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HISTORY AND TOPOGRAPHY
Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union,
Columbia, Juniata and Clinton counties, Pa.
EMBRACING LOCAL AND GENERAL EVENTS, LEADING
INCIDENTS, DESCRIPTIONS OF THE PRINCIPAL BOR-
OUGHS, TOWNS, VILLAGES, ETC., ETC.
A COPIOUS APPENDIX
EMBELLISHED BY ENGRAVINGS.
COMPILED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES BY I. D. RUPP.
PUBLISHED BY G. HILLS, LANCASTER, PA
'93/
^
Entered according to an Act of Congress, in the year 1 846, by Gil-
bert Hills, in the Clerk's Office of the Eastern District Court of
Pennsylvania.
PREFACE
In the spring of 1845, Mr. G. Hills, the Publisher, em-
ployed the compiler to collect and arrange the materials of
the present compilation.
In the selection and arrangement of matter, the compiler
aimed at what the Publisher had proposed should be em-
braced in the work, viz : A brief sketch of the manners and
customs of the aborigines who once inhabited the region of"
country within the several counties named — Notices of the
earliest settlements by the whites — of the Germans and Ir-
ish— Indian massacres — accounts of the several forts; and
such other facts as are deemed necessary to understand the
early history of this portion of Pennsylvania.
The topographical description of these counties, it was
proposed to arrange under the following heads, viz :
I. Organization of the county ; former and present boun-
dary; length, breadth, &c; area in square miles and acres;
population; variety of geological features; streams; geolo-
gy, and natural curiosities; general statistics from public
documents; amount of property taxable; synopsis of census
of each township; public improvements.
II. Towns, boroughs, villages, interspersed remarks, and
biographical notices.
III. Original population; sufferings and incidents; general
remarks; education; support of the poor; with additional
biographical sketches of distinguished persons who visited
these counties at an early period, or resided therein, &c.,and
a copious Appendix — all of which was to be comprised in
little more than five hundred medium duodecimo pages. But
it was soon found that it was necessary, in order to embrace
what the compiler deemed essential, to enlarge the size ot
the page from a medium to a very large duodecimo ; and, by
the consent of the Publisher, the compiler was permitted to
add about thirty pages more to the work than had been first
contemplated.
It will be readily perceived by the reader that the compiler
has made no attempt at embellishment of style. He has stu-
diously avoided every thing of a merely speculative character.
The plan pursued in general, is that of making authentic
documents speak for themselves ; and, as far as practicable,
when exhibiting the sufferings and adventures of frontier or
first settlers, letters and narratives written by themselves or
their contemporaries, have been preferred to historical de-
tails ; for they express, in their own words, with all the
freshness of novelty, their trials and difficulties, better than
others are able to do.
That this compilation may be very deficient, is readily
admitted. A full and minute history of these counties, can
only be expected after a greater accumulation of historical
facts is extant for that purpose. It has been the aim of the
compiler to collect and embody as many original documents,
and letters, as possible, towards such a collection of facts.
Many of the letters given, have been preserved in the ar-
chives of the State, which, by the permission of the Hon.
Jesse Miller, have been copied expressly for this work.
Any defects, or inaccuracies, that may be discovered or
noticed by the reader, and pointed out in a proper spirit, will
be considered as a great favor, and the services thus ren-
dered, be duly appreciated by the Publisher or compiler. By
the aid of the critical and friendly reader, a history of a
strictly local character may ultimately be presented, as near-
ly perfect as possible. Such aid is solicited.
Since the above work has been prepared for press, several
changes have taken place, which it is deemed necessary to
notice here. The county seat of Columbia has been changed.
Blair county has been organized ; and by reference to the
Act establishing the new county, of which the following is
an extract, Holidaysburg has become the seat of justice.
By an act passed February 26, 1846, the extent of the
county is thus defined, " That the territory within theto.wn-
" ships of North Woodbury and Greenfield, in the county of
" Bedford ; and the territory within the townships of A lie-
" gheny, Antis, Snyder, Tyrone, Frankstown, Blair, Huston
"and Woodbury, and within that part of Morris township,
" lying westward of the line lately run by William Reid and
" other viewers, under an order of court, for the purpose of
"dividing the same in Huntingdon, are hereby erected, ac-
" cording to said boundaries, into a new and separate coun-
" ty, to be called Blair."
In the absence of the compiler, as the work progressed
through press, several errors occurred, which the reader will
not fail to perceive in perusing it. It is almost impossible to
insure thorough accuracy from a hastily written Mss.
The compiler takes this occasion to tender his unfeigned
acknowledgments to all who contributed materials for the
present compilation.
Compiler.
January, 1846.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
THE ABORIGINES OR INDIANS-
The Lenni Lenape, or confederates — Their customs and habits —
Treatment of strangers — Treatment of enemies — Their vices — Mar-
riages— Indian huts or wigwams — Their dress — Treatment of chil-
dren— Religious ceremonies and sacrificial feasts — Hunting, their
chief employment — Travelling or going on a journey — Their favor-
ite amusements, viz : several kinds of dances — The calumet, &c. —
Diseases ; and doctors among tnem who practiced various ceremo-
nies— An incident related by a Moravian missionary— Their Materia
Medica — Death and burials — The languages of the Delawares and
Iroquois — Printed specimens of the languages; viz: Lord's prayer,
&c. — Their language highly figurative; specimens thereof — Wars
among the Indians— Mode of declaring war — Fasting and dreaming
deemed necessary preliminaries to war — Before an attack, recon-
noiler the country — Localities of Indian nations, &c. in 1763. p. 12
CHAPTER I.
Pennsylvania settled, purchase made from the In-
dians, &c.
Pennsylvania named in honor of Sir William Penn — William Penn
receives a charter from King Charles II.— Boundary of the province
— Penn's policy towards the aborigines— Similar policy had been
pursued, in some measure, by others — Markham, in obedience to
^ Penn's instructions, purchases lands from the Indians— Repeated
CONTENTS.
purchases made — Deeds to John Penn, Thomas Penn and Richary
Penn— Deeds of 1749 and 1754, and of 1768— William Penn's stad
in, and departure from, the Province — His return to the Province :
return to England: his death — Influx of immigrants — Settlements
extend up along the Susquehanna river — Settlements commencet
on the west side of the Susquehanna, in York county— Settlements
west of the Susquehanna in North, or Kittochtinny valley — Earlies
settlements first among the Indians— Settlements in Huntingdon,
Union, Northumberland, Centre and other counties — Indians' friend-
ship towards the first settlers. p 34
CHAPTER II.
THE GERMANS.
General character of Germans — First immigrants and settlers — Ger-
mantown settled — Frankford land company — Immigrants of 170*
and 1709 — Their sufferings in England — Dickinson's remarks con-
cerning them — Settlements in Tulpehocken— Redemption servants —
Numerous immigrants — Settlements on the west side of the Susque-
hanna—Neulaender deceive many— Great sufferings experienced by
many — C. Sauer's representation of their condition — Society formed
to relieve German sufferers — Muhlenberg's letter, maltreatment, &c.
Political influence of the Germans — Number of Germans in Penn-
sylvania in 1755— Catholic Germans — Scheme to educate the Ger-
mans, p 49
CHAPTER III.
THE IRISH OR SCOTCH-IRISH.
Time of their first immigration— Settle first near the boundary line be-
tween Maryland and Pennsylvania— James Logan's statement con-
cerning them — First settlers in Donegal : in Peshtank — Richard
peters' complaint of them — They oppose a survey in Adams county
Settle west of the Susquehanna, in Cumberland county — Disagree-
ment between the Irish and Germans at Lancaster and York —Immi-
gration of, to Cumberland county, encouraged— Settle on the Juni-
ata, &c— Lord's prayer in Irish— General settlements. p 73
CHAPTER IV.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
J ,»un "Armstrong, Jame« Smith & Woodward Arnold, killed by Muse-
CONTENTS.
9
j.-eelin, in 1744— Alexander Armstrong's letter to Allumoppies and
Shicalemy— Search made for the bodies of the deceased; found and
buried them — Weiser's letter — Provincial council held — Conrad
Weiser makes a demand for the murderer at Shamokin — Weiser's
transactions, &c. at Shamokin — Shicalemy's statement touching the
murder of Armstrong. P 80
CHAPTER V.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754.
Abductions in 1753; viz. of Evans, Devoy, Nicholson, Magenty, Burns,
Hutchinson of Cumberland county— Frontier inhabitants fear the
Indians, and petition Governor Hamilton, from Cumberland and Lan-
caster counties — Governor Hamilton urges the Assembly to afford
the frontier settlers aid— The government solicitous to retain the
friendship and aid of the Indians — Weiser sent to Aughwick — Israel,
an Indian of the Six Nations, kided Joseph Cample in Cumberland
(Franklin) county— Croghan's letter touching this murder, &c. p 92
CHAPTER VI.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755-'80.
Ardent hostilities between the French and English— Braddock's defeat
encourages the French and their Indian allies— Frontier settlers
again petition government for protection — Plans for defence of the
frontiers — Governor Morris's language in relation to Braddock's
defeat — Twenty-five persons carried off at Penn's creek; buildings
burnt ; several persons killed and scalped, viz : Jacques Le Roy, or
Jacob King and others — Four men killed by the Indians, who were
returning from Shamokin to Harris's ferry — Extensive settlements
deserted —Harris's letters touching the above massacre — Weiser's
Letters — Harris's letter — Anecdote from Heckewelder's narrative —
Frontier settlers abandon their homes— Harris's letter — Bingham's
fort in Tuscarora valley destroyed — Fort Granville taken, &c. &c. —
Hamilton's letters, &c— Col. Armstrong's letters — Numerous massa-
cres in several places : In southwestern part of Huntingdon county :
In W7oodcock valley, &c. — Settlers killed at Sinnemahoning, &c. in
1778. p 100
1Q
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
Northumberland county erected— Streams— Geological features of the
county — Census of 1840— Public improvements — Towns: Sunbury,
early incidents at, &c. ; Northumberland, Milton, McEwensville,
Watsonburg, Fort Freeland, Pottsgrove, Sodom, Snyderstown, Dal-
matia, Shamokin — Popular education. p 146
CHAPTER VIII.
HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
Huntingdon county erected— Streams of the county— Geological fea-
tures—Census of 1840— Public improvements— Towns; Hunting-
don, Holidaysburg, Gaysport, FranWstown, Newry, Williamsburg,
Alexandria, McConnellsburg, Ennisville, Antestown, Davidsburg,
Yellow Spring, Graysville^or Graysport, Smithfield, Warriors, Mark-
Town, Petersburg, Water street, Birmingham, Shirleysburg, Orbiso-
nia, &c— Education. p 192
CHAPTER IX.
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
Mifflin county erected — Streams and geological features of the coun-
ty— Statistics of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns : Lewistown,
McVeytovn or Waynesburg, Hamiltonvilie or Newton Hamilton,
Belleville, Horreltown, &c. &c. — Education, &c— Riots in Mifflin
county. p 223
CHAPTER X.
CENTRE COUNT V.
Centre county erected— Streams and geological features— Statistics of
CONTENTS.
11
1840 — Public improvements — Towns : Bellefont, Philipsburg, Miles-
boro, Bualsburg, Potter's Bank, Potter's Old Fort, Aaronsburg, Mill-
heim, Earleysburg, Pattonsviile, Walkersville, New Providence,
White Hall, Rabersburg, Jacobsburg, &c— Education — Indian vil-
lages, p 249
CHAPTER XI.
UNION COUNTY.
Union county erected— Streams and geological features — Census of
1840 — Public improvements— Frederick Stump and Ironcutter killed
ten Indians, &c. — Capt. Brady — Towns: New Berlin, Lewisburg,
Miffiinburg, Middleburg, Hartley ton, Freeburg, Selinsgrove, Charles-
town, Beavertown, Adamstown, Centreville, New Columbus, Swifts-
town — Education, &c. p 266
CHAPTER XII.
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
Columbia county erected— Streams and geological features— Statistics
of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns: Danville, Catawissa, Ber-
wick, Bloomsburg, Mifflinsburg, Washingtonvill % Freicstown, Jer-
seytown, Williamsburg, Orangeville, White Hall, Espytown, Moors-
town, &c— Education, &c. — Narrative of Van Camp. p 310
CHAPTER XIII.
JUNIATA COUNTY.
Juniata county erected — Streams and geological features — Public im-
provements— Towns: Mifflin, Thompsonstown, Mexico, Perrysville,
Tammany, Waterford or Waterloo, Calhoonsville, or McAUister-
ville, Ridgesville, Greenwood, &c. — Education — Case of law suit,
&c. &c p 338
CHAPTER XIV.
CLINTON COUNTY.
Clinton county erected— Geological features ana streams— Public im-
provements—Towns : Lock Haven, Farrandsville, Dannstown, Lock-
12
CONTENTS.
port, Mill Hall, New Liberty, Youngwomanstown, Salona — Educa-
tion—Religious denominations— Indians visited by Count Zinzen-
dorf in 1742; by David Brainerd, 1746; by Conrad Weiser, 1755—
Weiser's letters to Gov. Morris and Richard Peters, touching the
Indians here, and his visit to them — Moses Van Camp. p 354
CHAPTER XV.
MAINTENANCE OF THE POOR.
General remarks — Poorhouse in Centre county; in Mifflin county ; in
Huntingdon county; in Columbia county; in Union county. p 371
CHAPTER XVI.
CLEARING LANDS.
Grubbing, the first operation— Belting, a common practice — Clearing
the land — Log rollings — Stag dance — Buildings erected — Time of
labor — Sugar boiling — Value of sugar. p 374
CHAPTER XVII.
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
Conrad Weiser ; Rev. Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf, Count ; Rev. David
Brainerd; Rev. David Zeisberger; Governor Simon Snyder; John
Harris, proprietor of Harrisburg; Colonel Hartley; George Crog-
han ; Colonel John Kelly ; David R. Porter. p 382
APPENDIX, P408
INTRODUCTION.
THE ABORIGINES OR INDIANS.
The Lenni Lenape, or confederates — Their customs and habits —
Treatment of strangers — Treatment of enemies — Their vices — Mar-
riages— Indian huts or wigwams — Their dress — Treatment of chil-
dren- Religious ceremonies and sacrificial feasts— Hunting, their
chief employment — Travelling or going on a journey — Their favor-
ite amusements; viz: several kinds of dances — The calumet, &c. —
Diseases ; and doctors among them, who practiced various ceremo-
nies— An incident related by a Moravian missionary — Their Materia
Medica— Death and burials— The languages of the Delawares and
Iroquois— Printed specimens of the languages ; viz : Lord's prayer,
&c. — Their language highly figurative ; specimens thereof— Wars
among the Indians — Mode of declaring war — Fasting and dreaming
deemed necessary preliminaries to war- — Before an attack, recon-
noiter the country — Localities of Indian nations, &c. in 1763.
When the Europeans first came to this country, they found
the western continent inhabited by numerous nations, to
whom they applied the name, though erroneously, Indians.
This name was given to the aborigines of this continent, un-
der a mistaken notion, of having arrived, as Columbus sup-
posed, at the eastern shore of India.
Touching the origin of the Indians, or by what means they
got from the Old World to the New, has never been satis-
factorily answered, notwithstanding that voluminous disquis-
itions have been written on this subject.
A majority, who have investigated this subject, seems to
agree with Dr. Robertson, that Tartary, in Asia, is the na-
tive country of all the American Indians. But, as the re-
gion of country of which a history is briefly given in the
sequel, was inhabited by the Delawares and Iroquois, or Six
Nations, no notice will be taken of any others. — [See the
close of this Introduction].
2
u
INTRODUCTION.
The Dela wares ; or, as they called themselves, Lenni Le-
nape, or Linape, emphatically, " the original people," were
divided into three tribes ; viz : the Unami, the Wunalach-
tikos, and the Monsys.
The Iroquois, as they were named by the French, called -
themselves Aquanuschioni ; that is, " United people." They
were called Mengwe, by the Dela wares; Maquas, by the
Dutch; Mingoes, by the English and Americans. They
were a confederate nation, consisting of Mohawks, Oneida,
Onondago, Cajugu, Senecca and Tuscarora; the latter
joined them about 1714.
Other nations were connected, or in league, with the Iro-
quois and Delawares ; these were the Mahikons, Shawanese,
Cherokees, T wight wees, Kickapoos, Moshkos, Wawiachta-
nos, Tukashas, Chipawas, Ottawas, Nanticokes, Putewoat-
amen, Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Wyondots, or Hurons.
These lived in various parts of the United States. The Del-
awares lived in Pennsylvania, and in New York, half way
between Lake Erie and the river Ohio. The Iroquois pos-
sessed the country north of New York, Pennsylvania and
Maryland, about the Lakes Erie, Ontario, extending west-
ward to the Mississippi, and southward to the Ohio.
The Delawares and Iroquois resembled each other, as to
their bodily and mental qualifications. In person, slender,
middle-sized, handsome and straight. The women, however,
were short, not so handsome, and clumsy in appearance. The
skin of a reddish brown, or yellowish brown — hair straight,
and jet black.
" In common life," says Loskiel, who knew them well —
" and conversation, the Indians observed great decency.
They usually treated one another, and strangers, with kind-
ness and civility, and without empty compliments. In the
converse of both sexes, the greatest decency and propriety
were observed. They were sociable and friendly — Difference
of rank, with all its consequences, was not to be found among
the Indians. They were equally noble and free. The only
difference consisted in wealth, age, dexterity, courage, and
office."
The Indians were hospitable to strangers. To refuse the
act or kind office of hospitality was looked upon as a fla-
grant violation of a laudable practice in vogue among the
tawny sons of the forest. Hospitality, they counted a most
INTRODUCTION.
15
sacred duty, from which none was exempt. "Whoever,"
said they, " refuses relief to any one, commits a grievous of-
fence, and not only makes himself detested and abhorred by
all, but liable to revenge from the injured person."
In their conduct towards their enemies, as will be seen
from thejsequel, they were " bloody cruel," and when exas-
perated, nothing but the blood of their enemy could assuage,
or allay anger, which rankled concealed in their bosom, wait-
ing only for a convenient opportunity to strike the fearful
blow, inflicted with fury that knew no bounds. So deter-
mined on revenge upon their enemies were they, that they
would solemnly enjoin it upon their friends and posterity to
resent injuries done them. The longest space of time, the
most remote place of refuge, afforded nt) security to an In-
dian's enemy.
Drunkenness, after the whites were dealing with them, was
a common vice. It was not confined, as it is at this day,
among the whites, principally to the " strong-minded" the
male sex ; but the Indian female, as well as the male, was
infatuated alike with the love of strong drink ; for neither of
them knew bounds to their desire : they drank while they
had whiskey, or could swallow it down. Drunkenness was
a vice, though attended with many serious consequences,
nay, murder and death, that was not punishable among them.
It was a fashionable vice. Fornication, adultery, stealing,
lying and cheating, principally the offspring of drunkenness,
were considered as heinous and scandalous offences, and were
punished in various ways.
The Delawares and Iroquois married early in life; the men
usually at eighteen, and the women at fourteen ; but they
never married near relations. If an Indian man wished to
marry, he sent a present, consisting of blankets, cloth, linen,
and occasionally a few belts of wampum, to the nearest re-
lations of the person he had fixed upon. If he that made
the present, and the present pleased, the matter was formally
proposed to the girl, and if the answer was affirmatively
given, the bride was conducted to the bridegroom's dwelling
without any further ceremony ; but if the other party chose
to decline the proposal, they returned the present, by way
of a friendly negative.
"After the marriage, the present made by the suitor, was
divided among the friends of the young wife. These returned
16 INTRODUCTION.
the civility by a present of Indian corn, beans, kettles, bas-
kets, hatchets, &c, brought in solemn procession into the
hut of the new married couple. The latter commonly lodged
in a friend's house, till they could erect a dwelling of their
own."
An Indian hut was built in the following manner : They
peeled the trees, abounding in sap; then cutting the bark
into pieces of six or eight feet in length, they laid heavy
stones upon them, that they become flat and even in drying.
The frame of the hut was made by driving poles into the
ground, and strengthening them by cross beams. This frame
was covered both inside and outside with the pieces of bark
that had been prepared for that purpose, and fastened tight
with the bast or withes of hickory. The roof ran upon a
ridge, and was covered the same way. An opening was left
in the roof to let the smoke pass through ; and one in the
side as a door, which was fastened with neither lock nor
bolt — a stick leaning against it on the outside, as a token
that no one was at home, was the only bolt to prevent in-
truders. A lesson to whites !
There was some difference in the huts of the Delawares
and Iroquois; the roofs of the former being angular, and the
latter round or arched, — the Delaware families preferring to
live separately, their huts were small ; the Iroquois preferred
living together, they built their houses long, with several
fire places, and corresponding openings in the roof and sides.
In their dress, they displayed more singularity than art. The
men wore a blanket, which hung loose over the shoulders,
and generally went bare-headed. The dress which distin-
guished the women, was a petticoat, fastened tight about the
hips, and hanging down a little below the knees. A longer
one would have proved an incumbrance in. walking through
the woods, or working in the fields.
As soon as a child was born, it was laid upon a board or
straight piece of bark, covered with moss, and wrapped up
in a skin or piece of cloth; and when the mother was en-
gaged in her housework, this rude cradle, or bed, was hung
to a peg or branch of a tree. Their children they educated
to fit them to get through the world, as did their fathers.
They instructed them in religion, &c. They believed that
Manitto, their God, "the good spirit," could be propitiated
by sacrifices, hence they observed a great many superstitious
INTRODUCTION. 17
and idolatrous ceremonies. At their general and solemn
sacrifices, the oldest men performed the offices of priests ; but
in private parties, each man brought a sacrifice, and offered
it himself as priest. Instead of a temple, they fitted up a
large dwelling house for the purpose.
Polytheism, or the grossest kind of idolatry, did not exist
among them, although they had their images, representing
the " Manitto." The images were of wood, the head of a
man in miniature, which they always carried about them,
either on a string round the neck, or in a bag. They also
suspended images of the kind about the necks of their chil-
dren, to preserve them from illness and to ensure them suc-
cess.
The Dela wares, in* their feasts and sacrifices, held five as
being the cardinal ones — each was accompanied by its ap-
propriate ceremonies.
The first was a sacrificial feast, held biennially by a whole
family, or their friends — usually in the fall ; occasionally in
the winter. Besides the members of the family, they some-
times invited their neighbors from the surrounding villages.
The head of the family was obliged to provide every thing.
After estimating the requisite number of bears and deer on
such an occasion, the young hunters were despatched to
procure them. After securing them, they were carried in
solemn procession to the house of sacrifice, and there depos-
ited. The women, in the meantime, had prepared wood for
roasting and 1 oiling. They also prepared seats of long dry
grass. When the invited guests had assembled and seated
themselves, the boiled meat was served up in large kettles,
with bread made of Indian corn, and distributed by persons
appointed for that purpose. A uniform rule, strictly ob-
served, was " that whatever was thus served up, as a sac-
rifice, must be wholly eaten, and nothing left." A small
quantity of melted fat only, was poured by the oldest man
into the fire, and in this the main part of the offering consist-
ed. The bones were burnt, to prevent the dogs from getting
any of them. After meal, the men and women struck up a
dance. One singer performed during the dance, who walked
up and down, and rattled a small tortoise shell, with some
pebbles in it. The principal part of the song consisted of
dreams, and a recital of all the names of the "Manittos," and
such things as were esteemed most useful to the Indians.
2*
18 INTRODUCTION.
After the first singer was weary he sat down, and another
sang. This kind of feast usually began in the afternoon, and
lasted till next morning. Sometimes it continued for several
nights in succession.
The second feast was similar to the first, with this differ-
ence, that the men danced almost in a state of nudity, and
their bodies were besmeared with white clay.
At the third feast, a dozen or fifteen tanned deer skins
were given to as many old men and women ; who wrapped
themselves in them, and stood before the house, with their
face towards the east ; and in this position, prayed God with
a loud voice to reward their benefactors.
The fourth feast was made to a certain voracious spirit,
who, according to their notions, was never satisfied. The
guests were therefore obliged to eat all the bears' flesh, and
drink the melted fat, without leaving any thing, which was
frequently followed by indigestion and violent vomiting.
The fifth festival was celebrated in honor of fire, which
they held in veneration, considered it as the first parent of
all Indian nations- They said that twelve "Manittos" at-
tended this parent as subordinate deities, being partly animals
and partly vegetables. The principal ceremony, in celebrat-
ing this festival, was, that a large oven was built in the
midst of the house of sacrifice, that consisted of twelve poles,
each of a different species of wood. These they ran into the
ground, fastened them together at the top, and covered them
entirely with blankets, so that the whole appeared like a
baker's oven, high enough nearly to admit a man, standing
upright. After meal, the oven was heated with twelve large
stones made red hot : then twelve men crept into it, and re-
mained there as long as they could bear the heat. In the
mean while an old woman threw twelve pipes full of tobacco
upon the hot stones, which occasioned a smoke almost pow-
erful enough to suffocate the persons that were confined ; so
that on being taken out, they generally fell in a swoon !
During this feast, a whole deer-skin, with the head and an-
tlers remaining, was raised upon a pole, to which they sang
and prayed; though they always denied that by this act
they paid any adoration to the buck: they declared that God
alone was worshipped through this medium.
To amuse the young people, quantities of wampum were
scattered upon the ground, for which they scrambled, and he
INTRODUCTION. 19
that got the most was considered the best fellow. At these
feasts, four persons, who were styled servants, had been ap-
pointed, whose business it was to wait, or serve, day and
night ; who were paid in wampum, with the privilege to take
the choice provisions, such as sugar, eggs, butter, bilberries,
&c, and dispose of them to the guests, and appropriate the
proceeds to their own benefit. The festivals were always
closed, after the whites had been trafficking with the Indi-
ans, with a general drinking-about of him! Besides these
principal feasts, they had many others of minor importance.
Depending, as they did, for a supply of food, principally
taken in the chase ; hunting constituted their chief employ-
ment, and next to war, was considered the most honorable :
they were experienced hunters ; their boys were trained to
this business, whom they taught when quite young to climb
trees, " both to catch birds and to exercise their sight, which
by this method was rendered so quick, that in hunting, they
saw objects at an amazing distance. In detecting and pur-
suing game, they almost exceeded the best trained dog, in
following its course." Their principal weapons used by the
Indian hunters, were bows and arrows ; some had rifles.
Their hunting excursions continued for months, sometimes.
Before they entered a long hunt, they would usually shoot
one or more deer, and kept a feast of sacrifice, and invited
the old men to assist in praying for success. Some of the
more credulous bathed and painted before they set off; and
the more superstitious kept a fast before, and during the sea-
son. They assigned as a reason for fasting, that it helped
them to dream, and in their dreams they said they were in-
formed of the haunts of the game, and of the most success-
ful method of propitiating the ire of evil spirits, during the
hunting season. If the dreamer fancied that he saw an In-
dian, who had left this stage of action for years, and heard
him say, " If thou wilt sacrifice to me, thou shalt shoot deer
at pleasure," they instantly prepared a sacrifice, burnt the
whole, or part of a deer, in honor of the apparition. They
observed other ceremonies, and made use of charms to pro-
mote their success.
When they travelled or went on a journey, they manifest-
ed much carelessness about the weather ; yet, in their pray-
ers, they usually begged " for a clear and pleasant sky."
They generally provided themselves with Indian meal, which
20 INTHODUCTION.
they either ate dry, mixed with sugar and water, or boiled
into a kind of mush ; for they never took bread made of In-
dian corn, for a long journey, because in summer, it would
spoil in three or four days, and be unfit for use. As to meat,
that they took as they went.
If, in their travels, they had occasion to pass a deep river,
on arriving at it, they set about it immediately and built a
canoe, by taking a long piece of bark, of proportionate
breadth, to which they gave the proper form, by fastening
it to ribs of light wood, bent so as to suit the occasion. If
a large canoe was required, several pieces of bark were care-
fully sowed together. " If the voyage was expected to be
long, many Indians carried every thing they wanted for their
night's lodging with them ; namely, some slender poles, and
rush-mats, or birch bark."
When at home, they had their amusements. Their favor-
ite one was dancing. An amusement that is excusable even
at this day, among those whose "taste and education," like
the simple sons of the forest, preponderate that way. The
Indians, like some whites of this day have, had several kinds
of dances.
" The common dance was held either in a large house, or
in an open field around a fire. In dancing, they formed a
circle, and always had a leader, to whom the whole compa-
ny attended. The men went before, and the women closed
the circle. The latter danced with great decency, and as
if they had engaged in the most serious business ; while thus
engaged, they never spoke a word to the men, much less
joked with them, which would have injured their character-
They neither jumped nor skipped ; but placed one foot light-
ly forward, and then backward; yet so as to advance grad-
ually, till they reached a certain spot, and then retired in
the same manner. They kept their bodies straight, and their
arms hanging down close to their sides. But the men shout-
ed, leapt, and stampt with such violence that the ground
trembled under their feet. Their extreme agility and light-
ness of foot was never shown to -more advantage than in
dancing. Their whole music consisted in a single drum ;
which was made of an old barrel or kettle, or the lower end
of a hollow tree, covered with a thin deer-skin, and beaten
with one stick. Its sound, however, was not very agreea-
ble, and served only to mark the time, which the Indians,
INTRODUCTION. 21
when dancing even in large numbers, kept with due exact-
ness. When they had finished one round, they took some
rest ; but during this time the drummer continued to sing
till another dance commenced. These dances, in keeping
with that spirit, lasted till midnight."
