sixteen hundred in number. No reinforcements 
had been sent out since the transfer of the colony, though 
the original strength of the regiments in garrison was 
greatly reduced by desertion, ordinary mortality, and unus- 
ually heavy losses from a very malignant form of dysentery 
which was prevalent in November and December 1804, 
when most of the soldiers were in a camp on the Liesbeek 
river. The troops were distributed over the Cape peninsula, 
except a detachment of eighty men at Tort Trederick. 
They were poorly clad, and a supply of clothing was urg- 
ently needed. From the almost exhausted treasury of the 
Batavian Republic, General Janssens had drawn until re- 
cently money at the rate of £100,000 a year for military 
purposes of all kinds, but he was now trying to manage 
vrith a smaller sum. 

So matters stood at the Cape at the close of the year 
1805. For a long time an attack had been expected, and 
within the last few days tidings were received which set 
every one on the alert. On the 24th and 25th of December 
the French privateer Napoleon^ which had recently brought 
some fifty English prisoners of war from Mauritius to the 
Cape and then went to cruise in the route of homeward- 
bound ships, was chased by an English frigate, and, to avoid 
capture, was run ashore on the coast south of Hout Bay. 

rv. I 

114 History of South Africa 

Her crew brought the intelligence to Capetown, and it wag 
suspected that the frigate had companions. Then came a 
vessel with a report that she had passed in the Atlantic a 
great fleet steering south, and on the 28th another arrived 
with news that a large number of English ships had sailed 
from Madeira on the 4th of October. 

The fleet which was thus announced as likely to be 
approaching was in fact fitted out for the conquest of the 
Cape Colony. In July 1805, by Lord Castlereagh's order, 
the 59 th regiment of infantry, the 20th light dragoons, 
three hundred and twenty artillerymen, and five hundred 
and forty-six recruits were embarked at Falmouth in trans- 
ports belonging to the East India Company, which put to 
sea under convoy of his Majesty's ships Espoir^ Encounter, 
and Protector, Their destination was announced to be the 
East Indies, but they sailed under secret orders to wait at 
Madeira and join a larger force which was to follow. Shortly 
afterwards, the 24th, 38th, 71st, 72nd, 83rd, and 93rd regi- 
ments of the line were embarked in transports at Cork, 
ostensibly for the Mediterranean, and, accompanied by vic- 
tuallers, tenders, and merchantmen, sailed under protection 
of three ships of sixty-four guns — the Diadem^ Raisonnable, 
and Belliqueux^ — one ship of fifty guns — the Diomede, — and 
two of thirty-two guns — the Narcissus and Leda. This fleet 
was intended to join the other at Madeira, and proceed in 
company to the Cape of Good Hope. The naval force was 
xinder command of Commodore Home Popham, and the 
troops — in all six thousand six hundred and fifty-four rank 
and file — were under Major-General David Baird. This 
officer was well acquainted with the Cape and its fortifica- 
tions, having served here under General Dundas for eleven 
months in 1798. 

The expedition left England almost without notice, as 
other events were then engaging attention throughout 
Europe. The great French army, which was generally 
believed to be intended for the invasion of England was 
still encamped at Boulogne when the fleet sailed. While it 
was on its way to the Cape, the Austrians capitulated at Ulm 

Lieutenant-General Jan Willem Janssens 115 

the battle of Trafalgar was fought, a French army entered 
Yienna, and issues were decided in comparison with which 
the fate of the Cape Colony dwindled into insignificance. 

In the morning of the 4th of January 1806 signals 
on the Lion's rump made known that numerous sails were 
in sight, and that evening the ships — sixty-three in number 
— came to anchor between Bobben Island and the Blueberg 
shore. It was General Baird's intention to land his army 
next morning at a curve in the coast north of Melkbosch 
Point, from which Capetown could be reached by a march 
of about sixteen miles ; but during the night a gale set in, 
and in the morning of the 5th such a heavy surf was 
rolling on the shore that landing was impossible. 

The general then resolved to disembark his troops at 
Saldanha Bay, though from that port the soldiers would be 
obliged to make a long and weary march, and it would be 
necessary to keep open communication with the fleet by 
means of detachments posted at several stations along the 
route. During the night of the 5th, the Diomede, with some 
transports conveying the 38th regiment of foot, the 20th 
light dragoons, and some artillery, under command of 
Brigadier-General Beresford, set sail for Saldanha Bay. 
The squadron was preceded by the Efipoir, which was sent in 
advance bo take possession of the port and secure as many 
•cattle as possible. 

The remainder of the fleet would have followed next 
morning, but at daybreak it was observed that the surf had 
gone down considerably. A careful examination of the 
shore was made, and it was found that a landing might be 
effSected. The Diademy Leda^ Encounter, and Protector were 
moored so as to cover the beach with their heavy guns, and 
a small transport was run aground in such a manner as to 
form a breakwater off the landing-place. The Highland 
brigade, composed of the 71st, 72nd, and 93rd regiments, 
under command of Brigadier-General Ferguson, was then 
conveyed on shore. The sea was still breaking with con- 
siderable violence, but only one boat was swamped. It 
contained thirty-five men of the 93rd regiment, all of whom 

I 2 

1 1 6 History of South Africa 

were drowned. The 24th, 59th, and 83rd regiments were 
landed on the 7th, with some artillery and sufficient 
provisions for the immediate wants of the army. The 
debarkation was attended with only the tiifling loss of two 
soldiers wounded by a company of burgher militia under 
Commandant Jacobus Linde, who were sent to reconnoitre. 

Meantime General Janssens had assembled as many men 
as possible under arms. Eight hours afber the fleet came in 
sight, the fact was known in Swellendam by means of signal 
guns fired from hill to hill, and before the following morning 
the whole country within a hundred and fifty miles of Cape- 
town was apprised of the event. There was saddling and 
riding in haste, but in the short time that elapsed before 
the fate of the colony was decided it was impossible to make 
a formidable muster. It was the worst time of year for the 
farmers to leave their homes, as the wheat was being 
threshed and the grapes were beginning to ripen, while the 
heat was so intense that journeys could only be performed 
by night without utter exhaustion of man and beast. 

As soon as it was known that the English were landing 
on the Blueberg beach. General Janssens marched to meet 
them, leaving in Capetown a considerable burgher force and 
a few soldiers under Lieutenant-Colonel Von Prophalow to 
guard the forts and protect the town in the event of its 
being attacked during his absence. He had altogether an 
army rather over two thousand strong, but composed of a 
strange mixture of men. There were two hundred and 
twenty-four mounted burghers, under Commandants Linde, 
Human, and Wium. There was the fifth battalion of 
Waldeck, which was a body of German mercenary troops, four 
hundred strong; the 22nd regiment of the line, three 
hundred and fifty-eight strong, and the 9th battalion of 
jagers, two hundred and two strong, raised by recruiting 
from all the nations of Europe ; and one-hundred and thirty- 
eight dragoons and one hundred and sixty artillerymen, who 
were mostly Dutch by birth. Then there were the crews of 
the French ships Atalante and Napoleon^ two hundred and 
forty men, under Colonel Gaudin Beauchene, who was 

Lieutenant-General Jan Willem Janssens 1 1 7 

<oommandant of marines in the Atalante. And lastly, there 
were fifty-four Javanese artillerymen, one hundred and 
eighty-one Hottentot foot-soldiers, and one hundred and 
four slaves from Mozambique in the artillery train. The 
field-guns were sixteen in number,^ of various sizes. 

At three o'clock in the morning of Wednesday the 8th 
of January 1806 this motley force was under arms, and was 
advancing towards Blueberg from the dunes beyond Rietvlei, 
where the night had been spent, when the scouts brought 
word that the English were approaching. At five o'clock 
the British troops were seen descending the shoulder of the 
Blueberg, marching in the cool of the morning towards 
Ciapetown. General Baird had formed his army in two 
columns. That on the right, consisting of the 24th, 59th, 
and 83rd regiments, was commanded by his brother, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Baird. The left column was the Highland 
brigade, under Brigadier-General Ferguson. Altogether 
there were about four thousand rank and file, besides the 
artillerymen and five or six hundred sailors armed with 
pikes and drawing two howitzers and six field-guns. 

The Dutch general extended his force in a line covering 
the whole English front. He knew that victory was almost 
hopeless, and he had long before placed on record his fixed 
conviction that the Cape Colony was too great a burden to 
be borne by the exhausted mother country, and that as it 
could not be held without heavy expense its loss would 
really be an advantage. Bat it was his duty to defend it, 
and now all his thoughts were how to make the most stub- 
bom stand. He rode along the front of the line, saying a 
few encouraging words to the men, and met with hearty 
<;heer8 from all except the battalion of Waldeck. These 
mercenaries were quite as well aware as the general himself 
tliat there was hardly a chance of success against the dis- 
ciplined British troops, and they were not disposed to be 
shot dovm for the mere honour of fighting. 

• In General Baird's report, it is stated that the Dutch had twenty-three 
•cazinon, bat General Janssens gives only sixteen, and his military returns 
made before the battle are verj' complete in detail. The British general also 
greatly overestimated the Dutch force. 

1 1 8 History of South Africa 

By this time the armies were within camion range, and 
the artillery on both sides was opening fire. A few balls 
fell on the ground occupied by the Waldeck battalion, and 
that regiment began to retreat. General Janssens rode up 
and implored the soldiers to stand firm, but in vain, for 
their retreat was quickly changed into flight. One wing of 
the 22nd regiment then began to follow the example of the 
Waldeckers. It rallied for a moment under the general's- 
command, but resumed its flight on observing that the 
Highland brigade, after firing a volley of musketry at toa 
great a distance to have much effect, was advancing to 
charge with the bayonet. The burghers, the French corps, 
the remainder of the troops, and the coloured auxiliaries 
were behaving well, receiving and, answering a heavy fire 
with artillery and hunting rifles. But the flight of the 
main body of regular troops made it impossible for the 
mixed force left on the field to stand the charge of the 
Highland brigade, and by order of General Janssens the 
remnant of the army fell back. Adjutant-General Kancke 
and Colonel Henry were sent to Rietvlei to rally the fugitive 
soldiers there. The last to leave the field was a company 
of mounted artillery under Lieutenant Pelegrini, who con- 
tinued firing until the general in person commanded them 
to retire. On the spot he promoted the lieutenant to be a 

The loss of the English in the battle of Blueberg was 
one ofi&cer and fourteen rank and file killed, nine officers 
and one hundred and eighty rank and file wounded, and 
eight rank and file missing. The Dutch loss cannot be 
stated with any pretension to accuracy, for the roll-call 
when the fugitives were rallied shows the killed, wounded, 
and missing together, and there are no means of distin- 
guishing one from the other. When the muster was made 
that afternoon, one hundred and ten Frenchmen, one hund- 
red and eighty-eight soldiers of the different battalions, 
four burghers, seventeen Hottentots, ten Malays, and eight 
slaves did not answer to their names. It is tolerablj 
certain that more were killed and wounded on the Dutch 

Mftp VIII. Illuat3-a.tiiiS the Battle of Blueber^. 

Lieutenant-General Jan Willem Janssens 119 

than on the English side, though probably the excess was 
not great. General Janssens himself was struck by a spent 
ball, but it rebounded from something in his side-pocket 
¥dthout injuring him. 

At Eietvlei the defeated army was collected together. 
The general resolved to retire at once to the mountains of 
Hottentots-Holland, but he would not take the Waldeck 
regiment with him, as he declared it unworthy to associate 
¥dth men of valour. He ordered it immediately to march. 
to Capetown, that it might be included in whatever terms 
of capitulation Colonel Von Prophalow could obtain. One 
company of this regiment had been in another part* of the 
field, and had behaved well. The men asked to be treated 
differently, and the general gave them the choice of accom- 
panying him or their regiment, when they unanimously 
accepted the first alternative. The remaining companies of 
the Waldeck battalion then proceeded to Capetown. The 
French sailors and marines had behaved with the utmost 
bravery, and the French ofi&cers only retired from the battle- 
field in company with the general and Pelegrini's artillery* 
Janssens was loth to part with them, but Colonel Beauchene 
represented that they could be of no service in the country, 
so they also were directed to proceed to Capetown, and left 
with expressions of esteem on both sides. 

The general next sent an express to Major Horn, wha 
was in command of the garrison of Simonstown, instructing 
him to set fire to the BatOj an old ship of war which wa» 
lying at anchor in Simon's Bay as a fioating fort, to destroy 
the powder in the magazine, spike the guns in the batteries, 
and proceed along the shore of False Bay to join him at 
Hottentots -Holland pass. The garrison of Simonstown 
consisted of about fifty artillerymen and two companies of 
the Hottentot regiment. Major Horn carried out his 
instructions, but so hastily that the Baio was only slightly 

An express was also sent by General Janssens to Cape- 
town with a letter to the members of the council, requesting 
them, while it was still in their power to do so legally, to 

I20 History of South Africa 

grant farms in freehold to certain burghers who had been 
conspicuous for bravery in the battle. The burghers, he re- 
marked, had acted in such a way as to deserve abetter fate 
than to be vanquished. But it was impossible to reward all. 
The names that he mentioned were those of the command- 
ants Jacobus Linde and Pieter Human, the burghers Pieter 
Pietersen, Nicholas Swart Ps., Nicholas Swart Kb., Jan 
Babe, Dirk Lourens, Servaas de Kock, Nicholas Linde, and 
Marthinus Theunissen, also Hans Human and Pieter Mos- 
terd, whose brothers were killed. Upon receipt of this letter 
the councillors De Salis and Wakker lost no time in making 
the grants and having them properly recorded. Mr. Van 
Oudtshoom had long since resigned on account of bodily 
infirmity, and Mr. Van Polanen, who only arrived in March 
1804, went to Batavia on a special mission at the beginning 
of 1805, so that there were only the two — De Salis and 
Wakker — left. This meeting in the evening of the 8th of 
January was the last but one that was held under the Bat- 
avian administration. On the morning of the 9th the two 
councillors held another session, and furnished Lieutenant- 
Colonel Von Prophalow with a small sum of money. 

While the general was engaged in making these 
arrangements the soldiers and burghers were resting, but 
the remnant of the army now pushed on to Kooseboom. 
There it halted until eleven o'clock at night, when another 
march was made towards Hottentots-Holland. In the 
evening the British troops arrived at Rietvlei, where they 
passed the night in the open air. 

In the morning of the 9th General Baird resumed his 
march towards Capetown. At Salt River it was easy to 
communicate with the ships, and preparations were made to 
land a battering train and a supply of provisions. But the 
battering train was not needed, for Colonel Von Prophalow 
had no thought of attempting to defend the town, as he 
could not do so with any prospect of success. He therefore 
sent a flag of truce to request a suspension of arms for forty- 
eight hours, in order to arrange terms of capitulation. Near 
Craig's tower this flag met General Baird, who would only 

Lieutenant-General Jan Willem Janssens 121 

:grant thirty six hours, and further required possession 
within six hours of the lines and Fort Knokke. His demand 
-could not be refused, and that evening the 59th regiment 
took possession of Fort Knokke. At four o'clock in the 
afternoon of the 10th the articles of capitulation were signed 
at Papendorp — now Woodstock — by Lieutenant-Colonel Von 
ProphaJow, Major-General Baird, and Commodore Home 

These articles provided that the castle and other fortifi- 
x^ations should be immediately surrendered to his Britannic 
Majesty's forces. The regular troops forming the garrison, 
and the Frenchmen of the Atalante and the Napoleon^ were 
to become prisoners of war, and be sent to Great Britain as 
such, with the exception of officers of the army married into 
•colonial families or possessing landed property in the colony, 
who were to be at liberty to remain in the country daring 
good behaviour, and with the further exception of such sol- 
diers as might choose of their own free will to enlist in his 
Britannic Majesty's service. Colonists in arms were to 
return to their former occupations. Private property of all 
kinds was to be respected, but property of every description 
belonging to the Batavian government was to be delivered 
up. The burghers and other inhabitants were to preserve 
all their rights and privileges, and public worship as then 
-existing was to be maintained. The paper money in circula- 
tion was to continue current until his Majesty's pleasure 
could be known, and the public lands and buildings were to 
remain as security for that portion not lent to individuals. 
The inhabitants of Capetown were to be exempted from 
having troops quartered on them. And two Dutch ships 
sunk the day before in Table Bay to prevent their seizure 
were to be raised by those who scuttled them, and delivered 
over in a perfect state of repair. 

Upon General Baird taking possession of Capetown, he 
found only two days' supply of flour and grain on hand. 
The wheat of the last crop was nearly ready for delivery by 
the farmers, but the season had not been a good one, and 
-the quantity was insufficient to meet the wants of the 

122 History of South Africa 

colonists and of the large military and naval force now adde^ 
to the number of consumers. A frigate was therefore sent to 
St. Helena to procure all the flour and biscuit that could be- 
spared from that island, and as soon as possible three trans- 
ports sailed for Madras to obtain rice and wheat. 

On the morning of the 11th three proclamations were 
issued by General Baird. In the first, the inhabitants of 
the country districts were ordered to remain quietly at their 
respective habitations, and were assured of protection by the 
British government. Any who should join the Batavian 
troops under General Janssens, or afford them assistance, 
were threatened with consequences of the most serious 
nature ; and those inhabitants of the neighbourhood of" 
Capetown who had retired with the Dutch army were warned 
that if they did not return forthwith to their usual places of 
abode, orders would be given for the confiscation of their 
effects. In the second proclamation, the civil servants and 
the principal inhabitants were required to take an oath of 
allegiance to his Britannic Majesty at noon that day. And 
in the third proclamation, Willem Stephanus van Ryne veld,, 
a staunch friend of the British government, was appointed 
chief civil magistrate and councillor, "it being General 
Baird's intention that all the immediate duties of the civil 
administration should be executed by him under his Excel- 
lency's own superintendence and directions." 

General Janssens had in the meantime reached the moun- 
tains of Hottentots-Holland, where he might have been able- 
to cut off communication with the eastern part of the 
country if the British force had not been so overwhelming. 
But of what use could it be to make a stand there ? The- 
farms which produced wheat and wine would soon be sub- 
ject to the English, and the country beyond would also be^ 
open to them by way of the Roodezand kloof. Only one 
plan of prolonging the struggle therefore remained, which 
was to retire to the distant interior and await the arrival of 
a French expedition to recover the colony. But this did not 
appear very feasible. The most that could be said of the- 
position in which he was placed resolved itself at last into 

Lieutenant 'General Jan Willem Janssens 123. 

this, that it was more favonrable for obtaining terms than if 
he had fallen back upon Capetown after the defeat at 

Within the next three days he learned that two English 
regiments had taken possession of the village of Stellenbosch 
and the Eoodezand kloof, and that another regiment was 
about to proceed by sea to Mossel Bay, with a view of securing 
the Attaqua pass in the rear of his position. He ascertained 
also that the English general had required all the saddle- 
horses in the town to be taken to the barracks, where they 
were appraised and pressed into service, with a promise that 
if they were not returned to their owners when tranquillity 
was restored, they would be paid for. The greater number 
of the farmers with him being residents of Stellenbosch and 
Drakenstein, he advised them to return to their homes, as 
their remaining longer might cause the confiscation of their 
property. But so attached were they to him and the cause 
which he represented that it was with difficulty they were 
persuaded to retire. 

General Baird made the first advances, by addressing a 
letter to General Janssens, in which, after complimenting 
him for having discharged his duty to his country as became 
a brave man at the head of a gallant, though feeble, army, 
he was informed that the British naval and military forces 
which had possessed themselves of the seat of government 
were of a magnitude to leave no question respecting the 
issue of further hostilities, so that a temporary and dis- 
astrous resistance was all he could possibly oppose to 
superior numbers. Under these circumstances, nothing could 
result but the devastation of the country he casually 
occupied, and such a consequence could not be contemplated 
without anguish by a generous mind, or be gratifying to a 
man who felt for the prosperity of a colony lately subject 
to his administration. It was therefore trusted that he 
would show a disposition to promote general tranquillity. 

On the 13th this letter was forwarded by Brigadier- 
Greneral Beresford, who was in command of the troops at 
Stellenbosch, and who announced at the same time that he 

124 History of South Africa 

was empowered to enter into negotiations for an honourable 
capitulation. General Janssens desired first to be correctly 
informed of occurrences at Capetown, and requested that 
Mr. Jan Andries Truter, who since October 1803 had been 
secretary to the council, might be permitted to visit him for 
that purpose. This was granted, and upon being made 
acquainted with everything that had transpired, he consented 
to the arrangement of terms. Some delay took place, owing 
to certain clauses proposed by one party being rejected by 
the other, but at length a draft made by General Janssens 
and modified by General Baird was agreed to and signed at 
Hottentots-Holland on the 18th of January. 

It provided that the whole settlement should at once be 
surrendered to his Britannic Majesty. That the Batavian 
troops should retain all private property, and the officers 
their swords and horses ; but their arms, treasure, and public 
property of every description should be given up. That the 
troops should not be considered prisoners of war, but be em- 
barked and sent to Holland at the expense of the British 
government, they engaging not to serve against his 
Britannic Majesty or his allies before they were landed in 
Holland. That the officers and men should be subsisted at 
the expense of the British government until their embarka- 
tion, and when on board transports be treated in the same 
manner as British troops. That the Hottentot soldiers 
should be allowed to return to their homes, or to enter the 
British service, as they might think proper. And that the 
inhabitants of the colony were to enjoy the same rights and 
privileges as had been granted to those of Capetown accord- 
ing to the capitulation of the 10th, except that the privilege 
of quartering soldiers upon them was reserved, as the country 
had not the same resources as the town. 

The troops composing the force with General Janssens 
were reduced by desertion within the last few days to one 
hundred and eighty officers and men of the 22 nd battalion 
of infantry, one hundred and four officers and men of the 
9th battalion of jagers, fifty-two officers and men of the 5th 
battalion of Waldeck, one hundred and forty-six dragoons. 

Lieutenant' General Jan Willeni Janssens 125 

and one hundred and seventy-seven artillerymen, in all six 
hundred and fifty-nine individuals, exclusive of a few staff 
officers, who were to be sent to Holland. 

There were also three hundred and forty-three men of 
the Hottentot regiment and fifty-five men of the artillery 
train, who were to remain in the country. General Baird 
directed Major Graham, of the 73rd, to take as many of the 
Hottentots into the British service as could be induced to 
enlist. Most of them were willing to remain as soldiers, 
and they were formed into a corps which was soon after- 
wards enlarged and became known as the Cape regiment. 

A good deal of trouble was caused to General Janssens 
after the capitulation by an act of the councillors De Salis 
and Wakker on the 6th of January, when the army was 
marching to meet the British forces at Blueberg. On that 
occasion the two councillors apportioned to certain indivi- 
duals nearly 20,000Z. from the military chest as compen- 
sation for prospective loss of office, with the understanding 
that the money was to be returned if the British forces were 
defeated. The transaction was intended to be secret, and 
no entry was made of it in the record of proceedings. 
General Baird contended that the money ought to be 
surrendered, and General Janssens entirely disapproved of 
what the councillors had done ; but it was no easy matter 
to induce the recipients to restore the amounts that had 
been awarded to them. Ultimately, however, all except 
about 1300Z. was given up. Further trouble was caused by 
the inability of Colonel Von Prophalow to compel the 
persons who sank the two ships in Table Bay to raise them 
again that they might be delivered as prizes. 

But the controversy upon this matter at length came to 
an end, and seven cartel ships being prepared, the troops — 
ninety-four officers and five hundred and seventy-three rank 
and file — were embarked in them. One of the best of the 
transports — named the Bellona — was placed at the disposal 
of General Janssens, who had liberty to select such persons 
as he wished to accompany him. Thirty-one of the civil 
servants under the Batavian administration desired to 

126 History of South Africa 

return to Europe, and were allowed passages in the cartel 
ships. Fifby-three women and the same number of children 
also embarked. Just before going on board the BeUotuif 
General Janssens, as his last act in South Africa, addressed 
^a letter, marked private and confidential, to Greneml Baird, 
in which the following paragraph occurs : 

* Allow me, sir, to recommend to your protection the inhabitants 
of this colony, whose happiness and welfare ever since I have been 
here were the chief objects of my care, and who conducted them- 
selves during that period to my highest satisfaction. Give no 
credit in this respect to Mr. Barrow nor to the enemies of the 
inhabitants. They have their faults, but these are more than com- 
pensated by good qualities. Through lenity, through marks of 
affection, and benevolence, they may be conducted to any good.' 

All being ready, on the 6th of March 1806 the squadron, 
bearing the last representative of the dominion of the 
Netherlands over the Cape Colony, set sail for Holland. 




JANUAET 1806 TO 17 JANUAET 1807. 



STALLED 22 MAT 1807, EETIEED 4 JULT 1811. 




6 APEIL 1814. 

Property regarded as spoil of war — Confiscation of the effects of the South 
African chartered fishing company — Changes in the civil service — Capture 
of a French frigate in Table Bay — Scarcity of grain — Repeal of the mar- 
riage ordinance of Mr. De Mist — Form of government — Staff of oflScials sent 
from England — ^Arrival of the earl of Caledon as governor — Formation of 
a court of appeal in criminal cases — Matters relating to slaves— Appoint- 
ment of deputy landdrosts of Tulbagh and Swellendam — Creation of the 
district of Greorge — Appointment of a landdrost and heemraden for the 
Cape district — Unfortunate exploring expedition of Doctor Cowan and 
Lieutenant Donovan — Formation of a bank of discount — Increase of the 
paper currency — Establishment of the Moravian mission station of Mamre 
— Opinions concerning the London society's station of Bethelsdorp — In- 
vestigations by Lieutenant-Colonel Collins — Condition of the Kosa tribe — 
Matters relating to the Hottentots — Erratic conduct of the reverend Dr. 
Halloran — Conquest of the island of Mauritius — Shocks of earthquake in 
Capetown — J^ew system of waterleadings through the principal streets of 
Capetown — Retirement of the earl of Caledon — Arrival of Governor Sir 
John Cradock — Particulars concerning the Kosas in the Zuurveld — Mas- 
sacre of Landdrost Stockenstrom and a party of farmers — Expulsion of 
the Kosas from the Zuurveld — Foundation of Grahamstowu — Establish- 
ment of deputy landdrosts at Cradock and Grahamstown — Outbreak of 
small-pox in Capetown — Establishment of a circuit court — The black 
circuit — Alteration of the land tenure — Tour of the governor— Establish- 
ment of free schools in Capetown — Enactment concerning slaves — Eccle- 
siastical matters — Particulars concerning new mission stations — Changes 
in the civil departments — Information concerning the Batlapin and the 
-Griquas — Retirement of Sir John Cradock — Arrival of Lord Charles 
Somerset as governor — Revolution in the Netherlands — Cession of the 
Oape Colony to Great Britain by the sovereign prince of the Netherlands. 

128 History of South Africa 

During the great war at the beginning of this century the- 
unusual number of seamen and soldiers employed could only 
be kept up by the allurement of booty. The pay was too 
small to attract men, so the prospect of prize-mone;' on a 
liberal scale was held out. This did not mean that the 
conquered were to be pillaged, but that public property 
acquired in war was to be divided according to fixed rulea 
among the individuals who were so fortunate as to capturo 
it. When the Cape Colony for the second time fell under 
the power of the British arms, there was not much that 
could be regarded as fair spoil, and in order to satisfy the 
army and navy it was necessary to make diligent search for 
everything liable to confiscation. 

The greater part of the money that had been distributed 
from the Dutch military chest was recovered, as has been 
already related. The government slaves were taken into 
possession, and were purchased for his Majesty's service 
from the agents for the captors. The agricultural establish* 
ment at Groote Post was next claimed. The property of 
greatest value there consisted of homed cattle and sheep 
imported for breeding purposes. The commission for the 
improvement of agriculture and stock-breeding contested 
this claim, on the ground that the establishment was created 
with cartoon money which was still unredeemed. General 
Baird compromised the matter by purchasing the stock and 
implements for 5,000Z., to be paid out of the first available 
revenue, and keeping the establishment in existence for the 
benefit of the colony. 

Then came a seizure about which many complaints were 
made in France and the Netherlands, and which for a long 
time was put forward by the enemies of England as a most 
unjustifiable act. To explain it, it is necessary to go back 
several years. 

In 1789 Messrs. Fehrsen & Co., of Capetown, privately 
commenced a whale fishery, and two years later they 
obtained the consent of the government to its being carried 
on. In 1792 the commissioners Nederburgh and Frykenius 
threw open this branch of industry to anyone who chose to 

Major-General David Baird 129 

embark in it under certain conditions, but Messrs. Fehrsen 
& Co. remained the leading people in the business. In 1798, 
however, their affairs were wound up, and Mr. Jolm Murray, 
an English merchant of Capetown, purchased the whole 
whaling plant at public auction. By him the business was 
enlarged, and was continued until 1803, when a ship arrived 
from Holland with three agents of an association termed 
tjie South African chartered fishing company, which had 
obtained from the government of the Batavian Republic the 
exclusive right of killing whales in the bays of the Cape 
Colony, with other privileges. Murray was now forced to 
cease his occupation and sell his plant to the new company, 
taking twenty-three shares in part payment. Upon the 
conquest of the colony in January 1806 the property of the 
South African chartered fishing company was claimed by the 
captors as fair spoil of war. Upon investigation it was 
ascertained that Murray was the only colonial shareholder, 
and he expressed himself delighted with the prospect of 
being able to conduct the business again on his own account. 
On the ground, then, that the chartered fishing company was 
composed of persons who were subjects of countries at war 
with Great Britain, their property was confiscated for the 
benefit of the captors, and the whale fishery was again thrown 
open to any one who cared to embark in it. 

Notwithstanding the hard language that was used in 
Holland and France concerning this occurrence, there is 
nothing to show that it was less justifiable than the seizure 
and confiscation of a Dutch or French merchant-ship would 
have been. 

General Baird, who assumed the civil administration as 
acting governor, allowed most of the oflScials to retain their 
po6t« upon taking an oath of allegiance to the king of 
England ; but a few preferred to return to Europe. Captain 
Jacob Glen Cuyler, of the 59th regiment, was sent to Algoa 
Bay to replace Captain Alberti as commandant of Fort 
Frederick and acting landdrost of Uitenhage; and a few 
offices in Capetown were filled temporarily by military men. 

All the judges of the high court of justice, except 

rv. K 

130 History of South Africa 

Messrs. Strubberg and Hiddingh, resigned, so on the 5th of 
April new members were appointed to fill the vacant places. 
They were Messrs. Clement Matthiessen, Abraham Fleck, 
Pieter Jan Truter, and Pieter Diemel. The office of pre- 
sident was kept open for Mr. Olof Grodlieb de Wet, who 
was then in England. The former attorney-general, Mr. 
Beelaerts van Blokland, accepted the post of secretary. 
The court was reduced to the condition in which it had been 
before 1803. The judges could now hold at the same time 
other situations in the civil service, it was not considered 
necessary that they should be trained lawyers, and they 
could be removed at the pleasure of the head of the govern- 
ment. Mr. Willem Stephanus van Ryneveld was appointed 
fiscal, and also vice-president of the court of justice when 
cases were being tried in which he did not appear as public 

An attempt to raise the value of the paper money wa& 
made by a proclamation issued' on the 23rd of January, in 
which the rate of exchange was laid down at four English 
shillings for the cartoon rixdoUar, and the exportation of 
metallic coin was prohibited under severe penalties. But 
this attempt to give value to the paper was soon found to be 

On the 4th of March a French firicrate named the 
Vohmtaire came into Table Bay and dropped her anchor. 
without a suspicion that the English had become masters of 
the colony. When too late, her captain discovered his 
error, and as he could neither resist nor escape, he 
surrondored without firing a shot. He had left Brest on the 
15th of the preceding December in company with eleven 
ships of the line and^four frigates. Shortly after sailing, 
some English transports were captured, and the troops on 
board — detachments of the 2nd and 54th regiments — were 
transferred to the Volontaire, to be landed as prisoners of 
war at Teneriffe. Off that island two large ships, supposed 
to be English cruisers, were seen ; so the frigate continued 
her course to Table Bay, where her captain expected to find 
the remainder of the fleet. 

Major-General Dazid Baird 

- ^ i 

The Dutch flag was for some time aft^r this t^-T,. f ^-v..^ 
on the Lion's rump, so that the French Ehips :i:;iri: ek:-* 
the bay without suspicion; and such preparations wrre 12a i- 
that if they anchored thev would Ik? obli2ed xo s'zrr^^.^i.^ 
But they never made an appearance. One day a sikz. zislz.^^ 
Comelis Maas spread a report that he had seen tLr-' --.--- 
to anchor in Saldanha Bay, thinking probably that Le -"iJ-i 
give the English forces some troubk. and himself ^»'-t-,^ 
detection. But the story was soon found to be faU^. ar ^*■• 
^vas then traced to its source. As a warning to otl-*s 
Creneral Baird caused the oflender to be flogged round ^"'T 
town at a cart's tail by the public executioner and th^- 
banished him from the colony. After this no more &I^ 
reports were spread. 

The scarcity of gram for some tune caosed great anxiet 
In March the government oifered thirty-fiye shillings a muid 
for wheat delivered at the magaidneB in CapetowiL 'f h 
being able to procure as much as was needed. ^ ^Koir^^^ 
were forbidden to sell to families more than oha ^ ^^ 
bread ° '^'^^ ^^^^ ^"^^^ jiilnlf mai^ -«j i._i. ® pound of 

taken off, with a view of inducing merchants *a 
supplies. After a few months the venels sent to t!^ *^^ 
turned with wheat and rice, and 8trjw«l««. ^."^ re- 

.Jl _ . ^ Pam were 

■ to lem 
-i to Indii 
»*«*^ iirired from 

a day for each adult male and half t noim^ j 
each woman and child. The unuort Ar^F^ * ^^ ^^^ 
taken off, w 
supplies. A 
turned with 

England with biscuit and flour, so thatTXli*^^ ^ 
averted. *^ *«*ne was 

The next season was a very good one, tiyi 
was ripening General Baird adopted tfceoHik ** *^* ^'^♦'at 
India Company and estabUshed a gaoir. • !c]5 ^^ ^^^^^ 
a view of keeping tweniy thouaandaiSb *^^*'^'*^' ^^^^^ 
serve. Paper money to the nomB»/|^^*^^^T '^ i» 
created for this purpose, fhe ^]^^^ ''"-• • •". ' 

being sixteen shillings a muii Bi^^ ^ ^** ^^-"'-" ■ 
capital had now come to beiMu^ T^ ^ "^> ^ 
none of the paper money cm^^-^^ 
redeemed. Indeed, so little t ^ 
that a sum of three thoQugji 
rixdoUars, stamped in ea^^ 

132 History of South Africa 

replace some worn-oat notes, was put into circulation with- 
out any notice being taken of it at the time, and it was only 
when the pablic accounts were audited a year later that the 
treasury was found to be to that extent less empty than it 
should have been. 

General Baird did not consider himself authorised to do 
more than what was barely necessaiy to maintain an effi- 
cient government until the secretary of state should issue 
instructions. Accordingly, he made very few changes, the 
only new regulations put in force by him being the following : 

In February he issued a proclamation that all strangers 
found travelling in the interior of the colony without passes 
were to be arrested and sent to Capetown, a proclamation 
that was seldom enforced, though for many years afterwards 
it remained the law. 

In April he annulled the marriage ordinance of Mr. De 
Mist, and substituted another by which the landdrost and 
lioemraden of each district were to act as a matrimonial 
court for the purpose of ascertaining that there were no 
legal impediments to the union and issuing certificates to 
that effect, but marriages were to be solemnised only by 
ordained ministers of the Gospel. 

In May he made an improvement in the postal arrange- 
nuuiis to the distant drostdies, by engaging a number of 
Iloittuitot runners. The runners were stationed at farm- 
hotiN(«N along the lines of road, and the farmers were required 
Kk\ provido thorn with food and quarters, but were paid 
twonty Hhillings a month each for doing so. 

II10 iv^tilation of 1803 that slaves were not to be landed 
oxoopt by Mpooial loave of the government was not formally 
MUiuillod, btit praoiioally it ceased to operate as under tiie 
Ha(>iiv(ivu inithoritios, for in November the acting governor 
^vo pornuHHion i<\ Mr. Alexander Tennant, a mei^umt of 
i\ipoiown, to inipoH. Iivo hundred negroes from Mozambique* 

*rho |MMmliy iK\ W imi>o8ed upon a fiurmer who slunild 
\^>Cum^ (o l\nMU8h his wa|2^n, oxen, or hones for poUio 
«ovvl\^\ \\\^\\\\ iho nH}uisiUon of a Addoomeli^ was tailed 
10 \\^\. 

Major-General David Baird 133 

XTpon tidings of the conquest of the colony reaching 
England, the ministers decided that it should be ruled until 
the conclusion of peace in exactly the same manner as when 
Lord Macartney was governor. The heads of departments 
were to be sent out from England, and were to receive the 
same salaries as were paid in 1797. Du Pre Alexander, 
second earl of Caledon, one of the representative peers of 
Ireland, was selected as governor. He was then only 29 years 
of age, but he had already shown that he possessed abilities of 
a high order. In character he was upright and amiable, in 
disposition good-tempered, courteous, and benevolent, though 
when occasion required firmness no man could be more re- 
solute than he. He was a tory as well as an aristocrat, of 
course, or he would not have been appointed to high office 
by the English government of that day ; but no one could 
have been better adapted to make despotic government sit 
lightly upon a people. As lieutenant-governor and com- 
mander of the forces Lieutenant-General Henry George 
Grey was appointed. Mr. Andrew Barnard was restored to 
bis old office of colonial secretary, and Captain Christopher 
Bird received the post of deputy secretary. The other offices 
of importance were also filled, but as changes rapidly took 
place among the holders, it would occupy space needlessly to 
give the names. 

Lieutenant-General Grey was the first of the newly 
appointed staff to arrive in South Africa. As his commis- 
sion authorised him to carry on the administration when the 
governor was absent, on the 17th of January 1807 he took 
the oaths of office. On the following day General Baird 
embarked in the transport Paragoriy and sailed for England. 
He had won the esteem of the colonists by his kindly bearing 
towards them, and respectful addresses were presented by 
{he public bodies on his departure. He left South Africa 
with the rank of lieutenant-general. 

In the afternoon of the 21st of May the earl of Caledon 
and lb. Barnard arrived in the ship of war Antelope, and on 
iHowing morning the governor took the oaths of office. 
I Bpibem under which the colony was henceforth ruled 

1 34 History of South Africa 

was virtually a despotism pure and simple. The governor 
could make what laws he chose, unrestrained bj a council ; 
but he was responsible to the secretary of state, and in all 
important matters acted under that minister's instructions. 
Of his own will he could fix prices for any produce required 
for the army, and assess the quantity each farmer was com- 
pelled to deliver, — a power frequently used. The patronage 
of the civil service, except the heads of departments sent out 
from England, was entirely in his hands, and at any time, 
without even assigning a reason, he could suspend or dismiss 
any official appointed in the colony, with the sole exception 
of the president of the high court of justice. He personally 
directed and controlled the diflFerent departments. With the 
lieutenant-governor he formed a court of appeal in civil cases 
of over 200Z. value. 

In addition to all these powers, the earl of Caledon was 
vested with an office which no former governor bad held, 
that of judge in criminal cases of appeal. The high court of 
justice carried on its proceedings according to an enactment 
of Philip II in 1670, by which a final sentence could only 
be pronounced in criminal cases when the accused confessed 
his guilt or the evidence against him was direct and over- 
whelming. In other cases an appeal could be carried to a 
superior court. Under the rule of the East India Company, 
appeals were made to the high court of justice at Batavia, a 
copy of the evidence being forwarded, upon which a decision 
was given. Under the British administration fix)m 1795 to 
1803 a number of sentences of death were not carried oat^ 
owing to absence of confession of guilt and the want of a 
final tribunal. The earl of Caledon was instructed to 
appoint one or two assessors, and to act with them as a 
court of appeal in criminal cases. This was independent of 
his power of mitigating or suspending sentences passed by 
the inferior courts. 

On the 26th of March 1807 the parliament of Great 
Britain abolished the slave trade in British ships and by 
British subjects to or from any part of the coast of Africa, 
to take effect from the 1st of May. When this was 

Earl of Caledon 135 

communicated to the Cape government, Mr. Tennant had 
only received three hundred and eighty-three out of the five 
hundred slaves which General Baird had given him leave to 
import, but he had contracted with a Portuguese sea-captain 
to bring another cargo. Towards the close of the year the 
Portuguese vessel arrived in Table Bay, with two hundred 
and twenty slaves on board. After a little consideration, 
the governor resolved to allow one hundred and seventeen 
to be landed; but as Mr. Tennant had no permission to 
import a greater number, he refused to let the remainder 
be put ashore. These hundred and seventeen slaves were 
the last that were openly landed and sold in the Cape 
Colony ; but it was discovered at a later period that some 
had been smuggled in. 

With the earl of Caledon's concurrence, Mr. Tennant 
directed the vessel to proceed with the balance of her 
freight to South America. On the passage she was captured 
by his Majesty's ship jffarrier, and was sent back to Table 
Bay with a prize crew, on the ground that the owner of the 
slaves was a British subject. Her arrival — in January 1 808 
— caused a good deal of perplexity. The ship was in need 
of repair, and so the slaves were placed on Robben Island 
until some decision could be come to. But in a south-east 
gale she parted her cable, was driven to sea, and was finally 
wrecked on Jutten Island. The governor then made up his 
mind. The negroes could not be left where they were, they 
could not be sold as slaves in the colony, and they could 
not be exported, so Mr. Tennant was obliged to content him- 
self with having them apprenticed to him for a period of 
seven years. 

In July 1807 Lord Caledon proposed to the secretary of 
gtate that the government slaves should be sold, and the 
lodge be converted into public offices. Under the Batavian 
administration the establishment had been greatly reduced, 
and at this time it consisted of only one hundred and eighty- 
nine men, seventy-three women, and twenty-three children. 
Some of the men and women were so old and infirm as to be 
unfit for severe labour, and the cost of their maintenance 

136 History of South Africa 

was greater than the benefit derived from them. All the 
public offices were in the castle, where room was required for 
the military staflP, so that a double purpose would be served 
by getting rid of the slaves. His Excellency was of opinion 
that it would be more advisable to sell them than to set 
them free, as in the latter case they would almost certainly 
become idle paupers. *The law,' he wrote, * affords the 
slaves ample redress against the ill-usage of their masters, 
nor does the bad treatment of them often require its inter- 

The governor's proposal was modified by the secretary 
of state in such a manner that the inmates of the lodge were 
not put up to public auction ; but respectable people — 
especially military officers — were permitted to select slaves 
and to remove them on payment of 30Z. for each one, the 
governor's permission in every instance being necessary. In 
this manner the number was slightly reduced, and in August 
1810 those who remained were confined to one wing of the 
lodge, and a portion of the space vacated was converted into 
chambers for the judges. Another portion was cleared away, 
and on the vacant ground was constructed the present hall 
of justice, which was opened for use on the 19th of January 
1815. In March 1811 the slaves who were left were removed 
to a smaller building at the upper end of the garden, in the 
grounds of the present South African college. The western 
wing of the lodge was then converted into offices. At the 
same time a roadway — named Bureau-street — was opened 
between the Heerengracht and Church-square, the church 
grounds having previously extended to the side wall of the 
lodge. Gradually difierent officials were moved firom the 
castle, the colonial secretary remaining there until the 1st 
of March 1814; and the old slave lodge — greatly altered, 
however, and partly rebuilt — became, what it still remains, 
suites of offices for various departments of government. 

For nearly three years after the surrender of Greneral 
Janssens the utmost tranquillity prevailed throughout the 
western part of the colony, but in October 1808 a slight 
disturbance took place. 

Earl of Caledon 137 

In Capetown there was living a slave named Louis, a 
native of the island of Mauritius. His wife was a free 
woman, and he paid his owner a fixed sum monthly and 
worked about town, a custom not uncommon in those days. 
The old law that people of half European blood should be 
free on coming to the age of twenty-five years had fallen into 
disuse, and Louis was so light in colour that he was able to 
pass for a white man. In his house a young Irish labourer,. 
named James Hooper, lodged; and between them a wild 
impracticable plan was concocted for setting at liberty the 
whole slave population. They purposed to induce a large 
number of blacks in the country to join them, and then to 
make themselves masters of Capetown and proclaim a 
general emancipation. 

The next to enter into the conspiracy was a black slave 
named Abraham, who was born at the Cape. Early in 
October Hooper and Abraham rode on horseback to the 
farm of Pieter Louw, at the Zwartland, where Hooper 
represented himself as a traveller and the black as his 
servant. They stayed there overnight, and Abraham 
persuaded the slaves, who were numerous, to join the 
plot. After their return to Capetown, a young 
Irish sailor named Michael Kelly became their 

On the 24th of October 1808 Hooper hired from a livery 
stable a tent-waggon with eight horses, stating that it was 
for an English ofi&cer who was going to Rietvlei on duty. 
He, Louis, Abraham, and Kelly then went in the waggon to 
Louw's farm in Zwartland, where Louis, who was dressed 
in military costume and wore a sword, was represented as 
a Spanish sea-captain. Louw was not at home, but his 
family entertained the strangers in the usual hospitable 
manner. Next morning early the two white men aban- 
doned the enterprise and left the place on foot, but Louis 
and Abraham were joined by ten slaves and a Hottentot, 
and, taking possession of Louw's waggon, they proceeded ta 
the &rm of WiUem Basson. Here they announced that 
the fiscal had given orders for all the slaves to repair to- 

138 History of South Afrua 

Capetown to be set free, and that the white men were to be 
made prisoners. 

Being joined by Basson's slaves, they took possession of 
his horses, vehicles, guns, ammunition, and whatever pro- 
visions they could find. In this manner thirty-four differ- 
ent farms at Zwartland, Koeberg, andTigerberg were visited, 
from each of which the white men, after being bound, were 
removed, and all the horses, carts, waggons, guns, and 
ammunition were taken away. Provisions and brandy were 
also freely appropriated, but not a drop of blood was shed 
during the whole of the rash proceedings. In some places 
the slaves refused to join the insurgents. 

On the 27th the different parties into which the band 
had divided turned towards Capetown, which was then 
garrisoned by nearly five thousand soldiers. That evening 
the occurrence was reported to the governor, who at onoe 
sent out a strong body of cavalry and infantry, and within a 
few hours three hundred and twenty-six slaves were made 
prisoners without the slightest resistance. Five of the 
leaders escaped at the time, but were apprehended shortly 

A brief examination by the fiscal showed that far the 
greater number of the insurgents really believed they had 
been acting under his orders, in consequence of which all 
but fifty-one were sent back to their masters, with a caution 
to be more careful in future. The white men who were con- 
fined in waggons were released, and the plundered property 
was restored to its owners. 

The fifty-one prisoners were brought to trial before the 
high court of justice, and on the 7th of December sentence 
was pronounced. Sixteen were condemned to be hanged 
and their bodies to be afterwards exposed in various places, 
one was acquitted, and the remaining thirty-four were con- 
demned to various kinds of punishment. The sentences 
were mitigated by the governor, however, so that only 
Louis, Hooper, Abraham, and two slaves who had taken a 
leading part, were hanged and afterwards exposed in chains. 
Seventeen suffered various punishments ranging firom being 

Earl of Caledon 139 

flogged to imprisonment with hard labonr in chains for life, 
and the others, after witnessing the executions, were sent 
back to their masters. 

Upon the abolition of the oceanic slave trade, the Cape 
Colony was made the receptacle for negroes rescued in the 
southern seas, a most undesirable class of people to be 
introduced into a country adapted for European colonisa- 
tion. Such British vessels as were detected with slaves on 
board, and such slave ships belonging to nations at war 
with England as were captured by British cruisers, were 
sent to Table Bay to be condemned by a court of admiralty. 
The negroes were placed under the care of the collector of 
customs, and with the governor's concurrence were appren- 
ticed by him for a period of fourteen years to such persons 
as he approved of. In this manner was introduced a large 
proportion of the people from whom the present coloured 
population of the colony is descended. 

By the earl of Caledon the number of magistrates was 
increased, as in his view the districts were too large for 
proper supervision. 

On the 1st of February 1808 a portion of the district of 
Stellenbosch was cut off and added to Talbagh. The new 
boundary of Tulbagh was declared to be the Berg river from 
its mouth to the junction of the Koopmans river, the Koop- 
mans river to its source, the mountain range to Baviaans' 
Eloof, and a line crossing the Bosjesveld in a north-easterly 
direction through Gorees Hoogte to the Zwartebergen. 
The opstal of the farm Jan-DissePs-Vlei was purchased 
from Mr. S. van Beenen for six thousand rixdoUars, and a 
deputy landdrost was stationed there, to collect revenue and 
exercise jurisdiction in petty cases. He was subject to 
directions from the landdrost of the district. Mr. Daniel 
Johannes van Byneveld received the appointment of 
deputy landdrost, and held the situation until the 1st of 
January 1810, when he was succeeded by Mr. Jan Hendrik 

On the 31st of March 1809 the court of commissioners 
for petty cases in the Cape district was abolished, and a 

140 History of South Afrua 

court of landdrost and six heemraden was created, so as to 
bring the system of administering justice into uniformity 
with other parts of the colony, A distinction, however, 
was made between Capetown, Simonstown, and the re- 
mainder of the district. In Simonstown a deputy fiscal was 
stationed, who held a court for the trial of petty cases, and 
the landdrost and heemraden had no judicial authority, but 
performed municipal duties and the duties of a matrimonial 
court. In Capetown the landdrost and heemraden succeeded 
to the duties of the court of commissioners for petty cases 
and the matrimonial court, but had no other authority, 
the burgher senate being charged with municipal duties* 
In Capetown was included the suburb Papendorp — ^now 
Woodstock — until the 23rd of April 1814, when the mili- 
tary lines between Fort Knokke and the Devil's peak were 
declared the boundary between the town and the district. 
In all other parts of the old Cape district the landdrost and 
heemraden had the same powers and duties assigned to 
them as similar boards elsewhere. Mr. J. Zorn was 
appointed first landdrost. 

On the 23rd of April 1811 that portion of Swellendam 
east of the Gaurits river was proclaimed a separate district, 
and received the name of George, from the reigning king. 
The site selected for the drostdy was the old government 
post at Outeniqualand. Mr. Adriaan Gysbert van Kervel re- 
ceived the appointment of first lamddrost of the new district. 

On the same date a portion of Stellenbosch was cut off, 
and a dded to Swellendam, so as to extend it to the west- 
ward. The new division was the Steenbrazem river to its 
source, and thence an ideal line to the mountain range, 
leaving Houwhoek and Baviaans' Kloof in Swellendam* A 
deputy landdrost was stationed at the Zwartberg baths, now 
the village of Caledon. Mr. Jan Hendrik Frouenfelder re- 
ceived the appointment. 

In October 1808 an expedition was fitted out by 
order of Lord Caledon, with the object of exploring the 
country between Lithako and the Portuguese province of 
Mozambique. It consisted of Dr. Cowan, assistant surgeon 

Earl of Caledon 141 

of the 83rd regiment, and Lieut. Donovan with twenty 
Hottentots of the Cape regiment. They had as guides a 
white man named Kruger and a halfbreed, both of whom 
had for many years been wandering among the Betshuana 
and Korana tribes. The missionary Anderson accompanied 
the expedition as far as the Bangwaketsi, who are described 
in a letter from Dr. Cowan as * so far civilised that the 
wealthy inhabitants are possessed of slaves and servants.' 
Dr. Cowan's letter was dated on the 24th of December, 
from latitude 24"* 30' S., longitude 28** E., but the latter is 
probably incorrect. Prom this place Mr. Anderson turned 
back, and brought to the colony the last authentic tidings 
of the expedition. Nothing certain is known of the fate of 
the explorers. According to reports received from individ- 
uals of the southern Betshuana tribes during the next few 
years, they were all murdered by people farther north ; but 
these accounts diflfer greatly, and cannot be relied upon. It 
is now generally supposed that thej perished of fever when 
not very fiaj* from Mozambique. 

In August 1808 the loan bank was made also a bank of 
discount. In June 1810 its capital was increased by five 
hundred thousand rixdoUars, stamped by the government 
for the purpose. Before March 1814 another half-million rix- 
doUars were created in different instalments, for the purpose 
of erecting and repairing public buildings. The amount of 
paper money in circulation was thus increased to three 
million one hundred and sixty-nine thousand one hundred 
and ninety-seven rixdoUars. The rate of exchange, as 
shown by tenders for treasury biUs at the time of these 
issues, was from two shiUings and two pence to two shillings 
and six pence for the rixdoUar. 

The Moravian institution at Genadendal had proved of 
the greatest utility to the Hottentots there. The mission- 
aries, working quietly and avoiding interference with 
poUtical questions, were esteemed alike by the government, 
passing strangers, and the colonists; whUe the results of 
their labours were visible not only on their own grounds, 
but in the appearance and conduct of the people under their 

142 History of South Africa 

care who went out to work among the farmers. The only 
objection to their system was made bj missionaries of other 
denominations, who were of opinion that the Moravians kept 
their pupils under tutelage to such an extent that thej could 
not exercise the social and political rights of men. But 
that was just the feature of their system most admired by 
thoughtful observers who admitted that people emerging 
from barbarism require constant guidance and control. 

Lord Caledon was so impressed with the good work done 
by the Moravians at Genadendal that he urged them to form 
another station. In the large tract of land called Groenekloof 
there had been from the early days of the settlement a 
location reserved for the remnant of the Hottentot clans 
that under the name of Cochoquas, Goringhaiquas, and 
Goraehouquas, were found in possession of the whole Cape 
district when white men first settled in South Africa. 
Small-pox and brandy had nearly exterminated those people, 
but still a few remained, with whose blood that of 
Europeans and of negro slaves had been mixed sufficiently 
to give them some stamina. When Groenekloof was set 
apart as pasture ground for the butcher who contracted to 
supply the government with meat, it was stipulated in the 
contract that he should not deprive the Eotfcentots of any 
land which they required for their own use. But after the 
terrible loss of life occasioned by the first outbreak of small- 
pox, the government thought it better to reserve a special 
tract for the natives, and this had ever since been in 
their possession. It was not surveyed, nor was a title- 
deed issued, but white people were prevented from encroach- 
ing upon it, and it was as well defined as the ordinary loan 
farms. In 1804 a burgher whose sheep the Hottentots had 
stolen made an attempt to drive them from that part of it 
which was called Louwskloof , but Governor Janssens and the 
council protected them in their rights. Their reserve 
adjoined the government farm called Kleine Post, upon which 
there was a good dwelling house and some outbuildings. 

In December 1807 Lord Caledon invited the Moravians 
to establish a mission there, and offered them the Kleine Post 

Earl of Caledon 143 

property for the purpose. The offer was accepted and in 
March 1808 the mission was commenced. The new station 
was named Mamre. 

The London society's station of Bethelsdorp was not re- 
garded with favour by the authorities. Outside of the 
missionary circle an opinion was unanimously held that no 
good was being done there, that the Hottentots were 
encouraged in idleness, and that the place was a retreat for 
bad characters. Men who cannot be suspected of unfriendly 
feelings towards the native races or the Christian religion 
agreed with the colonists that it would be better if the 
station were broken up. Major Bicbard Collins, of the 83rd 
regiment, who was directed to inspect and report upon it, 
recommended that the London missionaries should not be 
permitted to teach Hottentots, but be confined to the 
Bushmen on the northern border, where they should be 
placed under the superintendence of respectable farmers; 
and he advised that the people assembled at Bethelsdorp 
should be allowed the choice of retiring to one of the 
Moravian stations, or of going into service with colonists. 
The judges of the high court of justice, the military officers 
at Fort Frederick, and the landdrost of Uitenhage concurred 
in this opinion. 

Lord Caledon thought that if the station were moved to 
more fertile ground in the neighbourhood of Plettenberg*s 
Bay it might answer better, and in December 1807 he 
directed Mr. Faure, landdrost of Swellendam, to meet Dr. 
Vanderkemp at the house of Mr. George Eex, an English 
^ntleman residing on the farm Melkhoutkraal at the 
Knysna, and select a suitable place. But Messrs. Faure and 
Bex reported that * nothing could be done or proposed 
satisfactory to Dr. Vanderkemp.' The governor then de- 
clared his resolution to remove two-thirds of the Hottentots to 
some better place, and to prohibit Kaffirs from settling at 
Bethelsdorp ; but he did not carry this intention into effect. 

A great many complaints having been received con- 
cerning depredations by Bushmen along the northern 
border, early in 1808 Lord Caledon sent Major Collins to 

144 History of South Africa 

inspect the country and, if possible, to devise some remedy. 
The major ascertained that the complaints were not ex- 
aggerated ; but the suggestions which he made could not be 
carried out. 

In the following year the same officer, then a lieutenant- 
colonel, was sent to explore the country north-east of the 
colony, and to ascertain the condition of the different 
branches of the Kosa tribe. To enable him to carry out his 
duties thoroughly, he was appointed special commissioner 
of the districts of Uitenhage and Graaff-Eeinet, and was 
empowered to issue any instructions there that he might 
consider necessary. 

On the 23rd of January 1809 Colonel Collins, with Dr. 
Cowdery, who was assistant surgeon of the 88rd regiment, 
Mr. Andries Stockenstrom junior, and a party of attendants, 
left the village of Graaff-Beinet, and travelled almost due 
north to the Orange river. They then traced the stream up- 
ward, and on the 3rd of February saw a river of consider- 
able size pour its waters into the Orange on the side opposite 
to that on which they were. Colonel Collins named it the 
Caledon in honour of the governor. Two days later they 
crossed a stream which was believed to be the same that at 
its source was called the Stormbergspruit by the farmers of 
the Tarka, so no name was given to it. On the 7th they 
came to another stream of considerable size flowing from 
the south into the Orange. Colonel Collins named it the 
Grey river, in honour of the lieutenant-governor and com- 
mander of the forces, but it is now known as the Kraai. 
The party could not find a ford to cross this stream, so they 
kept up its left bank for a short distance, and then turned 
towards the Tarka. In the previously unknown country 
through which they had travelled there were no inhabitant 
except a few Bushmen and a little party of Kosas of the 
Imidange clan, under the petty captain Dlela, who had 
wandered away from the rest of their people. 

The travellers now directed their course south-eastward 
until they crossed the Amatola mountains, when they turned 
to the north-east, and passed the Kei just below the junction 

Earl of Caledon 145 

of the £abu8i. A ride of three hours from the Kei brought 
ihem to the kraal of Baku, right-hand son of Kawuta, and 
chief of a large section of the Galekas. Another ride of six 
hours brought them to the kraal of Hintsa, great son of 
Eawuta, and consequently paramount chief of the whole 
£osa tribe. His kraal was in sight of the sea, about 
midway between the Kei and Bashee rivers. Colonel Collins 
ascertained that a few years previously Hintsa had resided 
on the right bank of the Kei, but owing to a quarrel with 
Gaika he now kept east of that river. He was on good 
terms with the Tembu tribe, and was nearly related to its 
paramount chief Vusani, then a minor, his mother having 
been a sister of Daba, Vusani's father. The Tembus lived 
near the sea between the Bashee and Umtata rivers, but 
one small clan of that tribe, under a petty captain named 
Tshatshu, occupied a kraal only a few miles east of the Tsomo. 

On the coast near Hintsa's kraal two white men were 
found living after the manner of savages. One was a 
deserter from the British army, named Henry McDaniel, 
the other was a South African named Lochenberg. They 
could not be induced to return to the colony. 

The travellers went no farther than Hintsa's kraal. 
They returned by the upper Keiskama, where they had an 
interview with Gaika, who was found very poor, as his 
enemies had driven off nearly all his cattle. The country 
from the Kei to the colonial boundary was without inhab- 
itants, except in the valleys of the upper Keiskama and 
£at rivers. 

In the Zuurveld Colonel Collins visited Ndlambe and 
his son Umhala, and ascertained that there was not the 
slightest intention on their part to leave the colony. At 
XJitenhage he issued an order interdicting intercourse of any 
kind between the white people and the Kosas. 

In his report to the governor, dated 6th of August 1809, 
Colonel Collins advised that the Kosas in the colony should 
be expelled by force, and that plots of land only one 
hundred and twenty acres in extent should be offered to 
Earopeans at a very low rent, so as to obtain a tolerably 

IV. L 

146 History of South Africa 

dense population in the Zaurveld. He recommended that 
the boundary farther north shoald be extended to the 
Koonap river, and the district thus annexed be filled with 
colonists in the same manner. Further, he was in favour of 
establishing magistrates close to the boundary, so as to 
prevent intercourse between the colonists and the Kosas and 
to maintain order. 

In 1809 a radical change was made in the legal position 
of the Hottentots within the colony. The theory of the 
Dutch law was that the Hottentots were a free and inde- 
pendent people, entitled to govern themselves and to come 
and go when and where they liked except upon private 
property. Their personal liberty had never been interfered 
with, except in the instance of children of Hottentot 
mothers and slave fathers, born and reared upon farms, who 
could be claimed as apprentices upon reaching the age of 
eighteen months, as has been recorded in a preceding 
chapter ; and in the instance of a small number of Hotten- 
tots of both sexes who lived in a disreputable manner on the 
Oape flats and in the outskirts of the town, who were placed 
tinder strict surveillance by a resolution of the council of 
policy on the 29th of June 1787. They were regarded as 
subject to the colonial conrts only in cases where the 
interests of white people were affected. They paid no taxes, 
and could not be called out for public services as white men 

This was the theory of the law, but in point of fact 
tribal government of the Hottentots had long since ceased 
to exist within the colonial boundaries. There were still 
plots of land reserved for their use, and at each reserve 
there was a captain acknowledged by the European authori- 
ties, but he had really little or no power over his people. 
The inherent weakness of the Hottentot tribal government 
caused it to disappear in the presence of a civUised power. 
The great majority of the Hottentot people were of their 
own accord living with farmers, and regarded the poorest 
white man with much greater respect than they regarded 
the hereditary chiefs of their own race. Thus it became a 

Earl of Caledon 147 

necessity for the European courts of law to take cognisance 
of such crimes as murder and assault committed by one 
Hottentot against another not on a reserve ; but in general 
petty offences among themselves went altogether un- 

This system was very objectionable to the British admin- 
istration from 1795 to 1803, but no attempt was then made 
to alter it. To General Janssens it seemed natural enough, 
And in his agreement with Klaas Stuurman he marked his 
approval of it, much to the astonishment of the succeeding 
government. The earl of Caledon resolved to do away with 
it entirely, and on the Ist of November 1809 he issued a 
proclamation which removed all vestiges of chieftainship 
from the Hottentots in the colony, and restrained those 
people from wandering about at will. 

The preamble of the proclamation asserts a necessity 
that Hottentots, in the same manner as other inhabitants, 
should be subject to proper regularity in regard to their 
places of abode and occupations, and that they should find 
encouragement for preferring to enter service rather than 
lead an indolent life, by which they were rendered useless to 
themselves and the community at large. 

The governor therefore ordained that every Hottentot in 
the different districts of the colony, in the same manner as 
other inhabitants, should have a fixed place of abode ; that 
an entry thereof should be made in the office of the fiscal or 
the respective landdrosts ; and that no Hottentot should 
change his residence from one district to another without a 
oertificate from the fiscal or the landdrost of the district 
from which he was removing, which certificate he was to 
exhibit to the fiscal or the landdrost of the district where he 
intended to settle, for the purpose of having it registered. 
Every Hottentot who should neglect this regulation was to 
be considered a vagabond, and be treated accordingly. 

All contracts of service of Hottentots for a month or a 
longer period were to be made in writing before the fiscal, a 
landdrost, or a fieldcomet, and a copy was to be registered. 
In case of this not being done, the Hottentot could claim 

L 2 

148 History of South Africa 

tlie benefit of the engagement, but the employer had no 
ground for action. Ample provision was made in the pro- 
clamation for the enforcement of punctual payment of 
wages, for the release of the Hottentot upon expiration of 
the term of service, and for his protection from ill treat- 

Lastl}', every Hottentot going about the country was 
required to be furnished with a pass, either from his com- 
manding officer if he was in the military service, or his 
employer, or the magistrate of the district, under penalty of 
being considered and treated as a vagabond. All persons 
were empowered to demand a pass from any Hottentot who 
appeared on their farms, and in case of his not being 
provided with one, to deliver him up to a fieldcomet, land- 
drost, or fiscal. 

From this date Hottentots in every case were regarded 
as subject to the colonial courts of law, to taxation, and to 
be called upon to perform public services. 

The locations assigned by General Janssens to people of 
this race had in no instance answered their pui-pose. Not 
a family of those sent from Rietvlei in 1803 remained upon 
the ground allotted to them, their love of change and of a 
wandering life having overcome any desire they ever had for 
a place that could be called home. After 1806, therefore, 
the ground was not spoken of or regarded as reserves for 
their use. The location given to David Stuurman and his 
people on the Gamtoos river was occupied some years 
longer, but from the first it was a public nuisance. 
Stuurman, whose disposition was violent, harboured Kosas 
there, and made his kraal a place of refuge for idlers and 
bad characters. He entered into an agreement with 
Cungwa, which was to all intents and purposes an offensive 
and defensive treaty against the colony. In 1810 he pro- 
ceeded so far as to set the European authorities at defiance. 
Having given shelter to two runaways from contracts of 
service, whom he refused to surrender and prepared to pro- 
tect by force, he was summoned to appear before the court 
of the landdrost, but did not obey. An armed party was 

Earl of Caledon 149 

then sent against him, and he was captured with some 
difficulty. He was tried by the high court of justice and 
sentenced to imprisonment for life, when the location was 
broken up. 

In a small society like that of Capetown at the beginning 
of this century, the acts of a single erratic individual are 
often sufficient to keep the whole community in a condition 
of turmoil. During the greater part of the time that Lord 
Caledon was governor the leading people of the place were 
firequently annoyed by anonymous letters, containing threats, 
criticisms of their conduct, and aspersion of their characters, 
without anyone suspecting the real anthor. There was as 
yet in the colony no* clergyman of the English church except 
the military chaplains, the reverend Dr. Laurence Halloran 
and the reverend -E. E. Jones. The Dutch congregation 
lent their place of worship, and Dr. Halloran held service 
for the English residents every Sunday. He was a man 
past middle age, well educated, and possessed of consider- 
able ability. He wrote poetry which was above the medium 
order of merit. But he was not at all a lovable man, and 
there was something even in his appearance that was un- 
attractive. His disposition was quarrelsome, and his pulpit 
utterances were ofben gaUing. As an instance, after a 
rupture with the government one Sunday he preached from 
the text Alexander the coppersmith did me much evil : the 
Lord reward him according to his worlesy and directed his 
remarks at the colonial secretary, Mr. Henry Alexander, the 
governor's cousin. 

The Latin school in Capetown had been resuscitated by 
the commissioner De Mist, and the situation of rector being 
vacant. Dr. Halloran applied for it, and obtained the appoint- 
ment. He hoped to hold it without giving up the military 
chaplaincy, but on the very day that he commenced the duty 
— 1st of June 1810 — he received from General Grey, whom he 
had annoyed, an order to remove to Simonstown, where a 
lx)dy of troops was stationed. This led to his resigning his 
appointment in the army, pending the pleasure of the king. 
A few weeks later General Grey received several anonymous 

1 50 History of South Africa 

letters, in one of which there was a quotation in Greek 
that was recognised as the ordinary handwriting of Dr. 
Halloran. This was reported to the governor, who ordered 
him to be brought to trial for the offence. 

He was^xjharged before the high court of justice with 
writing, composing, and publishing infamous libels against 
General Grey. For some time he refused to plead, as he 
denied the competency of a Dutch court to try a man hold- 
ing an appointment in the British army untQ the resigna- 
tion of that appointment was accepted by the king. This, 
of course, availed him nothing, and upon being found 
guilty, on the 10th of December 1810 he was condemned ta 
be banished for ever from the colony and to pay the costs of 
the prosecution. Further, for offensive and slanderous ex- 
pressions to the court, he was sentenced to pay a small fine 
and to be detained in the public prison until he could be 
sent out of the country. 

This sentence was confirmed by the court of appeal for 
criminal cases, and it was carried into effect by Dr. Halloran 
being confined in prison for five weeks and then being sent 
home in a man-of-war. Upon his arrival in England, he at- 
tempted to create sympathy by publishing the records of 
the trial ; but, instead of that, he drew upon himself an 
inquiry into his past life, when it was discovered that his 
certificate of ordination was forged. His title of doctor in 
divinity had been obtained by favour from the university of 

This discovery caused some anxiety at the Cape, as he 
had united a good many couples in marriage, and it was- 
feared that such marriages might not be valid in law. The 
matter was set at rest, however, by an opinion of the law 
officers of the crown that * the marriages solemnised at the 
Cape of Good Hope by the person officiating as a clergyman 
under assumed or forged orders could not be vitiated or in- 
validated in any manner by the defect of the holy orders of 
priesthood imputed to him.' 

In England Dr. Halloran assumed various names, and 
by means of spurious documents obtained employment as a 

Earl of Caledo7i 151 

clergyman in several places. His last situation was that of 
curate of Brosely in Shropshire, where he quarrelled with 
the rector. Dr. Townsend Forester. Dr. Forester then 
caused him to be prosecuted for having franked a letter in 
the name of Sir William Garrow, a member of parliament, 
and on the 30th of September 1818 he was sentenced at the 
Old Bailey to seven years' transportation for having defrauded 
the post-oflSce of tenpence. He was sent to New South 
Wales, and died there. 

On the 8th of July 1810 the island of Bourbon was 
wrested from the French by an English expedition sent 
from India. The English officers then resolved to attack 
the more important island of Mauritius, and as the force at 
their disposal was insufficient, they requested assistance 
from the Cape. Lord Caledon sent the 72nd and 87th 
regiments to aid in the operations. These troops left Table 
Bay on the 25th of October, and on the 4th of December 
Mauritius came into possession of the English by capitula- 

On the 4th of December 1809 several distinct shocks of 
an earthquake were felt in Capetown, and caused consider- 
able damage to many houses. In 1811, on the 2nd and 
again on the 19th of June, shocks were felt at the same 
place. On these occasions the walls of some houses were 
cracked from top to bottom, but no great injury resulted. 

At this time a great addition to the comfort of the 
inhabitants of Capetown was made by order of Lord Caledon» 
Ever since the seventeenth century water for domestic use 
was obtained either from wells or from a fountain near the 
northern end of the parade ground. The well water — except 
where underground veins were tapped — was regarded as 
impure, though it was used for many purposes. Into a 
reservoir above the government garden — the lowest of those 
now existing — some of the sources of the ancient fresh river 
were led, and from it the water was conducted partly in a 
course of masonry and partly in wooden shoots to the foun- 
tain on the parade, where the townspeople and the shipping 
obtained their supplies. There was another fountain at the 

152 History of South Africa 

lower end of Caledon sqaare, fed from the same reseryoir, 
but it was chiefly intende^d for the occupants of the castle 
and the barracks, and when private people were allowed as a 
favour to make use of it, thej were obliged to wait until the 
military parties had taken as much as they wanted. In 
most families of respectability in the town, a slave was kept 
for no other purpose than to carry water from the fountain 
on the parade, just as another slave was kept to collect and 
carry fuel from the mountain. 

Lord Caledon announced his intention to have iron pipes 
laid along the principal streets, with taps at convenient 
distances ; but the inhabitants — with a few exceptions — did 
not regard the scheme favourably. They feared the expense, 
which was to be provided for by additional taxation, and 
many of them expressed their apprehension that after a 
large expenditure had been incurred, the scheme would 
prove a failure. Some simple people even ridiculed the idea 
that water could be made to flow in pipes up the sides of 
the valley. But in those days the governor's fiat overruled 
all objections, even in municipal matters, and the pipes were 
brought from England and laid down in the streets. Then 
to their gratification the inhabitants realised that the new 
system was less expensive than the old, and had greatly the 
advantage in convenience and comfort. 

The earl of Caledon was well disposed towards the colon- 
ists, and in return they thought highly of him. In March 
and April 1811 he made a tour as far as Plettenberg's Bay, 
for the purpose of becoming personally acquainted with the 
interior of the country, that he might be better able to give 
the secretary of state accurate information. Previous to 
setting out he had requested permission to resign the 
government and return to England, as he was about to be 
married. His resignation was accepted, and on the 4th of 
July he embarked in the ship of war Curaqoa in Simon's 
Bay and sailed that afternoon. Next morning Lieutenant- 
General Grey took the oaths of office as acting governor. 

As successor to the earl of Caledon, Lieutenant-General 
Sir John Francis Cradock was appointed. He was a 

Sir John Cradock 153 

-distinguished military officer, the first of a long series of 
veterans of the peninsular war who became governors of the 

•Cape Colony. He had been commander-in-chief of the 
English army in Portugal from December 1808 to April 
1809, when he was succeeded by Sir Arthur Wellesley, 
afterwards duke of Wellington. He then became governor 
and commander-in-chief of Gibraltar. He was a man of 
very high personal character, of an ancient Welsh family, 
though his father was archbishop of Dublin. At the time 
of his appointment to the government of the Cape Colony 
he was forty-nine years of age. His wife was a daughter of 
the earl of Clanwilliam. On the 5th of September 1811 Sir 
John Cradock arrived in Table Bay in the ship of war JBwie- 
rali^ and on the following morning took the oaths of office. 

Ever since the conquest of the colony in 1806 the district 
of TJitenhage had been in a disturbed state, and matters 
there were constantly becoming more unsettled. The Kosas 
in the Zuurveld observed the conditions of peace no longer 
than suited their inclinations, and as soon as the white 
people in their neighbourhood got a few cattle together, 
robberies were renewed. Some individuals of the missionary 
party in England expressed an opinion that Europeans must 
have provoked the Kaffirs, but the closest investigation by 
officers of the government could not bring to light an 
instance in which colonists were the aggressors. 

The quarrel between Gaika and Ndlambe — the rivals in 
the house of Barabe — was kept up with great bitterness on 
both sides. Kawuta died about the year 1804, and his son 
Hintsa, whom all acknowledged as head of the tribe, favoured 
the party of Ndlambe. His object in doing so was to 
preserve a balance of power. Shortly after the death of 
Kawuta, Velelo, a half-brother of the deceased chief and one 
of the guardians of Hintsa during his minority, quarrelled 
with Gaika and led an army of Galekas to the Keiskama to 
attack him. Velelo was beaten, and Gaika followed him 
: across the Kei, killed a good many of his people, captured 
his cattle, and made Hintsa a prisoner. The nominal para- 
mount chief was not kept long in detention, but he was 

154 History of South Africa 

thenceforth exceedingly jealous of Gaika, and fayonred 
Ndlambe as much as he could. He was not disposed^ 
however, to give assistance in arms, so that the Cape 
government did not trouble about him. 

The constant effort of the British authorities was to 
induce the whole of the Kosas west of the Kei to acknow- 
ledge Gaika as their head. He was the grandson of Rarabe 
in the great line, and Earabe had occupied that position. 
But the clans of the Imidange, Amambala, Amantinde^ 
Amagwali, and Amagunukwebe had only admitted Barabe 
as their head on account of his personal prowess, and at his- 
death they became independent of his branch of the tribe, 
as they had been before his famous exploits. They now 
claimed the right of remaining separate or of uniting with 
either of his rival descendants, at their pleasure. 

Cnngwa, head of the Gunukwebe clan, was next to 
Ndlambe the most powerful chief west of the Fish river. In 
1808 he invaded the Longkloof, and built a kraal west of the 
Gamtoos river. Lord Caledon was trying every possible 
means to conciliate the Kosas, for not only was he personally 
inclined to treat them in the most liberal manner, but hia 
instructions from the secretary of state were to avoid dis- 
putes and, above all, hostilities. In his dealings with them 
he was guided — as he afterwards wrote to his successor — ^by 
the advice of the fiscal Van Evneveld, who laid down the 
maxim that * it was better to submit to a certain extent of 
injury than risk a great deal for a prospect of advantage by 
no means certain.' But if Cungwa were permitted to remain 
in the Longkloof, the coast lands as far west as Plettenberg's 
Bay must be abandoned b}' white people ; and the governor 
could not make up his mind to that. He therefore gave 
the clan the choice either to occupy a permanent location 
near Capetown, where they could be separated from the 
rest of the tribe, or to return to their own country beyond 
the Fish river. In October 1809 Cungwa promised to retire 
to the Kaffir country at once ; but instead of doing so, he 
went into the mountains east of the Sunday river, and then 
sent his people to plunder far and wide. His sons Fato> 

Sir John Cradock 155 

Kobe, and Mama were each at the head of a small division 
of the clan. 

The Imidange were now divided into fragments among 
the grandsons of Mahuta, whose rightful heir — Jalamba by 
name — had been killed in the war of 1781. The principal 
divisions, under Funa and Botumane, were allied with 
Glaika ; the others, under the captains Koba, Kasa, Habana, 
and 6ola, were in the Zuurveld. Kasa and his people had 
their kraal on the Zuurberg, and were regarded by the 
Europeans as the most expert robbers in the country. 

The Amambala clan was also divided into fragments 
under the sons of Langa. The principal section, under the 
captain Eno (correct TTafBr spelling Nqeno), and two small 
companies, under Kaze and Galeba, were with Gaika ; two 
other sections, under Kame and Tuli, were in the Zuurveld. 

The Amantinde clan, under Tshatshu, was in the Zuur- 
veld. Tshatshu^s son of highest rank was living at Bethels- 
dorp with the missionaries. 