"Another kind of dance was only attended by men. Each
rose in his turn, and danced with great agility and boldness,
extolling their own, or their forefathers' great deeds in a
song, to which all beat time, by a monotonous, rough note,
which was given out with great vehemence at the commence-
ment of each bar."
" Some dances, held upon different occasions, differed
much from the above. Of these, the chief was the dance of
peace, called also the Calumet, or pipe dance ; because the
Calumet, or pipe of peace, was handed about during the
dance. This was the most pleasing to strangers, who at-
tended as spectators ; its appearance was peaceable, and not
so dreadful as the former. The dancers joined hands, and
leapt in a ring for some time. On a sudden, the leader let
the hand of one of his partners go, and kept hold of the
other. He then sprang forward, and turned round several
times, by which he drew the company round, so that he was
enclosed by them, when they stood close together. They
then disengaged themselves as suddenly, yet they kept hold
of each others hands during all the different revolutions and
changes in the dance ; which, as they explained it, represen-
ted the chain of friendship. A song made especially for this
solemnity, was sung by all."
" The war dance, which was always held either before or
after a campaign, was dreadful to behold. None took part
in it, but the warriors themselves. They appeared armed,
as if going to battle. One carried his gun or hatchet. ; an-
other a long knife, the third a tomahawk, the fourth a large
club; or, they all appeared armed with tomahawks. These
they brandished in the air, to show how they intended to
treat their enemies. They affected such an air of anger and
fury on this occasion, that it made a spectator shudder to
behold them. A chief led the dance, and sang the warlike
deeds of himself or his ancestors. At the end of every cele-
brated feat of valor, he wielded his tomahawk with all his
might against a post fixed in the ground. He was then fol-
lowed by the rest, each finished his round by a blow against
AA INTRODUCTION-.
the post. Then they danced all together; and this was the
most frightful scene. They affected the most horrible and
dreadful gestures; threatened to beat, cut-, and stab each
other. They were, however, amazingly dexterous in avoid-
ing the threatened danger. To complete the horror of the
scene, they howled as dreadiully as if in actual fight, so that
they appeared as raving madmen. During the dance
they sometimes sounded a kind of fife, made of reed, which
had a shrill and disagreeable note. The Iroquois used
the war dance even in times of peace, with a view to cel-
ebrate the deeds of their heroic chiefs in a solemn man-
ner."
" The sacrificial dance was held at the solemnization of
their sacrifices."
"The Indians, as well as c all human flesh/ were heirs of
disease. The most common were pleurisy, weakness and
pains in the stomach and breast, consumption, diarrhoea,
rheumatism, bloody flux, agues, inflammatory fevers — and,
occasionally the small pox made dreadful ravages among
them. Their general remedy for all disorders, small or great,
was a sweat. For this purpose they had in every town an
oven, situated at some distance from the dwellings, built of
stakes and boards, covered with sods, or were dug in the
side of a hill, and heated with some red-hot stones. Into this
the patient crept naked, and in a short time was thrown into
profuse perspiration. As soon as the patient felt himself too
hot, he crept out, and immediately plunged himself into a
river, or some cold water, where he continued about thirty
seconds, and then went again into the oven. After having
performed this operation three times successively, he smoked
his pipe with composure, and in many cases a cure was com-
pletely effected."
"In some places they -had ovens constructed large enough
to receive several persons. Some chose to pour water now
and then upon the heated stones, to increase the steam, and
promote more profuse perspiration. Many Indians, in per-
fect health, made it a practice of going into the oven once or
twice a week, to renew their strength and spirits. Some pre-
tended by this operation to prepare themselves for a business
which requires mature deliberation and artifice. If the sweat-
ing did not remove the disorder, other means were applied.
Many of the Indians believed that medicines had no efficacy,
INTRODUCTION. 23
unless administered by a professed physician — enough of pro-
fessed doctors could be found — many of both sexes professed
to be doctors.
Indian doctors never applied medicines without accom-
panying them with mysterious ceremonies, to make their ef-
fect appear supernatural. The ceremonies were various.
Many breathed upon the sick — they averred their breath was
wholesome. In addition to this they spirted a certain liquor
made of herbs, out of their mouth, over the patient's whole
body, distorting their features, and roaring dreadfully. In
some instances physicians crept into the oven, where they
sweat, howled, roared, and now and then grinned horribly
at their patients, who had been laid before the opening, and
frequently felt the pulse of the patient. Then pronounced
sentence, and foretold either their recovery or death. On
one occasion, a Moravian missionary was present, who says,
"An Indian physician had put on a large bear-skin, so that
his arms were covered with the fore legs, his feet with the
hind legs, and his head was entirely concealed in the bear's
head, with the addition of glass eyes. He came in this at-
tire with a calabash in his hand, accompanied by a great
crowd of people into the patient's hut, singing and dancing,
when he grasped a handful of hot ashes, and scattering them
into the air, with a horrid noise, approached the patient, and
began to play several legerdemain tricks with small bits of
wood, by which he pretended to be able to restore him to
health."
The common people believed that by rattling the calabash,
the physician had power to make the spirits discover the
cause of the disease, and even evade the malice of the evil
spirit who occasioned it.
Their Materia Medica, or the remedies used in curing dis-
eases were, such as rattle snake root, the skins of rattle
snakes, dried and pulverized, thorny ash, toothache tree,
tulip tree, dogwood, wild laurel, sassafras, Canada shrubby
elder, poison ash, wintergreen, liverwort, Virginia poke, ja-
lap, sarsaparilla, Canadian sanicle, scabians or devil's bir,
bloodwort, cuckowpint, ginseng, and a few others.
Death and burials among them, are described by one who
spent years among them, as follows : Immediately after the
death of an Indian, the corpse is dressed in a new suit, with
the face and shirt painted red, and laid upon a mat or skin,
24 INTRODUCTION.
in the middle of the hut or cottage. The arms and effects
of the deceased are then piled up near the body. In the
evening, soon after sunset, and in the morning, before day-
break, the female relations and friends assemble around the
corpse and mourn over it. Their lamentations are loud, in
proportion to the love and esteem they bore to the deceased,
or to his rank, or the pains he suffered in dying ; and they
are daily repeated, till his interment.
The burying places were at some distance from the dwell-
ings. The graves were generally dug by old women, as the
young people abhorred this kind of work. Before they had
hatchets and other tools, they used to line the inside of the
grave with the bark of trees, and when the corpse was let
down, they placed some pieces of wood across, which were
again covered with bark, and then the earth thrown in, to
fill up the grave. But afterwards, they usually placed three
boards, not nailed together, over the grave, in such a man-
ner that the corpse lay between them. A fourth board was'
placed as a cover, and then the grave was filled up with
earth. Now and then a proper coffin was procured.
At an early period, they used to put a tobacco-pouch,
knife, tinder-box, tobacco and pipe, bow and arrows, gun,
powder and shot, skins, and cloth for clothes, paint, a small
bag of Indian corn or dried bilberries, sometimes the kettle,
hatchet, and other furniture of the deceased, into the grave,
supposing that the departed spirits would have the same
wants and occupation in the land of souls. But this custom
was nearly wholly abolished among the Delawares and Iro-
quois about the middle of the last century. At the burial,
not a man shed a tear ; they deemed it a shame for a man
to weep. But, on the other hand, the women set up a
dreadful howl.
The language of the Delawares and Iroquois has an agree-
able sound, both in conversation and public delivery, accord-
ing to the testimony of Loskiel and others, who understood
it. Though there is a great difference between that of the
former and latter. The pronunciation, say those skilled in
the Delaware tongue, is quite easy. Whether the languages
of these nations have not been greatly changed in process of
time, is a question that cannot here be discussed. No
doubt these languages, like all others, were subject to mu-
tation.
INTRODUCTION. 25
The following is the Lord's prayer in these languages ;
viz : Delaware and Iroquois.
Ki wetochemelenk talli epian awossagame. Mach elend-
asutch ktellewunsowoagan ksakimawoagan pejewigetsch.
Knelite hewoagan legetsch talli achquidhackamike elgiqui
leek talli awossagame. Milineen el^ischquik gunigischuk
achpoan. Woak mirvelen-dammauwineen 'n tschannauch-
sowoagannena elgiqui niluna miweleden-dammauwenk nik
tschetschanilawequergik. Woak katschi'npawuneen li ach-
quetschiechtowoaganueng. Alod knihillatamen ksakimawoa-
gan, woak ktalbewussowoagan, woak ktallowiluessowoagan,
ne wuntschi hallemiwi li hallamagamik. Amen.
Soungwauncha caurounkyauga lehseetaroan saulwoney-
ousta, es a> sawaneyou okettauhsela ehneawoung, na, cau-
rounkyauga nugh wonshauga, neattewehnesalauga taugwau-
nautoronoantoughsick toantangweleewheyoustaung cheneey-
ent chaquatautaleywheyoustaunna toughsan langwassareneh
tawantottenaugaloughtoungga, nasawne sascheautaugwass
contehsalohaunzaikaw, esa sawauneyou, esa sashantzta, esa
soungwasoung chenneauhaungwaj anwen.
William Penn, the founder of the province, says, " their
language is lofty, yet narrow; but, like the Hebrew, in sig-
nification, full ; like short hand, in writing, one word serveth
in place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understand-
ing of the hearer."
To the eye, the words of the Delaware and Iroquois ap-
pear very long — longer than Hebrew words. The following
is copied from a work, printed at Leipsic, 1740. It is the
Lord's prayer in Hebrew, and is here introduced, to show
by comparison, that there is a difference in the length of
words.
Abbinu schebbuschschamajim, jikkadesch schemecha, tab-
ho malchutecha, jehi rezonecha caascher baschschamajim
vechen baarez, lachmenu dhebhar jom bejomo then lanu
hajjom, vselach lanu eth chobhoththenu, veal tebhienu
lenissajou, ki-im hazzilenu mera, ki lecha hamalchuth ugheb-
hura vechabodh leolam olamim, Amen.
Their language is highly figurative. The following spe-
cimens may afford an idea of their metaphors : —
" The sky is overcast with dark, blustering clouds ;"
meaning, We shall have troublesome times — we shall have
war. " We shall lift up the hatchet ;" We shall have war.
3
26
INTRODUCTION.
"The path is already shut up ;" War has begun. "The
rivers run with blood ;" War rages in the country- " To
bury the hatchet ;" To conclude peace. " To lay down the
hatchet — to slip the hatchet under the bed ;" To cease fight-
ing for a while, during a truce. "You did not make me strong;'3
You gave me nothing. "Don't listen to birds which fly by,
singing ;" Don't believe what stragglers tell you. " Look
this way;" Join our party. "Suffer no grass to grow on
this war path;" Carry on the war with vigor. "One night's
encampment ;" A halt of one year at a place. " You have
spoken good words;" I am pleased with what you say. "I
will pass one night yet at this place ;" I will stay one year
at this place.
-Wars, among the Indians, were always carried on with
the greatest fury, and lasted much longer than they do now
among them. The offensive weapons were, before the whites
came among them, bows, arrows and clubs. The latter were
made of the hardest kind of wood ; from two to three feet
long, and very heavy, with a large round knob at one end.
Their weapon of defence was a shield, made of the tough
hide of a buffalo, on the concave side of which they received
the arrows and darts of the enemy; but about the middle of
the last century this was all laid aside by the Delawares and
Iroquois, though they used to a later period, bows, arrows,
and clubs of war : the clubs they used, were pointed, with
nails and pieces of iron, when used at all — guns were mea-
surably substituted for all these. The hatchet and long-
knife was used, as well as the gun. The army of these na-
tions consisted of all their young men, including boys of fifteen
years old. They had their captains and subordinate officers.
Their captains, would be called amongst them, commanders
or generals. The requisite qualifications for this station,
were prudence, cunning, resolution, bravery, undauntedness,
and previous good fortune in some fight or battle.
"To lift the hatchet;" or, to begin a war, was always,
as they declared, not till just and important causes prompted
them to it. Then they assigned as motives, that it was ne-
cessary to revenge the injuries done to the nation. Perhaps,
the honor of being distinguished as great warriors, may have
been an " ingredient in the cup."
" But, before they entered upon so hazardous an underta-
king, they carefully weighed all the proposals made, com-
INTRODUCTION. *'
pared the probable advantages or disadvantages that might
accrue. A chief could not begin a war without the consent
of his captains ; nor could he accept of a war-belt, only on
the condition of its being considered by the captains. The
chief was bound to preserve peace to the utmost of his pow-
er. But, if several captains were unanimous in declaring
war, the chief was then obliged to deliver the care of his
people, for a time, into the hands of the captains, and to lay
down his office. Yet his influence tended greatly either to
prevent, or encourage the commencement of war ; for the
Indians believed that a war could not be successful without
the consent of the chief; and the captains, on that account,
strove to be in harmony with him. After war was agreed
on, and they wished to secure the assistance of a nation in
league with them, they notified that nation by sending a
piece of tobacco, or by an embassy. By the first, they^ in-
tended that the captains were to smoke pipes and consider
seriously whether they would take part in the war or not.
The embassy was entrusted to a captain, who carried a belt
of wampum, upon which the object of the embassy was des-
cribed by certain figures, and a hatchet with a red handle.
After the chief had been informed of his commission, it was
laid before a council. — The hatchet having been laid on the
ground, he delivered a long speech, while holding the war-
belt in his hand. Always closing the address with the re-
quest, to take up the hatchet ; and then delivering the war-
belt. If this was complied with, no more was said ; and this
act was considered as a solemn promise to lend every assist-
ance : but, if neither the hatchet was taken up, nor the belt
accepted, the ambassador drew the just conclusion, that the
nation preferred to remain neutral, and without any further
ceremony, returned home.
The Delawares and Iroquois were very informal in declar-
ing war ; they often sent out small parties, seized the first
man they met, belonging to the nation they had intended to
engage, killed and scalped him, then cleaved his head with
a hatchet, which they left stick in it, or laid a war club,
painted red, upon the body of the victim. This was a for-
mal challenge; in consequence of which, a captain ot an in-
sulted party would take up the weapons ot the murderers,
and hasten into their country, to be revenged upon them ; if
23 INTRODUCTION.
he returned with a scalp, he thought he had avenged the
rights of his own nation.
Among the Delawares and Iroquois, it required but
little time to make preparations for war. One of the most
necessary preparations, was to paint themselves red and
black ; for they held it, that the most horrid appearance ot
war, was the greatest ornament. Some captains fasted and
attended to their dreams, with the view to gain intelligence
of the issue of the war. The night previous to the march of
the army was spent in feasting, at which the chiefs were
present ; when either a hog or some dogs were killed. Dog's
flesh, said they, inspired them with the genuine martial spi-
rit ; even women, in some instances, partook of this feast,
and ate dogs' flesh greedily. Now and then when a warrior
was induced to make a solemn declaration of his war incli-
nation, he held up a piece of dog's flesh in sight of all pres-
ent, and devoured it, and pronounced these words : " Thus
will I devour my enemies !" After the feast, the captain
and all his people began the war-dance, and continued till
daybreak — till they had become quite hoarse and weary.
They generally danced all together, and each in his turn
took the head of a hog in his hand. As both their friends
and the women generally, accompanied them to the first
night's encampment, they halted about two or three miles
from the town, danced the war dance once more, and the day
following, began their march. Before they made an attack,
they reconnoitered every part of the country. To this end,
they dug holes in the ground ; if practicable, in a hillock,
covered with wood, in which they kept a small charcoal fire,
from which they discovered the motions oi the enemy undis-
covered. When they sought a prisoner or a scalp, they ven-
tured, in many instances, even in day time, to execute their
designs. Effectually to accomplish this, they skulked behind
a bulky tree, and crept slyly around the trunk, as not to be
observed by the person or persons for whom they lay in am-
bush. In this way they slew many. But if they had a fa-
mily or town in view, they always preferred the night, when
their enemies were wrapt in profound sleep; and in this way
killed, scalpt, and made prisoners, many of their enemies —
set fire to the houses, and retired with all possible haste to
the woods, or some place of safe retreat, To avoid pursuit,
they disguised their footmarks as much as possible. They
INTRODUCTION. 29
depended much ^n stratagem for their success ; even in war
they thought it more honorable to distress their enemy more
by stratagem than combat. The English, not aware of the
artifice of the Indians, lost an army when Braddock was
defeated .
The Indians' cruelty, when victorious, was without bounds:
their thirst for blood was almost unquenchable. They never
made peace till compelled by necessity. No sooner were
terms of peace proposed, than the captains laid down their
office, and delivered the government of the state into the
hands of the chiefs. A captain had no more right to con-
clude a peace, than a chief to begin war. When peace had
been offered to a captain, he could give no other answer
than to mention the proposal to the chief; for as a warrior, he
could not make peace. If the chief inclined to peace, he used
all his influence to effect that end ; and all hostility ceased.
And in conclusion, the Calumet, or peace-pipe was smoked,
and belts of wampum exchanged ; and a concluding speech
made, with the assurance, " that their friendship should last
as long as the sun and moon give light, rise and set; as long
as the stars shine in the firmament, and the rivers flow with
water."
The following wili afford the reader some idea of the dif-
ferent Indian nations, and principal tribes, and their locali-
ties, at the time when Europeans first attempted to colonise
this country; and at the time when the French concluded
peace with the English.
When the Europeans first commenced colonizing this coun-
try, there were eight races, or grand families of Indian tribes,
each consisting of a number of minor tribes or nations. The
grand tribes were each of a different language. These eight
tribes lived east and west of the Mississippi, and within the
bounds of what now constitutes the United States.
The largest of their families or tribes, were the Algon-
quins, consisting of many tribes, scattered over the whole of
the eastern States, the southern part of New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois and Michigan. The principal tribes belong-
ing to the Algonquins, were the Abenakis, Pequods, Mohe-
gans, east of the Hudson river : Lenni Lmape, Nanticokes,
and Powhattan confederacy, north of James and Tennessee
rivers, and east of the Ohio; and Corees south of James riv-
3*
UO INTRODUCTION.
er: the Shawnees on the Cumberland river: the Chippewas,
Sac and Foxes, Menoraonies, Ottawas, Miamis, about the
lakes Superior, Michigan, on the Mississippi and Illinois ri-
vers, north of 37, north latitude.
The Dahcotas or Sioux, lived between Lake Superior
and Gulf of Mexico, west of the Mississippi. They were a
small branch of the great tribe of the same name, to be found
about the higher streams of that river, and between them and
the Oregon mountains.
The Iroquois or Huron nation, composed of the Senecas,
Cayugas, Onondagos, Oneidas, Mohawks, long known by
the name of the Five Nations ; and of the Eries and Andas-
tes, who occupied all the northern and western parts of the
State of New York, and part of upper Canada. The Five
Nations were afterwards (1713 '14) joined by the Tusca-
roras from Carolina, and were thereafter called the Six Na-
tions.
The Catawbas who lived principally in South Carolina.
The Cherokees who inhabited the mountainous parts of the
Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama. The Uchees who resided
in Georgia, near where Augusta now stands. The Natchez,
who lived on the Mississippi ; only a small tribe. The Mo-
bilian tribes, or as they are called by some writers, the
Muskhogee-Chocta, composed of Chickasas, Choctas, Mus-
hogees or Creeks ; Yamasees, and Seminoles of Florida in
the southern states. The languages of these eight families
are all very different. These were the nations and their lo-
calities at the close of the xvi. and early part of the xvii.
century. Their habitations have been changed, as the tide
of European immigration rolled westward.
Names and localities of the numerous Indian nations, tribes,
fyc, in the middle of the xvii. century, according to " A
map of the British dominions in North America, within
the limits of the governments annexed thereto, by the late
treaty of peace, and settled by proclamation October 1th,
1763."
In this arrangement I commenced at west, 95 w. long, and
arranged them eastward in spaces of 5 degrees of latitude.
After the name of each nation or tribe, the longitude and
latitude are given.
INTRODUCTION. 31
I. Nations, &c. between 50 and 55 parallels of N. lat.
1. Christinaux or Kilistinos, 51, n. 1. and 95 and 80,
w. Ion. between Lake Christinaux, on the north and Lake
Alemipigon, on the south.
2. Abitibis, 50 n. 1. 80 and 75 w. Ion. south of Hudson's
Bay.
II. Nations, &c. between 45 and 50 w. 1.
1. Algonkins, or Adirondaks, 47 n. 1. and 85 and 80 w.
Ion. east of Lake Superior.
2. Messesagues, 46 n. I. & 80 w. Ion. northeast of Lake
Huron.
3. Outaoncas, 45 n. 1. & 90 w. Ion. south of Lake Su-
perior.
III. Nations, &c. between 40 & 45 n. 1.
1. Outagamis, 44 n. 1. & 90 w. Ion. west of Lake Mich-
igan.
2. Niariages, 44 n. 1. & 85 w. Ion. between Lake Mich-
igan & Lake Huron.
3. The Ancient Hurons, 43 n. 1. & 80 w. Ion. southeast
of Lake Huron.
4. Northern Iroquois, (1) 42 n. 1. & 77 w. Ion. north-
west of Lake Ontario.
5. Mascoutens, 42 n. 1. 86 w. Ion. south of the Outaga-
mis Indians.
6. Miamies, 42 n. 1. 85 w. Ion. south of Lake Michigan.
7. Senecas, 42 n. 1. 77 w. Ion. southeast of Lake Erie.
S. Onondagos, 43 n. 1. 75 w. Ion. southeast of Lake On-
tario.
9. Cayugaes, contiguous, and immediately south of the
Onondagos.
10. Illinois, 40 n. 1. 90 w. Ion. in the forks of the Mis-
sissippi and Illinois rivers, around Fort des Miamis.
11. Twightwees, (2) 40 n. 1. 85 w. Ion. on the Wabache
river.
12. Shauwanoes, 41 n. I. 80 w. Ion. on the Alleghany
river and Ohio.
IV. Nations, &c. between 35 & 40, n. latitude.
Note. The Illinois & Twightwees extended south of
40 n. lat.
32 INTRODUCTION,
1. Osages, 38 n. 1. 94 n. Ion. south of the Missouri river.
2. Delawares, (3) 40 n. 1. & 83 w. Ion. southwest of
Logstown.
3. Arkansas, 36 n. I. & 92 w. Ion. west of the Missis-
sippi.
4. Cherokees, (4) 36 n. 1. & 85 w. Ion. west of the Apa-
tachian mountains.
V. Nations, &c. between 30 & 35 n. latitude.
1. Chicasaws, 36 n. 1. & 88 w. Ion. east of the Missis-
sippi river.
2. Catawbas, (5) 37 n. 1. & 82 w. Ion. on the head wa-
ters ot the Congaree river.
3. Chactaws, 32 n. 1. & 90 w. Ion. on the west & east
side of the Mississippi.
Notes. — These have been added from Loskiel's History of
Moravian Missions. Loskiel wrote in 1788, twenty-five
years after the appearance of the Map, from which the above
list of Indian nations, &c, has been compiled.
(1). This name they received from the French. The En-
glish called them the Six Nations ; they called themselves
Jquanuschioni, i. e. United People. Others called them
Mingos, and some Maquais. These confederate nations are
the Mohawks, Oneida, Onondago, Cajuga, Senneka & Tus-
caroras: the latter joined the confederacy about 1713 or
1714.
The rest of the nations in league with the Delawares &
Iroquois, were Mahikans, Shawanese, Cherokees, Twitch-
wees, Wawiachtanos, Putewoatamen, Nantikoks, Wyondots
or Hurons, Chaktawas, Chickasaws. All these nations live
to the west of New England, New York, New Jersey, Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina &
Georgia. But it is difficult to determine the boundaries of
the different countries they inhabit.
(2). The Twightwees reside chiefly between the rivers
Sioto Sr Wabash.
(3). The Delawares live above the Shawanese.
(4). The Cherokees inhabit the mountains behind North
Carolina, between the river Cherokee, which flows into the
Ohio, and South Carolina; eastward of the Mississippi.
INTRODUCTION. . 33
(5). The Catawbas live behind Georgia, on the banks of
the Mississippi, and the Creeks are neighbors of the Chero-
kees & Choctaws. Between the Creeks" and Cherokees more
to the westward on the east side of the Mississippi are Chio
asaws, who inhabit both sides of the river Chicasaw or
Jason river,
CHAPTER I.
Pennsylvania settled, purchase made from the In-
dians, &c.
Pennsylvania named in honor of Sir William Penn— William Penn
receives a charter from King Charles II. — Boundary of the Province
— Penn's policy towards the aborigines — Similar policy had been
pursued, in some measure, by others — Markham, in obedience to
Penn's instructions, purchases lands from the Indians — Repeated
purchases made- Deeds to John Penn, Thomas Penn and Richard
Penn-Deeds of 1749 and 1754, and of 1768— William Penn's stay
in, and departure from, the Province— His return to the Province :
return to England: his death — Influx of immigrants — Settlements
extend up along the Susquehanna river — Settlements commenced
on the west side of the Susquehannah, in York county — Settlements
west of the Susquehanna in North, or Kittochtinny Valley — Earliest
settlements first among the Indians — Settlements in Huntingdon,
Union, Northumberland, Centre and other counties — Indians' friend-
shn towards the first settlers.
The Province of Pennsylvania was named by King Charles
II-, in honor of the son of Giles Penn, Sir William Penn, an
Admiral of the English Navy, who commanded the British
fleet in Oliver Cromwell's time; and in the beginning of
Charles II.
In a letter to Robert Turner, William Penn says, that
the King would have it called " by the name of Pennsilva-
nia" in honor of his (William Penn's) father. The follow-
ing is a copy of the letter :
5th of 1st Mo. 1681.
" To Robert Turner:
Dear Friend — My true love in the Lord salutes thee, and
dear friends that love the Lord's precious truth in those parts.
Thine I have, and for my business here, know that after
many waitings, watchings, solicitings and disputes in council,
this day my country was confirmed to me under the great
EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C. 35
seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the
name of Pennsilvania, a name the king would give it in ho-
nor of my father. I chose New Wales, being as this, a
pretty hilly country, but Penn being Welsh for a head, as
Pennamoire in Wales, and Penrith in Cumberland, and Penn
in Buckinghamshire, the highest land in England, called this
Pennsilvania, which is the high or head woodlands ; for I
proposed when the Secretary — a Welshman — refused to have
it called New Wales, Sylvania, and they added Penn to it ;
and though I much opposed it, and went to the king to have
it struck out and altered, he said 'twas past, and would take
it upon him; nor could twenty guineas move the under sec-
retarys to vary the name, for I feared least it should be lookt
on as a vanity in me, and not as a respect in the king, as it
truly was to my father, whom he often mentions with praise.
Thou mayst communicate my graunt to friends, and expect
shortly my proposals : tis a clear and just thing, and my God
that has given it me through many difficultys will, I believe,
bless and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a ten-
der care to the government, that it will be well laid at first:
no more now, but dear love in truth.
Thy true friend,
W. Penn.
Sir William Penn, the Admiral, for services rendered, and
in consideration of sundry debts due him from the crown, had
a promise made him, from King Charles II., of a large tract
of land in America ; but he died before he obtained it.
William Penn, son of Sir V\ illiam, while at Oxford, pur-
suing his studies, hearing the distinguished Thomas Loe, a
Quaker, preach, imbibed religious sentiments of the Friends;
and seemed for some time to care little about the promised
grant which the King had made his father ; he, therefore,
did not urgently press his claims upon the crown ; till at last
finding that those, whose sentiments he had imbibed, and
whose cause, in common with the cause of all the oppressed,
he espoused, were harassed every where in England by spi-
ritual courts, resolved to put himself at the head of as many
as would go with him, and remove to this country; of which
he had obtained a grant from Charles II.*
"There were several acts passed about the middle of the seventeenth
century that were oppressive to non-conformists. The Oxford act of 1655
36 EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C.
The Province, or the lower part of it, had been called
New Netherlands, and was begun to be planted by some
Dutchmen and others. It is called Pennsylvania in the orig-
inal Patent, bearing date March 4th, 1681. It contained all
that tract of land in America, with all the Islands belonging
to it, from the beginning of the 40th to the 43d degree of
north latitude, whose eastern bounds, from twelve miles above
New Castle, otherwise Delaware town, run all along upon
the side of the Delaware river — these bounds and extent were
set down in the original grant ; but Mr. Penn having after-
wards obtained part of Nova Belgia from the Duke of York,
it was added to the country given in the first grant, so that
it extends now to the 38th degree and 55 minutes north lat-
itude."*
Soon after Penn had obtained a charter, he made sales to
adventurers, called first settlers, who embarked the same year,
and arrived in America, in Upland, now Chester, December
11, 1681. Penn, with many of his oppressed friends, sailed
next year, landed at New Castle, October 27, 1682.
Penn, who was wholly devoted to the best interests of his
colony, did all that lay in his power to secure the continued
friendship of the aborigines, or Indians, to whom, of tight)
belonged the soil — " the woods and the streams" — though,
according to the custom of conquest, and in conformity to the
practices of the whites of Europe, a contrary principle had
generally, if not universally obtained ; and, in conformity to
that principle, and by virtue of his charter, Penn might le-
gally have claimed an indisputable, or an undoubted right to
the soil granted him by Charles II.; but he "was influenced
by a purer morality, and sounder policy, than that prevailing
principle which actuated the more sordid. His religious prin-
ciples did not permit him to wrest the soil of Pennsylvania
by force from the people to whom God and nature gave it,
banished non-conforming ministers five miles from any corporate town
sending members to Parliament, and prohibited them from keeping or
teaching schools. The Test Act of the same year was still more se-
vere. The dreadful consequences of this intolerant spirit was, that
not less than from six to eight thousand died in prison in the reign of
Charles II. It is said that Mr. Jeremiah White had carefully collected
a list of those who had suffered between Charles II. and the revolution,
■which amounted to sixty thousaiad. — Dc Lawn's Plea, Srr.