The Amagwali clan, also in fragments under petty cap- 
tains of no weight, was in the Zuurveld. The clan under 
Jalusa, son of Sa;rabe, was at this time living on the 
Keiskama in friendship with Gaika. There were also some 
five and twenty or thirty petty captains, sometimes to be 
found on the Keiskama, at other times on the Bushman's 
river, who never rose to any importance, and whose names 
need not be given. 

Lord Caledon, having found conciliation useless, was 
about to take active measures to suppress the depredations 
of the Ka£5rs in the Zuurveld when he received a despatch 
permitting him to return to England. General Grey did 
not feel justified in commencing operations that might end 
in a war, so he allowed the matter to stand over until the 
arrival of Sir John Cradock, though he authorised Major 
Cnyler to assemble a commando and call for military aid 
from Fort Frederick to prevent the marauders from advanc- 
ing farther. When the new governor reached South 
Africa, he found reports awaiting him from the landdrost of 
Uitenhage, in which he was informed that there was only 

156 History of South Afrua 

one farm still occupied east of the drostdy, and that there 
was no other choice left than the expulsion of the Kosas 
by force or the abandonment of the district by the govern- 

On the 8th of October 1811 orders were issued by Sir 
John Cradock to the landdrosts of Swellendam, Greorge, 
Uitenhage, and Graaff-Eeinet to call out the burghers of 
their districts for the purpose of driving the marauders 
over the Fish river. Lieutenant-Colonel John Graham, of 
the Cape regiment, was appointed commandant-general of 
the force. He was instructed to use every exertion to 
persuade the Kosas to retire peacefully from the colony ; 
but if they would not leave of their own accord he was to 
take the most effectual measures to repel them within their 
own boundaries. For this purpose he was to employ the 
burgher forces and the Cape regiment, u^ing such other 
troops as would be placed under his command to occupy 
posts in the rear and prevent their return. 

In December the burghers took the field. The farmers 
of Swellendam were under Commandant Jacobus Linde, 
those of George under Commandant Jacobus Botha, and 
those of CTitenhage under Commandant Gubriel Stolz. 
They assembled near the mouth of the Sunday river. The 
farmers of Graaff-Reinet, under Landdrost Stockenstrom 
and Fieldcornet Pieter Pretorius, occupied Bruiniges Hoogte, 
so as to cover the country north of the Zuurberg range. 

On the 27th of December a division of Colonel Graham's 
force, under Major Cuyler, crossed the Sunday river, and 
formed a camp within easy reach of Habana's kraal on the 
southern side of the Rietbergen. When passing through a 
thicket within five hundred yards of the river a few assagais 
were thrown at the burghers, and one man was wounded. 
Major Cuyler with an escort then rode to Cungwa's kraal, 
which was close to a dense thicket, with the object of trying 
to induce that chief to retire peaceably. Cungwa did not 
appear, but he sent a message that he was disposed to do as 
desired, and asked to be allowed until next day to give a 
final answer. This was acceded to. The men at the kraal 

Sir John Cradock 157 

were seen to be in readiness for wax, and the veterans were 
all ornamented with bine crane feathers. 

On the following day Major Cuyler with twenty-five 
farmers and a Hottentot interpreter returned to Cungwa's 
kraal. Observing a party of KaflSrs close to the thicket, 
they rode up, when Ndlambe advanced a few paces from the 
others, and cried out : " Here is no honey ; I will eat honey, 
and to procure it will cross the rivers Sunday, Koega, and 
Zwartkops. " Stamping his foot on the ground, he shouted 
again : ** This country is mine ; I won it in war, and shall 
maintain it." Then shaking an assagai with one hand, 
with the other he raised a horn to his mouth. Upon 
blowing it, two or three hundred warriors rushed towards 
Major Cuyler's party, who owed their escape solely to the 
fleetness of their horses. 

The district east of the Sunday river at a short distance 
from the coast is very rugged. Between the mountain 
range called the Zuurberg and the sea are chains of hills 
and irregular elevations, which were known in 1812 as the 
lUetbergen. In thickets spread over a tract of this broken 
land, some forty miles in length by ten or twelve in breadth, 
the followers of Ndlambe and Cungwa took shelter. 

On the 27th of December Colonel Graham sent an 
express to Landdrost Stockenstrom, directing him to pro- 
ceed from Bruintjes Hoogte across the Zuurberg and 
Bietbergen with the farmers and two companies of the 
Hottentot soldiers, and join Major Cuyler. But the land- 
drost, who believed that if he carried out these instructions 
the Kosas would almost to a certainty make a raid into the 
country north of the mountains, on the 29th with only 
twenty-four men left the camp, stating that he intended to 
report himself to Colonel Graham. When about half way 
to his destination, a party of Kosas was seen approaching 
on open ground, and against the advice of the farmers Mr. 
Stockenstrom stopped to talk with them. He wished to 
induce them to return to their own country without blood- 
shed, and perhaps he relied for safety upon his reputation 
as a friend and benefactor of the coloured races. They 

1 58 History of South Africa 

were of the Imidange dan under the chief Kasa. Mr. 
Stockenstrom talked with them abont half an hour, the 
Kosas appearing to be fi-iendlj, while all the time they were 
gradually surrounding the white men. Then there was a 
rush in from all sides, and the landdrost, eight fimners — 
Jan Christiaan Greyling, Jacobus Potgieter, Philip Botha, 
Isaak van Heerdeu, Jacobus du Plessis, Willem Pretorius, 
Pieter Botha, and Michiel Hatting — ^together with the half- 
breed interpreter Philip Buys, were stabbed to death. Four 
more farmers were wounded, but they and the others made 
their escape, killing five or six of their assailants as they 
did so. 

As soon as tidings of the massacre reached the camp 
at Bruintjes Hoogte, the landdrost's son. Ensign Andries 
Stockenstrom, of the Cape regiment, set off with eighteen 
mounted men, and coming suddenly upon a party of the 
murderers, killed sixteen of them and retook eight horses. 

Colonel Graham then sent Captain Eraser to the camp 
at Bruintjes Hoogte to carry out the instructions which the 
landdrost Stockenstrom had disregarded. When returning 
with two companies of the Cape regiment and fifty farmers 
under Fieldcomet Pretorius, Captain Fraser was attacked 
three times in a narrow defile, but on each occasion beat off 
his assailants. About twenty Kosas were killed, without 
the loss of any Europeans. 

Meantime Major Cuyler's division had several skirm- 
islies, in which a few Kosas were shot and four hundred 
hejul of horned cattle were captured. 

On the 3rd of January 1812 six parties, each consisting 
of sixty farmers and twenty men of the Cape regiment, 
ent(jn!(l the broken forest country south of the Addo 
lIi'i^'lilH, for the purpose of expelling the Gunukwebes. 
Tlujy caine out on the 7th with two thousand five hundred 
h«*ii(l of cattle, having killed twelve or fourteen Kosas, 
iiinoni^ whom was the chief Cungwa. On the side of the 
Miirop<*anH only one man — Fieldcornet Nortje — lost his life. 
The faruiers, finding the government in earnest as to 
driving thtj Kosas from the colony, were ready to make 

Sir John Cradock 159 

•every possible exertion, and Colonel Graham reported that 
they were " orderly, obedient, and undertook with cheerf ul- 
iiesfi and alacrity the fatiguing and arduous duties allotted 
to them." As soon as the first patrols came out, others 
were sent into the retreat of the Gunukwebes, but the 
Kaffirs avoided a combat, and tried to double upon their 

It appeared afterwards as if Cungwa's clan was only 
keeping the Europeans engaged while Ndlambe made good 
his escape. On the 14th and 15th of January this chief 
with his people crossed the Fish river, and they were 
immediately followed by the Gunukwebes, under Pato, who 
succeeded to the chieftainship on his father's death. 

Habana and a number of the other petty captains 
remained in the recesses of the mountains. It was believed 
by the Europeans that David Stuurman, who had escaped 
irom confinement some time before, with a band of 
Hottentot marauders was aiding Habana; and as those 
people were expert marksmen, an attack upon them was 
regarded as certain to result in heavy loss of life. On the 
13th of February two divisions of burghers and Hottentot 
■soldiers entered the broken country of the Zuurberg and 
Bietbergen, one from the north, the other from the south. 
They met on the bank of the Sunday river, and then, 
forming a number of small parties, they scoured the country 
from west to east, while mounted patrols guarded the out- 
lets on their flanks. Contrary to expectation, David 
Staurman and his gang were not there. During twelve 
days of excessive fatigue the kloofs and thickets were 
-cleared of the Kosas, who fled towards their own country. 
About thirty were killed or wounded. Over one hundred 
women and children were made prisoners, and six hundred 
head of cattle were captured. On the 24th of February 
the burghers returned to camp, having destroyed all the 
gardens, and left hardly a trace of the Kosas west of the 
Fish river. 

The women and children who had been made prisoners 
'were now restored to their friends. Sufficient corn for seed 

1 62 History of South Africa 

compliance with the order. Capetown was now shunned bj 
the country people, and communication with the interior 
almost ceased. The schools and places of worship were 
closed, general business was suspended, and unnecessary 
intercourse was forbidden. As soon as the disease appeared 
in a house, a white flag was hung out, and every one com- 
ing from such a house was required to wear a strip of white 
calico round his arm. The anxieiy of the people was very 
great ; but there were only a few hundred cases, and most 
of those attacked recovered. By September the disease 
entirely disappeared, and the 11th of October was observed 
as a day of thanksgiving to God for its cessation. 

Under the government of Sir John Cradock, as upright 
and amiable a man as ever ruled this country, the first of a 
long course of events took place which ended in the aban- 
donment of their homes by a great number of colonists, 
and their flight from English dominion as from the most 
oppressive of tyrannies. 

During recent years several governors had contemplated 
the establishment of a circuit court, but the various changes 
which had taken place prevented the completion of the 
design. Lord Caledon was permitted by the secretary of 
state to carry it into effect. On the 16th of May 1811 he 
issued a proclamation that a commission of two or more 
members of the high court of justice should from time to 
time make a circuit through the colony, for the purpose of 
trying impoi*tant cases, ascertaining that the landdrosts 
performed their duties correctly and impartially, inspecting 
the district chests and buildings, and reporting upon the 
condition of the people and all matters affecting public in- 

On the 14th of October 1811 three judges left Capetown 
on the first circuit. They were Mr. Willem Stephanas van 
Ryneveld — who on the retirement of Mr. De Wet on 
account of bodily infirmities in March 1809 was appointed 
president of the high court, or chief justice as that officer 
now began to be termed — and Messrs. Pieter Diemel and 
Francis Willem Fagel. Mr. Daniel Johannes van Ryneveld 

Sir John Cradock i6i 

was named Cradock by a government advertisement. In the 
following year Van Heerden was awarded compensation for 
the improvements he had made, the lease was cancelled, 
and a village was laid out. 

The head-quarters of the troops on the frontier were on 
a &urm once occupied bj a man named Lucas Meyer. It 
was dose to the source of the Kowie river, on a spur of the 
Zuurberg, about twenty-five miles from the sea, and nearly 
two thousand feet above the level of the ocean. Its advant- 
age as a military position was due to its being the centre 
of an irregular semicircle described by the Fish river from 
north-west round to south-east, nearly every part of the 
curve being within a day's march. To this place, on the 
14th of August 1812 the name Grahamstown was given by 
government advertisement, in honour of the officer command- 
ing the troops. The deputy landdrost of Uitenhage was 
stationed there. 

In 1807 and again in 1812 small-pox appeared in the 
colony. On the 16th of June in the former year a 
Hottentot in the prison in Capetown was found to be sujBfer- 
ing from it. He had recently come round by sea from 
Algoa Bay, and it was supposed that he had brought the 
seeds of the disease from the countiy north of the Orange 
river, where it was known to be prevalent in a mild form. 
The sick man and two Hottentots who were his associates in 
the prison were at once conveyed to Paarden Island, and 
were kept there in complete isolation. They were all smitten 
with true small-pox, but all recovered. Owing to the pre- 
cautions taken, the disease did not spread on this occasion, 
and no other case was discovered. 

On the 5th of March 1812 a slave from a condemned 
Portuguese ship was found to be suffering fix)m small-pox, 
though he appeared perfectly well when he landed a short 
time previously. He was at once isolated, but soon other 
cases were discovered in houses where he had been, and the 
disease rapidly spread. The government issued instructions 
that every one in the town should be inoculated ; but the 
Hohamedans, from a religious scruple, found means to avoid 

IV. M 

1 62 History of South Africa 

compliance with the order, Capetown was now shunned by 
the country people, and communication with the interior 
almost ceased. The schools and places of worship were 
closed, general business was suspended, and unnecessary 
intercourse was forbidden. As soon as the disease appeared 
in a house, a white flag was hung out, and every one com- 
ing from such a house was required to wear a strip of white 
calico round his arm. The anxiety of the people was very 
great ; but there were only a few hundred cases, and most 
of those attacked recovered. By September the disease 
entirely disappeared, and the 11th of October was observed 
as a day of thanksgiving to God for its cessation. 

Under the government of Sir John Cradock, as upright 
and amiable a man as ever ruled this country, the first of a 
long course of events took place which ended in the aban- 
donment of their homes by a great number of colonists, 
and their flight from English dominion as from the most 
oppressive of tyrannies. 

During recent years several governors had contemplated 
the establishment of a circuit court, but the various changes 
which had taken place prevented the completion of the 
design. Lord Caledon was permitted by the secretary of 
state to carry it into effect. On the 16th of May 1811 he 
issued a proclamation that a commission of two or more 
members of the high court of justice should from time to 
time make a circuit through the colony, for the purpose of 
trying important cases, ascertaining that the landdrosts 
performed their duties correctly and impartially, inspecting 
the district chests and buildings, and reporting upon the 
condition of the people and all matters affecting public in- 

On the 14th of October 1811 three judges left Capetown 
on the first circuit. They were Mr. Willem Stephanos van 
Ryneveld — who on the retirement of Mr. De Wet on 
account of bodily infirmities in March 1809 was appointed 
president of the high court, or chief justice as that officer 
now began to be termed — and Messrs. Pieter Diemel and 
Francis Willem Fagel. Mr. Daniel Johannes van Ryneveld 

Sir John Cradock 163 

was secretary. They proceeded to the various drostdies, 
and tried in all twenty-one criminal cases, of which eight 
were charges brought by coloured people against colonists. 
The proceedings were conducted with open doors, and no 
distinction was made between persons of different races or 
colour either as accusers, accused, or witnesses. The judges 
reached Capetown again on the 1st of February 1812, and 
shortly afterwards drew up and presented to the governor 
a long report upon the condition of the country. Through- 
out South Africa there was nothing but satisfaction 
expressed with the establishment of a circuit court after 
this manner, and everywhere the judges were received with 
the utmost respect. 

But before the termination of the first circuit Sir John 
Oradock received a despatch from the secretary of state, 
dated 9th of August 1811, in which was enclosed a copy of 
a letter from the reverend Mr. Read, of Bethelsdorp, to the 
directors of the London missionary society, and by them 
published in England. In this letter the missionary com- 
plained that the Hottentots were subject to cruel and 
inhuman treatment from white people, and that the earl of 
Oaledon and Landdrost Cuyler were alike deaf to their cry 
for justice. He asserted that upwards of one hundred 
murders had been brought to the knowledge of Dr. Vander- 
kemp and himself in the district of Uitenhage alone. The 
secretary of state instructed the governor to have these 
terrible charges thoroughly investigated, and to see that 
stringent punishment was inflicted upon perpetrators of 

Accordingly every possible effort was made to put 
facilities in the way of Hottentots bringing forward their 
grievances. Landdrost Cuyler considered his honour at 
stake, and was most anxious that even petty assaults should 
be looked into, in order that the assertions of the missionary 
might be proved to be false. This gentleman belonged to 
one of the best families of Dutch descent in the state of New 
York. In the revolutionary war his father took part with 
the king, and in course of time he became an officer in the 

M 2 

1 64 History of South Africa 

British army. He was very indignant on being accused of 
injustice, as he prided himself on his integri^, and knew 
that the charge against him was undeserved. 

Dr. Vanderkemp died in January 1812, but Mr. Bead 
was aided by other members of the society to get as many 
cases as he could for the next circuit court. He, too, was 
on his mettle, as it was necessary for him to show that he 
had grounds for what he had written. All the stories of the 
years of discord and war between the colonists and the 
Hottentots were therefore brought forward, and the court 
was furnished with a fearful roll of charges. 

On the 23rd of September 1812 the judges Strubberg and 
Pieter Laurens Cloete left Capetown on what was afterwards 
usually termed the black circuit. Mr. Van Ryneveld was to 
have accompanied them, but he died on the 14th of August. 
Mr. Jan Andries Truter then became chief justice. Two 
other judges were sent on circuit to Swellendam and Tulbagh, 
leaving to Messrs. Strubberg and Cloete only the districts of 
George, TJitenhage, and Graaff-Reinet. 

At that time it was part of the duty of the landdrosts ta 
act as public prosecutors when charges of crime committed 
within their districts came before a superior court. But in 
this circuit an advocate was directed to accompany the judges 
and prosecute in the cases brought forward by the mis- 
sionaries, leaving the landdrosts to prosecute in all other 
cases. Tbe advocate who was charged with this duty was 
Mr. Gerard Beelaerts van Blokland, a man of unblemished 
integrity, who had been attorney-general under the 
Batavian government, and was now secretary of the high 
court of justice. This departure from the usual course of 
proceedings was made at the urgent request of Landdrosl 
Cuyler, and in order that everything possible should be done 
to secure a thorough investigation. 

More than one-third of the male inhabitants of the 
frontier districts who were capable of bearing arms were in 
garrison in the stockaded posts that had been constructed to- 
prevent the return of the Kosas to the Zuurveld. Over fifty 
members of their families — male and female — were required 

Sir John Cradock 165 

to appear before the circuit court, and over a thousand 
witnesses — European, black, and Hottentot — were summoned 
to give evidence. The whole country was in a state of 

Fifteen white men and two white women were severally 
charged with murder, and thirteen white men and two white 
women were charged with crimes of violence towards 
Hottentots or slaves. Of the charges of murder, the cases 
of two men and one woman were referred to the full court 
in Capetown, those of two men were postponed until next 
session, one man was found guilty of assault, and one woman 
and ten men were acquitted. Of the charges of violence, 
the case of one man was referred to the landdrost, as the 
complainant did not appear ; that of another man had to 
stand over until the next session, owing to the absence of 
witnesses ; one woman and five men were acquitted, and one 
woman and six men were found guilty and sentenced to 
various punishments. There were also nineteen cases 
against white people for recovery of wages, two cases for 
illegal detention of children, and five cases for illegal deten- 
tion of cattle. The most serious of these were decided in 
favour of the defendants. 

It was neai'ly four months before the black circuit closed 
its session, and when on the 15th of January 1813 the 
judges reached Capetown again, the irritation in the eastern 
districts was still at its height. It was of no use telling the 
people that the. trials had shown the missionaries to have 
been the dupes of idle storytellers. The extraordinary 
efforts made to search for cases and to conduct the prosecu- 
tions appeared in their eyes as a fixed determination on the 
part of the English authorities to punish them if by any 
means a pretext could be found. If it were not so, they 
asked, why were not charges made by them against 
Hottentots followed up in the same manner. As for the 
missionaries of the London society, from that time they 
were held by the frontier colonists to be slanderers and 
public enemies, whose statements were not to be regarded as 
worthy of attention, and whose dealings with the coloured 

1 66 History of South Afrua 

races could only be productive of evil. To associate their 
names with the propagation of Christianity seemed the very 
height of absurdity. Here and there one or two of the mis- 
sionaries in after years overcame this prejudice, but the 
expression London missionary society remained in use as 
denoting something inimical and worthy of detestation. 

At this period, in conformity with the established law of 
nations, Great Britain professed to abstain from making any 
important changes in the colony, because on the conclusion 
of peace the country might be restored to its former ovnier. 
And yet the land tenure of the greater portion of the settled 
territory was altered in 1813. 

Sir John Cradock regarded the system of holding land on 
the tenure of loan places as bad in principle and in practice. 
Under it, when a man wanted a grazing run, he looked out 
for a good locality, set up a beacon, and sent a request to 
the government to be allowed to occupy it. A commission, 
consisting of two or three heemraden or fieldcomets, was then 
directed to inspect the locality and report whether a grant 
would interfere with the rights of anyone else and whether the 
applicant was a proper person to have a loan place assigned 
to him. If the report was favourable, a lease was made out, 
the rent being alike in all instances twenty-four rixdoUars a 
year. The size of the place was half an hour's walk in every 
direction from the central beacon. The lease was for one 
year only, but by long custom it was regarded as renewed by 
the payment of the rent. The occupant could at any time 
dispose by sale of the buildings and improvement43 upon such 
a place — which were termed the opstal, — and the govern- 
ment, which received transfer dues on such sales, continued 
the lease to the purchaser. It was as simple a system of land 
tenure as could be devised, and the farmers did not regard 
their occupation under it as insecure. By the letter of the 
law, the government could reclaim the ground at any time 
upon a year's notice, but no instance of this kind had 
occurred unless the occupant was such a notoriously bad 
character that the people of his district wished to get rid of 

Sir John Cradock 167 

In Sir John Cradock's opinion, the faults of the system 
were many. First, it did not give absolute legal security 
of possession, and therefore he thought the occupants were 
discouraged from making improvements. Secondly, all 
fiurms, whether good or bad, paid the same rent. Thirdly, 
the boundaries of the farms were ill-defined, and disputes 
between neighboxu*s were interminable concerning their 
limits and the right of grazing over the intermediate ground. 
Fourthly, loan places could not be divided among heirs. 
According to the law of the colony, all the children shared 
equally in the inheritance of a dead parent, consequently 
when a man died, his farm — if a loan place — was neces- 
sarily sold, in order that the proceeds might be distributed. 
This system prevented the growth of that attachment to the 
soil which arises from long residence, and tended to scatter 
the population thinly over a vast area. 

On the 6th of August 1813 a proclamation was issued 
which nominally permitted occupants of loan places to have 
their tenure converted into that of perpetual quitrent, but 
which really obliged them to do so by prohibiting alienation 
of any part of a loan place until it should be surveyed, and 
claiming for the government the right of resumption or 
increasing the rent. The size of the new quitrent farms 
was limited to three thousand morgen, unless specially 
sanctioned by the governor in each case. The quitrent was 
to vary with the situation and quality of the land, and could 
be fixed as high as two hundred and fifty rixdollars a year. 
Each farm was to be properly surveyed at the expense of the 
occupant, and a diagram was to be registered in the deeds 
office. The government reserved the right to mines of 
precious stones, gold, and silver ; also the right to make and 
repair public roads, and to the use of materials for that 

Sir John Cradock believed that by this alteration of the 
land tenure, a great benefit was being conferred upon the 
colonists, for which they ought to be duly grateful. But 
the farmers did not regard it in the same light. They 
looked upon the old system as giving all the security and 

1 68 History of South Africa 

advantages that they needed. Under it they could not 
indeed divide their farms among their children, as they were 
now enabled to do ; but while vast tracts of land lay before 
them waste and unoccupied, they preferred that each child 
should receive a fall sized loan place rather than a portion 
of a quitrent farm. The increased rent and the costs of 
survey fairly frightened many of them. Then they were 
required to make deposits on account of the charges of 
inspection and survey, and as qualified surveyors were few 
and the country was large, years elapsed before the work 
could be completed. Meanwhile they remained in a 
condition of suspense, until the impression came to be 
general that the scheme was meant to defraud them rather 
than to increase their security. 

On the 31st of December 1813 the residence of the deputy 
landdrost of Swellendam was named Caledon ][)y Sir John 
Cradock, in honour of the late governor. On the 7th of 
January 1814 the tract of country previously known as the 
Zuurveld received from the governor the name Albany, and 
on the 21st of the same month Jan-Dissel's-Vlei, the 
residence of the deputy landdrost of Tulbagh, was named 
Clanwilliam by Sir John Cradock, in honour of his father- 

On the 18th of October 1813 the governor left Cape- 
town to make a tour through the colony, and as he visited 
the most distant parts, he was absent until the 7th of 
January following. A special object of his inquiry was the 
conduct of the frontier farmers towards the Kosas who had 
been driven over the Fish river, as it was asserted by a large 
party in England that the Europeans in South Africa were 
guilty of many cruelties towards the adherents of Ndlambe, 
both before and after the late war. Intercourse between the 
two races was at this time strictly forbidden, but coidd not 
be entirely prevented, as roving bands of Kosas managed to 
elude the vigilance of the guards at the military posts, and 
traversed the country either to steal or to beg from the 
white people. The result of the governor's investigations 
was published in the Gazette upon his return to Capetown : 

Sir John Cradock 1 69 

' His Excellency has had the farther satisfaction to approve 
of the good and tmofiPending conduct of the inhabitants of 
the frontier towards the Kaffir tribes, the faithless and 
unrelenting disturbers of the peace and prosperity of this 

Sir John Oradock took a very warm interest in everything 
that tended to the improvement of the people of South 
Africa, white and black. He was not only the patron, but 
the promoter, of free schools in Capetown for the education 
of poor European children. A committee of management 
— ^termed the bible and school commission — was appointed, 
consisting of a few of the principal officials and the clergy- 
men of the Dutch reformed, Lutherao, and English 
episcopal congregations ; and a large amount of money was 
collected by voluntary subscription. The reverend Freder- 
ick Hesse, Lutheran minister, was the secretary, and exerted 
himself greatly in the work. The reverend Robert Jones, 
English minister, was also a very active member of the 
committee. Schools for the education of colom'ed children 
were established in Capetown, Stellenbosch, and Tulbagh, 
by missionaries of the London and South African societies, 
and were aided as much as possible by the governor. The 
ordinary schools in Capetown and at the various drostdies 
likewise received attention and encouragement from his 

An enactment by him regarding slaves tended in the 
same direction, though at first sight it looks otherwise. The 
old Dutch laws gave freedom to slaves who professed the 
Christian religion, but as time went on local regulations 
were made which greatly checked manamission. By the 
middle of the eighteenth century the ancient laws were 
regarded as almost obsolete, and baptized negroes were 
frequently detained in slavery. To rectify this matter, on 
the 10th of April 1770 the governor-general and council of 
India enacted that slaves confirmed in the Christian religion 
should not thereafter be sold. A regulation made by the 
council of policy at the Cape on the 3rd of June 1777 
required that every one emancipating a slave should pay 102. 

1 70 History of South Africa 

to the poor funds of the church, and also give security that 
the freed person should not become entitled to relief as a 
pauper within ten years ; but the council reserved to itself 
the right of suspending this regulation in cases where there 
were weighty reasons for manumission. A local regulation 
on such a subject, however, could not supersede an enact- 
ment of the council of India. This, which was intended to 
promote Christianity and to raise *its professors in the scale 
of society, really had the contrary efTect, as it placed the 
interest of the owner as an obstacle to the instruction of the 
slave, or at least to his open admission into the Christian 
church. For this reason, on the 9th of October 1812 Sir 
John Cradock issued a proclamation annulling the law of 
1770, and leaving to baptized slaves no greater privileges 
than to others. 

The vacancies in the various churches were gradually 
filled up, as clergymen could be obtained. In Capetown, 
the reverend Messrs. Fleck and Von Manger, and in 
Stellenbosch the reverend Mr. Borcherds, still ministered. 

After Mr. Aling's death the congregation at Drakenstein 
was for nearly seven years without other minister than a 
consulent. In November 1806 the reverend Mr. Van der 
Spuy was transferred from Zwartland to Drakenstein, where 
he died in March 1807. The church was then again without 
a resident clergyman until June 1810, when the reverend 
Johan Wilhelm Ludwig Gebhard, who had just arrived from 
Europe, was stationed there. 

The reverend Mr. Ballot remained at Tulbagh until his 
death in January 1814, after which the congregation was 
for some time without a clergyman. 

In March 1810 the reverend M. C. Vos, who had recently 
returned from Europe, was stationed temporarily at Zwart- 
land; and in February 1811 the reverend J. Scholtz, who 
had studied in Europe and come back to his native country, 
was appointed clergyman of that congregation. 

In January 1806 the reverend Mr. Kicherer left the 
service of the London missionary society, and accepted the 
appointment of clergyman of GraaflF-Reinet. In that 

Sir John Cradock 171 

capacity he labonred with equal diligence among white 
and colonred people, and was deservedly esteemed by all. 

The reverend Mr. Schutz remained clergyman of Swel- 
lendam for several years. He was of a quarrelsome dis- 
position, and complaints of his conduct were frequently 
made to government. These were investigated, and Mr. 
Schutz was repeatedly reproved and warned until at length, 
in September 1813, the governor suspended him from duty 
for two years, and ordered him to remove immediately from 
the district of Swellendam. The congregation was then 
left for some time without a clergyman. 

In February 1811 a new congregation was formed. The 
estate of Mr. J. Rademan, at the Zwartberg baths, was pur- 
chased by government, and the reverend Mr. Vos was 
stationed there. A church was built, and opened for public 
service on the 1st of January 1813. It was at this place — 
now the village of Caledon — that the deputy landdrost of 
Swellendam was stationed a few weeks later. 

In December 1812 the reverend T. Herold, who had 
just arrived from Europe, was appointed clergyman of a 
new congregation at the drostdy of George. 

There was as yet no clergyman at the drostdy of Uiten- 

The reverend Mr. Hesse remained Lutheran pastor in 

In October 1811 the reverend Robert Jones became 
minister of the EngUsh church congregation in Capetown, 
on the same standing as the ministers of the Dutch re- 
formed church, his salary being paid from the colonial 
treasury. Services were held by him in the building be- 
longing to the Dutch congregation, there being as yet only 
three church edifices in Capetown : the Dutch reformed, the 
Lutheran, and the chapel in Long-street belonging to the 
South African missionary society, which was opened for use 
in March 1804. 

In 1813 a congregation of the English episcopal church 
was formed at Simonstown, and in September of that year 
the reverend George Hough became its first clergyman. 

172 History of South Africa 

The Moravians had as yet only the mission stations of 
Genadendal and Mamre. 

In 1814 the London society had twenty missionaries in 
South Africa. Beyond the colony the Bushman station at 
the Zak river was abandoned, as was also the one at the 
Kuruman river ; but the stations among the halfbreeds and 
Hottentots near the junction of the Orange and the Yaal 
remained in existence. An attempt had been made to found 
a station at Warm Bath in Great Namaqualand, but the 
missionaries and people were driven from it by the robber 
captain Afrikaner, and they then settled at Pella, in Little 
Namaqualand, near the southern bank of the Orange. 
Attempts had also been made to found stations at the 
residence of old Oomelis Kok in Little Namaqualand and 
among the Bushmen on the southern bank of the Orange, 
but they had been abandoned. Within the colony, in 1812 
a missionary was stationed at Zuurbraak, a Hottentot re- 
serve in the district of Swellendam, occupied by the remnant 
of the Attaqua tribe. In 1813 another missionary went 
to reside at Hoogekraal, a reserve occupied by the remnant 
of the Outeniqua tribe. This reserve was on the coast close 
to the drostdy of George. The first missionary there was 
the reverend Mr. Pacalt, a man whose good deeds were long 
had in remembrance in that part of the country, and who 
was highly esteemed by all classes of the inhabitants. 
After his death the station was named Pacaltsdorp, and it 
is still in existence. In 1814 the number of residents at 
Bethelsdorp was greatly reduced by the formation of a new 
settlement at a place named Theopolis, between the Kariega 
and Kowie rivers, the ground for which was allotted to the 
London society by Sir John Cradock. A strict order was 
then issued that no one should be allowed to settle at 
Bethelsdorp without the approval of the landdrost of the 

A few changes in the civil service remain to be noticed. 
On the 27th of October 1807 Mr. Andrew Barnard, colonial 
secretary, died. The deputy secretary. Captain Christopher 

Bird, performed the duty until the 15th of November 1808, 

Sir John Cradock 173 

'when Mr. Henry Alexander, cousin of the earl of Caledon, 
arrived from England and took over the office. On the 1st 
of July 1812 Mr. Van der Riet, landdrost of Stellenbosch, 
retired on account of old age, and was succeeded by Mr. 
Watse Sibius van Andringa. On the 1st of January 1810 
Mr. Taure, landdrost of Swellendam, retired for the same 
reason, and was succeeded by Mr. Petrus Stephanus 
Buissinne. On the 10th of July 1812 Mr. J. H. Fischer 
was appointed landdrost of Graaff-Beinet, an office made 
vacant by the murder of Mr. Stockenstrom. On the 7th of 
August following he was succeeded as deputy landdrost of 
Tulbagh by Mr. Olof Marthini Bergh. 

While the earl of Caledon and Sir John Cradock were 
governors half a million rixdollars were expended upon 
public buildings within the colony, but hardly any of those 
put up in the country villages remain to the present day. 
In Capetown there are still the block of offices into which 
the old slave lodge was converted, and the building now 
occupied by the public works department, on Buitenkant- 
street, facing the southern side of Caledon-square. The last- 
named structure was completed in 1814, and a portion of it 
was for many years afterwards used as the town granary. 

During this period complete information was obtained 
concerning the Batlapin tribe of Betshuana and the mixed 
people since known as Griquas, who had been collected to- 
gether by missionaries of the London society near the junc- 
tion of the Vaal and Orange rivers. 

Mr. William J. Burchell, an English gentleman of 
varied accomplishments and an observant turn of mind, 
travelled among them, and resided for several months 
at Klaarwater and Lithako in 1811 and 1812. The Griquas, 
then under the captains Adam Kok and Barend Barends^ 
had already attained as great a degree of civilisation and 
prosperity as they have since shown themselves capable of. 
Their principal settlement was at Klaarwater, now known 
as Griquatown; but there were outstations at the various 
places where Messrs. Lichtenstein and Van de Graaff' 
found them^ in 1805. The missionaries Anderson, Kramer, 

1 74 History of South Africa 

and Janssen, of the London and Rotterdam societies, were 
residing with them. The Batlapin were found to have 
moved from the Kuruman river to a place close by the large 
kraal where Messrs. Tmter and Somerville met them in 
1801. The chief Molehabangwe died early in 1812, and 
was succeeded by his son Mothibi as paramount ruler of the 
tribe. Two other sons, Molala and Mahura, acted as 
captains over sections of the people. The principal kraal 
was called by the same name as the abandoned one close by, 
Lithako. It contained about five thousand inhabitants. 

The reverend John Campbell, who was sent out to in- 
spect the London society's missions, also visited the Batlapin 
in 1813. It was he who gave the name Griquas to the 
people of Kok and Barends, and Griquatown to the station 
at Klaarwater. From this place he travelled along the 
Orange river to Pella in Little Namaqualand, and thence 
through Kamiesberg to Capetown. 

In 1813 Sir John Cradock applied for permission to 
return to England, and on the 2nd of November of that year 
a successor was appointed iu the person of Lieutenant- 
General Lord Charles Henry Somerset. With his family 
Lord Charles embarked in the ship-of-war Medway^ which 
arrived in Table Bay on the 5th of April 1814, and on the 
following morning he took the oaths of office. 

Sir John Cradock sailed for England in the ship-of-war 
Seviiramk on the 1st of May. In 1819 he was created 
Baron Howden, a title which descended to his son, but is 
now with his family extinct. 

When Lord Charles Somerset was appointed governor of 
the Cap6 Colony, a great part of Europe was in the thn>e8 
of revolution, owing to the reverses sustained by Napoleon in 
Russia. In November 1813 the French party in the Nether- 
lands was obliged to give way, a provisional independent 
crovernment was formed, and on the first of December the 
prince of Orange, after an exile in England of nineteen 
years, landed at Scheveningen and was received by the 
Dutch people as their sovereign. 

In tiie settlement of Western Europe that wa^ now made. 

Sir John Cradock 175 

"the whole of the Belgic and Batavian provinces were united 
into one kingdom, of which the prince of Orange became 
sovereign. The new monarch was urgently in need of 
money, and his territories were temporarily exhausted. 
Under these circumstances, on the 13th of August 1814 a 
convention was entered into at London, in which Great 
Britain undertook to pay to the king of Sweden one million 
pounds sterling in liquidation of a claim against the Nether- 
lands, to advance two million pounds sterling towards 
improving the defences of the Netherlands, and to bear 
further charges not exceeding three million pounds sterling 
towards the final settlement of the whole of the provinces 
under the dominion of the house of Omnge. And in con- 
sideration thereof the sovereign of the Netherlands ceded to 
Great Britain the Cape Colony and the settlements of 
Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice in South America. 

It was stipulated, however, that Dutch colonists in the 
ceded countries should be at liberty to carry on trade with 
the Netherlands, and that ships of every kind belonging to 
Holland should have permission to resort freely to the Cape 
of Good Hope for the purposes of refreshment and repairs, 
without being liable to other charges than such as British 
subjects should be required to pay. 

The plenipotentiary of the prince of Orange who con- 
cluded this arrangement and signed the convention was a 
brother of Mr. Fagel, the government auctioneer at the Cape. 

From this date the claim of the Netherlands to the Cape 
Colony ceased, and Great Britain acquired a dominion over 
the country which has never since been challenged by any 

176 History of South Africa 





Particulars concerning Lord Charles Somerset — Establishment of the Somerset 
farm — Management of the experimental farm at Groote Post — Improye- 
ment in the breed of horses — Commencement of an ocean mail packet 
service — Loss of the Arniston and of the Anuterdam — Establishment by 
the widow MoUer of a sustenance fond for old women in indigence and of 
the South African orphan house — Salaries of the civil servants — Condition 
of the Hottentot regiment — Insurrection of a party of frontier farmen — 
Occupation of the islands of Tristan da Cunha as a dependency of the 
Cape Colony — Depredations by Eosas — Interview of Lord Charles Somerset 
with Gaika and other Kosa chiefs — Arrangements concerning compensatioii 
for thefts and commercial intercourse — Establishment of a mission station 
on the Kat river — Reprisal for theft upon a Kosa kraal — Reduction of the 
military force on the frontier — Progress of the feud between Gaika and 
Ndlambe — Battle of Amalinde — The fifth KaflBr war — ^Attack upon Grahams- 
town — Destruction of Ndlambe's power — New boundary of Kaffirland — 
Construction of Fort Willshire— New system of checking Kaffir depreda- 
tions — Arrival of a few British immigrants — Creation of the districts of 
Siraonstown and Beaufort — Foundation of the village of Worcester — Open- 
ing of a coasting trade with Port Beaufort and the Knysna — Establishment 
of an asylum for lepers — Ecclesiastical matters — Census returns — Powers of 
different courts of justice — Departure of Lord Charles Somerset for England 
on leave of absence — Assumption of duty as acting governor by Sir Rufsne 
Shawe Donkin. 

Lieutenant-General Lord Charles Henry Somerset, 
who on the 6th of April 1814 became governor of the Cape 
Colony, was a man of ability and energy. The second son 
of the duke of Beaufort and younger brother of the marquess 
of Worcester, he was allied by blood or marriage with nearly 
all the great tory families of the kingdom. His mother was 
a daughter of Admiral Boscawen. A younger brother — 
Major-General Lord Edward Somerset — was then serving 
with the duke of Wellington ; another younger brother — 
Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Fitzroy Somerset — who lost his 
right arm at Waterloo, was destined many years later, with the 

i:n IBl^, ■when it was ceded to Great, Ilritain 

Lord Charles Somerset lyy 

title of Lord JRaglan, to command the British army in the 
Crimean war. As a tory ministry was in power in England, 
and his relatives possessed enormous influence, the governor 
came to South Africa with very little restraint upon his 
iictions. He was then forty-six years of age. Unable to 
brook the slightest opposition to his will, relentless in crush- 
ing those who tried to thwart him, he was affable to all who 
conducted themselves to his liking. 

The governor was accompanied to South Africa by his 
lady, two sons, and two daughters. But his family circle 
was not long complete. Lady Somerset, who was a daughter 
of Viscount Courtenay, died suddenly on the 11th of Sept- 
ember 1815. Her remains were laid in a vault beneath the 
pavement of the Dutch reformed church, where the ground 
is so mixed with the ashes of the dead that it is like one 
great grave.^ 

A few months after Lord Charles Somerset's arrival he 
founded a large agricultural establishment at the other end 
of the colony, partly for the purpose of supplying the troops 
on the eastern frontier with meal and oathay, and partly for 
experiments in the cultivation of tobacco, with a view of 
increasing the exports. The site selected was the tract of 

* Her funeral, though in the death notice in the Qa/iette stated to have 
been conducted with as much privacy as possible, was among the latest — if 
not the very last — at the Cape attended by hmlehalken^ professional mourners, 
persons hired to walk at the head of a funeral procession and perform certain 
ceremonies at the interment. The origin of this custom must be sought in 
very ancient days. It is supposed to have been brought to this colony from 
the Indies, not from Europe, after the middle of the eighteenth century ; but 
much uncertainty exists on this point, and I have found nothing in the records 
to settle it. The huilebalken were distinct from the tropsluiters, who were 
merely employed to lengthen the procession, and who were paid at the rate of 
one rixdollar each. There were several reasons for employing tropsluiters : 
1. The nearer the corpse the greater the distinction, consequently relatives 
and friends wished to see a row of people behind them.7. 2. A large and im- 
posing funeral procession was regarded as a mark of respect to the deceased. 
3. There was a superstition that the last in a funeral procession would be the 
next to die. The troptluiten could quietly exchange places, and, as was said, 
•distribute the risk among a number. The last cause appears a very absurd 
one, but there are still people living who remember how strongly it operated 
in bygone times. 

rv. N 

178 History of South Africa 

land at the Boschberg taken possession of by Willem 
Prinsloo in the time of Governor Van Plettenberg. It had 
recently been divided into two loan places, which were then 
occupied by farmers named Triegard and Bester. The leases 
were cancelled, and Dr. Mackrill — a skilful botanist^ — was 
provided with the necessary labourers and appliances, and 
was directed to carry out the governor's design. Dr. Mack- 
rill named the place the Somerset farm. The experiment of 
cultivating tobacco came to nothing; but as a means of 
furnishing provisions for the troops the establishment was a 
decided success, especially after it came under the superin- 
tendence of Mr. Robert Hart, who succeeded Dr. Mackrill in 
January 1817. Magazines were then built, in which grain 
purchased from farmers in the district could be stored with 
that grown upon the place; and here also cattle were 
purchased and kept to be sent away as requh'ed. The 
establishment thus became a commissariat dep6t as well as 
an agricultural farm. 

Lord Charles Somerset was as desirous as any one could 
be for the improvement of the colony and the prosperity of 
its people, only everything tending to improvement and 
prosperity must emanate from himself. The experimental 
farm at Groote Post was still under the management of a 
board of directors consisting of the leading agriculturists of 
the colony and several of the principal civil servants. It 
had been usual to request the governor to fill the position of 
president, and that office had been little more than honorary. 
Lord Charles politely thanked the members when they asked 
him to be their president, but they soon learned that he wa^ 
disposed to be something beyond a mere patron. He went 
to Groote Post, and issued instructions how the work was to 
be carried on. Some of the directors attempted to g^ve 
expression to their opinions, and declined to attend the 
meetings when they found the governor resolved to 

> It was lie wlio introduced bucliu to the notice of medical men in England, 
The plant, however, long before his time had been in use in South Africa 
rionrly every housewife keeping a sup])ly of it among the remedies for ail- 

Lord Charles Somerset 179 

enforce his own views; Hereupon, in March 1815 his 
Ezcellencj dissolved the board, and assumed direct control 

The governor was fond of the raceground, and had the 
reputation of being an excellent judge of a horse. He liked 
to see the choicest animals in his stables, and made it his 
aim that South Africa should produce strong well-formed 
horses in sufficient numbers for the requirements of the 
army in India. The public funds were inadequate to pro- 
cure as many breeding animals of a high class as he desired 
to introduce, and he imported many at his own expense. 
In after years his opponents accused him of trading largely 
in horses, and even of making grants of land on unduly 
favourable terms to those who paid him extortionate prices. 
This charge has been often repeated, but though it is certain 
that the governor was a gainer by some of these trans- 
actions, it is improbable that at the close of his admini- 
stration he was richer by a single shilling for such dealings 
on the whole. He imported a number of the best English 
blood horses at a time when the colony could not afford to 
do it, and his losses on some were very likely as great as his 
gains on others. A more exact statement cannot be made, 
because there is no account of expenses and sales, but only 
the assertions of his opponents and his partisans to guide one 
to a conclusion. Mainly through his efforts the breed of 
horses was so greatly improved that a few years later there 
was a considerable export to Mauritius and India. 

In 1815 a mail packet service was established between 
England and the Cape. Past-sailing vessels were employed 
by the imperial government to leave the Thames monthly, 
and to convey mails, passengers, and light cargo to the Cape 
Colony, Mauritius, and India. The postage on letters was 
fixed at three shillings and sixpence for every quarter of an 
ounce, and on newspapers at three pence an ounce. People 
were not to be prevented, however, from sending letters 
through the post-office from England to the Cape by other 
conveyances, though the charge was only one shilling and 
two pence, and from the Cape to England only eight pence 

N 2 

1 80 History of South Africa 

the quarter ounce. The higher rates by the regular service 
were to be paid for regularity and speed. The first mail 
packet that sailed from London was the Eclipsey Captain 
Burford, which dropped down the Thames on the 20th of 
December, and after touching at Madeira and Rio de 
Janeiro, arrived in Table Bay on the 13th of April 1816. 
Her passage of one hundred and fourteen days was not 
encouraging to those who looked for rapid communication 
between England and South Africa. 

It is impossible to give an accurate list of all the ship- 
wrecks on the South African coast during the early years of 
this century, as the records of such occurrences are incom- 
plete. Occasionally, however, some great disaster took 
place, of which particulars have been preserved. 

This was the case with the Amiston, an English transport 
ship, commanded by Captain George Simpson, which was 
on her homeward passage from Ceylon when at noon on the 
30th of May 1815 breakers were seen through the thick 
mist to leeward. The wind was blowing towards the land, 
and a current was setting in the same direction, so that 
all attempts to get out to sea were fruitless. By four 
o'clock the position was so perilous that three anchors. 
were dropped ; but as two of the cables parted, the captain 
resolved to run the ship ashore before nightfall, as the only 
chance of saving the lives of those on board. She struck a 
long way from the water's edge, about twenty-five miles 
north-east of Cape Agulhas. There were three hundred and 
seventy-eight souls on board, including fourteen women and 
the same number of children. Among her passengers were 
Major-General the viscount Molesworth and his lady, and 
there were a good many invalided soldiers returning to 
England. When darkness set in not a single boat was 
ready. Before midnight the ship went to pieces, and of all 
on board only a carpenter and five sailors reached the land 
alive. On the 5th of June a young man named Daniel 
Swart, happening by chance to ride to the beach from his 
father's house a few miles distant, came across the survivors, 
who had been wandering up and down the coast, living on 

Lord Charles Somerset i8i 

shellfish and food that washed ashore. He took them back 
with him, and made the disaster known to the government, 
when a party of labourers was sent to search along the 
beach. No fewer than three hundred and forty bodies were 
found and buried ; and a considerable quantity of arrack in 
casks, ship's furniture, and other articles that had drifted to 
land were secured. 

Another, though much less disastrous wreck, was that of 
the Dutch ship-of-war Amsterdam, This vessel was dis- 
masted at sea, but her crew managed to get her into Algoa 
Bay, which port she reached on the 16th of December 1817 
in a sinking condition. She had only one small boat left, 
and in that a lady with her two children and the ship's 
papers of importance were sent on shore under charge of 
Lieutenant Aspeling. Every moment it was feared that the 
vessel would go down. There were still two hundred and 
twenty men, all told, on board, so Captain Hofmeyer, as the 
only chance of saving their lives, ran the ship ashore as soon 
as he could. A little before dusk she struck on the beach 
about halfway between the mouths of the Zwartkops and 
Koega rivers, and two hundred and seventeen men got safely 
to land. Three were drowned. In the night between the 
19th and 20th of December the wreck broke up, but hardly 
anything drifted on the beach. The oflScers and men were 
left with nothing but the scanty clothing they had on, and 
were in great distress until the landdrost of TTitenhage 
and some oflBcers from Fort Frederick arrived and made 
such arrangements for their accommodation as were possible 
under the circumstances. The plain adjoining the scene of 
the wreck has ever since been known as the Amsterdam flats. 

In the early years of this century there was living in 
Capetown a lady named Margaretha Anna Heyning, the 
widow of Hendrik Pieter MoUer. To use her own ex- 
pression in a letter to the governor, she was blessed with 
worldly goods, and believed it was her duty as a Christian 
to nse those goods for the relief of the poor and a£9icted. 
Among the objects of her benevolence were indigent aged 
women, for whom she purposed to build an asylum. In 

1 82 History of South Africa 

September 1799 a plan was submitted to the governor for 
approval. She proposed to have a suitable building erected, 
and to assist in raising a sum of money, the interest of 
which should be applied in perpetuity to the maintenance in 
whole or in part of such of the inmates as required aid. 
The governor cordially approved of the plan, and granted 
for the purpose a plot of ground at the top of Long-street, 
upon part of which the orphan asylum now stands. 

The conditions drawn up bj Mrs. Moller provided that 
whatever sums should be raised were to be invested by a 
board of directors on suflScient security, and that during 
the first five years any interest accruing was to be added to 
the capital. After that time the interest was to be applied 
to the subsistence of widows or other women over fifty-five 
years of age, or such as were sick or infirm under that age 
if special and urgent circumstances required it, the rule 
always being observed that the fund was established to aid 
really helpless and distressed old women, and not to nourish 
sloth and idleness. Those were to have the preference who 
were without assistance from parents, children, brothers, or 
sisters. They were to be of a sober Christian comportment. 
They were to bind themselves to refund any aid received, in 
case they should acquire property by donation or inheritance. 

As the first board of directors Mrs. Moller named Jan 
Vlotman, Godlieb Willem Bruckner, Jan Bougard, and 
Gerhard Ewoud Overbeek. Upon the death or retirement 
of any of these, the others were to appoint a successor, and 
so on in perpetuity. An annual meeting was to be held, at 
which the accounts were to be produced. Any person 
contributing twenty pounds to the capital fund was to be 
regarded as a fellow founder with herself, and was to have 
the right of attending and making suggestions at the yearly 
meeting. Otherwise the directors were to have entire con- 
trol of the charity. 

The fund was then commenced by Mrs. Moller contri- 
buting three hundred and thirty-three pounds towards it. 
When the five years were expired there was a sum of nearly 
three thousand five hundred pounds sterling in hand, the 

Lord Charles Somerset 183 

greater portion of which was given by Mrs. MoUer herself. 
In the meantime the plan of building an asylum was 
abandoned, and in its stead was substituted a monthly 
distribution of money to aged Christian women in want, 
without distinction of church or colour.^ 

Not long after this charity was projected Mrs. MoUer 
gave to the reverend Michiel Christiaan Vos, of Tulbagh, a 
sum of twelve hundred pounds sterling for the purpose of 
building a church in some suitable place in the Roggeveld. 
But before anything was done in this matter tidings were 
received of the treaty of Amiens, and Mr. Vos, who was an 
adherent of the Orange party, resolved to leave the colony. 
He then returned the money to Mrs. Moller, who set it aside 
to be invested in some way for the service of God. 

For several years the exact form that the new charity 
should assume was not settled, but in 1808 Mrs. Moller 
resolved to build an orphan asylum, and endow it with that 
money. Upon part of the plot of ground granted by the 
government for the projected asylum for old women, three 
houses had been put up with the accumulated funds, for the 
purpose of being leased ; the foundation of the building 
originally planned was standing on another part ; and there 
was a vacant space, which was sold in later years for the 
benefit of the old women's fund, and realised six hundred 
pounds. The earl of Caledon, upon being applied to, raised 
no objection to the part of the ground upon which the 
foundation was standing being used for an orphanage, and 
so far favoured the undertaking that in July 1811 he made 
it a donation of five thousand rixdollars from his private 
purse. Lord Charles Somerset also approved of the design, 
and in July 1814 directed the board that administered the 
estates of persons dying intestate to advance to the directors 
of the orphan asylum the sum of eight thousand rixdollars 
on loan without interest, which was practically equivalent to 
a grant.* 

' At the present time (1890) about one hundred and twenty old women 
are in receipt of monthly allowances from this fund. 
* See page 256 of this volume. 

1 84 History of South Africa 

No haste was made in carrying out tlie design, however, 
for though the building was completed in October 1814, it 
was only on the 26th of September 1815 that the Sonth 
African orphan house — as the institution is termed — wa« 
formally opened. The reverend Mr, Serrurier, then bowed 
down with years, delivered his last public address on this 
occasion, and a collection of about one hundred and sixty 
pounds sterling was made on behalf of the endowment 

The management of this institution was vested in a 
board of six directors, three of whom were to be Lutherans 
and three members of the Dutch reformed church. When- 
ever one died or retired the survivors were to appoint a 
successor. The six named by Mrs. MoUer to form the first 
board of directors were George Willem Hoppe, Simon 
Stronk, Gabriel Jacobus Vos, Sebastiaan Leibbrandt, Frans 
de Necker, and Johan Wrensch, with Andries Richert as 
secretary. After Mrs. MoUer's death, however, the two 
institutions founded by her were united under a board of 
eight directors, but the funds are still kept separate. 

In her will and codicils, the last dated 6th of December 
1814, Mrs. Moller bequeathed to the endowment fund of the 
orphan asylum, in addition to the twelve hundred pounds 
already mentioned, a teacher's residence and schoolroom in 
Hout-street, facing Long-street, then leased to the Lutheran 
congregation, on condition that it should never be used for 
other than religious purposes, and two slaves, one to be set 
free after fifteen years' service, the other to be taught a trade 
and to be emancipated after ten years' service, on payment 
of four hundred rixdollars. After several bequests to 
relatives and friends and donations of a hundred rixdollars 
to each of several charities, the residue of her property was 
to be divided equally between the orphan house and the 
South African missionary society. 

Altogether Mrs. Moller's contributions to the orphan 
asylum amounted to about six thousand pounds. The 
donations of other individuals up to the date of its 
establishment — exclusive of those already mentioned — were 

Lord Charles Somerset 185. 

about one thousand pounds in value. In 1845 a gentleman 
named Henry Murray bequeathed three thousand three 
hundred pounds to the institution, so that it has been able 
to maintain comfortably about thirty-three children at a 
time, though it seldom has the full number. Several of 
those reared and educated within its walls have attained 
positions of eminence in the colony. 

In May 1812 a number of ladies who met together at 
stated times for charitable purposes established a fund for 
the relief of distressed people of both sexes. In June 1820 
they transferred the money they had in hand, amounting to 
two thousand six hundred and sixty-six rixdollars, to the 
directors of the orphan house, to be held as a separate trust 
for the benefit of poor persons. The money was invested, 
but the calls upon it were so few that by 1884 it amounted 
to twelve hundred and fifty pounds. It was then transferred 
to a dorcas almshouse which had just been founded by the 
Dutch reformed church. 

The system under which the government of the colony 
was carried on was still the same as had been introduced in 
1796, except that the governor now decided criminal cases 
in appeal from the high court of justice. The salaries of 
the civil servants were very unequally apportioned. The 
following had theirs fixed in sterling money upon their 
appointment in England : the governor 10,000i. a year, his 
private secretary 500Z., the lieutenant-governor 3,500Z., the 
colonial secretary 3,500Z., the deputy colonial secretary 
1,500Z., the auditor-general 1,060Z., the colonial paymaster 
1,000Z., the collector of customs 1,000/., the controller of 
customs 1,000?., the chief searcher of customs 700i., the 
collector of customs at Simonstown 700/., the port captain 
of Table Bay 500Z., the English church clergyman of Cape- 
town 5002., and the English church clergyman of Simonstown 
350Z. These officers absorbed more than one-third of the 
whole amount expended in salaries. They were paid accord- 
ing to the rate of exchange, so that the value of the paper 
rixdoUar made no difference to them. 

AU the other civil servants had their salaries fixed in 

1 86 History of South Africa 

rixdoUars, and received the same number of these, no matter 
whether the exchange was high or low. Thus when the 
paper rixdoUar sank, as in 1815, to be worth no more than 
2«. 2|d., these people, who could hardly live comfortably when 
it was on a par with silver, were in a condition bordering 
closely on distress. Until 1818 even the chief justice was 
in receipt of only six thousand rixdoUars, and the other 
judges of only three thousand two hundred and fifty; but in 
that year Earl Bathurst, then secretary of state for the colo- 
nies, directed that the chief justice should be paid l,000f., 
and the four senior judges each 500Z. a year. They all held 
other appointments in the service, however, and some of 
them drew salaries for three or four different situations. 

The cost of the Hottentot regiment was a charge against 
the revenue, and its existence was very objectionable to the 
colonists. Just before Sir John Cradock left South Africa, 
he raised this corps from five hundred to eight hundred men, 
his object being to relieve the burghers who were garrisoning 
the posts on the frontier. Instead of that, however, some 
regular troops were withdrawn, and the burghers were 
obliged to remain on duty until April 1815, when Lord 
Charles Somerset, in order to allow them to return to their 
homes, sent up every soldier that could be spared from 
guarding Capetown. The governor had no more liking for 
the Hottentot regiment than the colonists had, and he urged 
the secretary of state to disband it and substitute a battalion 
of regulars.^ 

• Of the regiment, as it then existed, he wrote: ' It is not only the men 
who arc withdrawn from the service of the farmers, but a large nomber of 
women also, almost every Hottentot having at least one wife, many two, and 
others more. Those persons are all maintained — with their children — ^by the 
colonial government, thereby making the corps more expensive than any other 
in the service ; and those females with their children remain at the head- 
quarters of the regiment in a state of idleness, filth, and debauchery not to be 
paralleled. It would perhaps have been impracticable to have kept the regi- 
ment together unless this indulgence had been shown, for as the men were 
chiefly raised by requisition and reluctantly embraced the military life, unless 
their habits had been given into and their families provided for, no severity 
would have been sufficient to have checked desertion to the greatest extent, 
and the deserters would then have become throughout the colony marauders 
of the worst description.* 

Lord Charles Somerset 187 

The imperial authorities consented, but it was not then 
convenient to send another body of troops to take its place. 
In 1817, however, the Royal African corps was ordered to 
the Cape for duty, and a mixed cavalry and infantry corps 
was raised, consisting of six commissioned officers and two 
hxmdred and forty-seven picked half breeds and Hottentots, 
enlisted on the same principle as European soldiers. In 
September of this year the old Hottentot regiment was dis- 

In 1815 the bitter feeling caused by the prosecutions 
during the black circuit had not died out, and the discontent 
created by increased taxation was general, while an opinion 
was held by many persons on the frontier that the Hottentot 
regiment was stationed there more with the object of 
ruling them with a strong hand than to prevent an inroad 
of the Kosas. 

Matters were in this state when a charge of ill treatment 
of a coloured servant was made to the deputy landdrost of 
Graaff-Beinet against a man named Frederik Bezuidenhout, 
who resided in the valley of the Baviaans' river — now Glen 
Lynden, — on a farm adjoining that occupied a few years 
later by the poet Pringle. As Bezuidenhout refused to 
appear before the deputy landdrost, a complaint was made 
to the judges on circuit at Graaff-Eeinet, one of whom was 
the former landdrost Bresler ; but their summons was also 
disregarded. Lieutenant Andries Stockenstrom ^ was at 
that time landdrost of Graaff-Reinet, having succeeded Mr. 
Fischer in the preceding month of May, when the last 
named was transferred to Tulbagh. At the same time Mr. 
Jau Frederik van de GraaflF succeeded Lieutenant Stocken- 
strom at Cradock. The judges instructed the landdrost to 
cause Bezuidenhout to be apprehended, and Lieutenant 
Stoekenstrom directed the messenger of the court to apply 
to the fieldcomet of Baviaans' River ward for assistance, 

' MUitaiy officers filling civil appointments received promotion in rank just 
as if they remained attached to the army. Besides Landdrost Stoekenstrom, 
theire were several other instances of the kind at this period, among them the 
deputy colonial secretary and the landdrost of Uitenhage. 

1 88 History of South Affica 

and also gave him a letter to Lieutenant Bonssean, command- 
ing the nearest military post, requesting that officer to 
furnish aid if required. 

The messenger of the court proceeded to the residence 
of the fieldcornet, Philip Opperman by name, who declined 
to render any service, as he said he was aware Bezuidenhout 
was prepared to resist ; and he advised that the letter to the 
military officer should be delivered. Lieutenant Bousseau, 
on receipt of the letter, furnished a party of Hottentot 
soldiers, who accompanied the messenger to Bezuidenhout's 
farm. As they approached the dwelling, Bezuidenhout 
fired at them, and then with two servants retired to a cave 
in a great rock overhanging the river, where he had pre- 
viously stored a quantity of ammunition. 

The mouth of this cave could only be approached by one 
man at a time, but from the top of the rock the inmates 
could be heard and spoken to. Bezuidenhout was repeatedly 
summoned to surrender, but persistently refused, and de- 
clared that he would never be seized alive. He was in the 
act of taking aim at a Hottentot soldier, when he exposed 
the upper part of his body, and was shot dead by one of the 
party who had come to arrest him. His two companions 
thereupon gave themselves up, and were afterwards tried for 
resisting the officer of the court in the execution of his duty, 
but were acquitted on the ground that they were not free 

On the following day the relatives and friends of the 
dead man assembled at the funeral, when Jan Bezuidenhout, 
a brother of the deceased, at the grave side declared that he 
would never rest until the Hottentot corps was driven fr*om 
the frontier and those who had brought the calamity upon 
his family were punished. The landdrost Stockenstrom, 
the fieldcornet Opperman, and Lieutenant Bousseau were 
named as specially deserving of vengeance. The others 
present expressed the warmest sympathy with Bezuidenhout, 
and before the party dispersed an insurrection was planned. 
A little later a meeting took place on another farm, when 
it was resolved that a deputation should proceed to Gaika's- 

Lord Charles Somerset 189 

Icraal and endeavour to get assistance from him. Comelis 
Faber, whose sister was Jan Bezuidenhont's wife, with three 
or four others immediately left on this mission. 

Shortly after they had gone, their object in visiting 
Oaika was made known to Fieldcornet Opperman by one who 
was present at their discussions. The fieldcomet at once 
proceeded to Graaff-Eeinet to inform Landdrost Stocken- 
strom, but on the way came to learn that he, the landdrost, 
and Lieutenant Bousseau were held by the relatives of 
Bezuidenhout to be responsible for what had occurred. In 
•consequence, Opperman did not venture to return from 
Graaff-Beinet, but addressed a letter to one of his friends, 
named Willem Krugel, requesting him to act as fieldcornet. 

On the 9th of November 1815 the principal conspirators 
met at the house of Diederik Mulder. Besides Jan 
Bezuidenhout and Comelis Faber, there were at the gather- 
ing Hendrik Prinsloo, son of old Marthinus Prinsloo the 
former leader of the nationals, Theunis de Klerk, who was 
married to Prinsloo's sister, Stephanus Botma, a man once 
convicted of forgery, and Andries Meyer, a turbulent fron- 
tiersman. There a letter was drawn up, and addressed to 
an elderly farmer of influence named Jacobus Kroger, in 
which he was informed of their plans and invited to join 
them. The letter was written by Botma from the dictation 
of Bezuidenhout, and was signed by Prinsloo. It was 
given to Jan Mulder to take to Kruger. By the advice 
of his brother, at whose house the meeting was held, though 
he did not take part in it, Mulder, instead of proceeding to 
Kruger's, rode to the farm of Stephanus van Wyk, field- 
comet of the Tarka, and gave the document to him. Van 
Wyk hastened with it to the deputy landdrost at Cradock, 
who forwarded copies to Major Fraser at Grahamstown, and 
to Captain Andrews, commander of a military post on the 
Pish river. The original letter was sent to Landdrost 
Stockenstrom at Graaff-Eeinet. Mr. Van de Graaff also 
directed an order to Fieldcomet Opperman, of the Baviaans' 
river, to call out a commando to assist in preventing an 
inroad of the Kaffirs; and this order, on account of 

1 90 History of South Africa 

Opperman's remaining at Graaff-Beinet, came into the hands 
of Willem Krugel. 

The authorities, being thus made acquainted with full 
particulars of the design, took prompt measures to frus- 
trate it. A patrol was sent out by Captain Andrews, and 
Hendrik Prinsloo was surprised, arrested, and conyejed a 
prisoner to the post, which was on the farm of Willem van 
Aardt, while his associates were still unsuspicious of danger. 
The intelligence of his arrest, however, instead of spreading 
dismay among them, caused them to push on their plans 
with greater vigour than before. Guika had declined to 
assist them when first requested to do so, but Faber now 
returned to the kraal of that chief and offered the whole of 
the Zuurveld in exchange for the valley of the Kat river 
and aid against the Hottentot soldiers. Gaika was too wary, 
however, to consent to the proposal, and replied that he 
must see how the wind blew before he placed himself by a 

Notwithstanding the failure of the negotiations with 
the Kaffir chief, on the 12th of November Abraham Botma, 
by order of Jan Bezuidenhout, sent an intimation ftojn. 
house to house in the Tarka, announcing that Gaika had 
promised help, inviting the burghers to join the enterprise, 
and threatening those who should decline with being left 
unprotected to the mercy of the Kaffirs. Od this occasion 
Theunis de Klerk was particularly busy. 

Meantime Willem Krugel, acting for Meldcomet Opper- 
man, in accordance with the order of the deputy landdrost 
Van de Grap-ff, called a number of farmers together at the 
homestead of Daniel Erasmus, for the purpose of resisting a 
Kaffir invasion. When they assembled, to a mau they 
declared themselves on the side of the government, but on 
the foUowintr evening Theunis de Klerk, Jan Bezuidenhout, 
and Nicholas Prinsloo appeared among them, and persuaded 
them to assist in obtaining the release of Hendrik Prinsloo 
from the custody of Hottentot soldiers. 

On the 1 tth of Novoinbov Kniprers commando with the 
orii^inal oonspirati>rs — in ill numbering about fifby men — 

Lord Charles Somerset 191 

inarched under Jan Beznidenhout's command to Captain 
Andrews' post, and when close to it sent a Hottentot to ask 
that Hendrik Prinsloo be surrendered to them. But at 
daybreak that morning the post had been reinforced by a 
party of burghers under Commandant Willem Nel, and 
Major Fraser had arrived and assumed command. He sent 
the Hottentot back to say that he wished a burgher to come 
and speak to him, his object being to endeavour to induce 
the infatuated men to proceed no further in their mad enter- 
prise. Nicholas Prinsloo therefore went to the post, but 
instead of discussing matters calmly, in threatening 
language he demanded the release of his brother. This 
Major Fraser refused. 

Bezuidenhout evidently thought that Commandant Nel 
might be induced to change sides, for he sent to solicit an 
interview. The commandant accordingly visited the insur- 
gents, when Bezuidenhout desired him to call out the whole 
of the burghers of XJitenhage, and be guided by their 
opinion ; but Nel declined, and did his utmost to persuade 
the misguided men to abandon their project. His efforts^ 
however, were useless, and it was with difficulty that he got 
away, for some of the party wished to detain him by force. 

When Nel left, Jan Bezuidenhout formed the insurgents 
into a ring, and required Willem Krugel, in the name of his 
commando, to take an oath of fidelity to their cause. The 
oath was taken, some of Krugel's mpn raising their hats at 
the time, and others repeating the word yes, but some doing 
neither. A letter was then forwarded to Major Fraser, 
directing him not to send Prinsloo away from the posty 
and informing him that they would return within four days. 
After this the insurgents retired, and some of them pro- 
ceeded to different parts of the frontier to try to obtain 

On the 17th of November the band marched to 81achter'& 
Nek, near the junction of the Baviaans' and Fish rivers, 
which had been agreed upon as the place where the different 
persons who had gone for aid should bring any recruits 
they could engage. 

192 History of South Africa 

During the preceding night Lieutenant-Colonel Cayler, 
landdrost of XJitenhage and military commandant of the 
frontier, had reached Captain Andrews' post, and he now 
opened communication with the infatuated men, with the 
object of inducing them to surrender. Commandant Nel 
again went to them and urged them to desist from their 
mad proceeding, but in vain. The heemraad Barend de 
Klerk, a man of exemplary character, went to his brother 
Theunis de Klerk, and conjured him by their mother, who 
was then on her deathbed, to abandon the insurgent cause, 
but to no effect. 

On the 18th of November Colonel Cuyler marched to 
Slachter's Nek with thirty burghers under Commandant 
Nel and forty dragoons under Major Eraser. When within 
rifle shot of the insurgent band, the force was halted, and 
communications were again opened, with a view of pre- 
venting bloodshed, but with the same result as before. 
Preparations for an advance upon the position were then 
made, but just at that moment several men were seen 
riding up from the opposite direction and joining Bezuid- 
enhout's party. They were Faber and hie associates, from 
Gaika's kraa^ Abraham Botma, from Zwagershoek, and 
Andries Klopper, from Bruintjes Hoogte, aU bringing 
intelligence of absolute failure. Five of KrugePs men 
had already abandoned the cause, and secretly returned 
to their homes. The others for the first time realised the 
utter hopelessness of resistance. Krugel, exclaiming *in 
God's name let me go down and receive my punishment,' 
strode towards Nel's commando. He was followed by seven- 
teen others — Nicholas and Jan Prinsloo, sons of old 
Marthinus and brothers of the prisoner at Captain Andrews' 
post, Willem Prinsloo, son of Nicholas, Joachim, Willem, 
and Nicholas Prinsloo, nephews of old Marthinus, Hendrik 
and Jacobus Klopper, Philip, Christoffel, and Jan Botha, 
Hendrik and Comelis van der Nest, Pieter Erasmus, Jan 
Bronkhorst, Thomas Dreyer, and Adriaan Nel. These all 
laid down their arms, and were made prisoners, except the 
second Willem Prinsloo, who was allowed to go free. The 

Lord Charles Somerset 195 

others fled in various directions, but fifteen surrendered 
shortly afterwards, among them Theunis de Klerk. 

The most desperate, headed by Jan Bezuidenhout, fled 
towards Kaf&rland. For some days the direction of their 
flight was not known, but at length it was discovered, and 
they were then pursued by Commandant Nel with twenty- 
two burghers and Major Eraser with one hundred Hottentots 
of the Cape corps. On the 29th of November at the 
Winterberg Abraham Botma was surprised and arrested, 
and Andries Meyer gave himself up. The others were a 
little farther in advance. A party of Hottentots under 
Lieutenant Mclnnes made a circuit, and posted themselves 
some distance ahead. Four waggons, containing the 
families of Jan Bezuidenhout, Cornelis Faber, Stephanus 
Botma, and Abraham Botma, approached the place where 
the soldiers were concealed, and outspanned almost within 
musket shot. As soon as the oxen were loose, Faber, on 
horseback and armed, and Stephanus Botma, unarmed and 
on foot, went to a stream close by to get water. Just as 
they reached it, a band of Hottentot soldiers under Ensign 
McKay rose up from an ambush only thirty paces distant. 
Faber turned his horse and set off at full speed, but as the 
soldiers fired at him, he returned their shot until he was 
wounded and disabled, when he was seized. Botma was 
run down and captured. 

The soldiers now approached the waggons, and called to 
Jan Bezuidenhout to surrender. He was an illiterate fron- 
tier farmer, whose usual residence was a wattle and daub 
structure hardly deserving the name of a house, and 
^ho knew nothing of refinement after the English town 
pattern. His code of honour, too, was in some respects 
different from that of modem Englishmen, but it contained 
at least one principle common to the noblest minds in all 
sections of the race to which he belonged : to die rather 
than do that which is degrading. And for him it would 
have been unutterably degrading to have surrendered to the 
pandours. Instead of doing so he fired at them. 

His wife, Martha Faber, a true South African country 

IV. o 

1 94 History of South Africa 

woman, in this extremity showed that the Batayian blood 
had not degenerated by change of clime. She stepped to the 
side of her husband, saying * let us die together,' and as he 
discharged one gan loaded another for his use. What more 
could even Kenau Hasselaer have done P 

His son too, a boy only fourteen years of age, took an 
active part in the skirmish. One Hottentot was killed. 
Then Bezuidenhout received two severe wounds, from which 
he died in a few hours, and both his wife and his son were 
disabled and seized. Ten guns and about forty pounds of 
powder were found in the waggons. 

The prisoners — thirty-nine in number — were sent to 
Uitenhage for trial. On the 16th of December they were 
brought before a special commission of the high court of 
justice, consisting of the judges W. Hiddingh and P. Diemel. 
Mr. Beelaerts van Blokland was secretary of the court, and 
Landdrost Cuyler was prosecutor. The prisoners admitted 
the facts as here related, and the evidence taken was con- 
clusive. On the 22nd of January 1816 judgment was 

All, except Martha Faber, widow of Jan Bezuidenhout, 
were to be conveyed to the place on Van Aardt's farm 
where Willeni Krugel had taken the oath in the name of 
the men under his command, and there Hendrik Prinsloo, 
Cornelis Faber, Stephanus Botma, Abraham Botma, Theunis 
de Klerk, and Willem Krugel were to suflFer death by 
haiiiring. The remaining thirty-two, after witnessing the 
execution, were to undergo various punishments, ranging 
from banishment for life to imprisonment for one month or 
a fine of fifty rixdollars. 

The sentences were in accordance with the letter of the 
law; but it was generally supposed that the governor would 
use his power of mitigation to prevent the penalty of death 
being inflicted, as no blood had actually been shed by any 
of the prisoners. Banishment would have been equally 
effective as a warning to others, and it seemed to most 
people then as now that something was due to the burghers 
who aided the government, and who were afterwards 

Lord Charles Somerset 195 

horrified at the thought that they had helped to pursue their 
deluded countrymen to death. There was an opportunity 
for the English government to secure the affections of these 
people, by granting to them the lives — though not the 
liberty — of the chief culprits; but Lord Charles Somerset 
did not avail himself of it. On the intercession of Land- 
drost Cuyler, who represented the services that Krugel had 
rendered in the last Kaffir war and his uniform good 
conduct before he permitted himself to be led astray by the 
leaders of the insurrection, that individual was spared, but 
the governor's fiat was affixed to the sentences of the other 

On the 9th of March 1816 they were executed at 
Captain Andrews' post on Van Aardt's farm. The reverend 
Mr. Herold, of George, attended them in their last 
moments. Before ascending the scaffold, they requested to 
be allowed to sing a hymn with their late companions and 
friends, and, upon permission being granted, their voices 
were clear and firm. After this, Stephanus Botma — whose 
ancestor of the same name was the first burgher in South 
Africa — addressed those present, advising them to be 
cautious in their behaviour, and take warning from his fate. 
To outward appearance, they were all perfectly resigned to 
die. When the drop fell, four of the ropes snapped, and 
the condemned men rose from the ground unharmed. The 
great crowd of people standing round, regarding this as an 
intervention of God, raised a cry for mercy, which Land- 
drost Cuyler, who was in command, was powerless to grant. 
Three hundred soldiers guarded the scaffold, and prevented 
confusion until all was over. 

Among the convicted men was a deserter from the 
Batavian army, who went by the name of Frans Marais. 
He was sentenced to be fastened to the gallows with a rope 
round his neck during the execution of the others, and then 
to be banished from the colony for life. The governor 
declined to mitigate this sentence, and it was carried out. 

The remaining prisoners were admitted to mercy. Seven 
of them — Willem Krugel, Adriaan Engelbrecht, Andries 

o 2 

1 96 History of South Africa 

Meyer, Nicholas Prinsloo son of Marthinus, David Malan, 
Pieter Prinsloo son of Nicholas, and Martha Paber — were 
banished for life from the districts of Graaff-Eeinet, XJiten- 
liage, and George. Five — Andries van Dyk, ChristoflFel and 
Abraham Botha, Pieter Delport, and Thennis Mulder — had 
the choice of being imprisoned for four months or paying a 
fine of two hundred rixdoUars. One — ^Hendrik Liebenberg 
— had the choice of being imprisoned for two months or 
paying a fine of one hundred rixdollars. Pour — ^Adriaan 
and Leendert Labuschagne, Barend de Lange, and Gerrit 
Bezuidenhout — had the choice of being imprisoned for one 
month or paying a fine of fifty rixdollars. Sixteen — 
Andries, Hendrik, and Jacobus Klopper, Hendrik and Cor- 
nelis van der Nest, Philip and Jan Botha, Willem Prinsloo 
son of Nicholas, Jan Prinsloo son of Marthinus, Joachim 
and Nicholas Prinsloo nephews of Marthinus, Jan Bronk- 
horst, Thomas Dreyer, Pieter Erasmus, Adriaan Nel, and 
Frans van Dyk — were released without other punishment 
than witnessing the execution of those who were hanged. 

Old Marthinus Prinsloo, who had taken a leading part 
in the " national ^' movement sixteen years earlier, was still 
living. Though his sons, nephews, and grandsons were 
active in the disturbance, he was not implicated in it. 
Nevertheless the governor directed that the lease of his 
farm Naude's River, adjoining the Somerset estate at the 
Boschberg, should be cancelled, and that he should remove 
to either of the districts Swellendam or Tulbagh. He was 
paid three thousand rixdollars for the buildings, and as the 
farm was well supplied with water, it was added to the 
ground under Dr. Mackrill's charge. 

Those who were banished from the eastern frontier 
removed with their families to the tract of land named the 
Gouph, under the Nieuwveld mountains, where they were 
soon joined by many of their relatives and old associates. 