* See Emanuel Bowman's Geography, vol.2, p. 655; printed at
London, 1747— Bowman was Geographer to his Majesty, King of
England.
EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C. 37
nor to establish his title in blood ; but under the shade of the
Jofty trees of the forest, his right was fixed by treaties with
the natives, and sanctified, as it were, by smoking from the
calumet of peace."*
The enlightened founder of Pennsylvania, was governed,
in his intercourse with the Indians, " by immutable principles
of justice, which every where, and for all purposes, must be
regarded as fundamental, if human exertions are to be crown-
ed with noble and permanent results." In the constitution
of this colony it was provided, that " no man shall, by any
ways or means, in word or deed, affront or wrong an Indian,
but he shall incur the same penalty of the law as if he had
committed it against his jellow planter, and if any Indian
shall abuse, in word or deed, any planter of the province, he
shall not be his own judge upon the Indian, but he shall make
his complaint to the governor, or some inferior magistrate
near him, who shall, to the utmost of his power, take cart
with thinking of the said Indian, that all reasonable satisfac-
tion be made to the injured planter. All differences between
the planters and the natives shall be ended by twelve men ;
that is, six planters and six natives ; that so we may live
friendly together as much as in us. lieth, preventing all occa-
sions of heart-burnings and mischiefs — the Indians shall have
liberty to do all things relative to the improvement of then
ground, and providing sustenance for their families, that any
of their planters shall enjoy."
Prior to Penn's arrival, he had instructed William Mark-
ham, the deputy Governor, who arrived in Pennsylvania in
1681, to hold treaties with the Indians, to procure their lands
peaceably. Markham, a short time previous to Penn's arri-
val, held such a treaty, July 15, 1682, for some lands on the
Delaware river. Penn held similar treaties ; afid before his
return to England, in 1684, adopted measures " to purchase
the lands on the Susquehanna from the Five Nations, who
pretended a right to them, having conquered the people for-
merly settled there. The Five Nations resided principally
in New York ; and Penn's time being too much engrossed to
visit them personally, he engaged Thomas Dongan, Gov. of
New York, to purchase from the Indians, " all that tract of
land lying on both sides of the river Susquehanna, and the
* Smith's Laws of Pa., ii., 105.
4
38 EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C.
lakes adjacent in or near the province of Pennsylvania/'
Dongan affected a purchase, and conveyed the same to Wil-
liam Penn, January 13, 1696, " in consideration of one hun-
dred pounds sterling."*
It was Penn's object to secure the river through the whole
extent of the province ; and subsequent transactions with the
Indians show how careful he was to have this purchase "well
confirmed.
" September 13, 1700 ; Widagh and Jindaggy-junkquagh,
Kings or Sachems of the Susquehanna Indians, and of the
river under that name, and lands lying on both sides thereof.
Deed to W. Penn for all the said river Susquehannagh, and
all the islands therein, and all the lands situate, lying and
being upon both sides of the said river, and next adjoining
the same, to the utmost confines of the lands wMch are, or
formerly were, the right of the people or nation called the
Susquehannagh Indians, or by what name soever they were
called, as fully and amply as we or any of our ancestors, have,
could, might or ought to have had, held or enjoyed, and also
ran firm the bargain and sale of the said lands, made unto
Col. Thomas Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and formerly
Governor of New York, whose deed of sale to said Governor
Penn we have seen."f
The sale to William Penn from the Five Nations was thus
well confirmed ; The Conestoga Indians, however, would not
recognize the validity of this sale, believing that the Five
Nations had no proper authority to transfer their possessions,
to secure the lands conveyed to him by Dongan. Penn en-
tered into articles of agreement, shortly after his second visit
to Pennsylvania, with the Susquehanna, Potomac and Con-
estoga Indians. The agreement is dated April 23, 1701.
In this agreement the Indians ratified and confiirmed Gover-
nor Dongan's deed of January, 1696, and the deed by Widagh
and Andaggy-junkquagh, of September 13, 1700.1
Notwithstanding all these sales and transfers, the lands
on the west side of the Susquehanna were still claimed by
the Indians ; for the words in the deed of Sept. 13, 1700,
" next adjoining the sa?ne," were considered inconsistent
with an extensive western purchase ; and the Indians of the
•Smith's Laws, Pa., ii., 111.
fBookF. vol. viii., p. 242.
^Smith's Laws, Pa., ii.. 112.
EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &.C 89
Five Nations still continued to claim a right to the river and
the adjoining lands. The sachems or chiefs, with all the
others of the Five Nations, met in the summer of 1736, at
a great council held in the country of the Onondagoes, in
the State of New York ; and as the old claims had not as
yet been adjusted, they resolved* that an end should be put
to all disputes connected with it. They accordingly ap-
pointed their sachems or chiefs with plenary powers to repair
to Philadelphia, and there among other things, settle and
adjust all demands and claims, connected with the Susque-
hanna and the adjoining lands. On their arrival at Phila-
delphia, they renewed old treaties of friendship, and on the
11th of October, 1736, made a deed to John Penn, Thomas
Penn, and Richard Penn, their heirs, successors and assigns.
The deed was signed by twenty-three Indian chiefs of the
Onondaga, Seneca, Oneida, and Tuscarora nations, granted
the Penn's " all the said river Susquehanna, with the lands
lying on both sides thereof, to extend eastward as far as the
heads of the branches or springs which run into the said Sus-
quehanna, ahd all the lands lying on the west side of the said
river to the setting of the sun, and to extend from the mouth
of the said river, northward, up the same to the hills or moun-
tains, called in the language of said nations, Tayamcniasachta,
and by the Delaware Indians the Kekachtannin hills." Thus
were the claims of the Indians upon the lands of this part of
Pennsylvania relinquished to the proprietors ; nevertheless
surveys had been authorized to be made, and had actually
* been made west of the Susquehanna prior to 1736, by both
the Governor of Maryland and the Governor of Pennsylvania.
The last recited deed comprised nearly (besides much more
territory) all that lay within the limits of the counties, of
which a history is here given, except that portion north of
the Kittatinny, or Blue Mountain, constituting the northern
part of Dauphin, and the whole of Perry, Bedford, &c. That
portion in Dauphin, north of the Kittatinny mountain was
purchased, including a larger tract of country, in 1749 ; the
deeds were executed on the 22d day of August, and may be
found at large in Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania. That por-
tion within Perry, and some contiguous counties west of the
Susquehanna, and north of Perry, was purchased in 1754 —
the deed was executed at Albany, July 6th.
The deed of August 22d, 1749, is as follows ;
40 EARLV SETTLEMENTS, &C.
We, Canasatago* Sataganachly, Kanalshyiacaycm and
Canechwadeeron, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation,
called Onontagers, Cayanockea, Kanatsany-Jlgash Tass,
Caruchianachaqui, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation,
called the Sinickers. Peter Ontachsax and Christian Di-
ary hogon, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, called the
Mohocks : Saristagnoah, Watshatuhon and jlnuchnaxqua,
sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, called the Oneyders.
Tawis-Tawis, Kachnoaraaseha, and Takachquontas, sachems
or chiefs of the Indian nation, called Cayiakers. Tyierox,
Bal/chwanonach-shy, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation,
called the Tuscororow, lachnechdorus, Sago gu khiathon, and
Cachnaora-katack-ke, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation,
called the Shomokon Indians. Nutimns and Qualpaghach,
sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, called the Delawares;
and Bachsinosa, sachem or chief of the Indian nation, called
the Shawanese, in consideration of £500, grant, sell, &c,
ail that tract or parcel of land lying and being within the
following limits and bounds, and thus described —
Beginning at the hills or mountains called in the language
n ^he Five Nation Indians Tyanuntasachta, or Endless Hills,
{ *(\;vasatago soon afterwards died as appears from the following:
Bethlehem, in Bucks county, September 30th 1750.
Sir,
By these few lines I let you know that I am safely returned on my
journey from Onondago to this place last night, and hope to find my
family in perfect health by to-morrow. I wish I could inform you by
these lines of a great deal of agreeable news, but I cannot ; our friend
Cinasa'ago was buried the day before I came to Onondago and Solcon-
wanaghly our other good friend died sometime before.
He that is at the head of affairs now is a professed Roman Catholic,
and altogether devoted to the French. The French priests have made
a hundred converts of the Onondagos, that is to say, men, women and
children, and they are all well clothed, and walk in the finest clothes.
dressed with silver and gold ; and I believe that the English interest
among the Six Nations can be of no consideration any more; the In-
dians speak with contempt of the New Yorkers and Albany people.
and much the same of the rest of the English colonies.
I conclude and desire you will mention my humble respects to his
Honor, the Governor.
I am, Sir, your very obedient servant.
Conrad Weiseb.
To Richard Peters,
P. S. Within a few days I will send you a copy of my journal when
you will see my proceedings.
Prm. Rec. M. p. 82.
EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C. 41
and by the Delaware Indians Kekachtany Hills, on the east
side of the river Susquehanna, being in the northwest line or
boundary of the tract of land formerly purchased by the said
proprietaries from the said Indian nations, by their deed of
the 11th of October, 1736 ; and from thence running up the
said river by the several courses thereof to the first of the
nearest mountains to the north side or mouth of the creek
called in the language of the said Five Nation Indians Can-
tagug, and in the language of the Delaware Indians Magho-
nioy, and from thence extending by a direct or straight line
to be run from the said mountain on the north side of said
creek to the main branch of Delaware river at the north side
of the creek called Lechawachsein, and from thence across
Lechawaclisein creek aforesaid down the river Delaware by
the several courses thereof to the Kekachtany Hills aforesaid,
and from thence by the range of said hills to the place of be-
ginning, as more fully appears by a map annexed ; and also
all the parts of the rivers Susquehanna and Delaware from
shore to shore which are opposite said lands, and all the Isl-
ands in said rivers, &c. — Book H, vol. 2, p. 204; recorded
May C, 1752.
The deed executed at Albany, July 6, 1754, is as follows :
Henry Peters, Abraham Peters, Blandt, Johannes Satfy-
howano, Johannes Kanadakayon, Abraham Sastagrhedohy,
sachems or chiefs of the Mohawk nation. Aneeghnaxqua
Tar-aghorus, Tohaghdaghquyserry, alias Kachneghdackon,
sachems or chiefs of the Oneydo nation. Otsinughyada,
alias Blunt, in behalf of himself and all the sachems and chiefs
of the Onondago nation. Scanuraty, Tannaghdorus, To-
kaaiyon, Kaghradodon, sachems or chiefs of the Cayuga na-
tion. Kahichdonon, alias Groote Younge, Takeghsatu, Ti-
yonenkokaraw, sachems or chiefs of the Seneca nation.
Suntrughwackon, Sagochsidodagon, Tohashuwangarus Or-
ontakayon, alias John Nixon, Tistoaghton, sachems or chiefs
of the Tuscarora nation in consideration of £400 lawful mo-
ney of N. Y., grant, &c , to Thomas and Richard Penn, all
the lands lying within the said province of Pennsylvania,
bounded and limited as iollows, namely, beginning at the
Kittochtinny or Blue Hills, on the west branch of the Sus-
quehanna river, and thence by the said, a mile above the
mouth of a certain creek called Kayarondinhagh ; thence
northwest and by west as far as the province of Pennsylva-
42 EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C
ma extends to its western lines or boundaries ; thence along
the said western line to the south line or boundary to the
south side of the said Kittochtinny hills ; thence by the south
side of said hills, to the place of beginning — Recorded in
Book H, vol. 5, p. 392, Feb. 3d, 1755.
Another deed was executed at Easton, October 22, See
Smith's Laws ii. p. 121 & 122. The last purchase of the
proprietaries from the Indians, was made at Fort Stanwix,*
November 5, 1768. The deed is as follows :
We Tya?ihasare} alias Abraham sachem, or chief of the
Indian nation called the Mohocks; Senug lists — of the On-
eydas ; Chenughiata — of the Onondagas ; Gaustarax — of
the Senecas ; Sequarisera — of the Tuscaroras ; Tagaaia —
of the Cayugas, in general council of the Six Nations, and
their confederates and dependant tribes, and his Majesty's
middle colonies, send greeting, &c.
In consideration of ten thousand dollars, they grant to
Thomas Perm and Richard Penn, all that part of the province
of Pennsylvania, not heretofore purchased of the Indians,
within the said general boundary line, and beginning in the
sud boundary line, on the east side of the east branch of the
river Susquehanna, at a place called Owegy, and running
with the said boundary line, down the said branch on the
east side thereof till it comes opposite the mouth of a creek
called by the Indians Jlwandac (Tawandee), and across the
river and up the said creek on the south sine thereof, and
along the range of hills called Burnett's hills by the English
and by the Indians f on the north side of them, to the
head of a creek which runs into the west branch of the Sus-
quehanna, then crossing the said river, and running up the
same on the south side thereof, the several courses thereof
to the forks of the same river which lies nearest to a place
« Fort Stanwix, in Rome N. Y. This fort was built in 175S, by the
English at the enormous expense of $256,400. During the Revolu-
tionary war, Fort Schuyler was built from the ruins of Stanwix. Its
rums are now to be seen near the village of Rome, Oneido county, be-
tween the waters of the Mohawk and Wood creek — Compiler.
-j-At the treaty of Fort Stanwix in October, 1734, the Pennsylvania
commissioners were instructed to enquire what creek was meant by
Tiadaghton, and also the name Burnett's hills, which was left blank in
the deed of 1768. The Indians told them Tiadaghton is the same we
call Pine creek, being the largest emptying into the west branch of Sus-
quehanna. As to BurnelCs hills, they called them the Lmg Mountains,
and know them by no other name— Smith's Laws Pa. ii. p. 123.
EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C 43
on the river Ohio, (Allegheny) called Kittanning, and from
the said fork by a straight line to Kittanning aforesaid, and
then down the said Ohio (Allegheny and Ohio) by the sev-
eral courses thereof to where the western bounds of the said
province of Pennsylvania crosses the same river, and then
with the said western bounds to the south boundary thereof,
and with the south boundary aforesaid to the east side of the
Allegheny hills on the east side of them to the west line of
a tract of land purchased by the said proprietors from the
Six Nations, and confirmed October 23d 1758, and then with
the northern bounds of that tract to the river Susquehanna,
and crossing the river Susquehanna to the northern bound-
ary line of another tract of land purchased of the Indians
by deed (August 22d 1749) and then with that northern
line to the river Delaware at the north side of the mouth of
a creek called Lechawachsein, then of the said river Dela-
ware on the west side thereof to the intersection of it, by an
east line to be drawn from Owegy aforesaid to the said river
Delaware, and then with that east line to the beginning at
Owegy aforesaid. This covered all the territory of which
a history is attempted in this Compilation.
The whites had, in several instances, encroached upon the
rights of the Indians by settling on their lands before those
were purchased, which occasioned much complaint on the
part of the Indians. The intruders were, however, removed
by force and arms,* others in the neighborhood of Fort Au-
gusta, were noticed by proclamation to remove immediately .f
So much was Penn concerned to have every cause settled
that might give rise to disputes touching his own rights, and
of his colonists, that after transacting some business in Gen-
eral Assembly, he hastened to Maryland, to see Lord Balti-
more, who had set up claims, arising from indistinctness of
*See Appendix A. Richard Peter's Report to the Governor and
Council.
-fAnd whereas it has been reported that a certain Frederick Stump, a
German, settled beyond the Indian purchase, near Fort Augusta, had
my warrant or authority for making such settlement ; I do hereby de-
clare, that the said report is utterly false and groundless ; and that
neither the said Siutup, nor any other person, ever had the least en-
couragement from me to settle on lands unpurchased of the Indians ;
but, that, on the contrary, I have constantly denied every application
>f the kind.
JOHX PEJfX.
Phil. Sept. 23, 1766.
44 EARLY SETTLEMENTS- &C.
grant, touching the boundary line between the province of
Maryland and Pennsylvania. A failure, however, of adjust-
ing the difficulties at this time, caused the border settlers
much disquietude for a period of nearly eighty years.
Penn on his arrival, remained only one year and ten months
in the Province ; during that time he caused the city of Phil-
adelphia to be laid out, and three counties, namely, Phila-
delphia, Bucks and Chester, to be erected in Pennsylvania.
The organization of these counties was completed by the
appointment of sheriffs and other officers. Before Penn sail-
ed for Europe, August 16, 1681, there had been about three
thousand inhabitants in Pennsylvania.
In 1699, William Penn and his family once more visited
the province, and remained till November 1st, 1701, when
he sailed for England, never to return again. In 1712 he
was seized by apoplectic fits, which so afflicted his mind as
to render him unfit for business for the last six years of his
life. He died July 30, 1718, at Rushcomb, near Twyford,
in Buckinghamshire, England, aged about seventy-four years.
From the time Penn first arrived, the influx of immigrants
was constantly on the increase. English, Welsh, Germans,
Irish, French, and others sought a home in the new province.
Settlements were gradually extended north, northwest, and
west from Philadelphia, towards the Susquehanna river —
many settled in the midst of the Indians. Among others, as
pioneer settlers, a considerable distance from Philadelphia,
were Vincent Caldwell, Thomas Wickersham, Joel Bailey,
Thomas Hope and Guyan Miller, Quakers, who settled in
Kennet, Chester county, 1706 or 7. Prior to that, however,
some adventurers had been among the Indians at Conestoga.
Of this number was one Lewis Michelle, who had been sent
out, in the year 1703 or 4, by individuals from the Canton
of Bern, in Switzerland, to search for vacant lands in Penn-
sylvania, Virginia and Carolina.* About the same time
there were some Indian traders among the traders on the
Susquehanna, viz : Joseph Jessop, James Le Tort, Peter
Bazalion, Martin Chartier, Nicole Goden, and others — all
Frenchmen. Le Tort afterwards (1720) fixed his cabin at
Carlisle.
The first permanent and extensive settlement made near
* For a fuller account of this adventure, see His. Lan. co., pp. 53. 55.
EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C 45
the Susquehanna, was commenced by some Swiss immigrants
— they were persecuted Mennonites, who had fled from the
Cantons of Zurich, Bern, Schaffhausen, in Switzerland, to
Aisace, above Strasburg, where they had remained some
time before they immigrated to America, in 1707 or 1708,
and settled in the western part of Chester, now Lancaster
county, near Pequea creek, within the present limits of West
Lampeter township, where they purchased ten thousand acres
of land.
These settled in the midst of Ming oe, Conestoga, Pequea
and Shawanese Indians, from whom they had nothing to fear.
They mingled with i\\em in fishing and hunting.
In 1708 or 9, some French Huguenots sailed for America ;
arrived at New York in August, 1709 — after spending a
year or two at Esopus, in that State, some of them settled
in 1712, on Pequea creek, near Paradise — these were the
Ferees, Le Fever's, Dubois and others. Shortly after these,
settlements were made in various parts, within the present
limits of Lancaster county, by English, Swiss, Germans, Scotch
and Irish, principally immigrants — See Articles German, and
Irish.
Passing, it might be remarked, that the Huguenots were
numerous in the colonies at that time and at a later period.
Oppression brought them to this country: those who escaped
Iroin the persecutions of the Roman Catholics, after the re-
vocation of the Edict of Nantes, sought refuge in all the
Protestant countries of Europe, at the Cape of Good Hope,
and in America — Some settled in Massachusetts ; others in
New York ; but South Carolina became the chief resort of
the Huguenots.
Those who first came to Massachusetts arrived there prior
to 1662. As early as 1666, the Legislature of Maryland
passed an act for the naturalization of Huguenots. Virginia
passed a like act in 1671 ; and the Carolinas in 1696, and
New York in 1703. Though the last named State had be-
come an asylum for the Huguenots as early as 1656.
In 1679, Charles II. sent, at his own expense, in two
ships, a company of Huguenots to South Carolina, in order
that they might thre cultivate the vine, &c. In 1690, Wil-
liam III. sent a large colony of them to Virginia, in addition
to which, that colony received three hundred families in 1699.
In 1752, a large body of them arrived and settled in South
Carolina.
4(3 EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C
Before 1720, settlements had been extended northward,
beyond the Chickasalunga creek. Donegal township, Lan-
acster county, which was organized in 1722, had been prin-
cipally settled by Irish, or Scotch immigrants.
Settlements were now made northward, and along the
Susquehanna river. John Harris, a native of Yorkshire,
England, had made an attempt, prior to 1725, to settle near
the mouth of Conoy creek, not far from the present site of
Bainbridge; but it seems he preferred to settle higher up the
^Susquehanna, near an Indian village called Peixtan, at or
near the present site of Harrisburg. Harris was in a few
years followed by others, principally emigrants direct from
the north of Ireland, and some from Donegal township.
At this time settlements were also made on the west side
of the Susquehanna, within the present limits of York coun-
ty, by Germans; and some English, intruders from Mary-
land, and some Irish on Marsh creek. Samuel Blunston,
agent for the proprietors, had received a commission dated
January 11, 1733-34.
The settlements having become considerably extended, and
the population augmented by an influx of a mixed popula-
tion— immigrants from abroad, and natives of the province,
the inhabitants of the upper parts of Chester county deemed
it necessary as early as 1728, to avoid inconveniences aris-
ing daily from the want of "justice at every man's door," to
petition the proper authorities to erect, and establish a new
county — a county out of the upper parts of Chester, was
erected in 1729, in a separate county, called " Lancaster
county." Lancaster then, and till 1749, embraced York,
Cumberland, part of Berks, and all the contiguous counties
— Dauphin was a part of Lancaster county till March 4th,
17S5. Cumberland was erected in 1750, and then embraced
all the territory west of the Susquehanna, except what is
now within the limits of York and Adams ; consequently, all
the country now within the counties of which a history is at-
tempted, except Columbia and part of Northumberland,
which when first erected was constituted of part of Lancas-
ter, Cumberland, Berks, Northampton & Bedford. Columbia
was taken from Northumberland.
The tide of emigration was still westward. Some Irish
and Scotch adventurers crossed the Susquehanna at Peixtan,
Peshtank, or Paxton, and commenced settlements about the
early settlements, &e. 47
years 1730-31, in the Kittochtinny Valley, or " North Val-
ley," west of the Susquehanna, at Falling Springs and other
places, till they extended from the "Long, Crooked River"*
to the Maryland Province, about the year 1736. Several
hundred names of the first settlers in this valley will be
given when speaking of the several counties. Passing,
it might be remarked, that all the earliest settlements
made in Lancaster, York and Cumberland, were commenced
when the Indians were still numerous: when they, and the
white settlers chased, in common, the deer, the bear, and
other game, and angled in the same stream teeming with the
finny race — when they greeted each other with the endear-
ing appellation, " brothers." When the young Indian and
white lad cheerily tried their skill as wrestlers and archers;
each striving to gain the mastery, without any grudge to-
ward each other.
After 1 745 settlements were extended up the west side
oC Susquehannah, by the more adventurous, as far as Ma-
hahany, or Penn's creek. Among these, Jacob Le Roy,
or King, George Auchmudy, Abraham Sourkill, George
Snabble, George Gliwell, John McCahon, Edmund Mat-
thews, John Young, Mark Curry, William Doran, John
Simmons, George Aberheart, Daniel Braugh, Gotfried
Fryer, Dennis Mucklehenny, George Linn, and others.
Westward, along the Juniata and Tuscarora valley,
were Hagg, Bingham, Grey, Scott, Grimes, Patterson,
Casner, Wilson, Sterret, Law, Kepler. About Lewistown,
some from Conococheague, settled there. Among the most
conspicuous, was Col. Buchanan. In Kishicoquillas val-
ley, Millikens, Browns, McClays, McNitts, and in the
southwest of Mifflin county,^vere the Brattons, Rosses,
Hollidays, Junkinses, Wilsons, Stackpoles — these settled
here at 1765 or 1770. Still higher up the Juniata were
the Moores, Hollidays, and on the Raystown branch, the
Martins, Morrisons, Neffs, and others. On the West
Branch of the Susquehanna, and through that region, pri-
or to. the Revolution, or immediately thereafter — among
these were Fleming, M'Cormic, Reed, Long, Dunn, He wes,
Hamilton, Jones, Covenhoven, Saltzburn, Manning, Ster-
ret, Hall, Horn, Caldwell and otruers. Passing, it may be
* According to Heckewelder, Susquehanna, is derived from the In-
dian word,-Sa-os-q,ue-ha-an-unk ; meaning, "Long-crooked-Rivet."
48 EARLY SETTLEMENTS, &C.
here remarked that the valley of the West Branch had
been occasionally visited, eighty years ago, by Scotch-Ir-
ish rangers of the Kittatinny valley. Their excursions
extended as far up at least as Big Island.
Passing by numerous other cases, of the Indian's friend-
ship towards the first settlers, one is only given. Madame
Feree, her sons and a son-in-law, left Europe in 170S, ar-
rived at New York 1709, came to Pennsylvania about 1711
or 1712* and commenced a settlement on the Pequea, Ches-
ter county, (now Lancaster). They were Huguenots — "It
was on the evening of a Summer's clay when the Huguenots
reached the verge of a hill commanding a view of the Valley
of the Pequea ; it was a woodland scene, a forest inhabited
by wild beasts, for no indication of civilized man was very
near; scattered along the Pequea, amidst the dark green
hazel, could be discovered the Indian wigwams, the smoke
issuing therefrom in its spiral form : no sound was heard
but the songs of the birds : in silence they contemplated the
beautiful prospect which nature presented to their view.
Suddenly a number of Indians darted from the woods — the
females shrieked — when an Indian advanced, and in broken
English said to Madame Feree, "Indian no harm white —
white good to Indian — go to Beaver — our chief come to
Beaver." Few were the words of the Indian. They wen:
with him to Beaver's cabin; and Beaver, wTith the humanity
that distinguished the Indian of that period, gave up to the
immigrants his wigwam. Next day he introduced them to
Tawana, who lived on the great flats of Pequea.
Having thus briefly traced the early and progressive set-
tlements of Pennsylvania, before entering upon the local
history of the several counties, a succinct sketch of the first
settlers, namely, German and Irish, will be given.
. *Some Swiss Mennonites had commenced a settlement shortly be-
fore, sis or eight miles below, on the same stream. — His. Lac co., p. 74.
CHAPTER II.
THE GERMANS.
General charaoter of Germans — First immigrants and settlers — Ger-
mantown settled — Frankford land company — Immigrants of 1708
and 1709 — Their sufferings in England — Dickinson's remarks con-
cerning them — Settlements in Tulpehocken — Redemption servants-
Numerous immigrants — Settlements on the west side of the Susque-
hanna— Nculaender deceive many. — Great sufferings experienced by
many — C. Sauer's representation of their condition — Society formed
to relieve German sufferers— Muhlenberg's letter, maltreatment, &c.
— Political influencejof the Germans — Number of Germans in Penn<-
sylvania in 1755— Catholic Germans— Scheme to educate the Ger-
mans. . .. ,Z
The Germans of Pennsylvania, a hardy, frugal, and nv
dustrious people, who have preserved, in a great measure
their manners and language, immigrated into this Pro-
vince, for conscience sake, and to improve both their <?pjT
ritual and temporal condition. Perhaps there is no peopio
who were more frequently the subject of remark in 'the
early history of Pennsylvania, and during the last centu-
ry, than the Germans, whose numerous descendants- ara
to be found not only in this State, but in nearly every
western and southwestern State of the Union. ; ■• ■ •
Though more than twenty-five thousand names of Geiv
man immigrants are recorded in the Provincial Records
from, and after 1725, few of those are recorded, who. ar-
rived in Pennsylvania prior to 1700. Among the first
whose name has been handed down, is that of Henry Fry,
who arrived two years before William Penn ; and tine
Platenbach, who came a few years later.
In 1682 some Germans arrived, and commenced a. set-
tlement called Germantown ; among these were Pastorius,
Hartsfelder, Schietz, Spehagel, Vandewalle, Uberfeld,
Strauss, Lorentz, Tellner, Strepers,Lipman, Renkes, Arets,
Isaacs. About the year 16S4 or 'S5 a company, consist-
5
50
THE GERMANS.
ing at first of ten persons, was formed in Germany, called
the Frankford Land Company, on the Mayne ; their arti-
cles were executed in that city on the 24th of November,
1686. They seem to have been men of note by the use
of each, of his separate seal. Their names were G. Van
Mastrick, Thomas V. Wylick, John Le Bran, F. Dan.
Pastorius, John J. Schuetz, Daniel Behagel, Jacobus Van
Dewaller, John W. Peterson, Johannes Kimber, Balthasur
Jowest. They bought 25,000 acres of land from Penn.
The Germantovvn patent for 5350, and the Manatauney
patent for 22,377 acres. F. D. Pastorius was appointed
the attorney for the company, and after his resignation,
Dan. Faulkner was, in 1708, made attorney.
Those who left their Vaterl-and after 1700, endured many
hardships on their way to their future, new home ; some
suffered much before, while others, after their arrival here.
Passing over a period of twenty years, from 1680 to 1700,
ifr&y suffered comparatively little more than was the com-
mon lot of all the colonists of that period ; but from 1700
to, 1720, the Palatines, so called, because they principally
came from Palatinate, whither many had been forced to
flee from their homes in other parts of Europe, endured
ma'u'y privations before they reached the western continent.
.In 1706 the following named Germans presented a pe-
tition to the council, asking the privileges ofcitizens. They
set forth that by the encouragement of the Proprietary,
William Penn, they had transported themselves into this
province, and by their industry had changed the unculti-
vated lands they had purchased, into good settlements, and
for twenty-two years past had behaved themselves as liege
and loyal subjects of England, that above sixty of the pe-
titioners at one time, viz: the 7th of the 3d month, 1691,
had promised, in open court, allegiance to King William
and Queen Mary, and fidelity to the proprietary. — Prov.
Rec. it. 250.
The petitions were naturalized Sept. 29, 1709. Ibid, 514.
Ffrancis Pastorius, John Javert, Caspar Hoodt, Dennis
KiVn.rads and his three sons, Conrad, Matthis and John ;
Dirk Keyserand his son Peter ; John Lurhen, Wm. Stre-
pers, Abraham Tunnis, Lenhart Arrets, Reiner Tysen,
Jno. Lenson, Isaac Dilbeck and his son Jacobus ; John
Deeden, Cornelius Siorts, Henry Sellen, Walter Simons,
THE GERMANS. 51
Dirk Jansen, jr. Richard Vanderwerf and his son Roclofs ;
John Strepers, sen. Peter Shoemaker, Jacob Shoemaker,
George Shoemaker, Isaac Shoemaker, Matthis Van Beb-
ber, Cornelius Vangergach, ^Peter Clever, George Gatt-
schik, Paul Engell and his son Jacob ; Hans Neus Reiner,
Vandersluys and his son Adrian ; Jacob Gaetshalck, Van-
der Heggen and his son Gaetshalck Vander Heggen; Cas-
per Kleinhoof, Henry Buchaltz, Herman Tuyman, Paul
Klumpges and his son John ; John Neus and his sons Mat-
this and Cornelius ; Claus Ruttingheysen, Caspar Stalls,
Henry Tubben, Wm. Hendricks and his sons Hendrick
and Lawrence ; Henry Hessleberry, Johannes Rebanstock,
Peter Verbymen, John Henry Kersten, John Radwitzer,
John Cunrads, sen. John Gorgaes, Senwes Bartells and
his son Henry ; Jno. Krey and his son William; Cunrad
Jansen, Claus Jansen and his sons John and William ;
Evert in Hoffee and his sons Gerhard, Herman, Peter ;
Peter Jansen, John Smith, Thos. Echlewich, Johannes
Scholl, Peter Scholl, Gabriel Senter, William Puts, Matthis
Tysen and Johannes Bleikers.
In 1708 and 1709 upwards often thousand, and many
of them very poor, arrived in England, and were there
for some time in a starving, miserable, sickly condition,
lodged in warehouses; who had no subsistence but what
they could get by their wives begging for them in the
streets till some sort of provision was made for them by
Queen Anne; and then some were shipped to Ireland,
others to America. In the month of August, 1709, pur-
suant to an address to her Majesty, Queen Anne, from the
Lord Lieutenant and Council in Ireland, desiring as many
as her Majesty should think fit to send thither, three thou-
sand were sent to Ireland; many of whom returned again
to England, on account of the hard usage they received
from the Commissary, who did not pay them their sub-
sistence.* In the summer of 1710, several thousand Pal-
atines, who had been maintained at the Queen's expense
in England, and for some time afterwards in America,
were shipped to New York ; some of whom, afterwards,
came to Pennsylvania.
While investigating the history of the Germans, especi-
* Journal, House of Commons, England, vol. xvi. 594-98.
52 THE GERMANS.
ally enquiring into the sufferings of those who lived for
some time upon the bounty of Queen Anne, I find that
the whole charge, occasioned by the Palatines, to the
Queen, for a space of two years, is £135,775 and 18 shil-
lings.— Finch's Report to the House of Commons, England,
April 14, 1711.
Hundreds of those, transported and sustained for some
time by Queen Anne, were gratuitously furnished with
religious and useful books, before their departure, by the
Rev. Anton Wilhelm Boehm, Court Chaplain of St. James.
The principal book was " Arndt's Wahres Christenthum."
Among these German emigrants were Mennonites, Dunk-
ards, German Reformed, and Lutherans. Their number
was so great, as to draw the remarks from James Logan,
Secretary of the province of Pennsylvania, in 1717 — "We
have," said he, " of late, a great number of Palatines
poured in upon us without any recommendation or notice,
which gives the country some uneasinesss, for foreigners
do not so well among us as our own English people."
Those who arrived between 1700 and 1720, settled in
the lower parts of Montgomery, Bucks, Berks and Lan-
caster county. Several German families settled within the
present limits of the last named county, between 1708 and
1711 — the number was considerable before 1718.
In 1719, Jonathan Dickinson remarks, " We are daily
expeecting ships from London which bring over Palatines,
in number about six or seven thousand. We had a parcel
who came out about five years ago, who purchased land
about 60 miles west of Philadelphia, and prove quiet and
industrious.* Some few came from Ireland lately, and
more are expected thence.
From 1720 to 1730, several thousands landed at Phila-
delphia, and others came by land from the province of
New York ; the latter settled in Tulpehocken. These left
New York, because they had been illy treated by the au-
thorities of that province. The influx was so great as to
cause some alarm. It was feared by some, that the num-
bers.from Germany, at the rate they were coming in about
1725 and 1727, will soon, as Jonathan Dickinson expressed
himself at the time, produce a German colony here, and
perhaps such an one as Britain once received from Saxony
* Pequea Settlement, Lancaster county.
THE GERMANS. 53
in the fifth century. He even states as among the appre-
hended schemes of Sir William Keith, (who, it is said,
favored the Germans for purposes of strengthening his
political influence) the former Governor, that he, Harland
and Gould, have had sinister projects of forming an indepen-
dent province in the west, to the westward of the Germans,
towards the Ohio — probably west of the mountains, and to be
supplied by his friends among the Palatines, &c. To arrest
in some degree the influx of Germans, the Assembly assessed
a tax of twenty shillings a head on newly arrived servants ;
for as early as 1722 there were a number of Palatine servants
or Redemptioners, who were sold to serve for a term of three
or four years, at .£10 each, to pay their freight.
English, Welsh, Scotch, and Irish, who were unable to
defray the expenses of crossing the Atlantic, were sold as
servants. In 1729 there arrived in New Castle government,
says the Gazette, forty-five hundred persons, chiefly' from
Ireland ; and at Philadelphia, in one year, two hundred and
sixty-seven English and Welsh, forty-three Scotch — all ser-
vants."
In 1727 six vessels arrived at Philadelphia with Germans,
three in 1728 ; three in 1729 and three in 1730.
From 1730 to 1740 about sixty-five vessels, well filled
with Germans, arrived at Philadelphia, bringing with them
ministers of the gospel and schoolmasters, to instruct their
children. A large number of these remained in Philadelphia,
others went seventy to eighty miles from Philadelphia — some
settled in the neighborhood of Lebanon, others west of the
Susquehanna, in York county.
Some of the Germans who had settled on the west side of
the Susquehanna, were constantly annoyed by one Cressap,
a Maryland intruder. In 1736, Cressap publicly declared,
that in the winter next coming, when the ice was on the ri-
ver, a great number of armed men would come up from Ma-
ryland, and be in the woods, near the German inhabitants,
and that he, with ten armed men, would go from house to
house, and take the masters of the families prisoners, and
when they had as many as they could manage, they would
carry them to the armed forces in the woods, and return
again till he had all taken who would not submit to Mary-
land. Several of the Germans were subsequently abdaeted;
5*
'>\ THE GERMANS.
others were constantly harassed ; in many instances driven
from their farms.
From 1740 to 1755 upwards of one hundred vessels ar-
rived with Germans; in some ot them, though small, there
were between five and six hundred passengers. In the sum-
mer and autumn of 1749, not less than twenty vessels, with
German passengers, to the number of twelve thousand, ar-
rived.
Omitting the names of the vessels, the arrivals are given
from August 2 1th 1749, to November 9; Aug. 24th, 840
: Aug. 30th 500; Sept 2d 340; 9th 400; 11th
I Uli 333 ; 15th 930 ; Huh 372 : 25th 240 ; 26th 840;
27th 206; 28th 242; Oct. 2d 249; 7th 450; 10th 250;
17th 480; Nov. 9th 77.
November 22, 1741) — a petition from sundry inhabitants
of the city of Philadelphia, was presented to the House and
read, setting forth what has been the frequent practice of
the merchants concerned in the importation of Germans and
other foreigners into the province, for the sake of lucre, to
receive into their vessels a much greater number than could
be fitly accommodated ; whereby epidemic diseases have been
produced amongst them, and a great mortality hath ensued,
to the loss of some hundreds in one vessel, and the great af-
fliction of their surviving relations, some of which have been
obliged by their own labor, to defray the freight, or passage
money, of the dead ; that sundry other inconveniences have
arisen to these poor strangers, from this practice, and partic-
ularly their being obliged to leave their chests, clothes, and
other furniture behind them, to their perplexity afterwards,
if not entire loss of them : that besides the injury done to the
Germans by this iniquitous and infamous practice, the inhab-
itants become greatly endangered by the importation of mor-
tal distempers, which are found by sorrowful experience to
be easily propagated in this climate ; that the want of suit-
able buildings and other conveniences, for the comfortable
reception and accommodation of such distempered strangers,
has probably forwarded, and perhaps occasioned the death
of many, as it has made it difficult and almost impossible to
procure faithful persons to take the necessary care of them ;
by which neglect the sick have been induced to leave places
appointed for them, and to wander from one place to another,
to the manifest danger of the inhabitants, by spreading the
THE GERMANS. 55
distempers they were infected with, over this and the neigh-
boring provinces ; and praying, that the House would take
the premises into consideration, and make provision for the
prevention of such practices, the relief of those strangers, and
the safety of the inhabitants, as to their wisdom shall seem
meet. — [Votes Assem. iv. 121.
Thousands of those who immigrated to Pennsylvania be-
tween 1740 and 1?.jo, lamented bitterly that they had for-
saken their "Vaterland" for the new world. It was a sad
exchange ! There was within this period a certain class of
Germans, who had resided some time in Pennsylvania, well
known by the name of A*cul<icndvr, who lived at theexp* ns< .
pains and sufferings of the more credulous abroad. They
made it their business to go to Germany, and there, by mis-
representations and tl ' fraudulent practices, pre-
vailed on their countrymen to dispose of, nay, in many in-
es to sacrifice their property, abandon their comfortable
firesides, schools and churches, and come to the New World,
which these Neulaender never tailed to represent as a per-
fect paradise, where the mountains were solid masses oi gold,
and fountains gushed milk and honey. Thus they did not
only prevail upon persons of wealth, but upon those in mod-
erate circumstances; and those generally ran short of means
alter paying their debts before leaving, " to come over" to
better their condition; in four instances out of five, their
condition was rendered none the better, bat made infinitely
worse: for those who had not wherewith to pay their pas-
sage— and of this class there were not a few — were, on their
arrival, sold for a series of \ ears, as servants, to pay the ex -
of their passage. Those disposed of, were termed
Redemptioners, or Palatine servants.
Christopher Skoiers, of Germantown, who for many years
f Minted a German paper, in which he spoke freely of the re-
igious and civil liberty, and prosperity of the province of
Pennsylvania ; and, as he believed, many Germans hail been
thereby induced to come over; but seeing their miserable
condition, felt constrained to address Gov. Denny to use his
influence in their behalf. In a letter, dated Germantown,
March L5, 1755, says, "It is thirty years since I came to
this Province, from a country where we had no liberty of con-
science— when I came to this Province, I wrote largely to
my friends and acquaintances of the civil and religious liber-
56 THE GERMANS.
ty, privileges, &c. ; my letters were printed and reprinted,
whereby thousands were provoked to come to this Province,
and they desired their Iriends to come. Some years ago the
price was five pistoles freight, and the merchants crowded
with passengers, finding the carrying of them more profita-
ble than merchandise. But the love of gain caused that
Stedman lodged the poor passengers like herrings, and as too
many had not room between the decks, many were kept
upon deck — sailing to the southward, and these unaccustom-
ed to the climate; and for want of water and room, took
sick and died very fast, so that in less than one year, two
thousand were buried in the seas and Philadelphia. Stedman,
at that time, bought a license in Holland, that no captain
or merchant could load any as long as he had not two thou-
sand. This murdering trade made my heart ache, especially
when I heard that there was more profit by their deaths than
carrying them alive. I thought my provoking letters were
partly the cause of so many deaths. I wrote a letter to the
Magistrate at Amsterdam, and immediately the monopoly
was taken from John Stedman. Our Legislature was also
petitioned, and a law was passed, and good as it is, never
was executed. Mr. Spaffort, an old, poor captain, was made
overseer of the vessels loaded with passengers, whose salary
amounted to from $200 to $300 a year, for concealing that
the people had but twelve inches space, and not half bread
nor water. Spaffort died — the Assembly chose Mr. Trotter,
who let every ship slip, although a great many people had
no room at all, except in the Long Boat, where every man
perished. Among other grievances the poor Germans suffer,
is one, viz : that when the ignorant Germans agree fairly
with merchants at Holland for seven pistoles and a half,
when they come to Philadelphia, the merchants make them
pay whatever they please, and take at least nine pistoles.
The poor people on board are prisoners ; they must not go
ashore or have their chests delivered, except they pay what
they owe not ; and when they go into the country, they corn-
plainly loudly there, that no justice is to be had for poor
strangers — they show their agreements, in which it is fairly
mentioned, that they are to pay seven pistoles and a half to
Isaac and Zachary Hope, at Rotterdam, or their order, at
Philadelphia, &c. — and this is much practiced, the country
is wronged £2000 or £3000 a year. It was much desired,
THE GERMANS. 57
that a law might be passed that a Commissioner might be
appointed to inspect, on the arrival of vessels with passen-
gers, their agreements, and judge if 1\ pistoles makes not
seven and a half. Some asked, "Is there no remedy?" They
were answered, "The law is, what is above forty shillings
must be decided at Court ; and each must make his own
cause appear good and stand a trial. A poor comfort in-
deed ! Two or three thousand wronged persons to depend
upon the discretion of the merchants. They are anxious to
come on shore to satisfy hunger — they pay what is demand-
ed— some are sighing, some cursing ; some believe their case
differs little from such as fall into the hands of a highway-
man, who presents a pistol and demands according to his
own terms. They also complain that the captains often hurry
them away without any agreement, or the agreement is not
signed ; or, if a fair agreement is written, signed and sealed,
it will not be performed, and they must pay whatever is de-
manded. And when their chests are put into stores, and by
the time they have procured money from their friends to pay
for what they agreed, and more too, and demand their chests,
they find them opened and plundered of their contents ; or
sometimes the chests are* no,t to be found for which they had
paid."
In another letter to the Governor, dated Germantown,
May 12, 1755, C. Sauers says, " The merchants and impor-
ters filled the vessels with passengers, and as much merchan-
dise as they thought fit, and left the passengers' chests be-
hind— sometimes they loaded vessels with the Palatine's
chests only. The poor people depended upon their chests,
in which they had some provisions, such as thev were used
to, viz : dried apples, pears, plums, mustard, medicines, vin-
egar, brandy, gammons, butter, clothing, such as shirts and
other necessary linens, and some of them had money and
what they brought with them, and when their chests were
left behind, or shipped in other vessels, they suffered for
want of food — and when there was not a sufficiency of pro-
vision laid in for passengers, they famished and died — when
they arrived alive, they had no money to buy bread, or any
thing to sell of their spare clothes— neither had they clothes
so as to change linens, &c; they were not able to keep
themselves clean, and free of vermin.
If they were taken into houses, and trusting on their ef*
58 THE GERMANS.
fects and money, when they come, these effects and moneys
were either left behind, or their chests were either plunder-
ed by the sailors on the vessels, or if the vessels arrived be-
fore the sailors broke open the chests, they were searched
by the merchant's boys, and their best effects, all taken —
and there was no remedy for all this. And this last men-
tioned practice, that their chests were broken open and effects
stolen, has not only been common these 25, 20, 10, 5 years,
but it is a common custom, and the complaints are daily.
I was ordered to print advertisements, at the request
of those who lost their chests by leaving them behind them
against their will, or were opened and plundered at sea when
they were sent after them, in other vessels, or were broken
open and plundered in the stores at Philadelphia. If these
chests had been sold at half their value, it would amount to
a large sum. — Your Honor would be astonished to hear the
complaints of more than 2000 to 3000 people."
The Rev. Muhlenburg says, speaking of Redemptioners :
Denn wenn die Teutschen von den Schiffen hier ankommen
so muessen diejenigen, welche die Fracht nicht aus ihren eig-
nen Mitteln bezahlen koennen, sich mit ihren Familien
gleichsam verkaufen, da sie denn'so lange dienen muessen
bis sie ihre Fracht abverdient haben ; solche werden servants
oder Knechte genannt. Wenn denn dieselben ihre Fracht be-
zahlt und noch etwas verdient haben, so ziehen sie nach und
nach ins Land hinauf, und kaufen was eigenes.
On another occasion, he says :
Weil viele von den nach Pennsylvanien eilenden Teutschen
ihre Fracht zu bezahlen nicht ira Stande sind, so werden sie,
zu deren Verguetung, auf einige Jahre an die reichsten Ein-
wohner als*leibeigene Knechte verkauft. Es kommen solcher
zur Verlassung ihres Vaterlandes verfuehrten, und dadurch
oefters in leibliches und geistliches Elend gestuertzten Teut-
schen Leute von Zeit zu Zeit noch immer sehr viele in Penn-
sylvanien an. Im Herbst 1749 sind 25 schiffe voll Teut-
schen neuen Colonisten nach und nach vor Philadelphia ein-
gelaufen und ausser denen, die der Tod unterwegs aufgerie-
ben, haben sich darauf 7049 Personen befunden. Es ist
leicht zu erachten, da dir Begierde, das Vaterland mit der
neuen Welt zu verwechseln, schon so viele Jahre her unter
denen niemals weniger, als mit den gegenwaertigen Umstaen-
den,vergnuegten Teutschen herrschet, das Land bereits ueber-
THE GERMANS.
59
fluessig mit Leuten besetzt sey. Und so ists. Es wimmelt
von Leuten, so dass auch die Lebensmitterl theurer wer-
der. Eben dieses aber ist Ursaeh, warum die in dieses Land
komearden nicht so viele Vortheile geniesinsen koennen, als
die ersten genossen haben.
To alleviate the sufferings of these strangers, a society
was formed among the more wealthy and benevolent ; but
their means were not adequate to the wants of suffering thou-
sands.
Their sufferings were confined to the period mentioned, as
may be seen from the following letter from Dr. Muhlen-
burg—
" Januar 7ten, 1768.
" Im vergangenen Spaetjahr, sind wieder fuenf bis sechs
Schiffe voll mit Teutschen Emigranten vor Philadelphia an-
gekommen, davon noch ein grosser Theil auf dem Wasser
liegen, weil nicht allein ihre Frachten sehr hoch gestiegen,
sondern auch ein allgemeiner Geldmangel vorwaltet, so dass
sie nicht wie in vorigen Zeiten, verkauft werden koennen,
und, so zu sagen, in ihrem Elend unkoramen muessen. Die
mit solehem Menschenhandel interessirte Herren wollen
das Gel J fuer ihre Fracht haben. Wenn aber keine Kaeufer
sind, so behalten sie ihre Waare, und lassen sie lieber ver-
derben, als dass sie solche verschenken sollen. Es ist ein
grosser Jammer, wenn man seine arrae betrogene Mitge-
schoepfe so im Elend siehet, und nicht helfen kann."
The Palatine Redemption servants were sold for, from
from two to five years. Many of them often serving out
their time faithfully, became, by frugality and industry, some
of the most wealthy and influential citizens of the State.
" In later times, say about the year 1753 to 1756, the
Germans having become numerous, and therefore powerful
as make-weights in the political balance, were much noticed
in the publications of the day. They were at that period
of time, in general, very hearty co-operators with the Qua-
kers or Friends, then in considerable rule in the Assembly.
A MSS. pamphlet in the Franklin Library at Philadelphia,
supposed to have been written by Samuel Wharton, in 1755,
shows his ideas of the passing events, saying, that the party
on the side of the Friends derived much of their influence
over the Germans, through the aid of C. Sauers, who pub-
lished a German paper in Germantown, from the time of 1729,
60
THE GERMANS.
and which, being much read by that people, influenced them
to the side of the Friends, and hostile to the Governor and
council. Through this means, says he, they have persuaded
them that there was a design to enslave them ; to enforce
their young men, by a contemplated militia law, to become
soldiers, and to load them down with taxes, &c. From such
causes, he adds, have they come down in shoals to vote, (of
course, many from Northampton,) and carrying all before
them. To this I may, says Watson, add, that I have heard
from the Norris family, that their ancestors in the Assembly
were warmly patronized by the Germans,in union with Friends.
His alarms at this German influence at the polls, and his pro-
posed remedies for the then dreaded evils, as they show the
prevalent feelings of his associates in politics, may serve to
amuse the present generation- He says the best effects of
these successes of the Germans will probably be felt through
many generations ! Instead of a peaceable, industrious peo-
ple, as before, they are now insolent, sullen, and turbulent ;
in some counties threatening even the lives of all those who
opposed their views, because they are taught to regard gov-
ernment and slavery as one and the same thing. All who
are not of their party, they call " Governor's men," and them-
selves, they deem strong enough to make the country their
own ! Indeed, they come in, in such force, say upwards of
5000 in the last year, I see not but they may soon be able
to give us law and language too, or else, by joining the
French, eject all the English. That this may be the case,
is too much to be feared, for almost to a man they refused to
bear arms in the time of the late war, and they say, it is
all one to them which king gets the country, as their estates
will be equally secure. Indeed it is clear that the French
have turned their hopes upon this great body of Germans.
They hope to allure them, by grants of Ohio lands. To this
end, they send their Jesuitical emissaries among them, to
persuade them over to the Popish religion. In concert with
this, the French for so many years have encroached on our
province, and are now so near their scheme as to be within
two days' march of some of our back settlements" — alluding
of course to the state of the western wilds, overrun by French
and Indians, just before the arrival of Braddock's forces in
Virginia, in 1755.
The writer (Wharton) imputes their wrong bias in gene-
THE GERMANS. 61
ral to their "stubborn genius and ignorance," which he pro-
poses to soften by education — a scheme still suggested as ne-
cessary to give the general mass of the inland country Ger-
mans right views of public individual interests. To this end,
he proposes that faithful Protestant ministers and schoolmas-
ters should be supported among them. That their children
should be taught the English tongue: the government in the
mean time should suspend their right of voting for members
of Assembly ; and to incline them the sooner to become En-
glish in education and feeling, we should compel them to
make all bonds and other legal writings in English, and no
newspaper or almanac be circulated among them, also ac-
companied by the English thereof. [See close of this Chap-
ter.
Finally, the writer concludes, that "without some such
measure, I see nothing to prevent this Province falling into
the hands of the French." A scheme to educate the Ger-
mans, as alluded to, was started in 1755, and carried on for
several years.
The number of Germans about the year 1755, was not
short of sixty or seventy thousand in Pennsylvania; nearly
all of them Protestants; whereof, according* to the Rev.
Schlotter's statement, at the time, there were thirty thous-
and German Reformsd — the Lutherans were more numerous.
Besides these, there were other Germans, viz : Mennonites,
German Baptists, (Dunkards,) Moravians, some few German
Quakers, Seventh-day Baptists, Catholics, and Schwenkfeld-
ers.
Muhlenberg says :
" Herr Schlatter rechnet die Anzahl der Reformirten
Teutschen in Pensylvanien auf 30,000 — Herr Schlatter
glaubt, dass die Reformirten nur den dritten Theilder Teut-
schen in Pensylvanien ausmachen."
The number of German Catholics did not exceed (1755)
seven hundred. In the autumn of 1754, one hundred and
fifty-eight Catholics arrived' at Philadelphia.
The number of Catholics in 1757, beginning from twelve
years of age, including German, English and Irish, about
1400, according to a statement by Mr. Warden, April 29,
1757. There were then in and about Philadelphia and
in Chester county ,- -under the care of the Rev. Robert Har-
ding, 90 males and 100 females, all Irish and English. In
62 THE GERMANS.
Philadelphia city and county, Berks and Northampton,
under the care of Theodore Schneider, 252 males and 248
females, all Germans ; in Berks and Chester, 92, whereof
15 were Irish. In Lancaster, Berks, Chester and Cum-
berland, under the care of Ferdinand Farmer, 394, where-
of 97 were Irish. In York county, under the care of Ma-
thias Manners, 54 German males, 68 females ; 35 Irish
males, and 38 females.
Note. The Germans immigrated into the North American
colonies, at an early period. At the close of the xvii. and
beginning of the xviii. century the influx of Germans was
great. As we have already seen, a respectable number
arrived a year or two after William Penn first landed in
this, country. A number of them settled in the State of
New York between 1709 and 1714. In 1709 above 600
Germans arrived, and settled in North Carolina. From
1730 to 1750, many Germans settled in South Carolina.
In 1733 a large number settled in Georgia. A band of
them was led to Georgia by Colonel Oglethorpe. In 1735
there was a German settlement formed at Spottsylvania,
Virginia. In 1739, a respectable number of them settled
at Waldoborough, in the state of Maine ; who numbered
in the course of thirteen years about 1500 souls. The
greatest immigration was however to Pennsylvania. The
descendants of the Germans in Pennsylvania were esti-
mated in 1772, to exceed 75,000 souls. At present, the
descendants of German settlers are very numerous in
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, New
York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Wiscon-
sin, Iowa. They are the most numerous of all the immi-
grants to America that are not of British stock — including
those who immigrated with the present century and their
descendants, their number is not short of five millions.
For a fuller account of the Germans, the reader is referred
to a forthcoming work, entitled " The Germans in Ameri-
ca, and their influence upon national character, &c.
" A brief history of the rise and progress of the charit-
able society, carrying on by a society of noblemen and gen-
tlemen in London, for the relief and instruction of poor
Germans and their descendants, settled in Pennsylvania,
&c., published for the information of those whom it may
concern, by James Hamilton, William Allen, Richard Pe-
THE GERMANS. 63
ters, Benjamin Franklin, and Conrad Weiser, Esquires,
and the Rev. William Smith, Trustees General, appointed
for the management of the said charitable scheme.
" For several years past, the small number of Reformed
Protestant ministers, settled among the German emigrants
in Pennsylvania, and finding the harvest great, but the
laborers few, have been deeply affected with a true chris-
tian concern, for the welfare of their distressed countrymen,
and the salvation of their precious souls. In consequence
of this, they have from time to time, in the most solemn
and moving manner, entreated the churches of Holland,
to commiserate their unhappy fellow christians, who
mourn under the deepest affliction, being settled in a re-
mote corner of the world, where the light of the gospel has
but lately reached, and where they are very much destitute
of the means of knowledge and salvation.
" The churches of Holland, being accordingly moved
with friendly compassion, did from time to time, contribute
to -the support of religion in these remote parts. But in
the year 1751, a very moving representation of their state
having been made by a person, whose unwearied labors
for the benefit of his dear countrymen, have been for some
years conspicuous, the states of Holland and West Fris-
land, granted 2,000 gilders per annum, for five years from
that time, to be applied towards the instruction of the said
Germans and their children, in Pennsylvania. A consid-
erable sum was also collected in the city of Amsterdam,
and elsewhere, and upon a motion made by the same zeal-
ous person, the Rev. Mr. Thomson* was commissioned
by the Synod of Holland, and Classis of Amsterdam, to
solicit the friendly assistance of the churches of England
and Scotland.
'•When Mr. Thomson arrived in Great Britain, he found
the readiest encouragement among persons of the first rank,
both in church and state. In this peculiar glory of the
British government, equally to consult the happiness of all
who live under it, however remote, wherever born, or of
whatsoever denomination, wicked and inhuman tyrants,
whose ambition is to rule over slaves, find it their interest
* Mr. T. is a minister of one of the English churches in Amsterdam,
and a member of one of said Synod and Classis.
64 THE; GERMANS.
to keep the people ignorant. But, in a virtuous and free
government, like that of Great Britain, the case is far oth-
erwise. By its very nature and spirit, it desires every
member of die community enlightened with useful know-
ledge, and especially the knowledge of the blessed gospel,
which contains the best and most powerful motives for
making good subjects, as well as good men. Considered
in this light, Mr. Thomson's design could not fail to be
encouraged in our mother country, since it was evidently
calculated to save a multitude of most industrious people
from the gloom of ignorance, and qualify them for the en-
joyment, of all those privileges, to which it is now their
good fortune to be admitted, in common with the happy
subjects of a free Protestant government.
" Mr. Thomson having thus made his business known
in England, and prepared the way for encouragement
there, he, in the meantime, went down to Scotland ; and,
himself being known in that country, he represented the
case to the General Assembly of the church, then sitting
at Edinburg, upon which a national collection was made,
amounting to upwards of £1,200 sterling. Such an in-
stance of generosity, is one out of many, to show how rea-
dy that church has always been to contribute towards the
advancement of Truth, Virtue and Freedom.