During the war of 1812-1814 between Great Britain and 
the United States of America, privateers cruising against 
British commerce ofi^ the Cape of Good Hope were in the 
habit of refitting at Tristan da Cunha, though this waa not 

Lord Clmrks Somerset 197 

suspected until the conclusion of peace. To prevent the 
islands being used as a base of operations for the rescue of 
Napoleon from St. Helena, in September 1815 the secretary 
of state directed Lord Charles Somerset to place a garrison 
upon the principal one, which he stated had always been 
regarded as a dependency of the Cape government. This 
supposition was incorrect. In 1696 a little vessel named 
the Oeelvink was sent from Holland to examine the islands, 
and she brought to the Cape a report that they were three 
in number, difficult of access and barren in appearance, 
though grass, trees, other vegetable productions, and vast 
numbers of seabirds so tame that they could be captured by 
hand, were found upon them. They were out of the track 
of commerce, however, and therefore were not occupied by 
the Dutch. 

In December 1810 an American named Lambert with 
two associates settled on the principal island, which was 
occasionally visited by whaling ships. In May 1812 Lam- 
bert and one of his companions were drowned when out 
fishing ; but the other, Thomas Currie, a native of Leghorn 
though his father was an Irishman, was shortly afterwards 
joined by two men named John Tankard and John Talien. 
In 1815 it was reported at the Cape that these persons were 
in possession of abundance of vegetables, grain, and pigs, 
and expressed discontent only because they were without 
female companions. 

Before the instructions of the secretary of state reached 
Lord Charles Somerset, the authorities at St. Helena sent a 
party of seamen to hoist the British flag and occupy the 
island. This party found no one there except Thomas 
Carrie, and what became of Tankard and Talien cannot be 
ascertained fit>m any documents in the Cape records. 

In October 1816 Captain Josias Cloete, previously of the 
21st light dragoons, with a company of infantry left the 
Gape for Tristan da Cunha. He took with him such articles 
as would be needed to form an establishment, and a stock 
of horses, horned cattle, and sheep, intended for breeding 
purposes. After a very stormy passage, during which he lost 

198 History of South Africa 

all his live stock, on the 28th of NoYember Captain Cloete 
reached his destination. But shortly after this, owing to 
representations made by the naval authorities in England, 
the imperial government resolved to abandon the islands, and 
the ship-of-war Conqueror was sent to convey the garrison 
back to the Cape. In June 1817 she arrived in Simon's 
Bay with Captain Cloete and some of the soldiers, but as she 
had not accommodation for all, a party was left behind. 
Lord Charles Somerset then took the responsibility- of 
delaying the completion of the abandonment until further 
instructions, and in the course of a few months he received 
authority from the secretary of state to keep a party of 
occupation there, the cost to be borne by the revenue of the 
Cape Colony. The islands remained thus a dependency of 
this country until the death of Napoleon, when the garrison 
was withdrawn. 

Although there was a line of military posts along the 
border, bands of Kosas managed to make their way into the 
colony and plunder the farmers. To such an extent was this 
carried on that Sir John Cradock, when on the frontier in 
November 1813, felt himself compelled to send an armed 
force into Kaffirland to punish the marauders. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Vicars, who was then in command of the troops on 
the border, received the governor's instructions to * try to do 
something that would prove to the savages and unceasing 
robbers that his Majesty's government would no longer be 
trifled with or suffer the property of the colonists to be 
destroyed.' An armed force was therefore to cross the Pish 
river, and demand restitution of the stolen cattle. K the 
demand was not complied ^dth, the kraals were to be 
destroyed, but not an article was to be removed, and the old, 
infirm, women, and children were not to be molested. The 
Kosas were to be given plainly to understand that the object 
was not plunder, but punishment ; that the government was 
determined to maintain the boundary ; that white men 
would not be allowed to cross the Fish river without leave, 
nor would KaflRrs be permitted to enter colonial territory 
without regular authority from some acknowledged chief; 

Lord Charles Somerset 199 

and that any Kaffir found straggling in the colony would be 
punished with death. 

A commando of fi^e hundred farmers was assembled, and 
at the close of the year everything was ready to carry out 
the governor's orders. But Colonel Vicars fell ill, and was 
obliged to remain at Captain Andrews* post ; and though the 
commando, under Captain Eraser, entered Kaffirland and 
remained there a few hours, it did little more than make a 
demonstration and then retire. 

. Sir John Cradock next tried to induce a tolerably dense 
population to settle in the Zuurveld. On the 28th of 
January 1814 he issued a proclamation oflFering to suitable 
persons farms there on moderate quitrent, the first fifty 
applicants to pay nothing for ten years. One hundred and 
five families accepted the offer, but they soon found that it 
was impossible to carry on agricultural or pastoral operations 
with any chance of success. A return made for the govern- 
ment early in 1817 shows that ninety of these families had 
been compelled to abandon the district, and that within 
eighteen months three thousand six hundred head of cattle 
had been stolen. 

Lord Charles Somerset then resolved to visit the frontier, 
and endeavour to put matters on a better footing. He sent 
an invitation to all the border captains to meet him and try 
to come to a friendly arrangement, assuring them that his 
sole aim was to preserve peace. On the 29th of March 
1817 he was at the Somerset farm, and from that place he 
issued instructions to the landdrost, deputy landdrost, and 
heemraden of XJitenhage, requiring them to use every 
endeavour to induce the former occupants of land in the 
Zuurveld to return, and offering grants to others on tenure 
of personal residence and a very low quitrent after an occupa- 
tion of ten years. With a strong guard the governor then 
entered the Kaffir country, and on the 2nd of April at the 
Kat river, about a mile above the site of the present village 
of Port Beaufort, had an interview with the principal chiefs 
of the Kosa clans west of the Kei. 

It was with difficulty that Gaika could be induced to 

2CX) History of South Africa 

appear at the appointed place, but he was at length per- 
suaded by Major Eraser and the landdrosts Cuyler and 
Stockenstrom, with whom he was acquainted. He waa 
attended by an armed gaard of three hundred men. His 
son Makoma (correct Kaffir spelling Maqoma) was with him, 
and a good many petty captains and councillors of his. clan 
were in his train. His rival Ndlambe was present, as also 
the captains Botumane, Eno, Jalusa, and several others. 

Gaika stated that he had always endeavoured to prevent 
the depredations that were carried on, and had succeeded 
with his own retainers, but he had no power over the other 
clans, as they would not submit to his authority. 

The governor replied that he would not acknowledge or 
treat with any of the other chiefs. 

Gaika then promised to do his utmost to suppress the 
cattle thefts, and engaged to punish detected thieves with 

A formal agreement was made that persons from whom 
cattle were stolen should be at liberty to follow the spoor 
into Kaffirland, and upon tracing it to a kraal, the people of 
that kraal should make good the damage. This is the 
ordinary Kaffir law, which makes a community responsible 
for the acts of the individuals composing it, and cannot be 
considered unjust when applied to people in their condition. 

It was further agreed that twice a year a party of Kosas 
might proceed to Grahamstown to trade with such articles 
as their country produced. They were to enter the colony 
by De Bruin's drift, where there was a military post, and 
were there to be provided with an escort. They weie not to 
leave the main road, and could only remain two days in 
Grahamstown. A badge was given by the governor to 
Gaika, which the trading parties would be obliged to show 
to the officer commanding the post, and none would be 
allowed to pass without it. 

At the conference Ndlambe made no open opposition to 
this agreement. Lord Charles Somerset, indeed, asserted 
afterwards that he was a consenting party to it; but he 
certainly did not express his approval from a free heart. 

Lord Charles Somerset 201 

Jdst at this time his fortunes were at a low ebb, and he was 
•obliged to conceal his sentiments ; but his hostility towards 
<jaika was as strong as ever. 

In June 1816 a mission station had been formed at the 
Kat river, about two miles above the present village of Fort 
Beaufort, by a party of people from Bethelsdorp. The 
reverend Mr. Bead, after visiting various chiefs, selected a 
■site for the station, which was then occupied by an evan- 
jgelist named Joseph Williams, with his wife and child, Jan 
Tshatshu, son of the Amantinde captain, with his wife, and 
49ix Hottentot families. The missionary was present at the 
conference. He was an illiterate, but well-meaning and 
zealous man. The governor requested Gaika to protect him, 
and recommended the chief to listen to his instructions in 
religious matters, but not to regard him as an agent of the 
-colonial government, or to use him as a means for commu- 
nicating with the European authorities. 

On the 28th of April, less than a month from the 
•conclusion of tJie agreement with Gaika, notice was given to 
the officer commanding at Grahamstown that a party of 
Kosas had driven oflf nineteen oxen belonging to some Hot- 
tentots in the colony. Lieutenant Vereker, of the 83rd 
regiment, with one hundred men, was immediately sent in 
pursuit of the marauders. The spoor of the cattle was easily 
traced to the kraal of the Imidauge captain Habana, who 
had not attended the conference with the governor. Lieu- 
tenant Vereker gave the chief till the next morning to decide 
whether he would restore the stolen cattle, and in the mean 
time as security took possession of the same number of oxen 
belonging to the kraal. When morning dawned, the 
lieutenant found the heights around him covered with 
Kaffirs in a hostile attitude, and received from Habana a 
peremptory refusal of restitution. He therefore left the kraal 
to return to Grahamstown with the cattle he had taken 
possession of. He was followed by the Kaffirs, but not 
molested until he reached a narrow pass in the valley of the 
Kat river, where Habana's people rushed with great impet- 
uosity upon the troops, shouting and hurling their assagais. 

202 History of South Africa 

by which three men were woanded. The soldiers fired in 
return, when five Kaffirs were killed and many others 
wounded. Those who were untouched fled in every direc- 
tion. Lieutenant Yereker was not again molested, and he 
reached Graham stown with the nineteen head of cattle, 
which were given to the Hottentots who had been plundered. 

This event showed that the recent arrangement would 
not prevent stocklifting. Gaika, however, professed to abide 
by it, and on the 25 th of May his interpreter — Hendrik 
Nutka by name — arrived at Grahamstown with fifty-three 
horses which he had recovered, and brought a promise of 

Shortly after these occurrences the garrison of the colony 
was reduced, and it became necessary to weaken the frontier 
posts. The removal of the dragoons was a very serious loss, 
as that description of soldier was well adapted for patrolling 
the open country. The Royal African corps was sent out to 
take the place of the Hottentot regiment, which was to be 
disbanded, and the 60th regiment of the line aiTived to 
relieve a much larger infantry force. The first of these 
regiments was entirely and the last partly composed of cap- 
tured deserters and men convicted of petty offences, so that 
little reliance could be placed upon them. A small colonial 
corps of mixed cavalry and infantry, composed of halfbreeds 
and Hottentots, was raised ; but it was far from being as 
effective as a regular force of dragoons. 

The consequence was a great increase of depredations by 
Kaffii-s. Incursions far into the colony became frequent, 
and Ndlarabe refused even to restore colonial cattle seen in 
his kraals. Major Eraser, with a strong commando, entered 
Kaffirland on one occasion, and took fit)m Ndlambe a 
sufficient number of ca tie to cover the recent robberies ; 
but no sooner was the force disbanded than the thieves were 
busy again, and two soldiers of the 72nd regiment were 
murdered by them. 

Just at this time a change took place in the relative 
positions of the rival chiefs of the house of Barabe, and 
Ndlambe suddenly became the more powerful of the two. 

Lord Churles Sooner set 203 

Tears before, when he was regent dnring the minority of 
(}aika, his half-brother Cebo, right-hand son of Sarabe, 
died without leaving issue. According to Bantu custom, 
some one had to be selected to represent the dead chief, 
that his name might not perish; and one of Ndlambe's 
minor sons, Dushane by name, thrpugh his father's influence 
was chosen. From that moment Dushane was regarded as 
the heir of Cebo, and was obeyed by the people who formed 
the clan of that chief. When the quarrel between Ndlambe 
and Gaika arose and the bulk of the Amararabc were 
divided between them, the clan under Dushane remained 
distinct and took no part in the strife, as it was the right- 
hand branch, and the disputants were of the great house. 

As the young chief advanced in years, he displayed 
abilities beyond those of any other member of the family of 
Tshawe. Keeping his followers out of the broils of the 
country and ruling them wisely, his clan rapidly grew, and 
by this time called itself by his name — the Imidushane — 
instead of that of Cebo. Without actually assisting Gaika 
in arms, Dushane had hitherto favoured the party of that 
chief, owing to a quarrel between him and his father con- 
cerning the neglect and ill-treatment of his mother. But 
early in 1818 the old councillors of Ndlambe effected a re- 
conciliation between the father and son, and henceforth 
their clans acted in alliance, though remaining distinct. 

Of even greater importance was the friendship of 
Makana, a man of enormous influence in the country. 
Those who have only the reports of colonial officers from 
which to form an opinion of Makana's character, or who 
judge of him from his well-known son TJmjusa, may conclude 
that he was little more than an ordinary priest or witch- 
finder, such as those who become prominent in every war. 
One who has listened to the glowing language in which 
scores of old men have described the conduct of him who 
had gone from them forty years before, who has studied the 
ejffect of his teaching even in distant parts of KaflBrland, and 
who has collected his maxims and his predictions from those 
who revered his memory, must think differently. 

204 History of South Africa 

Makana^ son of Balaia, was not bom to high rank among 
his people. His mother was held in repute as a wise 
woman, who was acquainted with mystical uses of plants, 
and who was skilful in divining events. Her son inherited 
her ability, and to the knowledge possessed by his country- 
men added a good deal which he acquired from white people 
with whom he came in contact, especially from Dr. Vander- 
kemp, one of whose addresses upon the resurrection of the 
dead, which he heard at Bethelsdorp, leaving a lifelong im- 
pression upon hiin. Like all other KafSrs, he admitted the 
existence of a Supreme God as soon as he was informed of 
such a Being; but he never embraced the doctrines of 
Christianity. He announced to his countrymen that he 
was in communication with the spirit world, and many of 
them believed him, although the proof which he offered on 
one occasion to give to some doubters signally £a.iled. He 
told them to go to a hollow rock on the beach near the 
mouth of the Buffalo river, where the waves make a great 
noise at high water, and at a certain time he would join 
them, when they would see their dead relatives living again. 
They went as directed to the rock, which is called Gompo 
by the Kosas. Makana appeared at the time appointed ; 
but though the dead did not rise, his prestige was not 
affected. On many occasions he announced events that 
would shortly take place ; and these announcements often — 
thousands of his countrymen believed always — proved 

Before Makana's time the corpses of common people 
were not buried by the Kosas. After contact with a dead 
human body, a person had to go through certain ceremonies 
and to live secluded from society for a time, so that those 
who were seen to be dying were usually removed to the 
border of a forest or a lonely glen, and left there. If death 
took place in a hut, the body was dragged to a distance 
with a thong, and the hut was burnt down. Makana gave 
instructions that the dead should be buried in the ground, 
and announced that the displeasure of the spirit world 
would be visited upon those who disobeyed. His adherents 

Lord Charles Somerset 205 

complied, their example was followed by others, and within 
twenty years the practice of interment became general. 
Several vile habits, that can only be alluded to in general 
terms, were abandoned by his followers at his bidding ; but 
have been adopted again by their descendants. 

For superstitious reasons many persons did not like to 
pronoance the name of Makana, and among such persons he 
was called by a word — Nxele — signifying the lefthanded 
one. In their intercourse with colonists they used the 
Dut(*>h equivalent Linksch, which the English ofl&cials on 
the frontier corrupted into Lynx, and by this name he is 
known in the colonial records. In 1816 Makana was so 
powerful that the missionaries of the London society were for 
a time doubtful whether it would not be more advantageous 
to establish a station at his kraal than at that of Gaika. 

For some years after the rise of this man to influence, he 
aimed at a consolidation of the western Kosas, and when 
this scheme proved impracticable he declared himself on the 
side of Ndlambe. His guidance was followed by nearly all 
the little bands into which the clans that of old had given 
BO much trouble to the colony were now broken, and the 
balance of power between the rival descendants of Rarabe 
was at once turned. 

Guika's residence at this time was by the head waters of 
the Tyumie, in one of the most beautiful valleys of South 
Africa. Above his kraals rose the grand mountain range 
of the Amatola, the highest dome of which is yet known by 
his name, and the hillsides and all the low lands along the 
margin of the river in the planting season were one great 
cornfield. There was a dense population in the valley, 
which was as renowned for fertility then among the Kosas 
as it is now among the Europeans and the Fingos who have 
succeeded them in its possession. The stream, that springs 
in cascades from one of the thick forests which clothe the 
deep kloofs of the Amatola, was termed the river of sweet 
waters, and its claim to the title was just. The Kaffir has a 
keen eye for beauty of situation, and here his love of 
mountain scenery was gratified to the full. 

2o6 History of South Africa 

Makana formed a plan to draw Gaika away from his 
kraals, into an ambush where his enemies would be certain of 
victory. For this purpose a large party was sent out by 
night to seize the cattle belonging to one of his subordinati- 
chieftains, and then to fall back to the eastward. Gaika 
called his ordinary councillors together to devise a scheme of 
retaliation, and requested various prominent men of the clan 
to aid him with advice. One of them recommended him to 
be cautious, and not to cross the Keiskama under any cir- 
cumstances, for fear of being led into a trap. The man who 
gave this advice was Ntsikana, the composer of the hymn 
that still bears his name, a strange wild chant that is cai)able 
of stirring the feelings of his countrymen more than nny 
other j)oetry yet written. 

At that time Ntsikana had not the influence which he 
possessed at a later date. He was a son of Gaba, one of 
the hereditary councillors of the clan; but there was a stigma 
attaching to him, because it was believed that his mother's 
father — Bindi by name — had kept a c^ertain fabulous bird, 
through whose agency he had bewitched people. Nonabe, 
his mother, had been repudiated and driven away by Gaba 
on this account, and he had been brought up among the 
children of Noyiki, another of his father's wives. From Mr. 
Williams Ntsikana learned the leading doctrines of Christ- 
ianity, and being convinced of their truth, in 1818 he began 
to instruct some of his countrymen, who assembled under 
the trees on the banks of the Mankazana to listen to him. 
Certainly portions of his doctrine were not what Europeans 
would term orthodox ; how could it be otherwise in a mind 
shackled by hereditary superstition even while earnestly 
striving to seek the truthJ Tlie feuds of his clan, too, gave 

' In the ('tiM' of most converts- perhaps all - it would be a mistake to 
suppose that our form of C'liristinnity entirely rej)laces the Banta belief. 
Kvcn in the thinl ;j:('ni'ration of professing Christians the old religion often 
exhibits its j>rosence in a way that startles obseners. It has not even been 
dormant, much less was it dead. Instead of the new doctrine eradicating and 
entirely filling tlie ])]aee jnwiously occupied by jiis hereditary religion, the 
profession of our faith by a Kaffir seems only to jrive a Christian colouring to 
his belief. The one un(loubte<llv leavens the other, but, if I have obsen*ed 

Lord Charles Somerset 207 

rise to feelings which foand expression in invectives against 
Makana and Makana's followers. 

Many of Ntsikana's sayings have been preserved ver- 
batim by Kaffir antiquaries, and among others the advice 
which he sent to Gaika by the messenger Ntsadu on this 
occasion : * Listen, son of XJmlawu, to the words of the 
servant of God, and do not cross the Keiskama. I see the 
Gftikas scattered on the mountains, I see their heads 
devoured by ants. The enemy is watching there, and defeat 
awaits your plumed ones.* Gaika was disposed to be guided 
by Ntsikana's advice ; but one Mankoyi, a warrior of note, 
was urgent for revenge. The councillors supported Mankoyi 
in recommending a raid upon Ndlambe's people, and this 
was agreed upon. The line of march even was settled, 
and was at. once made known to Makana by his spies. 

The warriors set out from the Tyumie before sunrise of 
a winter morning, and marched eastward until they reache<l 
the pass named Debe Nek, under the peak called Intaba-ka- 
Ndoda. Then, in the plain below, they saw the Amandlambt* 
arrayed for battle, and covering the ground in patches liki; 
strips of red carpet. The plain is c Jled by Europeans the 
Kommetje flats, from a great number of saucer-like cavities 
in its surface. By the Kosas these depressions are called 
amalinde, and from this circumstance the battle of that day is 
still spoken of by them as the battle of Amalinde. Gaika's 
warriors thought they saw the whole force of their enemies, 
and when Mankoyi shouted exultingly, ' Huku, to-day we have 
them,' it was with difl&culty that more prudent men restrained 
an impetuous rush. In reality, much the larger portion of 
Ndlambe's army was concealed, and a strong division of 
Galekas, intended as a reserve, was posted three or four 
miles farther eastward, close to the Green river. 

Until a much later date than that in which these events 
occurred, Kosa warriors were divided into two classes. Of 

these people correctly, ancestral worship and fcticliism will only Ikj completely 
remoyed by a series of rejections, taking place with long intervals of time 
between them. I refer to the converts in general : there are individuals to 
whom these remarks may not be applicable, though even of this 1 have doubtH 

2o8 History of South Africa 

these, one was composed of veterans, whose heads were- 
adorned with feathers of the blue crane, as a mark of dis- 
tinction. They were supposed to attack those onljr who had 
similar marks of honour, and held every one else in disdain. 
The other class was composed of young men, who went by 
the name of round heads. At the commencement of an 
action, if the plumed ones came in contact with round heads,, 
they would merely protect themselves with their shields 
^vithout using their assagais, but in the heat of battle all 
such distinctions were forgotten. 

As soon as the Gaikas were seen to halt, Ndlambe sent 
his round heads up to attack them, but these were easily 
driven back, and their opponents rushed down after them, 
yelling defiance. This was all that was desired, for now the- 
plumed ones sprang to their feet, large parties hitherto con- 
cealed made their appearance, and the fight commenced in 
earnest. Makoma, Gaika's right-hand son, in affcer years to 
be known as the bitter foe of the white man, was the hero of 
his father's side in this the first battte in which he was ever 
engaged. He led his band right into the centre of the field,, 
and charged again and again at the thickest mass of the foe. 
At length he was severely wounded, and was compelled to 
retire, narrowly escaping being made a prisoner as he did so. 
It was not long past midday when the battle began, and 
all the afternoon it lasted, till about sunset the Gaikas were 
driven from the field with dreadful slaughter. As long as 
they could see, the Ndlambes pursued them, and when 
darkness closed in, the victors returned to the scene of 
carnage and kindled great fires, by the light of which thev 
sought their wounded enemies and put them to death with 
brutal ferocity. The night was bitterly cold, and many 
hundreds of poor wretches, who managed to crawl to a 
distance, were found next morning dead and dying. Prom 
the time that Rarabe crossed the Kei, no such desperate 
combat had been known among the Kosas, and it was the 
event from which the aged among them until very recently 
dated all the occurrences of their youth. 

Gaika fled westward to the Winterberg, and sent to the 

Lord Charles Somerset 209 

nearest military post, urgently requesting aid. The 
adherents of Ndlambe took possession of his corn pits, and 
burned his kraals, but were unable to secure the whole of 
his cattle, as the herds were hastily driven away. At first 
not much credit was attached to the story told by Hendrik 
Nutka, Gaika's messenger, who related that in numerous 
families there was not a male member left alive, and that no 
such wailing as that of the women had ever before been 
heard in the Kaffir country ; but shortly so many accounts 
reached the government that all doubt disappeared. 

Lord Charles Somerset then directed Lieutenant-Colonel 
Brereton, of the Eoyal African corps, to march to the assist- 
ance of the ally of the colony with a small force of soldiers 
and mounted burghers. Accordingly, in December 1818 
Colonel Brereton crossed the Fish river, and being joined 
by Gaika's people, attacked Ndlambe, who was believed to be 
at the head of eighteen thousand men. 

Ndlambe and his followers, however, did not venture to 
make a stand on open ground, but retired to dense thickets, 
which afforded them shelter. Several of their kraals were 
destroyed, and some of their movable property was seized. 
The British commander found it impossible to restrain the 
savage passions of the Gaikas, who were mad with excite- 
ment and joy at being able to take revenge, and were 
unwilling to show mercy when any of their enemies fell into 
their hands. He withdrew, therefore, before accomplishing 
the destruction of Ndlambe, taking with him twenty-three 
thousand head of cattle. Of these, nine thousand were 
given to Gaika, some were distributed among the farmers 
who had suffered from depredations, and the remainder were 
sold to defray the expenses of the expedition. On reaching 
Grahamstown, the burghers were disbanded and permitted 
to return to their homes. 

Ndlambe at once took advantage of the opportunity. 
JEUling upon Gaika, he compelled that chief and his 
adherents to flee to the mountains near the junction of the 
Baviaans' and Fish rivers, and then he poured his warriors 
into the colony. The inhabitants of the district between 

IV, P 

2IO History of South Africa 

the Fish and Sunday rivers, unless in the neighbourhood of 
military posts, were compelled to retire to lagers, and lost 
nearly all their movable property. Several small military 
patrols were attacked, and seventeen white people and 
thirteen Hottentots were murdered. Among those who lost 
their lives were Captain Gethin, of the 72nd regiment, ai d 
Ensign Hunt, of the Royal African corps. The former, 
^vith seven soldiers, was pursuing some marauders near his 
post at De Bruin's drift, when he was surrounded and 
stabbed to death. His men recovered the body, which 
was found with thirty wounds, and it was removed to 
Grahamstown for burial. Ensign Hunt with a small patrol 
was attacked on a plain at night. The assailants were 
beaten off, but he fell in the combat. 

The London missionary society's station Theopolis wa« 
twice attacked, but only by a small force, which the 
Hottentot residents managed to beat off. A small party 
attacked the Moravian station Enon, and several Hottentots 
were killed before the assailants retired. The missionaries 
and their people then removed for safety to Uitenhage, 
and they had hardly gone when the place was pillaged and 

Makana was the leading actor in this movement. His 
messengers were everywhere in Kaffirland, calling upon all 
true Kosas to take part in the strife against the Europeans 
and the Gaikas, in thrilling language promising victory to 
those who would do their duty, and denouncing the wrath of 
the spirits against those who should hold back.' 

' The poet Pringle, who from 1820 to 1822 lived close to the scene of these 
events, caught the spirit of Makana's burning words, and exhibited it in the 
following Stirling lines : — 

MAKi^'A's Gathering. 

Wake ! Amakosa, wake I 

And arm yourselves for war. 
As coming winds the forest shake, 

I hear a sound from far : 
It is not thunder in the sky. 

Nor lion's roar upon the hill, 
But the voice of Him who sits on high, 

And bids me speak II is will I 

Lord Charles Somerset 211 

Aa Colonel Brereton was desiroas of returning to Europe, 
on the 2l8t of Febmary 1819 Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas 
Willshire, of the 38th regiment, was directed by the governor 
to proceed to the frontier and take over the command, and on 

He bids me caU you forth, 

Bold sons of Rarabe, 
To sweep the white men from the earth, 

And drive them to the sea : 
The sea, which heaved them up at first, 

For Amakosa's curse and bane, 
Hawls for the progeny she nurst, 

To swallow them again. 

Hark 1 'tis Uhlanga's voice 

From Debe*s mountain caves ! 
He caUs you now to make your choice — 

To conquer or be slaves : 
To meet proud Amanglezi's guns. 

And fight like warriors nobly bom ; 
Or like Umlawu's feeble sons, 

Become the freeman's scorn. 

Then come, ye chieftains bold. 

With war-plumes waving high ; 
Ck>me, every warrior young and old, 

With club and assagai. 
Bemember how the spoiler's host 

Did through our land like locusts range I 
Your herds, your wives, your comrades lost— 

Bemember — and revenge ! 

Fling your broad shields away- 
Bootless against such foes ; 

But hand to hand we'll fight to-day, 
And with their bayonets close. 

Grasp each man short his stabbing spear — 
And, when to battle's edge we come, 

Busli on their ranks in full career, 
And to their hearts strike home ! 

Wake 1 Amakosa, wake I 

And muster for the war : 
The wizard-wolves from Eesi s brake. 

The vultures from afar. 
Are gathering at Uhlanga's call, 

And follow fast our westward way— 
For well they know, ere evening- fall. 

They shall liave glorious prey ! 

p 2 

212 History of South Afrua 

the 3rd of March a strong burgher force was called out. The 
frontier districts were at this time suffering from a long 
drought, and the horse sickness was unusually severe, so 
that it was with difficulty the farmers could take the field. 
Before the commando could be got together Grahamstown 
was attacked. 

The troops there consisted of forty-five men of the 38th 
infantry, one hundred and thirty-five men of the Boyal 
African corps, thirty-two armed men unattached, and one 
hundred and twenty-one men of the Cape corps. Makana 
was made acquainted with the exact strength of the 
garrison, and with every circumstance of importance that 
transpired, by Hendrik Nutka, who had become a spy and 
in the character of Gaika's messenger had been some days 
in the place. 

The attack was made soon afber sunrise on the morning 
of the 22nd of April 1819 by between nine and ten thousand 
men. When they made their appearance. Colonel Willshire 
was at some distance from the town, inspecting a cavalry 
troop of the Cape corps. Captain Trappes, the next in 
command, however, at once made arrangements for defence. 
Leaving sixty men of the Royal African corps, under 
Lieutenant Cartwright, to defend the barracks, he drew up 
the remainder of the infantry between the houses and the 
approaching enemy. Colonel Willshire and the cavalry 
arrived just in time to aid in the defence. 

When full in view, the Kosas arranged their order of 
attack. A detachment left the main body and took up a 
position to intercept any aid from the post at Bluekrans. 
The remainder formed into three columns, and upon a signal 
from their leader, rushed forward with fierce war-cries. 
Two of these columns, led respectively by Dushane and 
Kobe, son of the late chief Cungwa and brother of Pato, 
hurled themselves against Colonel Willshire's band. The 
soldiers stood firm till they were within a few paces, and 
then poured a volley of musketry and artillery into them. 
This checked the advance, and immediately the troops 
charged in their turn, and put the Kosas to flight. 

Lord Charles SofJterset 213 

The largest of the three columns was directed against 
the barracks, and was led by Makana. He had given his 
followers orders to break their assagai shafts short off, and 
to dose in a hand to hand combat. Lieutenant Cartwright 
received them with a discharge of musketry, bat they 
seemed regardless of death when under Makana's eye, and 
pressed eagerly on until they penetrated the barrack square. 
Here they were exposed to a deadly fire, while the soldiers 
could not be reached with their assagais, and when at last 
they fled in dismay, one hundred and two dead bodies were 
lying in the square. They carried their wounded away with 

Meantime the other columns rallied and returned to the 
attack. They were met as before by a storm of cannon and 
musket balls, and some of their leaders were picked off by a 
few Hottentot hunters under the old captain Boesak, who 
came into Grahamstown at the most critical moment, and 
gave Colonel Willshire all the aid they could. The bands 
under Dushane and Kobe were once more forced to retire, 
and when Makana's column joined them in flight, no 
attempt was made to renew the combat. 

The whole loss of the Kosas in the attack on Grahams- 
town cannot be stated. It was supposed to be from a 
thousand to thirteen hundred men. About five hundred 
bodies were counted, but many more died of their wounds 
before reaching the Fish river. Three of Ndlambe's minor 
sons were among the killed. Hendrik Nutka, the spy who 
had given Makana information of the strength of the 
garrison, was with the column that attempted to storm the 
barracks. He was wounded and made a prisoner, when he 
was immediately shot. The casualties on the English side 
were three men killed and five wounded. 

Shortly after this event the burghers who had been called 
out assembled, but nearly three months elapsed before the 
preparations for invading Kaffirland were completed. The 
force then on the frontier consisted of one thousand eight 
hundred and fifty mounted burghers, eleven hundred men of 
the 38th and 72nd regiments and the Eoyal African corps, 

2 14 History of South Africa 

thirty-two artillerymen, two hundred and twenty men of the 
Cape corps, and one hundred and fifty Hottentot levies. 
Seven hundred soldiers of the line and one hundred and 
fifty men of the Cape corps were left to guard the posts, 
and the remainder of the force was formed into three 

On the 22nd of July one of these columns, under Land- 
drost Stockenstrom, of Graaff-Beinet, encamped at the 
Winterberg. On the 31st of the same month Lieutenant- 
Colonel Willshire at the head of the central column crossed 
the Fish river at De Bruin's drift, and the right column 
under Major Fraser crossed near the sea. They scoured the 
jungles along the Fish river, drove the hostile clans eastward 
with heavy loss, and followed them to the banks of the Kei. 
About thirty thousand head of cattle were seized, and all 
the loose property belonging to the enemy was destroyed. 
Ndlambe's power was broken, many of his adherents were 
killed, and those who remained alive were reduced to the 
condition of destitute fugitives. 

On the 15th of August Makana surrendered to Landdrost 
Stockenstrom, stating that he did so to procure peace for 
his people, who were starving. He took this step without 
the consent or even the knowledge of his followers, who 
were ready to perish with him. A few days after his sur- 
render a small party of Kaffirs was seen at the edge of a 
thicket near Colonel Willshire's camp, making signs that 
they desired a parley. Colonel Willshire, Landdrost Stock- 
enstrom, and another officer went to meet them unarmed, 
when two Kaffirs approached, who proved to be councillors 
of Ndlambe and Makana. After a few questions relative to 
the prisoner, Makana's councillor gave a brief history of the 
war, asserting that it was an unjust one on the part of the 
Europeans, and ending with the following sentences, as 
taken down at the time by Landdrost Stockenstrom : — 

* We wish for peace, we wish to rest in our huts, we wish 
to get milk for our children, our wives wish to till the land. 
But your troops cover the plains, and swarm in the thickets, 
where they cannot distinguish the man from the woman, and 

Lord Charles Somerset 215 

shoot all. Yon want 03 to sabmit to Gaika. That man^s 
&ce is fair to yoq, bat his heart is insincere. Leave him to 
himself. Make peace with us. Let him fight for himself, 
and fire will not call on jon for help. Set Makana free, and 
Ndlambe, Kobe, and the others will come to jon any time 
yon fix. But if you will still make war, you may indeed kill 
the last man of us ; but Gaika shall not rule over the fol- 
lowers of those who think Lim a woman.' 

Makana was sent a prisoner to Bobben Island, where 
political offenders as well as persons convicted of crime were 
then kept in detention, but after a confinement of less than 
a year he endeavoured to escape. There was a whaling 
esUiblishment belonging to Mr. Murray on the island. 
During the night of the 9th of August 1820 Makana at the 
head of thirty prisoners overpowered the guard, seized the 
whaling boats, and tried to get to the mainland. His com- 
panions succeeded in reaching the shore,^ but he was drowned 
in the surf. The generation to which he belonged passed 
away, however, before his countrymen would acknowledge 
that he was dead, for many of them firmly believed that he 
was immortal. Through the three succeeding wars they 
looked confidently for his appearance to lead them to victory. 
It was only in 1873 that his mats and ornaments, carefully 
preserved during all that period, were buried, and every 
expectation of his returning to Kaffirland was lost. The 
long deferred and finally abandoned hope of his reappearance 
has given rise to a proverb : kukuza Jcuka Nxele — the coming 

* As soon as possible, they were followed by a commando under Fieldcornet 
Coenraad van Eyssen, but they were found to have divided into several parties, 
only one of which was overtaken. This band was composed of desperate 
cdiaracters who refused to 8urren<ler, but three of them were captured and 
some others were shot. The three — among whom was a European named John 
Smith — ^were hanged for the otfencc, and their heads were afterwards tixed on 
stakes and exposed to view on Robben Island. Most of the other fugitives 
were subsequently apprehende*!, and received various kinds of punishment. 
This event led to the breaking up of the whaling establishment on Robben 
Island shortly after Lord Cliiirlos Somerset's return to the colony. The 
governor, believing that the boats offered too great a temptation to the con- 
victs, required Mr. Murray to remove to the mainland, but in December 1822 
awarded him 1,160/. as compensation for his buildings. 

2i6 History of South Africa 

of Nkele — ^you are looking for something you will never 

With Makana's surrender hostilities ceased, though the 
commandos were kept in the field to prevent the fugitive 
adherents of Ndlambe from returning and settling west of 
the Keiskama. The governor proceeded to the frontier, and 
on the 15th of October at the Gwanga had a conference with 
Graika and as many of the chiefs lately in arms as had surren- 
dered or could be induced to meet him. Eno, Botumane, 
Fato, Habana, and Gasela were present. Kasa had fallen in 
the war. It was believed that Ndlambe was a fugitive 
beyond the Kei. And now a step was taken which in after 
years was denounced as a cruel wrong by the great philan- 
thropic societies in England, and which no one attempted to 
justify except on the plea of necessity. 

The Fish river along its lower course, being bordered by 
dense and extensive thickets, was a very bad boundary. 
These thickets were composed chiefly of useless shrubs, 
which could not be burned or destroyed. They afforded the 
most perfect sheltering places for thieves, who could lie in 
wait there for favourable opportunities to enter the colony in 
search of plunder, and when stolen cattle were once within 
them, rescue was next to impossible. The paths through the 
Fish river bush, as the belt of thickets was termed, were 
merely tracks made by elephants, except where roads had 
been constructed with an enormous expenditure of labour. 
The clearing of this bush during the war had been an ope- 
ration of such difficulty that the military officers were 
unanimous in opinion that the Kosas ought not to be allowed 
again to get possession of it. They thought the Keiskama, 
the next large stream to the eastward, would form a much 
better boundary. Its banks were more open, and its line 
was much shorter, because the mountain range in which it 

' Though Makana had four wives, he left but one son, Umjusa by name, 
and four daughters. Three of his children are still alive (1890). Umjusa has 
six wives and thirty children. One of his sons, known among his countrymen 
by his Kosa name Galada, and among Europeans as the reverend John William 
Gawler, is a deacon in the English episcopal church. 

Lord Charles Somerset 217 

rises, and whicli was the inland border of the Kaffir country, 
there approached more closely to the sea. 

Lord Charles Somerset adopted this view, and resolved to 
act upon it. The land between the Keiskama and Fish 
rivers, from the coast up to the Gwanga streamlet where the 
conference with the chiefs took place, belonged by hereditary 
right to the Gunukwebe clan, and as they had been among 
the most active enemies of the colony, the governor con- 
ceived that he was justified in declaring it forfeited. Above 
the Gwanga the greater portion of the territory between the 
old colonial boundary and the Keiskama had always been 
unoccupied, but those kraals which stood in it before the 
war belonged to Gaika's adherents, and the whole country- 
might fiELirly be claimed by him. 

Lord Charles therefore sought to get possession of it 
under colour of an amicable arrangement. He proposed to 
Oaika that the Keiskama should be the future boundary, in 
order that between the two races there might be a vacant 
tract of land, which he would cause to be patrolled by 
soldiers, and thus peace and friendship would be preserved. 
The chief felt that he was in the governor's power. Even 
at that moment, when Ndlambe was a fugitive, Makana a 
prisoner, and his other enemies prostrate, he knew that if 
the countenance of the white man was withdrawn there was 
nothing but trouble in store for him. He therefore tried to 
make the best bargain possible under the circumstances. He 
asked that the valley of the Tyumie might be left to him. 
It was there, he said, that he was born, and there he wished 
to live. He was asked how he could say he was born in the 
Tyumie valley, when at the time of his birth the whole of 
the upper country west of the Keiskama had no other occu- 
pants than Bushmen. He replied that he did not mean he 
was actually bom there, but he had gone to live there when 
he was a boy, and if the governor would but let him keep 
that valley he would agree to the cession of the land 

Lord Charles consented, and with' Guika's nominal con- 
currence declared the western boundary of the KafQr 

2i8 History of South Africa 

country to be the ridge of hills branching off firom the 
Winterberg range and forming the watershed between the 
Kat and Tyumie rivers, the Tyumie to the Keiskama, and 
the Keiskama to the sea. The terms of the arrangement 
were not committed to writing, and one point in the line 
was left obscure. Where was the junction between the 
ridge of hills and the Tyumie river to be? During many 
years thereafter the Gaga, a streamlet running through the 
present village of Alice, was commonly regarded as the line 
of connection, but a future acting governor decided upon the 
next higher tributary of the Tyumie. No diflBculty in this 
respect, however, was foreseen when the arrangement was 
made. It was understood that the territory between the 
new line and the old colonial boundary was to be occupied 
only by soldiers. 

The governor required the other chiefs present at the 
conference to acknowledge Gaika as their head, and they did 
not venture to refuse. None of them objected to the new 
boundary, but they were not asked to agree to it, for Lord 
Charles would only treat with Gaika. The transaction 
must be regarded simply as an act of authority on his part. 
Gaika had no right under Kaffir law to cede an inch of 
ground, and if he had, his consent in this instance was not 
freely given. That the Kaffirs regarded the land as taken 
from them, and not as voluntarily ceded by them, is certain 
from their assertions in after years, as well as by their 
describing the English ever since that time as oma9%z(h 
mhulala — people who rescue and kill. 

After the conference the governor established temporary 
military camps on the Gaga and the Gwanga, enlarged the 
Cape corps, and permitted the burghers to return to their 
homes. He then selected a site for a permanent post, and 
directed a strong pentagonal fort to be built, which he 
named Fort Willsbire. It was on a slope gently rising from 
a long and deep reach of the Keiskama, a few miles below 
the junction of the Tyumie. The river at this place makes 
its nearest approach to the old colonial boundary, so that 
the foiij was on a neck between the wider parts of the ceded 










Lord Charles Somerset 219 

territory above and below it. Before the close of the year 
a commencement was made with the walls, which were con- 
stmcted of stone, neatly cut at the angles. A detachment 
of the 72nd regiment was stationed there under canvas, 
and nearly the whole engineer force in the country was em- 
ployed upon the work. 

Before 1817 the number of British-bom subjects who 
settled in South Africa was not large, and hardly any were 
to be found beyond the cape peninsula. In this year a 
gentleman named Benjamin Moodie, with the concurrence of 
the imperial authorities, agreed with some two hundred 
Scotch mechanics to apprentice themselves to him for three 
years, and had them sent out in detachments. Upon their 
arrival so great was the demand for their labour that Mr. 
Moodie had no difficulty in selling as many of the inden- 
tures as he cared to part with, chiefly to the mechanics 
themselves, at from 50Z. to 60Z. each. The men thus intro- 
duced were soon in prosperous circumstances, and by getting 
out their families and writing to their friends helped to 
bring the colony to the notice of the labouring classes of 
Great Britain. In the same year some seven or eight 
hundred time-expired soldiers and sailors were discharged in 
South Africa, and readily found employment. In 1819 a gen- 
tleman named Peter Tait attempted to introduce immigrants 
in the same manner as Mr. Moodie, but only twenty-five in- 
dividuals found their way to the colony through his agency. 

Three new magistracies were created at this time. 

On the 24th of May 1814 that portion of the Cape pen- 
insula south of a line from Muizenburg to Noordhoek was 
formed into a district named Simon stown. Mr. Jan Hendrik 
Brand, previously deputy fiscal, was directed to carry out 
the duties of a landdrost, though he had only the title of 
resident. Heemraden, however, were not appointed until 
October 1824. The district was divided into two field- 
cometcies, and the town into two wards, each under a 
wardmaster with the same powers and duties as those in 
Capetown. The creation of the new court of law was 
necessary, as Simon's Bay had been chosen as the place of 

220 History of South Africa 

outfit and refreshment for the ships of war on the station, 
and as the port of call for the East India Clompanj's ships 
during the winter season. A customhouse was now estab- 
lished in Simonstown, and a good road to Capetown was 
made at a cost of over 16,000Z. 

On the 27th of November 1818 the district of Beaufort 
was formed out of a tract of land beyond the Zak river and 
portions of Graaff-Eeinet and Tulbagh. The northern 
boundary of the colony as defined by the Batavian admini- 
stration was not at this time respected, and no other had 
been proclaimed. In practice, the boundary was regarded 
as the last occupied farms. From this line Beaufort 
extended southward to the Zwartebergen, and from the 
Pramberg and Kareiga river on the east to the Dwika river 
on the west. It was divided into ten fieldcornetcies. Mr. J. 
Baird was appointed head of the new district, with the title 
of deputy landdrost, and in some matters he was made 
subject to the landdrost of Graaff-Eeinet, though in most 
respects lie was independent of that officer. A loan place 
in occupation of a farmer named Abraham de Elerk, close 
to the Nieuwveld mountains, was selected as a good site for 
the drostdy. The buildings on it were purchased, the lease 
was cancelled, and the village of Beaufort West was laid 
out. The reverend John Taylor, who had previously been a 
missionary of the London society, entered the service of the 
colonial government, and when the district was created was 
stationed here as a clergyman of the Dutch reformed church. 
The judges of the circuit court were directed to visit the 
village on their progress through the colony, and a staff of 
minor officials similar to those of the old districts was 

On the 20th of October 1819 a deputy landdrost was 
stationed at Worcester in the district of Tulbagh, with the 
same powers and duties as those at Clanwilliam, Caledon, 
Grahamstown, and Cradock. Mr. J. F. van de Graaff was 
removed from Cradock to Worcester, and was succeeded at 
his former post by Captain W. Harding, a retired officer of 
the Cape corps. The site of the village was selected by 

Lord Charles Somerset 221 

Lord Charles Somerset early in 1819, and consisted of two 
loan places named Langerug and Boodedraai, the buildings 
on which were purchased in March for about 3,750?. A 
better position for a country village could not have been 
chosen. It is in the centre of the valley of the Breede 
river, on a plain with just sufScient slope for drainage, and 
it has an abundant supply of good water from the Hex river. 
The great road down the valley goes through it, the road up 
the pass of the Hex river into the Karoo commences here> 
and in 1819 it had just been discovered that a road through 
the Drakenstein mountains could be made by way of the 
French Hoek pass, which would be almost a straight line 
from Capetown. These advantages were enhanced by the 
fertility of the country in the neighbourhood, and, in Lord 
Charles Somerset's eyes, by the fine mountain scenery which 
closed the view in every direction. He named the village 
Worcester from his elder brother's title. 

In 1816 it was ascertained that the mouth of the Breede 
river could be entered by small vessels in fine weather, and 
that above the bar the stream was navigable for more than 
thirty miles by cutters drawing only five or six feet of water. 
A coasting trade with Capetown was commenced, in which 
two small vessels were constantly employed. Lord Charles 
Somerset, who was rapidly covering the map of the colony 
with the titles of his family, gave the mouth of the river the 
name Port Beaufort.^ 

At about the same time it was ascertained that ships of 
almost any size could enter the sheet of water called the 
Knysna, if the wind was blowing inshore so that they would 
not be becalmed in the narrow passage between the heads. 
The coast line is here high and precipitous, and the entrance 
to the Knysna is a sharp and deep cleft in it. When once 
inside, vessels are securely sheltered. In May 1817 the 
ship-of-war Voiwrg'm visited the inlet, and Captain Wallis, 
who was in command, reported very favourably of it. The 

> On this part of the South African coast a pearl oyster abounds, undis- 
tingnishable from that of Ceylon. Many valuable pearls have been found in 
the vidnity of Port Beaufort. 

22 2 History of South Africa 

admiral on the station was confident that the place could be 
turned to good account for building ships for the royal navy, 
in consequence of the abundance of timber in the forests 
close by. A large brig was put on the stocks as an experi- 
ment. But the hull before launching was accidentally de- 
stroyed by fire, and the expense was so much greater than 
was anticipated that the project was abandoned. The 
forest-clad country enclosing the Knysna being mountainous 
and intersected with deep ravines, the port was difficult of 
access from the interior, and was thereafter frequented only 
by vessels employed in conveying timber to Capetown. 

Nothing had ever yet been done to relieve the most miser- 
able of living creatures in South Africa, those unfortunate 
people who were afflicted with the dreadful disease of leprosy. 
They were to be found scattered over all parts of the colony, 
but chiefly in the fishing hamlets along the coast. In some 
instances they were quite unable to do anything for them- 
selves, and were dependent for food upon the poorest of the 
coloured people, to which class most of them belonged. 
Apart from the thought of human beings in their deplorable 
state suffering from want of sustenance and shelter, there 
was danger of the disease spreading by contagion. As soon 
as his attention was called to the subject. Lord Charles 
Somerset admitted that something must be done at once, 
and the result was the establishment early in 1817 of the 
leper asylum Hemel en Aarde, in the present division of 
Caledon. The asylum was thrown open to all, but no one 
was compelled to enter it. In a short time about a hundred 
coloured people were admitted, and were provided with suffi- 
cient food and clothing of a coarse kind, but better than 
they had been accustomed to before. The cost of this 
institution did not exceed about thirteen hundred pounds 

The attention of the Moravians was drawn towards 
the poor creatures at Hemel en Aarde, but the missionaries 
were too few in number to keep up the work they already 
had in hand. As soon as a brother could be spared, how* 
ever, that post was assigned to him, and at the beginning of 

Lord Charles Somerset 22 x 

1823 the rererend Mr. Leitner with his wife went to resule 
at the asylnm. Beli^oos instruction^ as everywhere with 
these excellent men, was accompanied with the example of 
indnstry, though naturally here the only object in view 
was to create some healthy occupation for the minds of the 
sufferers. That their misery was lessened thereby was the 
universal testimony of those who afterwards visited the place. 

In 1817 two new conurbations of the Dutch reformed 
church were formed. In March of that year the reverend 
Oomelis Mol, who had just returned from studying in 
Europe, was stationed at Uitenhage, and in June the 
reverend John Evans, previously a missionary of the London 
society, was stationed at Cradock. 

The Lutheran and English episcopal churches remained 
as in 1814. 

In 1815 Lord Charles Somerset encouraged the Moravian 
brethren at Genadendal by adding three thousand six 
hundred and twelve morgen to their grounds, and in Jum* 
1816 he granted them a tract of land on the Witte river — n 
tributary of the Sunday — where they established a ne>v 
station, which they named Enon, for the benefit of the Hot^ 
tentots of the eastern part of the colony. This station was 
abandoned and destroyed in the war of 1819, but upon tlit* 
restoration of peace it was occupied again. 

The London society founded no new stations within the 
colony during this period. The evangelist Williams, who 
lias been mentioned as settling on the Kat river, died in 
August 1818, when Lord Charles Somerset considered it 
more prudent that a missionary should be appointed by th(» 
government, and be its agent. The reverend John Brownleo 
was therefore induced to sever his connection with tin* 
liondon society, and in December 1819 was appointed 
missionary with Gaika, but he did not occupy the post until 
June 1820, when he formed a station in the uj)por part of 
the Tyumie valley. 

The Wesleyan society commenced mission work in South 
Africa at this time. In 1814 one of its agents — by name 
McKenny — arrived in Capetown; but as ho attempted to 

224 History of South Africa 

preach to some soldiers of his creed, he got out of &Toiir 
with Lord Charles Somerset, who r^;aided that field of 
work as the exclosiye possession of the English episcopal 
church. Mr. McKennj was then directed not to officiate as 
a clergyman. The society brought the matter before Earl 
Bathursty secretary of state for the colonies, when it was 
arranged that Mr. McKenny should be recalled, bat that no 
obstruction should be placed in the way of any Wesleyan 
missionary sent to the heathen, and that in the case of 
professing Christians the toleration act of England should be 
regarded as of force in South Afirica. A party of mis- 
sionaries was then sent out, who arrived at Capetown in 
April 181 69 and shortly afterwards one of them — the 
reverend Barnabas Shaw — founded a station among the 
Hottentots at E^amiesberg in Little Namaqualand. 

According to the census of 1819 the population of the 
colony consisted of forty-two thousand two hundred and 
seventeen white people of all ages, thirty-one thousand six 
hundred and ninety-six slaves, twenty-four thousand four 
hundred and thirty-three Hottentots, one thousand eight 
hundred and eighty-three free blacks, and one thousand 
four hundred and twenty-eight negro apprentices taken out 
of captured slave ships. 

Of late years several changes had taken place in the 
method of admiuisteriDg justice, and by a notice of the high 
court, which received the governor's approval on the 4th of 
December 1819, these were now legalised. The powers of 
the courts of landdrost and heemraden of the country 
districts were enlarged in criminal cases, so that they could 
sentence offenders to be scourged, to be imprisoned, or to be 
banished for short periods. The district secretaries acted as 
public prosecutors in these courts, and the landdrost and two 
heemraden formed a quorum. 

Cases of a more serious nature were tried by the circuit 
court of two judges, but if on investigation it was evident 
that the penalty would be death, the accused was brought 
before the high court in Capetown, which consisted of the 
chief justice and six judges. The landdrosts acted as public 

Lord Charles Somerset 225 

prosecutors in the circuit court, and the fiscal in the high 
court of justice. 

In Capetown two judges sat dailj to try such cases as 
came before the landdrosts and heemraden in the country 
districts. Whenever it was deemed advisable by the fiscal, 
prisoners not charged with capital offences were sent to 
Capetown from any part of the colony to be tried by a court 
consisting of the chief justice and four judges, in which an 
advocate appointed by the landdrost of the district in which 
the crime was committed acted as prosecutor. 

Lord Charles Somerset was desirous of visiting England 
to arrange some family matters, and in 1818 he requested 
leave of absence from the colony. This was granted by the 
secretary of state, and an arrangement was made for carry- 
ing on the government during his absence. In 1816 when 
the garrison was reduced, the office of lieutenant-governor 
was abolished, and General Meade, who had held it, was 
replaced in his military capacity by a man of much lower 
rank. To provide for carrying on the government by an 
officer of position during Lord Charles Somerset's absence, 
Major-General Sir Rufane Shawe Donkin was attached 
temporarily to the military staff at the Cape, and was 
directed to assume the administration, with the title of 
acting governor. On the 13th of January 1820 he took the 
oaths of office. In the evening of the same day Lord 
Charles Somerset embarked in the ship-of-war Sajrplio^ and 
set sail for England. 


226 History of South Africa 


EBNOB, 13 JANUABY 1820 TO 30 NOVEMBEB 1821. 




Arrival of a large number of British settlers — FouDdatlon of the village of 
Bathuret — Formation of the district of Albany — Plans of Sir Bufane Donkin 
to occupy the country between the Fish and Keiskama rivers — Causes of 
ill-feeling between Sir Bufane Donkin and Lord Charles Somerset — Over- 
turning of Sir Bufane Donkin*s measures by Lord Charles Somerset — Dis- 
tress of the British settlers — Proclamation forbidding public meetings — 
Establishment of fairs at Fort Willshire — Introduction of a party of Irish 
labourers — Proclamation concerning the law of inheritance — Great flood 
in the eastern districts — Improvement in the condition of the British 
settlers— Proclamation making English the official language of the oolony 
— Arrival of commissioners of inquiry — Creation of a council of advice to 
aid bbe governor — Scheme to divide the colony into two nearly independent 
provinces — Ordinance fixing the value of the paper rixdollar atone shilling 
and sixpence English money — Effects of this measure — Extension of the 
colony — Creation of the district of Somerset — Occupation of the land 
between the Fish and Koonap rivers — Establishment of a hospital, a com- 
merc'al exchange, a public library, and a museum in Capetown, of an ob- 
servatory near the town, and of a lighthouse at Green Point — Constraction 
of a road through the Drakenstein mountains at the pass behind French 
Hoek — Arrival of the first steamship in Table Bay — Ecclesiastical and 
educational matters — Causes of Lord Charles Somerset's unpopularity — 
Pecuniary difficulties of the colony — Cases of Lieutenant-Colonel Bird and 
Mr. Bishop Burnett — Events connected with the establishment and sup- 
pression of an independent newspaper— Case of Messrs. Thomas Pringle 
and John Fairbaim — Case of William Edwards— Cane of Captain Camall — 
Abusive placanls — Case of Mr. Launcelot Cooke — Case of the reverend 
William Geary — Return to England of Lord Charles Somerset on leave of 
absence— Assumption of duty as acting governor by Major-Qeneral Bichard 
Bourke — Resignation of his office by Lord Charles Somerset — Proceedings 
in the house of commons in reference to the complaints against him. 

Fob several years after the general peace which followed 
the fall of Napoleon much distress was felt by the labouring 
classes in Great Britain, and emigration was commonly 
spoken of as the only eflFectual remedy. The Cape Colony 

MajoT'General Sir Rufane Donkin 227 

vras oyerjwhere thinly peopled, and in some places was 
almost without inhabitants. Lord Charles Somerset re- 
commended to the secretary of state that British settlers 
should be sent out to occapy the Zuuryeld, and advised that 
large tracts of land should be given to men of means, who 
would employ from thirty to fifty English labourers. The 
imperial government regarded the matter favourably, and 
just before parliament was prorogued in 1819 the ministry 
proposed that a sum of 50,000Z. should be granted for the 
purpose of conveying a number of families to this country. 
The money was voted without demur, and applications for 
passages were called for. 

An offer was made of one hundred acres of ground to 
each settler of means, and another hundred acres for every 
male labourer that he should bring out. Groups of not less 
than ten families possessing a small capital could combine 
and elect one of themselves to act as their leader and 
representative with the government, when each family would 
be entitled to one hundred acres of ground. The land was 
to be surveyed without charge, it was not to be burdened 
with taxes during the first ten years, and for five years the 
settlers wore not to be required to pay district rates or 
assessments. Titles, however, were only to be issued 
after the ground had been occupied for three years. The 
imperial government imdertook to defray the expense of 
ocean transit. Each party of one hundred families had the 
privilege of nominating a clergyman of any denomination 
of Christians, whose salary in whole or in part would be 
paid by the colonial government. It was required, however, 
that for every male adult before leaving Great Britain a 
sum of lOZ. should be deposited with the emigration com- 
missioners, which would be returned upon his arrival in the 
colony either in money, provisions, agricultural implements 
at cost price, or conveyance from the coast inland. 

Applications from heads of parties representing in all 
nearly ninety thousand individuals were sent in, from which 
one thousand and thirty-four English families, four hundred 
and twelve Scotch, one hundred and seventy-four Irish, and 

Q 2 

228 History of South Africa 

forty-two Welsh were selected. The largest party approved 
of was one of four hundred Highland Scotch families, under 
Captain Grant; but most of these people afterwards changed 
their minds, and did not embark. There were four large 
English parties : one of one hundred and two families, 
under Mr. Thomas Wilson, accompanied by the reverend 
William Boardman, a clergyman of the English episcopal 
church ; one of one hundred families, under Mr. Hezekiah 
Sephton, accompanied by the reverend William Shaw, a 
clergyman of the Wesleyan church; one of ninety-six 
families, under Mr. John Bailie ; and one of fifty-five 
families, under Mr. Thomas Calton. There was an Irish 
party of seventy-six families, under Mr. William Parker. 
The others were all groups ranging from ten to fort)' 
families. In many instances the women and children 
remained behind, and did not reach South Africa until 
several years later. 

The first transports — the Chapman and Nautilus — left 
Gravesend on the 3rd of December 1819, and arrived 
together in Table Bay on the 17th of March 1820. They 
were followed by the Oarlandy Canada^ Belle Alliance^ 
Brilliant^ Zoroaster, Aurora, and Sir Oeorge Osborne from 
London, the John, Stent or, and Albury from Liverpool, the 
Northampton, Ocean, Weymouth, and Duke of Marlborough 
from Portsmouth, the Kennersley Castle from Bristol, and 
the Amphitrite from Torbay. Altogether — men, women, and 
children — these ships brought to South Africa three thous- 
and and fifty-three individuals as immigrants. 

The large Irish party under Mr. William Parker, and 
three smaller associations, under Messrs. John Ingram, 
William Synnot, and Thomas Butler, embarked at Cork 
in the transports JiJast Indian and Fanny, and arrived in 
Simon's Bay on the 30th of April and 1st of May 1820. 
There were very few individuals in these parties who 
understood anything about agriculture, most of them 
having been engaged in occupations connected with com- 
merce. They were a<5companied by the reverend Francis 
McClelland, a clergyman of the English episcopal church* 

Major-General Sir Rufane Don kin 229 

Mr. IWker wished to settle in the neighbourhood of 
Saldanha Bay, where he proposed among other pursuits to 
establish a large fishery; but the government declined to 
support his views, and allotted land to the four Irish parties 
close to the subdrostdy of Clanwilliam. Dissension broke 
out among these people while they were on the passage, and 
some of Mr. Parker's party refused to acknowledge him as 
their leader any longer. The government was unable to 
restore concord, but after a little pressure one hundred and 
twenty-three men, with seventy women and one hundred 
and forty-seven children, were set on shore at Saldanha Bay, 
and proceeded to Clanwilliam. Under no circumstances 
could these people have succeeded in making a living from 
the ground. Some of them even refused to be located with 
the others anywhere. Most of the men rapidly drifted ofE 
to more congenial pursuits than agriculture, after a time a 
number were removed at their own request to the eastern 
districts, and by the close of 1823 there were only six 
families and the clergyman left at Clanwilliam. 

Of those who an-ived in the various ships from English 
ports, a few mechanics and labourers remained in Capetown, 
where employment was offered to them. Four small 
parties, under Messrs. Charles and Valentine Griffith, 
Thomas White, and John Neave, were located near the 
Moravian mission station of Genadendal, in the valley of 
the river Zonderend. But they did not long remain there. 
Messrs. Griffith thought they could do better at Groenekloof , 
on a farm that they leased. Then the others from various 
causes expressed a wish to settle in Albany, and were sent 
there by the government before the end of the year. 

The remainder of the immigrants were located on the 
eastern border. Mr. Henry Ellis, who since July 1819 had 
been deputy colonial secretary, was sent in advance to make 
preparations for their reception. Captain Moresby, of the ship- 
of-war Menai, offered to assist in landing them at Algoa Bay, 
and accompanied the first transports to that harbour. After 
taking in fresh provisions at Capetown or Simonstown, the 
ships proceeded to Algoa Bay, and on the 10th of April 1820 

230 History of South Africa 

the debarkation commenced. The last transport did not 
arrive there until the 25th of June. When her passengers 
were safe on shore, the number of British settlers landed on 
the beach below Fort Frederick was one thousand and 
twenty men, six hundred and seven women, and one 
thousand and thirty-two children. 

Tents were provided by the government for their 
temporary shelter, and waggons were in readiness to convey 
them to Albany. With as little delay as possible they were 
sent forward, and placed on the ground selected for them. 
Twelve Scotch families under the leadership of Mr. Thomas 
Pringle had land assigned to them in the valley of the Baviaans' 
river, all the other immigrants set ashore at Algoa Bay were 
located between the Bushman's and Fish rivers, the Zuurberg 
and the sea. Of the money deposited with the emigration 
commissioners in England, one-third was now returned to 
the heads of parties, the remainder being kept back until 
an account of the expenses incurred by the government 
could be made out. 

Under the most fevourable circumstances, and supposing 
every individual capable of manual labour, much suffering 
must have attended the removal of nearly three thousand 
people from such a country as Great Britain to a tract of 
land that had never been tilled. But the greater number of 
these immigrants were utterly unfit for agricultural pursuits. 
Among them were several retired military officers, physi- 
cians, surgeons, and other gentlemen with slender means, 
besides a number of clerks and persons previously engaged 
in different forms of commerce, who came to this country 
under the belief that with a hundred acres of ground of their 
own they could employ labour and live in comfort. They 
were rudely awakened to the fact that the only labour they 
could depend upon here was that of their own hands. Of 
those who were accustomed to toil, the majority were 
mechanics and people who had been employed in factories of 
different kinds. 

On the 29th of April the acting governor, Sir Bufane 
Donkin, left Capetown to visit the frontier. He found that 

Major-General Sir Rufane Donkin 231 

the cost of transport of the immigrants from Algoa Bay 
inland would absorb the whole of the funds still in the 
hands of the emigration commissioners in England. It was 
thus evident that, unless aid was afforded by the govern- 
ment, those of the settlers who were without means must 
shortly be exposed to want. Bations of food were being 
distributed, nominally to be paid for out of the deposit 
money, and Sir Bufane ordered the issue to be continued to 
all who needed them until he could receive instructions from 
England. He proposed to the secretary of state that the 
settlers should be relieved from the charge of inland trans- 
port, which should be borne by the colonial revenue ; and 
to this Earl Bathurst consented. 

The small parties were chiefly located along the Kowie 
river, and in the centre of their grounds Sir Rufane Donkin 
selected a site for a village, which he caused to be laid out 
in building allotments. He named it Bathurst, in honour 
of the secretary of state, and announced that a magistrate 
would shortly be stationed there. 

On the hill above the landing-place at Algoa Bay the 
acting governor erected a monument to the memory of his 
deceased wife. A notice in the Oazettey dated the 23rd of 
June, made known that the rising town upon the shore would 
bear her name, and henceforth be called Fort Elizabeth. 
On the 25th of the same month Sir Rufane Donkin reached 
Capetown again. 

Upon the withdrawal of the large party of Highland 
Scotch, the emigration commissioners selected other families 
in different parts of the kingdom, in number sufficient to 
absorb the balance of the parliamentary grant for passages. 
These people embarked in seven transports, of which four 
arrived towards the close of 1820, and two early in 1821* 
One was lost by fire at sea. All the families who reached 
South Africa in these vessels were located in Albany. 

At the same time that emigrants were being sent from 
Great Britain at the expense of the government, a few came 
to South Africa without any aid, on the assurance of the 
secretary of state that they would receive larger grants of 

232 History of South Africa 

land if they paid for their passages. Altogether, nearly five 
thousand individuals of British birth settled in the colony 
between March 1820 and May 1821. 

On the 13th of October Sir Bufane Donkin issned a 
proclamation, by which the portion of the district of Uiten- 
hage east of the Bushman's river, together with the tract of 
land between the Tish and Keiskama rivers, was created a 
separate district called Albany. Lientenant-Colonel John 
Graham was appointed landdrost, and was directed to 
establish his office in the village of Bathurst. In March 
1821 Colonel Graham died, and on the 25th of May Major 
James Jones was appointed to the vacant place. 

In June 1821 Sir Eufane Donkin again visited the 
eastern frontier. He found the settlers in fairly good 
spirits, and making much greater progress in cultivating 
the ground than could have been expected from the previous 
occupations of most of them. Some had purchased a few 
working and breeding cattle, and had large garcjens, with 
plenty of vegetables, pigs, and poultry. Throughout South 
Africa the growing wheat had been attacked by blight in 
1820, and had completely failed; but in the west there was 
abundance of grain left from the exceptionally good crop of 
1819, and rations were still supplied to all the settlers that 
needed them. The health of the emigrants was remarkably 
good : there was hardly one who was not more robust and 
hearty than in England. The deaths had not exceeded a 
dozen, and the births had been over a hundred. Little 
cottages of unburnt brick or wattled walls and thatched 
roofs had been built, and provided tolerable shelter from 
sun and storm. 

There was at this time an intention on the part of the 
military authorities to disband the Royal African corps. 
Sir Eufane Donkin thought he could utilise it as an 
advanced guard of the colony, by forming a settlement with 
it in the lower portion of the vacant country east of the 
Fish river. It was Lord Charles Somerset's mtentioii ta 
keep the territory between the IHsh and E 
unoccupied except by soldiers, to li 

Major-General Sir Rufane Donkin 233 

patrolled, and thus to prevent depredations by the Kosas and 
illegal intercourse between the two races. This design was 
now set aside. Sir Eufane Donkin believed that a much 
greater number of soldiers would be required to patrol it 
properly than the imperial government would provide for 
the purpose, and that if not frequently traversed by military 
parties it would become a mere lurking-place for robbers. 
He therefore resolved to fill it with European colonists. 
Bat as he was aware that it had been ceded on the under- 
standing that it was to remain unoccupied, he obtained an 
interview with Gaika, and after a short and friendly dis- 
cussion that chief consented to his proposal. 

On the 13th of June the acting governor offered to each 
of the officers of the Royal African corps — Captains M. J. 
Sparks and R. Birch, Lieutenants A. Heddle, W. Cartwright, 
0. McCombie, and J. P. Sparks, Ensigns A. Matthewson, 
A. Chisholm, and C. Mackenzie, and Assistant- Surgeon R. 
Tumbull — two thousand morgen of land between the Beka 
and Pish rivers, on condition that they should engage among 
them at least sixty men of the corps, and occupy the ground 
personally. The soldiers were to be provided with rations 
by the government for nine months, and after three years' 
service each was to receive a free grant of at least one 
hundred acres of ground. On the same conditions Mr. 
Benjamin Moodie, who brought out the Scotch mechanics in 
1817, and who was then residing at Grootvadersbosch near 
the confluence of the Breede and Baffeljagts rivers, was 
offered grants of land in the same territory for himself and 
his two brothers, Donald and John Dunbar Moodie, retired 
lieutenants of the navy and array, who had recently arrived 
in the colony. The officers of the Royal African corps and 
Messrs. Moodie accepted the conditions, and took possession 
of the ground with more than the number of men required. 
A village was laid out, which Sir Rufane Donkin named 
Predericksburg in honour of the duke of York. A military 
post was formed close by, and was occupied by a detachment 
of the Cape corps. 

Earlier in the year it was the acting governor's intention 

234 History of South Africa 

to locate the large party of Scotch emigrants in the valleya 
at the soarces of the Kat river, and the ground there was 
surveyed for their reception, but most of them changed 
their minds and remained in Scotland. The transport 
AhtiyMJt,^ in which the others left the Clyde in September 
1820, was lost by fire at sea, and, though the passengers 
escaped with their lives, only two out of thirty families on 
board ever reached South Africa. 

In another matter Sir Bufane Donkin disturbed Lord 
Charles Somerset's plans in the territory east of the Fish 
river, and in a way most oflFensive to military pride. The 
acting governor found on the right bank of the Eeiskama a 
fort with five bastions partly built, named Fort Willshire. 
He stopped the work, giving as a reason that the structure 
was much too expensive for the requirements of a frontier 
post ; and in its stead he caused a square stone barrack to 
be put up close to the stream. 

On the 30th of November 1821 Lord Charles Somerset 
reached South Africa again in the ship-of-war Hyperion. 
Just before he left England he married a daughter of Earl 
Foulett, a lady of very engaging manners and disposition,, 
and she accompanied him on his return to the colony. 

He landed in no friendly frame of mind towards Sir 
Eufane Donkin, who had overturned his frontier policy, 
offended his military pride, and quarrelled with his son. In 
October 1819 Captain Henry Somerset was appointed acting- 
deputy landdrost of Uitenhage during the absence on leave 
of Major Eraser, and to a considerable extent the task of 
locating the British settlers in Albany and providing for 
their wants was performed by him. The manner in which 
he carried out his duty won the regard of the immigrants, 
so that it was felt by himself and his friends as a slight 
when the seat of magistracy was removed from Grahams- 
town to Bathnrst and ho was superseded. Some time after- 
wards an opportunity offered to insult the acting governor, 
and Captain Soniorsot took advantage of it. Though he 
was certainly to blanu\ his father supported him in his con- 
duct, and i>iirtioii>at4Ml in his resentment. The consequence 

Lord Charles Sooner set 235 

of all this was that Lord Charles Somerset on his return 
declined to meet Sir Enfane Donkin except in the colonial 
secretary's office, and as he entered government house by 
one door the late occupant left it by another. Sir Bufane 
Donkin returned to England without an interview with Lord 
Charles, and was soon actively engaged in bringing the 
&ult8 of the Cape government to notice. 

At this time the colony was in a state of great de- 
pression. After 1815 the island of St. Helena afibrded an 
excellent market for Cape produce, as all the meat, flour, 
peas, beans, dried fruit, brandy, and common wine required 
for the large garrison and the ships of war maintained for 
the purpose of guarding the captive emperor Napoleon were 
procured here. But upon the death of Napoleon, the naval 
and military establishment at St. Helena was withdrawn, 
and that market for produce disappeared. The wheat crop 
in 1821 was again destroyed by blight. The paper money 
had sunk in value until only one shilling and nine pence 
could be had in exchange for a cartoon rixdollar. The 
revenue was falling off, and there were new and peremptory 
demands upon it. 

The first acts of the governor caused some alarm among 
the British settlers. He dismissed Major Jones, on the 7th 
of December appointed Mr. Harry Rivers landdrost of 
Albany, and moved the office from Bathurst back to 
Grahamstown. This was very unsatisfactory to all who had 
ground near Bathurst, though it was indisputable that 
Grahamstown was in every respect a better situation, 
especially as it was the head quarters of the troops on the 
frontier. Then the military post close to Fredericksburg 
was withdrawn, with the result that the settlers there were 
obliged to remove. 

As for Fort Willshire, the governor caused an exami- 
nation to be made by a competent engineer officer, who sent 
in a report that Sir Rufane Donkin's barrack cost more 
money than would have been required for the completion of 
the original structure, that the position of the barrack was 
bad in a military point of view, as it was commanded by 

236 History of South Afrua 

rifles from high groand on the other side of the river, and 
that it was too low and confined for the health and comfort 
of the crarrison. 

The year 1822 opened gloomily npon the British settlers. 
The blight in the wheat crop mined the hopes of all. Those 
who had means saw no other prospect than that of losing 
what they still possessed, and those who had nothing saw 
starvation before them in the near fdtnre. To all who were 
without property the colonial government distributed full 
rations to the ^iOth of September 1821, and half rations 
after that date. But this could not be continued much 
longer. The accounts showed that the cost of these supplies 
of food to the end of 1821 exceeded by 19,950?. the money 
remaining with the emigration commissioners in England 
in the names of those to whom the rations were furnished.* 
The revenue could not bear such a charge. Owing to the 
blight, grain was being imported even into the western 
districts, and the most that could be done was to send to 
Albany a quantity of rice to avert actual starvation. 

In their distress the settlers attributed many of the evils 
from which they were suffering to the arbitrary conduct of 
the governor, and drew a sharp comparison between the 
coldness of their treatment by him and the sympathy wliich 
Sir Rufane Donkin had always expressed for them. They 
proposed to hold meetings to discuss political matters, but 
were met by a proclamation, issued by Lord Charles on the 
24th of May 1822, declaring such meetings illegal, sub- 
j<*cting persons attending them to severe punishment, and 
announcing that he had instructed the local authorities to 
arrest and bring to trial any persons who should disregard 
this warning. He declared at the same time that he would 
take every opportunity of redressing real grievances and of 
promoting the general and individual welfare of the settlers, 

' Wlien the accounts were linally closed a couple of years after this date, 
the total (jxp(;nse incurred for the British settlers in rations and transport 
from the (joast inland, over and above the balance of the deposit money in 
Kngland, was asci^'tained to be 30,811/. Of this amount the imperial govern- 
ment repaid 18,853/., leaving only 11,958/. as a charge upon the colonial 

Lord Charles Somerset 237 

but that it was his firm determination to put down all 
attempts to disturb the public peace, either by inflammatory 
or libellous writings or by any other measures. The settlers 
did not venture to defy the government, and so no meetinors 
were held ; but from this date complaints of the tyranny to 
which they were subjected were constantly sent to England, 
and attracted much attention there. 

With the stoppage of rations the settlera bogan to 
disperse in search of means to procure a living. Many of 
them would have done so before, had it not been for the 
desire to remain three years on their locations, in order to 
get title-deeds and then sell the ground. A number of 
mechanics moved to Grahamstown, where the presence of 
the troops and the establishment of several mercantile firms 
created a demand for their labour. Others proceeded to 
Capetown, XJitenhage, Port Elizabeth, Graaff-Reinet, and 
Cradock, where they were able to find employment. A few 
set the laws at defiance, and went into KaflBrland as traders 
and elephant hunters. 

In 1821 an annual fair was established at Fort Willshire, 
at which, under supervision of government officials, the 
Kosas could obtain anything they wanted, except spirituous 
liquors and munitions of war. Licensed traders repaired 
to the ground adjoining the fort with waggons laden with 
goods. In the morning of the day appointed for the fair 
the Kosas were permitted to cross the Keiskama in parties 
under their chiefs, with their women carrying ivory, hides, 
and gum. The traders then made presents to the chiefs, 
and between them they fixed the relative value of everything 
to be bartered, before the common people were allowed to 
have any dealings. When these preliminaries were con- 
cluded, trade commenced, the chiefs keeping order among 
their followers and taking usually as a sort of tax about 
half of what each one purchased. 

But this could only meet to a very limited extent the 
desire for traffic, and now adventurers began to make their 
way far into Kaffirland, where an ox <;ould be obtained for a 
few strings of beads or a crown's worth of bangles. Ver)' 

238 History of South Africa 

stringent regulations were issued by the government against 
this trade, and all nnauthorised persons were forbidden 
to cross the Fish river under severe penalties; but to no 
purpose. The annual feir at Port Willshire was rapidly 
turned into a quarterly fair, then into a monthly fair, and 
next into a weekly market, under official supervision. Still, 
the illicit commerce was not checked. The gains were so 
large that the number of persons engaged in it constantly 
increased, and in the course of a few years many of them 
acquired a considerable amount of wealth. Traffic of this 
nature was demoralising, but the government attempted to 
enforce the restrictive system until the close of 1830, when 
traders were freely licensed to enter Eaffirland. 

Owing to these causes, in May 1823 there were only four 
hundred and thirty-eight adult male settlers left on the 
ground assigned to them. These were mostly men of some 
means, or such as were accustomed to till the ground for a 
maintenance. Their chief complaint was want of labourers. 
At the very time that nearly a thousand white men — drawn 
from English towns and factories — were abandoning their 
locations through fear of starvation if they remained upon 
them, there was a constant demand for working people on 
farms, and high wages were oflfered in vain. The settlers 
were restricted from employing slaves, and after 1820, by 
Earl Bathurst's order, a condition in all grants of land in 
the eastern portion of the colony was that the ground 
should be cultivated by free labourers alone. The extent of 
the demand was shown at a little later date by a fruitless 
effort that was made to induce the imperial government to 
assist working people to come to the colony. A list of per- 
sons who guaranteed to provide employment for three years 
was made out, and showed a want of seven hundred and 
eighty labourers — men, women, and serviceable boys and 
girls — to whom wages were oflfered averaging twenty 
shillings a month, together with food and lodging. 