" Mr. Thomson, upon his return from Scotland, found
that his pastoral duty called him back to Holland. He
saw, likewise, that it would be absolutely necessary to
have some person in London, not only to manage the mo-
neys already collected, but also to solicit and receive the
contributions of the rich and the benevolent in England,
where nothing had yet been collected, and where much
might be hoped for. With this view, lie begged a certain
number of noblemen* and gentlemen of the first rank, to
* The first members of this society were as follows, though we be-
lieve several are added this winter, (1775) whose names have not yet
been transmitted to us:
The Right Hon. Earl of Shaftesbury, Earl of Morton, Earl qf Finla-
ter, and Lord Willoughby, of Parham. Sir Luke Schaub, and Sir Josh-
ua Van Neck, Baronets. Mr. Commissioner Vernon, Mr. Chitly, and
Mr. Fluddyer, Aldermen of London. John Bance, Robert Furguson,
and Nath. Paice, Esqs. of London. Rev. Benjamin Avory, L. L. D. Rev.
Thomas Birch, D. D. Rev. Caspar Wetstein, Rev. Mr. David Thomson
and Rev. Samuel Chandler, Secretary.
THE GERMANS. 65
take the management of the design upon themselves, col-
lectively.
" This proposal was readily agreed to by those noble and
worthy persons. They were truly concerned to find that
there were any of their fellow subjects, in any part of the
British dominions, not fully provided with the means of
knowledge and salvation. They considered it a matter of
the greatest importance to the cause of Christianity, in ge-
neral, and the protestant interest in particular, not to ne-
glect such a vast body of useful people, situated in a dark
and barren region, with almost none to instruct them, or
their helpless children, who are coming forward in the
world in multitudes, and exposed an easy prey to the to-
tal ignorance of their savage neighbors on the one hand,
and the corruption of our Jesuitical enemies, on whom they
border, on the other hand ; and of whom there are always,
perhaps, too many mixed among them. Moved by these
mteresting€onsiderations,the said noblemen and gentlemen,
with a consideration peculiar to great and generous souls,
did accordingly take the good design into their immediate
protection, and formed themselves into a society for the
effectual management of it.
" The first thing said society did, was to agree to a libe-
ral subscription among themselves; and, upon laying the
case before the King, His Majesty, like a true father of his
people, granted £1000 towards it. Her Royal Highness,
the Princess Dowager of Wales, granted £100; and the
honorable proprietors of this province, willing to concur
in every design for the ease and welfare of their people,
generously engaged to give a considerable sum yearly for
promoting the most essential part of the undertaking. From
such a fair beginning, and from some hopes they reasona-
bly entertain of a more public nature, the honorable soci-
ety doubt not of their being able to complete such a fund
as may effectually answer their pious design, in time com-
ing. In the meantime they have come to the following
general resolutions, with regard to the management of the
whole :
" I. To assist the people in the encouragement of pious
and industrious protestant ministers that are, or shall be
regularly ordained and settled among the said Germans,
or their descendants, in America ; beginning first in Peon-
6*
66 THE GERMANS.
sylvania, where the want of ministers is greatest, and pro-
ceeding to the neighboring British colonies, as they shall
be enabled by an increase of their funds.
" II. To establish some charitable schools for the pious
education of German youths of all denominations, as well
as those English youths who may reside among them.
Now, as a religious education of youth, while the tender
mind is yet open to every impression, is the most effectual
means of making a people wise, virtuous and happy, the
honorable society have declared that they have this part
of their design, in a particular manner, at heart; it being
chiefly from the care that shall be taken of the rising gen-
eration, that they expect the success of their whole under-
taking.
" III. The said honorable society, considering that they
reside at too great a distance, either to know what minis-
ters deserve their encouragement, or what places are most
convenient to fix the schools in — and as they would nei-
their bestow their bounty on any who do not deserve it ;
therefore they have devolved the general execution of the
whole upon us, under the name of " Trustees General," for
the management of their charity among the German emi-
grans in America. And as our residence is in this province,
where the chief body is settled, under whom we may ac-
quaint them with the circumstances of the people, the gener-
ous society hope that we cannot be imposed" upon, or
deceived, in the direction or application of their excellent
charity.
" IV. And lastly, considering that our engagements in
other matters, would not permit us personally to consult with
the people in the country, nor to visit the schools as often as
it might be necessary for their success, the honorable society
have, out of their true fatherly care, appointed the Rev. Mi*.
Schlatter, to act under our direction, as Visitor or Supervi-
sor of the schools, knowing that he has already taken incre-
dible pains in this whole affair, and being acquainted with
the people in all parts of the country, can converse with
them on the spot, and bring us the best advices from time
to time, concerning the measures fit to be taken.
" This is a brief history of the rise and progress of this
noble charity, till it was committed to our management, un-
der which we hope it shall be so conducted, as fully to an-
THE GERMANS. 67
swer the expectation of the worthy society, and give all rea-
sonable satisfaction to the parties for whose benefit it is
intended. We shall spare no pains to inform ourselves of
the wants and circumstances of the people ; as will appear
'by the following plan which we have concerted for the gen-
eral examination of our trust, leaving room to alter or amend
it, as circumstances shall require, and time discover defects
in it.
" With regard to that part of the society's design which
proposes the encouragement of pious protestant ministers, we
shall impartially proportion the monies set apart for this pur-
pose according to the instruction of the said society ; as soon
as such ministers shall put it in our power so to do, by mak-
ing their labors and circumstances known to us, either by
their own personal application, or by means of Mr. Schlat-
ter, or any other creditable person.
" As to the important article of establishing schools, the
following general plan is proposed which may, be from time
to time improved or perfected.
" 1st- It is intended that every school to be opened upon
this charity, shall be equally to the benefit of protestant
youth of all denominations ; and therefore the education will
be in such things as are generally useful to advance industry
and true godliness. The youth will be instructed in both the
English and German languages ; likewise in writing, keep-
ing of common accounts, singing of Psalms, and the true
principles of the holy protestant religion, in the same man-
ner as the fathers of those Germans were instructed, at the
schools in those countries from which they came.
" 2dly. As it may be of great service to religion and in-
dustry, to have some schools for girls, also, we shall use our
endeavors with the honorable society, and have some few
school mistresses encouraged, to teach reading and the use of
the needle. And though this was no part of the original
design, yet as the society have nothing but the general good
of all at heart, we doubt not they will extend their benefac-
tion for this charitable purpose also.
" 3dly. That all may be induced, in their early youth, te>
seek the knowledge and love of God, in that manner which
is most agreeable to their own consciences, the children of all
protestant denominations, English and Dutch, (German) shall
be instructed in catechism of sound doctrine, which is appro-
68 THE GERMANS.
ved of and used by their own parents and ministers. All un-
reasonable sort of compulsion and partiality is directly oppo-
site to the design and spirit of this charity, which is gener-
ously undertaken to promote useful knowledge, true religion,
public peace, and Christian love, among all ranks and deno-
minations.
4thly. For the use of schools, the several catechisms that
are now taught among the Calvinists, Lutherans, aud other
protestant denominations, will be printed in English & Dutch,
(German) and distributed among the poor, together with
some other good books, at the expense of the society.
•' 5thly. In order that all parents may be certain of hav-
ing justice done to their children, the immediate care and
inspection of every school will be committed to a certain
number of sober and respectable persons, living near the
place where such school shall be fixed. These persons will
be denominated Assistant or Deputy Trustees ; and it will
be their business, monthly or quarterly, to visit that particu-
lar school for which they are appointed, and see that both
master and scholars do their duty. It will also be their busi-
ness to send an account of the state and progress of the
schools, at every such visitation, to us as Trustees General.
These accounts we shall transmit from Philadelphia to the
society in London ; and the society will from time to time,
be enabled, by these means, to lay the state of the whole
school before the public ; and thus charitable and well dispo-
sed people, both in Great Britain and Holland, seeing the
good use that has been made of their former contributions,
will be inclined to give still more and more for so glorious
and benevolent an undertaking.
" This method cannot fail to be of great advantage to the
schools, since the Deputy Trustees, being part of the very
people for whom the work is undertaken, and having their
own children at the same schools, they must have an interest
in the reputation of them, and do all in their power to ad-
vance good education in them. Besides this, being always
near at hand, they can advise and encourage the master,
and help him over any difficulties he may meet with.
" But, 6thly. As the keeping up a spirit of emulation
among the youth is the life of schools, therefore, that we
may leave as little room as possible for that remissness, which
sometimes hurts charities of this nature, we shall, as far as
THE GERMANS. 69
our situation will permit, have a personal regard to the exe-
cution of the whole. As the Assistant Trustees may often
want our advice in removing difficulties and making new
regulations, we shall so contrive it, that Mr. Schlatter shall
be present at their quarterly meetings, to consult with them,
and concert the proper measures to be taken. Besides this,
we shall have one general visitation of the schools every
year, at which one or more of us shall endeavor to be pres-
ent- On these occasions, such regulations shall be made,
as may be wanted ; and careful inquiry will be made wheth-
er any parents think themselves injured by any unjust exclu-
sion of their children from an equal benefit of the common
charity, or by the partiality of the masters or otherwise. —
At such visitations, books will be given as rewards and en-
couragement to the diligent and deserving scholars. The
masters will likewise have proper marks of esteem shown
them in proportion to their fidelity and industry in the dis-
charge of their office.
" 7thly. With regard to the number of schools to be open-
ed, that will depend partly on the encouragement given by
the people themselves, and partly on the increase of the so-
ciety's funds. A considerable number of places are propos-
ed to fix schools in; but none are yet absolutely determined
upon, but New Hanover, New Providence, and Reading* —
These places were first fixed upon because the people of all
persuasions, Lutherans, Calvinists, and other protestants,
moved with a pious and fatherly concern for the illiterate
state of their helpless children, did, with true Christain har-
mony, present their petitions, praying that their numerous
children of all denominations in these parts, might be made
the common object of the intended charity. And for this
benevolent purpose, they did further agree to offer school
houses in which their children might be instrusted together,
as dear fellow Christians, redeemed by the same Lord and
Savior, and travelling to the same heavenly country, through
* Since the original publication, petitions have been sent to the
Trustees General, from Upper Solfort, from Vincent township in Ches-
ter county, from the borough of Lancaster, from Tulpehocken, and se-
veral other places, all of which will be considered as soon as possi-
ble. Feb. 25, 1755.— [Penna. Gazette.
Note: Schools were also established in 1756, besides the places
mentioned, at Lancaster, York, Easton, and several other places,
70 THE GERMANS.
this valley of tears, notwithstanding they may sometimes
take roads a little different in points of smaller moment.
" This striking example of unanimity and good agreement
among all denominations, we hope, will be imitated by those
who shall afterwards apply to us for fixing schools among
them ; since it is only upon the aforesaid generous plan for
the common benefit of all, that we find ourselves empowered
to institute such schools. But while petitions are agreeable
to this, our plan, as now explained, they will not be over-
looked, as long as the funds continue. And if the petition-
ers shall recommend school masters, as was the case at New
Hanover, New Providence, and Reading, such school mas-
ters will have the preference, provided they are men of suffi-
cient probity and knowledge, agreeable to all parties, and
acquainted with both the English and Dutch (German) lan-
guages, or willing to learn either of these languages which
they may not then be perfectly acquainted with.
" These are essential qualifications ; and unless the gener-
ous society had made provision for teaching English as well
as Dutch, (German) it would not have answered their be-
nevolent design, which is to qualify the Germans for all the
advantages of native English subjects. But this could not
have been done, without giving them an opportunity of learn-
ing English, by speaking of which they may expect to rise to
places of profit and honor in the country. They will likewise
be thereby enabled to buy or sell to the greater advantage in
our markets, to understand their own causes in courts of jus-
tice, where pleadings are in English, to know what is doing
in the country around them, and, in a word, to judge and act
entirely for themselves, without being obliged to take things
upon the word of others, whose interest it may be to deceive
and mislead them.
" We have only further to add, that having thus publish-
ed, in our names, a true and faithful account of the rise and
progress of this excellent charity, down to the present time,
we hope it will candidly be received as such, and prevent
many wrong conjectures and insinuations, that might other-
wise have been made, if we had not given this genuine and
necessary information concerning it. From the foregoing
plan, it plainly appears, that as the chief management is in
the people themselves, it must be entirely their own faults,
if these schools do not become the greatest blessing to many
THE GERMANS. 71
generations, that ever was proposed in this couutry. Such,
and so benevolent are the designs of the new society !
"And surely, now, we may be permitted in their name, to
address you, countrymen and fellow Christians, for whose
benefit the great work is undertaken ! We cannot but en-
treat you to consider, of what importance such a scheme
must be to you, and your children after you. We are unwil-
ling to believe that there are any persons, who do not hear-
tily wish success to a design so pious aud benevolent. But,
if, unhappily for themselves, there should be any such among
us, we are bound in charity to suppose they have never yet
reflected that, whilst they indulge such wishes, they are in
fact acting a part, plainly repugnant to the interests of lib-
erty, true religion, and even of human nature.
u Mankind in general are, perhaps, scarcely raised more,
by their nature, above the brutes, than a man well instructed
above the man of no knowledge or education ; and whoever
strives to keep a people in ignorance, must certainly harbor
notions or designs that are unfavorable, either to their civil
or religious liberty. For whilst a people are incapable of
knowing their own interests, or judging for themselves, they
cannot be governed by free principles, or by their own choice;
and though they should not be immediate slaves of the gov-
ernment under which they live, yet they must be slaves or
dupes to those whose councils they are obliged to have re-
course to, and follow blindly on all occasions, which is the
most dishonorable species of slavery.
" But on the other hand, a design for instructing a people.
and adorning the minds of the children with useful knowl-
edge, can carry nothing in it but what is friendly to liberty,
auspicious to all the most sacred interests of mankind.
" Were it otherwise, why are so many of the greatest and
best men, both of the British and German nations, engaged
in the undertaking ? Why have they, as it were, stooped
from their high spheres, and even condescended to beg from
house to house, in order to promote it ! Is not all this done
with the glorious intention of relieving from distressful igno-
rance that was like to fall upon you ? Is it not done with
a view to call you up to all the advantages of free and en-
lightened subjects, capable of thinking and acting for your-
self? And shall they call you in vain? God forbid! If
by any infatuation, you should neglect the means of knowl-
?2 THE GERMANS.
edge and eternal happiness, now offered you, think seriously
what must be the consequence. You will be accountable in
the sight of Almighty God, not only for your own sad neg-
ligence, but for all that misery and slavery, which you may
thereby entail upon your hapless offspring to the latest gen-
erations. Your very names will be held in abhorrence by
your own children, if, for the want of instruction, their priv-
ileges should either be abridged here, or they should fall a
prey to the error and slavery of our restless enemies.
" But on the contrary, if proper instructions are begun
now, and constantly carried on among you, no design can
ever be hatched against your religion or liberties, but what
you shall quickly be able to discover and defeat. All the
arts of your enemies will be of no avail to sever you from
your true interests, as men and as protestants. You shall
know how to make the true use of all your noble privileges,
and instead of moving in a dry and barren land, where no
water is, you and your posterity shall flourish from age to
age, in all that is valuable in human life. A barren region
shall be turned into a fruitful country, and a thirsty land into
pools of water. The wilderness and solitary place shall be
glad through you, and the desert shall rejoice and blossom
as the rose. — Isa. 35."
The society under whose directions the schools were con-
ducted, established as early as 1755, a press for the German
language. School books and religious tracts in the German
language were printed at this press; and, in order to convey,
with the greater facility, political and other information to
the German citizens, a newspaper was published at this es-
tablishment. The Revd. William Smith, D. D. provost of
the college at Philadelphia, was agent for the English socie-
ty, and had the direction of the press, and of the newspaper.
Several German papers had been published in Pennsylva-
nia, prior to the one spoken of. In 1739, C. Sauer, com-
menced one — issued it at first once a quarter, then monthly;
after 1744, weekly. It was published at Germantown. Jo-
seph Crellius commenced a weekly paper in Philadelphia,
1743. Another, it would appear from the Pennsylvania Ga-
zette, was started in 1751, in English and German. The ed-
itor was, it is supposed, Gotthan Armbruster.
CHAPTER III.
THE IRISH OR SCOTCH IRISH.
Time of their first immigration — Settle first near the boundary line be-
tween Maryland and Pennsylvania— James Logan's statement con-
cerning them — First settlers in Donegal— In Peshtank — Richard
Peters complains of them — They oppose a survey in Adams county
— Settle west of the Susquehanna, in Cumberland county — Disagree-
ment between the Irish and Germans, at Lancaster and York — Im-
migration of, to Cumberland county, encouraged — Settle on the Ju-
niata, &c. — Lord's prayer in Irish — General settlements.
According to Mr. Watson's statement, Irish immigrants
did not begin to come to Pennsylvania as soon as the Ger-
mans. It appears few, if any, arrived in the Province, prior
to 1719. Those that did then arrive, came principally from
the north of Ireland.
Irish or Scotch Irish. The name was used to designate
a numerous and honorable people, who immigrated to the
Province of Pennsylvania at an early date. Whence this
term is derived, the following historical notice, will serve to
explain. During the reign of Charles I., in the year 1641,
October 27, the massacre of the Irish Protestants occurred,
in Ireland, where, in a few days, fifty thousand were inhumar -
ly, without regard to sex, age or quality, butchered ; and
many fled to the North of Scotland, from which country the
North of Ireland had been colonized by Protestants.
An act was passed by Parliament, (the act of uniformity)
1662, requiring all ministers and churches rigidly to conform
to the rites of the established church, which occasioned two
thousand ministers (called Non-contormists) to dissent and
abandon their pulpits. This act affected Scotland with equal
severity. In 1691, the Toleration act was passed, under
which the dissenters enjoyed greater privileges ; but, in the
reign of Queen Ann, (1704—1714) the Schism Bill, which
had actually obtained the royal assent, alarmed the disrenters
7
74 THE IRISH.
much — the provisions of that bill were, that dissenters were
not to be suffered to educate their own children, but required
them to be put into the hands of Conformists, and which for-
bade all tutors and school masters being present at any con-
venticle or disserting plan of worship.
These difficulties and the unsettled state of affairs in Eu-
rope, drove many of the more quiet citizens from their native
home, and of this number were those, and descendants of
those who had fled from the north of Ireland to Scotland,
as well as genuine Scotch.
Such as came first, generally settled near or about the dis-
puted line between Maryland and Pennsylvania, if we ex-
cept those who settled in Donegal township, Lancaster coun-
ty, and those of Craig's and Martin's settlements in North-
ampton county.
James Logan, writing of them to the Proprietaries, in
1724, says, they have generally taken up the southern lands,
(meaning in Lancaster, towards the Maryland line,) and as
they rarely approached him to propose to purchase, he calls
them bold and indigent strangers, saying as their excuse,
when challenged for titles, that we had solicited for colonists,
and they had come accordingly. They were, however, un-
derstood to be a tolerated class, exempt from rents by an or-
dinance of 1720, in consideration of their being a frontier
people, forming a kind of cordon of defence, if needful. They
were soon called bad neighbors, by the Indians, treating
them disdainfully, and finally were the same race who com-
mitted the outrages, called Paxtang Massacre. The general
ideas are found in the Logan MSS. collection. Some of the
data are as follows :
" In 1725, James Logan states, that there are so many as
one hundred thousand acres of land, possessed by persons,,
(including Germans,) who resolutely set down and improved
it without having any right to it, and he is much at a loss to
determine how to dispossess them.
" In New Castle government there arrived last year (1728)
says the Gazette of 1729, forty-five hundred persons, chiefly
from Ireland.
" In 1729, Logan expresses himself glad to find that the
Parliament is about to take measures to prevent the too free
emigration to this country. In the meantime the Assembly
had laid a restraining tax of twenty shillings a head for eve-
THE IRISH. 75
ry servant arriving; but even this was evaded in the case of
the arrival of a ship from Dublin, with one hundred Catholics
and convicts, by landing them at Burlington. It looks, says
he, as if Ireland is to send all her inhabitants hither, for last
week, not less than six ships arrived, and every day two or
three arrive also. The common fear is, that if they continue
to come, they will make themselves proprietors of the pro*
vince. It is strange, says he, that they thus crowd where
they are not wanteds But besides these, convicts are impor-
ted hither.* The Indians themselves are alarmed at the
swarms of strangers, and we are afraid of a breach between
them — for the Irish are very rough to them."
'fin 1730, he writes and complains of the Scotch Irish,
in an audacious and disorderly manner, possessing themselves
oi the whole of Conestoga manor, of fifteen thousand acres,
being the best land 4$l the country. In doing this by force,
they alleged that it was against the laws of God and nature,
that so much land should be idle, while so many Christians
wanted it to labor on, and to raise their bread, &c. The
Paxtang boys were great sticklers for religion and scripture
quotations against " the heathen." They were, however,
dispossessed by the Sheriff and his posse, and their cabins,
to the number of thirty, were burnt. This necessary vio-
lence was, perhaps, remembered with indignation ; for only
twenty-five years afterwards, the Paxtang massacre began
by killing the Christian unoffending Indians found in Cones-
toga. The Irish were generally settled at Donegal."
From Donegal, the settlements by the Irish and Scotch
were extended into Paxton, Derry, Londonderry and Hano-
ver townships, Lancaster county, (now Dauphin, and part
of Lebanon) Paxton (Peshtank) and Derry townships were
organized prior to 1730.
Mr. Logan, says Watson, writes in another letter, "I must
■own, from my own experience in the Land Office, that the
settlement of five families from Ireland gives me more trouble
than fifty of any other people. Befoie we were broke in
upon, ancient Friends and first settlers lived happily, but now
the case is quite altered, by strangers and debauched morals,
&c. All this seems like hard measure dealt upon those spe-
* Augustus Gun, of Cork, advertisei in the Philadelphia papers,
that he had power from the Mayor of Cork, for many years, to procure
servants for America— 174 L
76 THE IRISH.
cimens of " the land of generous natures," but we may be
excused for letting him speak out, who was himself from the
Emerald Isle, where he had of course seen a better race.
" Logan's successor, Richard Peters, Esq. as Secretary to
the Proprietaries, falls into a similar dissatisfaction with thtm;
for in his letter to the proprietaries, of 1743, he says, he went
to Marsh creek (Adams county, — then Lancaster) to warn
off and dispossess the squatters, and to measure the Manor
land.
" On that occasion, the people there, to about the number
of seventy, assembled and forbade them to proceed, and on
their persisting, broke the chain and compelled thtm to retire.
He had with him a sheriff and a magistrate. They were af-
terwards indicted — became subdued, and made their engage-
ment for leases. Iu most cases the leases were so easy, that
they were enabled to buy the lands ere they expired."
Settlements were commenced in Cumberland, (then Lan-
caster) by the descendants of Irish and Scotch immigrants,
and some recently from the Emerald Isle, and Highlands of
Scotia, and some few English, about 1730 and 1731. Alter
1736, when Pennsborough and Hopewell townships had been
erected, the influx of emigrants from Europe, and from Lan-
caster county, into Kittochtinny valley, west of the Susque-
hanna, increased rapidly ; for in 1748, the number of taxa-
bles in this valley (Cumberland and Franklin counties) was
about eight hundred ; of whom there were not fifty Germans
— those few were in the Conococheague settlement.
Shortly after Cumberland county had been erected (1750)
the proprietaries, " in consequence of the frequent disturban-
ces between the governor and Irish settlers, gave orders to
their agents to sell no land either in York and Lancaster
counties to the Irish; and also to make advantageous offers
of removal to the Irish settlers (as the mingling of the two
nations in Lancaster and York had produced serious riots at
elections) in Paxton and Swatara, and Donegal townships,
to remove to Cumberland county, which offers being liberal,
were accepted by many.
We soon find the more intrepid as pioneer settlers in Hun-
tingdon, Juniata, Mifflin, and farther west and northwest, as
will appear from the sequel.
As early as 1732, there was a violent contest between An-
drew Galbraith and John Wright, both candidates for the
THE IRISH. 77
Assembly. Wright was an English Quaker, Galbraith an
Irishman ; but in 1743, the Irish strove more effectually for
ascendancy at the polls. This year an election was held to
supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Thomas Lin-
sey. The Irish compelled the sheriff to receive such tickets
as they approved, and make a return accordingly.
The matter was afterwards investigated, and the following
resolutions were adopted by the Assembly —
Resolved, That the sheriff having assumed upon himself
the power of being sole judge at the late election, exclusive
of the inspectors chosen by the farmers of the said county of
Lancaster, is illegal, unwarrantable and an infringement of
the liberties of the people of the Province; that it gave just
cause for discontentment to the inhabitants of said county ;
that if any disturbances followed thereupon, it is justly im-
puted to his own misconduct.
Resolved, that the Sheriff of Lancaster county be admon-
ished by the speaker. The sheriff attended, and being ad-
monished, promised he would take care and keep the law in
future. He also altered the return, as Samuel Blunston was
entitled to take his seat.
In 1749 an election was held at York. There were two
prominent candidates for sheriff, Hans Hamilion, from Marsh
creek, (Adams county) the Irish candidate; Richard McAl-
lister, the favorite of the Dutch. The Germans, as they are
wont, without much ado, worked well for their candidate,
evidently gaining on their competitors; this vexed the ireful
friends of Hamilton. Two or three stout, blustering Hiber-
nians— boxers, as they were called — took possession of the
place," where to poll;" determined that none but their candi-
dates' friends should vote, A stout German, equally deter-
mined to enjoy, what he considered his rights, without yield-
ing any the least, stepped up to vote — tripped up the heels of
one of the swaggering Irishmen, which eventuated in an af-
fray. The standing saplings, near at hand, wTere soon torn
down, and sticks cut, which were used as defensive and offen-
sive weapons. Blows were promiscuously dealt out — the Irish
were routed — driven beyond Codorus creek ; and at the risk
of bloody heads, dared not to appear, all day, east of the Co-
dorus, The Germans voted, and elected M'Allister, by an
overwhelming majority, But, in this instance, Gov. James;
Hamilton disregarded the expressed will of the majority of
/n THE IRISH.
voters, and commissioned Hans Hamilton for one yean Illy
considered policy, as the sequel proved.
At the second election held at York, Oct. 1750, for repre-
sentatives, a large party of Germans drove the Irish from the
polls. It was set forth in a petition to the Assembly, touch-
ing this affray, that Hans Hamilton did not open 4he election
till two o'clock in the afternoon, which caused not a little
uneasiness among the people. That the Marsh creek people
gathered about the election house to give in their tickets and
would not suffer the Dutch people and others to come near
the house, but did all they could to keep them off with clubs,
so that the Germans were obliged to do the best they could,
or else go home without voting ; and being the most in
number they drove the people from the house, and when
they had done so, they came in a peaceable manner to give
in their votes ; but when the sheriff saw his party was
mastered, he locked up the box, and would not suffer the
inspectors to take any more tickets, which made the Dutch
people angry, and they strove to break into the house — and
then the sober people desired the sheriff to continue the
election ; but he would not, and went away out of the
back window, several of the inspectors going with him — and
then the freeholders desired the coroner to carry on the elec-
tion— which having done carefully and justly ; and, after-
wards, the sheriff was asked to come and see the votes read,
and an account taken of them, but he refused, &c.
The whole matter was investigated — the sheriff was called
before the Assembly, pojitely admonished by the speaker,
and advised to preserve better order in future.
Though the Germans occupy the greater portion of the
farms, first setled by the Irish, in Dauphin and Cumberland
counties, there are still a respectable number of the descen-
dants of this generous and hospitable people, occupying the
homestead of their ancestors. Unlike the German, the de-
scendants of the Irish, no longer speak the language of their
valorous fathers.
The following is the Lord's prayer in Irish, copied from
Gr. Daniel's edition of an Irish Bible, printed 1602.
Air nathir ataigh air nin. Nabz fat hanimti. Tighuh da
riathiate. Deantur da hoilamhuoil Air nimh agis air thal-
ambi. Air naran laidthnil tabhair dhuin a niomb. Agis
math duin dairf hiacha ammnil. Agis mathum vid dar feu-
thunuim. Agis na trilaie astoch sin anau sen. Ac sar sina
ole. — Amen.
THE IRISH. 79
Note. Emigrants from Scotland and Ireland, settled at an
early period in the New England, Middle and Southern
States. Previous to 1640, a large body from Scotland and
Ireland settled in the eastern states. Between 400 and 500
emigrants from Scotland, alone, arrived in New York in
1737 ; and twenty years later, Scotch and Irish colonists
established themselves in Ulster county; also at Orange and
Albany, N. York. As early as 1685, some Scotch and Irish
settled in New Jersey. But it was to Pennsylvania that the
largest emigration of Scotch and Irish, particularly the lat-
ter, though at a later period, took place. From Pennsylva-
nia, many of the Scotch Irish went into the western parts of
Maryland, the central portions of Virginia, and the western
counties of North Carolina. A thousand left the northern
and middle colonies, for North Carolina, in 1764, where their
descendants now constitute a dense homogeneous population.
Five or six hundred Scotch settled near Fayetteville, North
Carolina, in 1749, and there was a second arrival from the
same country in 1754. In 1684, a small colony of persecu-
ted Scotch settled under Lord Cardross in South Carolina.
In 1737, multitudes of husbands and laborers, from Ireland,
embarked for South Carolina ; and within three years, before
1773, no less than 1600 hundred emigrants from the north
of Ireland settled there. Georgia, too, was partly colonized
by Scotch and Irish, who emigrated south from Pennsylva-
nia (from Lancaster and Cumberland counties) across Mary-
land, Virginia and North Carolina, besides receiving no small
proportion of its first settlers, directly from Scotland. The
descendants of these two classes, are settled in various parts
of the middle, southern and western states. Previous to the
revolution of '76, the immigration of them was not only ex-
tensive, but of a better sort ; especially when contrasted with
those who, for the last 25 or 30 years, have arrived in this
country.
CHAPTER IV.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
John Armstrong, James Smith and Woodward Arnold killed by Muse-
meelin, in 1744 — Alexander Armstrong's letter to Allumoppies and
Shicalemy— Search made for the bodies of the deceased ; fcund and
buried them — Weiser's letter — Provincial council held — Conrad
Weiser makes a demand for the murderer at Shamokin — Weiser's
transactions, &c. at Shamokin — Shicalemy's statement touching the
murder of Armstrong.
The principal, of the numerous murders committed by the
Indians upon the whites, within the limits then embraced by
the upper part of Lancaster county, and of Cumteiland.
forms the subject of several chapters of this part of this com-
pilation.
As settlements became somewhat extended, the white
people, especially Indian traders came in closer contact with
the Indians; and despite of the efforts of the government
serious conflicts ensued, and, in some instances, blood was
shed. This was, however, owing as much to the imprudence
of the whites as to the temerity of the Indians.
Sometime in the year 1744, John Armstrong, a Trader,
among the Indians, west of the Susquehanra,*with two of
his servants or men, namely, James Smith and Wood worth
Arnold, was murdered by an Indian of the Delaware tribe,
named Musemeelin, on the Juniata river. Seven white men
and five Indians went in search of the bodies of those mur-
dered ; after some search, found and buried them. The
murderer was afterwards apprehended, and delivered up by
his own nation, and imprisoned at Lancaster, whence he was
removed to Philadelphia, lest he should escape, or his trial
and execution prodnce an unfavorable impression on his coun-
trymen about to assemble, for a conference with the whites
at Lancaster. The Governor directed or required that the
property of Armstrong should be returned to his family. He
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 81
also invited a deputation to attend the trial of Musemeelin,
and his execution, if found guilty.
Alexander Armstrong, of Lancaster county, a brother of
the deceased, addressed a letter to Allumoppies, King of the
Delawares, at Shamokin, touching the death of his brother,
and some threats made by some Delaware Indians upon his
life.
April 25, 1744.
To Allumoppies, King of the Delawares : Great Sir, as
a parcel of your men have murdered my brother, and two of
his men, I wrote you, knowing you to be a king of justice,
that you will send us in all the murderers and the men that
were with them. As I looked for the corpse of my murder-
ed brother ; for that reason your men threaten my life ; and
I cannot leave my house. Now as we have no inclination
or mind to go to war with you, our fiiends ; as a friend, I
desire that you will keep your men from doing me harm, and
also to send the murderers and their companions.
I expect an answer ; and am your much hurt friend and
brother,
Alexander Armstrong.
April the 25th, 1744.
To Sicalamus, the King's Great Councellor.
My Great Friend :
I write to you, as you are a man that I hope will do your
friends good. Now my brother is murdered, and his men,
by the Delawares. I desire that you will send us all the
murderers, and the men that joined with them ; and as we
do not want to fall out, or quarrel with you, without you
make us do it.
I desire that you will endeavor to send us all your men
that are guilty of the murder, and the men that joined with
them.
I am your hurt friend and brother,
Alexander Armstrong.
N. B. We have sent John Mushamelon to jail, and he
says that Nishalenordy's son killed Smith, and he is not
willing to die till the rest are brought in to him.
A party of men had made search for, and found the bodies
82 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
of the murdered, as appears from Armstrong's letter above,
and the following deposition::
Paxton, April 19, 1744.
The deposition of the subscribers testifieth and saith, that
the subscribers having a Suspicion that John Armstrong, tra-
der, together with his men, James Smith and Woodward Ar-
nold, were murdered by the Indians. They met at the house
of Joseph Chambers, in Paxton,* and there consulted to go
to Shamokin, to consult with the Delaware King and Shick-
calimy, and there council wThat they should do concerning
the affair, whereupon the King and Council ordered eight of
their men to go writh the deponents to the house of James
Berry, in order to go in quest of the murdered persons, but
that night they came to the said Berry's house, three of the
eight Indians ran away, and the next morning these depon-
ents, with the five Indians that remained, set out on their
journey peaceably, to the last supposed sleeping place of the
deceased, and upon their arrival these deponents dispersed
themselves in order to find out the corpse of the deceased,
and one of the deponents, named James Berry, a small dis-
tance from the aforesaid sleeping place, came to a white oak
tree, which had three notches on it, and close by said tree
he found a shoulder bone, which the deponent does suppose
to be John Armstrong's, and that he himself was eating by
the Indians, which he carried to the aforesaid sleeping place
and showed it to his companions, one of whom handed it to
the said five Indians to know what bone it was, and they,
after passing different sentiments upon it, handed it to a Del-
aware Indian, who was suspected by the deponents, and they
testify and say, that as soon as the Indian took the bone in
his hand, his nose gushed out with blood, and directly hand-
ed it to another. From whence these deponents steered along a
path about three or four miles to the narrows of Juniata, where
they suspected the murder to have been committed, and where
the Allegheny road crosses the creek, these deponents sat
down in order to consult on what measures to take to pro-
ceed on a discovery. Whereupon most of the white men,
these deponents, crossed the creek again, and went down the
* Mr. McCallister's, or formerly Fort Hunter.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 83
creek, and crossed into an island, where these deponents had
intelligence the corpse had been thrown; and there they met
the rest of the white men and Indians, who were in company,
and there consulted to go further down the creek in quest of
the corpse, and these deponents further say, they ordered the
Indians to go down the creek on the other side, but they all
followed these deponents, at a small distance, except one
Indian, who crossed the creek again ; and soon after, these
deponents seen some Bald eagles and other fowls, suspected
the corpse to be thereabouts ; and then lost sight of the In-
dians, and immediately found one of the corpse, which these
deponents say, was the corpse of James Smith, one of said
Armstrong's men; and directly upon finding the corpse, these
deponents heard three shots of guns, which they had great
reason to think were the Indians, their companions, who had
deserted from them; and in order to let them know that they
had found the corpse, these deponents fired three guns, but
to no purpose, for they never saw the Indians any more. And
about a quarter of a mile down the creek, they saw more
Bald eagles, whereupon they made down towards the place,
where they found another corpse (being the corpse of Wood-
woith Arnold, the other servant of said Armstrong) lying on
a rock, and then went to the former sleeping place, where
they had appointed to meet the Indians ; but saw no Indians,
only that the Indians had been there and cooked seme vic-
tuals for themselves, and bad gone off.
And that night, the deponents further say, they had great
reason to suspect that the Indians were then thereabouts,
and intended to do them some damage ; for a dog these de-
ponents had with them, barked that night, which was re-
markable, for the said dog bad not barked all the time they
were out, till that night, nor ever since, which occasioned
these deponents to stand upon their guard behind the trees,
with their guns cocked that night. Next morning these de-
ponents went back to the corpses which they found to be
barbarously and inhumanly murdered, by very gashed, deep
cuts on their hands with a tomahawk or such like weapon,
which had sunk into their sculls and brains ; and in one of
the corpses there appeared a hole in his scull near the cut,
which was supposed to be with a tomahawk, which hole,
these deponents do believe to be a bullet hole. And these
deponents, after taking a particular view of the corpses, a?
84 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
their melancholy condition would admit, they buried them
as decently as their circumstances would allow, and returned
home to Paxton, the Allegheny road to John Harris', think-
ing it dangerous to return the same way they went. And
further these deponents say not.
These same deponents being legally qualified, before me,
James Armstrong, one of his Majesty's justices of the peace
for the county of Lancaster, have hereunto set their hands
in testimony t hereof.
James Armstrong.
Alexander Armstrong, Thomas M'Kee, Francis Ellis,
John Florster, William Baskins, James Berry, John Watt,
James Armstrong, David Denny.
The atrocity of this murder was so aggravating, that a
Provincial Council was held, and it was resolved that Con-
rad Weiser, the Provincial interpreter and Indian agent,
should be sent to Shamokin, to make demands, in the name
of the governor, for some others concerned in the murder
The following extracts give a detailed account of all the
circumstances :
Tulpehocken, April 26, 1744.
Sir, Here I send the copy of my transaction at Onontago last
year. By overlooking the same again, I find it is just so as
I put things down in Onontago, partly from for my own memo-
randums and satisfaction. I should have made it shorter before
I laid it before the governor. There are several things men-
tioned which are only ceremonies and mere trifling to a Eu-
ropean idea; but the Indians always observe such things.
Just now I heard that Ollumapies and Shickelaray had
sent a Delaware Indian to prison for having killed an Indian
trader. John Harris's wife told my son so, who came from
there just now. I think it happened well I was not at home
when the aforesaid chiefs sent for me ; they would perhaps
have loaded me with a commission to settle the thing with
the government ; but now the burthen remained upon their
shoulder and had no other way to unload it, than to deliver
up the transgressor.
The particulars I have not ; only as it has been said, for
some time ago that John Armstrong was killed ; of which I
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 85
heard before I came to Philadelphia the last time I patiently
expected Shickelamy, with news of the Six Nations. I think
if nothing happened to prevent their coming, they would have
sent before now to let us know.
I remain with my humble respects,
Sir, your very obliged,
Conrad Weiser.
P. S. April 28th. Last night I received yours of the
26th, with the Governor's commands : I am always willing
to comply with his Honor's command ; but could have wish-
ed they might have been delayed till after Court, where my
presence, by many, is required, on some particular occasions;
but, as the demand is pressing, and cannot be delayed, I am
preparing to set out to-morrow morning for Shamokin. I
will use the best of my endeavors to have the governor's and
council's requests answered to satisfaction, by delivering up
the two Indians and the goods.
I wish you had sent me a belt of wampum : on such occa-
sions it is customary to use black wampum, or at least half.
I hope I shall be able to get some of Shickelam^ to make
use of to the Delawares.
I am afraid the two Indians have made their escape far
enough before now. I desire the favor of you to write a few
lines to me, against my return from Shamokin, to let me
know whether my presence in Philadelphia, is expected, or
whether I can send down in writing the accounts of my suc-
cess ; if it should happen that the Indian could be got to be
delivered to me.
Farewell, I am,
Sir, yours,
C. W.
Upon a second thought, I intend to come to Philadelphia,
God willing, as soon as I return from Shamokin ; because, I
understand Mr. Colloway wants to see me.
At a council, April 25, 1744 — " The Governor, George
Thomas, laid before the Board a letter, dated April 22nd,
1744, from Mr. Cookson, at Lancaster, purporting that John
Armstrong, an Indian trader, with his two servants, Wood-
worth Arnold and James Smith, had been murdered at Ju-
S
86 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
niata, by three Delawares, and that John Musemeelin and
Johnson of Neshalleeny, two of the Indians concerned in the
murder, had been seized by the order of Shickcalamy, and
the other Indian chiefs at Shamokin, and sent under a guard
of Indians to be delivered up to justice ; that one was actu-
ally delivered up in jail at Lancaster ; but the other had
made his escape from the persons to whose care he was com-
mitted.
His honor then sent to the Chief Justice to consult him
about the steps proper to be taken to bring the Indian to his
trial, but as he was absent at a Court of Oyer and Terminer
in Bucks county, it was the opinion of the Board that the
Indian, Musemeelin, should be immediately removed to Phi-
ladelphia jail, and that Conrad Weiser should be immediately
despatched to the chiefs of the Delaware Indians at Shamo-
kin to make a peremptory demand in his honor's name of the
other murderers concerned, and that Shickcalamy and the
other Indians there do order immediate search to be made for
the goods of which the deceased was robbed, in order to
their being put into the hands of his creditors, or the support
of his family. And at the same time to inform them that the
chiefs of the Indians which shall meet at Lancaster on the
treaty with our neighboring governments, will be desired to
depute some of their number to be present at the trial and at
the execution of such as shall be found guilty.
Conrad Weiser was accordingly sent to Shamokin. He
writes, in his Journal, Shamokin, May 2d, 3744: This day
I delivered the Governor's message to Allumoppies, the Del-
aware chief, and the rest of the Delaware Indians, in the
presence of Shickcalamy and a few more of the Six Na-
tions. The purport of which was, that I was sent express
by the Governor and Council to demand those that had been
concerned with Musemeelin in murdering John Armstrong,
Wood worth and James Smith; that their bodies might be
searched for, and decently buried ; that the goods be like-
wise found and restored without fraud. It was delivered
them by me in the Mohawk language, and interpreted into
Delaware by Andrew, Madame Montour's son.
In the afternoon Allumoppies, in the presence of the afore-
said Indians, made the following answers :
Brother, the Governor :
It is true that we, the Delaware Indians, by the inves-
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 87
ligation of the evil spirit, have murdered Jas. Armstrong
and his men ; we have transgressed, and we are ashamed
to look up. We have taken the murderer and delivered
him to the relations of the deceased, to be dealt with ac-
cording to his works.
Brother, the Governor :
Your demand for the guard is very just ; we have gath-
ered some of them; we will do the utmost of what Ave
can to find them all. We do not doubt but we can find
out the most part, and whatever is wanting, we will make
up with skins, which is what the guard are sent for to the
woods.
Brother, the Governor :
The dead bodies are buried. It- is certain that John
Armstrong was buried by the murderer, and the other two
by those that searched for them. Our hearts are in mourn-
ing, and we are in a dismal condition, and cannot say any
thing at present.
Then Shickcalamy, with the rest of the Indians of the
Six Nations then present, said :
Brother, the Governor :
We have been all misinformed on both sides about the
unhappy accident. Musemeelin has certainly murdered
the three white men himself, and upon his bare accusation
of Neshaleeny's son, was seized and made a prisoner. Our
cousins, the Delaware Indians, being then drunk, in par-
ticular Allumoppies, never examined things, but made an
innocent person prisoner, which gave a great deal of dis-
turbance amongst us. However, the two prisoners were
sent, and by the way, in going down the river, they stop-
ped at the house of James Berry ; James told the young
man, " I am sorry to see you in such a condition, I have
known you from a boy, and always loved you." Then
the young man seemed to be very much struck to the
heart, and said, " I have said nothing yet, but I will tell
all, let all the Indians come up, and the white people also,
they shall hear it." And then told Musemeelin, in the
presence of the people : Now I am going to die for your
wickedness ; you have killed all the three white men. I
never did intend to kill any of them. The Musemeelin in
anger, said : It is true, I have killed them ; I am a man,
vou are a coward : it is a great satisfaction to me to have
88 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
killed them ; I will die for joy for having killed a great
rogue and his companions. Upon which the young man
was set at liberty by the Indians.
We desire therefore our brother, the Governor, will not
insist to have either of the two young men in prison, or
condemned to die ; it is not with Indians as with white
people, to put people in prison on suspicion or trifles. In-
dians must first be found guilty of a cause, then judgment
is given and immediately executed. We will give you
faithfully all the particulars ; and at the ensuing treaty en-
tirely satisfy you ; in the meantime, we desire that good
friendship and harmony continue ; and that we may live
long together, is the hearty desire of your brethren, the
Indians of the United Six Nations present at Shamokin.
The following is what Shickcalamy declared to be the
truth of the story concerning the murder of John Arm-
strong, Woodworth Arnold and James Smith, from the
beginning to the end, to wit :
That Musemeelin owing some skins to John Armstrong,
the said Armstrong seized a horse of the said Musemeelin
and a rifled gun ; the gun was taken by James Smith, de-
ceased. Sometime last winter Musemeelin met Armstrong
on the river Juniata, and paid all but twenty shillings, for
which he offered a neck-belt in pawn to Armstrong, and
demanded his horse, and James Armstrong refused it, and
would not deliver up the horse, but enlarged the debt, as
his usual custom was, and after some quarrel, the Indian
went away in great anger, without his horse, to his hunt-
ing cabin. Sometime after this, Armstrong, with his two
companions, on their way to Ohio, passed by the said Mu-
semeelin's hunting cabin; his wife, only being at home, de-
manded the horse of Armstrong, because he was her pro-
per goods, but did not get him. Armstrong had by this
time sold or lent the horse to James Berry ; after Muse-
meelin came from hunting, his wife told him that Arm-
strong wis gone by, and that she had demanded the horse
of him, but did not get him — and, as is thought, pressed
him to pursue and take revenge of Armstrong. The third
day in the morning, after James Armstrong was gone by,
Musemeelin said to the two young men that hunted with
him, come let us go towards the Great Hills to hunt bears:
accordingly they went all three in company; after they had
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 89
gone a good way, Musemeelin, who was foremost, was
told by the two young men that they were out of their
course. Come you along, said Musemeelin, and they ac-
cordingly followed him till they came to the path that leads
to the Ohio. Then Musemeelin told them he had a good
mind to go and fetch nis horse back from Armstrong, and
desired the two young men to come along ; accordingly
they went. It was then almost night, and they travelled
till next morning. Musemeelin said, now they are not far
off. We will make ourselves black, then they will be
frightened, and will deliver up the horse immediately; and
I will tell Jack, that if he don't give me the horse, I will
kill him; and when he said so, he laughed. The young men
thought he joked, as he used to do. They did not blacken
themselves, but he did. When the sun was above the trees
or about an hour high, they all came to the fire, where they
found James Smith sitting, and they also sat down. Mu-
semeelin asked where Jack was ? Smith told him that he
was gone to clear the road a little. Musemeelin said he
wanted to speak with him, and went that way, and after
he had gone a little distance from the fire, he said some-
thing, and looked back laughing, but he having a thick
throat, and his speech being very bad, and their talking
with Smith, hindered them from understanding what he said,
they did not mind it. They being hungry, Smith told them
to kill some turtles, of which there were plenty, and we would
make some bread, by and by, and they would all eat toge-
ther. While they were talking, they heard a gun gooff not
far off, at which time Woodworth Arnold was killed, as they
learned afterwards. Soon after, Musemeelin came back and
said, why did you not kill that white man, according as I bid
you ? I have laid the other two down. At this they were
surprised ; and one of the young men, commonly called Jim-
my, ran away to the river side. Musemeelin said to the
other, how will you do to kill Catawbas, if you cannot kill
white men ? You cowards ; I'll show you how you must
do ; and then taking up the English axe that lay there, he
struck it three times into Smith's head before he died. Smith
never stirred. Then he told the young Indian to call the
other, but he was so terrified he could not call. Musemeelin
then went and fetched him, and said that two of the white
aaen were killed, he must nkw go and kill the third ; then
90 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
each of them would have killed one. But neither of them
dare venture to talk any thing about it. Then he pressed
them to go along with him — he went foremost ; then one of
the young men told the other, as they went along, my friend
don't you kill any of the white people, let him do what he
will ; I have not killed Smith, he has done it himself, we
have no need to do such a barbarous thing. Musemeelin be-
ing being then a good way before them, in a hurry, they
soon saw John Armstrong, sitting upon an old log. Muse-
meelin spoke to him and said, where is my horse? Armstrong
made answer and said, he will come by and by ; you shall
have him. I want him now, said Musemeelin. Armstrong
answered, you shall have him. Come, let us go to that fire
— which was at some distance from the place where Arm-
strong sat — and let us talk and smoke together. Go along,
then, said Musemeelin. I am coming, said Armstrong, do you
go before ; Musemeelin, do you go foremost. Armstrong
looked then like a dead man, and went towards the fire, and
was immediately shot in his back by Musemeelin, and fell.
Musemeelin then took his hatchet and struck it into Arm-
strong's head, and said, give me my horse, I tell you. By*
this time one of the young men had fled again that had gone
away before, but he returned in a short time. Musemeelin
then told the young men they must not offer to discover or
tell a word about what had been done, for their lives ; but
they must help him to bury Jack, and the other two were to
be thrown into the river. After that was done, Musemeelin
ordered them to load the horses and follow towards the hill,
where they intended to hide the goods; accordingly they did,
and as they were going, Musemeelin told them that as there
were a great many Indians hunting about that place, if they
should happen to meet with any, they must be killed to pre-
vent betraying them. As they went along, Musemeelin go-
ing before, the two young men agreed to run away as soon
as they could meet with any Indians, and not to hurt any
body. They came to the desired place, the Lorses were un-
loaded, and Musemeelin opened the bundles, and offered the
two young men each, a parcel of goods. They told him that
as they had already sold their skins, and every body knew
they had nothing, they would certainly be charged with a
black action, were they to bring any goods to the town, and
therefore would not accept of any, but promised nevertheless
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 91
not to betray him. Now, says Musemeelin, I know what
you were talking about when you staid so far behind.
The two young men being in great danger of losing their
lives — of which they had been much afraid all that day —
accepted of what he offered to them, and the rest of the
goods they put in a heap, and covered them from the rain,
and then went to their hunting cabin. Musemeelin unexpec-
tedly finding two or three more Indians there, laid down his
goods, and said he had killed Jack Armstrong and taken pay
for his horse, and should any of them discover it, that person
he would likewise kill ; but otherwise they might all take a
part of the goods. The young man, called Jimmy, went to
Shamokin, after Musemeelin was gone to bury the goods,
with three more Indians, with whom he had prevailed ; one
of them was Neshaleeny's son, whom he had ordered to kill
James Smith, but these Indians would not have any of the
goods. Sometime after the young Indian had been in Sha-
mokin, it was whispered about that some of the Delaware
Indians had killed Armstrong and his men. A drunken
Indian came to one of the Tudolous houses at night and told
'the man of the house that he could tell him a piece of bad
news. What is that ? said the other. The drunken man
said, some of our Delaware Indians have killed Armstrong
and his men, which, if our chie£ should not resent, and take
them up, I will kill them myself, to prevent a disturbance
between us and the white people, our brother. Next morn-
ing, Shickcalamy and some other Indians of the Delawares,
were called to assist Allumoppies in Council. When Shick-
calamy and Allumoppies got one of the Tudolous Indians to
write a letter to me, to desire me to come to Shamokin in all
haste, that the Indians were very much dissatisfied in mind.
This letter was brought to my house by four Delaware In-
dians, sent express ; but I was then in Philadelphia, and
when I came home and found all particulars mentioned in
this letter, and that none of the Indians of the Six Nations
had been down, I did not care to meddle with Delaware In-
dian affairs, and staid at home till I received the governor's
orders to go, wThich was about two weeks after. Allumoppias
was advised by his Council to employ a conjuror, or as they
call it, to find out the murderer ; accordingly, he did, and the
Indians met, the Seer being busy all night, told them in the
morning to examine such and such an one, that was present,
92 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744.
when Armstrong was killed, naming the two young men :
Musemeelin was present. Accordingly, Allumoppies, Quith-
eyquent, and Thomas Green, an Indian, went to him that
had fled first and examined him ; he told the whole story very
freely ; then they went to the other, but he would not say a
word, and went away and left him. The three Indians re-
turned to Shickcalamy and informed them of what discovery
they had made* When it was agreed to secure the murder-
ers, and deliver them up to the white people. Then a great
noise arose among the Delaware Indians, and some were
afraid of their lives and went into the woods ; not one cared
to meddle with Musemeelin, and the other that could not be
prevailed on to discover any thing, because of the resent-
ment of their families ; but they being pressed by Shickcala-
my's son to secure the murderers, otherwise they would be
cut off from the chain of friendship. Four or five of the De-
lawares made Musemeelin and the other young man prison-
ers, and tied them both. They lay twenty-four hours, and
none would venture to conduct them down, because of the
great division among the Delaware Indians ; and Allumop-
pies, in danger of being killed, fled to Shickcalamy and beg-
ged his protection. At last Shickalamy's son, Jack, went to
to the Delawares, most of them being drunk, as they had
been for several days, and told them to deliver the prisoners
to Alexander Armstrong, and they were afraid to do it; they
might separate their heads from their bodies, and lay them in
the canoe, and carry them to Alexander to roast and eat
them, that would satisfy his revenge, as he wants to eat In-
dians. They prevailed with the said Jack to assist them ;
and accordingly he and his brother, and some of the Dela-
wares, went with two canoes and carried them off.
Conrad Weiser, in a letter to a friend, dated Heidelberg,
1746, adverts to an interesting incident which occurred at
the conclusion of this interview at Shamokin. He says, " two
years ago I was sent by the Governor to Shamokin, on ac-
count of the unhappy death of Joh/i Armstrong, the Indian
trader, (1774.) After I had performed my errand, there was
a feast prepared, to which the Governor's messengers were
invited. There were about one hundred persons present, to
whom, after we had in great silence, devoured a fat bear, the
eldest of the chiefs made a speech, in which he said : "That,
by a great misfortune, three of the brethren, the white men.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 93
had been killed by an Indian ; that nevertheless, the sun was
not set, (meaning there was no war,) it had only been some-
what darkened by a small cloud, which was now done away;
he that had done evil was like to be punished, and the land
remain in peace; therefore he exhorted his people to thank-
fulness to God, and therefore he began to sing with an aw-
ful solemnity, but without expressing any words ; the others
accompanied him with great earnestness of fervor, spoke
these words : " Thanks, thanks be to thee, thou great Lord
of the world, in that thou hast again caused the sun to shine,
and hast dispersed the dark cloud — the Indians are thine."
CHAPTER V.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754..
Abductions in 1753; viz: of Evans, Devoy, Nicholson, Magenty, Burns,
Hutchinson of Cumberland county — Frontier inhabitants fear the
Indians, and petition Governor Hamilton, fronf Cumberland & Lan-
caster counties — Governor Hamilton urges the Assembly to afford
the frontier settlers aid — The government solicitous to retain the
friendship and aid of the Indians — Weiser sent to Aughwick — Israelf
an Indian of the Six Nations, killed Joseph Cample in Cumberland
(Franklin) county — Croghan's letter touching this murder, &c.
Though we find only occasionally a murder committed
upon the whites by the Indians, betore Braddock's defeat,
nevertheless the number of abductions was considerable be-
fore that time. Among others, inhabitants of Cumberland
county, that were taken captive, were John Evans, Henry
Devoy, Owen Nicholson, Alexander Magenty, Patrick Burns,
and George Hutchinson, all of whom returned again to Cum-
berland— these were captured in 1752, '53, and '54 ; and
some of them endnred great hardships.
A number of French Indians, headed by a Frenchman,
took George Henry, John Evans, James Devoy and Owen
Nicholson, prior to 1753. They were carried to Quebec,
and from thence sent to Rochelle, in France, where they
were released by the English ambassador, and by him sent
to London ; from there they got a passage to Philadelphia ;
and on presenting a petition to the Assembly, May 22, 1753,
and the House having considered the petitioners unhappy
case were granted them as much money as bore their expen-
ses to Cumberland county, their place of residence. Sixteen
pounds were allowed them.
While one Alexander Magenty was trading with the Cut-
taica Indians, who were in alliance with the Crown of Great
Britain, and on returning home, he was taken prisoner, Jan-
uary 26, 1753, by a party of French Indians of the Cagna-
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754. 95
waga Nation, near the river Kantucqui, a western branch of
the Ohio. The Indians beat and abused Magenty in the
most barbarous and cruel manner, then sent him to Montreal.
From that place the prisoner wrote a letter to the Mayor of
Albany, requesting him to obtain his release, which was ul-
timately effected, by paying a considerable sum of money to
the Indians who had taken him. Magenty returned to Phil-
adelphia in the autumn of 1753, destitute of clothes and other
necessaries ; the Assembly granted i,im six pounds, to bear
his expenses to Cumberland county, the place of his resi-
dence.
In November, 1755, the Assembly granted ten pounds to
Patrick Burns and George Hutchinson, who had been taken
prisoners by the Indians, and made their escape, to furnish
them necessaries in their distressed circumstances, to return
from Philadelphia to Cumberland county, their place of res-
idence.— [Votes of Assembly, vol. iv.
A strict amity had existed between the Indians and the
inhabitants of Pennsylvania, with occasional personal or in-
dividual disputes, for a space of about seventy years; but
now, 1753 and '54, a different spirit manifested itself in the
conduct of some of the Indians in the northwestern parts of
the State, and along the frontier settlements of the province
— they joined with the French against the English, and made
havoc of their former friends, the English ; many of whom,
at the instigation of their new allies, the French, they mur-
dered most cruelly, as will be apparent from the following
detailed accounts of the massacres. A dark cloud obscured
the hitherto existing friendly relations, and consternation
seized hold of those who seemed to have nothing to fear
from the aborigines. A panic spread through the frontier
^settlers.
* The inhabitants of Cumberland now began to fear greatly
that the enemy, who had recently made incursions into Vir-
ginia would, before long, fall upon them too, and they peti-
tioned Governor Hamilton to aid them in their critical condi-
tion. The inhabitants of the upper part of Lancaster (now
Dauphin) county, sent a similar petition to the Governor and
council — as follows : —
The humble petition of the inhabitants of the townships of
Paxton, Derry and Hanover, Lancaster county, humbly
sheweth that your petitioners being settled on and near the
96 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754.
river Susquehanna, apprehend themselves in great danger
from the French and French Indians, as it is in their power
several times in the year to transport themselves with am-
munition, artillery, and every necessary, down the said river
— and their conduct of late to the neighboring Provinces, in-
creases our dread of a speedy visit from them, as we are as
near and convenient as the Provinces attacked, and are less
capable of defending ourselves, as we are unprovided with
arms and ammunition, and unable to purchase them. A great
number are warm and active in these parts for the defence of
themselves and country, were they enabled so to do, (al-
though aot such a number as would be able to withstand the
enemy) we, your petitioners, therefore humbly pray that
your Honor would take our distressed condition into consid-
eration, and make such provision for us as may prevent our-
selves and families from being destroyed and ruined by such
a cruel enemy; and your petitioners, as in duty, will ever
pray.— July 22, 1754.