In the western districts, especially in Capetown, there 
was the same want of working people. As a commercial 
speculation, Mr. John Ingram, head of one of the Irish 

Lord Charles Somerset 239 

parties, returned to England, and in February 1823 entered 
into an arrangement with. Earl Bathurst. Mr. Ingram 
undertook to bring out at his own expense fifty labourers, 
and Earl Bathurst undertook to advance on certain con- 
ditions the passage money for any others, not exceeding two 
hundred men, fifty women, and one hundred children. They 
were all to be apprenticed for three years to Mr. Ingram, 
who was to have the right of selling the indentures. Under 
this arrangement working people were engaged in Ireland. 
They embarked at Cork, and in the winter of 1823 arrived 
safely at Capetown to the number of one hundred and 
eighty-eight men, fifty-nine women, and one hundred and 
five children. A few of them turned out badly, but the 
only difficulty with the great majority was that they soon 
raised themselves above the rank of servants, and then by 
competing with those who had employed them increased the 
demand for people of their former class. 

By direction of Earl Bathurst, on the 12th of July 1822 a 
proclamation was issued by Lord Charles Somerset, grant- 
ing to natural-born subjects of the United Kingdom 
settling in the colony, and married before their arrival, the 
right of devising property according to the English laws of 
inheritance. But if they married in the colony, without an 
antenuptial contract, they became subject to the colonial 
law, which gives to husband and wife equal rights, and at 
that time permitted testamentary disposition of only a por- 
tion of the property of either man or woman, unless there 
were no natural heirs. The law of inheritance in cases 
where no will was made was not aflRected by the proclama- 
tion of July 1822, property of people born and married in 
Great Britain and dying intestate in the colony being 
•divided equally among the children. 

Early in October 1823 the eastern districts were devas- 
tated by a flood such as had never before been known in 
that part of the colony. For days together rain fell as in 
ordinary thunderstorms, every rill became a foainiug torrent, 
and the rivers, overflowing their banks, rolled down to the 
Bea in great volumes of discoloured water. The British 

240 History of South Africa 

settlers who still remained on their locations in Albany^ 
having never experienced anything of the kind before, had 
built their cottages and made their gardens on the low-lying 
lands along the streamlets which course through the district. 
When the flood came^ cottages, gardens, orchards, and corn- 
fields were all swept away. Many of the poor people es- 
caped with nothing but their lives and the clothing they had 
on. In some places even the ground loosened by the plough 
or the spade disappeared, leaving the barren subsoil bare. 

By this misfortune many families were reduced to the 
last stage of distress. In 1820 a few charitable persons 
united in a relief committee to assist sick and infirm immi- 
grants, and about 600Z. was collected and distributed ; but 
as the need for aid increased, a society was formed in Cape- 
town purposely to receive and disburse subscriptions to 
what was called the settlers' fund. This society was still in 
existence, and there was a small amount of money available 
for immediate use. An appeal for help was made to the 
benevolent in England and in India, and in course of time 
a sum of about 10,000Z. was collected in diflRerent parts of 
the world, which was laid out in relieving the unfortunate 

The tide of adversity against which the settlers who re- 
mained on the locations had struggled so long now turned. 
Experience had taught them what could be cultivated to 
advantage, and they had come to know that cattle-breeding 
was the most profitable branch of their industry. Early in 
1825 Lord Charles Somerset visited Albany, and greatly 
enlarged the plots of land occupied by those who were 
engaged in farming, by adding to them the ground 
abandoned by the other immigrants. 

The colony had recently been invaded by a number of 
starving Betshuana, who had escaped when their tribes were 
destroyed in the wars of extermination then carried on by 
different divisions of Bantu in the territory between the 
Orange and Limpopo rivers. The government provided for 
some of these refugees, by having them apprenticed for seven 
years to such settlers as needed tlieir services. They could 

Lord Charles Somerset 241 

only perform the roughest kind of labour, but as cattle- 
herds thej were very useful, and their maintenance cost but 
little. To some extent, therefore, they supplied the most 
pressing want of the Albany farmers. 

Mr. Rivers, having become very unpopular with the 
British settlers, in January 1825 the governor removed him 
to Swellendam, and appointed in his stead as landdrost of 
Albany Captain William Bolden Dundas, of the royal 

In this tour the governor visited the mouth of the Kowie 
river, which at the request of the residents in the neigh- 
bourhood he named Fort Frances, in honour of the wife of 
his son, Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset. Here he stationed 
lieutenant Donald Moodie as magistrate, with a salary of 
90Z. a year. Ever since the 9th of November 1821, when for 
the first time the Kowie river was entered by a vessel — the 
little coasting schooner Elizabethy belonging to Mr. Henry 
Nourse, — great hopes were entertained by the settlers that 
this port would quickly become a place of large trade ; but 
these hopes were never realised. 

At Fort Elizabeth the governor directed Captain Evatt, 
commandant at Fort Frederick, to act as resident magis- 
trate, and allowed him the same salary as Lieutenant 
Moodie. The powers of these magistrates were defined in a 
proclamation issued on the 8th of April, after the governor's 
return to Capetown. They could try civil cases under the 
value of 71. lO^., and in criminal cases could sentence to six 
months' imprisonment or a fine of 7i. 10«. Their jurisdic- 
tion was limited to the townships. 

Port Elizabeth was at this time rapidly becoming a place 
of importance, though it was as yet only frequented by 
coasting vessels. In July 1826 customhouses were first 
established here and at Fort Frances, and direct trade with 
England commenced. 

It was considered advisable by the imperial authorities 
that the English language should as soon as possible super- 
sede the Dutch in South Africa, and by order of Earl 
Bathurst a proclamation was issued by Lord Charles 

IV. R 

242 History of South Africa 

Somerset on the 5tli of Jalj 1822, announciDg that after 
the 1st of January 1823 all documents issued from the 
office of the secretary to government would be in English ; 
after six months all other official acts and documents would 
be either in English or Dutch, and after the 1st of January 
1825 in English exclusively; and that after two years 
English and Dutch would be indiscriminately used injudicial 
acts and proceedings until the 1st of January 1827, when 
English alone would be used. On the 30th of January 1824 
another proclamation was issued, announcing that the Eng- 
lish language would be exclusively used in judicial acts and 
proceedings in the district of Albany after the let of March 
of that year. The period first named was also shortened for 
the district of Simonstown, where Dutch was seldom spoken. 

So far as Albany and Simonstown were concerned, no 
objection was raised by any one to the exclusive use of the 
English language in the coui-ts of law; but in the other 
districts, where Dutch was spoken by the great majority 
of the people, it was regarded as a very serious grievance. 
Many representations were made on the subject, at first 
without success ; but at length, on the 13th of December 
1826, that part of the proclamation of the 6th of July 1822 
which referred to courts of justice was withdrawn, and until 
1828 it remained lawful to use either Dutch or English in 
judicial proceedings. In all other respects the proclamation 
was enforced, and after the dates named English became the 
official language of the colony, with the exception that import- 
ant notices were published in the Gazette in both languages. 

So many complaints of the arbitrary nature of Lord 
Charles Somerset's government reached England that the 
ministry found it expedient to prevent discussion in the 
house of commons, by sending out a commission of inquiry. 
There were several subjects upon which the most accurate 
knowledge was desired by the imperial authorities, and con- 
cerning which there was no intention to conceal the slightest 
detail. But it was verv doubtful whether the ministers ever 
really meant to supply the information on other questions 
which members of the opposition wanted ; at any rate, the 

Lord Charles Somerset 243 

▼oluminous reports of the commissioners may be searched 
for it in vain. 

On the 25th of July 1822 an address to the crown was 
presented by the commons, which resulted in the appoint- 
ment of Major William Macbean George Colebrooke and Mr. 
John Thomas Bigge as commissioners for inquiring into the 
state of the colonies of the Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, 
and Ceylon. On the 12th of July 1823 these gentlemen 
with their secretary, Mr. John Gregory, arrived in Simon's 
Bay in the ship Iiady Campbelly and on the 24th of the same 
month they entered upon their duties. For more than 
three years they were engaged in making investigations into 
the form of government, the state of the finances, the condi- 
tion of the coloured people, the administration of justice, and 
other matters. The results of their inquiries were embodied 
in long reports, some of which were not completed until 1830. 

In all matters connected with the revenue and with 
trade these reports were exhaustive, and were compiled with 
great care ; but upon other subjects tliey gave no satisfac- 
tion to any class of colonists. Some questions, believed in 
South Africa to be of paramount importance, were ignored 
altogether; and some weie verj*^ inaccurately represented. 
The commissioners, indeed, carried on their investigations of 
official documents through the governor, to whom an appli- 
cation was formally made for every paper that they wanted 
to see. They were the governor's guests during a large 
portion of the time that they spent in Capetown. And the 
months of the civil servants were eflfectually stopped, for it 
was well understood that any one who should venture to 
make disclosures of circumstances relating to his department, 
without previously communicating with the governor, was 
liable to dismissal from office. 

The commissioners did not take the trouble to learn the 
Dutch language, in which all the old records were written ; 
and they were too ready to adopt statements made by others, 
without investigating them properly.* They had no power 

* For instance, in Mr. Bigge *s report upon the Hottentots, tlie following 
paragraph is found : * The removal of the native inhabitants from the lands 

B 2 

244 History of South Africa 

to make changes, but they were instmcted to reeommeDd 
to the secretary of state such alterations in the government 
as they might think advisable. Most of their recommenda- 
tions were adopted, and will be referred to in another 
chapter ; at present two only require to be mentioned. 

The first was the creation of a council to assist and 
advise the governor upon every occasion of importance. On 
the 9th of February 1825 the sanction of the king waa 
obtained, and the requisite order was issued. The council 
was to consist of six members, three of whom — the chief 
justice, the secretary to government, and the military officer 
next in rank to the governor — were to have seats by virtue 
of their offices. The other three named by Earl Bathurst 
were Lieutenant-Colonel John Bell, who was deputy quarter- 
master-general to the troops, Mr. Walter Bentinck, who was 
auditor-general, and Mr. Joachim Willem Stoll, who was 
treasurer and receiver-general. The governor was instructed 
to submit to the council all ordinances, public orders, and 
proclamations ; but if he saw good reason, he could act in 
opposition to the opinion of a majority of the members. No 
question was to be discussed in the council unless proposed 
by the governor, who was to preside at the meetings, and 
who could dismiss any member if necessity arose for so 
doing. The meetings were to be held with closed doors, 
and the members were to be sworn not to divulge anything 
that came before them. The governor and two members 
were to form a quorum. A clerk of the council was 
appointed by the secretary of state, with a salary of 800Z. a 
year. The first meeting of the council thus constituted 
took place on the 2nd of May 1826, and it marks a step — 

which they had occupied was not the only consequence of the progress nuule 
by the Dutch settlers. It was deemed expedient to correct the wandering 
habits of the Hottentots, and by a resolution of the local government, passed 
in the year 1787, they were prohibited from changing their places of abode, 
and were required to furnish themselves with passes.' In point of fact, tlie 
resolution of the council of policy here referred to was directed solely and in 
express terms against Hottentot women of abandoned character in Capetown 
and a gang of Hottentot pilferers wlio lived on the Cape flats ; and its tenor 
regarding all other people of that race is in direct opposition to the assertion 
in the commissioners report. 

Lord Charles Somerset 245 

though a short one — in the direction from pure despotism 
to the present form of government. 

Another recommendation of the commissioners of inquiry 
which was adopted by the ministry of the earl of Liverpool 
was that the colony should be divided into two provinces of 
nearly equal extent. It was intended that the eastern 
province should have a distinct government, with a council 
of its own. 

On the 20th of August 1825 Earl Bathurst &,nnounced to 
Lord Charles Somerset that Major-General Eichard Bourke 
had been appointed lieutenant-governor, with a salary of 
3,600Z. a year, that he would shortly proceed to the Cape in 
order to assume the administration of the eastern province as 
soon as it should be formed into a separate government, and 
that he would carry out his duties in direct communication 
with the secretary of state. Lord Charles Somerset was to 
remain governor in chief, and was to retain military com- 
mand over the whole country ; but was to conduct the civil 
administration of the western province only. Upon any 
extraordinary occasion, however, or in the event of any 
peculiar emergency arising, the governor in chief was to 
have power to proceed to the eastern province, and was to 
have control of all matters as long as he should remain 
there, the functions of the lieutenant-governor being for the 
time suspended; but it was to be clearly understood that 
nothing short of the most urgent necessity would justify 
such action. 

Tliis resolution could not be carried out as soon as Earl 
Bathurst intended, because early in 1826 Lord Charles 
Somerset left the colony to visit England. In April 1827 
Mr. Canning succeeded the earl of Liverpool as prime 
minister, and Viscount Goderich took Earl Bathurst's place. 
The new ministers, who were not biassed by the personal 
motives * which may have influenced their predecessors in 
approving of the division of the colony into two provinces 

1 To retain Lord Charles Somerset's services and thus avoid offending the 
Beaufort family, and at the same time to pacify the British settlers and stop 
the complaints continually reaching England. 

246 History of South Africa 

nearly independent of each other, considered that such & 
system of government would be much too expensive. On 
the 14th of June 1827 a despatch was written by the secre- 
tary of state, announcing that the design was abandoned. 

The greatest impediment to the prosperity of the colony 
at this period was the existence of the paper money, which 
rested upon no other security than the public buildings and 
the lands reserved in olden times for the use of the govern- 
ment. That this security was of no practical value was evi- 
dent. For instance, in 1807 one of the government estates, 
the tract of land in the Cape district known as Groene- 
jKloof, was divided into farms, of which twenty-six were 
leased for a term of years ; and in 1814 another, the tract of 
land in the Swellendam district known as the Ziekenhuis 
estate, was divided into fourteen farms, of which thirteen 
were sold outright and one — Sweetmilk Valley — leased for 
twenty-one years ; in both cases without any reduction of 
the paper money. It was plain that neither the castle and 
the forts could be sold, nor government house and the 
public ofl&ces. 

There was no metallic coin in circulation. Some was 
indeed brought into the country by shipping, and from 1806 
to 1816 its exportation was prohibited under severe penalties ; 
but, as it was found impossible to enforce the. law, on the 
10th of May 1816 Lord Charles Somerset issued a proclama- 
tion permitting gold and silver to be sent out of the country. 
The brokers after this sold metallic coin to merchants who 
needed it for remittances to England or other countries at 
rates varying from two shillings and two pence in 1816 to 
one shilling and six pence in 1825 for a paper rixdollar. When 
money was needed by officers of the imperial government for 
the payment of the troops or other purposes, treasury bills 
were offered for sale by tender, and were purchased at nearly 
the same rates. Thus a note which professed to have the 
purchasing power of an English sovereign in 1826 was in 
reality worth no more than seven shillings and six pence. 

Under such circumstances it would have been necessary 
for the colonial authorities to adopt some means of getting 

Lord Charles Somerset 247 

rid of the paper before any improvement in the country 
could be made, had not the imperial government taken the 
matter into consideration as part of a measure for intro- 
ducing British coinage into British possessions throughout 
the world, and thus having a uniform currency. After 
investigation by the lords of the treasury, an order in council 
vms issued that a tender or payment of one shilling and six 
pence in British silver money should be equivalent to a 
tender or payment of one paper rixdoUar at the Cape of 
Good Hope. 

The imperial government resolved to advance an amount 
of money to the Cape Colony to redeem a portion of the 
paper, and instructions v^ere sent to Lord Charles Somerset 
to carry out the design. On the 6th of June 1826 an 
ordinance was issued by the governor in council, making 
British silver money a legal tender in discharge of all debte 
due by and to individuals at one shilling and six pence 
sterling for each paper rixdoUar, and announcing that from 
the 1st of Janudry 1826 the public accounts would be kept 
in British money. Silver and copper coin to the amount 
of 56,000Z. was sent from England and issued to the troops 
during the next eighteen months, and it was notified that 
the officer in charge of the commissariat would issue bills 
upon England to any amount in exchange for either silver 
money or paper rixdollars at one shilling and six pence, 
charging three per cent for freight and insurance. 

The amount of paper that should have been in circula- 
tion was rather more than three million rixdollars. There 
had been — 

Issued by the Dutch East India Company to 

meet current expenses .... rds. 613,910 

Created by the Dutch East India Company as 

capital for the loan bank .... 677,366 

Issued by the English administration from 
1796 to 1803, and accounted for to the 
Batavian government, but never redeemed 330,000 

Carry forwa/rd , . . • rds. 1,621,275 

248 History of South Africa 

Brought forwiwd . . . rds. 1,621,275 

Created by the English admiDistration from 
1795 to 1803 as additional capital for the 
loan bank 165,000 

Issued bj the Batavian administration from 

1803 to 1806 to meet current expenses . 297,090 

Added by the Batavian administration to the 
capital of the loan bank, to make even 
money • • . • • • • 2,685 

Issued by the English administration after 
1806, partly as a fund to establish a 
granary, but chiefly to erect public buildings 583,197 

Created by the English administration after 
1806 as additional capital for the loan 
bank 600,000 

rds. 3,169,197 

Of this amount sixty-nine thousand nine hundred and 
ninety-two rixdoUars had been cancelled before the 6th of 
June 1825, and a sum of forty thousand two hundred and 
fifty-five rixdollars, received as interest on loans, instead of 
being transferred to the colonial revenue or cancelled, was 
added to the capital of the bank, so that when the ordinance 
was issued the accounts stood as follows : 

Capital of loan and discount bank, secured by 

mortgages and pledges of various kinds . rds. 1,385,255 
Debt 1,713,950 

rds. 3,099,205 

At one shilling and six pence to the rixdollar the paper 
in circulation ought thus to have been equal to 232,440Z. 7«. 
6d. But a few years later an excess was discovered to the 
extent of four hundred and eighty-seven thousand eight 
hundred and fifty-one rixdollars, and as there was a frequent 
exchange by the government of new for old and defaced 
notes, it was not possible to ascertain when or by whom the 
forged paper was issued. There was no remedy, so it was of 

Lord Charles Somerset 249 

necessity added to the public debt. The paper actually in 
circulation amounted therefore to three million five hund- 
red and eighty-seven thousand and fifty-six rixdollars, or 
269,0292. 4«. sterling. 

The ordinance affected people in various ways. All who 
owed money to the bank and to individuals, and all whose 
taxes— especially quitrents — were fixed in rixdollars, were 
jubilant. But persons who had brought British money to 
the country and invested it, those to whom money was due, 
those whose incomes were fixed in rixdollars, the orphan 
chamber, and all others to whom a rise in the rate ot 
exchange would have been advantageous, believed them- 
selves to be greatly wronged. A petition to the king in 
council was prepared, and received two thousand one 
hundred and fifteen signatures, praying that the ordinance 
might be withdrawn or a higher rate of exchange fixed. 
The orphan masters represented that the property which 
they administered was of greater value than the whole 
paper in circulation, that much of it had been for many 
years in their care, and that a large number of their wards 
would be ruined. The petitioners regarded the commercial 
rate of exchange in Capetown as fallacious when applied to 
the whole colony, and pointed out that since the issue of 
the paper, land, cattle, and wheat had not altered their 
proportional value in rixdollars to anything like the extent 
of eight to three. But there was great difference of opinion 
as to what the paper rixdollar should be redeemed at. 
Some would be satisfied with nothing less than four 
shillings, others thought two shillings would be a fair rate. 

The agitation in Capetown was so great that on the 
28th of June Lord Charles Somerset issued an advertisement 
that any person could obtain paper money at the bank or at 
the various oflBces of the landdrosts throughout the country 
for any sum exceeding one hundred rixdollars in exchange 
for British silver at the same rate as that at which they 
were obliged to receive silver from their debtors. The final 
decision of the imperial authorities was then awaited with 
much anxiety. On the 13th of May 1826 the lords of the 

250 History of South Afrua 

treasury pronounced against any alteration in the rate of 
exchange, and thus it remained at one shilling and six 
pence to the rixdollar. Many individuals lost heavily by 
it, but the colony gained by the security given to the paper 
money even at only three-eighths of its former nominal 

In a short time the charge of three per cent, upon 
treasury bills was reduced to one-half per cent., and notes to 
the amount of one million two hundred and thirty-seven 
thousand rixdoUars were exchanged. This was equivalent 
to a loan of 92,776i. without interest by Great Britain^ 
The remaining paper in circulation was then gradually 
replaced by notes stamped in England, on which the value 
was marked in pounds sterling, and security was given by 
their being made exchangeable for treasury bills at par on 
presentation at the commissariat ofl&ce. 

Without any formal proclamation, the northern boundary 
of the colony was greatly extended during the government 
of Lord Charles Somerset. Farmers had land assigned to 
them in the vacant country beyond the old line, and the 
government followed them, just as in the days of the 
Dutch East India Company. When the district of Beau- 
fort was created, its limits were so defined as to include a 
large tract of land north of the Zak river. In September 
1820 Landdrost Stockenstrom, of GraaflF-Eeinet, recom- 
mended to the government that the Orange as far down as 
the junction of the Seacow river, and thence the desert 
country extending to the Atlantic ocean, should be declared 
the northern boundary ; and he advised that a commission 
should be sent to inspect that line and prepare a map. 

On the 25th of April 1821, in a reply from the colonial 
office Landdrost Stockenstrom was informed that his 
recommendation of a commission to inspect the country was 
approved of; and by the directions given for the location of 
applicants for farms the Orange down to the junction of the 
Seacow river was practically made the boundary, though it 
was not formally so declared. Shortly after this, Sir 
Rufane Donkin visited the drostdy of GraafiT-Beinet, and left 

Lord Charles Somerset 251 

a memorandum, dated the 20th of June 1821, in which he 
expressed an opinion that the proposed line should be 
adopted, but that it ought to be carefully inspected by the 
landdrost and an engineer officer before a proclamation was 

On the 17th of January 1822 Lieutenant Bonamy, of 
the 6th regiment of infantry, was attached to the engineer 
department, and was directed to proceed to GraaflF-Eeinet,. 
to aid the landdrost in the inspection of a north-eastern and 
northern boundary line, and to frame a map of that part of 
the colony. These instructions were acted upon without the 
least delay. In March of the same year Messrs. Bonamy 
and Stockenstrom reported that they had fixed upon the 
Zwart Kei and Klaas Smiths rivers and the Stormberg 
spruit on the north-east. On the north they had inspected 
the Orange from the junction of the Stormberg spruit to a 
little below the junction of the Seacow river. Having 
proceeded so far, Landdrost Stockenstrom found himself 
obliged to return to the drostdy ; so Lieutenant Bonamy was 
left to make a rough survey of the country they had gone 
over so rapidly, and to frame a map of it, after which the 
inspection farther westward would be resumed. 

In August 1824 Messrs. Bonamy and Stockenstrom 
completed their inspection from the point where they had 
left off seventeen months before. The names of the various 
ridges which they recommended as the new boundary have 
nearly all been changed in recent years, but the line 
followed the Orange river about as far down as to longitude 
24° 20', then it turned in a direction almost straight to the 
Pramberg, and thence it formed an irregular curve cutting 
the junction of the Zak and Riet rivers and continuing to 
the mouth of the Buffalo river on the shore of the Atlantic. 

On the 9th of September 1824 the boundary thus fixed 
upon was approved of in a letter from the colonial office to 
the landdrost, and though it was never formally proclaimed^ 
the government thereafter exercised full control within it. 

Between 1819 and 1825 several military officers were 
engaged upon a rough survey of the colony, under directipj; 

» < , • . 

252 History of South Africa 

of Major Holloway, of the royal engineers. Inclnding 
work of Lieutenant Bonamy, about ten thousand squf 
miles were completed, at a cost to the colony of only 1,10( 
but the surv^ey was then stopped for want of fiinds. 

In October 1822 Lord Charles Somerset abolished 
subdrostdy of Caledon, and transferred the duties to 
officials of Swellendam. At the same time, on the plea 
the public buildings at Tulbagh were irreparably dama( 
by a great storm . in the preceding month of July, 
abolished the subdrostdy of Worcester, and removed thft^ 
landdrost of Tulbagh to that village. In truth, howevefj;/ 
the principal building at Tulbagh was hardly damaged at 
all, and it is standing to the present day. But Worcester 
was a creation of the governor's, and he desired to see H ^ 
prosper. In January 1823 the large building still used as 
public offices and a dwelling-house for the magistrate was 
commenced. On the 8th of November 1822 a notice waa 
issued changing the name of the district from Tulbagh to 
Worcester, and on the 5th of March 1824 that portion west 
of a line from the end of Piketberg to Verloren Vlei waa 
cut off and added to the district of the Cape. 

On the 11th of March 1825 the subdrostdy of Cradock 
was abolished, and a new district named Somerset was 
created. It comprised the territory from the Orange river 
on the north to the Zuurberg on the south, and from tJie^ 
Sunday and Little Eiet rivers on the west to the Koonap, 
Zwart Kei, and Stormberg Spruit on the east. This included 
a portion of the land ceded by Gaika in 1819. On the Slst 
of March, Mr. William Mackay, who in January 1824 had 
succeeded Captain Harding as deputy landdrost at Cradock, 
was appointed landdrost of the new district. The sub- 
ordinate officials at Cradock were also removed to the 
Somerset farm at the Boschberg, where the existing build- 
ings were easily converted into offices and dwelling-houses. 
The farm itself was no longer needed, for the provisions re- 
quired by the troops on the frontier could now be procured 
by contract as easily and cheaply as they could be grown. 
CTl&e establishment was therefore broken up. A village was 

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Lord Charles Somerset 253. 

laid out on the ground that had been under cultivation, and 
on the 13th and 14th of April eighty-three erven, each one 
hundred and fifty by four hundred and fifty feet in size, 
were sold by auction at an average price of 46Z. The village 
was named Somerset East. 

The object of Lord Charles Somerset in extending the 
district to the Koonap was to strengthen the frontier 
colonists against Kaffir marauders, by placing there a strong 
body of men accustomed to border warfare, as the military 
force in the colony had been greatly reduced in recent years. 
7or this reason nearly all the grants of land in the previously 
unoccupied territory were to members of old South African 
families. This measure gave great ofiTence to those persons 
in England who believed that the Dutch colonists were 
habitual oppressors of coloured people, and through their 
influence Earl Bathurst wrote disapproving of such a 
settlement of the territory, as in his opinion it might be 
the means of extending slavery. When the dispatch ari'ived, 
forty-six families had built houses and cultivated plots of 
ground, and seventy-four families were grazing cattle on 
their grants, but had not yet commenced to build. They 
were called upon to withdraw, and the graziers obeyed, but 
the others begged for time to gather their crops. This was 
conceded, and such representations were made to the secretary 
of state that in 1827 all who would sign an agreement not to 
employ slave labour were permitted to retain their grants. 

The period from 1820 to 1826 was one of commercial 
and agricultural depression, of distress not only among the 
recent British immigrants but among the old colonists, and 
of anxiety to everyone in possession of property. Still, it 
was marked by several improvements. 

In 1817 Dr. Samuel Bailey, who was then practising 
medicine in Capetown, made a proposal to the burgher 
senate to establish a hospital for merchant seamen, slaves, 
and poor people generally, on conditions which would make 
it partly a private and partly a public institution. The 
proposal was accepted, and the governor's approval having 
been obtained, a building was commenced. The burgher 

254 History of South Africa 

senate contributed a portion of tlie money required, on 
condition of having the right at any time to take over the 
institution at a fair valuation. In 1818 the hospital was 
opened. For about two years Dr. Bailey conducted it on his 
own account, when his resources being found insufficient for 
its proper maintenance, the burgher senate took possession 
of the building, and paid him 4,5002. for his interest in it. 
The institution has ever since been in existence, though in 
recent years used only for certain chronic and mental 
diseases. It is now known as the old Somerset hospital. 

In 1819 the merchants of Capetown combined to establish 
a commercial exchange, and for the erection and manage- 
ment of the building chose a committee consisting of Messrs. 
Abraham Faure, Stephen Twy cross, Andries Brink, John 
Bard well Ebden, Antonio Chiappini, John Collison, and 
Daniel Dixon. The capital was raised in one hundred and 
fifty-eight shares of 37i. lO^. each, of which the government 
took twenty-five. On the 25th of August 1819 the north- 
eastern corner stone of the large building on the parade 
ground, which is still in use, was laid by Lord Charles 
Somerset with much ceremony, a great number of people 
being present. The troops were drawn up, the regimental 
bands were in attendance, and a salute was fired from the 
castle. After the stone was laid, the governor, the principal 
civil and military officers, and about two hundred of the 
leading people of the town and suburbs sat down to tiffin in 
a huge temporary tent erected close by. The hall was 
opened for use in 1821. 

In March 1818 Lord Charles Somerset imposed a tax of 
one rixdollar upon every cask of wine and spirits entering 
Capetown, as a fee for gauging, and announced that the 
proceeds would be devoted to the establishment and main- 
tenance of a public library. As the money was received by 
the collector, it was deposited in the bank to the credit of a 
committee consisting of the colonial secretary, the chief 
justice, the fiscal, and the senior ministers of the Dutch 
reforiTied, Lutheran, and English episcopal churches. The 
committee purchased books, and made the necessary 

Lord Charles Somerset 255 

•aRangements for tlie opening and management of the in- 

There was a portion of the old slave lodge that had not 
jet been converted into public offices, and the governor gave 
the committee permission to make use of it. In September 
1820 a loan of thirteen thousand seven hundred rixdoUars 
waB obtained without interest from what was termed the 
private fund of the orphan chamber, and the money was 
devoted to rebuilding and repairing the apartments. 
Practically this loan was equivalent to a grant. From very 
early times fands had accumulated in the orphan chamber 
from interest not being drawn by heirs when due, and in its 
turn producing interest again. This money was regarded 
as a reserve fand affording the most ample security to 
persons whose estates were under control of the orphan 
chamber ; and as it was constantly increasing, various sums 
were lent from it to churches and charitable institutions 
without interest, the capital being legally subject to be 
recalled if necessary, which was not likely to be the case. 

In January 1822 the library was opened to the public. 
Messrs. Harmse and Hanson were the first librarians, but 
after a short time Mr. Thomas Pringle received the appoint- 
ment, and upon his resignation in May 1824 Mr. A. J. 
Jardine succeeded to the post. Several valuable donations 
were made by residents in Capetown, and shortly after the 
establishment of the new library the books bequeathed to 
the colony by Mr. Van Dessin, and which had been during 
flixty-two years under the care of the consistory of the 
Dutch reformed church, were placed in it by an agreement 
with the consistory that they were to be kept separate from 
the others and remain under general control of the per- 
petual trustees named in the donor's will. 

In this manner the South African public library was 
apparently firmly established as a library of reference. But 
it had many difficulties to encounter. Owing to the neces- 
sities of the government, in July 1825 the gauging fees were 
diverted to the colonial treasury, and from them a fixed sum 
of 300Z. a year was thereafter paid to three trustees 

256 History of South Africa 

appointed by the governor to take the place of the larger 

Next followed the loss of even that small grant. The 
wine trade became so depressed that it was necessary to 
provide all possible relief for its producers, and in December 
1827 the gauging tax was repealed. By order of the secre- 
tary of state, a sum of 9212. was paid to the trustees, being 
the amount derived from the gauging tax over and above 
the 300Z. a year which they had been receiving, and with 
that as a capital to work upon they appealed to the public 
for subscriptions. 

Just at this time another difficulty occurred. The 
government required the rooms in the public buildings, and 
the library was removed to a wing of the commercial ex- 
change. The trustees understood that the rent would be 
paid in perpetuity from the colonial treasury, as it was for 
a short time; but the pressure upon the treasury was so 
great that the payment was soon discontinued. Meanwhile 
the appeal for subscriptions had been fairly successful, and 
at a public meeting held on the 31st of March 1829 resolu- 
tions were adopted in favour of the management being 
vested in an elective committee, so, with a view of making 
the institution more popular, on the 3rd of February 1830 
an ordinance was issued, substituting for the trustees 
appointed by the governor a committee of nine persons to 
be chosen by yearly subscribers. 

The institution now assumed the double character of a 
library of reference and a circulating library, a combination 
forced upon it by necessity. From the government no aid 
was to be had. But the new committee pleaded so forcibly 
its right to compensation for the amount lent by the 
orphan chamber and expended in preparing rooms then used 
for the public service, that in 1832 twenty of the shares 
owned by the government in the commercial exchange were 
transferred to the library, and shortly afterwards a house 
and garden that had been occupied by the teacher of a 
government school were likewise made over to the committee 
to satisfy the claim. From that date the library depended 

Lord Charles Somerset 257 

upon snbBcriptions. On the 25th of July 1836 an ordinance 
was issued, which did little more than recognise matters as 
ihej existed, and under it the institution is still conducted. 

In 1823 a museum — chiefly of specimens of South 
African animals — ^was founded by Dr. Andrew Smith, a 
surgeon in the army and an enthusiastic naturalist. In 
June 1825 this museum was attached to the public library. 
and a grant of lOOZ. a year was made by the government for 
its support. But ten or twelve years later, after Dr. Smith 
left the colony, the collection was allowed to fall into 
such decay that when the museum now in existence was 
established, not more than five or six animals were worth 
preserving, and that only until better specimens could be 

In 1820 the commissioners of the admiralty resolved to 
establish an observatory at the Cape. In August 1821 the 
reverend Pearon Fallowes arrived as astronomer royal. The 
first observatory was a temporary wooden structure in Cape- 
town, but in 1825 another site was selected, and in 1829 the 
present building was completed and opened for use. 

In 1820 the erection of the first lighthouse on the South 
African coast was commenced at Green Point, on the shore 
of Table Bay, by order of Sir Rufane Donkin. The build- 
ing was completed early in 1824, and the light — a double 
one from two lanterns — was first exhibited on the 12th of 
April of that year. 

In 1824 a road was completed through the first range 
of mountains, at the pass behind French Hoek. It was 
designed by Major Holloway, of the royal engineers, and the 
work was chiefly performed by soldiers of the Royal African 
corps. This road opened direct communication between 
Capetown and Worcester, and shortened the journey to 
Graaff-Reinet by about forty miles. Its construction cost 
the colony 8,375Z. It is still used, but has lost much of its 
early importance since the opening of the roads over Sir 
Lowry's pass and through Bain's kloof, and especially since 
the construction of a railway through the Tulbagh kloof. 

On the 13th of October 1825 the first steamship that 

IV. s 

258 History of South Africa 

plied between England and India put into Table Bay. She 
was named the Enterprise, and was of five hundred tons 
burden, with two engines of sixty horse-power each. Her 
commander was Lieutenant J. H. Johnson, of the rojral navy. 
The new departure in navigation was regarded at the Cape, 
as well as in Europe and India, with great interest; and when 
the Enterprise was signalled from the Lion's rump, on the 
fifty-eighth day after leaving Falmouth, there was much ex- 
citement. Business was suspended, the schools were closed, 
and every one, young and old, hurried to the beach. Before 
anchoring, she steamed about the bay, to exhibit her power 
of moving forward with the wind in any direction. As 
her anchor fell, the first gun of a salute was fired from the 
castle, and the ships in harbour ran up their flags. 
She made the passage from England without accident, and 
only called at one port — St. Thomas — where she remained 
three days. She left England with three hundred tons of 
coal, which was not all consumed when she reached Table 
Bay. Her engines, however, were not used when the wind 
was fair for sailing. Her greatest speed under steam was 
one hundred and sixty-nine miles in twenty-four hours, and 
the number of days on which the engines were used was 

In November 1818 the reverend Dr. George Thorn, 
previously a missionary of the London society, entered the 
colonial service, and was appointed clergyman of Caledon in 
succession to Mr. Vos, who retired on account of old age. 
In 1821 Dr. Thom was sent by the government to Scotland, 
to endeavour to procure men of ability to fill the vacant 
pulpits of the Dutch reformed church, and to establish free 
schools of a high class in the principal villages. He secured 
the services of the reverend Andrew Murray, who arrived in 
July 1822, and was stationed at GraaflF-Reinet, and of the 
reverend Alexander Smith, who arrived at the same time, 
and was stationed at Uitenhage in succession to Mr. Mol, 
who was transferred to Swellendam. He also made arrange- 
ments with three students who were preparing for ordination 
— Messrs. Henry Sutherland, Colin Eraser, and George 

Lord Charles Sotnerset 259 

Moigan — ^th&t they should prcoeed to Holland and learn the 
Dutch language, preparatory to taking employment in South 
Africa. Upon their arriTal, in September 1824 Mr. Suther- 
land became minister of a new congregation formed at 
Worcester ; in December of the same year Mr. Fraser was 
appointed to Beaufort West in succession to Mr. Taylor, 
who was removed to Cradock in December 1823; and in 
January 1826 Mr. Morgan became minister of a new congre- 
gation at Somerset East. 

Dr. Thom also engaged six teachers to come out at once, 
and two others to follow as soon as possible. In July 1822 
Mr. William Bobertson was appointed to Graaff-Beinet, Mr. 
James Rose Innes, M.A., to Uitenhage, Mr. Archibald Brown, 
M.A., to Stellenbosch, Mr. William Dawson to George, Mr. 
James Battray to Tulbagh, and Mr. B. Blair to Caledon. 
In June 1823 Mr. E. Arnold arrived and was appointed to 
Swellendam, and in the following August Mr. Joseph Beed 
was appointed to Paarl. Subsequently, as qualified teachers 
could be obtained, other centres of population were supplied. 
In some of the western villages much hostility was shown to 
the establishment of the schools, because instruction in 
them was confined to the English and Latin languages. 
The irritation caused by the order to substitute English for 
Dutch as the ofGicial language of the colony was just then 
at its height. Many parents regarded the schools merely 
as instruments for destropng their mother tongue, and re- 
fused to allow their children to attend, so that in one or two 
instances it was necessary to withdraw the teachers. In 
other places, however, and especially where some of the 
inhabitants were English, the attendance was large, and 
upon the whole it is hardly possible to estimate too highly 
the advantage which the colony derived in an intellectual 
point of view from the establishment of free schools of a 
high class in so many centres of population. 

On the 13th of February 1820 a building was opened for 
public worship at a place near the head of False Bay, where 
the clergyman of the Dutch reformed church of Stellenbosch 
was in the habit of holding periodical services for the people 

8 2 

26o History of South Africa 

in the neighbourhood. Early in 1822 a village was laid out 
there, which was named Somerset West, and in July of that 
year a congregation distinct from that of Stellenbosch was 
formed. The reverend J. Spyker, who since June 1817 
had been stationed at Swellendam, was appointed its first 

In the regulations of the Batavian commissioner De 
Mist, a synod or general assembly of the clergymen and 
elders of the Dutch reformed church, to meet every second 
year, was contemplated; but after the conquest of the 
colony by the English the design was abandoned, though a 
general assembly was more than ever needed, owing to the 
severance of the connection with the classis of Amsterdam. 
In 1824, however. Lord Charles Somerset sanctioned the 
convocation of a Sjmod, and on the 2nd of November of that 
year it met in Capetown. 

At the opening there were twelve clergymen and ten 
elders present. The reverend Jan ChristofFel Berrange, 
minister of Swellendam from December 1815 to June 1817, 
and thereafter one of the ministers of Capetown, was chosen 
to be moderator. The reverend Meent Borcherds, of Sfcellen- 
bosch, was appointed secretary. Two political commis- 
sioners represented the government in the synod : Sir John 
Truter, chief justice of the colony, and Mr. P. J. Truter, 
one of the judges of the high court. The session closed on 
the 19th of November, when the resolutions were sent to 
Lord Charles Somerset for approval, and by him were pro- 
visionally confirmed pending the decision of the imperial 
government. He neglected, however, to forward them to 

The next meeting of the synod took place in November 
1826, and its resolutions were in the same way laid before 
General Bourke, then acting governor. His Excellency sub- 
mitted them, together with those of 1824, to the council, by 
which body various alterations and omissions were made, 
and in that condition they were sent to England for 
approval. So thoroughly subject was the church to the 
state in those days. 

Lord Charles Somerset 261 

By this time it was found to be inconvenient and too 
expensive for the synod to meet so frequently, and thereafter 
it assembled only after intervals of five years. 

In January 1826 there were places of worship of the 
Dutch reformed church ab Capetown, Stellenbosch, Paarl, 
Tulbagh, Zwartland, Graaff-Reinet, Swellendam, Caledon, 
George, Uitenhage, Cradock, Beaufort West, Somerset West, 
Worcester, and Somerset East. The Lutherans had still 
but one congregation, in Capetown. The English episcopal 
<jhurch had five clergymen: in Capetown the reverend 
George Hough, in Simonstown the reverend George Sturt, 
in Grahamstown the reverend Thomas Ireland, in Wynberg 
the reverend William Wright, and in Port Elizabeth the 
reverend Francis McClelland. 

The Wesleyans had established a congregation in Cape- 
town, and on the 16th. of June 1822 their first chapel — in 
Barrack-street — was opened for public worship. Before 
that date their clergymen had conducted service in a store 
hired for the purpose. In Albany they had several places of 
worship. In December 1823 the reverend William Shaw 
commenced a mission in Kaffirland, with the sons of 
Cungwa, and in the course of a few years stations were 
formed by this society along the coast as far as the 

In 1806 the Eoman Catholic clergyman then in Cape- 
town was required by Sir David Baird to leave the colony, 
and a construction was afterwards put upon Mr. De Mist's 
proclamation granting religious equality which its author 
had not intended it to bear. Under that proclamation no 
clergyman could perform service publicly without the 
governor's permission. Mr. De Mist's motive was to 
prevent improper persons of any denomination from acting 
as clergymen, but the wording of the regulation was con- 
strued by the early English governors to mean that they 
could refuse to admit the ministers of any creed that they 

In 1819, however, at the request of the right reverend 
E. Slater, titular bishop of Buspa, who was about to proceed 

262 History of South Africa 

from T^nglanH to M&nritiaa, Eaad Bftthmst consented to a 
clergyman of the Roman CathoHc chnrch being stationed 
in Capetown* On the 1st of Jannaij 1820 the bishop 
arrired, with the rerermd P. ScaDf, who was presented to 
the Soman Catholics as their pastor. He was well receired 
\fj men of all creeds, and when he jKoposed to erect a place 
of worship, not only the principal ciril sertants and towns- 
people, bnt eren the clergymen of other denominations sub- 
scribed to the fund, and the burgher senate approred of 
a site being granted free of charge. The place selected 
was off Harrington-street, where Trinity chnrch — English 
episcopal — now stands. There a small bat neat building 
was put np, which was long nsed by the Soman Catholics to 
worship in. Sir Snfane Donkin allowed the clergyman a 
stipend of Ihl. ^ jesur^ bnt when Lord Charles Somerset re- 
turned to the colony this was withdrawn. In January 1826, 
however, Earl Bathurst sanctioned a salary of 1001. a year 
being paid from the colonial treasury to a clergyman in 
Capet^>wn, and also to one in Grahamstown whenever he 
could be obtained. 

Practically after 1820 there was political and civil 
equality for persons of every religious belief, though it was 
still vaguely held in theory that Soman Catholics could be 
excluded from civil offices by laws of England that were 
binding in South Africa. If this was correct, the theory 
wjis not reduced to practice, for Colonel Bird, the colonial 
Hfjcretary, was a member of that church. The doubt re- 
mained until January 1830, when an ordinance was issued, 
de(;laring Roman Catholics in the Cape Colony to have full 
civil rights, but imposing restrictions upon members of 
cortain religious orders. 

The Glasgow missionary society was formed in 1796. 
In 1820 it turned its attention to South Africa, and in the 
following year its first agents arrived. They were the 
rovorond Messrs. W. R. Thomson and John Bennie, who in 
November proceeded to the assistance of Mr. Brownlee at 
tho Tyumie. These were soon afterwards reinforced by 
others from Scotland, and in 1824 a station was founded 

Lora Charles Somerset 263 

eight or ten miles farther down the same river, near the 
present institution of Lovedale. In 1825 Mr. Brownlee 
left that part of Kaffirland entirely to the Glasgow 
missionaries, and founded, in connection with the London 
society, a station on the eastern bank of the Bufi^lo river, 
which now forms part of the borough of King-William*s- 

The missionary societies previously working in South 
Africa were extending their operations within the colony. 
In 1824 the Moravians founded the station of Elim, only a 
few miles from Cape Agulhas. In 1825 the London society 
founded the station of Hankey, on the Gamtoos river. In 
181 7 the South Afiican society founded the station of Zoar, 
at the foot of the Zwartebergen, in the district of 
Swellendam. In nearly every village throughout the 
country there were branches of one or other of the 
missionary societies, employing agents to instruct the 
coloured people. 

Altogether, there were in the colony at the close of 1825 
fifty-four places of religious worship and about one hundred 
and twenty schools of various classes. Beyond the colony 
there were mission stations with the Namaquas, Griquas, 
Batlapin, and Kosas. 

The Mohamedan religion was never prohibited in South 
Africa, though during the government of the East India 
Company people of that creed were obliged to worship either 
in the open air or in private houses. They requested from 
General Janssens permission to build a mosque, which was 
granted without hesitation, and a commencement was about 
to be made when the colony was conquered by the English. 
General Baird confirmed the privilege granted by his 
predecessor, and very shortly there was a mosque in 
Capetown. Another was built during the government of 
Lord Charles Somerset. 

The knowledge of the natural history of the country 
was greatly increased by the labours of M. Lalande, who 
was sent to South Africa by the government of France, and 
during the years 1819 and 1820 made a very large collection 

264 History of South Africa 

of animals. Among the specimens which he sent to Paris 
were some hundreds of previously undescribed insects. 

The arbitrary conduct of the governor gave rise to much 
discontent, and in some matters he seemed to court enmity. 
The manner in which he pushed the fortunes of his eldest 
son laid him open to attack. Every officer in the Cape 
regiment who stood in the way of the rapid promotion of 
that young man was either bought off by a lucrative civil 
post, or worried into retirement. In 1822, on a represen- 
tation by Lord Charles that there was imminent danger of 
an invasion of the colony by the Kosas, Earl Bathurst was 
induced to consent to the enlargement of the corps by two 
troops of cavalry, bringing its strength up to four hundred 
and eighty rank and file. It was the general opinion of the 
English in South Africa that the real object of the governor 
was his son's advancement, and this view was speedily con- 
firmed by the promotion of Captain Henry Somerset to be 
lieutenant-colonel of the Cape regiment and commandant 
of the eastern border, while the civil situation of com- 
missioner of stamps, which he held with a salary of 700Z. a 
year, was allowed to be performed by deputy. Colonel 
Somerset was personally popular with the Dutch colonists, 
and matters affecting military officers had no interest for 
them, so that on this occasion they did not join in the 
clamour of the governor's opponents. 

Another matter which caused a good deal of adverse 
comment was the excessive cost of the governor's establish- 
ment, while the colony was in a condition of financial distress- 
Lord Charles Somerset had for his own use four residences, 
kept in repair at the public expense. There was first the 
government house in the gardens in Capetown.^ Next there 
was the summer-house at Newlands. This was the old 
building occupied by the Dutch governors, that had been 
sold to Mr. Hendrik Vos in 1791. Afterwards it came into 

» There is an anecdote of Lord Charles, still current in Capetown, that 
upon his first arrival he was driven up from the jetty, and when the carriage 
stopped at the door of his future residence, he inquired what building it was. 

* This is government house, your excellency.' 

* Government house I ' he exclaimed, * ... it, I took it for a dog-kennel 

Lord Charles Somerset 265 

possession of Mr. William Duckitt, from whom Sir David 
Baird, on behalf of the government, obtained the house and 
A large portion of the grounds in exchange for a small farm . 
in the Cape district and a plot of land known as High 
Constantia, adjoining the original Constantia estate. Sir 
John Cradock improved the house somewhat, but Lord 
Charles Somerset was lavish of expense upon it. He 
attempted to add a second storey to it, with the result that 
in a storm during the night of the 12th of August 1819 it 
tumbled down; but he at once commenced to erect in its 
«tead the house, the main portion of which is still standing. 
As a marine villa he caused the building in Camp's Bay now 
belonging to Mr. Daniel Mills to be put up, and kept ready 
for his use whenever he chose to occupy it. And as a 
shooting-box he had the premises at Groote Post prepared 
for his accommodation. The grounds of Groote Post were 
twelve thousand morgen in extent, and the game upon 
them was preserved for the diversion of the governor and 
his friends. 

At the same time Lord Charles was not giving such 
satisfaction to the secretary of state as before 1820. Not 
that his despotic treatment of the colonists was objected to, 
for Earl Bathurst approved of most of the acts which were 
-offensive in South Africa. But his calls upon the imperial 
treasury for money were received with great annoyance. 
The finances of England were then in a disordered state, 
and the governor was expected by some means or other to 
keep the colonial expenditure within the revenue. The 
frequent questions concerning South Africa asked by 
members of the opposition in the house of commons were 
also embarrassing to the ministers. The governor must be 
wanting in tact, they thought, or he could surely prevent 
these unpleasant discussions. Still, the influence of his 
family and his connections was so strong that the secretary 
of state took care to support him publicly, while admonish- 
ing him privately. 

The pecuniary difficulties of the Cape began in 1822, 
when unavoidable expenses increased without an equivalent 

266 History of South Africa 

enlargement of revenue. A great storm firom the 20tli tc 
the 24th of July in that year gave the governor an 
opportunity to solicit aid. Major Josias Cloete was sent in 
all haste to England to represent to Earl Bathurst more 
powerfully than could be done in writing the appalling 
consequences of the storm, and to endeavour to raise a loan 
of money. He was to state that all over the western districts 
public and private buildings, roads, vineyards, gardens, and 
cultivated lands were destroyed ; that seven vessels out of 
fifteen at anchor in Table Bay were wrecked, happily with a 
loss of only three lives ; and that help was immediately and 
urgently needed. 

Upon these representations the British government agreed 
to lend the colony 1 25,000i. at five per cent yearly interest, 
and Lord Charles Somerset was authorised to draw for that 
amount at thirty days after sight. Meantime two hundred 
thousand paper rixdoUars were stamped, and lent through 
the district authorities to individuals in the country who had 
sujflfered from the storm. Before a reply from England could 
be received, it was ascertained that the first reports of 
damages were greatly exaggerated, and the governor there- 
fore hesitated to avail himself of his credit. In 1824, however, 
to Earl Bathurst's chagrin, Lord Charles drew bills, under 
this authority, for 35,097i. 10s. 7d., with which he redeemed 
the two hundred thousand paper rixdoUars, issued other 
sums on loan to the amount of 11,163Z., and applied the 
balance — 8,934^. — to the repair of public buildings. 

From the commissariat chest sums amounting altogether 
to 37,262Z. were drawn on loan, and when this source of 
supply was exhausted, on the 30th of June 1825 the governor 
borrowed from the agent of the East India Company 18,760Z. 
at four per cent yearly interest. From various local boards 
also sums amounting in all to 4,6 70Z. were obtained. When 
this was reported in England, Earl Bathurst — 8th of October 
1825 — issued peremptory instructions for the immediate 
suspension of all public works in the colony, and prohibited 
new appointments or increases of salaries without his pre- 
vious sanction. 

Lord Charles Somerset 267 

While the finances of the country were in this ruinous 
condition, it was agreed by every one that further taxation 
was impossible; and the colonists were loud in declaring 
that there was no other remedy than retrenchment in the 
salaries drawn by the principal officials. 

At this time the conduct of Lord Charles Somerset was 
occupying a good deal of atteption in the house of commons, 
arising from the following circumstances : 

A petition to the king and parliament from a considerable 
number of people in Capetown opposed to the redemption of 
the paper money at the low rate of eighteen pence sterling 
to the rixdoUar was sent to England in Lieutenant-Colonel 
Bird's charge, and excited much comment. Those who were 
smarting under the loss occasioned by that measure held 
that Lord Charles was to blame, because he had not reduced 
the public expenditure so as to enable him to apply the 
interest received through the loan bank to the redemption 
of the paper, instead of crediting it to the revenue. 

Colonel Bird was at open enmity with the governor. In 
May 1818, upon the death of Mr. Henry Alexander, he had 
been recommended by Lord Charles lor the office of colonial 
secretary, and in consequence received that appointment, to 
which a salary of 3,500Z. and a perquisite of 300Z. a year 
were attached. Early in 1823 Lord Charles came to suspect 
that certain documents made use of to his detriment by Sir 
Rufane Donkin in London were supplied by the colonial 
secretary, and the result was a despatch from Earl Bathurst, 
dated 13th of March 1824, announcing that the king was 
pleased to dispense with Colonel Bird's services. On the 4th 
of June this despatch was received, and on the same day 
Ml*. Pieter Gerhard Brink was directed to act as colonial 
secretary. Colonel Bird was obliged to retire with six 
months' salary in advance, and thereafter a pension of 600Z. 
a year, with a promise of 200Z. a year to Mrs. Bird should 
she survive him. His successor was Sir Bichard Flasket, 
who assumed duty on the 23rd of November 1824, with the 
title of secretary to government, and a salary of 3,0002. a 

268 History of South Africa 

Colonel Bird made no complaint to parliament on his 
own account. Just then there was a memorial before the 
commons, brought by Mr. William Parker, the head of a 
party of Irish settlers of 1820, who asserted that the late 
colonial secretary had acted in an improper manner towards 
him, and was the cause of his failure in the colony. Beyond 
showing that there was no foundation for this charge. 
Colonel Bird did nothing directly to cause discussion in the 
commons, but indirectly several members were known to be 
prompted by him. 

In 1820 a man named Bishop Burnett, who was well 
connected in England, came to South Africa as an independ- 
ent immigrant with a little capital, and rented some ground 
close to the Grahamstown commonage from Mr. Robert Hart, 
the superintendent of the Somerset farm at the Boschberg. 
From the government he obtained a grant of land adjoining 
that he had leased from Mr. Hart. Upon this estate Mr. 
Burnett commenced agricultural operations in the style to 
which he had been accustomed in England, and expended 
his capital largely in an ornamental building and embellishing 
the grounds about it. From a firm of merchants in Cape- 
town he obtained a considerable credit, and mortgaged his 
property as security. In the end he was unable to pay the 
second year's rent and a sum of money due for some cattle 
to Mr. Hart, who sued him for the debt before the circuit 

A series of lawsuits followed, and a decree was obtained 
declaring Mr. Burnett insolvent. During the proceedings 
in the case leading to this declaration, he tendered in pay- 
ment an account against Captain Henry Somerset for grass 
suppUed to the Cape regiment under that oflBcer's command, 
but as this account was disputed, the court refused to 
accept it as equivalent to money. In the condition to which 
he was reduced, his capital lost, his prospects in South 
Africa blighted, his honesty challenged for having secured 
one creditor by a bond while there was nothing to meet the 
claims of others, Mr. Burnett came to believe that gross 
injustice had been done to him; and when the properfy. 

Lord Charles Somerset 269 

upon the embellishment of which he had spent so much, 
was sold for a mere trifle, he regarded the proceedings 
against him as nothing better than robbery. 

His denunciations of Captain Somerset, Mr. Hart, and 
every one connected with the courts of justice were publicly 
made in very violent language, and at length in a memorial 
to Lord Charles Somerset, dated at Grahamstown on the 
2nd of December 1823, he accused Messrs. Borcherds and 
Truter, the judges of the circuit court, of * prejudice, par- 
tiality, and a corrupt violation of justice.' He stated that 
the whole history of the proceedings in which he had been 
engaged was one * of flagrant injustice, of legal error and 
perversion, of inconsistency, of extra-judicial procedure, of 
scandalous oppression, and of intolerable persecution.' In 
conclusion, he denounced Messrs. Truter and Borcherds as 
* persons morally disqualified to fulfil the sacred functions 
intrusted to them.' 

The governor placed this memorial in the hands of the 
fiscal, who caused Mr. Burnett to be tried for libel before the 
high court of justice. On the 9th of November 1824 he 
was pronounced guilty, when he was sentenced to banish- 
ment from the colony for five years, and to imprisonment 
until his embarkation. The latter part of the sentence was 
not enforced, and with an early opportunity Mr. Burnett 
left South Africa and proceeded to England. There he 
denounced Lord Charles Somerset as not only responsible 
for the acts of every officer of the colonial government 
because they held their situations at his Excellency's 
pleasure, but as the instigator of such oppression as he had 
experienced. In June 1825 he applied to the house of 
commons for redress, and Mr. Brougham, when presenting 
his petition, observed that if the statements contained in it 
were proved, he should feel it his duty to impeach Lord 
Charles Somerset. 

On the 3rd of February 1823 the reverend Abraham 
Faure, one of the clergymen of the Dutch reformed church 
in Capetown, and Mr. Thomas Pringle, assistant public 
librarian, sent to the governor the prospectus of a monthly 

270 History of South Afrua 

magazine which they proposed to publish alternately in 
Dutch and English. The governor forwarded the prospectus 
to the secretary of state for the colonies, who on the 7th of 
July wrote in answer that he had no objection to its publi- 
cation, provided that all topics of political or personal 
controversy were rigidly excluded. This condition was con- 
sidered by the imperial authorities necessary in a country 
occupied by diflFerent nationalities, and where slavery 

A few weeks after the prospectus of the magazine was 
sent to the governor by Messrs. Faure and Pringle, an 
English printer named George Greig arrived at the Cape. 
Having obtained a printing press from the reverend Dr. 
Philip, superintendent of the London society's missions, and 
a quantity of type from a vessel that called at Table Bay on 
her passage to India, in July he sent in a memorial for per- 
mission to publish a magazine ; but as Lord Charles Somerset 
had not yet received instructions from Earl Bathurst, Mr. 
Greig was merely informed by the colonial secretary that 
numerous requests to the same purport had been made, and 
that the governor would feel himself bound to consider the 
interests of prior applicants whenever a printing press 
should be established in the colony. 

Mr. Greig waited until December, and then, having 
heard nothing further from the government, he abandoned 
the project of publishing a magazine, and issued a pro- 
spectus of a weekly newspaper, in which he stated that 
' the South African Commercial Advertiser would ever most 
rigidly exclude all personal controversy, however disguised, 
or the remotest discussion of subjects relating to the policy 
or administration of the colonial government.' A copy of the 
prospectus was sent to the governor, with a letter requesting 
his patronage, but not formally asking his leave. The 
pledge in the prospectus seemed to comply so exactly with 
Earl Bathurst's instructions that Lord Charles made no 
objection to the paper being published, and on the 7th of 
January 1824 the first number was issued from the ofSce, 
No. 30 Longmarket-street, Capetown. A little later Messrs. 

Lord Charles Somerset 271 

Thomas Pringle and John Fairbairn became its joint 
editors, and as both these gentlemen were well-edncated and 
able, its literary character was high. 

At this time there was living in Capetown a man who 
went by the name of William Edwards, by occupation a 
notary. He was a noisy and turbulent individual, a rabid de- 
claimer against the tory party, and a constant boaster of his 
position and influence in England. In January 1824 he was 
employed by Mr. Launcelot Cooke, a resident in the town, 
to draw up a memorial to the lords of the treasury, in which 
Mr. Charles Blair, collector of customs, was charged with 
allotting prize negroes to his creditors in payment of his 
debts. In the usual manner this memorial was sent to the 
governor, but, instead of forwarding it. Lord Charles 
Somerset, with whom Mr. Blair was a favourite, caused 
Cooke and Edwards to be tried for libel. On the 26th of 
March they were acquitted, but Edwards suffered a month's 
imprisonment for abusive language in court towards the 
fiscal, Mr. Daniel Denyssen. A report of the trial appeared 
in the Commercial Advertiser, and was certainly calculated to 
bring the chief law officer of the colony into disrespect. 
Besides this, a leading article upon a model administrator 
and several extracts from different books gave offence to the 

In April William Edwards was again brought before the 
high court of justice, charged with addressing a malicious 
and libellous letter to the governor, when in his defence he 
did all that he possibly could to cast slurs upon the 
character of Lord Charles Somerset. 

To prevent a report of this case appearing in print, on 
the 3rd of May the governor instructed the fiscal to require 
Mr. Greig to furnish security to the amount of 750L that 
he would adhere to the terms of his prospectus, and unless 
such security were forthcoming by the 7th of the month to 
stop the press until it should be given. The fiscal was also 
directed to look over the proofsheets of the paper to be 
published on the 5th, and to suppress anything offensive in 
them. On the evening of the 4th these instructions were 

272 History of South Africa 

carried out. The following morning the eighteenth number 
of the Commercial Advertiser appeared with a notice that a& 
the fiscal had assumed a censorship, the publisher found it 
his duty to discontinue the paper until he had applied for 
redress to his Excellency the governor and the British 

The 7th passed without an offer of the required security, 
but with a notification to the public by Mr. Greig that he 
intended to publish an advertising sheet and an account of 
the facts connected with the suppression of the newspaper 
through the assumption of a censorship by the fiscal. On 
the 8th the governor directed the fiscal to put a seal upon 
the press, and issued a warrant requiring Mr. Greig to leave 
the colony within a month. The matter was regarded as of 
such importance that these directions were carried out on 
Sunday by the fiscal and a commission from the high court 
of justice. By some means Mr. Greig then managed ta 
print an account of what had occurred on slips of paper, 
which were extensively distributed ; and he also put up a 
notice offering his type for sale, to enable him to proceed to 
England to seek redress. This so irritated the governor 
that he issued an order to place a seal on the type, and 
when it was thus made unsaleable, his Excellency offered to 
purchase it at a valuation. To get money, Mr. Greig gave 
his consent, and though a fortnight later it was intimated 
to bim by the fiscal that, unless he provoked the governor 
again, his quitting the colony would not be enforced, he 
took passage in the first vessel that sailed for England. 

A few days later the type was transferred by the 
governor to a printer in the Gazette office named William 
Bridekirk, who had a small shop for the sale of books and 
stationery; and on the 18th of August a new paper, called 
the South African Chronicle and Mercantile Advertiser^ 
appeared. This paper, like the Commercial Advertiser, wa» 
published in the English and Dutch languages once a week. 
It was to all intents a government organ, and was eulogistic 
of Lord Charles Somerset personally. It continued in ex- 
istence until the close of 1826. 

Lord Charles Somerset 273 

Shortly after Mr. Greig left the colony, his press was 
claimed by the reverend Dr. Philip as the property of the 
London missionary society, but the governor refused to give 
it up without proof of ownership and security to the amount 
of 750Z. that it would not be used for purposes of political 
or personal controversy. He then referred the matter to 
Earl Bathurst. 

Meantime a petition to the king in council was numer- 
ously signed in Capetown, praying that the press in South 
Africa might be placed under legal protection. This tended 
to exasperate the governor still more, and his displeasure 
was vented upon as many of those who signed it as came in 
his way. To such lengths did he proceed that he threatened 
to put in force his proclamation against illegal meetings if 
the members of a newly-formed literary and scientific 
society — who were chiefly men that signed the petition — 
should venture to assemble, and he compelled all civil 
servants of standing to withdraw their names from that 

Upon reaching England, Mr. Greig applied to the secretary 
of state for the colonies, and received an attentive hearing. 
Earl Bathurst was not one whit more than Lord Charles 
Somerset in favour of an uncontrolled newspaper in the 
colony, but the arbitrary proceedings in connection with the 
suppression of the Commercial Advertiser were exciting much 
comment in London, the opponents of the ministry were 
turning that event to the best account, and the secretary 
was compelled to proceed with the greatest caution. Mr. 
Greig was desired to submit his case in writing, and it was 
then carefully compared with Lord Charles Somerset's re- 
ports. In the relation of matters of fact they agreed, but 
their deductions were widely diflFerent. Dr. Philip's claim 
to the press was then referred to Mr. Greig for explanation, 
and was repudiated by him, as he asserted that the press 
was purchased, not borrowed. He stated also that the sale 
of his type to the Cape government was practically forced 
upon him, as he was prevented from using it, and needed 
money to defray his travelling expenses. 

iv. T 

274 History of South Africa 

On the 12tli of February 1825 Earl Bathurst gave his 
decision. Mr. Greig was permitted to return to the Cape 
Colony, with liberty to publish a newspaper under the terms 
of the prospectus issued by him in December 1823. The 
type sold to the Cape government was to be restored to him 
at the same price, and he was to have a long credit for pay- 
ment. The dispute with Dr. Philip concerning the owner- 
ship of the press was to be settled between themselves, or 
by a court of law. The exact meaning of the prospectus 
was referred to the governor in council, who could withdraw 
the license to publish if the terms were not observed. 

Mr. Greig accordingly returned to the colony. He was 
unable to obtain the type which had been transferred to Mr. 
Bridekirk, but he managed to procure other, and on the 81st 
of August 1825 the South African Commercial Advertiser 
appeared again. Mr. Fairbaim now became its sole editor, 
as Mr. Pringle returned to England. The paper from this 
date became decidedly an opposition organ to the existing 

This was not the only contention which Lord Charles 
Somerset had with the press. On the 2nd of December 1823 
he formally gave leave to Messrs. Pringle and Faure to 
publish the magazine which they proposed to edit, and on 
the 5th of March 1824 the first number of the South African 
Journal appeared, followed in April by the first number of the 
Nederduitsch Zuid-Afrikaansch Tijdschrift. Each magazine 
was issued as an octavo pamphlet of sixty-four to one 
hundred pages. The second number of the Journal appeared 
on the 7th of May, and contained, among other articles, one 
upon the state and prospects of the British settlers, in which 
their distress was partly attributed to * an arbitrary system of 
government and its natural consequences : abuse of power 
by local functionaries, monopolies, restrictions, &c.' 

On the 13th of May the fiscal sent for Mr. Pringle, and 
demanded security that he would abstain in future from 
political and personal controversy. This Mr. Pringle 
declined to give. The governor then sent for him, and in 
ofiensive language upbraided him with being ungrateful. 

Lord Charles Somerset 275 

His Excellency had enlarged the grant to his party of 
settlers at Glen Lynden by nine thousand four hundred 
acres of ground, and had conferred upon liimself the 
situation of sub-librarian of the public library in Capetown, 
with a salary of 75Z. a year. Mr. Pringle replied that he 
presumed the grant of ground had been made as a matter of 
public duty, and as for the sub-librariauship he begged to 
resign it. Lord Charles then expressed a wish that the 
Souih African Journal should be continued, but that care 
should be taken to avoid the publication of offensive matter 
in it. Mr. Pringle, however, declined to conduct it longer, 
unless it was protected by law from arbitrary interference on 
the part of the executive branch of the government, and to 
this no reply was made. 

The Zuid-Afrikaansch Tijdschrift continued to be pub- 
lished as before, but the Journal expired with the second 
number. An academy conducted by Messrs. Pringle and 
Fairbairn, and which had been in a thriving condition, now 
rapidly lost its best pupils, as the governor showed himself 
unfriendly to those who sent children to it. His Excellency 
regarded it, indeed, as a school where seditious principles 
were being instilled into the minds of the young, and he 
wrote so urgently to Earl Bathurst upon the necessity of 
counteracting it, that the secretary of state engaged the 
reverend Edward Judge, a clergyman of the English church, 
to come out and establish a seminary. In May 1825 Mr. 
Judge arrived, and opened a high-class school in Capetown, 
with which it was impossible for a private establishment to 

The Commercial Advertiser was suppressed to prevent a 
report of the trial of William Edwards appearing in it. By 
the public the governor was regarded as the real prosecutor 
in that trial, though the fiscal took the responsibility. 
Edwards was found guilty, and was sentenced to seven 
years' transportation to New South Wales. At that time 
English convict ships called at the Cape for supplies of 
fresh provisions, and by order of the imperial government 
persons sentenced to transportation by the colonial high 

276 History of South Africa 

court were received on board and conveyed to Australia^ 
where they were kept in detention just as if they had been 
sentenced in England. When on the way to Simonstown 
to be consigned to a convict ship, Edwards made his 
escape, but was subsequently discovered in the house of a 
retired shipmaster named John Camall, at Wynberg, and 
when re-arrested made an abortive attempt to commit 

Captain Carnall was then tried before a court of twa 
judges for aiding Edwards to escape, and was sentenced to 
banishment from the colony for a year. The fiscal appealed 
to the full court, and on the 8th of November 1824 the 
sentence was increased to five years' transportation to New 
South Wales. The governor mitigated it, however, to five 
years' banishment from the colony, and Captain Camall took 
passage for England. 

These events caused much ferment in Capetown* 
Edwards was regarded by a large number of people as a 
kind of martyr for liberty, as a man who was pursued to 
death by the governor for no other offence than that of 
having written a letter to his Excellency in unguarded 
language. Captain Carnall was described as an inoffensive 
and amiable man, who in the evening of life was required to 
sacrifice his property and make a new home in some other 
country where tyranny was less triumphant than in South 

Another circumstance that caused a good deal of 
excitement in Capetown during this eventful winter was a^ 
number of abusive placards that were posted up at night. 
At daybreak in the morning of the 1st of June, Captain 
Findlay, a master mariner who was resident in the town, 
observed a placard pasted on a post at the Heerengracht 
end of the parade, and found it to be a malignant and 
obscene charge against the governor. He did not remove 
it, and a little later in the morning it was not there, though 
no one else could be found who saw it. Upon nothing but 
Captain Findlay's report, the governor offered a very large 
reward for the discovery of the author of the placard, and 

Lord Charles Somerset 277 

the leading people in the town supplemented the offer most 
liberally. But no discovery was made. Then the governor 
issued warrants to search the premises and papers of certain 
individuals. Nothing whatever was brought to light, and 
an opinion became prevalent that the placard was designed 
by some of his Excellency's minions puri)Osely to enable 
search warrants to be issued. 

These matters found their way into the London new^ 
papers, and were commented upon greatly to the disfavour 
of Lord Charles Somerset. The variety in the eharact'T and 
occupations of the individuals who had lived und^tr Li^i 
government, and who were then in London denounfjrj:^ Liu- 
gave weight to the general opinion that his adu:iiiiiK^rij:tiL»i 
was so despotic and corrupt as to be a disgraee t(» th' Ln^rix 
name. The most violent and energetic of hih ar^'^urtfT' t^-jc 
Mr. Bishop Burnett, the most talented wen- Coi* \r-, J.zr. 
and Sir Rufane Donkin, and the simplest wuh th' o^ =iz_: -t-^ 
John Carnall. But there were many otherh. 0:' '^xiji. ■_ 
two or three need be mentioned. 

Mr. Pringle was still in South Afrifja. r/a* ^i 1 ' •^> 
spondence with the secretary of stat*- auc "'Ti. ^:- ■..--/. 
member of the house of commonn. 

Mr. Launcelot Cooke was a fonniuai/i- TOTCfr?;-*: -'v, 
succeeded in brinj'injj his view:-, ver*. T/rimufifii-' *^- •- 
British people. His case was riTiii*!; tiu. -i^ '«..". 
be obtained in a colony when: \u^ junst ^ /."- -s 
the irovernor and removabi': t* ni 
addressed to the imperial autLvtu*-: 
governor, and those whonui:^ \u^ji t 

for libel ? 

Another, but much i*n>* J'.r3zi2ttaktou '.^^-'i^.- 
reverend William Gean*- Tiik jzzimasu -"o* 
of the English epi-je^/jAJ '-inxn:^ •n* 
with a letter of rHf:^jnm¥saistiax. sifr, 
Beaufort, and wa^ Ii '.tniKtiBaM i^f-^" 
Graham stown by J>,vt 'J 
him as a petty-rri.VjtH?t 
hU position, ar./i v;ntliii«iur'.ifl3i«if »y 

f _• 

278 History of South Africa 

what lie termed Hs surplice fees. In October 1824 Lord 
Charles dismissed him, and appointed the reverend Thomas 
Ireland as his successor, greatly to the satisfaction of the 
Grahamstown people. Mr. Geary returned to England, 
where he represented himself as a victim of the governor's 
tyranny, and was attentively listened to. 

In 1825 the ministry warded oflF an attack in the house 
of commons by promising that the various complaints which 
had been brought forward should be submitted to the 
investigation of the commissioners of inquiry, that their 
reports should be in readiness at an early date, and that 
Lord Charles Somerset should be called upon to defend 
himself. Mr. Bigge was then in ill health, so it became 
necessary to appoint a third commissioner. Mr. William 
Blair, who was selected for the oflSce, arrived at the Cape on 
the 24th of December 1825. 

Lord Charles had previously requested leave to return to 
England, in order — as he expressed himself — to refute the 
gross calumnies with which he was assailed; and Earl 
Bathurst had given him permission to do so. But at the 
beginning of 1826 the feeling in London was so strong that 
the secretary of state considered it necessary to recall the 
governor * to give explanations,' in case he should not 
immediately proceed home of his own accord. The 
direction of public opinion was clearly indicated by 
the Times newspaper of the 19th of January, in which 
the trial of Lord Charles Somerset was demanded, and 
Mr. Brougham was called upon to fulfil the promise to 
impeach him. 

On the 8th of February 1826 General Bourke arrived in 
the ship-of-war Rainbow^ with instructions to carry on the 
administration during the absence of the governor. On the 
5th of March Lord Charles, with his wife and eldest 
daughter, embarked in the East India Company's ship Atlas^ 
and sailed for England. He left the remaining members of 
his family at the Cape, as he confidently expected to return 
at no very distant date. 

A few days after the governor's arrival in England there 

Lord Charles Somerset 279 

was a brief discussion of his case in the house of commons, 
but owing to the advanced stage of the session the subject 
was allowed to drop. Then parliament was dissolved, and 
Mr. Beaumont, the member who had been most active in 
introducing petitions against him, was not returned for the 
new house. In December 1826 Mr. Hume, who presented a 
petition from Captain Camall, brought the matter on again^ 
but discussion was still further postponed. 

In April 1827 Mr. CanniDg succeeded the earl of Liver- 
pool as prime minister, and Lord Goderich took Earl 
Bathurst's place. Lord Charles Somerset immediately sent 
in his resignation as governor of the Cape Colony. On the 
17th of May Mr. Wilmot Horton moved in the commons 
that the reports of the commissioners of inquiry should be 
laid upon the table, which was agreed to. 

On the 29th of June 1827 the matter finally came on for 
discussion. But by this time everybody was weary of the 
subject, and new events were occupying all minds. The 
resignation of the governor was accepted by most people as 
having done away with the necessity for further investigation. 
William Edwards, upon reaching New South Wales, was 
recognised as an escaped convict whose true name was 
Alexander Lockaye, and the strong feeling which his case 
had called forth at once subsided. The report of the 
commissioners of inquiry upon the case of Mr. Bishop 
Burnett, which had been made so much of, was entirely in 
Lord Charles Somerset's favour. Mr. Brougham himself 
prevented debate by a short speech, in which he informed 
the commons that, ha\ring been retained in a case that came 
before the privy council, he had found the most serious 
charge made by Burnett against the governor — that of 
taking a sum of money in an indirect manner by the sale of 
a horse for giving a decision as judge of the court of 
appeal — was utterly groundless. The governor's decision 
was actually against the man who had purchased the horse 
from him. After Mr. Brougham, a few members spoke, 
generally in favour of acquitting the governor of personal 
corruption ; but there was no life in the debate, and it ended 

8o History of South Afrua 

— ^never to be resumed — in a resolution that the papers 
should remain upon the table. 

Lord Charles Somerset survived this event nearly four 
years. He died at Brighton on the 20th of Tebruary 1881, 
after a very short illness. 




Comparison of the Bantu tribes of the interior with those living along the 
coast — Rise of the Zulu chief Tshaka — Account of the chief Dingiswajo — 
Formation of Tshaka's army — Wars of extermination carried on by the 
Zulus — Account of the Tembu tribe— Invasion of the Tembu country by a 
horde of fugitives under the chief Madikane — Defeat and death of Madi- 
kane — Origin of the Fingos — Account of the Hlubi tribe — Devastation of 
the country between the sources of the Caledon and the Vaal — Terrible 
destruction of life by the Mantati horde — Devastation of the country along 
the Caledon — Rise of the Basuto chief Moshesh — Career of the Amangwane 
tribe — Invasion of the Tembu country by the Amangwane — Flight of a 
Tembu clan into the Cape Colony — Invasion of the Tembu country by a 
Zulu army — Defeat of the Amangwane by a colonial commando— Devasta- 
tion of the Pondo country by a Zulu regiment — Settlement of the Batlokua 
tribe on the upper Caledon — Growth of the Basuto tribe under Moshesh — 
Account of the chief Moselekatse — Destructive career of the Matabele 
under Moselekatse — Account of Griqua and Korana marauders — Settlement 
of missionaries of the Paris evangelical society with the Basuto under 
Moshesh — Account of the Barolong tribe — Settlement of Wesleyan mis- 
sionaries with a clan of the Barolong — Occupation of land along the 
r!aledon by various clans under guidance of Wesleyan missionaries. 

At this period nearly the whole of South Africa beyond the 
borders of the Cape Colony was in a state of violent disturb- 
ance, owing to wars among different Bantu tribes. The 
colony itself was affected to such an extent by an influx of 
fugitives that its history cannot be continued without an 
account of what was then occurring in the region between 
the Orange and Limpopo rivers, the Kalahari desert and the 
Indian ocean. In order to make this a<;count intelligible, it 
is necessary first to enumerate the principal tribes, and to 
show in what respects those of the interior differ from those 
living along the coast. 