Fear, ever of a contagious nature, seized hold of those
more remotely settled from the frontier. The inhabitants of
Donegal township, Lancaster county, also felt that they, as
well as their fellow inhabitants, were in great danger of be-
ing murdered by the savages and their French allies; in view
of the impending dangers, joined in petitioning the Governor
to take their distressed condition into consideration.
The Governor, on maturely considering the condition of
the frontier settlers, sent a message to the Assembly, then
in session, urging in strong terms that immediate aid should
be afforded the petitioners. In his message (August, 1754)
he says, "The people of Cumberland and the upper parts of
Lancaster county, are so apprehensive of danger, at this crit-
ical juncture, from the nearness of French, and savages urjr
der their influence, that the principal inhabitants have, in
the most earnest manner, petitioned me to provide for their
protection ; representing withal, that a great number would
be warm and active in defence of themselves and their coun-
try, were they enabled so to be, by being supplied with arms
and ammunition, which many of them are nnable to purchase
at their own private expense. The substance of three several
petitions, which I shall likewise order to be laid before you,
appears to me, gentlemen, to be of the greatest importance,
and well worthy of your most serious attention. You may
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754- 97
be assured, that nothing which depends on me shall be
wanting towards affording them the protection they de-
sire ; but you cannot at the same time but be sensible how
little it is in my power to answer their expectations with-
out the aid of your House. It becomes then my indispen-
sable duty, and I cannot on any account whatever excuse
myself from pressing you to turn your thoughts on the de-
fenceless state of the Province in general, as well as of our
back inhabitants in particular'; and to provide such means
for the security of the whole, as shall be thought at once
both reasonable and effectual to the ends proposed ; in
which, as in every other matter, consistent with my honor,
and the trust reposed in me, I promise you my hearty con-
currence.— [Votes of Assembly, iv. 319, Aug. 1754.
These abductions were mere preludes of more sanguin-
ary sequences. Many of the Indians heretofore known as
" friendly Indians" became disaffected, and favored the
French interests in the west — ready to aid the French in
their schemes. The government of the Province of Penn-
sylvania and Virginia, were anxious to not only have the
continued friendship of those who still professed to be
friendly, but, if possible, to regain the friendship of the dis-
affected ; for that purpose Conrad Weiser was sent, in the
month of September, 1754, to Aughwick, where George
Croghan, the Indian agent, had quite a number of differ-
ent tribes under his care. Notwithstanding that Mr. Wei-
ser, as the agent of the government, did all in his power,
aided by liberal donations of money, to secure the friendlv
assistance of the Indians, murders were committed by some
unknown Indian. For a few days after Mr. Weiser had
left Croghan, an Indian of the Six Nations, named Israel,
penetrated into the frontier settlements, and killed an In-
dian trader, Joseph Cample, at the house of Anthony
Thompson, near Parnall's Knob, Cumberland county (now
Franklin,) as the following letter shows:
Aughwick, September 27th, 1754.
May it please your Honor :
Since Mr. Weiser left this, an Indian of the Six Nations,
named Israel, killed one Joseph Cample, an Indian trader,
at the house of one Anthony Thompson, at the foot of the
Tuscarora valley, near Parnall's Knob. As soon as I
9
98 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754.
heard it, I went down to Thompson's and took several of
the chiefs of the Indians with me, when I met William
Maxwell, Esq. The Indian made his escape before I got
there. I took the qualification of the persons who were
present at the murder, and delivered them to Mr. Max-
well to be sent to your Honor, with the speech made by
the chiefs of the Indians on that occasion, which, I suppose
your Honor has received.
I have heard many accounts from Ohio since Mr. Wei-
ser left this, all of which agree that the French have re-
ceived a reinforcement of men and provision from Canada,
to the fort. An Indian returned yesterday to this place,
whom I had sent to the fort for intelligence ; he confirms
the above accounts, and further says, there were about
sixty French Indians had come while he staid there, and
that they expected better than two hundred more every
day; he says that tbe French design to send those Indians
with some French, in several parties, to annoy the back
settlements, which the French say will put a stop to any
English forces marching out this fall to attack them. This
Indian likewise says that the French will do their endea-
vor to have the Half-King, Scarrayooday, Capt. Montour
and myself, killed this fall. This Indian, I think is to be be-
lieved, if there can be any credit given to what an Indian
says. He presses me strongly to leave this place, and not
live in any of the back parts. The scheme of sending seve-
ral parties to annoy the back settlements seems so much like
French policy, that I can't help thinking it true.
I hear from Colonel Innes that there certainly have been
some French Indians at the Camp at Wills' creek, and fired
on the sentry in the dead of the night. If the French prose-
cute this scheme, I don't know what will become of the back
parts of Cumberland county, which is much exposed. The
back parts of Virginia and Maryland are covered by the
English camp, so that most of the inhabitants are safe.
I would have written to your Honor before now, on this
head, I only waited the return of this Indian messenger,
whose account I really think is to be depended on. The In-
dians here seem very uneasy at their long stay, as they have
heard nothing from the Governor of Virginia, nor of your
Honor since Mr. Weiser went away ; nor do they see the
English making any preparations to attack the French, which
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1754. 99
seems to give them a great deal of concern. I believe seve-
ral of the Indians will soon go to the Six Nation country ;
and then I suppose the rest will be obliged to fall in with
the French. If this happens, then all the back settlements
will be left to the mercy of an outrageous enemy.
I beg your Honor's pardon for mentioning the consequen-
ces which most certainly attend the slow motion of the Eng-
lish government, as they are well known to your Honor ;
and fchat I am sensible your Honor had done all in your
power for the security of those parts. I hope as soon as his
Honor, Governor Morris, is arrived, I shall hear what is to
be done with those Indians. I assure your Honor it will not
be in my power to keep them together much longer.
I am your Honor's most humble
and most obedient servant,
Geo. Croghan.
Aughwick, Old Town.
CHAPTER VI.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755 '80.
Ardent hostilities between the French and English — Braddock's defeat
encourages the French and their Indian allies — Frontier settlers
again petition government for protection — Plans for defence of the
Frontiers — Governor Morris's language in relation to Braddock's
defeat — Twenty-five persons carried off at Penn's creek ; buildings
burnt; several persons killed and scalped, viz : Jacques Le Roy, or
Jacob King and others — Four men killed by the Indians, who were
returning from Shamokin to Harris's ferry— Extensive settlements
deserted — Harris's letters touching the above massacre— Weiser's
letters — Harris's letter— Anecdote from Heckewelder's narrative*—
Frontier settlers abandon their homes — Harris's letter — Bingham's
fort in Tuscarora valley destroyed — Fort Granville taken, &c. &c. —
Hamilton's letters, &c. — Col. Armstrong's letter — Numerous massa-
cres in several places — In southwestern part of Huntingdon county
In Woodcock valley, &c. — Settlers killed at Sinnemahoning, &c. in
| 1778
Clouds of portentous indication were fast gathering, and
excited great alarm; for actual hostilities between the
French, aided dy their Indian allies, and the English in Ame-
rica, had commenced. Reinforcements, by both parties, to
strike the decisive blow, most fatally, were effected. The cri-
sis was an eventful one. The inhabitants of the frontiers
were all in a panic ; the Indians, true to their character, when
enemies, struck whenever an opportunity presented itself —
neither sex nor age was spared.
The French, and their Indian allies, encouraged by their
success, pushed their incursions into the interior parts of the
frontier settlements, — into York, Cumberland, Lancaster,
Berks and Northampton counties. These counties were
scenes of murder, burning of houses, &c, for a period of
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 101
about 10 years. The apprehensions of those who feared the
direful consequences of Braddock's defeat, were sadly re-
alized.
The massacres which followed this defeat were horrible
beyond description. Shingas and Captain Jacobs were sup-
posed to have been the principal instigators of them, and a
reward of seven hundred dollars was offered for their heads.
It was at this period, that the dead bodies of some of the
murdered and mangled were sent from the frontiers to Phila-
delphia, and hauled about the streets, to inflame the people
against the Indians, and also against the Quakers, to whose
mild forbearance was attributed a laxity in sending out troops.
The mob surrounded the House of Assembly, having placed
the dead bodies at its entrance, and demanded immediate suc-
cor. At this time the above reward was offered. — [Drake's
Ind.His.
King Shingas, as he was called by the whites, (who is
noticed in the preceding paragraph,) but whose proper name
was Shingask, which is interpreted Bogmeadow, was the
greatest Delaware warrior at that time. Heckewelder, who
knew him personally, says, Were his war exploits all on re-
cord, they would form an interesting document, though a
shocking one. Conococheague, Big Cove, Shearman's val-
ley, and other settlements along the frontier, felt his strong
arm sufficiently, that he was a " bloody warrior" — cruel his
treatment, relentless his fury. His person was small, but in
point of courage and activity, savage prowess, he was said
to have never been exceeded by any one. In 1753, when
Washington was on his expedition to the French on the Ohio
(Allegheny), Shingas had his house at Kittaning — where
Pittsburg now stands.
The inhabitants, as they had done the previous years,
again renewed their petitions to government, and also united
to resist, if possible, the French and their savage allies.
Plans were now devised for the defence of the frontiers.
The following was one, which the compiler copied from the
original, found among some letters and papers in the Secre-
tary's Office at Harrisburg. The paper is without date. It
is headed "A plan for the defence of the Frontier of Cum-
berland county, from Philip Davies' to Shippensburg.
Let one company cover from Philip Davies to John Wad-
del's, And as John McDowell's mill is at the most impor-
102 „ INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
taut pass, most exposed to danger, has a fort already made
about it, and there provisions may be most easily had ; for
these reasons let the chief quarters be there. Let five men
be constantly at Philip Davies', William Marshall's and Tho-
dle's, who shall be- relieved every day by the patrolling
guards. Let ten men be sent early every morning from the
chief quarters to Thomas Waddle's, and ten return from
thence in the evening. Likewise ten men sent from Ihe chief
quarters to the other extremity daily, to go by William Mar-
shall's to Philip Davies', and return the same way in the
afternoon. By this plan the-whole bounds will be patrolled
twice every day — a watch will be constantly kept at four
most important places, and there will be every night forty-
five men, at the chief quarters, ready for any exigency.
Another company may cover as much more of the Fron-
tier, beginning where the first ends, and reach towards, and
back of Shippensburg, by fixing a chief quarter in some con-
venient place, about the middle of said bounds, and from
thence patrolling the ground twice a day, and keeping watch-
es at the most proper places as above; one of which watches
may be constantly at Mr. Armstrong's, and another at a
proper place, at the other extremity.
This plan supposes each of the companies to consist of 60
men in all, as fewer cannot so patrol, keep watch, and have
any force together to answer such exigencies as may oecur.
These may be furnished by deducting seventeen out of each
of the four Forts back of our frontier : this leaves sixty in
each Fort, and makes up a new company of sixty men, and
eight to be added to Captain Potter's company.
Governor Robert Morris, in his message of July 24, 1755,
to the Assembly, has the following language in relation to
Braddock's defeat : — " This unfortunate and unexpected
change in our affairs deeply affect every one of his majesty's
colonies, but none of them in so sensible a manner as this
province, while having no militia, is thereby left exposed to
the cruel incursion of the French and barbarous Indians, who
delight in shedding human blood, and who make no distinc-
tion as to age or sex — as to those that are armed against
them, or such as they can surprise in their peaceful habita-
tions— are all alike the objects of their cruelty — slaughter-
ing the tender infant, and frightened mother, with equal joy
and fierceness. To such enemies, spurred by the native cru-
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 103
eity of their tempers, encouraged by their late success, and
having now no army to fear, are the inhabitants of this pro-
vince exposed; and by such must we now expect tabe over-
run, if we do not immediately prepare for our own defence ;
nor ought we to content ourselves with this, but resolve to
drive to, and confine the French to their own just limits.—
[Votes of Assembly.
Scarce three months after this disastrous defeat, we find
the barbarous savages engaged in murdering the whites and
setting fire to their houses, on the west side of Susquehanna,
in Cumberland county, now Union; for, on the fifteenth of
October, 1755, a party of Indians fell upon the inhabitants
on Mahahany (or Penn's) creek, that runs into the river Sus-
quehannah, about five miles lower than the Great Fork made
by the juncture of the two main branches of the Susquehan-
nah, killed and carried off about twenty-five persons, and
burnt and destroyed their buildings and improvements, and
the whole settlement was deserted.
The inhabitants on Penn's creek sent in the following peti-
tion to Governor Morris : —
" We, the subscribers, near the mouth of Penn's creek, on
the west side of the Susquehanna, humbly show, that on or
about the 16th October, 1755, the enemy came down upon
said creek, killed, scalped, and carried away all the men,
women and children, amounting to twenty-five in number,
and wounded one man, who fortunately made his escape and
brought us the news, whereupon the subscribers went out
and buried the dead, whom we found most barbarously mur-
dered and scalped.
" We found but thirteen, who were men and elderly wo-
men. The children, we suppose to be carried away, pris-
oners. The house where we suppose they finished their mur-
der, we found burnt up ; the man of it, named Jacob King,
a Swisser, lying just by it. He lay on his back, barbarously
burnt, and two tomahawks sticking in his forehead ; one of
those marked newly with W. D. We have sent them to
your Honor. The terror of which, has driven away almost
all the back inhabitants, except the subscribers, with a few
more, who are willing to stay and defend the land ; but as
we are not at all able to defend it for the want of guns and
ammunition, and few in numbers, so that without assistance,
104 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
we must flee, and leave the country to the mercy of the
enemy.
Y\ e, therefore, desire it, that your Honor would take the
same into consideration, and order some speedy relief for the
safety of these back settlements, and be pleased to give us
speedy orders what to do.
George Gliwell, George Achmudy, John McCahon, Abra-
ham Souerkill, Edmund Matthews, Mark Curry, William
Doran, Dennis Mucklehenny, John Young, John Simmons,
George Snabble, George Aberheart, Daniel Braugh, George
Lynn, and Gotfried Fryer. — [Prov. Records.
Jacob King alias Jacob Le Roy, mentioned in the above
petition, had only lately arrived in the country. At the time
he was murdered, his daughter, Anne Mary Le Roy, and
some others, were made prisoners, and taken to Kittaning,
where she was kept a captive for about four years. She ar-
rived at Philadelphia, May 6th, 1759. A narrative of her
abduction and captivity, and that of Barbara Leininger, was
published by Peter Miller, in 1759. — [Sauer's Zeitung.
On the 23d of October, 1755, forty-six of the inhabitants
on Susquehanna, about Harris' Ferry, went to Shamokin, to
enquire of the Indians there, who they were that had so cru-
elly fallen upon and ruined the settlement on Mahahony
creek ; on their return from Shamokin, they were fired upon
by some Indians who lay in ambush, and four were killed,
four drowned, and the rest put to flight ; on which, all the
settlements between Shamokin and Hunter's mill (formerly
Chambers') for the space of fifty miles, were deserted. —
[Prov. Records.
The following letters from John Harris, and other gentle^
men, give all the particulars, touching the above :
Paxton, October 20, 1755.
May it please your Honor —
I was informed, last night, by a person that came down
our river, that there was a Dutch (German) woman, who
made her escape to George Gabriel's, and informs us, that
last Friday evening, on her way home from this settlement,
on Mahahony, or Penn's creek, where her family lived, she
called at a neighbor's house, and saw two persons lying by
the door of said house, murdered and scalped ; and there
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 105
were some Dutch (German) families that lived near their
places, immediately left, not thinking it safe to stay any lon-
ger. It is the opinion of the people up the river, that the
families on Penn's creek being scattered, that but few in
number are killed or carried off, except the above said wo-
man, the certainty of which will soon be known, as there
are some men gone out to bury the dead.
By report, this evening, I was likewise informed by the
belt of wampum, and these Indians here, there were seen,
near Shamokin, about six days ago, two French Indians of
the Canawago tribe. I, a little doubted the truth of the re-
port at first ; but the Indians have seemed so afraid, that they
despatched messengers, immediately, to the mountains, above
my house, to bring in some of their women that were gath-
ering chestnuts, for fear of their being killed.
By a person just arrived down our river, brought informa-
tion of two men being murdered within five miles of George
Gabriel's, four women carried off, and there is one man woun-
ded in three places, who escaped to Gabriel's, and it is ima-
gined that all the inhabitants on Penn's creek and Little
Mahaiiony, are killed or carried off, as most of them live
much higher up where the first murder was discovered. The
Indian warriors here send you these two strings of white
wampum, and the women the black one, both requesting that
you would lay by all your council pipes, immediately, and
open all your eyes and ears, and view your slain people in
this land, and to put a stop to it immediately, and come to
this place to our assistance without any delay ; and the belt
of wampum particularly mentions that the proprietors and
your Honor would immediately act in defence of their coun-
try, as the old chain of friendship now is broken by several
nations of Indians, and it seems to be such as they never ex-
pected to see or hear of. Any delay on our acting vigor-
ously now at this time, would be the loss of all Indian inte-
rest, and perhaps our ruin in these parts.
I am your Honor's
Most obedient servant,
John Harris.
P. S. I shall endeavor to get a number of my neighbors
to go out as far as the murder has been committed ; and per-
haps to Shamokin, to know the minds of the Indians, and
106 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
their opinions of these times, and to get what intelligence I
can from them, and to encourage some of their young men
to scout about, back of the frontiers, to give us notice of the
enemy's approach, if possible, at any time hereafter. I hear-
tily wish your Honor and the Assembly, would please to
agree on some method at this time towards protecting this
province, as this part of it seems actually in danger now; for
should but a company of Indians come and murder, but a few
families hereabouts, which is daily expected, the situation
we are in would oblige numbers to abandon their plantations,
and our cattle and provisions, which we have a plenty of,
must then fall a prey to the enemy.
Our Indians here seem much discouraged at the large num-
ber of families passing here, every day, on account of the
late murders on the Potomack, and will be much more so, if
it should happen to be our case. There were two Indian
women set out from here two days ago, for the Ohio, to bring
some of their relations (as they say) down here ; and should
the French, or their Indians hear by them, as they will be
enquiring for news, the effect that their late murders has had
among our inhabitants, it will be a matter of encouragement
to them.
I conclude, your Honor's
Most obedient and most
Humble servant,
John Harris.
Paxton, October 28, 1775.
May it please your Honor (Gov. Morris.)
This is to acquaint you, that on the 24th of October, I
arrived at Shamokin, in order to protect our frontiers up that
way, till they might make their escape from their cruel ene-
mies, and learn the best intelligence I could.
The Indians on the west branch of the Susquehanna, cer-
tainly killed our inhabitants on Penn's creek ; and there are
a hatchet and two English scalps sent by them up the north
branch, to desire them to strike with them, if they are men.
The Indians are all assembling themselves at Shamokin,
to counsel ; a large body of them was there four days ago. I
cannot learn their intentions ; but seems Andrew Montour
and Mona-ca-too-tha are to bring down the news from them.
There is not a sufficient number of them to oppose the ene-
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 107
my ; and, perhaps, they will join the enemy against us. There
is no dependance on Indians ; and we are in imminent dan-
ger.
I got certain information from Andrew Montour and oth-
ers, that there is a body of French with fifteen hundred In-
dians coming upon us, Picks, Ottaways, Orandox, Dela wares,
Shawanese, and a number of the Six Nations ; and are now,
not many days march from this Province and Virginia, which
are appointed to be attacked ; at the same time, some of the
Shamokin Indians seem friendly, and others appear like ene-
mies
Montour knew, many days ago, of the enemy being on
their march against us, before he informed ; for which I said
as much to him, as I thought prudent, considering the place
I was in.
On the 25th inst, on my return with about forty more, we
were attacked by about twenty or thirty Indians — received
their fire, and about fifteen of our men and myself took to
the trees, attacked the villains, killed four of them on the
spot, and lost but three more — retreating about half a mile
through woods, and crossing the Susquehanna, one of whom
was shot off an horse riding behind myself, through the riv-
er. My horse was wounded, and failing in the river, I was
obliged to quit him and swim part of the way.
Four or five of our men were drowned, crossing the river.
I hope our journey, though with fatigue and loss of substance,
and some of our lives, will be of service to our country, by
discovering our enemy, who will be our ruin, if not timely
prevented.
I just now received information that there was a French
officer, supposed captain, with a party of Shawanese, Dela-
wares, &c, within six miles of Shamokin, ten days ago ; and
no doubt intends to take possession of it, which will be a
dreadful consequence to us, if suffered. Therefore, I thought
proper to despatch this message to inform your Honor. The
Indians here I hope, your Honor, will be pleased to cause
them to remove to some place, as I do not like their compa-
ny; and as the men of those here were not against us, yet
did them no harm, or else I would have them all cut off.
Belt (Indian so called) promised, at Shamokin, to send out
spies to view the enemy, and upon hearing of our skirmishes,
Old Belt was in a rage — gathered up thirty Indians immedi-
108 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
ately, and went in pursuit of the enemy, as I am this day
informed.
I expect Montour and Mona-ca-thoo-tha down here this
week, with the determination of their Shamokin council. The
inhabitants are abandoning their plantations, and we are in
a dreadful situation.
I am, &c.
John Harris.
P. S. The night ensuing our attack, the Indians burnt all
George Gabriel's houses — danced around them.
Heidelberg, Nov. the 2d, at night, 1755.
Honored Sir :
I am going out early next morning with a company of
men — how many I cannot tell, as yet — to bring away the
few, and dispersed families, on the north side of Kittatinny
hills, yet alive : they cry aloud for assistance, and shall give
it my opinion to-morrow, in a public meeting of the town-
ships of Heidelberg and Tulpehocken ; — but the few that are
alive, and remaining there, (the greater part has come away)
shall be forwarded to the south side of the hills ; and we will
convey them to this side. I don't go over the hills myself;
I will see the men so far as the hills, and give such advice
as I am able to do. There can be no force used ; we are
contiually alarmed ; and last night I received the account
from Andrew Montour that Belt, Scarrooyady, and others,
wanted me to come up with my men to John Harris' Ferry,
and to consult with them. I sent an account for my not
coming, with my son, Sammy, who set off by break of day,
this morning, with an invitation to the Indians to come down
to my house for consultation. The same message I had ven-
tured to send by George Gabriel, I sent by Sammy, a copy
of which, I sent by George Gabriel, is here inclosed. Wh(n
I received the letter from Harris's Ferry, signed by several,
among whom were Mr. James Galbieath and Mr. Allison —
it was late in the night. I dispatched a messenger after
George, and he came back this morning ; here inclosed, as
said before, is his errand. I hope to see my son back again
to-morrow night with intelligence ; that is one reason why I
can't go over the hills. My son, Peter, came up this even-
ing, from Reading, at the head of about fifteen men, in order
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 109
to accompany me over the hills. I shall let him go with the
rest. Had we but good regulations, with God's help we
could stand at our places ot abode; but if the people fail,
which I am afraid they will, because only some go, other's
won't. Some plead religion, and a great many are cowards.
I shall think of my, and my family's preservation, and quit
my place. I can get none to stand by me, to defend my own
house. I hope you will excuse this — I have no clerk now,
and had no sleep for several days and nights.
I am, sir,
Your obedient servant,
Conrad Weiser.
I, and Thomas Foster, Esq., Mrs. Harris, and Mr. Mc-
Kee, with upwards of forty men, went up, the 2nd inst. (Oc-
tober, 1755) to Captain McKee, at New Providence, in or-
der to bury the dead, lately murdered on Mahahany creek ;
but understanding the corpse were buried, we then determin-
ed to return immediately home. But being urged by John
Sekalamy, and the Old Belt, to go up to see the Indians at
Shamokin, and know their minds, we went on the 24th, and
staid all night — and in the night I heard some Delawares
talking — about twelve in number — to this purpose : " What
are the English come here for?" Says another: "To kill us
I suppose ; can we then send off some of our nimble young
men to give our friends notice, that can soon be here?" They
soon after sang the war song, and four Indians went off, in
two canoes, well armed — the one canoe went down the river,
and the other across.
On the morning of the 25th, we took our leave of the In-
dians, and set off homewards, and were advised to go down
the east side of the river, but fearing that a snare might be
laid on that side, we marched off peaceably, on the west side,
having behaved in the most civil and friendly manner towards
them while with them ; and when we came to the mouth oi
the Mahahany creek, we were fired on by a good number of
Indians that lay among the bushes ; on which, we were obli-
ged to retreat, with the loss of several men ; the particular
number I cannot exactly mention ; but I am positive that I
saw four fall, and one struck with a tomahawk on the head,
in his flight across the river. As I understand the Delaware
tongue, I heard several of the Indians that were engaged
10
110 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
against us, speak a good many words in that tongue, during
the action.
Adam Terrance.
The above declaration was attested by the author's vol-
untary qualification, no magistrate being present — at Paxton,
this 26th October, 1755, before us :
John Elder, Thomas McArthur, Michael Graham, Alex.
McClure, Michael Teass, William Harris, Thomas Black,
Samuel Lenes, Samuel Pearson, William McClure.
N. B. Of all our people that were in the action, there are
but nine that have yet returned.
Reading, October 22, 1755.
Honored Sir :
I take this opportunity to inform you that I received news
from Shamokin, and that six families have been murdered on
John Penn's creek, on the west side of the Susquehannah ;
about four miles Irom the river, several people have been
been found scalped, and twenty-eight or more missing. The
people are in great consternation, and are coming down, leav-
ing their plantations and corn behind them. Two of my sons
are gone up to help down one of their cousins with his fam-
ily.
I hear of more that will defend themselves ; but George
Gabriel the people down here seem to be for ourselves,
and says: The Indians will never come this side the Susque-
hanna river ; but I fear they will, since they meet with no
opposition any where. I do not doubt your Honor has heard
of this melancholy affair before now, by the way of Lancas-
ter, perhaps more particularly; yet, I thought it my duty to
inform you of it ; and when my sons' come back, I will
write again, if they bring any thing particular.
I have heard nothing of the Indians that have gone up to
fight against the French on the Ohio ; their going, I fear,
has been occasion of this murder. I have nothing more to
add, but am, Honored sir,
Your very humble servant,
Conrad Weiser.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. Ill
Bethlehem, Nov. 2, 1755.
Mr. Christian Seidel and Mr. David Zeisberger, being ex-
amined on their solemn affirmation, before me, Timothy
Horsefield, one of his Majesty's justice of the peace for the
county of Northampton, at their return from their journey to
the Susquehanna, affirmed as follows :
Q. When came you to the Susquehanna ?
A. The twenty-sixth of October last.
Q. What places were you at there ?
A. Waioming, the Shawanos Town, and at Lechaweke,
the Minesink Town.
Q. What stay did you make there ?
A. Six days.
Q. What was your proper business there ?
A. Being invited by the Indians, we went there to preach
the gospel, which we did twice at Lechaweke.
Q. What knowledge have you of the disturbances which
iately happened in those parts?
A. All we know is, what the Shawonas chief, named
Packstanos told us, viz : that he and some other chiefs of
the Indians being on the Susquehanna, were called down by
the Shamokin Indians, and accordingly they went, and Sat-
urday the 25th of last month, as they sat together in consul-
tation, then came forty-nine white people to them, and told
them the French Indians were near on the other side of the
river — the Indians advised them to stay on that side and not
to go over the river ; but they would needs go over ; and hav-
ing crossed over, about six miles below Shamokin, near George
Gabriel's, they were attacked by some Indians ; and, that
the aforesaid chief, with others, and some of his young men,
went the next day over, and going down the river, they came
to the place where the engagement had been the day before;
where they found three white men had been killed ; and, a
little further, on the river side, they found another dead; not
shot, but supposed to have been drowned trying to escape ;
at some distance further they found a suit of women's clothes,
with a pair of new shoes lying near the river, which they
thought must have belonged to some one who endeavored to
escape by crossing the river. They then followed the track
further into the woods, where the said chief espied a sapling
cut down, and near by a grub twisted \ then he called to
the company, and said, These marks betokened something ;
112 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
and upon search they found a parcel of leaves raked togeth-
er, upon removing which, they found a fresh grave, in which
lay an Indian, who had been shot, and well dressed ; by the
hairs of his head being pulled out, except a tuft on his crown,
they discovered him to be a French Mohawk Indian — they
stripped and scalped him.
They also found a glove, all bloody, lying by a tree, which
had been very much shot, which they imagined to have be-
longed to Thomas McKee, an Indian trader. Then they
next went to George Gabriel's plantation, where they saw
Indian tracks on the plowed ground — and that his corn was
burnt, but what was become of him and his family, they
Igiew not.
Q. What situation did you find the Indians in ?
A. They are in great favor of the French Indians, and are
also much concerned, but the white people should think that
they had a hand in the late disturbance, viz : the Indians at
Wayoming. At Lechaweke they were entirely ignorant of
the whole affair ; for as we came there, they were all toge-
ther at their thanksgiving harvest feast. As far as we could
observe, they are all well affected towards the English. And
the aforementioned chief fully intends to come here to Beth-
lehem on a visit shortly.
Q. What do you know of the disturbance said to have
happened lately in the neighborhood of Gnodenhuetten ?
A. When we came to Gnodenhuetten yesterday, the first
inst., we found all in peace and quietness ; but as we came
to-day through the Gap, we found above a hundred people
in a great fight, who told us that George Custard was mur-
dered. We made answer, that he was alive that night, and
was seen and spoken with by two of our people from Knod-
?nhuetten ; viz: Schweigart and Presser — Presser being thea
in company with us. And further we know not.