At the beginning of the present century the great range 
of mountains called the Kathlamba or Drakensbergen was 
a dividing line between two sections of Bantu that have many 
characteristics in common, but between whom there are 

282 History of South Africa 

some important differences. The principal tribes composing 
the section that occupied the land along the coast were the 
following : 

1. The Araakosa, bordering on the Cape Colony, and 
inhabiting the district between the Fish and Bashee rivers. 

2. The Abatembu, occupying the district between the 
Bashee and Umtata rivers. 

3. The Amampondomisi, who lived east of the Umtata, 
forty or fifty miles from the sea, 

4. The Amampondo, who occupied the country along the 
lower course of the Umzimvubu river. 

6. The Amakesibe (correct Kaffir spelling Amaxesibe), 
who occupied a small district on one of the eastern tribu- 
taries of the Umzimvubu. These people were a branch of a 
tribe living much farther north, but they had been settled 
for several generations where they were then living, and had 
become politically independent. 

6. A number of tribes — the Amabele, the Amazizi, the 
Amahlubi, the Abasekunene, and many others of less import 
ance — occupying the territory that is now the colony of 
Natal. The Amamfengu or Fingos of the present day are 
descendants of these people. 

7. The Amabaca, who also occupied at that time a por- 
tion of Natal, and whose descendants are now to be found 
dispersed between the Tina and Umzimkulu rivers. 

8. The Amangwane, living along the Umzinyati river. 

9. The various tribes that were welded together by 
Tshaka, and have since formed the Amazulu. They occupied 
the country between the Tugela and Fongolo rivers. 

10. The Amatonga, living along the coast south of 
Delagoa Bay. 

11. The Amasvvazi, occupying an inland district north of 
the Fongolo river. 

Beyond these, or north of Delagoa Bay, the country 
along the coast was thickly inhabited, but the tribes 
there were too remote to need mention in this history. 

This group, from the Amakosa to the Amaswazi, may 
conveniently be called the coast tribes of South Africa. 

Mountain Tribes of Bantu 283. 

Most of them derive their titles from the name of their first 
great chief or founder, thus the Amakosa are they of Kosa, 
the Abatemba they of Tembu, the Amaswazi thej of Swazi. 
A few are called after some peculiarity of the people ; but in 
such cases the titles appear to have been originally nick- 
names given by strangers, and afterwards adopted by the 
members of the tribe. The Amamfengu — literally the 
wanderers — of our own times present an instance of this 
manner of acquiring a title. 

On the other side of the Kathlamba range which, at a 
distance of about one hundied and twenty miles, runs nearly 
parallel with the margin of the Indian ocean, the most 
advanced tribe on the south was the Baphuti, who were 
thinly scattered over the district stretching southward from 
Thaba Bosigo to the Orange river. 

Next came a group of five tribes terming themselves the 
Mayiane, the Makhoakhoa, the Bamonageng, the Batlakoana, 
and the Baramokhele. They spoke the same dialect, and 
claimed descent; from common ancestors, which, however, 
they could not trace ; but politically each was independent 
of the others, except when accident or the abilities of some 
chief gave supremacy for a time to a particular ruler among 
them. They occupied the valley of the Caledon from about 
the parallel of Thaba Bosigo northward. It will be well to 
regard them with particular attention, for their descendants 
form the nucleus of the present Basuto tribe. 

Adjoining them to the north, and occupying the country 
along the banks of the Sand river, was a tribe named the 
Bataung, the members of which could not be distinguished 
by any custom or peculiarity of dialect from the five tribes, 
but which had never yet in its traditional history been politic- 
ally connected with them. 

Along the southern bank of the Vaal, between the dis- 
trict occupied by the Bataung and the Drakensberg, were 
various tribes of kindred blood, the remnants of which are 
now to be found intermingled with the Basuto. It is un« 
necessary to give their titles, as their individuality has been 
completely lost, and none of them have ever taken an 

284 History of South Africa 

important part in events since Europeans became acquainted 
with the country. 

To the north-east at no great distance was a tribe known 
as the Batlokua, celebrated among their neighbours as skilfnl 
workers in iron and traders in implements made of that 
metal. They occupied the country along the slopes of the 
Kathlamba, about the sources of the Wilge and Mill rivers, 
in the present district of Harrismith. Closely allied with 
the Batlokua and mixed up with them by intermarriages 
were the Basia, whose kraals were built along the Elands 
river. Mokotsho, chief of the Batlokua, about the beginning 
of the century took as his great wife Monyalwe, daughter of 
Mothage, chief of the Basia. Their eldest child was a 
daughter, Ntatisi, after whose birth Monyalwe, according to 
custom, was called Ma Ntatisi, a name which subsequently 
acquired great notoriety. 

There is no necessity to enumerate the tribes that then 
occupied the inland mountain slopes farther northward, as 
they have entirely disappeared. 

The group here mentioned, consisting of the Baphuti, the 
Mayiane, the Makhoakhoa, the Bamonageng, the Batlakoana, 
the Baramokhele, the Bataung, the Basia, and the Batlokua, 
may for convenience sake be termed the Basuto or the 
mountain tribes. 

The country which they inhabited is to South Africa 
what Switzerland is to Europe. It lies along the inner slope 
of the highest portion of the Drakensberg, and the lowest 
point of it is more than five thousand feet above the level of 
the sea. It is almost destitute of trees, but is covered with 
good pasturage, and its valleys, especially those drained by 
the streamlets that feed the Caledon, contain excellent soil 
for agriculture. During the winter months, or from May to 
August, the mountain tops are frequently covered with snow, 
and in summer violent thunderstorms pass over the country 
and cause it to produce food in abundance for man and 
beast. The land along the head waters of the numei'OTis 
streams that flow into the Vaal is thus capable of supporting 
a dense population, as is also the narrow belt between the 

Interior Tribes of Bantu 285 

Caledon and the Maluti range ; . but east of that chain the 
sorBEbce is so ragged that it is considered uninhabitable. In 
summer, however, it is used as grazing ground for horned 
cattle, which are then driven up from the lower lands in 
great herds. 

Parts of this territory have been made by nature almost 
impregnable. Isolated mountains abound, some of them 
with their sides of naked rock so nearly perpendicular that 
the summits are only accessible by two or three narrow 
paths between overhanging cliffs, where half a dozen resolute 
men can keep an army at bay. The tops of such mountains 
are tablelands well watered and affording good pasturage, so 
that they can be held for an indefinite time. 

The western limits of the mountain tribes were not 
defined in any other way than that the people, being agri- , 
culturists, spread themselves out no farther than they could 
make gardens, which ihey could not do on the arid plains. 
Over those plains roamed Bushmen, preying upon the 
countless antelopes, and, beyond them, along the Vaal and 
Hart rivers, were Koranas with their herds of horned cattle 
and flocks of sheep. 

Some ninety or a hundred miles north-west of the last 
kraals of the mountain tribes, the outposts of another section 
of the Bantu race were to be found. The first tribe in this 
direction was the Batlapin, who were, however, not pure 
Bantu, for in their veins was a mixture of Korana blood. 
Next to the northward were the Barolong, and beyond them 
the Bahurutsi, the Bangwaketsi, the Bakwena, and many 
others whose titles need not be mentioned. This group may 
be termed the Betshuana or the central tribes of South 
Africa, as the territory which they occupied is about midway 
between the A tlantic and Indian oceans. West of them lay 
the great Kalahari desert. East were numerous kindred 
tribes, occupying the country on both sides of the ridge that 
separates the waters which flow into the Vaal from those 
which flow into the Limpopo. 

There is less difference between the second and the third 
of the groups here mentioned than between the first and the 

2 86 History of South Africa 

second, though the customs of the mountain tribes are, in 
many respects, like their geogi'aphical position, intermediate 
between the others. They speak three dialects of a common 
language, but while a Mosuto,^ for instance, and a Morolong 
understand each other without difficulty, a Mosuto and a 
Zulu cannot converse together. 

The Basuto and Betshuana have several methods of dis- 
tinguishing the diflFerent tribes from each other. One is by 
a title derived from their founder, by giving his name a 
plural form, as Barolong from Morolong, Baramokhele from 
the father of Mokhele. Another is derived from the name 
of the place where the tribe originally lived. A third is 
from some peculiarity of the people. A fourth is by giving 
a plural form to the name of the animal which the tribe 
holds in fear or reverence. Thus the Bakwena are they of 
the crocodile, the Bataung they of the lion, the Baphuti 
they of the little blue antelope. Each original tribe had its 
own sibokoy or object of veneration, which it * danced to,* but 
did not actually worship. The members of the tribe would 
on no account harm the animal thus venerated, and took 
great trouble to avoid even coming in contact with it ; 
though they had no respect for the animals held in regard 
by others. This method of distinguishing the tribes was 
the simplest and best at the beginning of the century, but 
owing to the extent to which they have since been broken 
up and reformed, it cannot now be exclusively followed. 

The Bantu everywhere have strong faith in the power of 
charms to turn aside evils. They believe in the efficacy of 
certain medicines to give them courage, or to make them 
invulnerable in battle. They divine the issue of warlike 

* Explanation of terms : — 

Mo8uto» a single individual of the tribe. 

B.isuto, two or more individuals or the tribe collectively. 

Sesuto, the language of the Basuto. The Basuto use the word also to 
denote characteristic customs. 

Lesuto, the country belonging to the tribe, 
asuto, used by Europeans also as an adjective signifyixig pertaining to the 
people so called. A Mosuto would use the expression * of the Basuto.' 

So with Morolong, Barolong, Serolong, Motlokua, Batlokua, &c., kc, kc. 

Bantu Superstitions and Arts 287 

operations bj revolting cruelties practised on animals. 
They have an intense fear of ghosts, and a firm belief in the 
existence of malevolent water-spirits. All this is common 
to the different sections, but in some respects the mountain 
tribes are even more superstitious than those of the coast. 
The former are actually guided in half their actions by the 
position in which some pieces of bone of the character of 
dice fall when they are cast on the ground. 

Deep in the minds of these people is the germ of a belief 
in the transmigration of souls. A species of snake is 
regarded with great reverence, because they suppose that 
the spirits of their ancestors sometimes visit them in that 
form. A man will leave his hut in possession of such a 
snake, if it should enter, and every one would shudder at 
the thought of hurting it. This belief is more highly 
developed among the coast tribes than among those of 
the interior, but traces of it are to be found everywhere 
among the southern Bantu* 

All of these tribes, when first encountered by Europeans, 
were acquainted with the use of iron, which they smelted 
for themselves, and of which they made implements of war 
and husbandry. The occupation of the worker in this metal 
was hereditary in certain families, and was carried on with 
a good deal of mystery, the common belief being that it was 
necessary to employ charms unknown to those not initiated. 
But the arts of the founder and the blaclrsmith had not 
advanced beyond the elementary stage. They made clumsy 
hoes for turning up the ground, but instead of an opening 
for a handle these were provided with a spike which was 
driven into a hole burnt through the knob of a heavy piece 
of wood. The assagai was common to all, and in addition 
the interior tribes made crescent-shaped battle-axes, which 
were fastened to handles in the same manner as the hoes. 
On these implements of war they bestowed all their skill, 
and really produced neatly finished articles. They worked 
the metal cold, and were unable to weld two pieces together. 

Of the use of stone for building purposes, the coast tribes 
knew nothing, and the interior tribes very little. None of 

288 History of South Africa 

them had ever dressed a block, but the cattle-folds, which 
along the coast were constructed of branches of trees, in the 
mountains were made of round stones roughly laid together 
to form a wall. The quern, or handmill for grinding com, 
which was in common use, consisted of untrimmed stones, 
one flat or hollow and the other round or oval. 

All had great skill in dressing the skins of animals^ of 
which their scanty clothing was composed. The interior 
tribes excelled in this art, and equalled, if they did not 
surpass, the neatest European furriers in making robes, 
which they stitched with sinews by the help of an awl. 

The coast tribes preserved their grain in pits excavated 
beneath cattle-folds, but the interior tribes used for this 
purpose either earthen crocks or enormous baskets, which 
were perfectly watertight, and which could be exposed to 
the air without damage to their contents. 

The common law of all the tribes is the same. It holds 
every one accused of crime guilty, unless he can prove him- 
self innocent. It makes the head of a family responsible for 
the conduct of all its branches, the kraal collectively in the 
same manner for each resident in it, and the clan for each 
of its kraals. There is no such thing under it as a man 
professing ignorance of his neighbour's doings; the law 
requires him to know all about them, or it makes him suffer 
for neglecting a duty which it holds he owes to the commu- 
nity. Every individual is not only in theory but in practice 
a policeman. 

A.mong these people it is no uncommon occurrence for 
small and weak tribes, or fragments of tribes, to seek pro- 
tection from some powerful ruler, and to have a tract of 
land assigned to their use within his domains. In such 
cases they give a few head of cattle as a mark of their sub- 
jection and of his sovereignty. They are then viewed as 
vassals, their chiefs possessing indeed full power of govern- 
ment of their own adherents, but bound to acknowledge the 
head of the tribe from whom they hold their land as their 
superior in all matters afieetinf^ the combined communities. 

When Europeans first came in contact with these 

Distinctions between the Tribes 289 

people, the interior tribes were found to have attained a some- 
what higher degree of perfection in such handicrafts as were 
practised by them all. The government of the interior 
tribes also was less despotic, for matters of public importance 
were commonly submitted to the decision of a general 
assembly of the leading men. Their males were found 
aiding the females in agriculture, though the hardest and 
most constant labour was by them also left to the women. 
Their habitations were vastly superior. The house of a 
Motshuana had perpendicular walls, and consisted of a 
central circular room, with three or four apartments outside, 
each being a segment of a circle. It was surrounded with 
an enclosed courtyard, and was, with the exception of being 
destitute of chimney or window, almost as capacious and 
comfortable as the cottage of an ordinary European peasant. 
The hut of a man belonging to the coast tribes was a single 
circular room, covered by a low dome of thatch, and no 
effort was made to secure the slightest privacy. Midway in 
convenience between these was the hut of a resident in the 
mountain land. 

But with these exceptions, all comparisons between the 
tribes must be favourable to those of the coast. The Bantu 
of the interior are smaller in stature and less handsome in 
appearance than the splendidly formed men who live on the 
terraces between the Kathlamba and the sea. In all that is 
comprised in the word manliness they are vastly lower. 

Truth is not a virtue of savage life. In general, if a 
man can extricate himself from a difficulty, escape punish- 
ment, or gain any other advantage by telling a falsehood, 
and does not do so, he is regarded as a fool. Instances^ 
however, have not been rare of chiefs of coast tribes making 
promises and adhering faithfully to them ; but the word of 
the very best of the interior chiefs has always been found to 
be worth absolutely nothing. 

The deceptive power of all these people is something 
wonderful to Europeans. But there is one member which 
the coast native cannot control, and while with a counten- 
ance otherwise devoid of expression he relates the grossest 

IV. u 

290 History of South Africa 

falsehood or the most tragic event, his lively eye betrays the 
passions he is feeling. When falsehood is brought home to 
him unanswerably, he casts his glances to the ground or 
around him, but does not meet the eye of the man he has 
been attempting to deceive. The native of the mountains 
and of the interior, on the contrary, seems to have no con- 
ception whatever of shame attached to falsehood, and his 
comparatively listless eye is seldom allowed to betray him. 

The native of the coast is brave in the field : his inland 
kinsman is in general an arrant coward. The one is modest 
when speaking of his exploits, the other is an intolerable 
boaster. The difference between them in this respect is 
very great, and is exemplified in many ways, but a single 
illustration will give an idea of it. Faku, son of Gungushe, 
chief of the Pondos, by no means the best specimen of a 
coast native, once wished to show his regard for Mr. Henry 
Fynn, who was then residing with him in the character of 
diplomatic agent of the colonial government. He presented 
to him a hundred head of cattle with this expression : * you 
have no food to eat, and we desire to show our wishes 
towards you, take this basket of corn from the children of 
Gungushe.* An inland chief presents a half-starved old 
goat to his guest with the expression * behold an ox.' 

There is a very important difference in their marriage 
customs. A man of the coast tribes will not marry a girl 
whose relationship by blood to himself can be traced, no 
matter how distantly connected they may be. So scrupulous 
is he in this respect that he will not even marry a girl who 
belongs to another tribe, if she has the same family name 
as himself, though the relationship cannot be traced. He 
regards himself as the protector of those females whom we 
would term his cousins and second cousins, but for whom he 
has only the same name as for the daughters of his own 
parents, the endearing name of sister.* In his opinion 

' When speaking to another — even to a European — of one of these females, 
it is customary with a Kosa to use a plural pronoun, and to say our sister, not 
my sister (udade wetu, not udade warn). I have not been able to trace the 
origin of this custom. 

Circumcision Rites of Bantu Tribes 291 

union with one of them would be incestuous, something 
horrible, something unutterably disgrarceful. The native of 
the mountains almost as a rule marries the daughter of his 
father^s brother. There is nothing else in their customs, 
not even the fearful depravity which is yet to be mentioned, 
that creates such disgust as this intermarriage does in the 
minds of the people of the coast. They attribute to it the 
insanity and idiocy which are prevalent in the mountains, 
and they say the Basuto deserve to have idiots for children, 
as their marriages are like the marriages of dogs. 

The circumcision rites of the tribes are also different. On 
the coast there is nothing secret about the ceremony, but 
with the mountain tribes the youths are formed into guilds 
or lodges with passwords. The members of these lodges are 
bound never to give evidence against one another. The rites 
of initiation are kept profoundly secret, but certain horrible 
customs performed on some of these occasions have become 
known. One of these customs is the infusion of courage, 
intelligence, and other qualities. Whenever an enemy who 
has acted bravely is killed, his liver, which is considered the 
seat of valour, his ears, which are considered the seat of 
intelligence, the skin of his forehead, which is considered the 
seat of perseverance, and other members, each of which is 
supposed to be the seat of some desirable quality, are cut 
from his body and baked to cinders. The ashes are carefully 
preserved in the horn of a bull, and during the circumcision 
ceremonies are mixed with other ingredients into a kind of 
paste and administered by the tribal priest to the youths, the 
idea being that the virtues which they represent are com- 
municated to those who swallow them. This practice, 
together with that of using other parts of the remains of 
their enemies for bewitching purposes, accounts for the 
mutilation of the bodies of those who fall into their hands in 
war, a practice which has more than once infuriated white 
men whose friends have been thus treated, and caused them 
to commit deeds from which they would otherwise have 

The corresponding ceremony through which girls of 


292 History of South Africa 

twelve or thirteen years of age pass, as practised by the coast 
tribes, might be deemed the most degrading rite that human 
beings have ever been subject to, if it were not known that 
among the mountain tribes it is even more vile. All that the 
most depraved imagination can devise to rouse the lowest 
passions of the young females is here practised. A description 
is impossible. 

Chastity in married life can hardly be said to exist among^ 
the coast tribes. By custom every wife of a polygamist has 
a lover, and no woman sinks in the esteem of her companions 
on this becoming publicly known. The law allows the hus- 
band a fine from the male offender, and permits him to chastise 
the woman, provided he does not maim her; but in the 
opinion of the females the offence is venial and is not 
attended with disgrace. Favoured guests have female com- 
panions — who are, however, generally widows — allotted to 
them. Still, chastity has a value in the estimation of the 
men, as is proved by the care with which the harems of a 
few of the most powerful chiefe are guarded. It miglit 
be thought that the framework of society would fall to 
pieces if domestic life were more immoral than this, but 
in point of fact a Tembu or a Kosa village is a scene of 
purity when compared with a ki*aal among the mountain 

There it is a common occurrence for a chief to secure the 
services and adherence of a young man by the loan of one of 
his inferior wives either temporarily or permanently. In 
either case the children belong to the chief, who is regarded 
by the law as their father. 

Another revolting custom of the mountain tribes is that 
of polyandrous marriages. A man who has not the requisite 
number of cattle to procure a wife, and whose father is too 
poor to help him, goes to a wealthy chief and obtains 
assistance on condition of having joint marital rights. 

Among the coast tribes the institution of slavery does not 
exist, but there can be no more heartless slave-owners in the 
world than the Betshuana. To be weak with them is to be 
truly miserable. Their bondsmen are the descendants of 

Birth and Youth of Tshaka 293 

people scattered in former times by war, and who lost every- 
thing then but life. 

The difference between these sections of the Bantu ex- 
plains much of what occurred when they first came into 
collision. The warlike and vigorous men of the coast felt 
the most supreme contempt for their inland kinsmen, and had 
no more compunction in exterminating whole hordes of them 
than if they had been jackals or hyenas. 

About the year 1783, or perhaps a little later, one of 
the inferior wives of Senzangakona, chief of the Zulu tribe, 
gave birth to a son who was destined to tower high in fame 
above all his contemporaries. He was named Tshaka. At 
the time of his birth the Zulu tribe, whose kraals were on 
the banks of the river Umvolosi, was small and without 
influence. It was not even independent, as it was tributary ' 
to the Abatetwa. The only reputation the Zulus had then 
acquired was that of being keen traffickers, expert pedlars 
of such wares as constituted the basis of commerce in South- 
Eastern Africa. 

Tshaka grew up to be in person one of the handsomest of 
the well-formed men that composed his tribe. In all the 
feats of agility in which the youths of his people take so much 
delight he was unequalled, if native traditions are to be 
believed. At that time white men had no intercourse with 
any of the coast tribes beyond the Amakosa, and our know- 
ledge of Tshaka's early life is therefore drawn entirely from 
native sources. But from 1824 to the date of his death he 
was frequently visited by Europeans. Among these, Messrs. 
F. G. Farewell, J. S. King, H. F. Fynn, and Nathaniel 
Isaacs have given accounts of him, and they all describe him 
in similar terms. In 1825 Mr. King wrote of him as * up- 
wards of six feet in height and well proportioned, the best 
pedestrian in the country, and exhibiting in his exercises the 
most astonishing activity.' He appeared then to be about 
thirty-six years of age, but he must have been older. 

While Tshaka was still a youth he excited the jealousy of 
his father, and was compelled to flee for his life. He took 
refiige with Dingiswayo, chief of the Abatetwa, his father's 

294 History of South Africa 

feudal lord. This Dingiswajo was a man who had gone 

through some curious adventures, and had seen some strange 

vicissitudes of fortune. In his younger days he had been 

suspected of treasonable designs against his father Jobe, and 

only escaped death by the devotion of one of his sisters. 

With her aid he managed to get away from the executioners 

who were sent to kill him, and then for many years he was 

lost sight of by his people. . They believed him to be dead, 

instead of which he was wandering from tribe to tribe, until 

at length he reached the border of the Cape Colony. While 

he was there a military expedition was sent to the frontier, 

probably the one under General Vandeleur in 1799. If it 

was this one, the chief topic of conversation among the 

Amakosa would certainly, be the engagement with Cungwa's 

clan, in which a few trained soldiers drove back a large body 

of Kosas and inflicted upon them tremendous loss. At any 

rate Dingiswayo came to hear something about the European 

military system, and he reflected a good deal upon what he 


Prior to this date the method of conducting war by all 

the South African tribes was very simple, but not very 
effective. The chiefs led their followers, and were obeyed by 
them, but the army was really an undisciplined mob. Ifc was 
divided into two bands, the veterans who wore plumes, and 
the young men whose heads were bare. Each warrior was 
trained from early youth to the use of his weapons, but was 
never drilled to act in concert with his fellows or to perform 
the simplest military evolution. A campaign was a sudden 
swoop upon the enemy, and seldom lasted longer than a few 

While Dingiswayo was gathering information Jobe died, 
and the Abatetwa, believing that the rightful heir had 
perished, raised the next in succession to be their chief. 
But by some means the wanderer came to hear of his father's 
death, and sent word to the tribe that he intended to return. 
The message was followed by news of his approach, and it 
was announced that he was mounted on an animal of won- 
derful strength, beauty, and speed. The Abatetwa had not 

Rise of Tshaka to Power 295 

yet seen a horse, so that the excitement caused bj their lost 
chief's return was considerably heightened by his making 
his appearance on the strange animal. There was no doubt 
as to his identity, and he was received with rapture by the 
majority of his late father's subjects. His brother made 
a feeble resistance, but was easily overcome and put to 

Dingiswayo now set about turning the information he 
had gained to some account. He formed his men into 
regiments, and appointed officers of various grades to com- 
mand them. When this was accomplished he made war 
upon his neighbours, but was satisfied with conquest, for, 
though ambitious, he was not particularly cruel. 

Such was the chief under whose protection Tshaka placed 
himself. The Zulu refugee became a soldier in one of 
Dingiswayo's regiments, from which position he raised himself 
by courage and address to a situation of command. 

When Senzangakona died the Zulus feared to acknow- 
ledge his legitimate heir as his successor, as by so doing 
they might displease their paramount lord. They therefore 
applied to Dingiswayo, who, trusting to the fidelity of Tshaka, 
nominated him to the vacant chieftainship. As long as 
Dingiswayo lived, Tshaka and he worked harmoniously 
together. But at length, in a skirmish with a tribe which he 
had made war upon, the chief of the Abatetwa was made 
prisoner, and was put to death by his captor. 

The army then did what armies in such circumstances 
are prone to do : it raised its fevourite general to supreme 
power. Tshaka now conceived schemes of conquest on a vast 
scale, and devised a much more perfect system of organisa- 
tion and discipline than had before existed. The males 
of the united tribes with their vassals that acknowledged 
his sway were divided into regiments, each of which had its 
own kraal or portion of a kraal when several were stationed 
together. The soldiers were not permitted to marry with- 
out the consent of the chief, and this was only given to a 
regiment after long and meritorious services. The regiments 
were distinguished from each other by the pattern and colour 

296 History of South Africa 

of their shields, and a spirit of emulation between them was 
encouraged and kept up by various devices. 

As soon as a youth was fit to bear a shield he was re- 
quired to join the army, and thereafter he had no companions 
but soldiers until the chief's permission to marry was ob- 
tained by his regiment. The practice of circumcision was 
abolished, as being useless now that another mark of maji- 
hood had taken its place. The army was provided with 
food mainly from herds captured in war, and the female 
portion of the community furnished what grain was needed. 
Constant drilling, reviews, and mock fights occupied the 
time of the soldiers when they were not engaged in actual 

The weapon previously in use was the assagai, or light 
javelin, which was thrown at the enemy from a distance. 
Tshaka substituted for it a short-handled long-bladed spear, 
formed to cut or to stab. The warrior who returned from 
battle without his weapon forfeited his life. To protect his 
person, he carried an enormous shield of stout ox hide, upon 
which he received the assagais hurled against him. 

The world has probably never seen men trained to more 
perfect obedience. The army became a vast machine, 
entirely under command of its head. There was no 
questioning, no delay, when an order was issued, for to 
presume upon either was to court instant death. Most 
extraordinary tasks were sometimes required of a regiment 
to prove its efiiciency in this respect. At a review an order 
would sometimes be given which meant death to hundreds, 
and the jealousy between the regiments was so great that if 
one hesitated for a moment the others were ready to cut it 

When attacking an enemy, the army was drawn up in 
two divisions. The one in advance was in the form of a 
crescent, the ends of which were termed the horns, the 
centre being known as the breast. The rear division was 
the reserve. Its formation was that of a square or parallelo- 
gram, and its place was behind the breast, as the best 
position from which to strengthen any weak point. 

Exterminating Wars of Tshaka 297 

With an army of forty or fifty thousand men thus highly 
disciplined, Tshaka commenced a series of wars which did 
not terminate until between Delagoa Bay and the Umzim- 
vubu river the only tribe left to withstand him was the 
Amaswazi, whose country abounded in natural strongholds 
in which they took refuge. He was not satisfied with mere 
conquest, in his opinion an enemy was not subdued unless it 
was exterminated. His soldiers were ordered utterly to 
destroy the people they marched against, to kill all the old 
and all the children of both sexes, to reserve none but a few 
lads to be their carriers and the comeliest girls who were to 
be brought to him. These orders were literally carried out. 
The tribes disappeared, and the country beyond the Zulu 
military kraals became a desert. A few only of the neigh- 
bouring clans saved themselves by begging to be incorporated 
with the Zulu power, and conforming in all respects to the 
Zulu system. 

Tshaka governed his people with such cruelty as is hardly 
comprehensible by Europeans. Every one who displeased 
him in any way was put to death. All who approached him 
did so unarmed and in a crouching posture. He never 
admitted any woman to the rank of wife, though at his 
various places of residence over twelve hundred females were 
maintained. His custom was to distribute to his favourite 
officers such of these women as he no longer cared for, when 
their places were supplieid by captives. To prevent rivalry 
by members of his own family, he allowed no son of his to 
live. And yet his people were devoted to him, so proud 
were they of the military fame which his genius had enabled 
them to acquire. 

When Tshaka commenced his career, the lower terraces 
of the territory that is now the colony of Natal were the 
most densely peopled districts of South Africa. The soil 
was rich, the water plentiful, the climate such as the Bantu 
of the coast love. If the tribes there had united for defence, 
they might have succeeded in holding their own; but combi- 
nation in time of danger, apparently so natural, is seldom 
resorted to by barbarians. Frequently, on account of some 

298 History of South Africa 

petty jealousy, they rejoice at the downfall of neighbours^ 
and lack foresight to see that their ovm turn will come next* 
It was so with the tribes of the country that is now the 
colony of Natal. One after another they were attacked,, 
and though several of them fought desperately, all were 
overpowered and ruined. Some instances of obstinate de- 
fence by isolated parties are still preserved in the memory of 
the aged, of which the following may serve as a specimen : 

XJmjoliy chief of the Abasekunene, had taken to wife a 
woman named Gubela, of the Amabele tribe. She was a 
person of most courageous disposition, and as her husband's 
character was just the reverse, she placed herself at the head 
of his warriors, and resolved to die rather than flee. For a 
long time she succeeded in defending herself and the portion 
of the tribe that adhered to her, for after her first achieve- 
ments she separated from her craven husband, and the 
people were divided between them. Her name soon grew so 
famous that a song was composed in her honour, two lines- 
of which read as follows : — 

At Gubela's they don't use bars to kraals, (i.e. cattle-folds) 
But for gates make heaps of heads of men. 

Valour, however, did not prevail, and in the end Gubela's 
people shared the fate of all the rest. 

A horde of fugitives gradually made their way along the 
second terrace above the coast, fighting at one place, resting 
for months at another, until they reached the Umgwali 

The Tembu tribe at that time occupied the district near 
the sea between the Bashee and Umtata rivers, but one of its 
offshoots had wandered away to the north-west, and had 
settled on the eastern bank of the Tsomo. Between this 
party of wanderers and the Galeka branch of the Kosas 
there was a close alliance ever since Kawuta, father of 
HLntsa, had taken as his great wife a daughter of Tshatshu, 
chief of those people. Upon Kawuta's death, this woman, 
assisted by two councillors, governed the Galekas during the 
minority of her son Hintsa. 

Genealogy of the Tembu Chiefs 


The Tembus were similar in every respect to the Kosas, 
except that the latter had a small mixture of Hottentot 
blood in their veins. Their antiquaries maintain that the 
two tribes were originally one people, and some of them give 
the name of a chief from whom the ruling families of both 
are descended, but others dispute the genealogy beyond 
Tembu. The line from him is agreed upon by all, and is as 
follows : 












































Matanzlma, Sikungati, Umfanta 




At the time of the occurrences related in this chapter 
the paramount chief of the tribe was Vusani, or Ngubencuka 
as he was sometimes called from the hyena-skin robe which 
he wore (ingubo=a robe, incuka=a hyena). 

Between the Tsomo and the Indwe rivers there were a 
few scattered kraals of Kosas, under petty captains acknow- 
ledging Hintsa as their chief. West of the Indwe there 

300 History of South Africa 

were no Banta whatever, the only occupants of the territory 
between that river and the Zwart Kei — the colonial boundary 
— ^being roving Bushmen, except when a former from the 
Tarka occasionally drove his cattle there for change of 

The horde that has been mentioned as coming down 
from the north after the death of Gubela was under a chief 
named Madikane, whom rumour described as a giant covered 
with hair, and with nails like the talons of eagles. Madi- 
kane was resting and feasting on spoil near the source of the 
TJmgwali river, when before daylight on the morning of 
the 20th of December 1824 he was attacked by a combined 
force of Tembus and Kosas led by Vusani and Hintsa. 
During the morning Madikane was killed, and his followers 
were turning to flee, when it rapidly became so dark that 
some stars appeared. The Tembus and Kosas dispersed in 
great terror, believing the darkness to be caused by the 
death of the formidable chief. They had not got far when 
the sun began to shine again. It is this event that enables 
us to fix the date with precision, as on the 20th of December 
1824 an eclipse of the sun — ^nearly total — took place. 

After the death of Madikane his horde dispersed, and its 
fragments settled down in a condition of vassalage among 
the Kosas and Tembus. So did remnants of the Amabele, the 
Amazizi, the Amahlubi, and a few other tribes of less note, 
who managed to escape by fleeing southward, some before, 
some after the event just related. Their descendants are 
the Fingos of the present day. The Amabaca, now living 
between the Umzimkulu and Tina rivers, are descendants of 
the remains of another fugitive tribe. The only people left 
in the greater part of the present colony of Natal were the 
remnants of a few clans who concealed themselves in 
thickets, and some of whom adopted cannibalism as a means 
of existence. 

One section of the Amahlubi demands particular notice. 
The original home of this tribe was the district between the 
Buffalo and Tugela rivers, where they were living in the year 
1820. Their great chief at that time was named Bungane, 

Genealogy of t/ie Hlubi Chiefs 301 

and as from him some men have descended who have played 
an important part in South African history, a genealogical 
table of the family is here given : 











Umtimkulu Umpangazita 

I i I I 

LaDgallbalele Ludidi Sidinane Methlomakulu 

I I 

Siyepu Zibi 

The Amahlubi were not attacked directly by Tshaka's 
armies, but by Matiwane, chief of the Amangwane, who was 
himself endeavouring to escape from the Zulu spear. The 
Amahlubi were driven from their homes with dreadful 
slaughter, in which their great chief Bungane and his prin- 
cipal son Umtimkulu both perished. Some clans of the 
defeated tribe, under Umpangazita, the second son of Bun- 
gane in rank, endeavoured to escape by crossing the moun- 
tains to the westward. An incident strikingly illustrative of 
savage life caused them to set their faces in this direction. 
Some fifteen or eighteen months previously a quarrel had 
taken place between Umpangazita and his brother-in-law 
Motsholi, who thereupon left the Hlubi country with two or 
three thousand followers, and took refuge with the Batlokua. 
The chief Mokotsho was then dead, and his widow. Ma 
Ntatisi, was acting as regent during the minority of her son 

Ma Ntatisi received Motsholi with hospitality, and for 

302 History of South Africa 

about a twelvemontli the intercourse between the Batlokna 
and the strangers was of a friendly nature. But Moteholi, 
when visiting Ma Ntatisi, would never partake of food pre- 
sented to him, and was always accompanied by some of iiis 
own followers carrying provisions for his use. He assigned 
as a reason that what was offered to him was the food of the 
deceased Mokotsho, as if he would say that he suspected Ma 
Ntatisi of having caused Mokotsho's death by poison, and 
feared to eat what she prepared lest he might share the same 
fate. This came at length to be considered a gross insult by 
the regent and her people. 

In the winter of 1821 Sikonyela, then about sixteen or 
seventeen years of age, was circumcised, when he determined 
to notify his entrance into the state of manhood by a deed 
becoming a warrior. With a band of youthful adherents he 
fell by stealth upon Motsholi, killed him and about twenty 
of his people, and drove off the cattle. The murdered chief 
wore a necklace without a fastening, and to obtain this 
Sikonyela cut off his head. 

Some of the adherents of Motsholi fled to Umpangazita, 
and informed him of what had taken place. It was just 
then that the Amahlubi were compelled to leave their own 
country. Umpangazita thereupon resolved to demand with 
the assagai the restoration of the well-known necklace from 
the treacherous Batlokua, and to avenge the death of his 
brother-in-law while escaping from his own antagonist. It 
is owing to this circumstance that the interior tribes accuse 
the Batlokua of being the cause of the wars of extermination 
west of the Drakensberg. 

The Amahlubi were closely followed by the Amangwane, 
and so hot was the pursuit that the aged and feeble with 
thousands of helpless children were of necessity abandoned 
on the way, that the more vigorous might escape. The^^ 
crossed the Drakensberg and fell upon the Batlokua, who 
were dispersed and compelled to abandon all their posses- 
sions. The whole of the tribes living along the streams 
which flow into the upper Vaal were then driven from their 
homes. In one great horde they fled northward, and, cross- 

Career of the Mantati Horde 303 

ing the VaaJ, fell upon the inhabitants of the southern por- 
tion of the present South African Republic. Their principal 
leader was named Tshuane, but the one whose fame has been 
most widely spread was Ma Ntatisi, the chieffcainess of the 
Batlokua. From her the whole horde, though composed of 
the remnants of numerous tribes, has ever since been known 
as the Mantati destroyers. 

After crossing the river, the Mantatis turned to the 
north-west, and created awful havoc with the tribes in their 
line of march. As each was overcome, its cattle and grain 
were devoured, and then the murderous host passed on to 
the next. Their strength was partly kept up by incorporating 
captives in the usual manner, but vast numbers of the in- 
vaders, especially of women and children, left their bones 
mingled with those of the people they destroyed. Twenty- 
eight distinct tribes are believed to have disappeared, leaving 
not so much as a trace of their former existence, before the 
Mantatis received a check. Then Makaba, chief of the 
Bangwaketsi, taking advantage of an opportunity when they 
were encamped in two divisions at a distance from each other, 
fell upon them unawares, defeated them, and compelled them 
to turn to the south. 

In this direction, the Barolong lay in their route. These 
they dispersed and drove into the desert, and then they fell 
upon the Batlapin. They took possession of Lithako, the 
second Batlapin kraal in importance, and were about to 
march to Kuruman, when they were attacked by a body of 
Griquas under Andries Waterboer, Adam Kok, and Barend 
Barends, 26th of June 1823. Being mounted and provided 
with firearms, the Griquas easily secured a victory, without 
loss to themselves. After this second defeat, the Mantati 
horde broke up into several sections. 

One of these went northward, destroying the -tribes in its 
course, and years afterwards was found by Dr. Livingstone 
on a branch of .the Zambezi. It was then known as the 
Makololo, and its chief was the celebrated Sebetoane. 

Another section returned to the Caledon, and under Ma 
Ntatisi and her son Sikonyela took an active part in the 

304 History of South Africa 

devastation of tlie coantry aloDg that riyer. The people- 
composing this branch of the Mantati horde were of variouft 
clans, but henceforth they were all called Batlokua, as their 
chief was originally the head of the tribe of that name. 

Some smaller bands wandered aboat destroying until 
they were themselves destroyed. 

One band, a section of the Bataung, under the chief 
Molitsane, moved up and down the wasted country for years. 

Excepting these and a clan of the Bataung under a chief 
named Makwana, who managed to hide away for a time, the 
whole of the original Bantu inhabitants of the northern half 
of the present Orange Tree State passed out of existence. 

After this, the Amahlubi and the Amangwane, still fight- 
ing with each other, fell upon the country occupied by the 
five tribes of the Mayiane, Makhoakhoa, Bamonageng, Ba- 
tlakoana, and Baramokhele. At that moment, just when 
these tribes most needed an able head, there was not a single 
man of note among them. Motlomi, chief of the Bamona- 
geng, whose name is still held in great veneration by the 
Basuto, exercised paramount power over them all during his 
lifetime, but he died in 1814 or 1815, and there was no one 
of sufficient ability to take his place. It was therefore not 
as one strong determined people that the five tribes met the 
torrent of invasion, but as little bands, each trying to hold 
its own, without a common plan of action. 

Vast numbers of people of all ages died by the club and 
assagai. In a short time the cattle were eaten up, and as 
the gardens ceased to be cultivated, a terrible famine arose* 
Thousands, tens of thousands, of people perished of starva- 
tion, other thousands fled from the wasted land, and many of 
those who remained behind became cannibals. It is impos- 
sible to form an estimate of the number of individuals be- 
longing to the mountain tribes who perished at this time. 
The losses of the Batlokua alone can be approximately com- 
puted. They were reduced from about one hundred and 
thirty thousand to fourteen or fifteen thousand, only a small 
proportion of the loss being from dispersion. If the destruc- 
tion of human beings in what is now the Lesuto, and in the 

Genealogy of Moshesh 305 

north-east of the present Free State, be estimated at three 
hundred thousand, that number must be greatly under the 
mark. And on the other side of the mountains at least half 
a million had perished. Compared with this, the total loss 
of himian life occasioned by all the wars in South Africa in 
which Europeans have engaged since first they set foot in 
the country sinks into insignificance. 

While these devastations were taking place, a young 
man, son of a petty chief of the Baramokhele, began to 
attract attention. His name was Moshesh. His family was 
one of so little note that in a country where the genealogies 
of men of rank have been carefully handed down for twelve 
or fifteen generations, antiquarians cannot trace his lineage 
with absolute certainty beyond his great grandfather. Some 
of them indeed, since Moshesh's rise, pretend to give the 
names of several of his more remote ancestors, but these 
names are disputed by others, and all that is generally agreed 
to is that the family was in some way related by marriage to 
the ruling house of the Bamonageng. Certainty begins with 
Sekake, a petty chief who died about the middle of last 
century, leaving a son named Mpiti. 

If the custom of his people had been followed, after 
Sekake's death his brothers should have taken his widows ; 
but either by accident or design his great wife fell to one of 
his friends who was a stranger, being a native of the coast 
region. By this man the woman had a son, who was named 
Pete. According to European ideas, Pete would certainly 
have no claim to represent Sekake, but his mother having 
been Sekake's wife, by Bantu custom he was considered 
Sekake's son. His elder brother Mpiti was, however, held to 
be the heir. Pete lived until the year 1823, when he was 
killed and eaten by cannibals. He left two sons, Dibe the 
elder, and Mokatshane the younger. About the year 1793 
Mokatshane's wife gave birth to a son, who, on attaining 
manhood, took the name of Moshesh, and subsequently 
became the most prominent individual in the mountain land. 
Moshesh was thus by birth only the heir of a younger son of 
a younger son ' by cattle ' of a petty chief, a position of very 

IV. X 

3o6 History of South Africa 

little note indeed. The following genealogical table will 
show his descent at a glance : — 


Mpiti Pete 

Masotwane Dibe Mokatshane 

Makwai Ramakha Moshesh 

Many years later, the official praisers, a class of men who 
attend upon every native chief, related that Motlomi, the last 
paramount ruler of the five tribes, had named Moshesh as 
his successor, and had predicted his future greatness ; but 
their statement rested upon flattery alone. Motlomi was 
dead long before Moshesh had an opportunity of emerging 
from obscurity. 

The family of Mokatshane was a large one. Among his 
sons who were born after Moshesh were Makhabane, Poshuli, 
Mohali, Moperi, and Lelosa. 

Moshesh first saw the light at Lintshuaneng, on the 
Tlotsi, where his father's clan was living. He grew up to 
be a man of commanding appearance, attractive in features, 
and well formed in body. In his youth he was an ardent 
hunter of the elands and other large animals that were then 
to be found at no great distance from his home, and this 
exercise developed his strength and activity. 

Upon the invasion of his country, Moshesh, then a 
vigorous young man of eight or nine and twenty years, 
collected a party of warriors, chiefly his former companions 
in the chase, and made a stand at the strong position of 
Butabute. There he held his own for a considerable time, 
but in the winter of 1824 he was attacked by Ma Ntatisi, 
and was driven away, when his followers were brought to 
great distress. He then removed some distance to the 
south-west and took possession of Thaba Bosigo, a mountain 
so formed by nature as to be a fortress of great strength, 
and which has never yet been occupied by a foe. None, a 
Baphuti chief, had a kraal at the foot of the hill, but he was 

Growth of MoshesHs Power 307 

plundered of his provisions by Moshesli's chief warrior, 
Makoniane, and was then driven away by the new-comers. 

Moshesh now conducted various expeditions against the 
Batlokua and the Amahlubi, and owing to the skill with 
which his plans were formed, he was invariably successful. 
His fame as a military strategist rapidly spread, and from 
all parts of the mountain land men came to Thaba Bosigo 
to join him. With an impregnable stronghold in his posses- 
sion, in which the families and effects of his retainers were 
secure, it was easy for the rising chief to make sudden 
forays, and fall upon his enemies at unguarded points. 
Each successful expedition brought new adherents, until 
the Basuto of Moshesh became a strong party, devoted to 
their leader. Tor two or three years the Amangwane were 
the most powerful people in the country, and during this 
time Moshesh paid court to their chief, professing to be his 
vassal, and paying him tribute from the spoil taken in his 

After a time the most formidable of the invaders perished 
or left the ravished country. A great battle was fought on 
the banks of the Caledon between Umpangazita, or Pakalita 
as he was called by the Basuto, and Matiwane, in which 
the Hlubis were defeated with great slaughter. The chief 
and those who escaped fled t/O a mountain, but were followed 
by the enemy, and driven from the stronghold. In the last 
stand that they made, near Lishuane, Umpangazita was 
killed. Most of the young men were then taken to be 
carriers for the Amangwane. Such as remained placed 
themselves under the protection of Moshesh, and with his 
consent settled in the district of Mekuatling. These people 
and their descendants, together with some fragments of the 
Amangwane and other tribes subsequently broken, are the 
Fingos of recent Basuto history. 

After the destruction of the Hlubis, an army sent by 
Tshaka fell upon Matiwane, who was defeated and compelled 
to flee. Crossing the Orange river and the Kathlamba 
mountains in a southerly direction, he attacked the Tembus. 

On the 24th of August 1827 despatches from the landdrost 


3o8 History of South Africa 

of Somerset reached Capetown, informing the actings gOTer- 
nor that a body of Tembus aboat three thousand strong 
had been driven over the Zwart Kei river into the colony by 
an invading force from the interior. The Tembns, who 
were under the chief Bawana, professed to be seeking pro- 
tection ; but the damage which they were doing was little 
less than if they had been avowed enemies. The landdrost 
stated that he had gone with a small escort to ascertain 
something about the people before whom Bawana had fled, 
but had been observed by them, had been pursued, and had 
made his escape with difficulty. The troops on the border 
wore marching to the scene of disturbance, and the land- 
drost had called out a commando of farmers. 

Gonoral Bourke immediately proceeded to the frontier, 
tnivolling with such speed that he reached Grahamstown on 
tht^ 1st of Septombtr. There he was informed that the 
invaders had retired from the Tembu country, after devas- 
tating a large portion of it. He therefore issued instructions 
for the troops to return to their cantonments, and for the 
disbandment of the burgher commando. The Amangwane 
had not gone far from the Tembu country, however, as 
was afterwards ascertained. The horde had merely ceased 
nhiiuloriuix and dostrovincr, and had settled for a season on 
tho eastern bank of the Umtata to enjoy the spoil it had 

CiiMieral Bourke proceeded from Grahamstown to the 
ilistriot which the Tembus had overrun, and had an inter- 
view witJi Bawana. The chief was unwilling to return to 
his own country, but alter some discussion he i)romised to 
roliro from the colony. This promise he did not carry out, 
and indeed at that time he was unable to do so, owing to 
Matiwane's presence on the Umtata. In this condition the 
matter remained for a twelvemonth. 

In 1S28 a powerful Zulu force marched southward 
through Kaffirland, and was posted on the 21st of July 
al>t>ut eighteen miles beyond the Basliee. Vusani and 
llintsa, paramount chiefs of the Tembus and Kosas, as- 
sembled their warriors, and to support these chiefs and 

Destruction of the Antangwane 309 

prevent an invasion of the colony, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Somerset, commandant of the frontier, moved towards the 
Kei with a force of a thousand men, consisting of troops and 
burghers hastily summoned from the districts of Graaff- 
Eeinet, TJitenhage, Albany, and Somerset. 

Upon receipt of this information, the acting governor 
sent instructions to Major Dundas, landdrost of Albany, to 
endeavour to obtain an interview with Tshaka, who was 
reported to be leading his army in person, and persuade him 
to return to his own country by informing him that his 
progress would be opposed by the colonial forces. 

Without waiting for instructions. Major Dundas with an 
escort of twenty-four Albany farmers had in the mean time 
proceeded into Tembuland to ascertain further particulars. 
On the 26th of July he was present and took part in an 
engagement between Vusani's Tembus and a small party of 
Matiwane's people, in which the latter were routed, and a 
number of cattle were recovered. 

It was so diflBicult to obtain correct intelligence that both 
Major Dundas and Colonel Somerset believed the defeated 
force to have been Tshaka's Zulus, and on the 2nd of August, 
in consequence of this mistake, the commando retired from 
the bank of the Kei. On the 4th messengers from Vusani 
and Hintsa reached the retreating troops and burghers, and 
informed them of their error, when they at once turned 
about, and marched towards the Bashee. 

On the morning of the 27th of August Colonel Somerset 
sent an interpreter with an escort to hold a parley with a 
body of men estimated by him to be over twenty thousand 
in number and supposed to be Zulus. The interpreter 
was not allowed to approach closely, and his escort was 
attacked and driven back. This brought on a general 
engagement, which lasted several hours, and which ended 
in the Amangwane being utterly routed, wi*nout any loss to 
the Europeans. After their defeat, the Tembus and Kosas 
fell upon them and nearly exterminated the once powerful 
tribe. The battle was principally fought by regular troops. 
Only one hundred and twenty burghers, under Commandant 

3IO History of South Africa 

Durand, took part in it, as a strong division of fanners, 
under Commandant Van "Wyk, had been previously sent in 
another direction. Matiwane with a few warriors fled north- 
ward to Dingan, Tshaka's successor, in hope of being 
favourably received by him. But they were terribly mis- 
taken. Dingan caused the eyes of the fallen chief to be put 
out, and then left him to die of starvation. Some of his 
followers were killed with clubs, others had their necks 
twisted. The Amangwane that were left in Kaffirland then 
lost their distinguishing name, and were absorbed in other 
tribes, some of them even becoming mixed with the Fingos 
of the frontier. 

A searching inquiry was now made, when it was found 
that Tshaka accompanied his forces as far as the Umzimkulu, 
where he fixed his headquarters for a time. One of his 
regiments then laid the Pondo country waste, and the re- 
mainder of the army proceeded westward to plunder the 
Tembus and Kosas. But before the defeat of the Ama- 
ngwane that army had returned to Zululand. Mr. Henry 
Tynn, who visited Tshaka on the Umzimkulu, claimed after- 
wards that the Zulu forces were withdrawn by his advice. 
At any rate, the colonial commando did not encounter 

After the retu'ement of the Zulus and the destruction 
of the Amangwane, Bawana's people — termed since these 
events the emigrant Tembus — were induced to leave the 
Tarka. Being strengthened by other refugees, they spread 
themselves thinly over the whole territory between the 
Stormberg on the north and the Winterberg on the south, 
from the Indwe to the Zwart Kei and Klaas Smit's rivers. 

We return now to the territory north of the Orange* 
The departure of the Amangwane was followed by the retire- 
ment of Tshaka's army, which had defeated them. There 
was thus an opportunity for the remnants of the mountain 
tribes to form themselves again into communities, and they 
availed themselves of it. Some of them joined the Batlokua, 
who, reduced to one- eighth or one-tenth of their original 
number, settled along the upper Caledon, and began to 

Origin of the Baphuti 311 

resume the occupations of an agricultural and pastoral 
people. Sikonyela, son of Ma Ntatisi, was their recognised 
chief; but his mother, who was considered a person of ability, 
still exercised supreme control over the tribe. 

A much greater number joined the band whose strong- 
hold was Thaba Bosigo. The government of Moshesh was 
mild, and he had sufficient wisdom and prudence to spare 
and protect all who submitted to him, whether they had 
been previously friendly or hostile. Even parties of cannibals 
left their caves, placed themselves under him, and began 
again to cultivate the ground. By a couple of successful 
forays upon some Tembu clans below the mountains, he 
acquired considemble wealth in cattle. Most of the adult 
individuals of high rank among the mountain tribes had 
perished, so there was no obstacle to the people adopting as 
their head the young chief, whose abilities as a ruler as well 
as a military leader were soon widely recognised. Moshesh 
thus became the central figure round whom the scattered 
and impoverished Basuto rallied, with a view of recovering 
and retaining the territory that had been occupied by their 
fathers, or, more correctly, a portion of that territory, together 
with the district between it and the Orange river, which 
had been previously inhabited partly by the Baphuti, but 
chiefly by Bushmen. He had already become by conquest 
the paramount chief of the clans of mixed blood termed the 

About the beginning of last century a band of refugees 
calling themselves Bamaru, or people of the clouds, migrated 
from Zululand to the country south of Thaba Bosigo. These 
people adopted Basuto customs and intermarried with the 
Bamonageng, by whom they were termed Mapethla, or the 

After the establishment of the Bamaru, some Bahalanga, 
or people of the sun, crossed the mountains from the district 
that is now Natal, bringing hoes and red ochre to exchange 
for peltries. These Bahalanga were of the Amazizi tribe. 
They took back such a favourable account of the country 
that a party of their friends resolved to migrate to it, and 

312 History of South Africa 

accordingly left their ancestral home on the head waters of 
the Tugela and established themselves in the neighbourhood 
of the present Morija. These immigrants were under the 
leadership of a chief from whom the late Morosi traced his 
descent. They also, like the Mapethla, mixed freely with the 
tribes to the northward, intermarried with them, and adopted 
their customs. In course of time the descendants of these 
immigrants spread over the district between Thaba Bosigo 
and the Orange river, remaining, however, politically inde- 
pendent of their neighbours. By these they were termed 

At the time of the great invasion, the Bamaru dispersed 
in the Cape Colony, but the chief Mokuane and his son 
Morosi went no farther than the present district of Quthing, 
on the left bank of the Orange river, where they established 

Early in 1825 a band of Basuto under command of 
Mohali, a brother of Moshesh, fell upon the Baphuti and 
plundered them of nearly everything they possessed, carry- 
ing off even their women and children. Some of these were 
subsequently redeemed with beads, but others were taken as 
captives to Thaba Bosigo. A few months later Mokuane 
made submission to Moshesh, and was received by that rising 
chief as a vassal. In the tribute which on this occasion he 
paid was a famous yellow ox of immense size, with horns 
artificially trained to meet over its nose, the transfer of which 
was regarded by the contracting parties in the same light as 
civilised nations would look upon the afl^ing of seals to a 
formal treaty. When this was accomplished, the prisoners 
were restored to their relatives. 

From that time Moshesh was regarded as the supreme 
chief of the Baphuti, and consequently the territorial lord of 
the land on which they lived. Somewhat later the scattered 
members of the Bamaru returned from the different parts of 
the colony where they had taken refuge, placed themselves 
under Mokuane, and became incorporated with his people. 
Thenceforth they also took the name of Baphuti. 

The first wave of invasion that rolled over the mountain 

Origin of Moselekatse s Power 3 1 3 

land had now spent itself, and where numerous tribes living 
in plenty had once been, there were left only a few wretched 
Bataung under Makwana between the Vet and Sand rivers, 
the Batlokua under Sikonyela on the upper Caledon, and the 
remnants of all the rest gathered together under Moshesh, 
whose seat of government was the stronghold of Thaba 
Bosigo. The Batlokua and Bataung had as much right as 
the others to be termed Basuto, but to avoid confusion that 
title is now usually applied only to the last named division. 
To prevent the chief of the Zulus sending an army into the 
country, Moshesh professed to be his most obedient vassal, 
and appeased him by sending frequent subsidies of plumes 
and peltries. 

The wave of war that followed spent its chief fury upon 
the tribes inhabiting the territory now comprised in the 
South African Republic, but it did not altogether spare the 
mountain people. We are now to make the acquaintance of 
the terrible Umsilikazi, whose fame as an exterminator of 
men ranks second only to that of Tshaka. 

His father, Matshobane by name, had been in his early 
years an independent chief, but to save himself and his peo- 
ple from annihilation he had voluntarily sought admission 
into the Zulu tribe. After his death his son became a 
favourite with Tshaka, and was raised in time to the command 
of a large and important division of the Zulu army. In per- 
son he was tall and well-formed, with searching eyes and 
agreeable features. Tlie traveller Harris described him in 
1 836 as being then about forty years of age, though, as he 
was totally beardless, it was diflBcult to form a correct esti- 
mate. His head was closely shorn, except where the ellipt- 
ical ring, the distinguishing mark of the Zulu tribe, was 
left. His dress consisted merely of a girdle or cord round 
the waist, from which hung suspended a number of leopard's 
tails ; and as ornaments he wore a single string of small blue 
beads round his neck and three green feathers from the tail 
of a paroquet upon his head. Such in appearance was 
Umsilikazi, or Moselekatse as he was called by the 

^; 1 4 //.v.^vT of Soiit/i Africa 

Ho luul aoquireil the devoted attachmeut of that portion 
ot' the /ulu aruiy under his command, when about the year 
IS 1 7 a oiivumstanoe oeoiirred which left him no choice but 
flijrht. After a sueoessful onslaught upon a tribe which he 
was sent to exterminate, he neglected to forward the whole 
of the Khuv to his master, and Tshoka, enraged at the disre- 
sjHVt thus shown by his former faTourite, despatched a great 
army with orvlers to put him and all his adherents to death* 
These, nwivin*; intimation of their danger in time, immedi- 
ately erv^ssod the uioiuitains and began to lay waste the centre 
of the country that is now the South African Republic. 

The nuniervuis trilvs whose remnants form the Bapedi of 
our times KvktHl with dismay upon the athletic forms of the 
Matahele, as tluy termevi the invaders. They had never 
bofoiv stvn discipline so perfect as that of these naked 
braves, i>r weapon so deadly as the Zulu stabbing spear. Al l 
who could not nuike their escaj^e were exterminated, except 
the comcliest irirls and some of the young men who were kept 
to carry bunlens. These last were led to hope that by faith- 
ful service they mi^rlit attain the position of soldiers, and 
from them Mosclekatse tilled up the gaps that occurred from 
time \\> time in his ranks. The countiy over which he 
marv'hcd was cv»vcrevl with skeletons, and literally no human 
beintrs wei^i* left in it, for his object was to place a great desert 
between Tsliaka and himself. When he considered himself 
at a safe distance from his old home he halted, erected mili- 
tary kraals after the Zulu pattern, and from them as a centre 
connncnced to send his regiments out north, south, and west 
to »;atlier spoil. 

It is impossible to give the number of Moselekatse's war- 
rii>rs, but it was probably not greater than twenty thousand.* 

' Tlio liijjliost ostimatt' of the number of the Matabele is that given by 
Mossrs. So»H)u and JiUckio, two traders who visit etl Moselekatse in 1829. They 
computed the trihc at eijrht y thousand souls, in wliich the proportion of child- 
n»n was of course very small. The substance of a diary kept by them was 
published by Mr. Jolm Centlivres Chase in the Soutli African Quarte^rly Jovmal 
for July- September ISJ^O. In the same year the reverend ^Ir. ArchbeU visited 
Moselekatse. He estimated the numlK?r of the Matabele at sixty to eighty 
t housand. The lower of these numbers is the estimate of other travellers. 

Griqua and Ko7'ana Marauders 315 

Fifty of them were a match for more than five hundred 
Betshuana. They pursued these wretched creatures even 
when there was no plunder to be had, and slew many thous- 
ands in mere wantonness, in exactly the same spirit and 
with as little compunction as a sportsman shoots snipe. 

It was many years later when the Matabele bands first 
found their way to the Lesuto. After a few visits in search 
of plunder, in 1831 an army sent by Moselekatse besieged 
Thaba Bosigo, but could not capture the stronghold. When 
the besiegers were compelled by want of food to retreat, 
Moshesh sent them provisions for their homeward journey, 
with a message that he desired to live in peace with all men. 
They went away singing his praises, and never appeared in 
the Lesuto again, though they kept its people in a state of 
constant fear. 

At this time the country along the Orange was infested 
by Griqua and Korana marauders. These vagabonds would 
have been altogether despicable if they had not been mounted 
on horses and armed with guns, animals and weapons not as 
yet possessed by the followers of Moshesh. They belonged 
to the Hottentot race, a people physically inferior to the 
Basuto, and below them in civilisation. Bands of Griquas 
and Koranas were in the habit of swooping down upon parts 
of the Lesuto where they were least expected, and carrying 
off whatever they took a fancy to. The assagai and battle- 
axe afforded no protection to the victims of these raids against 
the firearms of the plunderers. Men and women were shot 
down without pity, often through a mere passion for cruelty, 
and children were carried off to serve their captors as slaves. 
To ravages of this nature the Basuto were subject for some 
years, until the Griqua robber-bands were exterminated or 
dispersed among communities living farther to the westward, 
and the Koranas suffered reverses which taught them to 
respect their neighbours. 

About the time of the last Matabele inroad, wonderful 
accounts were beginning to be told in the Lesuto of the great 
power of certain people called missionai'ies. Ten years earlier, 
or about the close of 1821, Moshesh had first seen white men. 

3 1 6 History of South Africa 

a party of colonial hunters, among whom were Messrs. Gerrit 
Kruger and Paul Bester, having penetrated to the banks of 
the Caledon and met him there. These hunters had been 
eye-witnesses of the terrible sufferings of the Basnto at that 
time, they had even seen instances of cannibalism, and they 
had been so affected that they distributed whatever food they 
could spare, and shot all the game they could reach for the 
starving people. Conduct like this, so different from the 
actions of men of his own colour, had created a favourable 
opinion regarding Europeans in the mind of Moshesh. From 
this date onward white men occasionally visited the country 
along the Caledon for hunting purposes, and their intercourse 
with the Basuto was of such a nature as to confirm the first 
impressions of the chief. 

The accounts of the missionaries which reached the 
Lesuto about 1831 were to the effect that they were not only 
benevolent, courageous, and provided with terribly destruct- 
ive weapons like other white men, but that they possessed 
magical powers. In short, they were believed to be the 
medicine-men of the Europeans. When an individual among 
the southern Bantu wishes to gain the favour of a chief, he 
fumigates himself with the smoke of a certain root before 
making his appearance, in the belief that it will cause the 
heart of the chief to open to him. The stories told of the 
reverend Mr. Moffat, missionary among the Batlajjin at Kuru- 
man, led to the belief that he possessed a knowledge of some 
exceedingly powerful medicine of this kind. About the close 
of 1829 he had visited Moselekatse, who was then living 
some hundred miles east of Mosega, and had acquired such 
influence over that dreaded conqueror that when during the 
following two years the Bahurutsi, Bang wake tsi, Bakweua, 
BaTolong, and other Betshuana tribes were nearly extermi- 
nated by the Matabele, the Batlapin were spared. The 
Basuto concluded that Mr. Moffat could only obtain such in- 
fluence by means of magic, and they became most anxious to 
obtain a missionary who would impart such valuable know- 
ledge to them. They were told also of the astonishing effects 
produced by missionaries at Griquatown and Philippolis. 

Arrival of French Missionaries 317 

The wild, savage Griquas, most of them wanderers who knew 
nothing of agriculture, people who were without property or 
law, had been collected together at these places, and had 
become comparatively wealthy communities, formidable by 
reason of their possession of horses and guns. 

Moshesh acted in this matter exactly as a chief to-day 
would act if he desired to obtain the services of a reputed 
powerful rainmaker, resident in the territory of another chief. 
He sent two hundred head of cattle to Adam Kok, the 
captain of Philippolis, with a request that he might be sup- 
plied with a missionary in return. On the way the cattle 
were seized by a band of Korana marauders, but the circum- 
stance came to the ears of the reverend Dr. Philip, superin- 
tendent of the London society's missions in South Afidca, 
who was then on a tour of inspection, and it led to one of 
the most important events in the history of Moshesh's tribe, 
the establishment of missionaries of the Paris evangelical 
society in the Lesuto. 

The first missionaries of this society arrived in South 
Africa in 1829. They were three in number. One of them, 
the reverend Mr. Bisseux, took up his residence at Welling- 
ton, in the Cape Colony ; and the other two, the reverend 
Messrs. Samuel Rolland and Prosper Lemue, proceeded to 
the Betshuana country, and endeavoured to found a station 
at Mosega, which was then occupied by the Bahurutsi tribe 
under the chief Mokatla. On their way they were joined by 
the reverend Jean Pierre Pellissier, who had followed them 
from France. Their stay at Mosega was brief. The advance 
of Moselekatse and the destruction of the Betshuana com- 
pelled them to abandon that part of the country, and they 
then founded a station at Motito, not far from Kuruman, 
where they collected together a number of fugitives from the 
north. Mokatla with a remnant of his people fled away to 
Taung, on the Hart river. 

Meantime two clergymen, Messrs. Eugene Casalis and 
Thomas Arbousset, and a missionary artisan, Mr. Constant 
Gosselin, were on their way out to reinforce the station at 
Mosega among the Bahurutsi. On their arrival at Capetown 

3 1 8 History of South Africa 

they learned what had transpired in the interior, and on 
Dr. Philip's recommendation they turned their attention to 
Moshesh's country. In June 1833 these missionaries reached 
Thaba Bosigo, and were warmly welcomed by Moshesh, who 
gave them permission to settle wherever they chose. They 
selected a fertile and well-watered valley about twenty-five 
miles from Thaba Bosigo, and there established a station 
which they named Morija. The vaUey when they first 
visited it was uninhabited, but Moshesh sent some members 
of his own family, among whom were his sons Letsie and 
Molapo, with a large party of people, to reside close to the 
white men and be instructed by them. 

The subjects of Moshesh were very willing to learn from 
strangers the arts which made the white men so. rich and so 
powerful. Their views, of course, were at first limited to 
potent charms and medicines as the principal means of ad- 
vancement ; but they showed that they were not deficient in 
brain power, so that the missionaries had good hope of being 
able to raise them speedily in the scale of civilisation. 

Messrs. Arbousset, Casalis, and Gosselin found the strip 
of country about thirty or forty miles in width along* the 
north-western side of the Caledon, from about latitude 29^ 
to 29'^ 30', thinly inhabited by Basuto. On the opposite or 
south-easteni side of the river, a similar belt, extending to 
the Maluti or Peaked mountains, was much more thickly 
peopled, though its inhabitants were few compared with the 
number reached at a later date. Game of many kinds was 
abundant, which of itself was proof of a sparse and poorly 
armed population. Along the head waters of the Caledon 
the Batlokua were living, between whom and the Basuto of 
Moshesh there was a bitter feeling of enmity. 

At nearly the same time the reverend Mr. Pellissier, 
finding that the services of three missionaries were not 
needed at Motito, was looking for a suitable site farther 
south for another station. Mr. Clark, one of the London 
society's teachers, had been for some time engaged in a 
fruitless effort to instruct some Bushmen and to induce them 
to settle permanently at a place just below the confluence of 

Account of the Barolong Tribe 319 

the Ciiledon and the Orange. Dr. Philip transferred the 
so-called Bushman school to Mr. Pellissier, who named the 
place Bethulie, and induced a fugitive Batlapin clan from 
the neighbourhood of Kuruman, under the chief Lepui, to 
settle there. These were afterwards joined by some refugee 
Barolong. Bethulie was not peopled by Basuto, nor was a 
claim to its ground ever made by Moshesh, but from this 
date there was a close connection between it and the stations 
of the French society in the Lesuto. 

A few months later the population of the country along 
the western bank of the Caledon opposite Thaba Bosigo was 
largely increased by the arrival of several bands of refugees 
tinder the leadership of some Wesleyan missionaries. The 
settlement of these people makes it necessary to give an 
account of the Barolong tribe. 

According to the traditions of the Barolong, their an- 
cestors nineteen generations ago migrated from a country 
in the far north. They were then under a chief named 
Morolong, from whom the tribe has its name. The country 
which they left was a mountainous and well-watered land, 
where the sun at one season of the year was seen on their 
right when they looked towards the east. This description 
corresponds fairly well with the region of the great lakes, 
and if a quarter of a century be allowed as the aveirage 
length of a chiePs rule, the Barolong left it about the year 
1400 of our reckoning. 

Exactly as in the case of the Kosas on the eastern frontier 
of the Cape Colony, it is not the first chief of the tribe, but 
one of his immediate descendants, who is the great hero of 
their legends. What Tshawe is to the Amakosa, Noto, the 
son of Morolong, is to the Barolong. It was he who taught 
his people the use of iron for weapons of war and the chase, 
who gave them the hoe as an implement of agriculture, and 
who adorned their persons with metal trinkets. These 
legends prove that the traditions of the tribes are not 
chronologically accurate, for it is certain that the use of 
iron was known to the ancestors of the Amakosa, Barolong, 
Basuto, &c., before their separation. 

320 History of South Africa 

During four generations the tribe was migrating^ soutli- 
ward, but then it reached the Molopo, and fixed its per- 
manent residence in the region which is half encircled by 
that stream. At this time the Bahurutsi separated from 
the main branch, and became independent. And now during 
the government of many successive chiefs, all of whose names 
have been preserved, the tribe enjoyed peace and became 
constantly stronger and wealthier. Occasionally a swarm 
would migrate eastward or northwestward, but this loss was 
more than made good by accessions of destitute alien clans. 
In the time of'Tao (the lion), fourteenth in descent from 
Morolong, the tribe reached the zenith of its greatness. Its 
outposts extended from the Molopo southward to the junction 
of the Hart and Vaal rivers, and from the desert eastward 
to Schoon Spruit. This extensive region was not occupied 
solely by the Barolong and their dependents. There were 
in it Betsliuana clans who did not acknowledge their supre- 
macy, independent hordes of Koranas with whom the Baro- 
long Avere frequently at war, and numerous Bushmen, the 
real aborigines. It is frequently the case that Bantu tribes, 
though quite independent of each other, live with their clans 
intermingled. Their government in such cases is more tribal 
than territorial. It is only when the white man comes to 
interfere with them that they desire to have boundary lines 
laid down. Then, naturally, each independent chief claims 
the whole region in which his adherents are living, and im- 
mediately contentions arise. In this way the Barolong of 
the x)reseiit day maintain that the country of Tao was that 
bounded by his most distant outposts, which when reduced 
to geogmphiciil terms, means the Molopo on the north, the 
Vaal on the sinitli, Sehuon Spruit on the east, and the 
Kalahari desert on the west. 

Tao died at Taung, on the Hart river, about the year 
1760, and with him the power of the Barolong ended. 
Feebleness of character in his descendants of the great line, 
untimely deaths, and personal feuds combined to break up 
the tribe. Civil war followed, and the next generation wit- 
nessed a number of clans, each really independent of the 

Divisions of the Barolong Tribe 


rest, though all admitted a supremacy of rank in the house 
of Eatlou. The line of descent of those chiefs who have 
since attained celebrity is as follows : 























It was not alone a division of the Barolong proper that 
followed the death of Tao, but the adopted clans took ad- 
vantage of the favourable opportunity, and made themselves 
independent. Among these were the Batlapin, who occupied 
the southern part of the country. From this time until 
1823 the different divisions of the Barolong were continually 
moving about from place to place, and it was seldom that all 
the sections were at peace. 

In 1817 the London society founded the mission station 
of Kuruman with the Batlapin, who were then under the 
chief Mothibi, and absolutely independent. In 1821 the 
reverend Robert Moffat went to reside at Kuruman, and 
very shortly made the acquaintance of the Barolong. He 
was an eye-witness of the disastrous events of the next few 
years, and has given a graphic account of them in his 
Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa. 

In 1823 the waves of war which originated in Zululand 
began to roll over the Barolong country. The Mantati 
horde, before its defeat by the Griquas at Lithako, destroyed 
some sections of the tribe. Then its Makololo offshoot 
attacked the clan of Tawane. Next the Bataung under 
Molitsane fell upon the wretched people, and plundered 

One clan, under the chief Sifunelo, had already migrated 
southward, and early in the year 1823 wa^3 fortunate enounrh 
in its wanderings to fall in with two Wesleyan missionaries, 

iv. Y 

322 Histofy of South Africa 

the reverend Messrs. Broadbent and Hodgson, who were 
seeking a field of labour in Betshnanaland. These gentle- 
men took up their residence with the clan, which ahortlj 
afterwards tried to find a resting-place at Makwasi, on the 
northern bank of the Vaal. On one occasion, during the 
temporary absence of the missionaries, Makwasi was attacked 
by Molitsane's Bataung, and a considerable amount of spoil 
was taken, among which were a few cattle belonging to Mr. 
Broadbent. Thereupon the Griqua chief Andries Waterboer, 
constituting himself protector of the missionaries, proceeded 
with an armed party to Makwasi, pretended to hold an 
investigation, f oimd Sifunelo guilty of seizing the cattle, and 
fined him six hundred oxen. The fine was paid, as the 
Griqua baud was armed with muskets and was too strong to 
be resisted. It was subsequently ascertained that Sifunelo 
was entirely guiltless, and through the influence of the 
missionaries the colonial government brought such pressure 
to bear upon Waterboer that he restored the oxen. This 
was the first occasion on which our government had any 
dealings with the Barolong. 

In 1826 Sif unelo's clan left Makwasi, and, moving about 
a hundred and twenty miles to the south-west, halted at 
Platberg, on the southern bank of the Vaal. There they 
remained until the close of the year 1833, when the reverend 
Messrs. James Archbell, John Edwards, and Thomas Jenkins, 
Wesleyan missionaries who succeeded Messrs. Broadbent and 
Hodgson, led them to Thaba Ntsliu, a mountain west of the 
Caledon and distant from Thaba Bosigo about fifty or sixty 

The pressure of circumstances brought the remaining 
Barolong clans together, and in 1824 Mr. Mofiiit found the 
chiefs Gontse, Tawane, and Intslii residing together in one 
large kraal, which contained some twenty thousand inhabit- 
ants, including clans of the Bahurutsi and Bangwaketsi. 
Each chief governed his own section of the kraal. Gontse 
had the largest following, though Tawane was considered the 
strongest of them. 

The great tribe of the Bangrx-aketsi under the chief 

Dispersion of Betskttana Tribes 323 

Makaba was not yet broken. Mr. Moffat went to visit 
Makaba, and found him living north of the Molopo. The 
missionary estimated the number of the Bangwaketsi at 
seventy thousand at the lowest computation. 

In 1826 Mr. Andrew Geddes Bain visited the country. 
He found Tawane with his clan living in a miserable con- 
dition by a filthy pool in the bed of the Molopo. The water 
of the pool was so foul that Mr. Bain's dogs would scarcely 
lap it. Tawane had been driven by his enemies from his 
former residence two days' journey farther up the Molopo, 
but he intended to return immediately. The traveller 
described the chief as a * sedate-faced old fellow wrapped up 
in a dirty buckskin kaross, with a very flat nose and a 
remarkably projecting under lip.' 

From Tawane's wretched kraal Mr. Bain went on to 
the Bangwaketsi country. The principal kraal of this tribe 
was in a valley called Silokwalali, which the traveller found 
* literally strewn with human skulls.' A short time 
previously Makaba had fallen in a great battle with one 
of the marauding hordes, and his brother Sobeka was acting 
as chief of the remnant of the tribe, Gasitsiwe, the rightful 
heir, being a minor.* 

The condition of the whole country north of the Orange 
and west of the Drakensberg at this time was such that the 
Griqua and Korana marauders, who have already been 
described as devastating the Lesuto, had the Bantu popula- 
tion entirely at their mercy. Little bands of these ruflSans, 
mounted on horses and carrying firearms, rode at will from 
the Caledon to the Molopo, plundering wherever there was 
anything worth seizure, and shooting all who offended them. 

After these came Moselekatse at the head of the terrible 
Matabele. In 1830-31 he fell upon the Bangwaketsi and 
nearlv exterminated them. The destruction of the Bahurutsi 
and Bakwena followed next. 

In September 1832 Dingan sent an army against 
Moselekatse, which succeeded in crossing the open country 

* Extracts from Mr. Baiii*s journal were published by Mr. J. C. Chase in 
the South African Quarterly Journal for Jaly*September 1830. 

T 3 

324 History of South Africa 

without being discovered, and made a sudden attack. 
Although taken by surprise, the Matabele fought desperately, 
and at length the assailants were beaten off with a loss of 
three entire regiments. But this circumstance was a proof 
to Moselekatse that he could still be reached by the Zulus 
without much difficulty, and, fearing that he might again be 
attacked, he moved his head-quarters to Mosigo, where the 
Bahurutsi had formerly their chief kraal.^ From that 
position he sent his warriors against the Barolong. 

Some of these fled to the desert, where they became 
Balala, poor wandering wretches, with no cattle or gardens, 
but living like Bushmen on game and wild plants. Part of 
one clan, with Matlabe its young chief, was incorporated 
with the Matabele. Gontse and Tawane with a few followers 
fled southward. Just at this time the Wesleyan missionaries 
were preparing to conduct the clan under Moroko, Sifunelo's 
Hon, from Platberg on the Vaal to Thaba Ntshu. Gontse 
and Tawane joined Moroko, and moved onwards with him. 
In the country of the Bahurutsi, Bangwaketsi, Bakwena, 
and Barolong, to use the expressive words of one of the 
chiefs when giving evidence many years later at Bloemhof, 
there was now no other master than Moselekatse and the 

It was in December 1833 that Gontse, Tawane, and 
Moroko, the heads of tliree of the divisions of the Barolonir, 
being the descendants and representatives of three of the 
sons of Tao, with their respective clans were led by the 
Wesleyan missionaries to Thaba Ntshu. They were accom- 
])anitMl al«o by small parties of Koranas, Griquas, and half- 
breeds, who had no settled home, and for whom the mission- 
aries were desirous of obtaining ground in some place where 
they could attempt to civilise them. At Thaba Ntshu the 
strangers found a petty chief named Moseme governing a few 
people, but he informed them that he was subordinate to 
Moshesh, and had no power to give them permission to 

' C'liUrd Kurrocbano by tbo ri'vemul Mr. Cimpbcll, and wliich T\as tho 
farthest jomt n'aclunl l).v that travolUr in l^I'J. 

Purchase of Ground by Missionaries 325 

The Basuto, so long accustomed to regard all strangers 
as enemies, were somewhat alarmed when tidings were 
carried through the country that a body of unknown people, 
among whom were Koranas, had appeared at Thaba Ntshu. 
Two of the French clergymen immediately proceeded to 
ascertain particulars, and having learned the object of the 
strangers, communicated it to Moshesh. The fact that 
Europeans were the leaders of the immigrants suflSced to 
dispel the fears of the Basuto, and Moshesh, glad to get 
friendly settlers on his border and hoping they would become 
incorporated with his own people, cordially consented to their 
location on the vacant land west of the Caledon. 

A document purporting to be an absolute sale to the 
Wesleyan missionary society of a tract of ground about 
Thaba Ntshu, several hundred square miles in extent, was 
drawn up on the 7th of December 1833, and was signed by 
Moshesh and Moseme on the one part, and Messrs. Archbell, 
Edwards, and Jenkins on the other. The price paid is said 
therein to have been seven young oxen, one heifer, two sheep, 
and one goat. But there was no competent interpreter 
present when the arrangement was made, and it is very 
evident that Moshesh did not regard the transaction in the 
light of a sale, as he must at that time have been entirely 
unacquainted with any other system of disposing of land than 
that practised by tribes of his own race. He could not have 
comprehended the nature of the document, and in after 
years he constantly maintained that he had never intended 
to alienate the ground. On the other hand the Wesleyan 
missionaries have always held that the ground was not his at 
the time to alienate, that it was really open for any one to 
settle upon, and that the deed of sale was only drawn up to 
prevent any claim to it thereafter being made by the Basuto. 

With the same object in view, on the 17th of July 1834 
they purchased from Moshesh and Sikonyela jointly an 
extensive tract of land round Platberg and bordering on the 
Caledon. In the deed of sale, which is signed by both the 
chiefs, it is stated that eight head of homed cattle, thirty- 
four sheep, and five goats were given in payment, but the 

326 History of South Africa . . 

view of the missionaries some years later, when Moshesh 
claimed to be their feudal lord, was that the pnrohafle had 
been concluded as a friendly arrangement to prevent either 
the Basuto or the Batlokua from interfering with them or 
making pretensions to the ownership of the land. 

The whole of the Barolong were located by the Wesleyan 
missionaries at Thaba Ntshu, where a large kraal was hailt 
and a station established. Matlabe was still a subject of 
Moselekatse, but shortly after this, hearing that his kinsmen 
had found a place of comparative safety, he made his escape 
and joined them. Of the four Barolong chiefs then at Thaba 
Ntshu, Gontse was the highest in rank ; but so thoroughly 
impoverished was he, and so completely had his followers 
been dispersed or destroyed, that his name hardly ever 
appears in the numerous documents written at that period 
by European residents at the station. Being without talents 
of any kind, he was of no note whatever. Tawane, the next 
in rank, has left more traces of his residence at Thaba Ntshu, 
because he had sufficient energy to turn his followers into a 
band of robbers, and was one of the wasps that Moshesh 
afterwards charged with having dared to sting him. Matlabe 
was entirely sunk in obscurity. Moroko alono, owing partly 
to his clan having fled before the great disasters and partly 
to the guidance of the missionaries, was a man of power and 

The other natives who were brought by the Wesleyan 
missionaries at this time to the western bank of the 
Caledon were : 

1. A clan of Koranas under a leader named Jan Hanto, 
who died shortly after this and was succeeded by Gert 
Taaibosch. These were Hottentots, with habits ill-fitted for 
a settled life, as they were still a purely pastoral people. In 
disposition, language, and customs, as well as in colour, 
they differed from all the members of the Bantu family. 
The least stable in character of any people on earth, without 
attachment to locality of birth or residence, so impatient of 
restraint that their chiefs possessed little or no power, 
indolent to the last degree, careless about the future as long 

Mission Settlements on the Caledon 327 

as immediate wants were supplied, regardless of the rights 
of others, callous to the sufferings of human beings or dumb 
animals, these Koranas yet surpassed the Bantu in power of 
imagination and in speculations upon the workings of 
nature. The clan under Jan Hanto migrated from beyond 
the Vaal river, the grounds on which they had previously 
tended their herds being far away to the north-west. They 
were now located at Merumetsu. 

2. A small party of halfbreeds, of mixed European and 
Hottentot blood, under a captain named Carolus Baatje. 
These people, who were located at Platberg, came from the 
northern districts of the Cape Colony. 

3. A small party of Griquas under a captain named 
Peter Davids. This was the remnant of a comparatively 
large body of Hottentots and people of mixed European, 
Hottentot, Bushman, and negro blood, who had lived for 
many years by hunting and by plundering defenceless tribes, 
but who had recently met with fearful punishment. In July 
1831 Barend Barends, who was then their head, sent nearly 
the whole of his best fighting men on a plundering expe- 
dition. The band left Boetsap (in the present colonial 
division of Barkly West), and by making a long detour to 
the eastward fell unexpectedly upon the principal Matabele 
cattle posts and swept off nearly the whole of Moselekatse's 
herds. The Matabele warriors were at the time engaged in 
a distant expedition. Only some old men and boys could be 
got together to follow the Griquas, who were retreating with 
their booty in such fancied security that they did not even 
post sentinels at night. Just before dawn one morning 
they were surprised by the Matabele, when very few Griquas 
escaped to return to Boetsap and tell the tale of their 
exploit and the fate of their companions. Those who had 
remained at home then placed themselves under the 
guidance of the Wesleyan missionaries, and accompanied 
them to the Caledon. They were located at Lishuane. 

At all the settlements mentioned above, and also at 
Imparani among the Batlokua, Wesleyan missionaries were 
henceforth stationed. 

328 History of South Africa 

Immigrants of still another race were now making their 
appearance. As early as 1819 small parties of Europeau 
hunters began to penetrate the country between Comet 
Spruit and the Caledon, and a few years later they occa>sion- 
ally went as far north as Thaba Bosigo. In their wanderings 
they encountered no other inhabitants than a few sayage 
Bushmen, and they therefore regarded the country as open 
to occupation. About the same time some nomadic graziers 
from the district of Graaff-Eeinet were tempted to make a 
temporary residence between the Orange and Mcdder rivers, 
on ascertaining that grass was to be found there during 
seasons of drought in the colony. They did not, however, 
remain long, nor did they come within several days' journey 
of the Basuto outposts. But from this period they con- 
tinued to cross the river whenever pasturage failed in the 
south, and gradually they made their way eastward. 

At length a party of fourteen or fifteen families settled 
at a place which they named Zevenfontein, on the western 
bank of the Caledon, with the intention of remaining there 
permanently. They found no people in that neighbourhood 
but Bushmen, and no one objected to their occupation of 
the land. With this exception, hardly any of the farmers 
who moved into the district along the Caledon at this early 
date contemplated settlement. They merely sought pastur- 
age for a few months, or they visited it in hunting expedi- 
tions, in either case coming and going as suited their 

About this time the Basuto who had fled from their 
country heard in the distant districts in which they had 
taken refuge that a chief of their own race was building up 
a nation, and that his government afforded protection 
without being tyrannical. They began therefore to return 
to the land of their fathers, and every year now saw a great 
increase in the population. These refugees brought more 
than mere numerical strength. Many of them came from 
the Cape Colony, where they had been in service, and these 
took back with them as the most valued of all possessions 
the weapons of the white man, which they believed would 



Growth of the Basuto Tribe 329 

protect them against sufferiDg again such awful calamities 
as those they had formerly gone through. Other native 
refugees were also swelling the population of the Lesuto. 
Fragments of diflTerent broken Betshuana clans, hearing of 
the wisdom and generosity and valour of Moshesh, came and 
asked to be taken under his protection. 

And so the power of Moshesh was growing rapidly. 
The farmers when they returned to the banks of the 
Caledon, after an absence of only a few months, often found 
a Basuto kraal where they had grazed their herds on their 
previous visit, and questions began to be asked as to who 
had the best right to the ground. At first, however, this 
was a question of little importance, for there was still so 
much vacant land that by one or the other moving a little 
farther, room could be found for all. 

Though portions of the territory formerly occupied by 
the mountain tribes were in this manner again becoming 
peopled, the inhabitants, descendants of the former owners 
and new settlers alike, were kept in constant alarm. If 
there had been a disposition to forget that a growth of 
prosperity would certainly induce a fresh invasion either of 
the Zulus or of the Matabele, an occasional raid by the la^t 
named served as a reminder of the dangerous situation in 
which they were living. 

In 1834 a band of Matabele, while scouring the country 
along the Vaal to prevent its occupation, came upon a little 
party of Griquas who had imprudently ventured on a 
hunting expedition in that direction. Peter Davids, the 
captain of Lishuane, was with the party, and with the 
thoughtlessness characteristic of his race, he had taken his 
family with him. The consequence was that one of his 
daughters and a nephew were made prisoners, though the 
others, having horses, managed to escape. The lives of the 
captives were spared. In 1836 the traveller Harris saw the 
girl in Moselekatse's harem at Mosega, and ascertained that 
the boy was still alive. 


;o Hiszjrv jf Samii Africm 






3rOB, M AUGUST I'lOa TO 1« JA^TTABT 1334. 

Scccessive English ni:r.idtrlea — AlterariC'CS in the cclonial courts of justice — 
Atjolitloc of the bijnrda of beemrocien. and aTib«*tirxxtion of civil commis- 
aioners — Division «if the Ojlonv into two provinces — Powers of the resident 
m;i^;stratea — Abo: it ion cf the bcrgher :3enare — Transfer of the district and 
town revenai*> tn trie oolocial trea^nrv — Alter!ati«.^cs in the council of 
arivine — Appointment t.f justicc-s of the peace — Di:<6ati5factioa of the 
burghers at the exoliuive ric^ht.-? given ti> the English language — Bedaction 
of the governor's salary — Sale ••f the estates Groote Post, Camp's Bay, and 
New lands— Condition of the Bushmen and Hottentots — Ordinance placing 
these periple on a political equality with Europeans — Account of the 
reverend I>r. Philip — Publication of the book Jietearchei in Sovth Africa — 
The litx;l case Mackav rerfia Philip — Arrival of Governor ^^i^ Lowir Cole — 
J^f^ilings with Kaffir clans — Location of Hnttentots in the upper >'allejs of 
the Kat river -Lf»oation of Enropeans along the Koonap river under a 
synU'.m of military tenure — Instructions by the secretary of state prohibit- 
ing the alienatir>n of cron^Ti lands in any other manner than by public sale 
- Events connecrtfrd with the liberation of the press from the control of 
the executive branch of the government — Alterations and improvements in 
rafK;town -PiHtablishment f»f saWngs banks — Foundation of the South 
AfrifjiM crijlfge - Ff)rmation of the villages of Malmesbnr}' and Colesberig — 
ConHtriicfion of the road over Sir I-.<)wry's — Retrenchment in public 
exj^mdit lire -Ravages by a robber band on the northern border — Ordinance 
crincu-rning commanrlos— Its disallowance by the imperial government — 
Kot.irem(!nt of Sir Lowry Cole — 'J'emporary arlministration of Lieutenant* 
Colonel Wade y\rrival of (iovemor Sir Itonjamin D'Urban. 

DuRiNa the p(»rio(l tliat Major - General Bourke acted as 
governor, thoupli it only covered thirty months, several 
important political clianges took place. The fortunes of the 
colony wcro to a lar^e extent dependent upon the ministries 
in power in Kngland. In April 1827 the earl of Liverpool, 
who luul been premier nearly fifteen years, was succeeded in 

Major^ General Richard Bourke 331 

office by Mr. Canning, and Earl Bathurst, so long secretary 
of state for the colonies, was replaced by Viscount Goderich. 
This settled the question of Lord Charles Somerset's return 
to South Africa, for he immediately tendered his resigna-^ 
tion, which was accepted. Then there was a series of short- 
lived ministries in England. Mr. Canning died, and in 
August 1827 Viscount Goderich became premier, and Mr. 
Huskisson secretary for the colonies. In January 1828 the 
dnke of Wellington succeeded Viscount Goderich, but Mr. 
Huskisson remained at the colonial office until May, when 
he was replaced by Sir George Murray. This ministry 
retained office until November 1830. Then Earl Grey 
became premier, and Viscount Goderich again secretary for 
the colonies. 

The reports of the commissioners of inquiry and the 
discussions in the house of commons upon Lord Charles 
Somerset's administration alike tended to show the necessity 
of providing a high court of justice that would command the 
respect and confidence of the people. From 1806 to 1827 
the judges were appointed by the governor, and were 
removable at his pleasure. All — except the chief justice — 
held other situations in the service, and had the position of 
judges assigned to them as a mark of favour or to increase 
their salaries. The court of appeal consisted of the governor 
himself, assisted in criminal cases by one or two assessors. 
Occasionally decisions were reviewed in England, and they 
were recognised by the highest legal authorities there to be 
in accordance with justice, but the constitution of the courts 
subjected their proceedings to adverse criticism by those 
against whom judgment was given. They might do what 
was right, but they could not command the respect of every 

The ministry of which Mr. Canning was premier and 
Lord Goderich secretary for the colonies caused a charter of 
justice to be prepared, which received the signature of the 
king on the 24th of August 1827. It provided for the 
establishment of a supreme court, to be independent of 
the other branches of the government, and to consist of a 


History of South Africa 

cliiof justice and tliree pnisne judges, all of whom were to 
Ih> barristers or adroeates of at least three years' standing* 
They were to be appointed by the crown, and were not to 
hold any other office. In civil cases the chief justice and 
two puisne judges were to form a quorum, and there waa to 
be a right of appeal to the privy council if the matter in 
dispute was over 1,000/. in value. Criminal cases were 
to be tried by a single judge and a jury of nine men, whose 
verdict was to be unanimous in order to convict. The forms 
of procedure were to be those of English courts, and the 
pleas were to be in the English language. 

Circuit courts were to be held twice a year in the chief 
villajjes throujjhout the colonv. In them civil cases were to 
be tried by a single judge, but there was to be a right of 
appeal to the supreme court when the amount in dispute 
was over 100?. in value. Criminal cases were to be tried by 
a judge and a jury consisting of not less than six nor more 
than nine persons. 

The office of fiscal was abolished, and an attorney-general 
was substituted, with a salary of 1,500/. a year. The other 
officers connected with the new court were a registrar, with 
a salary of 600/., a master, with a salary of 800/., and a 
sheriff, with a salary of 600/. a year. Sir John Wylde — 
previously judge of the admiralty court in New South Wales 
— received the appointment of chief justice, with a salary of 
2,500/. a year, and Messrs. William Menzies, William West- 
brooke Burton, and George Kekewich were appointed puisne 
judges, each with a salarj'^ of 1,500/, a year. Mr. Anthony 
Oliphant was appointed attorney-general, Mr. Pieter Gerhard 
Brink sheriff, Mr. Clerke Burton master, and Mr. J. F. 
Jurgens — succeeded after a few weeks by Mr. Thomas Henry 
Bowles — registrar. The last three appointments were made 
by the secretary of state upon the recommendation of the 

On the 1st of January 1828 the new supreme court 
entered upon its duties. At the same time the whole of the 
lower courts were swept away, and with them such popular 
representation as had previously existed. For the landdrosts 

Major- General Richard Bourke 333 

and heemraden, resident magistrates were substituted to 
perform the judicial duties, and civil commissioners to per- 
form all other. 

The colony was divided into two provinces, termed the 
western and the eastern. The western province included 
the districts of the Cape, Simonstown, Stellenbosch, Swellen- 
dam, and Worcester ; and the eastern province the districts 
of Beaufort, GraaflF-Reinet, Somerset, Albany, Uitenhage, 
and George. Seven civil commissioners were appointed, 
namely, William Macdonald Mackay for the Cape and 
Simonstown, Daniel Johannes van Ryneveld for Stellen- 
bosch, Harry Rivers for Swellendam, Charles Trappes for 
Worcester, Willem Comelis van Ryneveld for Beaufort and 
GraafiF-Reinet, William Bolden Dundas —succeeded in July 
by Duncan Campbell — for Somerset and Albany, and J. W. 
van der Riet for Uitenhage and George. Each civil com- 
missioner had a salary of 400i!. a year. 

For the eastern province a commissioner-general was 
appointed, to control the proceedings of the inferior officers 
in cases where the delay of a reference to Capetown would 
be prejudicial to the public interests, and under the 
governor's directions to exercise special superintendence 
over the affairs of the border. For this office Captain Andries 
Stockenstrom, previously landdrost of Graaff-Reinet, was 
chosen. He was directed to reside at Uitenhage, and was 
allowed a salary of SOOZ. a year. 

The resident magistrates had power to try civil cases 
in which the amount in dispute did not exceed lOZ. in value, 
but a right of appeal to the circuit court was reserved in 
cases of over 2i!, For criminal offences they could sentence 
to a fine of 5Z., imprisonment for one month, or flogging 
within the precincts of the jail. They were required to hold 
a court twice in every week, or oftener if necessary. The 
proceedings were to be conducted in the English language. 
The following resident magistrates were appointed, each 
with a salary of 300i!. a year, except those of Stellenbosch 
and Grahamstown, who received 500Z. a year: J. P. 
Serrurier to Simonstown, Abraham Faure to Stellenbosch^ 

334 History of South Africa 

Christiaan Michiel Lind to Swelleudam, Jacobus Johannes 
le Sueur to Worcester, Jan van Eyneveld to Clanwilliam, 
William Walter Harding to Beaufort West, Egbertus Bergh 
to GraaflF-Reinet, J. J. Meintjes to Somerset, Thomas Law- 
son to Grahamstown, Jan Gustaf Aspeling to Uitenhage, 
Hougham Hudson to Port Elizabeth, and Willem Adriaan 
Wentzel to George. The oflBlce at Port Frances was closed. 

The magistrate of Capetown had a different title. In 
May 1826 Mr. Petrus Borchardus Borcherds, a member of 
the high court of justice, was appointed permanent sitting 
commissioner, and was directed to hold a court daily for the 
trial of petty criminal cases. To this office was now added 
the judicial duties of the board of landdrost and heemraden 
of the district, and Mr. Borcherds continued to hold it with 
the new title of judge of police. He could decide civil cases 
when the amount in dispute was less than 202. A salary of 
800i. a year was attached to the situation. 

A superintendent of police had been appointed as far 
back as October 1825, when the fiscal was relieved of the 
duty of preserving order in the town. Mr. Willem Comelis 
van Eyneveld received the appointment provisionally, but 
was succeeded in April 1826 by the baron Charles de 
Lorentz, for whom the duchess of Cambridge exerted her 
influence, and who was consequently sent out by Earl 
Bathurst, with a salary of 700Z. a year. 

The district revenues were transferred to the colonial 
treasury, and the government took upon itself all the obliga- 
tions of the boards of landdrost and heemraden. Even the 
burgher senate was abolished, its revenues were diverted to 
the treasury, and the government thereafter carried out 
municipal duties in Capetown. This board had been in 
existence since 1796, and the only change in its constitution 
during that time was that in June 1811 a salary of three 
thousand five hundred rixdoUai's a year from the town funds 
was attached to the office of president, which was to be held 
by the senior member for two years. 

To compensate for the abolition of the popular boards. 
Lord Goderich deprived two of the official members of their 

Major-General Richard Bourke 335 

seats in the council of advice, and directed the acting 
governor to nominate in their stead two colonists for his 
approval. General Bourke proposed Sir John Truter, the 
chief justice who retired on the establishment of the supreme 
court, and Captain Andries Stockenstrom, commissioner- 
general for the eastern districts, both of whom were con- 
firmed in the appointment by the secretary of state. The 
council then consisted of Chief Justice Sir John Wylde, the 
military officer next in rank to the commander-in-chief, Mr, 
Joachim Willem StoU, who retained his appointment of 
treasurer and accountant-general with a salary of l,000i!. a 
year, Lieutenant-Colonel John Bell, who in 1827 succeeded 
Sir Bichard Flasket as secretary to government with a salary 
of 2,000i!. a year. Sir John Truter, and Captain Stockenstrom. 
A few months later the secretary of state deprived the chief 
justice of his seat, and thereafter the council consisted of 
five members. The offices of auditor-general and clerk of 
the council were combined. Mr. Dudley Montagu Perceval 
— son of the prime minister who was assassinated in the 
lobby of the house of commons in May 1812 — was appointed 
to fill them, with a salary of 1,000Z. a year. 

The only other compensation was the conferring of the 
appointment of justice of the peace upon a few colonists in 
all the districts, but very little power was attached to the 

These sweeping changes were received by the colonists 
almost in silence. Everyone admitted that an independent 
supreme court was preferable to such a court as had pre- 
viously existed ; but the abolition of the boards of heemraden 
and of the burgher senate, and above all the substitution of 
the English for the Dutch language in judicial proceedings, 
gave very great offence. On the 24th of January 1828 a 
notice was issued that all memorials or other papers addressed 
to the government must be written in English or be accom- 
panied by a translation, otherwise they would be returned to 
those who sent them. 

A little later Mr. Justice Burton removed the criminal 
cases from the circuit court at Worcester to Capetown for 

336 History of South Africa 

trial, on the ground that a jury, all of whom understood the 
English language, was not obtainable at Worcester, though 
the prisoners and the witnesses spoke Dutch only, and every 
word that they said had to be translated to the court. The 
chief justice and Judge Kekewich were of opinion that it 
was not necessary for jurymen to understand English, unless 
others impannelled with them could not speak Dutch ; but 
Justices Burton and Menzies maintained that ignorance of 
English was a disqualification under the terms of the 
charter of justice, and acted upon that principle. The 
burghers, who regarded their exclusion from the jury-box 
as an insult, were deeply incensed by it. Memorials, how- 
ever, were not sent in, because the colonists would not be 
driven to have them written in English, and there was little 
hope of success had they even done so. 

And now was heard the first murmuring of a cry that a 
few years later resounded through the colony, and men and 
women began to talk of the regions devastated by the Zulu 
wars, if it might not be possible to find there a refuge from 
British authority. 

In addition to the changes already mentioned. Lord Grode- 
rich decided upon reducing the salaries of the governor and 
several of the heaxls of departments. Thereafter the governor 
was to receive 7,000i. a year, with the official residence in 
Capetown and an allowance of oOOZ. a year to provide himself 
with a country house. The collector of customs was to have 
a salary of l,000i. a year, the controller of customs 700Z., and 
the surveyor-general 700Z. The office of surveyor-general 
was united with that of civil engineer and superintendent 
of works. Major Charles Cornwallis Michell — who had 
served in the Anglo-Lusitanian brigade in the peninsular 
war— was appointed to it, but he did not arrive in South 
Africa until 1829. 

Instructions had previously been issued that the estate 
Groote Post should be disposed of, and in October 1827 that 
property was divided into seven farms, which were leased by 
auction for seventeen years. Orders were now sent out that 
the estates at Newlands and Camp's Bay should be disposed 

Major- General Richard Bourke 337 

of for tlie benefit of the colonial treasury. In pursuance of 
these instructions, in July 1828 the marine villa at Camp's 
Bay was sold by auction. 

The Newlands estate was disposed of in the same manner 
on the 15th of March 1828. It was sixty-four morgen in 
extent, and a house upon which at least thirty thousand 
pounds had been expended Avas standing upon it, though the 
main wing was in ruins. It was purchased by Mr. WiUem 
Izaak Louw for 3,025Z. In July 1830 Mr. Louw sold it to 
Mr. Jan Cruywagen for 3,008i!. Mr. Cruywagen after a time 
cut part of the ground into small lots, and disposed of them ; 
but retained twenty-nine morgen around the house, which 
he sold in September 1859 to Dr. Jonas Michiel Hiddingh 
for 4,600L The property is now in' possession of Dr. 
Hiddingh's nephew and heir, but the house standing upon it 
is only part of the one built by Lord Charles Somerset. 

The condition of the Hottentots and other free coloured 
inhabitants of the colony had been for some time a subject 
of disctission by philanthropists in South Africa and England, 
who were exerting their influence with the imperial govern- 
ment to obtain an alteration of the laws regarding these 
people. Extreme views were held by many persons on this 
subject, and it was even asserted that most of those who 
were called free were in reality in a position worse than that 
of slavery. 

Of the different classes of free coloured inhabitants, the 
Bushmen, once so formidable, were now the least important. 
Before the English conquest they had ceased as a race to 
offer opposition to the advance of the Europeans. After the 
settlement of the Griquas north of the Orange, their numbers 
were very rapidly reduced, and they had no longer a place of 
security to which they could retire when colonial commandos 
were searching for them. The Griquas, being partly of 
Hottentot blood, had all the animosity of Hottentots towards 
the Bushman race. Possessed of horses and firearms, they 
followed the occupation of hunters, and were thus equipped 
in the best manner for destroying Bushmen, to whom they 
showed no quarter. Some of those whom they pursued 

IV. z 

338 History of South Africa 

retreated to the Kalahari desert, others fled into the waste 
region south of the lower course of the Orange, but the 
larger number perished. 

During the early years of the century colonial conoL- 
mandos were occasionally sent against plundering bands, but 
after 1810 very little blood was shed, and generally all the 
members of these little hordes were made prisoners, when 
they were apprenticed to such persons as could make 
use of them. The adults, however, seldom remained long in 
service, no matter how kindly they were treated. 

One of the principal reasons for the extension of the 
colonial boundary advanced by Landdrost Stockenstrom, of 
Graaff-Eeinet, was the protection of the remaining Bushmen. 
When they ceased to be formidable, and the land over which 
they had roamed was divided into farms, various little parties 
of a few families each attached themselves in a kind of 
vassalage to individual white men. They agreed to abstain 
from stealing cattle, and were allowed to collect wild plants 
without interference. Game had become less plentiful than 
formerly, but whenever possible it was shot for them, and in 
seasons of scarcity the white man gave them a few goats or 
sheep. Whenever animals were slaughtered, those parts 
which Europeans reject were allotted to them. Some of 
them guarded the white man's flocks, and in return were 
provided with tobacco, milk, skins for clothing, and various 
trifles. They called the white man master, and he termed 
them his people. He was in fact a chief, under whose rule 
they were secure from molestation, guarded against the last 
extreme of want, and if not absolutely free, as nearly so as is 
compatible with protection. This condition of life seems to 
be the nearest approach to civilisation of which the Bush- 
man is capable. 

But very few adults were found willing to submit for 
lengthened periods even to the small amount of restraint 
which such vassalage implies. Long famine, broken occa- 
sionally by a feast maybe of carrion such as only a vulture 
would share with them,* hardship of every kind, peril of life, 

> This is the case to the present day. During the early months of the year 

Major-General Richard Bourke 3 39 

all seemed light to Buslimen weary of the same routine day 
after day. There were numerous instances of men and 
women leaving their children with farmers to be taken care 
of, and then going away and not returning for years. In 
August 1817 Lord Charles Somerset issued a proclama- 
tion authorising the landdrosts to bind such children as 
apprentices to the farmers with whom they were left, or to 
other respectable and humane people ; but every precaution 
was to be taken to prevent children being obtained under 
false pretences or by violent means. 

Agents of the London society made many eflPbrts to induce 
these people to settle at mission stations, but always without 
success. As soon as the teacher's supply of food failed, 
those whom he had gathered together dispersed again. There 
was one station, on the site of the present village of Coles- 
berg, which the government was charged by the superintend- 
ent of the London society's missions with having broken up 
for no other purpose than to please the frontier farmers. In 
point of fact, however, the teacher at that station miscon- 
ducted himself in such a manner that he was removed by 
Captain Stockenstrom, a friend and supporter of mission 
work ; and at the time there was no prospect whatever of the 
Bushmen in the neighbourhood laying aside their wandering 

All the people of this race in the colony were regarded by 
the government as subject to the various laws and regulations 
concerning Hottentots. 

1890 the horse sickness was so severe in the colonial districts south of the 
Orange river below the junction of the Yaal, that some thousands of animals 
died. Very soon after its appearance Bushmen of all ages were seen coming 
from the Kalahari in greater numbers than were previously believed to be in 
existence. They were wretchedly thin, with their hunger belts drawn tight, 
and their bones protruding. They seemed to be led by instinct to the putrid 
carcases of the horses, upon which they feasted, and round which they danced 
in exuberance of joy, though Europeans could not approach for the stench. In 
a few weeks they were so fat and plump that they could hardly be recognised 
as the same people. At any time within the last twenty years easy employ- 
ment with high wages could have been obtained, and they would have been 
warmly welcomed at mission stations, but they preferred the life they were 

z 2 

340 History of South Africa 

Lord Caledon's proclamation abolishing chieftainship, 
and requiring Hottentots to be provided with passes when 
moving about the country, has been fully described in a 
preceding chapter. In April 1812 a proclamation was issued 
by Sir John Cradock, under which children of Hottentots 
bom while their parents were in service, and maintained for 
eight years by the employers of their parents, were to be 
bound as apprentices for ten years to these employers or 
such other humane persons as the landdrosts might approve 
of. This proclamation ignored the right of Hottentots to 
control their children, and substituted government officers 
for the guardians appointed by nature. But it is equally 
true that it had more effect in raising these people towards 
civilisation than any other regulation ever made concerning 
them. The governor who issued it was one of the most 
benevolent of men, and his philanthropy was guided by sound 
sense and experience. In his opinion it was better for the 
children that they should acquire industrial habits, even if 
restraint had to be used, than that they should become 

There were several instances of grants of ground to 
deserving halfbreeds and Hottentots, who were regarded as 
capable of making use of them ; but these were exceptions 
to the general system. The method of providing land for 
this class of the inhabitants was by assigning large areas to 
mission stations. Even now, after sixty years more of 
civilising influences, the greater number of the Hottentots 
would not be benefited by having land given to them under 
individual tenure. It would either be sold, or remain 

The Moravians and the Wesleyans were satisfied with the 
areas assigned to them, but the superintendent of the London 
society's missions made a grievance of the difficulty of 
obtaining an enlargement of some of the stations under his 
control. In 1824 the reverend Mr. Kitchingmau, missionary 
at Bethelsdorp, applied to the government for all the spare 
ground about that place and two full-sized farms elsewhere. 
Bethelsdorp had greatly improved since the time of Dr. 

Major- General Richard Bourke 341 

Vanderkemp, and many of the Hottentots residing there 
were leading Kves useful to themselves and the community 
at large. But Lord Charles Somerset, for reasons which 
will presently be mentioned, was not disposed to aid this 
society, and refused the application. Dr. Philip then 
appealed to Earl Bathurst, who granted the spare land about 
Bethelsdorp, but declined to give the two farms. An addition 
to Theopolis was also desired by Dr. Philip. The govern- 
ment, being apprehensive of danger from too large a settle- 
ment of Hottentots at that place, offered to grant part of the 
ground asked for on condition that the society would give 
a pledge not to purchase more adjoining it. The society 
declined the proposal, and therefore the grant was not made.* 
Several small clans of Hottentots, who clung to their 
ancient customs, had removed to Great Namaqualand after 

* In Dr. Philip's work Researches in South Ajrica it is made to appear as if 
land had actually been taken from Theopolis for the benefit of Europeans. 
An investigation was called for by the secretary of state, and was thoroughly 
carried out. The report upon it by Sir Lowry Cole to Lord Goderich, dated 
10th of May 1831, is a document of great length. The governor terms Dr. 
Philip's claim to the ground said to have been cut off * a monstrous and un- 
founded demand,' and adds : * Dr. Philip has admitted that he, a Mr. Wright, 
and the resident missionary, were the parties who altered from their own- 
measurements their copy of the original diagram, which Dr. Philip afterwards 
published in its garbled state with the government surveyor's name stiU 
attached to it, thereby giving, inadvertently perhaps, a colour of authenticity 
to a charge which had no foundation in facts. Alterations or additions of 
this nature in official documents are at least inconvenient, when the object is 
to establish facts rather than to support errors.' But upon the matter being 
decided against him. Dr. Philip accused the whole of the gentlemen engaged 
in the investigation with being corrupt. Of this the governor remarks in the 
report : ' The honour and the professional reputation of gentlemen who have 
been sworn to the faithful discharge of their public duties, and who could not 
by any possibility be interested in the result of the inspection at Theopolis, the 
evidence of eye-witnesses to the operation, nay the very character of his own 
coadjutor as a man of common observation and understanding, all was to be 
sacrificed without scruple by Dr. Philip to the superior credibility of Hottentot 
witnesses examined by himself five years ago, when he was avowedly engaged 
in the compilation of charges not only against the government but against 
the whole colony. . . . Supported by his society . . . Dr. Philip derives 
much of his importance from the enthusiasm of that party in England whom 
lie has taught to consider him a£ the first if not the only person either here or 
at home who has both the will and the courage to jield protection to the 
Hottentot population.* 

342 Histo7y of South Africa 

the proclamation of the earl of Caledon abolishing chieftain* 
ship and bringing every one in the colony under colonial 
laws. But the benefit to the race in general derived from 
the substitution of government for practical anarchy should 
outweigh the discontent of a few hundred individuals. 
There was also a small stream of emigration towards the 
Griqua settlements north of the Orange, but it was not 
caused by oppression, nor was it sufficiently large to form a 
good foundation for a grievance. 

Some of the missionaries complained of the state of the 
prisons. When an unknown Hottentot made a charge 
against a colonist, he was lodged in jail, and was detained 
there until the magistrate could investigate the case. This 
seems to be a hardship, but so volatile were these people 
that there was no other way to secure their appearance 
when the individual complained of had travelled to the 
court perhaps a hundred or two hundred miles. If the 
Hottentot was unable to prove his assertions, or if the 
magistrate considered the injury he had sustained insuffi- 
cient to require redress, he was liable to be punished for 
making frivolous charges. 

The prisons in the country districts were small and 
unventilated. Into them were sometimes crowded slaves 
and Hottentots, guilty of every kind of crime, or of no crime 
at all. The Hottentot who preferred a charge of ill usage 
against his master did so on peril of being incarcerated with 
the worst of characters, and of being flogged in addition if 
the case should break down. At the same time it must be 
remembered that, wretched as the prisons then were, they 
were superior in comfort to the ordinary dwellings of the 
Hottentots, and that the food provided for the inmates was 
superior in quality and quantity to that which they were 
commonly accustomed to, except when they were in service. 
The majority of the Hottentots indeed rather enjoyed prison 
life than dreaded it. 

These people could be arrested and punished if they 
attempted to travel about the country without passes from 
employers or the district officials. They could be forced to 

Major-General Richard Bourke 343 

perform labour upon public works at very low rates of pay- 
ment, though in this respect they were no worse off than 
white people. They could be called out for military service, 
if required, but so could the European colonists. The 
system of impressment for the Cape regiment had long since 
ceased, and the regiment itself was greatly reduced in 
strength in November 1827, when the cavalry companies 
were disbanded, and the infantry were turned into a corps 
termed the Cape mounted riflemen. 

There were many persons connected with the government 
in South Africa who desired that the Hottentots and other 
free coloured people should be placed on a political equality 
with the European colonists. By instruction of the acting 
g^ovemor, on the 3rd of April 1828 Captain Stockenstrom, 
commissioner-general of the eastern districts, submitted to 
him a memorandum on this subject, which so entirely coin- 
cided with his views that he requested Mr. Justice Barton 
to draft an ordinance in its spirit. The draft — since known 
as the fiftieth ordinance — was then laid before the council, 
and having received the approval of that body, was issued 
on the 1 7th of July. It relieved the Hottentots, Bushmen^ 
and other free people of colour from the operation of the 
laws concerning passes and the apprenticeship of children, 
and placed them in all respects politically on a level with 

While this measure was being earned out by the local 
government, the imperial authorities had come to a similar 
decision. To this they had been moved by the reverend 
Dr. John Philip, who during many years took such an active 
part in colonial affairs that it is necessary to know more of 
him than the mere name. No man ever in this country was 
more lauded by a section of the community — though a very 
small one, — and more decried by the great majority of the 
colonists and the oflicers of government. Take, for instance, 
the inscription on the memorial tablet in the Independent 
church in Capetown and the despatches of Lord Charles 
Somerset and Sir Lowry Cole, and there is all the difference 
between a saint and a promoter of mischief. 

344 History of South Afrua 

On the tablet he is described as ' one whose intellect was 
consecrated to the service of divine truth, whose character 
was richly adorned with Christian graces and virtues, whose 
heart was deeply interested in the success of every benevo- 
lent and pious effort, and whose life was faithfully spent for 
the glory of God in the welfare of man. After a highly 
acceptable and useful ministry of sixteen years in Great 
Britain, and after a residence of upwards of thirty years in 
Capetown, where he was known as an unflinching advocate 
of Christian missions, an unwearied friend of the oppressed, 
and an able preacher of sacred truth, he retired to Hankey, 
where he died on the 27th of August 1851, in the seventy- 
seventh year of his age, sustained by the consolations, and 
rejoicing in tLe hopes, of that gospel for the defence and 
diffusion of which he had lived and laboured.' 

Lord Charles Somerset wrote to the secretary of state of 

* the insidiousness of this dangerous man's character,' of his 
reply to certain charges as being ^ full of disgusting evasion 
and perversion of facts,' of his ^ mingling himself in ever)'- 
thing that could give him political importance,' and of his 
neglecting to show * as much activity in reporting to the 
missionary socieiy the redress of grievances as he appears to 
exercise in reporting the grievances themselves.' ^ 

The succeeding governor, Sir Lowry Cole, described him 
as ^ more of a politician than a missionary,' and as having 

* on all occasions endeavoured to impress on the minds of 
the Hottentots that they could not expect for protection or 
look for justice unless to the (missionary) institutions.'^ 

It is still too soon to attempt to give a decision upon the 
effects of all of Dr. Philip's political acts in South Africa, — 
the difficulty with the Pondos, for instance, which is largely 
due to him, being still unsettled ; — and it can only be said 
that to the present moment they have occasioned infinite 
trouble to the government. But now that time has buried 

' Despatches of Lord Charles Somerset to Earl Bat hurst of dates 11 October 
1824. 21 Janoary 1826, 20 July 1826, and 10 December 1826. 

• Despatches of Sir Lowry CJole to Lord Goderich of dates 25 October 1880 
and 10 May 1881. 

Major-General Richard Bourke 345 

in the grave the fierce passions which he roused, his personal 
character can be fairly traced. He was a man of great 
natural ability, and applied himself intensely to whatever he 
took in hand. The son of a weaver at Kirkcaldv, he was 
brought up to his father's occupation, but at an early age 
displayed remarkable fluency of speech and aptitude for 
debating. This power was developed by practice in a 
weavers' club, and led to his being received as a student at 
the Hoxton academy in London. Having completed the 
course of study required by the Independent church, he 
became assistant to a clergyman at Newbury, but after a 
short time he resigned that situation and removed to Aber- 
deen, where he formed a congregation of Independents, and 
remained twelve years as their pastor. Next he turned his 
attention to the heathen, and by writing and preaching in 
various places he attracted the notice of the London mis- 
sionary society, and was engaged by that association to 
proceed to South Africa as its superintendent. He arrived 
in this country early in the year 1819, when he was forty- 
four years of age. 

Dr. Philip was a man of good appearance, and was pos- 
sessed of a constitution so robust that he was capable of 
performing a vast amount of labour without fatigue. The 
hereditary energy of his ancestors was developed in him to 
such an extent that action was a necessity of his existence, 
and during at least twenty years after his arrival in South 
Africa his obstinacy was so intense that when once he 
-entered upon a course, no matter whether good or evil, no 
argument or remonstrance would turn him back. Great as 
his intellect undoubtedly was, it was not of so high an order 
as to make him admit an error and try to rectify it. At a 
later date, after he had enjoyed almost unlimited political 
influence, and had seen the schemes which he devised result 
in bloodshed and confusion, he became a comparatively 
gentle old man ; but at the period treated of in this and the 
preceding chapters he was the most active opponent of the 
government in the country. He laid down a theory that r 
^e coloured races were in all respects except education 

34^ Histyry jf Seaitk Africa 

mentaUj eqrxil to tke ETuv^peui c^donists. and tliat tlier 
were wF>ngfaIIj and cmeUr oppressed br the wliite pecqple 
and the 2>>TerzLiiLent. With tixxs as a piof^aaed motire finr 
exertion, he st«»i forth as their champion; bat in adTOcating* 
their catue he acte*l as a general might do who was deter- 
mined to win a rii-tonr, and was indiffeient as to what 
weapons he ose«L To se^^ore the support and confidence of 
the great philanthropic s^^cieties in England, he said, and 
wrote, and did mnch that all who are regardfbl of truth 
mnst pronounce decidetilT wrong. 

He placed himself in antagonism to erery one who did 
not hold his particular views, and denounced them all aa 
heartless oppressors. Even men of the most exemplary 
Christian character, such as the rererend Andrew Murray, 
of Graaff-Reinet, and the reverend Alexander Smith, of 
Uitenhage, were forced into a contention with him, and on 
one occasion matters proceeded to such a length that Mr. 
Murray roundly accused him of making false statements to 
the commissioners of inquiry. He lived thus in an atmo- 
sphere of constant strife, and many measures which he 
favoured, though admittedly good in themselves, received 
no support from the great body of the colonists solely 
because of his connection with them. 

Early in 1826 Dr. Philip went to England, and in April 
1828 published a work in two volumes entitled Researches in 
South Africa^ with the object of showing that the Hottentots 
and other coloured people in the colony were ordinarily 
subject to most unjust treatment. The book puts forth as 
facts mere theories concerning the Buslmian race which are 
now known to be incorrect, the account given in it of a 
great commando against the Bushmen in 1774 was proved 
to be imaginative by Lieutenant Moodie's publication of the 
original documents from which it was professedly drawn, a 
strict investigation made by order of the imperial govern- 
ment into some of its charges showed them to be baseless, 
and the judges of the supreme court pronounced others 
libellous, yet so entirely did the work accord with the pre- 
judices of a large class of people in England that it was. 

Major- General Richard Bourke 347 

received with great favour, and for many years was regarded 
as authoritative. 

On the 15th of July 1828 Mr. Fowell Buxton brought 
the matter to which it related before the house of commons. 
He stated that if any members wanted information on the 
subject of the treatment of the natives of the Cape Colony, he 
would ' recommend to their notice a recent publication — Dr. 
Philip's Researches in South Africa, — a work which at the 
same time displayed great colonial knowledge, and exhibited 
a strong picture of the injuries which the natives were sus- 
taining.' He then moved Hhat His Majesty be humbly 
solicited to cause such instructions to be sent to the colony 
of the Cape of Good Hope as should most effectually secure 
to all the natives of South Africa the same freedom and 
protection as are enjoyed by other free people of that colony, 
whether English or Dutch, and that His Majesty be humbly 
requested to order copies or extracts of the special reports 
of the commissioners at the Cape of Good Hope relative to 
the condition of the Hottentots and Bushmen, together with 
the papers given in to the commissioners by Dr. Philip and 
the memorials addressed to the colonial oflSce by the direc- 
tors of the London ip.issionary society, to be laid before the 

At this time the duke of Wellington was prime minister, 
having succeeded Lord Goderich in January 1 828. In this 
ministry Mr. Huskisson was the first secretary for the 
colonies, but in May Sir George Murray took that oflice. 
With the last named gentleman Dr. Philip had acquired 
great influence in matters concerning South Africa. , He 
therefore concurred in Mr. Buxton's motion, which received 
general support, and was carried. 

On the 2nd of August the resolution was forwarded to 
the acting governor, the secretary of state at the same time 
conveying Hia Majesty's special commands recommending 
the original natives of the Cape to his attention, in order 
that he might upon all proper occasions exert the authority 
entrusted to him for the purpose of securing to the Hotten- 
tots and Bushmen their ^ freedom and the protection of the 

X ^ H'. ::: —i : f Sjanji A frua 

I^- P'".'".-j"s i'"::12:::^Ti:c- lic- esable Lim loe better to appre- 
dai-r iLe ^-.'-ziiis ~p:r. '•ridcii liie mxtenikai of the king's 
2^:Trn;ii:ri.": Lfiri bc^eii cilicd !£• the snlg€«ct. 

Bef'ire -L^se iz^ira jtiMis i««.sli€d iLe Cip?, the oidinmnoe 
pntliahcd hrrTi Oil "i^ 17ih « Jiilj was r&ceiTed in Eng'land. 
Xotidrg oc'-^iid Lare mri ihe case moie exactly. But by 
Dr. Philip's ded;>e. an additional olanse was added to it, 
pri'liibiTing i:^ al:«e-raiiv*iL x>efieaL or amendment without the 
previ«:*Tis cvrisent oi the king in council ; and in this form on 
the loth of Januarv 1^29 ii was ratified. 

The ho'jk B*:^ j.-lVi-:? I'l S:*vaf. -lr>i><i caused much sensa- 
tion in the ci'lonr, where it was rti^jtrive-i as a highly over- 
drawn statement, fri-m which nLiny explanatory particulars 
known to its author were omitted. Mr. William Macdonald 
Mackay. one of the officials cha.^ged in it with oppressive 
conduct towards Hottentots, resolved to vindicate his cha- 
racter by an action for libel before the supreme court. The 
case excited intense interest thn:«ughout South Africa, for it 
was feit that it was not only Mr. Mackay's reputation, but 
that of the government and the colonists, which was at stake. 
TVhen it came on for hearing. Dr. Philip's counsel disputed 
the competency of the supreme court to decide in the matter, 
on the grrounds that the book was not intended for circula- 
tion in the colony, that it was not published here through 
his agency, and that therefore this was not the place to 
bring an action. The judges overruled this objection, but 
others were raised which neces>itated the postponement of 
the trial until the following session. 

On the 12th of July 1830 the case finally came on for 
hearing. It rested upon the correctness of certain state- 
ments in the work Researches in South Africa^ which bore 
Dr. Philip's name as author on the title page, and one copy 
of which it was proved that he had given to a friend of his, 
Mr. Wilberforce Bird, controller of customs in Capetown. 
The courtroom was densely packed with the most respectable 
people in the country, and even the jury box was made use 
of to accommodate a party of ladies. The defendant pleaded 

Sir Loxvry Cole 35 1 

stood that he would only be permitted to reside at the Kat 
river during good behaviour. The matter was not reported 
to the secretary of state, probably because it could not be 
reconciled with the governor's avowed policy of keeping the 
ceded territory altogether unoccupied. 

Other captains with their clans followed Makoma, and 
in a very short time cattlelifting from the white people was 
resumed as in former years. The British settlers were par- 
ticularly exposed to the robbers. Those who remained upon 
their ground were beginning to see that by cattlerearing 
they might obtain a comfortable living, and in 1822 and 
1823 many hundreds of oxen and cows were purchased and 
brought into the pastures of Albany. But often a man, who 
in the evening looked with satisfaction upon a little herd, 
rose the next morning to find every hoof gone, and only a 
spoor leading always in one direction. Makoma was remon- 
strated with, and made various excuses and promises, usually 
trying to throw the blame upon others. 

At length a settler was murdered by Kaffirs, and then 
the governor was roused to action. In October 1823 Major 
Henry Somerset was appointed military commandant of the 
frontier, in succession to Major Fraser, who had just died. 
Two hundred well-mounted burghers were quietly assembled, 
and the commandant was instructed with them and the 
cavalry of the Cape regiment to fall upon the robbers sud- 
denly, and take compensation for the stolen cattle. A 
hundred of the Hottentot infantry were to follow as rapidly 
as possible, to support the expedition in case of need. 

At daybreak on the 5th of December 1823 the commando, 
after a forced march of tweniy-two hours, surprised Makoma's 
kraals at the Kat river, and seized seven thousand head of 
horned cattle. Though the Kaffirs were unprepared, they 
offered such resistance that it was necessary to fire a few 
shots at them, and two or three were wounded. No one 
belonging to the expedition was hurt. The cattle were 
driven to a military post established farther down the Kat 
river a few months previously, named Fort Beaufort, where 
all who had suffered from depredations were compensated. 

350 History of South Africa 

Lieutenant-General Sir Gkilbraitb Lowry Cole, in which he 
was appointed governor and commander-in-chief. He was 
then governor of Mauritius. On the 7th of September he 
arrived in Simon's Bay in the ship-of-war Tweedy with his 
lady, three sons, and three daughters. Two days later, on 
the 9th, he took the oaths of office. 

Sir Lowry Cole was second son of the earl of EnniskiUen 
and younger brother of Baron Grimstead. He was then 
fifty-six years of age. His lady was a daughter of the earl 
of Malmesbury, and sister of the wife of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Bell, secretary to government. As a military officer he had 
served with sucli distinction in the peninsular war as on 
several occasions to have received the thanks of both houses 
of parliament for his eminent and gallant services. His 
abilities were not of the same order as those of Lord Charles 
Somerset, but of the two he was the better qualified for the 
government of a colony. He was thoroughly upright and 
devoted to his duty, and never allowed passion to overrule 
his judgment. He had not so much power as Lord Charles, 
for the secretaries of state now issued direct orders upon the 
most trifling matters without first consulting the governor, 
and he was restricted from expending any amount exceeding 
200Z. without previous sanction. 

General Bourke remained in the colony until the 7th of 
November, when he embarked with his fomily for England 
in the frigate Undaunted. 

For some reason which was never certainly known, though 
it was generally believed to be mere hostility towards the 
measures of Sir Rufane Donkin, Lord Charles Somerset upon 
his return to the colony in 1821 permitted the chief Makoma, 
right-hand son of Gaika, with a considerable body of fol- 
lowers to occupy the valleys at the sources of the Kat river. 
This ground had been surveyed by Sir Bufane Donkin's 
orders, and he intended to locate upon it some Scotch 
families who had been approved of by the emigration com- 
missioners, but who subsequently changed their minds and 
did not come to South Africa. Makoma, of course, made 
the strongest professions of friendship, and it was under- 

Sir Loxvry Cole 35 1 

stood that he would only be permitted to reside at the Kat 
river during good behaviour. The matter was not reported 
to the secretary of state, probably because it could not be 
reconciled with the governor's avowed policy of keeping the 
<5eded territory altogether unoccupied. 

Other captains with their clans followed Makoma, and 
in a very short time cattlelifting from the white people was 
resumed as in former years. The British settlers were par- 
ticularly exposed to the robbers. Those who remained upon 
their ground were beginning to see that by cattlerearing 
they might obtain a comfortable living, and in 1822 and 
1823 many hundreds of oxen and cows were purchased and 
brought into the pastures of Albany. But often a man, who 
in the evening looked with satisfaction upon a little herd, 
rose the next morning to find every hoof gone, and only a 
spoor leading always in one direction. Makoma was remon- 
strated with, and made various excuses and promises, usually 
trying to throw the blame upon others. 

At length a settler was murdered by Kaffirs, and then 
the governor was roused to action. In October 1823 Major 
Henry Somerset was appointed military commandant of the 
frontier, in succession to Major Fraser, who had just died. 
Two hundred well-mounted burghers were quietly assembled, 
and the commandant was instructed with them and the 
cavalry of the Cape regiment to fall upon the robbers sud- 
denly, and take compensation for the stolen cattle. A 
hundred of the Hottentot infantry were to follow as rapidly 
as possible, to support the expedition in case of need. 

At daybreak on the 5th of December 1823 the commando, 
after a forced march of twenty-two hours, surprised Makoma's 
kraals at the Kat river, and seized seven thousand head of 
homed cattle. Though the Kaffirs were unprepared, they 
offered such resistance that it was necessary to fire a few 
shots at them, and two or three were wounded. No one 
belonging to the expedition was hurt. The cattle were 
driven to a military post established farther down the Kat 
river a few months previously, named Fort Beaufort, where 
all who had suflfered from depredations were compensated. 

352 History of South Africa 

after which five thoasand two hundred and twenty-fonr head 
were restored to Makoma. That chief and his subordinate 
captains very humbly asked forgiveness for the eirents that 
led to the reprisal, and promised to keep their people from 
stealing in future. Why they were not driven out of the 
ceded territory, when so favourable an opportunity presented 
itself, was never explained by either Lord Charles Somerset 
or his son. 

In November 1824 it became necessary to make another 
attack upon Makoma's kraals to recover stolen cattle. A 
strong party of farmers and cavalry of the Cape regiment, 
under Captain Massey, was sent on this duty. The com- 
mando seized four hundred and eleven head, and returned 

During the night of the 22nd of December 1825 Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Somerset, with one hundred and seventy men 
of the Cape regiment and a party of farmers under Comman- 
dant Jan Durand, entered KaflSrland to recover stolen cattle 
that had been traced to the kraal of Susa, a sister of Graika, 
who was associated with a daring robber named Nyoka. The 
principal division of the commando crossed high up the 
Tyumie, while a smaller division, under Captain Armstrong, 
crossed the Keiskama above Fort Willshire. It was intended 
to surprise Susa's kraal at daylight, but as there was a very 
thick haze Captain Armstrong's division lost the way, and 
came upon the kraal of the Imidange captain Botumane. 
The approach of the horsemen was heard, however, and an 
alarm was given, when most of the people fled, though some 
prepared to resist, A few shots were fired, but no one was 
hurt. Botumane then made his appearance, and the mistake 
was discovered. A satisfactory explanation followed, which 
ended by the chief's furnishing guides to Susa's kraal. The 
morning continuing hazy, the commando arrived there in 
time to seize the horned cattle, but not the horses. The 
cattle were driven to Fort Willshire, where soon afterwards 
messengers arrived from Gaika claiming some of them as 
that chief's property. These were given up, and after those 
stolen from the colony were accounted for, the remainder of 

Sir Lowry Cole 353 

the herd was restored to Susa. The night after the arrival 
of the cattle at Fort Willshire a soldier and a white man in 
service there strolled to a distance, and next day both were 
found murdered. 

Though this system of reprisal was in strict accordance 
with Bantu custom, it does not seem consistent with Euro- 
pean notions of justice. But no other method of checking 
robbery had been devised, except the plan of keeping an 
open belt of country between the two races constantly 
patrolled by soldiers. There were not sufficient troops on 
the frontier to patrol a line a fifth of the length of that from 
the Winterberg to the sea, consequently the other system 
was regarded as a necessity. Unfortunately each succeeding 
governor made alterations in the method of carrying it out. 

Under Lord Charles Somerset its details were as follow : 

When a troop of cattle was stolen from the colony, the 
owners applied for assistance to the nearest military post, as 
farmers were strictly prohibited from crossing the boundary 
except under command of an English officer. A party of 
soldiers was then sent to follow the spoor of the cattle, the 
owner or one of his relatives accompanying them to identify 
the oxen and cows. Unless rain had fallen after the time of 
the theft, there was no difficulty for a practised eye to trace 
the spoor, and at the first kraal to which it led, the cattle 
were demanded, or compensation for them. Sometimes the 
rule was to demand only an equivalent number, at other 
times a number equivalent in value, which might be four 
instead of every one stolen, Kaffir cattle being worth much 
less than those reared by the colonists. If the patrol suc- 
ceeded in obtaining indemnification for the robbery, there 
was an end to that particular case. 

But it seldom happened that losses could be made good 
in this way, and there was a constantly increasing account 
of unredressed depredations, until at length the authorities 
on the border considered it necessary to apply to the governor 
for leave to call out a commando and make a reprisal. If 
permission was given, a joint force of burghers and soldiers, 
under command of a military officer, marched to the kraal 

IV. A A 

354 History of S(>uth Africa 

suspected of bein^mo^ deeply implicated in the robberies, and 
seenred compensation. Eyeir possible precaution against 
the perpetration of abases was thos taken br the gOTemment. 

Still it cannot be said that the system was free of abuses. 
Host of the charges against patrols and commandos made 
by Dr. Philip and some others dwindled away apon close 
investigation, bnt a residnom was certainly left that could 
neither be proved nor disproved. This is certain, however, 
that if real wrongs were perpetrated npon Kaffir clans bj 
military patrols or mixed commandos, they were not regarded 
bv the Kaffirs themselves as snfficientlv serions to leave a 
lasting impression.* It mnst be remembered that from their 
point of view communal responsibility for the acts of indivi- 
duals seems reasonable, though from ours it looks like hold- 
incr the innocent accountable for the sfuiltv. 

General Bourke made a great change in the system. On 
the 11th of April 1826 he issued instructions that patrolis 
were not to cross the border, unless the stolen cattle were 
actually in sight. On the boundary they were to stop, and 
send word to the nearest chief, who was expected to take 
up the spoor and recover the animals. In a few instances 
the chiefs so called upon complied, and naturally got into 

' When the war of 1877 broke out I was sent by the government to act as 
diplomatic agent with Oba, son of Tyali and grandson of Gaika, and for 
nearly five months I was without other society than the people of his clan. 
They were the most consen-ative of all the Kosas in their habits, and those 
amoDL' them who were advanced in years had taken part in the events related 
in this chapter. It was one of the best opportunities I have ever had to 
gather information upon the olden times from a Kaffir jx)int of view. No men 
could have been on better terms together than we were, and they opened their 
minds to mo in a way thoy certainly would not have done if they had not 
known that I was familiar with their customs. We were living near the 
junction of the Tyumie and Eeiskama rivers, where Botumane's kraal had 
stood from 1829 to 1833, and our nearest neighbours were Imi.iange on one 
side and Gunukwebes on the other. Cattle-stealing from the European farmers 
beyond our limits was rife, and no subject was more frequently discussed. 
Yet I never once heard of wrongs inflicted by commandos in bygone times. 
The question of taking the district between the Keiskama and Fish rivers 
from Gaika was regarded very differently, and Lord Charles Somerset's act 
was in their view real injustice. I believe every person who has ha^l long 
and intimate dcalind^ with the Kosas will agree wilh me in this matter. 

Sir Lowry Cole 355 

difficulties with the kraals to which they traced the cattle. 
The result of General Bourke's system was a series of 
quarrels among the border clans and the recovery of about 
one head in every ten stolen. 

In February 1829 Sir Lowry Cole made another change. 
Patrols were thereafter to follow the spoor as far as they 
could, and were to retake stolen cattle wherever they might 
be found, but were not to seize Kaffir cattle as compensation. 
Commandos, when necessary, could act as in the time of 
Lord Charles Somerset, except that none but cattle with 
colonial brand-marks on them could be retained after seizure 
and inspection. 

At this time — February 1829 — a large portion of the 
ceded territory was in possession of Kosa clans. Makoma 
occupied the valleys at the sources of the Kat river. His 
half-brother Tyali, left-hand son of Gaika, had taken posses- 
sion of the valley of the Mankazana, a stream which flows 
into the Kat ; and remained there without leave, though 
without being required to withdraw. The Imidange captain 
Botumane, seeing others moving in without being disturbed, 
had sent most of his clan across the boundary, and had 
taken possession of the western bank of the Tyumie from its 
junction with the Keistama nearly up to the present village 
of Alice. The chief himself had recently followed his people. 
In the same way Eno, head of the principal clan of the 
Amambala, had appropriated to his use the land along the 
western bank of the Keiskama, from the Gwanga nearly up 
to Fort Willshire. 

From the Gwanga to the sea, as far westward as the 
Beka, the Gunukwebes had obtained possession, mainly 
through the agency of the reverend William Shaw, of the 
Wesleyan society. Mr. Shaw came to South Africa in 1820 
as a clergyman with a party of British settlers, but in 
December 1823 he left the colony and founded the mission 
station of Wesleyville with the sons of Cungwa, on a feeder 
of the Tshalumna river. In January 1824 at the desire of 
Major Somerset he brought about a meeting between that 
officer and the chiefs of the clans that adhered to Ndlambe. 

A A 2 

356 History of South Afrua 

The conference took place on the heights above the ford of 
the Keiskama called Line drift. There were present the 
chief Ndlambe, his sons Dushane and Umkaji, with P^to 
and his brothers Kobe and Kama. The reverend Mr. Shaw 
was with them, and about three thousand warriors formed 
the body guards of the chiefs. Major Somerset was attended 
by three hundred burghers and soldiers of the Cape regiment. 

The English oflScers and the chiefs met unarmed midway 
between the two forces. On behalf of the colonial govern- 
ment Major Somerset agreed to abandon the system of treat- 
ing ^vith Gaika as the head of the Barabe clans, to acknow- 
ledge Ndlambe and his adherents as independent of Gaika, 
to deal with them directly, and not to molest them if they 
chose to settle in the territory between the Bufl&lo and 
Keiskama rivers. Since 1819 Ndlambe and Dushane had 
been living east of the Buffalo, and had been constantly in 
fear of being attacked again by the colonial forces. On their 
part the chiefs agreed to preserve peace, to abstain from 
thieving, to deliver up deserters, and to surrender all stolen 
cattle then in possession of their people. 

In August 1825 the mission station of Mount Coke, on 
the right bank of the Buffalo, was founded by the reverend 
Mr. Kay, of the Wesleyan society. The missionaries soon 
identified themselves with the wishes of the people among 
whom they were living. These wishes were that the clans 
should make a general movement westward. Ndlambe 
desired to have the country about Mount Coke to himself, 
Dushane to have the land towards the sea along the lower 
courses of the Tshalunina and the Keiskama, and Pato and 
his brothers to have the district between the Keiskama and 
Fish rivers nearly up to Fort Willshire. 

These aspirations were perfectly natural, for no people 
become easily reconciled to the loss of territory. The district 
between the lower courses of the Keiskama and Fish rivers 
had been the home of the Gonaqua tribe as far back as tra- 
dition went ; it was theirs before their blood became mixed 
with that of Kaffirs, and it remained theirs after they had 
adopted Kaffir customs, and had become a Kaffir-speaking 

Sir Lowry Cole 357 

people. They had moved westward into the Zuurveld, but 
with a view of eularging their borders, not with the inten- 
tion of abandoning their ancient home. When Cungwa was 
killed in 1812, and they were driven out of the Zuurveld, 
they settled here again, because no one denied that the land 
was theirs. In 1819 Graika, who was never their chief, gave 
their country to the English governor. This was their version 
of the story, and in telling it, they carefully omitted to state 
that they had been among the most active invaders of the 
colony in 1819, and that they had lost the land in war, 
having been driven from it before the governor announced to 
Gaika that it was to form part of a neutral belt between the 
Kaffirs and the colonists. 

Mr. Shaw urged the colonial government to give the 
Gunukwebes permission to reoccupy the district, but Lord 
Charles Somerset declined to put them in possession again of 
the jungles along the Fish river, which he considered would 
be an act of extreme folly. In January 1826, however, 
he consented to permit some temporary grazing privileges, 
which was the utmost that could be obtained from him. 
As soon as he left the colony, the missionary renewed the 
request, but Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset strongly opposed 
it. General Bourke referred the matter to Earl Bathurst, 
with a recommendation that the Gunukwebe clans should 
be allowed to occupy the lower portion of the ceded territory, 
and that Kaffirs should be permitted to come into the colony 
and take service with the British settlers. 

In August 1826 the secretary of state issued directions 
that neither Kaffirs nor colonists should be allowed to settle 
in any part of the ceded territory ; but when General 
Bourke's recommendation reached him, he so far modified 
these instructions as to permit the Gunukwebe chiefs to 
graze cattle between the Keiskama and the Beka rivers as 
far up as the Gwanga. This was sufficient for their purposes. 
Once permitted to cross the Keiskama to tend their cattle, 
they quickly moved in and built kraals, and in 1829 Sir 
Lowry Cole found that they could not be dispossessed without 

358 History of South Africa 

At lenp^ an event occurred which made it necessaiy to 
bring Makoma to account. A small clan onder a captain 
named Mtyalela had recently moved from the neigh- 
bourhood of the Umtata into the country north of the 
Winterberg, which was thinly occupied by the emigrant 
Tembiis under Bawana. They were kinsmen of Bavrana's 
people;, but there existed a jealousy between the new-comers 
and those who had been some years in the territory. After 
a while a quarrel broke out between them and Makoma's clan 
on the lower side of the Winterberg. In January 1829 
Makoma made a raid upon them, drove them over the 
bouiulary, and seized their cattle and killed some of their 
warriorH on farms along the Tarka occupied by colonists, 
iiii wniia (lid nothing to protect his kinsmen, and was even 
HUH|)«M't.<Ml by them of sharing their property with Makoma.' 

Tlu* governor then directed Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset 
to rail upon Makoma to restore to the Tembus their cattle, 
ihrot* MioiiHand in number, and to retire from the ceded terri- 
tory ; hut. allowtMl him two months to gather his crops, which 
\vnn» tlioii ri|MMiin|j;. As he did not comply with the demand, 
t.wo IniiulnMl bnrghors were called out to assist the soldiers, 
and on tin* IhI ot* May 1820 the combined force under 
liiontiMinnt-lNtlonol Somerset, accompanied by Captain 
Mloi'liPiiNtroni, rnt^M'od the district which he occupied. On 
tlio Inllowiii^ (lay (^apiain Stockenstrom had an interview 
with Miikonui, who professed not to know why he was to be 
iiltfivluMl, and wuh nMuly to promise anything that was re- 
quinMl. Ilo tlrniod having as many as three thousand head 
ol' niitlt* tiiluMi from ilio Tembus, but it was afterwards 
HHivrtjiiuod tliiit 1h» had placed them under care of the chief 

• HuwiiitirH iiroplo l»i Mh« proHont timo <leny that he did so, but the suspi- 
I'loM IimI Idii viiilont. fiMiil. A littlo lat<T on Bntsa, a petty captain and friend of 
Mtyidohi, hiip|MHi(*tl In iiirtM Uawana alono and unarmed, and stabbed him to 
iloiHh with an lutHUpil. In t ho ronfuMon that arose, Balsa's followers seized 
II liirK«* H««it1 of (Mitth« hrloM^inf^ t-o Dawana's ]H>ople, and lied with it into the 
(nniliMv now kudwn itH ()ri(|ualanti Kant. To that part of the country they 
\vnroM|MMHltly follnwrd bv Mtyalola'Hrlan. Thosoevcntaareof little importance 
ill 'IVmbu iiiHlory. but thoyonoo iKHUipied the attention of a committee of the 
houNo of (HUiniuuiH for i«ovcnil da vs. 

Sir Lowry Cole 359 

Eno. The conference resulted in nothing. Meantime Gaika 
and the minor chiefs had been assured that there was no 
intention of disturbing them, and they did not interfere in 
the matter. 

The commando set fire to the kraals, and seized a sufficient 
number of cattle to compensate the Tembus; but as 
Makoma's people did not resist, and retired before the troops, 
they were not further molested. They settled between the 
lower course of the Tyumie and the Keiskama, and Makoma 
fixed his residence near the mission station of Knappshope. 
A military post was established in the vacated district to 
prevent their return. 

Within a few weeks after Sir Lowry Cole's arrival in the 
colony he proposed to the commissioner-general to form 
locations of Hottentots on vacant lands near some of the 
villages, and also on several farms that had been reserved 
for the use of the landdrosts in olden times. Thousands of 
these people, released from all restraint by the fiftieth ordi- 
nance, were wandering about the country in a condition of 
vagrancy, and were regarded as a pest by owners of property. 
Captain Stockenstrom disapproved of the governor's plan, as 
locations near villages could be of no use to the Hottentots ; 
but when it was resolved to expel Makoma from the Kat 
river, on the 17th of April 1829 he wrote from Uitenhage 
suggesting that the ground about to be cleared would be 
suitable for the purpose, and received a reply authorising him 
to carry out the scheme. 

Several small streams unite to form the Kat river, and in 
their valleys the land is easily irrigated and is of great fer- 
tility. The plan adopted was to form a number of locations, 
each divided into plots of from four to six acres in extent, 
upon which a family was to be placed. Ground not adapted 
for cultivation was to remain as a commonage, each family 
having a right to graze cattle on it. The settlers were ta 
remain five years on probation, at the expiration of which 
period those who had built cottages and brought the ground 
under cultivation were to receive grants in freehold, but all 
garden ground not improved within that time was to revert 

- -»- 

." "' >.Tafcrr A'^rira 

hzti n '■'L^ izLTtiis^frCir T-: m&ke s Sc^etnacm vitere all h^ equal 
tliizLsw 'V^T Tw: lir.iisEzii i«srscd$ -wt^- kosied at the Kat 
ifxTT. iliT ir.ii;:r:Tr :: Vr-r-zi wsrs- EH qpaliStd lo occupy the 
j*:»55t:':'T. :: ::: ir^T»rD£T:i7 jiziaiwnrss. Tbose who had been 
i- «*rrr :^ Tnir. f imrr? -fti&Zjt nad s few eardeu bat many rf 
lii*- ciLrrs Lid r. : nir-.iz.j wLa-erer. TLer «« lo wotIl eothn- 
FiAarc;illj. h:wrT^r. ini iz. fi aii:»r:T:rDr Tie Sc-nlement was in 
a fairlj £ : T^^ili- ^ M'Zir::::»D. The pz-Temmtait supplied seed 
e:*ns. WaifE-r?: ^ij'*^ "Wrre !r.adr, asd a lar^r extent of ground 
wi5 iljori -nier :-:iltiri"dMi. some of ihe richer settlers 
assisn::^ :r.r p>;rrr- :l:-:^rii ctheis oerired their principal 
STiste::^:::^ fr-:!:: Thr 'wili rmiTs ■:: the eanh. 

Ii. :Lr •xr.rse ■>: i few T-ars it iras a&-i>enained that the 


pure H ::e'-T.:'T.5 werr ineapitle of susr^iir.iiig such efforts for 
anv jeEjrh oi time, buT isi-f-anwhiir* :he r-r>c*5peots seemed 
high IT en-;* ouraiTJii: to the frienis of nuuianiiv. There was a 
c«»nsideribie ij umber of haliti reeds* a'xoiiiT those 1 3 whom 
plots 0*' gnj'und were assiffae»l, and they ior?ued au element of 
comparative stabiiitr. The s-tiiemeu: was iiiieiided to draw 
awav some of tlie r»eor'lc from tiie London missionary 
society's stations, whioh were re^rariied ':»v the ir-jvemment 
as politieallv dangerous institutions : but Dr. Philip, who had 
recently returned to South Africa, perceived the design, and 
counteracted it bv sendins: the reverend James Bead from 
Bethelsdorp to reside at the Kat river. Sir Lowry Cole then 
stationed there the reverend William Eitchie Thomson, a 
clergyman of the Scotch church who had come to this 
country as an agent of the Glasgow missionary society, but 
who had accepted the appointment of government agent at 
the Tyumie in succession to the reverend Sir. Brownlee. The 
governor thought that by providing an able and zealous 
clergyman at the public expense, the London society's agent 

* It is recognised that halfbreeds, whether of mixed European and 
Hottentot blood, or of niize<1 negro and Hottentot blood, are a much hiorher 
class of people than pure Hottentots. The cross between Europcins and 
l^antu, on the contrary, is supposed in most cases to he inferior to either 
parent. Some instances which have come under ray observation do not sup- 
port this theory, but I cannot absolutely contradict it. 

Sir Lowry Cole 361 

Tvould be obliged to withdraw, and interference by Dr. Philip 
be prevented ; * but he was mistaken. The reverend Mr. Bea.d 
remained in the settlement, and the mission then established 
is still in existence. 

The chief diflBculty that the Hottentots at the Kat river had 
to contend against was depredations by the Kaf&rs, for these 
people found their way in by night, and drove off all cattle 
that were not strictly guarded. To enable them to defend 
themselves, the government supplied them with muskets and 
ammunition, greatly to the alarm of the frontier colonists, 
who feared that these weapons might be used as in the 
troubles at the beginning of the century. This alarm gained 
strength when it became known that Kaffirs of the clans 
opposed to Gaika were fraternising with the Hottentots and 
settling among them. But no disturbance of the peace took 
pla.ce for many years. 

A census at the close of 1 833 showed the population of 
the settlement at the Kat river to consist of two thousand 
one hundred and eighty-five halfbreeds and Hottentots and 
seven hundred and thirty- one Kaffirs. The Hottentots had 
in their possession two hundred and thirty horses, two thou- 
sand four hundred and forty-four head of horned cattle, and 
four thousand nine hundred and sixty-six sheep. To that 
time there was no magistrate nearer than Grahamstown, but 
Major Armstrong, the commandant of the military post, was 
then created a special justice of the peace. 

In July 1828, with the concurrence of the imperial 
authorities, an ordinance was issued by the acting governor 
in council, permitting Kaffirs seeking service to enter the 
colony, but requiring them to obtain passes from the field- 
cornet or justice of the peace nearest the border. Hereupon 
numerous Kaffirs came over the boundary, professing to seek 
employment, but in most instances to wander about begging 
and looking for opportunities to steal. After a while depre- 
dations became so frequent that the frontier colonists were 
brought into a state of panic. 

' Despatch from Sir Lowry Cole to Lord Goderich, of date 25 October 

362 History of South Afjn^a 

On the 25th of August 1829 Sir Lowry Cole suspended 
the ordinance for the admission of Kaffir servants, and 
instructed the officials to apprehend all who were wandering 
about without proper passes. He then hastened to the 
frontier. Upon investigation he ascertained that upwards 
of five thousand head of cattle had been stolen from 
colonists within five months, that only fifteen hundred head 
had been recovered by patrols, and that many individuals 
had been reduced to actual want. 

He expressed regret at the error that had been com- 
mitted of allowing Kaffirs to occupy part of the ceded 
territory again, thus bringing them within easy reach of the 
jungles along the Fish river. With the chiefs of the clans 
in that district he had a conference, when he informed them 
that he was determined not to tolerate robberies any longer, 
and warned them that if they did not prevent their fol- 
lowers from stealing he would act with them as he had 
acted with Makoma. They protested that they were doing 
all they could to suppress thefts, but said that among their 
people were evil-disposed men who would not obey them. 
This is a common excuse with Kaffir chiefs to Europeans. 
The governor, however, had made himself acquainted with 
their customs, and was aware that if they were really in 
earnest not an ox could be brought into the territory without 
their knowing all about it. He did not attempt to argue 
with them, therefore, but replied that he had said sufficient, 
and would merely repeat for the last time that cattle-stealing 
must be suppressed or the clans would be expelled without 
further notice. The chiefs saw that the governor was not 
to bo trifled with, and found such means to restrain robbery 
that for several months it nearly ceased. 

To overawe the Gunukwebes Sir Lowry selected a site 
for a military post at Gwalana., near the place where in 
1820 Sir Eufane Donkin had tried to establish the village 
which he named Fredericksburg. The buildings were con- 
structed under Colonel Somerset's superintendence, and in 
March 1830 a small body of troops was stationed there. 

The portion of the ceded territory that was not occupied 

Sir Lowry Cole 363 

by Kaffirs and Hottentots the governor resolved to allot to 
Europeans under military tenure. On the 2nd of August 
1830 a notice was issued in which the conditions were 
announced in general terms, and applications for farms were 
invited. The commissioner-general was instructed to make 
a careful selection from the applicants, so as to get a body 
of trustworthy and able men on the ground. The farms 
were to be given free of charge or rent. The grantees were 
to occupy them in person, and to maintain a number of 
able-bodied Europeans capable of bearing arms, in propor- 
tion to the extent of the ground, so that a farm of the 
ordinary size of three thousand morgen would have at least 
four men upon it. The use of slave labour was prohibited. 
On these conditions Captain Stockenstrom issued grants 
between the Winterberg and the junction of the Koonap 
and Fish rivers to about a hundred individuals selected 
indiscriminately from the families of old colonists and recent 
British settlers, no other distinction than that of personal 
qualification being regarded. 

Under this system the settlement of the border was 
being eflfected in a manner that has since been proved well 
adapted to the requirements of the country, when a 
despatch from the secretary of state put a stop to it. The 
mind of Lord Goderich had been poisoned by the calumnies 
concerning the old colonists poured into English ears ever 
since the publication of Barrow's book, and on the 26th of 
May 1831 he issued directions that Dutch farmers were 
to be excluded from the ceded territory. English settlers 
and Hottentots might be located there, but the ground was 
to be sold, not given to them. These instructions were 
followed in August by others that no crown lands in any 
part of the colony were to be alienated except by sale at 
public auction, and that one of the conditions of the sale 
should be the exclusion of slave labour. The governor 
attempted to induce the secretary of state to reconsider this 
decision, but without success. Consequently, on the 17th of 
May 1832 a notice was issued that thereafter crown lands 
would not be given out on quitrent, but would be measured 

364 History of South Africa 

and oflFered for sale by public auction, after an upset price 
had been placed upon them. 

The position of the press in the colony was still very 
precarious. By Earl Bathurst's instructions the South 
African Commercial Advertiser was being published under a 
license from the governor in council, which could be can- 
celled at any time. The rival newspaper had ceased to 
exist. On the 24th of May 1826 an extract from the 
London Times appeared in the Commercial Advertiser, relat- 
ing to an o£&cial of the CaJ)e government who had appro- 
priated public money to his own use, and who was alleged 
to have been very harshly and unjustly treated by Lord 
Charles Somerset in consequence thereof. To an ordinary 
reader there was nothing to show that this extract was not 
an original article. It came to the eye of Lord Charles 
Somerset in London, who directed Earl Bathurst's attention 
to it, and produced original documents showing it to be 
incorrect. Earl Bathurst thereupon sent instructions to 
Oeneral Bourke to withdraw Mr. Greig's license. 

On the 10th of May 1827 the Commercial Advertiser was 
suppressed for the second time. Mr. Greig then put out a 
handbill giving notice that he intended to publish an advert- 
isement sheet, and wrote to the secretary to government 
asking whether it would require to be stamped. He received 
a reply that he must not carry out his project before obtain- 
ing a license. On the 13th he waited upon General Bourke 
with the proof of his intended paper, which he proposed to 
publish twice a week. The acting governor informed him 
that he must make a regular application for a license, 
which would be granted provided he would engage that 
the paper should contain neither political discussion nor 
private scandal, but advertisements only. Mr. Greig de- 
clined to make the application, and did not issue the 
proposed sheet. 

On the same day a memorial signed by many of the 
principal merchants in Capetown was sent to General 
Bourke, requesting leave to hold a public meeting for the 
purpose of taking into consideration the circumstances 

Sir Lowry Cole 365 

attending the suppression of the Commercial Advertiser, 
The acting governor submitted th^ memorial to the council, 
by whose advice he declined to grant the permission 

Mr. Fairbairn, the editor of the paper, then proceeded 
to England to endeavour to have the press liberated from 
the control of the executive branch of the government, and 
made subject only to the courts of law. General Bourke 
was in favour of this measure, and wrote to Earl Bathurst, 
recommending a free press with a law of libel. 

None of the successive secretaries of state, however, 
before Sir George Murray would consent to modify the 
system under which periodical journals could be published 
at the Cape. From Sir George Murray Mr. Fairbaim 
obtained leave to resume the issue of his paper, with a 
promise that the press should be freed from the control of 
the governor and council, upon which he hastened back to 
South Africa, and on the 3rd of October 1828 the Commercial 
Advertiser appeared again. 

In January 1829 the secretary of state transmitted to 
Sir Lowry Cole a draft ordinance for the regulation of the 
press, with instructions to have it published in the name of 
the governor in council. This was done on the 30th of 
April. The ordinance provided that the names of editors, 
printers, publishers, and proprietors, with their places of 
abode and other particulars, must be recorded on oath at 
the office of the secretary to government, under penalty of a 
fine of lOOi. for every paper sold or delivered without such 
registration ; that a copy of each paper must be furnished 
to the secretary to government; that the publisher must 
bind himself in the sum of 300i., and furnish other security 
to the same amount, to pay any fines inflicted upon him by 
a court of justice for blasphemous or seditious libel; and 
that conviction for a libel tending to bring the government 
of the colony into contempt should debar any person from 
editing, printing, or publishing a newspaper in the colony 

This law now appears stringent, but in those days it was 

366 History of South Africa 

regarded as suiBBciently liberal to meet all reasonable reqnire- 
meDts. It removed from the government the power of 
interfering with the press, and referred to the judges of the 
supreme court the decision whether matter was libellous or 
not. Shortly after the ordinance was issued, quite a number 
of newspapers and other periodicals sprang into existence, 
but most of them were short-lived. Two newspapers, how- 
ever, remain to the present day: the ZfuiA Afrikaam,, partly in 
Dutch and partly in English (now wholly in Dutch), which 
was commenced in Capetown on the 9th of April 1830, and 
the Orahamstown Journal, a purely English sheet, the first 
number of which appeared on the 30th of December 1831. 

During the government of Sir Lowry Cole greater 
changes took place in the appearance of Capetown than 
during any previous period of equal length since the erection 
of the castle. 

Most of the old fortifications had become useless through 
recent improvements in artillery, and in 1827 the imperial 
authorities resolved to dismantle some and remove others. 
Those condemned as not worth maintaining were the 
redoubt Kyk-in-de-Pot and the whole of the fortifications 
and lines along the beach between the castle and Craig's 
tower, except Fort Knokke. Most of these structures had 
been familiar to the oldest residents from childhood. Orders 
were at the same time issued that the barrack at Muizenburg 
and the batteries at Camp's Bay, Three Anchor Bay, Hout 
Bay, and Mouille Point should be dismantled. 

On the 24th of October 1827 the foundation stone of the 
Scotch church on St. Andrew's square was laid by Major- 
Gen eral Bourke, and on the 24th of May 1829 the building 
was opened for divine worship. A very pleasing occurrence 
after the first service was the presentation of 76i. towards 
the building fund by a deputation from the Dutch reformed 
church. The reverend Dr. James Adamson was the first 
pastor. He arrived from Scotland on the 11th of November 
1827, when the Lutheran congregation kindly gave the use 
of their church to hold service in until the building then 
just commenced should be completed. 

Sir Lowry Cole 367 

On the 26th of October 1829 the foundation stone of the 
Wesleyan chapel in Burg-street — now known as the metro- 
politan haU — ^was laid, and on the 13th of February 1831 
the building was opened for public worship. 

The members of the English episcopal communion made 
use of the Dutch reformed church until December 1834. In 
1824 they proposed to erect a building for themselves, and 
appointed a committee to ascertain how many persons would 
engage to rent pews, their plan being to raise money on loan. 
But this scheme did not meet with suflScient support. In 
October 1827 the bishop of Calcutta called at the Cape, when 
General Bourke granted about an acre of ground in the lower 
part of the government garden, which the bishop consecrated. 
A subscription list was then opened for the purpose of 
building a church, but only a trifle over 2,000i. being 
promised, the design was again abandoned. The secretary 
of state having promised pecuniary aid, in August 1829 it 
was resolved at a meeting of the members to try to raise a 
portion of the capital in shares, to be repaid from pew rents, 
and two hundred and fifty shares of 26i. each being taken, 
on the Ist of September of that year an ordinance of the 
governor in council was issued, giving legal sanction to the 
plan, and granting 5,000i. from the colonial treasury towards 
the building fund. On the 23rd of April 1830 the founda- 
tion stone of the church — which was named St. George's — 
was laid by Sir Lowry Cole. On the following day, at the 
request of the trustees of the new building, the street upon 
which it was to face was renamed by the governor St. 
George's-street. It had borne the name of Berg-street for 
more than one hundred and forty years. The church was 
opened for public worship on the 21st of December 1834, 
though it was not then completed. The whole of the 
ll,500i. had been expended, and 2,000i. more were required 
to finish the tower and the internal fittings. 

The old Dutch reformed church was too small to accom- 
modate the congregation, and it was therefore resolved to 
erect another in a difierent part of the town. Some money 
was raised by subscription, and on the 18th of April 1838 

368 History of South Africa 

the foundation stone of the church in Bree-street was laid 
by Sir Lowry Cole. Delays, however, took place, and the 
building was not completed until 1847. 

A great many dwelling houses were erected, or rebuilt in 
modem styles. During a heavy gale from the 16th to the 
18th of July 1881 six ships were driven ashore in Table Bay, 
happily without loss of life ; but their cargoes, valued at 
40,000i., were destroyed. This disaster led to the govern- 
ment undertaking the construction of a stone pier from 
which anchors and cables could be conveyed to ships in 
danger of parting. The only wharf at this time was one 
close to the castle, that had been built by the Dutch East 
India Company in the most convenient place for its purposes, 
though it was so far to leeward in winter gales that boats 
could not reach the anchorage from it. The work on the 
utnv pi(ir, which was at the foot of Bree-street, was suspended 
in 1h:{8 by order of the secretary of state, on the ground of 
di^riciciicy of revenue; but in the mean time, in antici- 
piitiioii of itH b(»coming the principal place for landing and 
Hhippiii^ ^jo(m1h, aevoral large stores were built in its neigh- 
IioutIkmhI, and th(»ro was a gradual shifting of business from 
Mip lowor piirt. of tlu* tvown. 

Ari««r April 1H;U St. GeorgeVstreet was lit on dark 
iiij^ht.M with oil lamps, provided and maintained by subscrip- 
i.ifin o(* i,lii» hous4'liol(l«'rs. Many of the best residences were 
ill Mh« '^ninlotiH in Mi<i u2)por part of the valley, but the 
Ih'i'n'Uijrm'hi. wiiH si ill the most fashionable part of the 
town, lliou^^li much of it was occupied with shops, the 
Hocij'l y or j'luh hous(», tho leading hotel, and what was termed 
a coll'iM' hiiusr. Tlu» resi(l(Mits there speedily followed the 
nxiiinph* of those in Si. (iioor«;o's-8troet. Street lamps, how- 
«»vnr, wore siill I'oniinoiily reufarded as unnecessary. Respect- 
iiJiln fpiiiJih'H who went out in the evening were usually 
ciirrind in a hcmIhh chair, and a slave walked in front with a 
lanicrn. Marly hours wen^ kepi, and very few people of the 
bcli(«r t'hiHHcM remained oui afierninc. 

At ihis time Havinjjfs bjinks were established in the colonv. 
Tln»ro was pn^viously a department of the government bank 

Sir Lowry Cole 369 

open for the reception of small sums of money, and this was 
termed the savings bank branch; but in principle it did not 
differ from the other depositing branch. At a meeting held 
in the commercial hall on the 22nd of November 1830, 
resolutions were adopted in favour of the formation of savings 
banks on the same principle as those in England, and a 
committee was appointed to carry out the project. The 
government approved of the design, and on the 8th of June 
1831 an ordinance was issued legalising it. On the 25th of 
the same month the first savings bank, properly so called, 
commenced to receive deposits in an office in St. George's- 
street,and thereafter it was open every Saturday evening from 
five to seven o'clock and every Tuesday from eleven to one. 
Interest was allowed at the rate of four per cent. In a very 
short time branches were formed at the diflferent seats of 
magistracy, and were found to be of great service to the 
poorer classes of the people. 

In March 1831 an association termed the South African 
fire and life assurance company was founded, with a sub- 
scribed capital of 30,000i., and its office was opened in Cape- 
town. It was the first company of the kind formed in the 
colony, though several English insurance offices had agencies 

A mark of advancement in another direction was the 
establishment of the South African college. On the 14th of 
October 1828 there was a meeting of heads of families 
in the vestry room of the Dutch reformed church in Cape- 
town, when a discussion took place upon the advisability 
of providing better means for the education of lads 
than the government free schools offered. No decision 
as to the method of meeting the want was arrived 
at, but a committee was appointed to frame a design and 
ascertain if sufficient funds could be raised. The gentle- 
men who formed this committee were Sir John Truter, late 
chief justice, the reverend Messrs. A. Faure, G. Hough, J. 
Kloek van Staveren, and Dr. Adamson, of the Dutch re- 
formed, English episcopal, Lutheran, and Scotch churches^ 

IV. B B 

370 History of South Africa 

Mr. W. F. Hertzog, assistant surveyor general, and Mr. F. 
L. Mabille, a merchant in Capetown. Advocate Jacobus de 
Wet and Mr. D. Hertzog acted as secretaries. 

After much deliberation and inquiry the committee 
resolved to endeavour to obtain a capital of 2,5002. in shares 
of 10^ each, which should entitle the owners to have their 
sons educated at a lower charge than others, and to employ 
the interest of this capital and fees for tuition in paying the 
salaries of professors and teachers. A prospectus was issaed 
on the 23rd of March 1829, and the required amonnt having 
been subscribed, on the 4th of June a meeting of the share- 
holders was held, when fifteen of their number were elected 
to form a board of directors. The guardians of the orphan 
asylum, having more accommodation than they needed, 
offered a portion of their building free of rent for six years. 
A contribution of 50Z. a year was promised from the masonic 
education fund, and was paid until 1846. 

On the Ist of October 1829 the college was opened with 
about a hundred students. The first professors were the 
reverend Messrs. Faure, Judge, and Adamson, who gave 
instruction in Dutch and English literature, classics, and 
mathomatics. There was also a teacher of French, Mr. 
Swavincf^ by name, and a gentleman named Woodward 
assisted in teaching general subjects. The college received 
no aid from the colonial treasury until March 1834, when a 
subsidy of 200/. a year was granted, and after that date two 
of the directors were appointed by government. 

On the 21 st of December 1837 an ordinance was issued 
establishing the college on a legal foundation. It provided 
that the council should consist of seventeen members, fifteen 
of whom were to be elected by the subscribers and the 
remaining two were to be government nominees. Ten were 
to retire every year, when successors were to be chosen. 
There were to be at least four professors, namely one of 

» Of a fjood family in the Netherlands and well etliicated, he was sent from 
England by the secretary of state as Datch interpreter in the supreme court, 
but owing to some peculiarity of accent his Dutch was nearly unintelligible 
to the colonists. 

Sir Lowry Cole 371 

classics and English literature, one of modem languages and 
Dutch literature, one of physical sciences, and one of 
mathematics. A senate for the regulation of instruction and 
discipline was to be composed of the professors and two 
directors elected by the council. The government was to 
have the right of nominating five free students when the 
number of paying students was under fifty, and ten when 
the paying students exceeded fifty. The whole of the 
property belonging to the old Latin school, which had 
recently been administered by the bible and school com- 
mission, was transferred by the ordinance to the college 

The next event of importance connected with this insti- 
tution was a bequest for educational purposes. On the 2l8t 
of February 1845 there died in Edinburgh a gentleman 
named Henry Murray, who had been a merchant in Cape- 
town during the early years of the century, but who left the 
colony in June 1817 and returned to Scotland. He was of 
a benevolent disposition, and his wife was childless. In his 
will he set apart a sum of five thousand pounds sterling, the 
interest on which was to be drawn by his widow until her 
death, when the principal was to be paid to the treasurer 
and finance committee of the South African college * to form 
a fund for the gratuitous admission of such number of youths 
as the annual proceeds of the sum realised would afford to 
partake of and enjoy all the privileges and advantages the 
different classes professed to bestow, free of any charge or 
fees whatever, and that for such period or number of years 
as might usually be occupied in acquiring a thorough know- 
ledge of the various branches taught therein.' He further 
made known his wishes * that of the candidates for admission 
on this bequest those only be chosen from among the less 
affluent portion of the colonists, and the sons or descendants 
of the old Dutch settlers to have the preference.' The 
vacancies as they occurred were to be publicly advertised 
under the title of Murray's Gift at least two months previous 
to the day of election, and the boys approved of were to be 
subject in all respects to the ordinary regulations of the 

B B 2 

372 History of South Africa 

colleofo.^ The first scholarships nnder this beqnest were 
allotted in December 1857. 

lilr. ^Murray must have retained pleasant remembrances 
of the Cape and the colonists, for after some legacies to 
relatives and friends, he directed the trustees named in his 
>vill ^to pay and make over the whole residue and remainder 
of his nieiuis and estate, heritable and movable, real and 
personal, in favour of the secretary and directors of the 
orphan house, Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, who were 
deolanni to be his residuary legatees, but in trust always for 
bohtH^f of the Siiid charitable institution.' The amount 
roeeivovl by the orphan asylum from this bequest was 3,3<)0/. 

Tho increase of population in the Cape district made it 
desinible to establish a villaire at Zwartland*s church. The 
first bnildinor lots there were offered for sale on the 10th of 
Xovomber 1S2S. and found ready purchasers. On the 21st 
of Mav 1S2^^ the fifovemor named the new villatre Malmesburv, 
in honour of his father-in-law. 

In the oxtriMne north of the colony the reverend Andrew 
Murniv. clersrvnivui of the Dutch reformed church at Graaff- 
Eeinot. for a considerable time had been in the habit of 
holdinir ivriixlic^al services at a place indifferently called 
Toi>nilvnr and ToverWi^. In 1S29 at the request of the 
c^^nsisiv^rv the iTOvemor consented to the place beintr re- 
nanii\l Colosbt^r^. A village was Laid L-ut there, and on the 
2Pth of XovehiK^r ISoO the first building lots were sold. 
On t>.o s:ime dav the corner stor.e of a church was laid. 

Sir Li^wrv Cv^le wac? extremelv desirous of facility: iair the 
means of communication between differen: parrs of the 
Oi^lor.v. but there was i:o monev in the treas'irr that could 
be used for this purpose. Without gr-xJ r':i:iis. he wrote, 
the country could never become prosj»er.;»us. Majc-r 31icielL 
the survey or-genenJ, ha ring occasion to g-o \:Ti^T the Horr-en- 
totii-Holland mour;tains, was insmet-ed by \ti^ g.-verrior to 
inspect the road CArefnily, and rejic»n whrtLer :: co'Jd not 

• Ar. j»T«weia coTT :f Mr ^Siittst's will. frn=: vhiil ::.t*f *r:rirT* hfi-re 
b<w£ made., if t'lfsi it rb* c»f5?e uf iht masicr of iLt <i::«re3ie r: l--: ::. CT.:>e- 

Sir Lowry Cole 373 

be made safe at a moderate outlay. There were two other 
passages through the first great barrier to the interior : 
one, the French Hoek road, constructed by order of Lord 
Charles Somerset, the other, the old road through the 
Tulbagh kloof. But the passage over the Hottentots-Holland 
mountains was so much more direct for people living along 
the southern coast, that in their intercourse with Capetown 
they almost invariably used it, even at the risk of having 
their waggons broken and their cattle killed. 

Major Michell reported that at an expense of about 
7,000Z. a perfectly safe road, with easy gradients, could be 
made. Upon this, the governor gave instructions for the 
work to be undertaken, and wrote to the secretary of state 
that he was confident the cost would soon be repaid by a 
toll. In reply. Sir George Murray declined to sanction it or 
any other public work whatever while the revenue of the 
colony was insuflBcient to meet the ordinary expenditure, 
and threatened to surcharge the governor with the expense 
already incurred. The principal merchants of Capetown 
then offered to guarantee the governor against personal 
loss ; but the secretary of state, upon further representa- 
tions of the great utility of the road, was induced to allow 
it to be made. Practically it was constructed with borrowed 
money, as the deficiency of the revenue was made good by 
drawing upon the capital of the bank, and thus increasing 
the public debt. 

The new road cost 7,0 IIZ. It was opened for traffic by 
Major Michell on the 6th of July 1830, and was named Sir 
Lowry's Pass, amid the acclamations of a large number of 
people who had assembled to see a train of heavily laden 
waggons go over it, which they did with the greatest ease. 
The road was subsequently continued through Houwhoek. 
A toll was placed upon it, which more than realised the 
governor's expectations. 

The expenditure of the colony continued to be in excess 
of the revenue, though in June 1828 the imperial govern- 
ment took over the charge of the Cape mounted riflemen. 
General Bourke balanced his accounts by drawing upon the 

374 History of South Africa 

capital of the loan bank, and Sir Lowry Cole was obliged to 
do the same. Lord Goderich attempted to rectify tliis by 
retrenchment. In May 1831 he issued instructions that 
various offices, with salaries attached to them amounting 
altogether to 3,7182. a year, were to be summarily abolished. 
As other situations became vacant, they were to be filled by 
men with reduced salaries, or two posts were to be blended 
into one. The first of these orders was carried out, but the 
operation of the second was so slow that a succeeding 
secretary of state was obliged to adopt a more decisive 
measure. An account of this will be given in another 

For some time past the northern border of the colony 
had been subject to the ravages of a band of miscreants, 
who had their stronghold on the islands in the Orange river 
between Olivenhoutdrift and the great falls. For about 
seventy miles the river spreads over a fiat varying from one 
to seven or eight miles broad. This valley or bottom is 
filled with dense thickets, and from very few spots on either 
side is water visible. The main stream, however, hidden by 
the jungle, winds through it, and there are also smaller 
water courses branching off from and rejoining the main 
stream. During the greater part of the year the river is in 
fiood, and then these streams are almost innumerable and 
frequently change their beds. The jungle is thus cut up 
into a multitude of islands, many of considerable size, some 
of which can only be reached by crossing four or five rapid 
unfordable torrents. These islands contain a great deal of 
pasturage, so that stock can be hidden in them most 
effectually. Honey also abounds, and fish is tolerably 

At the beginning of the century these islands were the 
retreat of the notorious robber captain Afrikaner, but he 
and his followers had long since abandoned them and gone 
to reside in Great Namaqualand. In his old age Afrikaner 
came under the influence of missionaries, and led a reformed 
life ; but his son Jonker continued to follow the career of a 
marauder. Jonker's ravages, however, being chiefly directed 

Sir Lowry Cole 375 

against the Damaras^ he was almost lost sight of in the 
Cape Colony. Between him and the occupants of the islands 
in 1830 there was no connection whatever. 

The leader of the later robber band was a Hottentot 
named Stunrman, who had in earlier years been connected 
with one of the Griqua settlements. His followers were 
chiefly Koranas and Griquas, but among them were several 
fugitive slaves and desperadoes of mixed blood. He was 
perfectly indifferent as to whom he robbed, for he attacked 
indiscriminately the Batlapin in the north, the farmers of 
the colony in the south, and the Griquas under the captain 
Andries Waterboer in the east, whichever at any time 
seemed most likely to furnish spoil. 

His custom was to send out parties of fifty to seventy 
men, well mounted and armed, who appeared suddenly 
where they were not expected, and slaughtered all who 
attempted to prevent their driving away the cattle. In one 
year there were more than thirty reports from the civil 
commissioner of Graaff-Reinet detailing their atrocities. It 
is needless, however, to relate the whole of these, as they 
were all similar in character, and an account of one or two 
will therefore be suflScient. 

In August 1832 a strong party made a sudden raid into 
the Nieuwveld, and found several graziers with their families 
and cattle near Slangfontein. They drove off all the stock* 
and murdered three colonists named Faber, Van der Merwe^ 
and Steenkamp, as also Van der Merwe's vnfe. A commando 
of farmers, under the civil commissioner Van Eyneveld, 
followed them as soon as possible, but found them so well 
prepared for defence that after a harassing campaign of six 
weeks, during which the colonists underwent the severest 
hardships and privations, the commando was obliged to 
return unsuccessful. 

In September 1833 a band of about seventy of the 
robbers made a swoop upon the farm of Jacob Swart at 
the Hantam, murdered three men and one woman, wounded 
four others, and carried off eight children with the flocks 
and herds. A party of forty-five white men and halEbreeds 

376 History of South Africa 

was got together by Commandant J. N. Bedelinghnys, and 
by riding for forty-four hours as hard as horses could cany 
them, they overtook Stuurman's gang while yet a long 
way from the river. An engagement followed, in which a 
colonist — Mr. J. J. Louw — lost his life; but six of the 
robbers were killed. The others then fled, leaving seven of 
the children, the whole of the cattle, two of their horses, 
and three muskets behind. What became of the other child 
could not be ascertained, and it was supposed that it must 
have died or been left on the road to perish. The men and 
the horses of the commando being alike exhausted, it was 
impossible to continue the pursuit. 

Along the whole of the extensive northern border there 
was not a single soldier or a policeman, and there was no 
possibility of furnishing a defensive force of any kind. To 
meet the ordinary expenditure of the colony, paper money 
created as capital for the bank was being drawn upon year 
after year, so that there were no means of affording assist- 
ance to the farmers who were exposed to Stuurman's depre- 

Under these circumstances on the 6th of June 1833 an 
ordinance — No. 99 — was issued by the governor in council to 
amend the commando law. It was always difficult to get 
men to leave their regular occupations and take the field, 
where neither honour nor profit was to be had, and where 
great hardships must be endured. Unless they were person- 
ally aflected by the occurrence for which their services were 
demanded, they were apt to make excuses and to question 
the autliority of the district officials. To meet cases of 
this kind a proclamation was issued by Lord Macartney, 
empowering landdrosts and other magistrates to call out 
burghers for military service, but without defining penalties 
for disobedience. This proclamation was the commando law 
until June 188: J. The ordinance No. 99 gave to civil com- 
missioners, justices of the peace, commandants, provisional 
commandants, fieldcornets, and provisional fieldcornets power 
to call out burghers in cases of necessity, and fixed the 
penalties at a fine from hL to 20Z. for the first and a similar 

Sir Lowry Cole ^yy 

fine together with three months' imprisonment for every 
subsequent refusal. 

This ordinance met with strenuous opposition from Dr. 
Philip and from the party in England that supported him. 
The Comw^ereial Advertisery which was the organ of that 
party in Capetown, endeavoured to make it appear that the 
new law empowered a provisional fieldcomet to levy war 
upon the native tribes, and the ability with which that 
newspaper was conducted gave great weight to its views. 
It was at this time advocating a system of dealing with the 
tribes beyond the colony exactly as if they were civilised 
European powers, and laid it down as a principle that the 
governor should meet chiefs like Makoma upon a footing 
of the most perfect equality. The colonists who thought 
diflFerently, and especially the colonial government, were 
frequently taken to task for not treating the coloured people 
with justice, or what Mr. Fairbaim, the editor, regarded as 

In England pressure was brought upon the secretary of 
state to advise the king to disallow the ordinance No. 99. 
In April 1838 Mr. E. G. Stanley succeeded Lord Goderich at 
the colonial office, and he referred the matter to Sir Lowry 
Cole for explanation. The governor did not consider the 
commando system a desirable one, but under the circum- 
stances of the country he regarded it as ^ the only possible 
means to prevent or punish incursions into the colonial 
territory.' With regard to the alleged unjust treatment of 
the coloured people, he observed that * it might suit the 
views of some writers to hold up the local government and 
the colonists to the detestation of mankind, as the authors 
and abettors of a system of the most diabolical atrocities, 
and to represent the native tribes as the most injured and 
innocent of human beings ; but those who had the opportu- 
nity of taking a dispassionate view of the subject would 
judge differently.' 

In the condition of public opinion in England, however, 
the secretary of state had hardly a choice when a question 
was agitated by the leaders of the missionary and philan- 

378 History of South Africa 

thropic societies, and on the 27th of Noyeitnber 1838 Mr. 
Stanley informed the Cape government that the ordinance 
No. 99 and Lord Macartney's proclamation also were dis- 
allowed from the 1st of August 1834. 

Sir Lowry Cole was desirous of returning to England 
for reasons concerning his &mily, and in 1831 he requested 
leave of absence, which was granted by Lord Goderich. 
But upon furtlier consideration, the governor expressed a 
wish to retire altogether, and the secretary of state 
him permission to transfer the duty to the senior military 
officer, if a successor should not arrive by February 1833. 
Major-Greneral Sir Benjamin D'Urban, then governor ot 
Demerara, was appointed to take his place ; but that officer 
was unable to proceed to the Cape at once. After waiting 
until the 10th of August 1833, Sir Lowry Cole with his 
family embarked in the merchant ship Jja Belle Alliance, 
then ready to sail for England, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Thomas Francis Wade became acting governor. On the 
16th of January 1834 the ship Mount Stuart Elphinstone 
arrived in Table Bay, bringing as passengers Sir Benjamin, 
Lady, and Miss D'Urban, and the celebrated astronomer Sir 
John Herschel, with his lady, son, and two daughters. On 
the same day the new governor took the oaths of office. 






Particulars concerning Sir Benjamin D'Urban^— Policy of the imperial govern- 
ment towards South Africa — Particulars concerning the public revenue, 
expenditure, debt, customs duties, the wine trade, production of wool, 
exports, and ships putting into Table Bay — Severe retrenchment in the 
civil service — Revised charter of justice — Unsuccessful efforts of the 
colonists to obtain a representative legislature — Creation of legislative and 
executive councils — Communications of the governor to the Kosa chiefs — 
Condition of western Kaffir land — Expansion of trade with the Kaffirs — 
Dealings of patrols and commandos — Preparation of the Kosas for war 
— Treaty between the governor and the Griqua captain Andries Water- 
boer — Particulars concerning slavery in the colony — Succession of laws 
limiting the authority of slave-owners — Attitude of the colonists— The 
emancipation act — Manner of carrying out emancipation in South Africa 
. — Great distress caused by the confiscation of two millions* worth of pro- 
perty — Agitation concerning an attempt to pass an ordinance against 
vagrancy — Extension of the postal service — Condition of the British 
settlers — Growth of Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth — Agitation for a 
distinct government in the eastern province — Abolition of the commissioner- 
generalship — Expansion of mission work. 

SiB Benjamin D'Ubban was the first of our English 
governors who was without powerful family connections. 
His father was a commoner, and his relatives had little or 
no influence with those in whose hands lay patronage. He 
owed his position to merit alone. He had served through 
the peninsular war as commander of a division of cavalry in 
the Anglo-Lusitanian legion, and since the fall of Napoleon 
had been employed cliiefly in the West Indies. In 1815 he 
was made a knight commander of the bath, and in February 
1831 received the civil appointment of governor of Demerara. 
When sent as governor to the Cape Colony his military rank 
was only that of a major-general. He was a man of ability, 
and still more of honesty of purpose, who did what he 
believed to be right regardless of consequences to himself. 

380 History of South Africa 

Benevolent in disposition, he came to this coantrj impressed 
with the belief, then common in England, that the coloured 
people were harshly dealt with by the Europeans, and that a 
better relationship to the border tribes could be brought 
about by kindness and confidence. 

The new governor was sent to South Africa to carry out 
the views of the ministry of the day with regard to several 
important matters. 

1. The civil establishments were to be greatly reduced, 
and such retrenchment was to be effected as would not 
only bring the revenue within the expenditure, but leave a 
balance to be applied to the gradual extinction of the public 

2. The system of dealing with the KaflSrs was to be 
altered, and a policy of conciliation by means of alliances 
with the chiefs be entered upon. 

3. The emancipation of the slaves in accordance with 
imperial legislation for the purpose was to be carried into 

The financial condition of the country at the time was 
extremely bad. From the conquest of the colony in 1806 to 
the close of the year 1835 the public revenue remained 
almost stationary, notwithstanding the large increase of 
population, the imposition of a poll tax and taxes upon 
incomes, servants, and carriages, and the addition in 
January 1828 of the local revenue of Capetown and the dis- 
trict revenues, previously collected and administered by the 
burgher senate and the boards of landdrost and heemraden. 
Several causes contributed to this. 

1. All taxes which were fixed in rixdollars and 
stivers, such as land rents and stamps, though nominally 
increasing in amount, decreased in value as the paper money, 

2. The sale of the exclusive privilege to retail wines and 
spirits was done away with in Capetown at the beginning of 
1824, and in the remainder of the colony at the beginning 
of 1828. In its stead licenses were issued as at present, at 
112i. 10«. a year for each house approved of in Capetown, 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 381 

and at variable rates in other places. In consequence, the 
revenue from this source fell off greatly. The licenses were 
written on stamped paper, and the proceeds were carried to 
the account of stamps. 

3. The commando tax was only imposed from 1811 to 

4. The system of business introduced by English mer- 
chants diminished the auction dues. 

5. The reduction of the garrison after the fall of Napoleon 
caused some branches of the revenue to decline. 

6. The duty on wine entering Capetown and Simons- 
town fell off with the decline of the wine trade, and was 
abolished altogether from the 1st of January 1835. 

The state of the revenue and expenditure was not per- 
mitted to be made known to the colonists until 1831, except 
from such returns as were called for in the imperial parliament 
or were included in the reports of the commissioners of 
inquiry. There was consequently a vague impression that 
the revenue was much greater than the gOFemment knew 
it to be. In October 1831 Lord Goderich authorised the 
publication in the Gazette of periodical statements for the 
information of the taxpayers, which set the question at 


The various items of revenue are given in the following 
table, which shows the average yearly amounts during 
successive periods. Before 1826 they have been reduced to 
English money according to the curi'ent rates of exchange. 
The district and town taxes together with all the small 
taxes recently imposed are included in the item mis- 
cellaneous. The land rents are incorrect, because in the 
accounts of the treasury at that time arrears were included 
in the miscellaneous receipts. 

The expenditure after 1828 was constantly in excess of 
the revenue, and was provided for either by loans or by 
drawing upon the capital of the bank. From the private 
fund of the orphan chamber a sum of 12,500Z. was appro- 
priated. The Hottentot regiment cost the colony about 
17,000{. a year until June 1828, after which time this charge 


History of South Africa 


' " 

1806 to 


1820 to 

1826 to 

1831 to 










Customs duties . 

1 6,103 





Aaction dues 






Stamps .... 






Transfer dues on land sales 






Interest from loan and \ 
discount bank . . / 






Fees of office 






Land rents .... 






Taxes paid at the barriers ] 

on grain, wine, and 
spirits entering Cape- 1 






town and Simonstown ' 

' Port dues . . . • 






Postage . . . • 












Sale of exclusive privilege^ 
1 to retail wines and '^ 
1 spirits ... J 





i Commando tax . 

1 ,.%1 




Receipts of printing office . 













1 23,345 


was borne by the imperial treasury. Much the greater part 
of the revenue was absorbed by the civil, judicial, and eccle- 
siastical establishments ; but schools had to be provided for, 
the leper asylum at Ilemel en Aarde and the hospital in 
Capetown had to be maintained, the public buildings, the 
road between Capetown and Simonstown, that through the 
Drakenstein mountains at French Hoek, and Sir Lowry's 
pass over the Hottentots-Holland mountains required to 
be kept in repair, and various other expenses could not be 

On the 31st of December 1835 the public debt of the 
colony was 264,7(58/. 

The laws regarding commerce underwent many changes 
between 1806 and 1835. By an act of the imperial parlia- 
ment, passed in April 1806, and subsequently renewed for 
prolonged periods, the regulation of trade to and from the 
Cape Colony was entrusted to the king in council, that is 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 383 

iihe ministry for the time being with the king's concurrence 
could issue orders upon this subject that would have the 
force of law. 

Immediately after the conquest, Major-General Baird 
fixed the customs duties on British goods imported in British 
ships at three per cent of the value, the same as the Batav- 
ian government had levied on Dutch goods brought in 
Dutch ships. On British goods brought in foreign ships or 
foreign goods bi'ought in British ships seven per cent was 
levied, and on foreign goods brought in foreign ships ten per 

These regulations were only provisional, and were super- 
seded by instructions brought out by the earl of Caledon and 
enforced after his arrival. British goods imported in British 
ships were then admitted free of duty. Foreign goods 
imported in British ships or British goods imported in 
foreign ships were subjected to a duty of five per cent, in 
1809 raised to ten per cent of their value. On foreign 
goods imported in foreign ships a duty of fifteen per cent 
of the value was levied. 

By instructions from England, all export duties were re- 
moved from colonial produce after the 18th of October 1811. 

On the 1st of October 1811 an order in council was 
issued prohibiting trade to or from the Cape Colony in 
foreign ships after the 12th of April 1812. Ships belonging 
to countries in amity with Great Britain were to be allowed 
to obtain refreshments in colonial ports, and if in distress 
sufficient cargo could be sold to defray their expenses ; but 
with this exception the commerce of the country was to be 
carried on exclusively in British vessels. 

Up to this period Portuguese slave ships trading between 
Mozambique and Brazil were accustomed to call at Table 
Bay for water and other supplies, for though England had 
prohibited the ocean slave trade by her own subjects, she 
had not yet attempted to prevent its being carried on by 
foreigners. On the 13th of July 1812, however, the secre- 
tary of state issued instructions to the governor to prohibit 
intercourse of any kind between residents in the colony and 

384 History of South Africa 

slave ships putting into the ports, no matter to what nation- 
ality the ships belonged. 

For revenue purposes, after the 8th of July 1813 a duty 
of three per cent of the value was levied on British goods 
imported in British ships, now the only merchandise, except 
Indian produce, admitted into the country. 

By an act of the imperial parliament which came in 
force on the 10th of April 1814 the Cape of Good Hope 
was for certain purposes comprised in the limits of the East 
India Company's charter. It was intended to encourage 
the formation of a dep6t for Indian goods, and Cape 
merchants were therefore permitted to import merchandise 
of every description, except tea, from any part of the east 
except China, and to export it again to various parts of the 
world. Such merchandise could be kept in bond for 
eighteen months, and be released for exportation without 
payment of duty. Traffic of this kind was required to be 
carried on in British ships of a certain class, but was other- 
wise unrestricted. Less advantage was taken of the privi- 
lege, however, than was anticipated when it was conferred, 
and the benefit to the colony was not very great. 

By an order in council on the 12th of July 1820, followed 
by an act of parliament in July 1821, trade to the colony 
from foreign countries in amity with Great Britain was 
thrown open, except in articles manufactured of cotton, 
wool, or irou, on payment of an import duty of ten per cent 
of the value of the goods ; and foreign ships could be em- 
ployed in such trade on the same footing as British. The 
customs duty on Cape produce exported in foreign ships was 
to be eight per cent of the value, unless equal privileges 
were granted by the country to which the foreign ships 

By an order in council on the 14th of November 1821 
customs duties on British goods imported into the Cape 
Colony in British ships were to be levied for revenue purposes 
at the rate of three and a quarter per cent of the value. 

The fourth clause of a statute passed on the 5th of July 
1826 recognised the general rule that every foreign state in 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 385 

amity with Great Britain might import its own produce in 
its own ships into any British colony, provided the importa- 
tion was made directly from the country to which the ship 
belonged. It further recognised that such foreign ships 
might convey from the British colonies any goods to any 
part of the world. 

In the following year an act was passed to amend this 
law. It provided that a foreign ship could convey from the 
country to which it belonged the produce of that country to 
any British colony, and could convey from that colony goods 
to any part of the world. But this privilege depended upon 
the fact whether such foreign country before the 6th of 
July 1826 had granted similar advantages to the navigation 
and commerce of Great Britain. On the 16th of July 1827 
instructions were issued by the secretary of state that no 
foreign country was to be deemed to have fulfilled these 
conditions, or to be entitled to any of the privileges in ques- 
tion, until an order in council had been issued in its favour. 
At the same time an order in council enumerated various 
countries which were to be permitted to trade with the Cape. 
The duty on goods brought in their vessels was fixed at ten 
per cent of the value. 

These regulations continued in force until the 22nd of 
February 1882, when an order in council was issued repeal- 
ing all previous enactments, and fixing the duty on British 
goods from British possessions anywhere except the East 
Indies at three per cent of the value. East Indian produce 
and goods from foreign countries were to pay a duty of ten 
per cent of their value. Ships belonging to countries in 
amity with Great Britain could convey to the colony any 
goods the growth, produce, or manufacture of their own 
countries, and could convey Cape produce to any part of the 
world, on the same terms as British ships. Hoops, staves, 
and casks used in the wine trade were to be free of duty. 

From 1806 to the close of 1814 the imports were at the 
average rate of 105,026i. a year. English merchants, being 
apprehensive that at any time peace might be concluded and 
the colony again be restored to the Netherlands, made no 

IV. c c 

386 History of Sottth Afrka 

effort to extend the Cape trade, and only sufficient goods 
were imported to meet the most pressing demands. After 
the convention which secured the colony to Great Britain 
there was much commercial speculation, and goods were 
sent here for sale in greater quantities than were needed. 
From 1815 to 1825 articles were imported to the average 
value of 355,259?. a year. Then the trade became more 
settled, new markets on the north and east of the colony 
were opened, and the extent to which British manufactares 
could be absorbed was ascertained. From 1826 to the close 
of 1835 the imports were at the average rate of 336,647Z. a 
year. In addition to this, after 1814 goods — chiefly East 
Indian — were imported to the average value of about 43,OO0Z. 
a year, placed in bonding warehouses, and exported again 
without payment of duty. Nearly the whole of the imports 
were brought in British ships from Great Britain or British 
possessions in the east. 

The exports of colonial produce were steadily rising. 
Among these wine held the first place. During the long 
war with France the British government held out great in- 
ducements to South African winefarmers to increase the 
quantity of their produce, and to improve its quality. Large 
premiums were offered to those who made the most, as well 
as to those who made the best wine. This encouragement, 
however, was trifling when compared with customs regula- 
tions subsequently adopted. 

On the 2nd of July 1813 the imperial parliament reduced 
the customs duty on Cape wines from 43Z. Is. to 14Z. 7«., and 
the excise duty to 17Z. lOs., the tun of two hundred and 
fifty-two gallons. This gave a great impetus to the planting 
and enlargement of vineyards, the effect of which was not 
felt, however, until 1815 and later years. 

No wine was permitted to be exported unless certified to 
be of good quality by an officer termed the winetaster, who 
was first appointed in 1811. This regulation had as its 
object to improve the quality of Cape wines and thus to re- 
move the bad reputation which they had in Europe, but it 
did not answer that purpose^ for after several years' experience 

Sir Benjamin D Urban 387 

it was found that the ordinary wines were actually inferior 
to those produced before the appointment of a taster. 

The act of 1813 remained in force for twelve years, the 
most flourishing period that South African winefarmers have 
ever known. Then came a change. In March 1825 the 
difference in the duties on Cape and other wines entering 
Great Britain was reduced. Thereafter French wines were 
to be charged six shillings a gallon if conveyed in British 
ships, six shillings and sixpence a gallon if conveyed in 
foreign ships ; Cape wine was to be charged two shillings a 
gallon if conveyed in British ships, two shillings and three- 
pence a gallon if conveyed in foreign ships ; all other wines 
were to be charged four shillings a gallon if conveyed in 
British ships, and four shillings and fourpence a gallon if 
conveyed in foreign ships. 

Some slight modifications of this act were subsequently 
made, but with these exceptions it remained in force until 
October 1831, when it was repealed, and the duty on Cape 
wine entering Great Britain was fixed at two shillings and 
nine pence, and on all other wines at five shillings and six 
pence a gallon. The export of this article now rapidly 
fell off. 

The wines of Constantia were in request in England at 
high prices. But there was seldom much of these to spare 
for exportation, as the local demand was large, and the Cape 
government compelled the proprietors of the two estates — 
Great and Little Constantia, into which the original farm 
was divided — to adhere to an agreement made in 1793 by 
their predecessors with the commissioners-general Neder- 
burgh and Frykenius, under which each of them was bound 
to deliver thirty aams yearly at fifty rixdoUars an aam. A 
few of the principal civil servants were accustomed to receive 
a keg each as a present from the governor, and the remainder 
was forwarded to the secretary of state for distribution 
among his friends. As the paper rixdollar fell in value, the 
proprietors of the vineyards remonstrated year after year, 
but they might as well have kept quiet, for the governor was 
obliged to take their produce from them. Sometimes, when 

c c 2 

388 History of South Africa 

the vintage fell short, it was not possible to obtain the usnal 
quantity, and then there was as much correspondence be- 
tween Downing-street and Capetown about it as if it had 
been a matter of the utmost importance. The friends of the 
secretary seemed to consider themselves entitled to a keg of 
Constantia, and made an outcry if they did not receive it 
regularly. This continued until 1828, when Sir George 
Murray put an end to the distribution of the wine as pre- 
sents, and required it to be sold on account of the Gape 

Hides and skins had now come to rank next in value to 
wine in the list of exports. A large proportion of these 
were obtained from the Kaffirs beyond the eastern border 
and from the Griquas north of the Orange river. The 
Griquas were hunters by occupation. Fairs for dealing 
with them were commenced at Beaufort West when that 
village was founded, but in later years traders went among 
them and obtained great numbers of skins of wild animals 
in exchange for manufactured goods. 

Many colonists were now devoting their attention to the 
production of wool, though this article had not yet attained 
a very prominent position in the list of exports. It had, 
however, passed the experimental stage, for by several 
farmers it had been proved to pay better than anything 
else that could be grown on their lands. Foremost among 
these in the western districts was Mr. Jan Frederik Reitz, 
who in 1812 purchased the estate Zoetendal's Vlei, and 
placed upon it a flock of the best ewes obtainable, which he 
crossed with imported merino rams. In three years by cross- 
breeding with pure rams the wool was fit for use. In 1817 
Mr. Michiel van Breda, owner of the beautiful estate 
Oranjezigt in Table Valley, became a partner with Mr. Reitz, 
and the industry was extended, so that by 1825 the produc- 
tion of wool on this farm was about three tons, and in 
1829 six tons, worth in Capetown eighteen pence a pound. 
Several other farmers in the western districts were also 
breeding merino sheep, though on a smaller scale than 
Messrs. Reitz and Breda. 

Sir Benjamin D' Urban 389 

Woolled sheep were introduced into the eastern districts 
by some of the British settlers of 1820. Captain Duncan 
Campbell, a half-pay captain of marines who subsequently 
became civil commissioner of Albany, brought out a few 
southdowns from England, and afterwards imported others 
on several occasions, but this species of sheep was not found 
to thrive. In 1823 Mr. Miles Bowker purchased two merino 
rams which Lord Charles Somerset sent to the eastern dis- 
tricts, and from them and African ewes he raised a small 
flock of wool-bearing sheep. But the grass in the part of 
lower Albany where Mr. Bowker resided was not healthy for 
sheep, and though the flock produced very fair wool, it did 
not increase in number. At the same time there was no 
market for wool in such small quantities, and several years 
passed away before it could be turned to account. At length 
a settler named Bradshaw, who had a loom, made an arrange- 
ment with Mr. Bowker to turn the wool into blankets, and 
a few women living near Bathurst, who had brought spinning- 
jennies from England and knew how to use them, were em- 
ployed to make the yarn. Some coarse though durable 
blankets were manufactured, but after a fair experiment, in 
1834 it was found that the industry would not pay. Mr. 
Bowker then for several years sold his wool to a Mr. Allison, 
in Grahamstown, who made hats with it. In 1836 most of his 
sheep were taken by the Kaffirs, but a few were left, which 
were subsequently removed to a farm on the Koonap river, 
and there increased rapidly. 

Mr. Bowker was followed as a breeder of wool-bearing 
sheep by Major Pigot, who procured some merinos from the 
government farm Groote Post. The experiment, however, 
was on a small scale, and did not expand until several years 
later, when the progeny of these merinos came into Mr. J. 
Carlisle's possession. 

More than to any of these gentlemen the credit for the 
success of this industry is due to three half-pay EngUsh 
officers. Lieutenants Eichard Daniell, Charles Griffith, and 
Thomas White. 

Thejfirst of these had been an officer in the royalj^navy, 

390 History of South Africa 

and came to this colony in 1820 as an immigrant independeiit 
of government aid, bringing a party of fifteen individualB 
with him. He obtained as a grant the farm Sweetmilk- 
fountain, not far from the Bushman's river. Lieutenants 
Griffith and White came out as heads of parties of British 
settlers, and were located first on the Zonderend river, but 
ultimately removed to Albany. Previous to leaving the 
west, Lieutenant Griffith spent some time on a farm at 
Groenekloof, and observed how well the merinos throve at 
Groote Post. After settling in Albany he purchased a small 
flock of half breed sheep from Mr. Colebrooke at Hottentots- 
Holland, and had it removed to the frontier. Lieutenants 
Griffith and Daniell then entered into partnership. From a 
man on the way to Australia who happened to call at Cape- 
town they purchased some pure merinos, with which they 
greatly improved their flock. After a short time the partner- 
ship was dissolved, when the sheep came into Lieutenant 
Griffith's sole possession, and increased to a considerable 
number on his farm Bumtkraal, near Grahamstown. 

Meantime Lieutenant Daniell carried on farming in the 
same manner as in England, with the result that he lost 
nearly everything that he brought to South Africa. In 1827 
he took again to breeding merino sheep, and was so success- 
ful that at the beginning of 1832 he clipped ten thousand 
pounds of fine wool. At this time his flock was the choicest 
in the eastern districts, and his rams, being carefully bred 
from the purest imported stock, brought higher prices than 
any others in the market. 

Lieutenant White, after some experience of South African 
farming, visited Europe and purchased in Saxony some 
choice rams and ewes, with which he returned to the colony 
in 1828. The stock from his estate — Table farm, near 
Grahamstown — was afterwards considered second only to 
that of Lieutenant Daniell. 

By 1834 the industry was regarded as firmly established. 
In that year an eastern province joint stock company com- 
menced importing rams and ewes of the best breed from 
Saxony, and a merchant skipper — Captain Eobb, of the 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 


Leda — brought as a speculation thirty young rams from 
Sydney, New South Wales, which were sold at such a profit 
that the venture was repeated on a larger scale. 

From 1806 to 1814 the colonial produce exported was of 
the average value of 61,491Z. a year, from 1816 to 1826 
it averaged 198,446Z., and thereafter it steadily rose. The 
principal articles, with their average values during periods of 
five years each, were — 

Aloes . . \ 

Argol . 

Beef and pork 


Butter . 

Dried fruit . 

Grain . 

Hides and skins . 

Horns . 

Horses and mules 

Ivory . 

Ostrich feathers . 

Tallow . 

Whalebone and oil 

Wine . 

Wool . 

Other articles 


1836 to 1830 

1831 to 1835 






































Nineteen per cent of the exports were from Port 

From the 1st of January 1806 to the 31st of December 
1825 the merchant ships — exclusive of coasters — that put 
into Table Bay averaged one hundred and thirty-four yearly. 
During the ten years that ended on the 31st of December 
1835 the average yearly number was two hundred and twenty- 
five. In the whole thirty years forty-seven wrecks took place 
in the bay, but the loss of life was very small, altogether not 
exceeding fifteen individuals. There were several disastrous 
wrecks on the South African coast, however, the particulars 
of all of which it is not possible to recover. 

The financial condition of the colony was as here described 

392 History of South Africa 

when Sir Benjamin D*TJrban received instructions from Mr. 
Stanley immediately to carry out the scheme of retrenchment 
which Lord Goderich intended to be gradual. The salaries 
of the principal officers were all reduced. The governor 
himself was to draw 5,000Z. a year, and be provided with % 
town residence only. The secretary to government was to 
receive l,500i. instead of 2,000Z., the attorney-general 1,2002. 
instead of 1,500Z., the collector of customs 700i. instead of 
1,000Z., the auditor-general 700Z. instead of 800L, the com- 
missioner of stamps 5002. instead of 700Z., and the controller 
of customs 500Z. instead of 700Z. a year. 

The district of Simonstown was to be joined to the Cape, 
and vms to exchange its magistrate for a special justice of 
the peace. George, Somerset, and Beaufort were to be re- 
duced to the rank of sub-districts. Throughout the colony 
the offices of civil commissioner and resident magistrate were 
to be united, and a salary of 600Z. a year and a free residence 
was allowed to each. These changes were to take place from 
the 1st of July 1834. The governor was instructed to select 
the most competent of the old officers to fill the .combined 
situations, and to allow the others small pensions. Accord- 
ingly, as civil commissioner and resident magistrate, Mr. 
P. B. Borcherds was appointed to the Cape, D. J. van 
Eyneveld to Stellenbosch, H. Rivers to Swellendam, P. J. 
Truter to Worcester, J. W. van der Riet to TJitenhage, D. 
Campbell to Albany, and W. C. van Ryneveld to Graaff- 

As assistant civil commissioners and resident magistrates, 
each with a salary of 300i. a year, Mr. Jan van Ryneveld 
was appointed to Clanwilliam, Egbertus Bergh to George, 
Jeremias Frederik Ziervogel to Somerset, and Jacobus 
Johannes Meintjes to Beaufort. 

These reductions were not applied to all officers on the 
same scale, and upon some individuals they pressed with great 
hardship. For instance, Mr. Wilberforce Bird, controller of 
customs, a man of talent and superior education, who had 
once drawn 1,000Z. a year for the same duty, was now re- 
duced to 500/. He was then in his seventy-sixth year, and 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 393 

during a long period of service had given the highest satis- 
faction to the government. Mr. P. B. Borcherds, civil com- 
missioner and resident magistrate of the Cape, after over 
thirty years' service was reduced from 800Z. to 500i., and had 
the former district of Simoustown added to his care. He 
was, however, relieved of the task of trying police cases in 
Capetown, which duty was added to that of the superin- 
tendent, the baron De Lorentz. This gentleman, who had 
served as an officer in the royal fusiliers in the peninsular 
war * and in America, but who had only been eight years in 
South Africa, was reduced from 700Z. to 600i. Mr. Crozier, 
the postmaster-general, after twenty-seven years' service, was 
reduced from 600Z. to 400Z. 

The supreme court also underwent some changes in which 
a decrease of expense was kept in view, though the primary 
object was greater efficiency. On the 16th of June 1832 a 
new charter of justice was issued. By it the judges were 
reduced to three in number, and their restriction to barristers 
or advocates was removed. By the terms of the first charter 
they were appointed by letters patent under the great seal, 
now their commissions were drawn up under the public seal 
of the colony in pursuance of warrants under the king's sign 
manual. The patronage of the court was transferred from 
the chief justice to the governor. Two judges were to form 
a quorum, and in case of difference of opinion judgment was 
to be suspended until all three could be present. In civil 
cases an appeal to the privy council could be made when the 
matter in dispute was of the value of 600Z. The orphan 
chamber was abolished, and its duties were transferred to 
the master of the supreme court. 

An ordinance of the governor in council, dated 6th 
of May 1831, had provided that ignorance of the English 
language was not to disqualify persons from being jurors, 
and made all free men — except certain officials — between 
twenty-one and sixty years of age, who possessed land of 
the annual value of \l. Vis. 6d, or paid taxes to the amount 

* At Salamanca he was once left for dead on the field of battle. In this 
colony he was regarded as an excellent magistrate. 

394 History of South Africa 

of 20.<7. in the country and 80«. in the Cape district, liable 
to serve. The new charter of justice confirmed this 

Though this charter was acted upon as far as the reduc- 
tion of the number of judges was concerned, by the removal 
of Mr. Justice Burton to the supreme court of New South 
Wales in November 1832, it was not otherwise observed 
until the 1st of March 1834, From that date it superseded 
the first charter of justice. 

Before May 1833 the colony had in England a special 
agent — Mr. P. Courtenay — with a salary of 600Z. a year. 
Messrs. George Baillie and Edward Barnard were then 
appointed agents-general for the colonies, and matters re- 
lating to South Africa were entrusted to the latter. Towards 
the salaries of these gentlemen the Cape was required to 
contribute 200i. a year. 

The colonists were disposed to think that if they could 
obtain a representative assembly, many of the evils which 
pressed upon them would be removed. Early in 1827 a 
petition for such a form of government, signed by sixteen 
hundred persons, was sent to England, and on the 8th of 
June in that year was presented by Mr. Baring to the house 
of commons. After a discussion which showed that it would 
not be warmly supported, it was ordered to lie upon the 
table, and there was an end to it. 

Three years later it was followed by another to the same 
effect, which was presented to the commons by Lord Milton 
on the 24th of May 1830. Sir George Murray, then secre- 
tary of state for the colonies, immediately opposed it, as in 
his view it would be the means of setting the Dutch and 
English colonists at variance, and would attempt by legisla- 
tion to oppress the slaves and the Hottentots. His remarks 
decided the fate of the petition. 

The next appeal was to the king in council. On the 
16th of July 1831 a public meeting was held in the hall of 
the commercial exchange at Capetown, when it was decided 
to draw up a memorial, praying that the king might be 
pleased to commit the administration of the internal affairs 

Sir Benjamin D Urban 395 

of the colony to a governor appointed by the crown, an 
executive council chosen by him with the sanction of the 
crown, and a legislative assembly composed of representatives 
elected by the inhabitants. This memorial was forwarded 
by Sir Lowry Cole to Lord Goderich on the 6th of January 
1832. No immediate action was taken upon it; but in the 
course of the following year the ministry resolved to make 
the government of the Cape a little less despotic than it was 
at that time, by the creation of two distinct councils to take 
the place of the council of advice. Earl Grey was still 
premier, but Mr. Stanley had succeeded Lord Goderich at 
the colonial office. 

On the 23rd of October 1833 letters patent were issued 
at Westminster creating a legislative council for the Cape 
Colony. It was to consist of not less than ten nor more than 
twelve members, exclusive of the governor. The military 
officer next in rank to the governor, the secretary to govern- 
ment, the treasurer-general, the auditor-general, and the 
attorney-general were to have seats by virtue of their offices. 
The other members were to be selected by the governor from 
the most respectable inhabitants, and were to hold office 
during residence and good behaviour, unless disallowed by 
the secretary of state within two years of their nomination. 
The governor and six members were to form a quorum. 
Meetings could only be summoned by the governor, and in 
them he was to preside unless his absence should be unavoid- 
able, when the senior member present was to occupy the 
chair. The governor was to have a vote the same as other 
members, and also a casting vote when the council was 
equally divided. Decisions were to be valid on a simple 
majority of votes. Draft ordinances were to be published in 
the Gazette at least three weeks before being submitted for 

An executive council was at the same time created. It 
was to consist of the military officer next in rank to the 
governor, the secretary to government, the treasurer-general, 
and the attorney-general. The governor was to take the 
advice of this council in questions of administration, but he 

396 History of South Africa 

was not obliged to follow it if he saw good reason to act 

On the 25th of February 1834 Messrs. Pieter Laurens 
Cloete, John Bardwell Ebden, Michiel van Breda, Charles 
Stnart Pillans, and Jacobus Johannes du Toit were gazetted 
as the first unofficial members of the legislative council. On 
the 2nd of April the first session was opened. All the un- 
official members were present, and also Lieutenant-Colonel 
Wade, military officer next in rank to the governor, Mr. Jan 
Godlieb Brink, acting secretary to government during the 
absence on leave of Lieutenant-Colonel Bell, Mr. Joachim 
Willem Stoll, treasurer-general, Mr. Pieter Gerhard Brink, 
auditor-general, and Mr. Anthony Oliphant, attorney- 
general. As the governor entered the council room, a 
military band in attendance played the national anthem, and 
a salute was fired from the Imhof battery. The debates were 
at first held with closed doors, but an abstract of proceedings 
was published for general information. 

In October, however, a number of gentlemen sent in 
a request to be permitted to listen to the discussions. 
Thereupon a resolution was carried that each member might 
admit one friend, and each newspaper have one reporter 
present at the meetings, so that from this time forward the 
proceedings were public except on extraordinary occasions. 

Such a council by no means satisfied the colonists. On 
the 8th of October 1834 there was a large public meeting in 
Capetown, when it was resolved to send another petition to 
the king for a representative assembly. But the imperial 
authorities were not disposed to comply with the desires of 
the memorialists, and for many years no more liberal form 
of government could be obtained. 

While the orders concerning retrenchment were in course 
of execution and the changes in the system of government 
were being made, Sir Benjamin D'Urban was unable to visit 
the eastern frontier to inaugurate the new policy which the 
secretary of state had determined to carry out towards the 
Kaffirs. If the matter had not been one of such importance 
to the colony, some of Mr. Stanley's despatches concerning 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 397 

it would be the most ladicrous documents in our archives. 
A secretary of state, who holds oflBce on the precarious 
tenure of the support of a majority in parliament, who 
accepts his post with no special knowledge of the countries 
whose destinies are placed for a time in his hands, and who 
is perhaps not long enough in power to acquire that know- 
ledge, must always be liable to make great blunders. At this 
period the succession of secretaries was very rapid, but one 
followed the other without any having the slightest sympathy 
with the colonists of South Africa. 

The governor was instructed by Mr. Stanley to * cultivate 
an acquaintance with the chiefs of the Kaffir tribes by 
stationing prudent and intelligent men among them as 
agents,' and for this purpose was allowed to expend a sum 
not exceeding 600Z. a year. Mr. Stanley was of opinion 
that * if not all, many of those chiefs might be gradually 
induced in return for small annual presents of stores to 
become responsible for the peaceable conduct of their 

Shortly after Sir Benjamin's arrival, therefore, he caused 
an official notification to be made to the several Kosa chiefs 
that he intended to visit the border as soon as his duties 
would allow him to leave Capetown, and that he would then 
enter into the most friendly arrangements with them. He 
hoped, he added, that on their part they would show the 
same desire for concord, and that they would give a proof of 
it by preventing their people from stealing the cattle of the 
colonists. Instructions were sent to the officers on the 
frontier, piohibiting the employment of force against the 
Kaffirs. Military patrols could follow the traces of robbers, 
but were not to use their arms except for purposes of defence 
in the last extremity. 

A little later Sir Benjamin took advantage of a tour 
which the reverend Dr. Philip was about to make to the 
stations of the London society, and requested that gentle- 
man to impress upon the chiefs that his intentions were most 
friendly, and that it would be greatly to their advantage to 
conduct themselves in harmony with his desires. Whether 

398 History of South Africa 

Dr. Philip acted as the governor's agent on this occasion 
and made certain definite proposals to the chiefs, or whether 
he merely collected information for the use of the governor, 
is uncertain. The arrangement was verbal, and this matter 
"was afterwards a subject of dispute between them. But it 
is beyond dispute that during the winter of 1834 Sir Ben- 
jamin D'Urban and the reverend Dr. Philip were on the 
most confidential terms. Six months later it was very 

In the preceding chapter the history of some of the border 
chiefs was brought down to 1829. Makoma, right-hand son 
of Gaika, had then recently been expelled from the Kat 
river, and was living between the Tyumie and the Keiskama. 
Tyali, his half brother of the left-hand house, was occupying 
the valley of the Mankazana, Botumane with his Imidange 
possessed the western bank of the Tyumie from the present 
village of Alice nearly down to Fort Willshire, Eno and his 
clan of the Amambala were on the western side of the 
Keiskama, between Fort Willshire and the Gwanga, and 
Pato, Kama, and Kobe, with the Gunukwebes, were in occu- 
pation of the land farther down, between the Keiskama and 
Beka rivers, the Gwanga and the sea. 

Gaika, Ndlambe, and Dushane, the three most prominent 
figures on the border during the first quarter of the century, 
had all disappeared, 

Tlie old chief Ndlambe must have been nearly ninety 
years of age when in February 1828 he died close to the 
Wesleyan mission station of Mount Coke, on the western 
bank of the Buffalo river. His son Umkayi was by birthright 
his successor, but being of feeble intellect, was supplanted 
by a son of lower rank, named Umliala. Umkayi was obliged 
to submit, but though left without power, he was treated 
with respect by the people of the clan. 

Within a few months Dushane followed his father to the 
grave. His kraals were scattered over the country on both 
sides of the Tshalumnaand.on the eastern bank of the lower 
Keiskama. He left by his great wife a son named Siwani, 
who was still a child, and Siyolo, the heir of the right-hand 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 399 

house, embraced the opportunity to secure as much power as 

Gaika survived his uncle and rival only nine months. 
Worn out with drunkenness and debauchery, he died at his 
kraal on the Keiskama, near the Glasgow mission station 
Bumshill, in November 1828. His great wife, Sutu by 
name, was mother of a son who was then only a boy. 
Though no one believed Gaika to be his father, this youth 
was regarded as the legitimate heir to the chieftainship, and 
Makoma was appointed regent during his minority. The 
boy's name was Sandile. 

This event made Makoma the most powerful chief on the 
border. He was a man of medium stature, but was strong 
and muscular, brave, and possessed of great power of 
endurance. At this time inebriety had not set its hideous 
stamp upon him, and his open face and courageous 
demeanour made him a favourite with the English ofl&cers 
on the frontier. For a long time he had been regarded by 
his father as a formidable rival rather than a dutiful subject. 
Eestless and daring adventurers from all the clans were 
constantly swelling the number of his followers, for his 
kraal was a refuge where they were sure to meet a welcome. 

Another son of Gaika must be mentioned. This was 
Anta, who was by birth inferior to Sandile, Makoma, and 
Tyali, but whom good fortune made a man of note. Ntimbo, 
right-hand son of TJmlawu and half-brother of Gaika, having 
died without issue, Anta was selected to succeed him, and 
consequently became head of an important clan. 

Of late years mission stations had been greatly multiplied 
in KaflBrland. The London society had one where King- 
William's-Town now stands, and one at Knappshope, on the 
Keiskama. The Glasgow society had one near the source of 
the Tyumie, another at old Lovedale, farther down the same 
river, a third at Burnshill, on the Keiskama, and a fourth 
at Perie, near one of the sources of the Buffalo. The 
Wesleyan society had one at Wesley ville, on a feeder of the 
Tshalumna, one at Mount Coke, on the Buffalo, one at 
Butterworth with the Galekas, founded in July 1827, one at 

400 History of South Africa 

Morley with a clan of mixed European and Pondo origin, 
founded in May 1829, one at Clarkebury with the Tembns, 
founded in April 1830, and one at Bantingville with the 
Pondos, founded in November 1830. The Moravian societj 
Lad one at Shiloh with the emigrant Tembus under Bawana, 
founded in 1828. 

Trading stations were also scattered thickly over the 
country. The articles chiefly disposed of were blankets, 
beads, metal buttons, brass wire, iron pots, axes, picks, and 
knives. Barter was accompanied by a great deal of talking. 
A man would not exchange a hide for a blanket until he bad 
consulted a dozen of his friends who accompanied him, each 
of whom examined the article minutely. When at length 
the exchange was made, the trader gave a little tobacco or 
red ochre as a present, for until this ceremony was completed, 
the purchaser was held at liberty to alter his mind. To the 
KaflBrs time was of no importance. Hardly any profit could 
have compensated for such a method of doing business, if 
half a dozen articles were not being disposed of at once to 
diflFerent individuals. 

Anything like a real friendly feeling between the Kaffirs 
and the colonists was prevented by the constant depredations 
upon the farmers' herds. In March 1830 the military patrols 
that were engaged in following spoors were threatened by 
Makoma and Tyali, and on one occasion a party of thirty 
soldiers would have been surrounded if they had not made 
ready to use their muskets to secure a retreat. On this 
occasion both Makoma and Tyali had sent their cattle and 
women to places of safety, and had bands scattered about, 
each consisting of four or five hundred armed men.* 

* The governor attributed the attitude of Makoma and Tyali on this occa- 
sion to indiscreet language used by Dr. Philip in a recent interview with 
Botumane. (See the evidence of Lieutenant-Colonel Wade before the com- 
mittee of the house of commons in 1836, published in an imperial blue-book). 
But I am convinced that this is an error. Dr. Philip could have had no in- 
llucnce whatever with any of the Kosa captains at that time, for in private 
they would certainly have ridiculed anyone holding his opinions. After 1836, 
when it was proclaimed at every kraal in the country that it was by his agency 
the ceded territory was restored to them, they of course attached great 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 401 

Owing to the defiant attitade of the chiefs, a commando 
was called out to recoverthe stolen cattle in their possession. 
On the 17th of June 1830 the burghers assembled at Fort 
Willshire, and the final plan 6f operations was agreed upon. 
It was resolved to surprise the kraals of four petty captains 
subject to Makoma and Tyali, which were situated beyond 
the Keiskama, as it was considered likely that the chiefs 
would anticipate a visit to their own residences, and would 
therefore take care to have the cattle at a distance. 

One of the captains, named Magugu, was subject to 
Makoma. At his kraal so much plunder was found that the 
officer in command thought it right to make him a prisoner, 
and he was taken to Fort Willshire, but was there released. 
That his kraal was so successfully surprised was due to the 
Gunukwebe captain Kobe, who acted as guide on the 
occasion. Two of the others against whom divisions of the 
commando marched received warning in time, and con- 
sequently no cattle of any kind were found at their places. 

The fourth kraal was under a petty captain named Seko 
(correct Kaffir spelling Sigcawu *), an offshoot of the house 
of Earabe and a dependent of Tyali. Against this kraal a 
division of the commando, consisting of a party of burghers 
under Fieldcornet Pieter Erasmus, marched. The expe- 
dition was successful in surprising the place, and found there 
a large number of cattle stolen from the colonists — some 
quite recently. The whole herd was seized, and Fieldcornet 
Erasmus informed the captain that it would be taken to Fort 

importance to what he said. The cause of the chiefs* conduct cannot be ascer- 
tained from Kaffir sources. In all probability they were merely trying how 
far they could go without actually provoking war, for the changes in the 
frontier system had made them doubt the power of the government to act as 
in Lord Charles Somerset's time. 

»Many Kaffir proper names have significant meanings. As instances, 
Sigcawu, literally a big spider, indicates a very astute person. The present 
Tcmbu chief of highest rank has the name Dalindyebo, which means creator 
of wealth, from the roots uku dala, to create, and indyebo, riches. He obtained 
the name from having been bom during a very plentiful harvest. The 
reverend Mr. Hargrcaves has the name TJzwinye, which means one word, from 
the roots izwi, a word, and nye, one. He is so called from constantly warning 
the people of his station of a particular danger. 


402 History of South Africa 

Willshire, where the stoleu cattle would be selected and the 
remainder be restored to him. Seko requested that the 
milk cows might be left, otherwise the children would be 
hungry and the calves would die. The fieldcomet consented, 
and the cows were driven out. The party then left the kraal 
with about two thousand five hundred head of cattle. 

The captain himself and six or eight of his men volun- 
teered to assist in driving the herd, and were allowed to do 
so, but not to take their assagais with them. After a time 
a neck of land covered with bushes was reached, when 
suddenly there was a great shout in front and a peculiar 
shrill whistling which Kaffirs use when driving cattle. The 
whole herd instantly turned about and nearly trampled 
down the farmers. At the same time an assagai whizzed 
past one of them. In the dust that was raised some Kaffirs 
were seen, but the confusion was so great that no one knew 
the whole circumstances. Several farmers raised their guns 
and fired, when Seko and six of his men fell dead. The 
body of the chief was found with an assagai, which he must 
have obtained from one of his people just before he fell, and 
which furnished proof of his being implicated in the 
attempted rescue. The Kaffirs succeeded in driving off about 
nine hundred head of cattle, and with the remaining 
sixteen hundred the expedition reached Fort Willshire. 

Shortly afterwards Tyali arrived at the fort, and claimed 
a good many of the cattle as his property. He was allowed to 
drive out those which he selected, until some were identified 
as belonging to colonists, when he was ordered to desist. 

This event had the effect of diminishing depredations for 
a time, but in 1833 they were resumed on a very extensive 
scale. Sir Lowry Cole then resolved to expel Tyali from 
the valley of the Mankazana, and in September a military 
force was sent to drive him out. He did not resist, but 
retired quietly to the land along the Gaga, from its source 
to its junction with the Tyumie. There he gave as much 
trouble as in his former home. 

When Lieutenant-Colonel Wade became acting governor, 
he caused a strict inquiry to be made into matters in the 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 403 

ceded territory. He found that in 1832 Lieutenant-Colonel 
Somerset had given Makoma leave to cross the Tyumie with 
a few followers, and that now the greater portion of his clan 
was on the western bank, mixed with Botumane's people. 
Colonel Somerset was in Europe on leave, and Lieut.-Col. 
England was acting commandant of the frontier. No 
reason except Colonel Somerset's partiality for Makoma 
could be imagined for the permission given to him. Tyali's 
people had only to cross the ridge which separated the 
sources of the Gaga from those of the Mankazana, to be in a 
position to plunder at will. 

Under these circumstances Colonel Wade praotically 
defined a new boundary. The wording of the notice in the 
Gazette issued after Lord Charles Somerset's arrangferaent 
with Gaika in 1819 was somewhat obscure, and the Gaga 
was not named in it. Another branch of the Tyumie a 
little higher up better answered the description there 
given. This stream — named the Kurukuru — rises a short 
distance below the mission station founded by Mr. Brownlee, 
and falls into the Tyumie where the commonage of the 
present village of Alice commences. The dividing ridge 
between the Kat and the Tyumie approaches the last named 
stream much more closely at the sources of the Kurukuru 
than at the sources of the Gaga, so that the higher tributary 
was much the better boundary. It cut ofiF from Kaffirland the 
beautiful site of the present Lovedale missionary institution 
and several square miles of fertile land now in possession 
of Fingos. 

In November 1833 Captain Eobert Scott Aitchison, of 
the Cape mounted rifles, was directed to remove Tyali beyond 
the Kurukuru, and Makoma and Botumane beyond the 
Tyumie. They did not attempt to resist, but retired quietly 
with all their movable property. Their women were after- 
wards permitted to cross over and tend the gardens until the 
millet and pumpkins were ripe, and could be taken awaj\ 
Colonel Somerset returned and resumed his command in 
Februaiy 1834. He gave Makoma leave to settle in the 
ceded territory again ; but Captain Duncan Campbell, civil 

D D 2 

404 History of South Africa 

commissioner of Albany and Somerset, represented the im- 
prudence of this step so strongly to government that the 
Kaffirs were once more ordered out. Thus there had been 
constant vacillation in the dealings of the European authori- 
ties towards the Kosas on the border. 

To the Kaffirs it appeared as if the white people must be 
very weak or very foolish. A farmer had, for instance, ten 
oxen stolen from him. The spoor was followed, and two 
were recovered at a kraal. Was not this presumptive evid- 
ence that the other eight had been brought there also, and 
had either been slaughtered or driven farther away ? Yet the 
patrol could only take the two that wore found, and the 
thieves' own cattle were perfectly safe. Surely people who 
acted thus must be unable to maintain their own rights, or 
be very silly indeed. 

To the Gaikas it seemed also as if the colonial govern- 
ment had completely changed sides in their feuds. With 
the death of Ndlambe, some of the old rivalry had died out ; 
but between Makoma's people and the Gunukwebes it re- 
mained as strong as ever. Now the Gunukwebes were per- 
mitted to occupy the land between the Keiskama and the 
Beka, and of all the clans that had at any time taken part 
with Gaika, only the one under Eno was left in the ceded 
territory. The feeling on this question among the followers 
of Makoma and Tyali was very bitter indeed, sufficiently so 
to make them think of taking up arms against the colony. 
They could now count upon much the greater numl>er of 
the western Kosas being on their side. Umhala, whose title 
against his half-brother Umkayi was weak, leant upon them 
for support, and was one of their strongest allies. Siyolo 
too, who was seeking power at the expense of the youth 
Siwani, was wholly with them. 

The condition of western Kaffirland in 1834 was thus 
one of readiness for war. The assagai makers were busy 
manufacturing weapons, and the chiefs were tampering with 
the Hottentots of the Cape corps and of the settlement at 
the Kat river. But the missionaries and the traders in the 
country noticed nothing amiss, and the only indication that 

Sir Benjamin D Urban 405 

the colonists had of matters not being in their usnal state 
was that horses instead of homed cattle seemed now to be 
preferred by robbers. 

Although Sir Benjamin D'Urban was unable to visit the 
eastern border during 1834, he managed to initiate the 
new policy devised by the secretary of state for dealing with 
the native tribes. In preceding chapters an account has 
been given of the settlement of various people of Hottentot 
and mixed blood in the territory near the junction of the 
Vaal and Orange rivers, and of their adoption of the name 
Griquas, which the reverend Mr. Campbell gave to them. For 
some years they were nominally imder the government of the 
captains Barend Barends and Adam and Cornelius Kok, but, 
being attached to the wandering life of hunters, in reality 
many of them submitted to no government at all. In 1820 
all the captains moved away from Griquatown, the principal 
mission station in that part of the country, which was thus 
lefb without a ruler of any kind. The missionaries then 
persuaded the people of the station to elect a captain, and 
their choice fell upon a man named Andries Waterboer, who 
was an assistant teacher in the school. 

Waterboer proved himself competent for the situation. 
He knew how to preserve order, he was a capable leader in 
warlike excursions, and he worked harmoniously with the 
missionaries. He even declared that he governed as a vassal 
of the London society. His authority indeed did not extend 
beyond Griquatown and its outposts, but on every pos- 
sible occasion thereafter the missionaries put him forward 
as a person of importance. Towards the close of 1834 the 
reverend Peter Wright brought him to Capetown, to be 
present at the festivities connected with the emancipation 
of the slaves, and there he won great favour by his correct 
conduct and sensible remarks at public meetings. 

It was represented to Sir Benjamin D'Urban that if 
Waterboer's people were supplied with guns and ammunition 
they might be of great service to the colony by driving 
Stuurraan's robber gang from the islands in the Orange river. 
They as well as the farmers were exposed to depredations 

4o6 History of South Africa 

by the banditti, and they were so dose by that they could 
seize any favourable opportunHy for attack. The governor 
needed very little prompting. Waterboer and nearly all his 
followers were born in the colony, but there was no desire to 
regard them as British subjects. They wished to be inde- 
pendent, and difficulties were not placed in their way. 

Under these circumstances, on the 11th of December 
1834 the first formal written treaty entered into between 
the English authorities in South Africa and a native ruler 
was signed at Capetown. In it Waterboer engaged to be 
the faithful friend and ally of the colony, to preserve order 
in his territory, to restrain and punish any attempt to 
violate the peace of the colony by people living within his 
country, to seize and send back any criminals or fugitives 
from the colony, to protect that portion of the colonial 
border opposite to his own — namely from Kheis along the 
Orange river to Eamah — against marauders from the interior 
who might attempt to pass through his territory, to assist 
the colonial authorities in any enterprise for the recovery of 
property or the apprehending of banditti who might take 
refuge in the jungle or other fastnesses along the above line, 
to give information of any intended predatory or hostile 
attempts against the colony which might come to his know- 
ledge, and to cooperate cordially and in all good faith with 
the colonial government in preserving peace and extending 
civilisation among the native tribes. 

On the other part, the governor engaged that a yearly 
stipend of one hundred pounds sterling should be paid to 
Waterboer; that he should be supplied with two hundred 
muskets and a reasonable quantity of ammunition, as occa- 
sion might require; and that fifty pounds sterling a year 
should be paid to the mission at Griquatown in aid of the 
school, especially for the instruction of the children in the 
English language. 

To facilitate the observance of these engagements, the 
governor undertook to appoint an agent to reside at Griqua- 
town, whom Waterboer bound himself to protect, and with 
whom he promised to communicate confidentially upon all 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 407 

matters concerning his territoiy and the colony. The confi- 
dential agent, who was named in the treaty, was the reverend 
Peter Wright, the missionary at the station. 

This treaty met with the entire approval of the imperial 
authorities. On the 11th of April 1835 the earl of Aber- 
deen, who was then secretary of state for the colonies, wrote 
to Sir Benjamin D'Urban expressing the high satisfaction of 
the king's government with it, and declaring that this was 
* the only policy which it became Great Britain to observe 
and steadfastly to pursue in regard to the native tribes.' 

During the ten years preceding 1834 the country had 
been kept in constant agitation by the ever-increasing 
stringency of the laws for weakening the authority of slave- 
owners over their slaves. 

The introduction of negroes as servants into South 
Africa was one of the greatest moral and political blunders 
that could have been made. The climate* is such that 
Europeans enjoy robust health, and there is no field of in- 
dustry to which they cannot adapt themselves. A gardener 
who should stock his ground with inferior plants would be 
considered foolish, what then must be said of a government 
that deliberately introduced people of the most prolific and 
least improvable race into one of the choicest parts of the 
earth. Plants may be rooted out, but the negro once in a 
country in which he can thrive is there for ever. It is, 
however, useless now to moralise upon the subject, for there 
is no possibility of a remedy of any kind being devised. 

During the whole period that the Dutch East India 
Company held the colony slaves were brought into it, but 
not in very large numbers, for their services could only be 
made remunerative to a limited extent. Prom 1796 to 1802 
more were imported than at any period of equal length 
before or since. The trade was then legal and profitable, 
and English energy was directed to make the most of it. 
One of Lord Macartney's proclamations and certain customs 
regulations of that governor appear to restrict it, but they 
were not intended for that purpose. There had been some 
attempts to smuggle in slaves without payment of the 

4o8 History of South Africa 

import duties, and there were parts of the African coast 
which were closed by the English government as much as 
possible against trade, because the French were known to 
obtain supplies of provisions taken there in commerce. 
Under these circumstances, Lord Macartney declared the 
importation and sale of slaves, without the previous license 
and sanction of the government, punishable with a fine of 
two thousand rixdollars for the first offence, of five thousand 
rixdollars for the second, and of confiscation of the ship and 
cargo for the third. The purchasers of slaves introduced 
without license were declared to be liable to a fine of a thou- 
sand rixdollars, and the slaves were to be entitled to their 
freedom and to be sent back to their native country. 

Under the short Dutch administration from 1803 to 1805 
measures were contemplated for putting an end to slavery. 
In the ordinance for regulating customs duties slaves are 
classified — a man at twenty-five rixdollars, a woman at 
twenty rixdollars, and a child under twelve years of age at 
fifteen rixdollars ; — but as early as the 11th of April 1803 it 
was made known in the Oazette that until further notice the 
government would not grant permission to import cargoes 
of slaves, and in point of fact it never did. Under special 
circumstances a few were allowed to be landed from foreign 
ships that put into Table Bay, but beyond that neither Mr. 
De Mist nor General Janssens would go. There can be no 
doubt whatever that if the Batavian government had remained 
in possession of the colony a couple of years longer every 
child born thereafter would have been declared free. 

The suppression of the foreign slave trade by the British 
government followed so closely upon the second conquest of 
the colony that there was only time in the interval for five 
hundred negroes to be imported. From that date the 
increase in the slave population was due to the large excess 
of births over deaths, which much more than compensated 
for the number emancipated. 

With regard to the treatment of slaves in South Africa, 
all observers whose opinion is worthy of respect were agreed 
that in no other part of the world did bondage sit so lightly. 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 409 

In ploughiBg and harvesting on cornfarms the work might 
be termed hard, but even then it was not more severe than 
that performed by an English labourer. As far as food, 
clothing, lodging, and abstinence from excessive toil were 
concerned, the slaves upon the whole had nothing to com- 
plain of. The testimony upon this point is practically 
unanimous. All the English governors and officials of posi- 
tion who reported upon the subject were agreed in this. 
Their statements might be condensed into a sentence used 
by Lord Charles Somerset in a despatch to Earl Bathurst : 
* No portion of the community is better off or happier per- 
haps than the domestic slave in South Africa.' 

Still, to a modem European mind, judging the sentiments 
of negroes from those of Englishmen, the condition of the 
bondsmen was intolerable. They could be bought and sold 
like cattle, they were without family ties, they were subject 
to the caprice of any one who happened to own them, a 
mother and her children could be widely separated. There 
were occasional cases of slaves being treated with excessive 
rigour, and crimes of violence were sometimes perpetrated 
upon them. These could be redressed by law, but it was 
not always that a slave knew how to bring his case before a 

There never was an attempt in South Africa to defend 
the system in theory. Indeed, it was a common observation 
that it Avas worse for the white man, who had all the care 
and anxiety, than for the negro, who had only manual labour 
to perform. But there is great difficulty in disturbing any 
system, good or bad, that has long been interwoven with 
the life of a people. In the Cape Colony money to the 
amount of over three million pounds sterling was invested 
in slaves, and was secured not alone by ordinary law, but by 
the terms of the capitulation to the British forces. 

In this condition the matter remained until the general 
peace which followed the fall of Napoleon, when something 
was needed to take the place in men's minds that had been 
occupied by the stirring events of war. 

On the 26th of April 1816 a proclamation was issued by 

4IO History of South Africa 

Lord Charles Somerset providing for a complete record of 
slave property and the prevention of any addition to it. A 
register was opened in each district, and was placed nnder the 
immediate inspection of the landdrost, but the person em- 
ployed in keeping it was subject to the control of an officer 
in Capetown who was called the inspector of the registry. 
Duplicates of all entries were forwarded to the chief office in 
Capetown. Certificates of sale were required to be given on 
stamps of five rixdollars, and were subject to an additional 
fee of like amount towards defraying the expenses of the 
establishment. A penalty of one hundred rixdollars was 
imposed upon all who should neglect to notify each case of 
manumission, death, inheritance, or change of property ; and 
those who should delay to make a return of their slaves or 
to comply with the other regulations beyond the 81st of 
March — afterwards extended to the 1st of September — 1817 
for the districts of the Cape and Simonstown, and beyond 
the end of that year for the other districts, were regarded as 
having manumitted their slaves. Infants whose births were 
not registered within six months were free. 

In September 1819 an act was passed by the imperial 
parliament, by which an office was established in London for 
the registration of the slaves in the colonies, and the method 
of carrying out the system at the Cape was thereafter made 
uniform with that adopted in England. 

The next legislation on the subject was a very important 
proclamation issued on the 18th of March 1823 by Lord 
Charles Somerset, under direction of the imperial govern- 
ment. Its principal clauses provided that no slave should 
be compelled to perform other labour on the sabbath day 
than work of necessity ; that slaves professing Christianity 
might be manumitted without payment of the fee of fifty 
rixdollars to the church ; that in the towns and villages pro- 
prietors should send slave children from three to ten years 
of age to school at least three days in each week ; that bap- 
tized slaves might intermarry with their proprietors' con- 
sent; that such marriages should be performed by the 
clergymen without payment; that after such marriages 

Sir Benjamin /?' Urban 411 

Lnsband and wife could not be sold apart, nor could their 
children under ten years of age be sold separately from them 
except by a decree of the high court of justice ; that in no 
case should children under eight years of age be sold sepa- 
rately from their mothers; that slaves might acquire pro- 
perty by work during extra hours, donation, inheritance, or 
any other honest means, and could do with such property 
whatever they chose, either during life or by will; that 
every slave should be provided with sufficient clothing and 
food of a wholesome kind ; that slaves should not be em- 
ployed in field labour more than ten hours a day in winter 
and twelve hours a day in summer, except in ploughing or 
harvesting, when they should receive payment for the extra 
work, and might require the amount of such payment to be 
fixed by the local magistrate ; that only mild domestic 
punishment, not exceeding twenty-five cuts with a rod or 
similar implement, should be inflicted on a slave, and that 
punishment should not be repeated within twenty-four hours. 

There were several other clauses of less practical import- 
ance. Penalties for the infringement of each provision, in 
no case less than ten rixdoUars, were to be inflicted by the 
landdrost of the district upon the transgressing master. 
And to make detection easy, one-third of the fines under the 
proclamation was to be paid to the informer. The other 
two-thirds were to be placed to account of a fund for the 
purchase and emancipation of slave girls. . 

This proclamation was not objected to by the colonists at 
first, for it conferred upon the slaves very few privileges 
that the well-behaved among them were not already in 
possession of. But symptoms of intractability soon appeared 
in many slaves, who found their masters' power limited by 
law, and that they had now as a right what previously they 
had received as an indulgence. Insubordination rapidly 
gained groimd, and the old feelings of attachment between 
the proprietors and their dependents became weakened. In 
several places almost at the same time very disorderly con- 
duct on the part of the slaves occurred,. so that the fear of a 
general negro insurrection became widespread. 

4 1 2 History of South Africa 

Tlie most serious instance of disorder occmred in the 
district of Worcester. On the 1st of Tebruary 1825 a party 
of seven slaves, aided by some Hottentots, rose a^^nst their 
masters — named W. N. van der Merwe, J. H. van Bensburg, 
and J. M. Yerlec — murdered them, assaulted and wounded 
two others, and then plundered the houses. Having armed 
themselves, thej resisted a commando hastily assembled bj 
the fieldcomet Dutoit, but were ultimately compelled to 
surrender. The slaves and five Hottentots were brought to 
trial before the high court of justice, when it clearly appeared 
that they believed they had been kept in servitude by their 
masters in opposition to the intentions of the government. 
Two of the Hottentots were acquitted, the others were found 
guilty. Three were hanged, and their heads were afterwards 
exposed on stakes, five were scourged and imprisoned for 
long periods, and two were scourged only. 

On the 19th of June 1826 by direction fix)m England an 
ordinance was issued by the acting governor in council for 
the improvement of the condition of the slaves. The clauses 
of the proclamation of March 1823 were reenacted with some 
enlargements, and two important additions were made to 
them. The enlargements consisted chiefly in requiring that 
slaves should be paid for necessary work on the sabbath, 
and that all should enjoy the special favours conferred by 
the proclamation upon the baptized only. One of the addi- 
tions provided for the appointment of a protector in Cape- 
town and assistant protectors in the coimtry districts, whose 
duties should be to watch carefully over the interests of the 
slaves and to see that the laws in their favour were strictly 
carried out. The other addition was that slaves could 
compel their masters to liberate either themselves, or their 
children, brothers, sisters, wives, or husbands, at a price to 
be fixed by valuators. The ordinance was to have effect 
from the 1st of August 1826. 

Much excitement was created throughout the colony by 
its appearance in the Gazette. It was the custom to send 
copies of important official publications to the burgher 
senate and to the respective boards of landdrost and heem- 

Sir Benjamin D Urban 4 1 3 

raden, which were convened purposely to hear them read, in 
order that the members might become acquainted with new 
laws and make them known to the farmers. On this occa- 
sion the burgher senate refused to have the ordinance read, 
and addressed a remonstrance ajjainst it to the acting 
governor. General Bourke then sent for the members, and 
lectured them upon their duty, to which they replied with 
another memorial. Two of them resigned rather than have 
anything to do with the ordinance, and when at length it 
was read by the president, only the salaried officera of the 
board were there to hear it. In the same way the landdrost 
of Stelienbosch read it to the oflBcers of the court onlv, as 
the heemraden declined to attend. 

On the 26th of July 1826 a public meeting was held in 
Capetown, by leave of General Bourke, to prepare a petition 
to the king in council. The opinion was generally expressed 
that the relationship between master and slave was already 
so strained that it would not bear further tension. Every 
one desired the total extinction of slavery upon Reasonable 
terms, but there was much diversity of view as to the 
manner in which it could best be effected. A committee 
was appointed to draw up a memorial that the ordinance 
might be annulled, but when the members requested leave 
to lay before General Bourke their plans for improving the 
condition of the slaves and for the ultimate extinction of 
slavery altogether, some doubts were thrown upon their 
power to represent the public. The matter was referred to 
the council, and the members expressed an opinion that 
there would be danger of creating hopes in the minds of the 
slaves which it might not be possible to realise. The com- 
mittee then separated, without further action. 

On the 2nd of October 1826 there was a meeting of the 
slaveholders of the district of GraafP-Eeinet, when a resolu- 
tion was unanimously adopted that in their opinion after a 
date to be fixed by government all female children should be 
free at birth, in order that slavery might gradually cease. 
Another proposal was carried by a majority, that all male 
children born after the same date should be free, but a 

414 History of South Africa 

minority objected, unless the ovmers were compensated for 
the boys. Captain Stockenstrom was requested by the 
meeting to proceed to Capetown for the purpose of laying 
these resolutions before the government, and to consult 
with deputies from the other districts. 

The GraafiF-Eeinet resolutions were generally accepted 
throughout the colony as a reasonable basis for the extinc- 
tion of slavery, and a law founded upon them would certainly 
have met with public approval, if vexatious and irritating 
legislation had not been persevered in. 

On the 2nd of February 1830 an order in council was 
issued to amend and bring into one law the various enact- 
ments concerning slaves in the colonies subject to the 
legislative authority of the king in council, which were 
Trinidad, Berbice, Demerara, St. Lucia, the Cape of Good 
Hope, and Mauritius. It was published in Capetown on the 
12th of August, with a notification that it would be in force 
on and after the 26th. In this order the same treatment 
was required for slaves thinly scattered over South AMcan 
farms as for those working in gangs on a West Indian sugar 
plantation. Food, clothing, hours of labour, and many other 
particulars were minutely entered into. The twenty-sixth 
clause required that * a punishment record book ' should be 
kept by each slave proprietor, and that it should be submitted 
twice in every year to the protector, when the proprietor 
or manager of the estate should make oath to its accuracy. 

There were many provisions in this order which could 
not be observed in South Africa. In consequence, numerous 
petitions from slaveholders in all parts of the colony were 
sent in, praying for the suspension or repeal of such pro- 
visions. It was not in the governor's power to comply, but 
he wrote to Lord Goderich urging a modification of the 
order in council. After describing the excited feeling 
* caused by the promulgation of a law to many of the pro- 
visions of which obedience was impracticable, and which, 
though apparently recognising the right of propei-ty in 
slaves, virtually denied it, by placing in the way of the 
slaveholders in the colony such obstacles to the management 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 415 

of their slaves as to render that species of property worse 
than useless/ he informed the secretary of state that 
numerous deputations had waited upon him, begging him 
to suspend the obnoxious clauses. The slaveholders, he 
said, ^ were unanimous in then* determination to suffer the 
penalties of the law rather than comply with its provisions 
relative to the book directed to be kept for recording punish- 
ments.' Even if he possessed the means, he should not feel 
it right to compel the observance of this order, and if he 
must do so a larger military force than was then in South 
Africa would be required. 

In Stellenbosch there was something like a riot. On the 
11th of April 1831 a few slaveowners went to that village to 
submit their punishment record books to the assistant pro- 
tector, whose office was in the public building, now the 
theological seminary. As soon as their object became 
known, a number of people assembled, and began to hiss at 
them and pelt them with dirt. The assistant protector 
endeavoured to see Mr. Faure, the resident magistrate, 
whose office was in the same building ; but he was refused 
admittance. The rioters broke the windows of the houses 
of the assistant protector and another person who was ob- 
noxious to them, and kept control of the village until the 
expiration of the five days specified by law for the produc- 
tion of the punishment record books. 

Mr. Faure did not report the circumstance until the 
16th, and when called upon for an explanation of his 
conduct replied that from the weakness of the constabulary 
he did not think it right to interfere. The governor there- 
upon deprived him of office. 

Seven of the principal rioters were put upon their trial 
before the next circuit court at Stellenbosch. They pleaded 
guilty, and were sentenced to pay fines of lOZ. each and to 
furnish security to the amount of 20Z. to keep the peace. 

On the 6th of February 1832 a supplementary order in 
council was issued, relieving slaveholders, except those 
living in Capetown and Grahamstown or within twenty 
miles of those places, from keeping punishment record 

4 1 6 History of South Africa 

books. This order was received in the colony with another 
of the 2nd of November 1831, and both were published to 
come in force on the 28th of August. 

The order in council of the 2nd of November 1881 
limited the hours of slave labour to nine daily, prohibited 
the employment of slaves between six p.m. and six a.m., 
gave protectors and assistant protectors judicial and police 
powers with the right to enter upon estates and into slave 
dwellings at any time, with other clauses almost equally 
destructive of the owners^ authority. 

The excitement was now so great that Sir Lowry Cole 
considered it necessary to prevent the people assembling to 
discuss matters. On the 6th of June 1832 he published an 
ordinance for the prevention and suppression of meetings 
whereby the peace and good order of the colony might be 
endangered. It was to be in force for one year only. It 
was issued as an ordinance of the governor in council, 
though three members voted against it and only two in its 
favour. At the same time the governor issued a proclama- 
tion, reserving to himself * the full and entire power lawfully 
vested in him to remove from the settlement any person 
whose continuance therein should be deemed by him to be pre- 
judicial to the peace, good order, and security thereof,' and 
declaring that he would * not hesitate to give full and imme- 
diate effect to the aforesaid power lawfully vested in him, in 
any case where he should see fit to exercise the same.' 

The ordinance was ratified by the imperial authorities, 
but Lord Goderich instructed the governor to take the most 
convenient opportunity at an early date to revoke the procla- 
mation, as far at least as respected the removal of British 

When the first ebullition of feeling subsided, the governor 
gave his consent to a public meeting being held, and on the 
17th of September 1832 about two thousand slaveholders 
came together in Capetown. Mr. Michiel van Bred^i was 
elected chairman. The utmost order was observed through- 
out the proceedings, though speeches were made and resolu- 
tions unanimously carried to the effect that many of the 

Sir Benjamin D Urban 417 

clauses of the order in council were not only unjust in 
principle but inapplicable to the condition of the colony, and 
•could not be carried out. The meeting resolved that if an 
elective legislative assembly were granted to the Cape, so 
that laws adapted to the country could be made, they would 
willingly cooperate not only in the improvement of the con- 
dition of the slaves, but in the abolition of slavery itself. 

The whole of the assembled slaveholders then marched 
from the commercial exchange up Grave-street, and halted in 
the open space in front of government house. Mr. Michiel 
van Breda and Advocate Henry Cloete were deputed to make 
known their resolutions and to confer with Sir Lowry Cole, 
who had previously consented to receive them. These 
gentlemen informed the governor that the slaveholders were 
prepared to suffer the penalties of the law, but they could 
not obey it, and they entreated that the operation of the 
order in council, which they regarded as iniquitous, might 
be suspended. The governor answered that it was beyond 
his power to comply with their wishes. 

A document was then drawn up and generally signed, in 
which the slaveholders declared that they could not obey 
the obnoxious provisions of the order in council, and protested 
against the disastrous consequences that must arise from an 
attempt to enforce them. 

Meantime fruitless efforts were being made in the colony 
to devise some medium between absolute ruin on the one 
hand and the state of affairs caused by the irritating regu- 
lations on the other. It was believed that the imperial 
government intended to lay a tax upon the slaves, with the 
object of compelling proprietors to emancipate them ; but 
the belief is now known to have rested only on apprehension 
and rumour. On the 27th of May 1831 Lord Goderich 
directed Sir Lowry Cole to impose a tax — but only of five 
shillings — upon all slaves between ten and sixty years of 
age ; and even this order was cancelled upon a representa- 
tion by the governor that it would be very imprudent to 
-enforce it. 

The Graaff-Beinet proposals as accepted generally in the 

IV. £ E 

41 8 History of South Africa 

other districts — all female children after date of arrange- 
ment to be born free, on condition that no new legislation 
other than provisions for the severe punishment of actual 
ill-ti'eatment should be imposed upon the slaveholders — met 
with no response in England. Sudden emancipation was 
regarded as impossible, even if there had been no dread of 
turning the negroes without restraint upon society. Many 
people had no other property, and throughout the colony the 
majority of the slaves were mortgaged. All who were sict, 
aged, and helpless had a legal claim upon their owners for 
maintenance, and could not be cast away. 

It was out of the power of most colonists to act in the 
matter as the government had done. The last returns from 
the official in charge of the slaves belonging to the public 
service show that there were then only seventy-seven males 
and forty-five females. In 1827, by direction of the secretary 
of state. General Bourke apprenticed the children. The 
able-bodied were then set free, and the infirm were placed 
in a hospital to be supported while they lived. 

Emancipation, however, had become more frequent than 
formerly, for to the instances due to benevolent feelings 
were now added those arising from a desire to be free of 
vexatious legislation. In Capetown alone they rose to about 
one hundred and twenty yearly. 

On the 27th of June 1828 an association was formed in 
Capetown termed the Cape of Good Hope society for aiding 
deserving slaves and slave children to purchase their free- 
dom. It collected subscriptions, and turned its attention 
chiefly to the purchase of young girls, whom it was authorised 
by an ordinance of the 3rd of February 1830 to apprentice 
to suitable persons. It hoped to receive pecuniary aid from 
the British treasury and from benevolent persons in England, 
but was disappointed in both, though on the l!2nd of May 
1831 Lord Goderich authorised half of the fines received under 
the various orders in council to be paid to its treasurer. 
With means limited almost entirely to colonial subscriptions, 
this society was able to effect the emancipation of about 
twenty-five girls yearly. 

Sir Benjamin U Urbaii 419 

The torture inflicted upon the slaveholders was so acute 
that it was felt as a relief when an emancipation act was 
finally passed by the imperial parliament. On the 12th of 
June 1833 resolutions were adopted by both houses that 
immediate measures should be taken for the abolition of 
slavery, upon which the government brought in a bill, that 
rapidly passed through the requisite stages, and on the 28th 
of August received the signature of the king. 

It provided that after a certain date — in the Cape Colony 
the 1st of December 1834 — slavery was absolutely to cease* 
All slaves over six years of age were then to become appren*- 
tices to their former masters, either for four or six years, 
but if for six years tliey were not ,to be required to work 
more than forty-five hours a week. Special magistrates 
were to be appointed, who were to have exclusive jurisdic- 
tion in cases between the apprentices and their employers, 
except in matters under control of the supreme and circuit 
courts. The sum of twenty million pounds sterling was 
voted to compensate the owners in the nineteen slave 
colonies of Great Britain, and the share of each colony was 
to be determined by the value of its skves, based upon the 
average prices during the eight years preceding the 31st of 
December 1830. 

There was a general impression that the money voted by 
the imperial parliament would suffice to meet the whole, or 
nearly the whole value of the slaves, and this impression 
was confirmed by the exulting declaration of the philanthropic 
party everywhere that Great Britain had not confiscated 
property, but had purchased the freedom of those who were 
in bondage. The number and value of the negroes in the 
other eighteen colonies was entirely unknown, still there 
was very little uneasiness felt on this point. Most people 
supposed that a vagrant act would be passed before the day 
of final emancipation, and in that belief they were disposed 
to accept the new condition of things without demur or 

Colonel Wade was therefore able to report very favour- 
ably upon the reception which the emancipation act met 

E E 2 

420 History of Sotith Africa 

with. He also added his testimony to that of his predecessors 
in office npon the feeling with which the system was regarded 
4[)y the colonists. In a despatch to the secretary of state^ 
dated 6th of December 1833, he affirmed that * the inhabit* 
ants in general conid not with justice be accused of bratal oi* 
inhuman treatment of their slaves, that there was not then 
xind never had been at the Cape an attachment to slavery, 
that the existence of it had been a matter of necessity' not 
of choice, and that until the last few years there had been 
no disinclination on the part of the colonists to emancipation 
on fair and equitable principles.* *0n the contrary,' he 
wrote, * more than one plan for the gradual extinction of 
slavery had emanated from the proprietors themselves.' 

On the 26th of March 1834 the governor appointed 
Messrs. P. M. Brink, E. Christian, W. Gadney, D. J. Kuys, 
H* A. Sandenberg, and J. J. L. Smuts ^ assistant coromis- 
-sioners of compensation,' and the appraisement of the slaves 
commenced. They were divided into a number of classes, 
and the average value of an individual of each class was 
fiscertained from a comparison of all the sales that could be 
ascertained to have taken place during the period defined in 
the emancipation act. A few objections were made to this 
manner of appraisement by persons who thought it Tinfair 
that their slaves should be put on an equality with those 
•disposed of at forced sales, but in general the plan was 
regarded as the safest that could be adopted. 

On the 30th of November 1834 there were in the colony 
thirty-nine thousand and twenty-one slaves, of whom twenty- 
one thousand six hundred and thirteen were males and seven- 
teen thousand four hundred and eight were females. Fi?e 
thousand seven hundred and thirty-one were under six years 
of age. Of the whole number, three thousand two hundred 
and seventy-six were aged, infirm, or otherwise unfit for 
work, and were regarded as having no pecuniary value. A 
few weeks later, when the appraisement rolls were finally 
completed, it was ascertained that to meet the value of the 
remaining thirty-five thousand seven hundred and forty-five 
5,041,290/. 6s. would be required. 

Sir Benjamin D Urban 421 

On the appointed day — 1st of December 1834 — slavery 
ceased to exist in the Cape Colony. In most of the- 
churches throughout the country thanksgiving services 
were held in the morning, and in the towns and villages 
the afternoon was generally devoted to festivity. Thp> 
negroes themselves, whose idea of freedom was a state of 
idleness, were mostly unable to realise the change that had 
taken place in their condition, and were by no means 
enthusiastic upon becoming apprentices; but the European 
philanthropic party was exceedingly jubilant. 

An ordinance regulating the details of the proceedings » 
under the emancipation act was before the legislative council, . 
and though not published until the 5th of January 1835, it 
was acted upon as if already law. All the late slaves were • 
declared to be non-predial, and those over six years of age to • 
be apprentices to their former owners for four years. The 
hours during which they were required to labour were fixed* 
on a sliding scale according to the seasons, so that in the 
year they should average ten and one-sixth daily, sacred • 
and holidays excepted. 

Under the emancipation act special magistrates were to 
be appointed for the protection of the apprentices, and eight 
half-pay officers had already arrived irom England to fill • 
some of these situations. Six more were selected by the - 
governor, and for this puri)ose only the colony was divided -^ 
into fourteen districts, to each of which a special magistrate • 
was assigned. His sole duty was to enforce the provisions of 
the emancipation act and the ordinance regulating details. 

The necessity for such extreme precaution appears-- 
doubtful, and the colonists regarded it as additional evid« 
ence of England's partiality to coloured people. In 183$ 
a small stream of immigration had commenced to set into 
the colony, in the form of destitute children sent from 
London by an association termed the society for suppressing' 
juvenile vagrancy, later the children's friend society. About 
one hundred boys and girls were being sent out yearly, and 
were on arrival apprenticed to respectable people. It was 
an excellent scheme, and all parties were benefited by it, for 

422 Histoiy of. South Africa 

the great majority of the children became useful and thriv- 
ing men and women. But what appeared strange to the 
old colonists was that no protectors were appointed by the 
imperial government for these children of European blood, 
while so many were employed to guard the interests of the 

The year 1835 was well advanced when a packet arrived 
from England with intelligence that the returns for all the 
slave colonies were complete, and that of the twenty millions 
sterling the share awarded to the Cape by the commissioners 
under the emancipation act was 1,247,401 i. Os. 7^d. The 
intelligence created a panic greater than any ever known 
before in South Africa. A very large proportion of the late 
slaves were mortgaged to the various institutions for lending 
money, and the mortgage bonds invariably contained a clause 
covering all other property. At once there was a demand 
for the redemption of the bonds, and goods and effects of all 
kinds had to be sold at enormous losses. In many instances 
slaves had been the sole property of families, or widows, or 
minors, or aged people, and the late owners were at once 
reduced to indigence. 

But the whole calamity was not even yet known. Suc- 
ceeding mails brought information that the imperial govern- 
ment would not send the money to South Africa, but that 
each claim would have to be proved before commissioners in 
London, when the amount apportioned would be paid in 
three and a half per cent stock. All the expenses connected 
with carrying out the emancipation act in each colony were 
first to be deducted from the amount awarded to that colony, 
so that it would not be possible to pay any claims for some 
time. And each set of documents was to be covered with a 
stump of thirty shillings. 

This decision of the imperial authorities brought into 
the country a swarm of petty agents, who purchased claims 
fnun the distressed and panic-stricken people at perhaps 
Imlf their real value, so that a colonist, instead of receiving 
about one-third of the appraised value of his slaves, often 
n*ceived only one-fifth or one-sixth. 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 423 

It is not easy to bring home to the mind the widespread 
misery that was occasioned by the confiscation of two millions* 
worth of property in a small and poor community like that 
of the Cape in 1835. There were to be seen families reduced 
from affluence to want, widows and orphans made destitute, 
I)Overty and anxiety brought into hundreds of homes. Men 
and women are yet living who have a keen remembrance of 
privations endured during childhood, of parents descending 
to the grave in penury, of relatives and friends once wealthy 
suddenly reduced to toil for their bread, all through the 
confiscation of their slaves. 

No one disputes now that the emancipation was beneficial 
to the character of the European race in South Africa. 
Power such as that of a slaveholder over a slave has an evil 
effect upon the mind of men, the contact of children with 
slaves in the same house was in many respects objectionable. 
Nor does anyone attempt to deny that the Asiatics, mulattos, 
and slaves of lighter blood have shown by their conduct that 
they were deserving of freedom. The property in houses 
that they own, without going further, would suffice to show 
that they were worthy of liberty. 

But some of the closest observers have doubts whether 
the change was really beneficial to the pure blacks. A com- 
parison between the negro slave of 1834 and his grand- 
children of 1890 shows much in favour of the former. As a 
rule he was better fed, better clothed, better housed, more 
cleanly in his person, more respectable in his conduct and 
habits. In distress and sickness his grandchildren may 
have the advantage of being somewhat more carefully pro- 
vided for in hospitals, but it is not owing to their own exer- 
tions. His descendants are educated in schools, at little or 
no expense to themselves ; but it is very rarely that one 
turns such education to account. They remain as rough 
labourers, unwilling to toil for anything beyond a mere sub- 
sistence, careless about a provision for old age or a day of 
need. Numerous associations have sought to draw them 
into the Christian fold, and with a fair measure of success, 
though the rivalry between the various societies has caused 

424 History of South Af^Hca 

them to regard joining a church as if it were conferring' 
patronage upon the missionary. But they could have been, 
converted as readily under the old system. 

Taking aU this into consideration, however, African 
slavery cannot be justified. Every human being, white or 
black, has a right to improve his condition if he can, and 
slavery debarred the negro from this right. The colonists 
recognised this principle, and had no wish to perpetuate the 
system. What they desired was that it should gradually be 
brought to an end, and in a manner that would not bring 
ruin upon themselves. The assertion of the philanthropists 
in England that they were slaveholders by nature and were 
ready to thwart to the utmost of their power the noble and 
benevolent designs of Great Britain was resented bv them 
as a bitter calumny, which added insult to the cruel wrong 
that had been inflicted upon them. 

When intelligence of the emancipation act was first 
brought to South Africa, few colonists supposed that it 
would be carried into effect without the enactment of a law 
against vagrancy. Already, though there was a great de- 
mand for labourers which could not be met, the colony was 
swarming with able-bodied people in a state of destitution, 
who were a nuisance to owners of property. Betshuana 
refugees, Kosas, and Hottentots released from restraint by 
the fiftieth ordinance were wandering about, plundering the 
farmers everywhere. Sir Lowry Cole recognised the need 
of an ordinance to check vagrancy, but foresaw so many 
difficulties in the way of passing one that he left the task 
for his successor, Lieutenant-Colonel Wade was about to 
bring the subject before the council of advice when Sir 
Benjamin D'Urban arrived. He then laid the matter before 
the new governor, with the* result that on the 7th of May 
1834 a draft ordinance was introduced and read for the first 
time in the legislative council. It gave to commandants,, 
fieldcornets, and provisional fieldcomets power to apprehend 
persons suspected of having no honest means of subsistence, 
or who could not give an account of themselves, and to bring 
them before a magistrate or justice of the peace. After 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 425 

examinatioD, if the charge was proved, the magistrate or 
justice of the peace could compel such persons to make roads 
or perform other public work for their maintenance until 
they should find security for good behaviour, or enter service^ 
or show a reasonable inclination to accept employment. 

The draft ordinance was no sooner published in the 
Gazette than Dr. Philip declared himself opposed to it. He 
sent a memorial to the council against it, and in the Qom- 
mercial Advertiser announced his intention to appeal to the 
English nation and parliament if it were passed. The second 
reading -was therefore postponed until his memorial could be 
referred to the civil commissioners to report upon. With a 
single exception — Mr. Van der Riet, of Uitenhage — the civil 
commissioners emphatically denied Dr. Philip's statements 
as to the condition of the coloured people, and especially as 
to the decrease of crime by Hottentots after the publication 
of the fiftieth ordinance ; they declared their conviction that 
a vagrant act was necessary for the welfare of the coloured 
people themselves, inasmuch as those who were inclined to 
be industrious were impoverished by idle acquaintances ;. 
and they asserted their belief that such an act was urgently 
required for the protection of the farmers. 

The governor now saw that the ordinance could neither 
be withdrawn nor passed without great difficulty. On the 
31st of July it was read a second time, and the council theu 
went into committee, when the governor proposed to obtaia 
information from the judges regarding the existing laws 
upon vagrancy. This was agi*eed to, and the discussion was 

The judges sent in an opinion that vagrancy was made 
a crime by various placaats issued in Holland between the 
years 1581 and 1649, which after the occupation of the 
colony became law here; and that certain clauses of the 
Dutch ordinance for the administration of the country 
districts were still in force, except where repealed by later 
enactments. But they were of opinion that ' no law for the 
suppression of vagrancy could be caiTied into effectual 
operation in respect of Hottentots or other free persons of 

426 History of South Africa 

colour lawfully residing in this colony, so long as the second 
section of the ordinance number fifty stood unrepealed, in 
so far as it enacted that no Hottentot or other free person 
of colour lawfully residing in this colony should be subject 
to any hindrance, molestation, or imprisonment of any kind 
whatsoever, under the pretence that such person had been 
guilty of vagrancy, unless after trial in due course of law.' 

In other words, there were laws, long regarded as obso- 
lete, which could be revived and put in force against 
European vagrants, but not against Hottentots and other 
free persons of colour. The chief justice was further of 
opinion that only the supreme and circuit courts could take 
cognisance of charges of vagrancy. He afterwards changed 
his views with regard to the second clause of the fiftieth 
ordinance, but the other judges adhered to theirs, so that the 
matter was involved in doubt. 

Meantime great activity was displayed by Dr. Philip and 
several of the missionaries of the London society, who con- 
sidered the laws against theft and trespass ample to meet 
the case. Petitions against the ordinance were drawn up 
and signed by every Hottentot under their influence, young 
and old. The halfbreeds at the Kat river, however, who 
l)ossessed some property, refused to give their names, and 
sent in a memorial in favour of the ordinance. The coloured 
people in general became alarmed, and repaired in large 
numbers to the stations as to places of protection. This 
movement was then described as the effect of two or three 
iieldcornets declaring that the Hottentots would soon have 
the privileges of the fiftieth ordinance withdrawn from them. 
By Dr. Philip's instructions, the 18th of August was 
observed at all the stations as a day of humiliation and 
prayer to Almighty God that it might please Him to avert 
the impending evil of a vagrant law. 

The opinion of the judges was laid before the council, 
when it was resolved to request them to draft any amend- 
ments that in their view would make the ordinance more 
workable. The)', however, declined such responsibility in 
their official character, but Mr. Justice Menzies drew up 

St7' Baijamin U Urban 427 

some amendments unofficially. Ontlie 23rd of August these 
were brought forward by Lieutenant-Colonel Wade, and 
during several successive days were discussed and adopted. 

Another petition was now presented by Dr. Philip. It 
was of great length, but its substance may be gathered from 
a few of its sentences. ^In the records of this colony, 
whether Dutch or English,' the memorialist had * seen 
nothing in the shape of a law so appalling to humanity and 
religion.' * The object of the vagrant law was to secure a 
sufficiency of labourers to the masters on their own terms.' 
* Any law in this colony that would attempt to compel the 
wilfully idle to labour would be a law whifch would give back 
to the masters the whole of the slave population under a law 
more cruel and dreadful in its operation than the old slavery 
law of the colony, because the masters having no interest in 
their lives beyond their immediate services, they would have 
no checks upon their avaiice.' 

On the 8th of September the ordinance was read a third 
time by the vote of a majority of the council, the governor, 
the acting secretary to government, the attorney-general, and 
Mr. Ebden forming the minority. The governor gave as his 
reasons for opposing it that several clauses would be regarded 
in England with apprehension and alarm, and would pre- 
judice the colony in the opinion of the English government 
and nation. He had come to the conclusion that the exist- 
ing laws were sufficient for holding a proper check upon 
vagrancy. As yet, it must be remembered, he had not been 
beyond the Cape peninsula, and had to form an opinion from 
the conflicting statements of the officials and the missionaries 
of the London society, with the latter of whom he was still 
in strong sympathy. 

After the ordinance was passed by the council, the 
governor declined to sign it, but transmitted it to the 
secretary of state to be laid before the king. In England it 
was disallowed. 

There were other causes for uneasiness in the colony'in 
1834. The wine trade — the most important industry in the 
country — was in a state of rapid decline, and there was no 

428 History of South Africa 

prospect of its recovery. There was also the depression that 
is experienced everywhere when revenue falls short of ex- 
penditure, when taxation is severely felt, when debt \% 
increasing, and when even the most necessary public works 
cannot be undertaken. 

Still, comparing the condition of the colony in 1834 
with its condition in 1819, signs of advancement were not 
wanting. The principal villages were now connected by 
regular weekly posts, the mails being conveyed in spring- 
carts driven from station to sttation at a pace of six or seven 
miles an hour day and night. By these conveyances pas- 
sengers could travel much more easilj' than in former times.. 

Recent improvements in buildings and in stock were to- 
be seen everywhere, but especially in the district of Albany, 
which was dotted over with comfortable farmhouses. The 
English settlers had overcome their early diflBculties, and 
believed that fair prospects were before them. They were 
living on the most friendly terms with their neighbours 
of Dutch origin, and intermarriages were becoming not 

Grahamstown contained six hundred houses and three 
thousand seven hundred inhabitants exclusive of soldiers. It 
had four churches — belonging to the English episcopal, 
Wesleyan, Independent, and Baptist congregations, — good 
schools, a commercial hall, a savings bank, a benefit club, 
a reading room, and a newspaper. 

In other parts of the district there were six Wesleyan 
churches, an English episcopal church at Bathurst, eight or 
nine cornmills, and several manufactories of waggons, 
leather, and tiles. 

Port Elizabeth contained twelve hundred residents. The 
Independents had a place of worship there, and on the 12th 
of January 1834 St. Mary's church was opened for the use 
of the English episcopalians. In one respect, however, the 
town had gone backward, as in February 1882, owing to the 
necessity for retrenchment, an ordinance was issued sub- 
stituting for the resident magistrate a special justice of the 

Sir Benjamin U Urban 429 

A large section of the eastern people was agitating for 
separation from the western districts. They were of opinion 
that there should be a strong government near the Kaffir 
border, as from that quarter danger was always threatening. 
At the beginuing of 1834 they sent Mr. Thomas Philipps as 
a delegate to England with petitions to that eflFect to both 
houses of parliament. At that time there was not even a 
commissioner-general for the eastern province. Captain 
Stockenstrom, who found that he possessed no real authority 
and who was intensely jealous of Colonel Somerset, in March 
1833 applied for six months' leave of absence, and went to 
Europe. Captain Campbell, civil commissioner of Albany 
and Somerset, was directed to act as commissioner-general ; 
but Mr. Stanley, secretary of state for the colonies, abolished 
the office altogether from the 1st of January 1834, and issued 
instructions that Captain Stockenstrom should retire with a 
pension of 300L a year. 

There had been a great expansion of mission work 
throughout the colony. The old associations continued their 
activity, and others had entered the field. The Ehenish 
society was founded in 1828, and during the next year three 
missionaries were sent to this country. They established 
themselves first at Stellenbosch, but soon afterwards, being 
reinforced, they founded stations in other parts of the 
colony and beyond the northern border. The Berlin society 
was founded in 1824. In 1834 four of its missionaries 
arrived in South Africa, who were speedily followed by 
others. The first station occupied was Beaufort West, but 
they soon spread themselves among the Koranas, Betshuana, 
and Kosas in and beyond the colonj*. 



Books beferring to the Period embraced in this Volume : 

AUardyce, Alexander : Memoir of the honourable George Keith 
Elphinatoney K.Ji,, Viscount Keith, Admiral of the lied. An octavo 
volume of four hundred and thirty-two pages, published at London 
in 1882. In this book one can learn particulars of the life of 
Admiral Elphinstone. The two chapters devoted to that portion of 
his career which was connected with the Cape Colony were written 
without reference to the Dutch records, but are fairly correct. 

Barrow, John : Travels into the interior of Southern Africa^ in 
which are described the character and the coiidition of the Dutch 
colonists of the Cape of Good Hope and of the seceral tribes of natives 
beyond its limits, (Sec, <i'c., <S:c. Two quarto volumes, London (second 
edition), 1806. As far as geographical, botanical, and zoological 
information, statistics, and descriptions of institutions are concerned, 
this work is thoroughly reliable, and it is written in a remarkably 
clear and easy style. But the descriptions of the colonists are so 
deeply tinged by prejudice as to have deservedly drawn upon the 
author very severe criticism from later writers, especially from 
foreigners. Some cruelties that he states he witnessed, as for in- 
stance the frightful gashing of an ox by a brutnlised farmer, and the 
rapid recovery of the animal, have been shown to be impossibilities. 
This portion of the work should be read with due allowance for the 
author's position and the passions developed by the war with France. 
[See chapter 28 of this volume]. 

Barrow, John : Some account of the pubUn l\f' and a selection 
from the unpublished writings of the earl of Jfacartney, Two 
quarto volumes, London, 1807. This is a work of considerable value* 
to a student of South African history, but it cannot be regartled as 
a perfectly impartial narrative. From it can be learned what offices 
were held by Lord Macartney in other countries, and much besides 

432 History of South Africa 

<x>ncerning him ; but the records of his administration are better 
sources from which to judge of his government of the Cape Colony. 

Barrow, John : A voyage to Cochin China in the years 1792 and 
1793 ; to which is annexed an a^^count of a journey made in the years 
1801 and 1802 to the residence oftlie chief of the BooshvMna nation^ 
being the remotest point in tlie interior of Southern Africa to which 
Ewropeans have hitherto penetrated, A quarto volume of four hund- 
red and forty-seven pages, published at London in 1806. The 
account of the journey from Capetown to Lithako occupies seventy - 
five pageS) and is condensed from the journal kept by Mr. Daniell, 
secretary to Messrs. Truter and Somerville, who were sent by 
General Dundas on a mission to the Betshuana. This portion of the 
volume is exceedingly interesting, and is of considerable value to a 
student of South African history, though many observations in it 
are strongly tinged with Barrow's prejudices. It is accompanied by 
a map, on which the existence of goldfields in their correct position 
is marked. 

An autohiof/raphical memoir of Sir John Barrow, hart., late of 
tlie admiralty ; including reflections, observations, and reminiscences 
at hom^ and abroad, frmn early life to advanced age. An octavo 
volume of five hundred and fifteen pages, published at London in 
1847. A very interesting work, and one which contains several 
items of information on South Africa not to be found in any other 
printed book. 

Lindsay, Lord : Lives of the Lindsays, or a memoir of the houses 
of Crawford and Balcarres. Three octavo volumes. London, 1849. 
One hundred and five pages in the third volume are filled with letters 
entitled extracts from the journal of a residence at the Cape of Good 
Hope and of a short tour into the interior, by Lady Anne Barnard. 
These letters are written in a very charming manner, and display a 
good deal of insight into the character of the colonists. The writer 
was the wife of Mr. Andrew Barnard, who was secretary to 
government from 1797 to 1803, and again in 1807. 

Percival, Captain Robert : An account of the CajTc of Good Hopf^ 
containing an historical view of its original settlement by tJte Dutch^ 
its capture by the British in 1795, and the different policy purstied 
tJiere by the Dutch and English governmeyita. Also a sketch of its 
geograpiliy, productions, the manners and custojn^ of the inhabitants 
d:c., ike. A quarto volume of three hundred and thirty-nine pages, 
published at London in 1804. This book is one of the most un- 
reliable that has ever been issued from the press, and is of no value 
whatever for any purpose but waste paper. 

Notes on Books 433 

Gleanings in Africa^ exiiibiting a faithfxd and correct view of tfve 
manners and cuatonia of the inlwhitants of tlie Cape of Good Hope 
and surrounding country. With a full and comprehensive account 
of the system of agrictdture adopted by the colonists^ <!&<?., o&c, d:c. 
An octavo volume of three hundred and twenty pages, published ab 
London in 1806. The author's name is not given ; but the work ife 
described as a series of letters from an English officer during thb 
period in which the colony was under the protection of the British 
government. It is so full of errors as to be of no value whatever. ' 

Semple, Robert : Walks and sketches at the Cape of Good Hope ;. 
to which is subjoined a journey from Capetoum to Flettenberg^s Bay, 
A crown octavo volume of one hundred and ninety-eight pages, of 
which the second edition was published at London in 1805. This 
work is fairly interesting, but for historical purposes it is of very 
little value. 

Stout, Captain Benjamin : Cape of Good Hope and its depend- 
encies^ an axicurate and truly interesting description of those 
delightful regions situated Jive hundred miles north of the Cape, 
d:c., (kc, A crown octavo volume of one hundred and forty-four 
pages, published at London in 1820. Captain l^ut ijras in com- 
mand of the American ship Hercules^ which on her fetnm voyage 
from India was so badly damaged in a great gale that to save the 
lives of the crew she was run ashore on the coast between the 
mouths of the Keiskama and Beka rivers on the 16th of June 1796. 
With his crew of sixty men Captain Stot;it travelled overland to 
Capetown. This book is of no value whatever, being so f«ll of 
incorrect statements that it might as well have Been wntl^ bjF ^D» 
who never saw the country. 

Valentia, George, Viscount : Voyages and travels to Jndia^ 
Ceylon^ the Red Sea^ Abyssinia^ and Bgypt in the years 1802 to- 
1806. Three volumes octavo and a quarto volume of plates aiid 
maps, published at London from 1809 to 1820. The author called . 
at the Cape on his way to the east, and made a hasty tour as h^ as 
Twenty-four Rivers. Twelve pages of the first volume are devole<) 
to this country, but thay contain no information of importanceb In 
the volume of plates ifyeire is a good representation of the wat^rM) 
at French Hoek. 

Tombe, Charles Francois : Voyage aux Indes Orientalea ftendant 
Jes anndes 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805, et 1806, conUnant la dese^^jfii&tt 
du cap de Bonne Espirance^ des ties de France^ j&0f lUjJiMr^' Jii^ 
Bancdy et de la ville de Batavia, Two octavo volumes anidtf'lng^ 
quarto volume of maps and plates, published at Paris in 181ft Xhe 


434 History of South Africa 

author of this work was a French officer, who found himself idle 
after the peace of Amiens, and who took passage to India in hope of 
impro\'ing his fortune by obtaining employment there. He was at 
the Cape at the close of the year 1802, and witnessed the consterna- 
tion produced by the order from England to delay the cession of the 
colony. The chapter in his work devoted to South African afiairs 
.contains nothing new or specially interesting. 

lichtenstein, Dr. Henry : TraveU in Southern Africa in the 
years 1803 to 1806. This work, originally written in German, was 
translated into English and published in two quarto volumes in 
London in 1812. Its author came to South Africa as tutor to the 
eldest son of General Janssens, and in 1804 was appointed surgeon- 
major of the Hottentot regiment. He accompanied the commissioner- 
general De Mist on an extensive tour, was one of a party sent to 
visit the Batlapin country, and made some other journeys into the 
interior of the colony. His work, while much below that of Barrow 
in statistical information, is one of the very best descriptions of the 
country and its people — white and black — ever published, having 
been written without prejudice of any kind. It is not, however, 
entirely free from historical errors, which could have been corrected 
by referring to the records of the English administration from 1795 
to 1803. 

Alberti, Lodewyk : De Kaffers aan de zuidkust van Afrika^ 
natuur- en geschiedkundig heachreven. An octavo volume of two 
hundred and sixty pages, published at Amsterdam in 1810. The 
author of this book was a man of ability, who for nearly three 
years commanded the garrison of Fort Frederick at Algoa Bay, and 
during the greater portion of that time was also acting landdrost of 
Uitenhage, in which capacity he had frequent intercourse with the 
Kosa clans in the Zuurveld. The work is a reliable description of 
the Kaffirs, and contains some historical information of value. 

von Bouchenroeder, B. F. : Beknopt herigt nopena de volkplant- 
ing de Kaap de Goede Hoop, An octavo volume of one hundred 
and sixty- three pages, published at Amsterdam in 1806. A work 
of little value, as it is filled with wild speculations and controversial 

von Bouchenroeder, B. F. : Reize in de Binnerdanden van Zuid 
4/rika, gedaan in denjare 1803. An octavo volume of two hund- 
red and forty-three pages, published at Amsterdam in 1806. This 
is a work of some interest, and is of value for historical purposes, 
though it contains a great deal of purely speculative matter. 
; (Grand, George Francis : Narrative of the life of a gentleman 

Notes on Books 435 

long resident in India. A quarto volame of one hundred and eight 
pages, published at Capetown in 1814. This book contains a little 
information concerning events in the Cape Colony, but too trifling 
to make it of much value except as a curiosity. 

The life of General the right lionourable Sir David Baird, Two 
octavo volumes, London, 1832. The author's name is not given.. 
There are copies of some important official documents in this work, 
and the remaining portion is useful as giving particulars concerning 
the career of Sir David Baird. 

Keith, Sir George Mouat, Commander R.N. : A voyage to South 
America and tJce Cape of Good Hope in his Majesty^ s brig Protector, 
A quarto volume of one hundred and nineteen pages, published at 
London in 1819. The author's observations upon this country are 
of no great value, but in an appendix a few official documents 
relative to the conquest of the colony in 1806 are to be found. 

Halloran, Laurence, D.D. : Proceedings^ including original cor- 
respondence^ official documents^ exhibits^ <frc., d:c,y duly attested and 
authenticated as correct extracts from tlie records of tlie court of 
justice at the Gape of Good Hope, in a criminal 2^ocess for a Itbel^ 
instituted at tlie suit of LieuL-Gen, the hon, H. G, Grey^ and by 
order of the right hon. the earl of Caledon, An octavo volume of 
seven hundred and eleven pages, published at London in 1811. 

Halloran, Laurence, D.D. : Nezvgate^ or desultory sketches in a 
prison ; a poem and other original fugitive pieces^ tvith notes and an 
appendix; by Laurence Halloran, D.D,, at present a prisoner in His 
Majesty^ s gaol of Xewgale, under sentence of transportation for seven 
years on a charge of having defrauded tlie post-office revenue of the 
sum of tenpenee by counterfeiting a frank. A small quarto volume 
of seventy-four pages, published at London in 1818. The circum- 
iitances under which this book was written must be unique, if the 
real merit of the poetry, the author's previous career, and his utter 
insensibility to the heinousness of the crime of which he had been 
guilty, be taken into consideration. 

Campbell, John, minister of Elingsland chapel : Travels in Sout/t 
Africa, undertaJcen at the reqv^t of the missionary society. An 
octavo volume of five hundred and eighty-two pages, published at 
London in 1815. This book contains some information on general 
subjects, as well as a complete account of the missions of the London 
society. But the author's simplicity and credulity were so great 
that little reliance can be placed upon anything that he describes, 
which did not come under his own eyes* It is difficult to make out 
his Dutch, Korana, and Setshuana proper names, as his ear was not 

F F 2 

436 History of South Africa 

good at catching sounds. There is a kindly tone throughout the' 
book, however, which compensates for many defects. 

Campbell, Rev. John : Travels in South Africa, underiaken tU 
the request of the London missionary society ; bein{f a narrative of <^ 
second journey in the interior of that country. Two octavo volimies, 
published at London in 1822. , On this occasion Mr. Cmmpbell* 
t|?avelled in the interior as far as the country occupied by the' 
Bahurutsi tribe — the present Mosega, — and to those who are able to 
correct his spelling of Setshuana names his narrative is therefore 
exceedingly interesting. 

Burchell, William J. : Travels in the interior of Southern Africa, 
Two large and splendidly illustrated quarto volumes, published at 
London in 1822 and 1824. This is one of the most trustworthy 
and valuable books ever issued upon South Africa. Its author was 
a man of talent, an easy writer, and scrupulously exact in his 
descriptions. He travelled northwaixi nearly to the Molopo river 
in Betshuanaland, and resided some months at Griquatown and 
Lithako. From Griquatown he mode his way through Bushman- 
land to Graaff-Reinet and back again. Su1>sequently he travelled 
to the Fish river, and then through the whole length of the Cape 
Colony ; but his printed work ends with his leaving Lithako on the 
3rd of August 1812. Many of the numerous illustrations which 
adorn these volumes are beautifully coloured, and all have the 
accuracy of photographs. In statistical matter Burchell's book 
cannot be classed with that of Barrow, but in everything else it is 
vastly superior. It is the production of a conscientious man, a 
scholar, and a philosopher, who could judge of what was good and 
what was evil in people apart from their colour or nationality. 
The high price — nine guineas — unfortunately prevented a large 

Fisher, Richard Barnard : The importance of the Cajye of Good 
Hope as a colony to Great Britain, independently of the advantages 
it possesses as a military and naval station and the key to our terri- 
torial possessions in India, An octavo volume of one hundred and 
ninety pages, the third edition of which was published at London in 
1816. No greater nonsense was ever inflicted upon a reader. 

Hooker, William Jackson, LL.D., &c. : Botanical Miscellany. 
Three octavo volumes published at London in 1830 to 1833. The 
second and third volumes contain a paper in three parts contributed 
by the reverend Colin Smith, entitled a biographical notice of 
Captain Dugald CarmicfiaeL Eighty-one pages of this biography 
are devoted to Captain Carmichael's residence at the Cape of Goodf 

Notes on Books 437 

Hope from his arrival with General Baird in 1806 to the removal of 
his regiment to Mauritius in 1810, and when he was again quartered 
here in 1814 to 1816. There is some really useful information 
upon South Africa in this paper. There is also an account of the 
expedition to Tristan da Cunha, which Captain Carmichael accom- 

Latrobe, Rev. C. I. : Journal of a visit to South Africa in 1815 
nnd 1816, vdth some account of the missionary settlements of the 
united brethren near the Cajje of Good Hope, A quarto volume of 
four hundred and six pages, with map and coloured plates, published 
at London in 1818. There is also an octavo edition without the 
plates. Mr. Latrobe's object in visiting the colony was to inspect 
the mission stations of Genadendal and Mamre, and to select a 
suitable site for a new settlement. With this object he travelled 
through the country to the Fish river. His work is interesting and 
is written in a spirit of fairness to the government, the colonists, 
and the coloured people ; but it does not contain much historical or 
general information concerning thcJ country, if the accounts of the 
brethren's mission stations be excepted. 

Robertson, G. A. : Notes on Africa^ jmrticularly those parts 
which are situated between Cape Verd and the river Congo. An 
octavo volume, published at London in 1819. An appendix of 
ninety-two pages in this book contains what is termed a compendious 
account of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope^ its productions and 
resources^ togetJier with a variety of important information very 
necessary to be known by persons about to emigrate to that country. 
It was not written by Mr. Robertson, and the author's name is not 
given. It is so full of errors as to be valueless. 

An account of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, with a view 
to the information of emigrants ; and an appendix containing the 
offers of government to j^^sons disposed to settle tliere. An octavo 
volume of one hundred and seventy-two pages, published at London 
in 1819. This book was compiled from the works of various 
travellers, and contains many errors. The appendix is the only 
portion that is of value. 

Notes on tlie Cape of Good Hope^ made during an excursion in 
that colony in the year 1820. An octavo volume of two hundred 
and seven pages, publislied at London in 1821. The author's name 
is not given. Except Captain Moreby's report of the survey of the 
fiouth-eastem coast, which is copied from the Gazette, no part of this 
book is of any particular value, and many remarks upon the people 
Are grossly inaccurate. 

438 History of South Africa 

Bird, Wilberforce : Stale of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822. A 
handbook of three hundred and seventy-seven octavo pages, pub^ 
lished at London in 1823. The author did not affix his name to 
the title page, but it was no secret that the work was prepared by 
Mr. W. Bird, controller of customs at Capetown. The information 
given is of the kind usual in handbooks, and is in general agreement 
with the returns made for the imperial government. 

Theunissen, J. B. N. : Aanteekeniiigen eener reia door de binnen" 
landen van Zuid Afrika, van Port Elizaheth naar d€ Kaapstad^ 
gedaan in 1823. An octavo volume of one hundred and thirty-four 
pages and a large chart, published at Oostende in 1824. Captain 
Theunissen, a military officer in the service of the Netherlands, waa 
wrecked on the coast a few miles west of Algoa Bay during the 
night of the 29th of March 1823. Of one hundred and eighty 
souls on board the ship, one hundred and seventy-two got safely 
to land, and eight perished. The crew and passengers were sent 
by sea from Port Elizabeth to Capetown, except Captain Theunissen, 
who preferred to travel overland to see the country. He had once 
before resided in Capetown for a few weeks. His little volume is 
pleasantly written, and gives a very fair picture of the people and 
the portion of the colony that he saw ; but it contains no other 

AUereerste heg'mselen der geschiedenis van Kaap do. Goede Hoop, 
A catechism of ninety-eight pages, printed by J. Suasso de Lima at 
Capetown in 1825. Having been prepared to suit the views of 
Lord Charles Somerset, it is somewhat partial, and is of more value 
now as a curiosity than as containing information. 

Grant, Lieutenant P. Warden, of the Bengal revenue survey 
department : Conmderatiovs on the state of the colonial currency 
and foreign exchanges at the Cape of Good Hope^ comprphending also 
some statements I'elatire to the 2>opnlation, agricultv re, commerce^ and 
statistics of the colony. An octavo volume of two hundred pages, 
published at Capetown in 1825. This book contains some valuable 
statistics, but the figures do not always agree with those in the 
returns sent by the government to England. For the rest, it is 
taken up with matter of little interest now. 

Burnett, Bishop : A reply to the report of the cominissioiiers of 
inquiry at the Cape of Good Hope, upon the complaints addressed to 
the colonial government ami to the earl Bathnrst hy Mr, Bishop 
Burnett, An octavo volume of three hundred and thirteen pages, 
published at London in 182G. 

Thompson, George : Travels and adcentnres in t^otithcrn Africa^ 

Notes on Books 439 

comprising a view of the present state of the Co'pe Colony^ with obser- 
vations on the progress and prospects of the British immigrants, A 
quarto volume of four hundred and ninety-three pages, illustrated, 
published at London in 1827. This book is one of the best that has 
ever been written upon South Africa. The author had resided eight 
years in the country. His powers of observation were keen, his 
mind was free from prejudice, and his style of writing was clear. 

Scenes and occurrences in Albany and Cafferland, South Africa. 
An octavo volume of two hundred and fourteen pages, published at 
liondon in 1827. The author's name is not given. This book is 
pleasantly written, but there is nothing in it of any particular 

Philip, Rev. John, D.D. : Researches in South Africa^ illustrating 
the civil y moral, and religious condition of the native tribes, including 
journals of the author^s travels in the interior, d:c., ike. Two octavo 
volumes, published at London in 1828. The object of this work 
was to impress its readers with the belief that the Dutch farmers 
cruelly oppressed the natives of South Africa, and that the English 
colonial government of the time did the same, only to a much greater 
extent. The description of the Bushmen — whom the writer con- 
stantly confused with Hottentots — is that of a race capable of rapid 
improvement and high civilisation. The Betshuana refugees are 
represented as having been driven into the colony by the Bergenaars, 
and the government is severely blamed for this event, so little did 
Dr. Philip really know of the matter. Upon the appearance of the 
work, the accuracy of its statements was generally denied by both 
English and Dutch in South Africa, but in England it was well 
received by a large section of the people. For historical purposes, 
its only value is the exposition of the views of its author with regard 
to the colonists and the coloured races. Time has passed a decisive 
judgment against the correctness of those views, for in later years * 
Dr. Philip possessed power to cause his theories to be put into 
practice, with the result that the country was involved in confusion 
and difficulties, from some of which it is not even yet free. See the 
last two chapters of this volume. 

Boniface, Ch. Et. : Relation du naufrage du navire fran^i^s 
VEole sur la c6te de la Cqffrerie, An octavo volume of one hundred 
and twenty-four pages, published at Capetown in 1829. The Eole 
left Bourbon for France in March 1829, and at four o'clock in the 
morning of the 12th of April during a violent storm struck on the 
coast between the mouths of the Kei and Bashee rivers. In a few 
hours she went to pieces, when twelve out of twenty souls on board 

440 History of South Africa 

perished. The book is an interesting account of the adventures of 
the eight survivors until they reached Capetown, but it contains 
nothing besides of any great importance. 

Rose, Cowper : Four years in SoutJtem Africa, An octavo 
volume of three hundred and eight pages, published at London in 
1829. The author travelled eastward as far as Hintsa's kraal. He 
gives light sketches of the country and of the people he met^ which 
are not always correct. There is very little to be learned from his 

Bannister, S., late attorney-general in New South Wales : 
Ilujnane policy , or justice to ths aborigines 0/ new settlements essential 
to a due expenditure of British money and to the best interests of the 
settlers, WiHi suggestions how to civilise tlie natives by an improved 
administration of existing means. An octavo volume of five hundred 
•and twenty -nine pages, published at London in 1830. The greater 
part of this book is taken up with copies of letters and official docu- 
ments. What is original is of value only as showing the wild 
theories that could be held by men of education regarding the 
coloured people of South Africa. They are represented by 
Mr. Bannister as eager for improvement and struggling towards 
• civilisation, while being oppressed and kept back by the Europeans. 
The Kaffir chiefs are depicted as men of high character, and the 
Bushmen as people capable of any degree of refinement. 

Karraiive of voyages to explore the shores of Africa^ Arabia^ and 
Jfadagaecarj performed in H,M,^s ships Leven and Barracouta^ 
under the direction of Captain W, F. W. Owen^ R.N, Two octavo 
volumes, published at London in 1833. This work contains ifv-ith 
other information Mr. FarewelFs account of Tshaka. 

Kay, Rev. Stephen : Travels and researcJies in Cajjfraria: de- 
scribing the character^ customs^ and moral condition of the tribes 
ifiJiabiting that portion of Southern AfHca; tvith historical and 
tojyographical remarks illustrative of the state and prospects of the 
British settlement in its borders, the introduction of Christianity ^ 
and the progress of civilisation, A crown octavo volume of five 
hundred and nine pages, published at London in 1833. This is an 
interesting and valuable book, from which much information con- 
cerning the Bantu tribes and the Wesleyan missions can be obtained. 
But it must be read with great caution, for its author was one of 
those who regarded white men who were not missionaries as little 
better than incarnate fiends. Such expressions as * armed ruffians ' 
and * cold-blooded murderers,' applied to the burghers and soldiers 
who formed the force which under Lieutenant-Colonel Graham 

Notes on Books 44 1 

expelled the Kaffirs from the Zuurveld in 1812, must therefore be 
overlooked or regarded merely as the author's equivalents for men 
engaged in legitimate warfare. Two portraits termed those of 
Kaffirs are given, which are of the gentlest of Europeans with their 
skins darkened. The accounts given by Mr. Kay of the encounter 
between Major Dundas and the Amangwane and of the battle 
between Lieutenant -Colonel Somerset's forces and the same tribe 
were investigated by the government, and found to be strikingly 

Holman, James, R.N., F.R.S. : A voyage round ike worlds in- 
chiding travels in Africa^ Asia, Australasia^ Americay d:c., &c,jJroni 
1827 to 1832. Four octavo volumes, published at London in 1834. 
Three hundred and twelve pages of the second volume are devoted 
to an account of the author's travels in the Cape Colony. The work 
is interesting as the production of a blind man who travelled, chiefly 
on horseback, from Capetown to the Keiskama and back, but there 
is not much reliable information to be obtained from it. 

Steedman, Andrew : Wanderings and adventures in the interior 
of Southern Africa, Two octavo volumes, published at London in 
1835. This is an interesting book, especially to a student of natural 
history, though it cannot be placed on a level with the works of 
Barrow, Lichtenstein, Burchell, or Thompson. An appendix of 
over two hundred pages contains much useful information relating 
to the progress of discovery in South Africa. 

Pringle, Thomas : Narrative of a residence in South Africa, 
The second edition is a crown octavo volume of three hundred and 
fifty-six pages, published at London in 1835. The author was one 
of the British settlers of 1820, but returned to England in 1826. 
The book is written in a pleasing style, and contains much informa- 
tion upon various subjects ; but it must be read with cauticm, as 
Mr. Pringle held extreme views concerning the treatment of the 
coloured inhabitants of South Africa by Europeans, and was apt 
to let his fancy run wild. It should be compared with the evidence 
given by Lieutenant-Colonel Wade before the committee of the 
Icouse of commons in 1835. 

TJie Cape Cydopa^ia, A small volume of two hundred and five 
pages, published at Capetown in 1835. Of no particular value, 
except for an account of the missionary George Schmit. 

Moodie, Lieutenant J. W. D. : Ten years in South Africa^ 
including a particular description of the wUd sports of that country. 
Two octavo volumes, published at London in 1835. For historicid 
purposes this work is of little value, except as giving an account of 

442 History of South Afi tea 

the settlement of Fredericksburg ; but a sportsman may read it 
with interest. 

Fawcett, John : Account of an eighteen months^ residence at the 
Cape of Good Hope in 1835-6. An octavo volume of ninety-eight 
pages, published at Capetown in 1836. The author was a captain 
in the East India Company's military service, who visited South 
Africa for the sake of his health. He was a religious man, though 
very narrow minded, as his observations upon the Wesleyans show. 
The book contains a little general information, but is chiefly 
occupied with the author's views upon mission work and a descrip- 
tion of several mission stations. 

Polsoni Lieutenant Nicolas : A subaltern's sick leave^ or rough 
notes of a visit in search of health to China and the Cape of Good 
Hope. An octavo volume of one hundred and sixty -six pages, of 
which eighty-nine are devoted to South Africa, published at Cal- 
cutta in 1837. This book was written by a man of observation and 
sound sense. The information upon South Africa given in it is 
correct, but it is too scanty to be of much value. The author — the 
name Poison is probably fictitious — ^was an officer of the Bengal 
native infantry. He visited this country at the same time as 
Captain Fawcett, when the reverend Dr. Philip was the most pro- 
minent figure in colonial society. The impression which the super- 
intendent of the London society's missions made upon them was as 
different as upon the various governors and the leaders of the 
philanthropic parties in England. Captain Fawcett speaks of him 
as * that distinguished and honoured servant of the Lord . . . . , a 
man of large and enlightened views.' The other describes him as 
'one whose talents and powers of persuasion would do honour to 
the most glorious cause, but whose conduct would disgrace the 

Shaw, Rev. Barnabas : Memorials of South Africa, The second 
edition is a small octavo volume of three hundred and forty-six 
pages, published at London in 1841. This book gives an account of 
the early Wesleyan missions in South Africa, and contains a good 
deal of information concerning various tiibes. Its spirit is fair and 
kindly towards all classes of the inhabitants. It contains a few 
historical errors, but they are of very little importance. A consider- 
.able part of the work is taken up with experiences of religion given 
by converts. 

Relation dun voyage dexploration au nord-est de la colonic du 
Cap de Bonne- Esp^rance^ entrepris dans les mois de Mars, Avril, et 
Maiy 1836, par MM, T, Arbousset et F, Daumas, missionaires de la 

Notes on Books 445 

Dr. Philip). By the reverend Archibald Barclay, A.M. A 
pamphlet of fifty pages, printed at Capetown in 1824. 

Letter from Sir Rufane Donkin to Earl Bathursty dated 6th 
April 1827. Published at London in 1827. This letter with its 
^nnexures forms a pamphlet of one hundred and eighty-one pages. 

Observations by Lieutenant- Colonel Bird on Sir Rufane DonJcin^s 
letter to Earl Bathurst. A pamphlet of thirty-two pages, publishecl 
at Capetown in 1827. 

Cursory remarks on a letter from Sir Rufane Shatve Donkin to 
Earl Bathurst. By a bystander. A pamphlet of fifty-six pages, 
published at Capetown in 1827. 

Papers explaining tJie cause of Lord Bathurst^s last interference 
with the press at tJie Cape of Good Hope. By John Fairbainu A 
pamphlet of eighty pages, published at London in 1827. 

Annual reports of tlie Cape of Good Hope philanthropic society^ 
for aiding deserving slaves and slave children to purcliase their free- 
dom. Pamphlets published at Capetown from 1828 to 1833. 

Considerations on the eocact position of the slave qu^estion. By 
Thomas Miller. A pamphlet of forty pages, published at Capetown 
in 1831. 

Practical considerations on the eocact position of the slave questimi^ 
a^far as it regards tJie colony of the Cape of Good Hope. By John 
Centlivres Chase. A pamphlet of thirty-six pages, published at- 
Capetown in 1831. 

Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope. By the reverend William 
Wright. A pamphlet of one hundred and seven pages, published 
at London in 1831. 

Verslag der gehoudene bijeenkomst op Ifaandag den ndeu 
September 1832. A pamphlet of thirty- four pages, published at 
Capetown in 1832. 

Correspondence betujeen Donald Moodie, Esq,j compiler and editor 
of the Cape Records, and tlie reverend John PhUij), D.D., author of 
Researclies in South Africa, relative to the production for publication 
of alleged official autltority for the statement thai *»n the year 1774 
the whole ra>ce of Bushmen or Hottentots wfio had not submitted jto- 
servitude was ordered to be seized or extirpated,^ A pamphlet of 
eighty- two pages, published at Capetown in 1841. A more thorough 
refutation of some of the charges made by Dr. Philip against the 
Cape government in his Researches in South Africa there could 
not be. 

444 History of South Africa 

All octavo volume of one hundred and seven pages, published at 
Capetown in 1885. As Mr. Meurant was connected with the Comr 
ifiercial Advertiser when it was commenced and suppressed, and was 
also the first editor of the Grahamatown Joumaly this little book is 
both interesting and valuable. 

Since 1805 a directory has been published yearly in Capetown, 
containing a list of all officials and the other information usually 
found in works of that kind. The volumes for 1805 and 1806 are 
in Dutch, and are entitled Lijat van alle collegien^ civide en kerJMifke 
(imbtenaren in de Bataafaclie volkplaivting aan den zuidpunt van 
Afrika. From 1807 to 1814 the volumes are entitled Hie African 
Court Calendar^ from 1815 to 1826 The African Court Calendar and 
Directory, and from 1827 onward Tlie South African Almanack and 
Directory, They were published with the sanction and assistance of 
the government. The series in the South African public library is 

Tlie pamphlet literature of this period is great in quantity, but 
much of it is valueless now. For historical purposes the following 
are the most important : 

Reports of the committee and sub-committee of the society for the 
relief of distretfsed settlers in South Africa. Various pamphlets 
published at Capetown in 1823 and 1824. 

Authentic copips of a corres])ondence which took jdace in conse- 
quence of a statement inade at the general annual meeting of tlie 
'Society for t/i^, rfliff of distressed settlers in Capetotvn, 18 August 
1824, reflecting on tJie conduct and character of the landdrost of 
Albany, (2) A reply to a pamphlet printed at the government press, 
entitled ^authentic copies of a corresj)ondence, etc., <frc.,* by John 
Philip, D.D. (3) Letter addressed by Harry Rivers, Esq,, to tfie 
colonial secretary in explanation of certain assertions and documents 
contained in the rrply to a jyamphlet entitled * autlientic copies of a 
correspondence, dr., dsc,^ (S) ^ reply to a pamphlet printed at the 
government printiag press, Capetoum, Cape cf Good Hope, entitled 
* atUJicntic copies of a correspondence, d:c., <frc.,'by H. E. Kutherfoord. 
Four pamphlets — altogether one hundred and twenty-one pages, 
published at London in 1825. 

Extracts from a statement of all the facts connected unth the late 
divisions in the Scots church, London Wall (relative to the reverend 

Notes on Books 445 

Dr. Philip). By the reverend Archibald Bai'clay, A.M. A 
pamphlet of fifty pages, printed at Capetown in 1824. 

Letter from Sir Rufane Donkin to Earl Bathurst, dated Qth 
April 1827. Published at London in 1827. This letter with its 
^nnexures forms a pamphlet of one hundred and eighty-one pages. 

Ohservaiions by Lieutenant-Colonel Bird on Sir Rufane Donkin^ h 
letter to Earl Bathurst. A pamphlet of thirty-two pages, publishe4 
at Capetown in 1827. 

Cursory remarks on a letter from Sir Rufane Shatve Donkin to 
Earl Bathurst, By a bystander. A pamphlet of fifty-six pages, 
published at Capetown in 1827. 

Papers explaining tJie cause of Lord BathursVs last interference 
with tJie press at tite Cape of Good Hope, By John Fairbainu A 
pamphlet of eighty pages, published at London in 1827. 

Annual reports of tJie Cape of Good Hope philanthropic society 
for aiding deserving slaves and slave children to purchase their free- 
dom. Pamphlets published at Capetown from 1828 to 1833. 

Considerations on the exact position of the slave qu^estion. By 
Thomas Miller. A pamphlet of forty pages, published at Capetown 
in 1831. 

Practical considerations on tJie eocact position of the slave question^ 
as far as it regards tits colony of the Cape of Good Hope. By John 
Centlivres Cha^e. A pamphlet of thirty-six pages, published at 
Capetown in 1831. 

Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, By the reverend William 
Wright. A pamphlet of one hundred and seven pages, published 
at London in 1831. 

Verslag der gehoudene bijeenkomst op Ifaandag den 17 den 
September 1832. A pamphlet of thirty- four pages, published at 
Capetown in 1832. 

Correspondence betujeen Donald Moodie^ Esq., compiler and editor 
of the Cape Records, and iJie reverend John PhUip, D,D.y author of 
Researclies in South Africa, relative to the production for publication 
of alleged official autluyrity for the staiement that ''in the year 1774 
the whole raee of Bushmen or Hottentots wlvo had not submitted^Jto 
servitude uxis ordered to be seized or extirpated.^ A pamphlet of 
eighty- two pages, published at Capetown in 1841. A more thorough 
refutation of some of the charges made by Dr. Philip against the 
Cape government in his Researclies in South Africa there could 
not be. 

446 History of South Africa 

The bluebooks to be consulted upon this period of Cape history 
are the following : — 

Pajiers respecting a British metallic circiUatian at the Cape oj 
Good Hope. Sixty-three pages. London, 1826. 

Betum to an address of Hie house of commons dated I9th May 
1826y<)r copies of letters or papers addressed to the colonial depart- 
inent by Mr, BisJiop Burnett. Two hundred and twenty-eight pages. 
London, 1826. 

Betum to an address of the Iiononrable house of commons of the 
17th of May IS27 for certain papers relaiing to the administration 
of the government of the Cape of Good Hope. One hundred and one 
pages. London, 1827. 

Beports oftlve commissioners of inquiry upon the administraiifyii 
of the government and tlie finances at the Cape of Good Hope, 
Eighty-three pages. London, 1827. 

Documents referred to in the reports of the commissioners of in^ 
quiry upon Hie government and finances of the Cape of Good Hope, 
Three hundred and fifty-nine pages. London, 1827. 

Beport of the commissioners qf inquiry upon the trade of tlie 
Cape of Good Hope, Forty-seven pages. London, 1829. 

Papers relative to tlie condition and treatment of the native in- 
habitants of SoutJiern Africa tvithin the colony of the Cape of Good 
Hope, or beyond the froiUier of tliat colony. Part I., two hundred 
and twenty-seven pages. London, 1835. Part II., one hundred 
and fifty-seven pages. London, 1835. 

Beport from tJie select committee on aborigines (British settle- 
ments), together with tJie mimites of evidence, appendix, and index. 
In all eleven hundred and forty-five page^. London, 1836 and 1837. 
A bluebook such as this, the result of the labour of a committee of 
the house of commons from the 31st of July 1835 to the 26th of 
June 1837, must be treated with respect ; yet it is impossible not 
to express amazement when comparing the report with the evidence, 
even after making due allowance for the absence of the light that 
in recent years has been cast upon the events under investigation. 
The chairman of the committee was Mr. Fowell Buxton. One has 
only to rescd a few pages to observe that his questions to the wit> 
nesses were not those of a judge seeking to elicit the truth, but 
those of an advocate endeavouring to establish a case. But even 
then, the bulk of the reliable evidence was in direct opposition to 
the spirit of the report. In the opinion of the majority of the 
members the evidence of the reverend Dr. Philip must have more 

Notes on Books 447 

than counterbalanced that of all the military officers of experience 
on the Kaffir frontier and of Lieutenant-Colonel Wade, who was 
Inilitary secretary during the whole term of Sir Lowry Cole's ad- 
ministration, and who afterwards acted as governor. Sir Rufane 
Donkin was a member of the committee, and he objected to 
Dr. Philip's evidence being taken, but was without a single sup- 
porter. Every sane truthful man, unbiassed and thoroughly ac- 
quainted with the South African tribes in question, will now admit 
that the natives of whom Dr. Philip gave evidence were not real 
people of flesh and blood, but entirely creatures of his own imagina- 
tion. They bore African names, but had nothing else African per- 
taining to them. No one, for instance, except Dr. Philip has ever 
seen Bushmen who had made a waggon or a plough, or who had 
cultivated ground in any manner for themselves. His statements 
and the papers which he put in form a very large portion of the 
bluebook. He took with him to England a Hottentot and the 
petty captain Jan Tshatshu, both of whom gave evidence before the 
committee. It was generally understood in England that the report 
was drawn up by Mr. Buxton, but it is doubtful whether part of it 
was not Dr. Philip's handiwork. The document created great sur- 
prise and still greater indignation when it reached South Africa. 
It was presently rumoured in Capetown that Dr. Philip had written 
from London a few weeks earlier to a friend of his here that he was 
going with Mr. Buxton to the country for a few days to assist in 
drawing up the report. That friend was urgently requested to 
jsettle the question by affirming or denying the correctness of the 
rumour. Instead of doing so, he replied asking whether it wa» 
likely that a man of so much experience as Mr. Buxton would need 
assistance of that kind, and, upon being further pressed, declined 
to give the information asked for. A particular statement in the 
report was then discovered to be an extract from Dr. Philip's work 
Researches in South Africa, and to be very incorrect, while there 
was not a word of evidence from any individual before the com- 
mittee on the subject to which it referred. However, whether 
Mr. Buxton or Dr. Philip wrote the report matters little, the foct 
remains that it was based upon that portion of the evidence given 
before the committee which is now known not to have been in 
accoi*dance with facts. 

Report by John TJumias