Taken before me,
Tim. Horsefield.
Bethlehem, Novem. 2d, 1755.
Note. — Heckewelder, in his Historical Account of the
Indians, when speaking of the Indians' manner of surprising
their enemies, relates a striking anecdote, by way of exem-
plification, of the Indians' sagacity, as well as veracity; the
subject of which, has some relation to massacre, mentioned
above.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 113
In the beginning, says he, of the summer of the year 1755,
a most atrocious and shocking murder was unexpectedly com-
mitted by a party of Indians, on fourteen white settlers,
within five or six miles of Shamokin. The surviving whites,
in their rage, determined to take their revenge by murdering
a Delaware Indian, who happened to be in those parts, and
was far from thinking himself in danger. He was a great
friend to the wrhites, wTas loved and esteemed by them, and
in testimony of their regard, had received from them the
name of Luke Holland, by which he was generally known.
This Indian, satisfied that his nature was incapable of com-
mitting such a foul murder in a time of profound peace, told
the enraged settlers that he was sure that the Delawares
were not in any manner concerned in it, and that it was the
act of some wicked Mingoes or Iroquois, whose custom it was
to involve other nations in wars writh each other by clandes-
tinely committing murders, so that they might be laid to the
charge of others than themselves. But all his representations
were vain ; he could not convince exasperated men, whose
minds were fully bent upon revenge. At last, he offered
that if they would give him a party to accompany him, he
would go with them in quest of the murderers, and was sure
he could discover them by the prints of their feet and other
marks well known to him, by which he would convince them
that the real perpetrators of the crime belonged to the Six
Nations. His proposal was accepted ; he marched at the
head of a party of whites and led them into the tracks. They
soon found themselves in the most rocky parts of the moun-
tain, where not one of those who accompanied him was able
to discover a single track, nor would they believe that ever
a man had trodden on this ground, as they had to jump over
a number of crevices between the rocks, and in some instan-
ces to crawl over them. Now they began to believe that
the Indian had led thern across those rugged mountains in
order to give the enemy time to escape, and threatened him
with instant death the moment they should be fully convinced
of the fraud. The Indian, true to his promise, would take
pains to make them perceive that an enemy had passed along
the places through which he was leading them ; here he
would show them that the moss on the rock had been trod-
den down by the weight of a human foot , then that it had
been torn and dragged forward from its place ; further, he
10*
114 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
would point out to them that pebbles or small stones on the
rocks had been removed from their beds by the foot hitting
against them, that dry sticks by being trodden upon were
broken, and even that in a particular place, an Indian's blank-
et had dragged over the rocks, and removed or loosened the
leaves lying there, so that they lay no more flat, as in other
places ; all which the Indian could perceive as he walked
along, without ever stopping. — At last arriving at the toot
of the mountain on soft ground, where the tracks were deep,
be found out the enemy were eight in number, and from the
ireshness of the foot prints, he concluded that they must be
encamped at no great distance. This proved to be the ex-
act truth ; for, after gaining the eminence on the other side
of the valley, the Indians were seen encamped, some having
already lain down to sleep, while others were drawing off
their leggings for the same purpose, and the scalps they had
taken were hanged up to dry. " See !" said Luke Holland
to his astonished companions, " there is the enemy ! not of
any nation, but Mingoes, as I truly tell you. They are in
our power ; in less than half an hour they will all be fast
asleep. We need not fire a gun, but go up and tomahawk
them. We are nearly two to one and need apprehend no
danger. Come on, and you will now have your full revenge ! "
But the whites, overcome with fear, did not choose to follow
the Indian's advice, and urged him to take them back by the
nearest and best way, which he did, and when they arrived
art home late at night, they reported the number of the Iro-
quois to have been so great, that they durst not venture to
attack them.
" This account, says Heckewelder, is faithfully given as I
received it from Luke Holland himself, and took it down in
writing at the time." — [Heckewelder's His. Ace. of Ind.
Nations ; p. 168-70.
The near approach of the enemy threw all, in the outer
settlements, into consternation. Their only safety was to
flee and leave all to the enemy. They had in vain looked,
for some time, for effectual relief from Government. Houses
that had been occupied ; barns that had been filled with the
fruits of a rich and plenteous harvest ; and newly sowed
fields, and standing corn ; and some cattle, were all aban-
doned, by the hardy and industrious frontier settlers, expect-
ing as they did, daily the enemy upon them. They were
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 115
constantly in fear of being cut off. Even John Harris and
his family were threatened with death, as stated by Mr.
Harris himself in the following letter :
Paxton, October 29, 1755.
Edward Shippen, Esq.
Sir : We expect the enemy upon us every day, and the
inhabitants are abandoning their plantations, being greatly
discouraged at the approach of such a number of cruel sav-
ages, and no present sign of assistance. I had a certain ac-
count of fifteen hundred French and Indians being on their
march against us and Virginia, and now close upon our bor-
ders ; their scouts scalping our families on our frontiers daily.
Andrew Montour and others at Shamokin, desired me to
take care, that there was a party of forty Indians out many
days, and intended to burn my house and destroy myself and
family. I have this day cut loop holes in my house, and am
determined to hold out to the last extremity if I can get some
men to stand by me. But few can be had at present, as
every one is in fear of his own family being cut off every
hour. — Great part of the Susquehanna Indians are no doubt
actually in the French interest, and I am informed that a
French officer is expected at Shamokin this week with a
party of Delawares and Shawanese, no doubt to take pos-
session of our river. We should raise men immediately to
build a fort up the river to take possession, and to induce
some Indians to join us. We ought also to insist on the In-
dians to declare for or against us, and as soon as we are pre-
pared for them, we should bid up the scalps, and keep our
woods full of our people upon the scout, else they will ruin
our province ; for they are a dreadful enemy. I have sent
out two Indian spies to Shamokin ; they are Mohawks.
Sir, yours &c.,
John Harris.
In the latter part of October 1755, the enemy again ap-
peared in the neighborhood of Shamokin ; and in November
they committed several murders upon the whites under cir-
cumstances of cruelty and barbarity. Not only those on the
immediate frontier settlers, but those residing towards the
interior were kept in constant alarm, as will be seen from
an address or appeal to the inhabitants of the Province. '
116 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
Paxton, Oct. 31, 1753. From John Harris' at 12, P. M.
To all his majesty's subjects in the Province of Pennsyl-
vania, or elsewhere : Whereas, Andrew Montour, Belt of
Wampum, two Mohawks, and other Indians came down this
day from Shamokin, who say the whole body of Indians or
the greatest part of them in the French interest, is actually
encamped on this side George Gabriel's, near Susquehanna ;
and that we may expect an attack in three days at farthest ;
and a French fort to be begun at Shamokin in ten days hence.
Tho' this be the Indian report ; we the subscribers, do give
it as our advice to repair immediately to the frontiers with
all our forces to intercept thtir passage into our country, and
to be prepared in the best manner possible ^for the worst
event.
Witness our hands.
James Galbreath, John Allison, Barney Hughes, Robert
Wallace, John Harris, James Pollock, James Anderson,
William Work, Patrick Henry.
P. S. They positively affirm that the above named Indians
discovered a party of the enemy at Thos. McKee's upper
place on the 30th of October last.
Mona-ca-too-tha, the Belt, and other Indians, here insist
upon Mr. Weiser's coming immediately to John Harris' with
his men, and to council with the Indians.
Before me, James Galbreath.
On the 20 Feb. 1756, says Gordon, Captain Patterson
with a scouting party, fell in with some Indians at Middle
creek, in Cumberland county (Union) one of whom they
scalped and put the others to flight, having one of his own
men wounded. He reported the woods, from the Juniata to
Shamokin, to be filled with Indians, seeking plunder and
scalps, and burning all the houses, and destroying the grain
in that vicinity.
The Indian whom they scalped was probably Shecalemy's
sister's son, as will appear from the following letter from
Thomas McKee, dated " Fort at Hunter's mill, (six or seven
miles above Harrisburg,) April 5, 1756," and addressed to
Ed. Shippen, Esq., at Lancaster.
I desire to Jet you know that John Shecalemy, Indian, is
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 117
come here in the afternoon, and gives me an account that
there is great confusion amongst the Indians up the North
Branch of Susquehanna ; the Delawares are moving all from
thence to Ohio, and want to persuade the Shanoies along
with them, but they decline going with them that course
as they still incline to join with us. The Shanoies are going
up to the town called Teaoga (Diahoga) where there is a
body of the Six Nations, and there they intend to remain.
He has brought two more men, some women and some child-
ren along with him, and says that he intends to live and die
with us, and insist upon my conducting him down to where
his sister and children are at Canestogo, and I am loath to
leave my post as his Honor was offended at the last time I
did, but can't help it. He desires me to acquaint you that
his sister's son was killed at Penn's creek in the scrimage
with Capt. Patterson. This with due respect from yours, &c .
February 1756, a party of Indians from Shamokin came
to Juniata. They first came to Hugh Mitcheltrees, being
on the river, who had gone to Carlisle, and had got a young
man, named Edward Nicholass to stay with his wife until he
would return — the Indians killed them both. The same
party of Indians went up the river where the Lukens now
live — William Wilcox lived on the opposite side of the river,
whose wife and eldest son had come over the river on some
business — the Indians came while they were there and killed
old Edward Nicholass and his wife, and took Joseph, Thomas
and Catharine Nicholass, John Wilcox, James Armstrong's
wife and two children prisoners.
Some time in June, Fort Bighim, in Tuscarora valley,
about twelve miles from Mifflin, was destroyed by the In-
dians. A number were carried off and^ome killed. Geo.
Woods, Nathaniel Bigham, Robert Taylo-, his wife, and
one child, and John McDonnel were missing. Some of
these, it was supposed, were burnt, as a number of bones
were found. Susan Giles was found dead and scalped ;
Alexander McAllister and his wife, James Adams, Jane
Cochran, and two children wera missed. McAllister's
house had been burnt, and a number of cattle and horses
had been driven off. The enemy was supposed to be nu-
merous, as they did eat and carry off a great deal of beef
they had killed.^Pa. Gazette.
118 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
George Woods was the father-in-law of James Ross,
who ran for Governor, and resided some fifteen years ago
in Bedford.
Hance, or John Gray, afterwards joined a volunteer
company, and went against the Indians in Kittaning, with
the hopes of finding his wife and child. Shortly after the
Kittaning expedition, he died in Bucks county.
Francis Innis remained a prisoner or captive, till the In-
dian treaty.
It appears from the following communications that Fore
Granville was erected at the close of 1755, or in the spring
of 1756.
Sir — You are desired to proceed to Cumberland county,
and fix on proper places for erecting three stockades, viz :
One back of Patterson's, one upon " Kishecoquillas,,' and
one near Sideling Hill ; each of them fifty fe"et square, with
a block-house on two of the corners, and a barracks with-
in, capable of lodging fifty men. You are also desired to
agree with some proper person, or persons, to oversee the
workmen at each place, who shall be allowed such wages
as you shall agree to give, not exceeding one dollar per
day; and the workmen shall be allowed at the rate of six
dollars per month, and their provisions, till the work is
finished.
B. Franklin,
Jos. Fox,
Jos. Hughs,
Evan Morgan.
To Capt. Geo. Croghan,
Philadelphia, Dec. 17, 1755.
Carlisle, Apiil 4th, 2 o'clock, 1756.
Dear Sir :
I arrived at this place at 12, wheie I found fresh alarms
from the frontiers, viz : On the 29th March, Pomfrett Cas-
tle was fired on by a party of Indians, who took one Hugh
Mitcheltree prisoner, and they are very scarce of provis-
ions and ammunition.
From Fort Granville, 31st of March, there was a party
of Indians, four in number, within one mile of the fort,
which fort is so badly stored with ammunition, not having
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755. 119
three rounds per man, they thought it not prudent to ven-
ture after them. I am further informed there were two
parties of Indians seen within one mile of Shippensburg
town, but dont hear of any mischief done yet, I think it
highly necessary, and shall, if possible, get an escort at
Adam Hoops' to go the rounds with me, as I am very
sensible that a great part of the soldiers have left their
posts and come to the inhabitants, particularly from Fort
Granville. If I hear no more of them, I shall proceed,
whether I get an escort or not, and if I get certain intelli-
gence of their being abroad, I will wait till the charge I
have made on me can be conducted with safety.
The above account is matter of fact, and may be de-
pended on.
I am, dear sir,
Your very humble servant,
Elisha Saltar.
P. S, All their cry is, money and ammunition.
The place where Fort Granville had been erected, was
called " Old Town," on the left bank of the Juniata river,
near Lewistown, Mifflin county, where a company of en-
listed soldiers were kept, under the command of Lieuten-
ant Armstrong. The position of the fort was the most fa-
vorable. The Indians who had been lurking about there
for some time, and knowing that Armstrong's men were
few in number, sixty of them appeared, July 22, before
the fort, and challenged the garrison to combat ; but this
was declined by the commander, in consequence of the
weakness of his force. The Indians fired at and wounded
one man belonging to the fort, who had been a short way
from it — yet, he got in safe ; after which they divided
themselves into small parties, one of which attacked the
plantation of one Baskins, near Juniata, whom they mur-
dered, burnt his house and carried off his wife and chil-
dren ; and another made Hugh Carroll and his family
prisoners.
On the 30th of July, Captain Ward left the fort with all
his men, except twenty-four under the command of Lieut.
Armstrong, to guard some reapers in Shearman's valley.
Soon after the Captain's departure, the fort was attacked
by about one hundred Indians and French, who having
120 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
assailed it in vain during the afternoon and night of that
day, took to the Juniata creek, and, protected by its bank,
attained a deep ravine, by which they were enabled to ap-
proach, without fear of injury, to within ten or twelve yards
oi the fort, to which they succeeded in setting it on fire.
Through a hole thus made they killed the Lieutenant and
private, and wounded three others while endeavoring to ex-
tinguish the fire-
The enemy then offering quarters to the besieged, if they
would surrender, one Turner immediately opened the gate to
them. They took prisoners, twenty-two soldiers, three wo-
men, and seven children, whom they loaded with burdens
and drove them off. The fort was burnt by Captain Jacobs,
pursuant to the order of the French commander. When the
Indians reached Kittaning, they put Turner to death with
the most horrid toitures. They tied him to a post, danced
around him, made a great fire, and having healed gun-barrels
red-hot, ran them through his body. Having tormented
him for three hours, they scalped him alive, and at last held
up a boy with a hatchet in his hand, to give him the finish-
ing stroke.
The following casts some additional light on this :
Cumberland county.
The first day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1757,
before me John Armstrong, Esq., one of his Majesty's
Justice of the Peace, for the county of Cumberland afore-
said, came John Hogan, late a soldier belonging to Capt.
Edward Ward's company of foot, in the pay of the pro-
vince of Pennsylvania, and upon his solemn oath, did de-
pose and declare, that on or about the first day of August
last past, (1756,) he, this deponent, with several others,
was taken prisoner at Fort Granville, by a party of French
and Indians — consisting of one hundred Indians and fifty
French — who Jook this deponent, and the rest of the pris-
oners, to the Kittaning, where they continued about three
hours, in which time John Turner, one of the prisoners,
was then burnt. That they were then taken down the
river to Fort Da Quesne, where they staid but a few
hours — the French and Indians not agreeing — they then
proceeded to Logstown, where this deponent mostly con-
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756. 121
tinued until he made his escape, which was about nine
weeks ago. And this deponent further saith, that during
the time of his captivity, he was several times at Fort Du
Quesne, and was fully satisfied that the garrison consisted
of about three hundred French, had six guns, five or six
pounders mounted, and seven swivels. That there were no
Indians in the Fort ; but at about two miles distant from the
Fort, was an Indian town wherein were about fifty or sixty
of the natives. Twenty whereof were able to bear arms.
That the walls of the bastions of said Fort were about four-
teen feet thick. The curtain about four or five feet thick,
except that next the river which is built as a common stock-
ade, that between the two bastions in the Pennsylvania side
there is a ditch about six feet wide, and about seven or eight
feet deep. That about four days before this deponent made
his escape, there were twenty battoes arrived at Fort Du
Quesne for Canada loaded with ammunition and provisions,
and that it was reported that they also expected a large re-
inforcement of French and Indians from Canada and Missis-
sippi, and that they would then endeavor to cut off the back
inhabitants ; and also said that if the English did not go out
this summer they would come to them. And this deponent
turther saith that the Indians having sold a prisoner to the
French, received a nine gallon keg of brandy. This depo-
nent and George Hily, another prisoner, thought that would
be a good time for them to escape as it was customary for
the Indians on such occasions to make a frolic and get drunk,
whereupon they set off and brought Martin Borrowelly,
another prisoner along with them, and arrived at the South
Branch of the Potomac in three weeks from the time of their
escape.
Sworn at Carlisle the 1st of June 1757,
before
John Armstrong.
Before leaving Fort Granville, they posted up a paper,
which was afterwards found there, and was sent to the Gov-
ernor and council ; and has sine been carefully kept among
other papers and letters in the Secretary's office. The fol-
lowing is a literal transcript of the original, copied by the
writer in December, 1844.
11
122 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756.
The paper appears to be a mere fragment of a letter. It
is incoherent — has many omissions, which are not easily sup-
plied, without knowing the particular circumstances under
which it was written.
II nece poin duxe peu ne pase pas que Jamay je nous Re-
garde de bon Coeur Et nesperce jamay auqueune grase de
mapare Car jene auqueune an vie de vous voyr apre le Chag-
rien que vous mave Causez ain si Char Cher allteur pour
moy nefaitte poin defou non plus sur un in Conseten qui ne
panse Cason pie sir Croye moy Char Che fore tune allieurs
pour moy je ri ne panse arien moy Case la il nez rien qui
puise me De tou ne de nest santi man adie bon soir el nes pa
tar je par de mein vous mouve toujours dixetros vous il nes
pa Convenable que vous Restier isci Cela ne vous Convenien
pas Cinon je prandre plu vous prandre des Mesure pour y
me ditour ner plu je serai rustique ne panse pa que serve de-
vous percequittee vous panserie malle Car je sivous voulle
netre poin tenu retire vousdemoy Car jene sourois re sis ter.
j Vostre Servette
Pinella Ciere
The following is also copied from the same paper of the
original. It is an interlineal, rotho graphical correction of
the original spelling.
It nest point d'aussi pen. Ne passer pas que jamais je
vous. Reg-arderai den bon coeur it n'esperez jamais ancune
grace de ma parte car je nai ancune envie de vous voir apres
le chagren que vous m'avez cause ainsi chercher aillieurs
pour moi ne faitez point de Fou non plus sur un Inconstant
qui ne pense qua son plaisir croyer moy chercher Fortune
aillieurs pour moy je ris ne pense a rien moy qua cele il nest
rien qui puisse me detourner de unest sentiment adieu bon
soer il nest pas tard je pars Demain vous monvez toujours
(ja) dis retirez vous il nest pas convenable que vous Restioz
ici cela ne vous convenient pas sinon je prendrai plus vous
prendroz des mesures pour y me ditourner plus je sui Rus-
tique ne pensor pas que sur se de vous perse cater vous pen-
serier mal ear je se vous vonlez netre point tenu retiroz vous
de moy car je ne sourois resister.
Vostre Serviteur.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756. 123
A professor of Modern Languages, to whom I showed
this curious morceau, and, who, after examining it closely,
made, in writing the following reply.
"f As the upper part of the letter has been cut off, no sense
can be gathered from the first five words, which are the con-
clusion of a sentence ; nor, for the same reason, is the relation
between the first and second pages altogether apparent.
Interlinear Interpretation Revised, J. R.
II nest point dausse peu (1)
Ne palsez pas que jamais je vous Regarde de bon coeur
et n'espereg aucune grace de ma parte car (2) je n'ai aucune
enrie de vous voir apres le chagrin que vous m'avez cause
ainse chercheg aillieurs pour moi ne faitez (3) point de fou non
plus sur un inconstant qui ne pense qu'a son plaiser Toyez
moi chercher fortune aillieurs pour moi je ne ris ne pense (4) a
rien moi qu'a cela il n'est rien qui puisse me detourne de (5)
sentiment 6) adieu bon soir il n'est pas tard je pars demain vous
mouvez (7) toujours je dis (8) retirey vous il n'est pas convena-
ble que vous restiez ici ala ne vous convient pas si non je pren
drai plus vous prendrez des mesures pour y one detourner
plus je serai (9) Rustique ne pensez pas que sur (10) ce de vous
persecuter vous penseriez mal car je si vous vouley n'etre
point tenu retirez vous de moi car je ne saurais resister.
(1) Perhaps d'ici pres or de si pres (2) Pait (3) faites
(4) je ne pense (5) mes, ommitted (6) sentiments (7) m'avez
(3) dit without je (9) suis (10) cesse (a) fond.
The 2nd Correction punctuated.
il n'est point d'aussi pres (pen)
Ae passey pas, que jamais je vous regarde ae bon coeur,
et n'erperez jamais aucune grace de ma part, car je n'ai au-
cune envee de vous voir, apres le chagrin que vous m'avez
cause. Ainsi cherchez aillieurs. Pour moi ne failer point
de fond non plus eur un inconstant, qui ne pense qu a'son
plaiser. Croyez moi cherchez fortune aillieurs. Pour moi
je ne pense a'nier moi qua ala, il n'est rien qui puisse me
detourne de mes sentimentss. Adieu, bon soir ; il n'est pas
tard je pars demain.
vous m'avez toujours dit. Retirez vous ; il n'est
pas convenable que vous restiez ici ; cela ne vous convient
124 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756.
pas ; sinon je prendrai plus vous prendrez des mesures pour
y me detourne. Plus je suis rustique ne plensez pas que je
cessse de vous persecuter vous penseriez mal car je (si vous
voulez n'etre point tenu, reterez vous de moi) car je ne
saurais resister
Vostre Serviteur
Pinella Ciere
The concluding words of the sentence in the part cut
off—
A Literal Translation. I. E.
Do not call on me, for never do I look upon you with
pleasure, and never hope for any favor from me, for I have
no desire to see you, after the trouble you have caused me.
Seek elsewhere. As for me, no longer rely on one incon-
stant, who thinks only of his pleasure. Believe me, seek
fortune elsewhere. For my part, I think only of this, there
is nothing which can divert me from my sentiments. Adieu,
good evening, it is not late. I set out to-morrow. * *
you have always told me. (1) Go away, it is not expedient
that you should remain here. It is not proper for you, else
the more 1 shall take the more you take them to divert me
from it. Although I am simple, think not that I shall cease
to persecute you ; you will think erroneously ; for I (if you
wish not to be distanced, go away from me) could not (2)
resist.
Your Servant
Pinella Ciere.
(1) The conclusion of a sentence above.
(2) I should not be able to resist.
August the 18th, 1756.
To Hance Hamilton : ,
Sir—
I have sent express to you with the French letter, and
one from Lieutenant Thompson, and a copy of that I have
sent per Captain Hamilton and Ensign Scott, and the remain-
der I will send by Potter and Steel's men. Lieutenant Hol-
iday sent to me last night for blankets, and says that his
men are all going to leave him for want of tlie same, as the
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756, 125
inhabitants have ail left the fort. Capt. Potter has forty-
seven men ; and how many Captain Steel has I cannot tell ;
1 believe about thirty or upwards.
If you have any blankets send them by the bearer. I be-
lieve I will make up near twenty strays, and the remainder
I sent by Potter and Steel's men, which I hope you will re-
ceive at your arrival there.
I have nothing more, that I remember, but my compliments
to Mrs. Armstrong, and my earnest desire of yonr welfare
and success,
I am, with much esteem,
your most humble servant,
Adam Hoops".
N. B. I have got 39 pair of horse shoes, and 15 pair
which are put on the horses.
Since I wrote, the Courier (carrier) has come to me to
let me know that near John Lindsay's, five or six Indian.-
were seen, and that one was shot down at the Grindstone
Hill ; and he says that they cannot carry out the flour
which they had agreed for with them ; there are not five
families in all those parts, but what are now fled ; the set-
tlement is full of Indians, and are seen in many places.
A. H.
Wednesday Morning, 5 o'clock, August 19, 1756
Dear Sir —
I have last night received a letter by express from my
Lieutenant which I have enclosed, with the original of tht
French letter, left at Fort Granville (hear Lewistown, Mu-
ffin county). We are all scarce of powder and lead at our
forts. I am obliged to get a little from Mr* Hoops, and to
give my receipt as for the expedition.
There is a party of Captain Mercer's company here ; and
on our receiving this letter we marched directly, taking with
us twelve beef cattle, and the packhorses which belong to
the two forts. The rest are to be brought up by Captain
Potter's and Steel's men.
Sir, there were five of my men who were free, about the
7th of July, and they continued in the service, until they
heard of Fort Granville being taken (and not be qualified
IV
126 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756.
they went off) as it is reported for want of ammunition ;
and we being so scarce, they openly refused to serve longer
under such circumstances.
Sir, I am your affectionate,
humble servant,
Hance Hamilton.
To Col. John Armstrong,
at Carlisle.
Shortly after Fort Granville had been destroyed, Colonel
Armstrong entered upon what is well known as the Kittaning
expedition. He advanced with three hundred men, till he
reached the Beaver Dams, near Frankstown, where he was
joined by an advanced party, on Sept. 2. On the 7th in the
evening he reached Kittaning, and routed the enemy. (Par-
ticulars oi the expedition will be noticed in the sequel.)
Letter from Col. Armstrong to the Hon. R. H. Morris,
Esq. late Governor.
Carlisle, 20th August, 1756.
May it please your Honor —
To-morrow, God willing, the men march from McDowell's
for Fort Shirely, and this afternoon some part of my own
company, with the provisions here, set out for Shearmen's
valley, there to halt till the residue come up. This night
I expected to have been at Fort Shirely, but am much dis-
appointed in getting in the strays, for collecting whereof we
shall not wait longer than this day. Hunter has got about
half a score, and commissary Hoops about a dozen. The
commissioners (for which your Honor will please to make
them my sincere compliments) have sent everything necessary
except the canteens wrote for by Mr. Buchanan, which I
am persuaded they have forgot, and which we must supply
by tin quarts. They were probably right in keeping back
the tents, as they might have proven an incumbrance, and
there is not one shilling laid out on this occasion that does
not give me sensible uneasiness, but through the want of ex-
perience, and fewness of our numbers, the good end proposed
should fail of being obtained*.
I am not yet determined whether to wait twenty-four hours
longer on the answer of a letter sent to Colonel Clapham
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1256. 127
for the. intelligence of John Cox, who has been sometime
with, and now made his escape from the Indians, which I
think would be very material, and which, if waited for until
to-morrow, or Sunday night, will make it Tuesday before
we can reach Fort Shirely. I dare not venture any thing
of consequence now with a single messenger, so many Indians
being in the woods.
The harvest season, with the two attacks on Fort Gran-
ville (Lewistown) has left us bare of ammunition, that I shall
be obliged to apply to the stores here for some quantity, for
the expedition. The Captains, Hamilton and Mercer, hav-
ing broken open the part I sent to McDowell's for Fort
Shirely, and given them receipts as for the expedition, though
I know it for the particular defence of these two posts : nor
will it be in my power to prevail with double the number of
men, and a double quantity of ammunition to keep a Fort
that would have done it before the taking of Fort Granville.
I hope the first opportunity of conveying ammunition to this
town will be taken. For farther proofs of the numbers of
Indians among us and waste of this country, I shall enclose
your Honor some letters lately received.
Since the escape of the Dutchman, whose deposition I sent
your Honor, is also escaped a certain Peter Walker taken
from Granville, and saith, that of the enemy no less than one
hundred and twenty returned all in health, except one French-
man shot through the shoulder by Lieutenant Armstrong a
little before his death, as the Frenchman was erecting his
body out of the hollow to see through the pine knots on the
fire made against the Fort ; and of this number there wei e
about a dozen of French, who had for their interpreter one
McDowell, a Scotchman. This McDowell told Walker
they designed very soon to attack Fort Shirely, with four
hundred men. Captain Jacobs said he could take any Fort
that would catch fire, and would make peace with the Eng-
lish when they had learned him to make gunpowder. Mc-
Dowell told Walker they had two Indians killed in the en-
gagement, but the Captains, Armstrong and Ward, whom I
ordered on their march to Fort Shirely to examine every
thing at Granville, and send a list of whom remained among
the ruins, assure me they found some parts of eight of the
enemy burnt in two different places, the joints of them being
scarcely separated, and parts of their shirts found, through
128 INDPAN MASSACRES IN 1755.
which there were bullet holes. To secrete these from our
prisoners was doubtless the reason why the French officer
marched our people some distance from the Fort before they
gave orders to burn the barracks, &c. Walker says that
some of the Germans flagged very much on the second day,
and that the Lieutenant behaved with the greatest bravery
to the last, despising all the terrors and threats of the enemy,
whereby they often urged him to surrender, though he had
been near two days without water, but a little ammunition
left, the fort on fire, and the enemy situated within twelve
or fourteen yards of the fort, under the natural bank, he was
as far from yielding as when at first attacked ; a Frenchman
in our service fearful of being burnt, asked leave of the Lieu-
tenant to treat with his countrymen, in the French language;
the Lieutenant answered, " The first word of French you
speak in this engagement, I'll blow your brains out," telling
his men to hold out bravely, for the flame was falling and he
would soon have it extinguished, but soon after received the
fatal ball.
The French officer refused the soldiers the liberty of in-
terring his corpse, though it was to be done in an instant
when they raised the clay to quench the fire.
One Brandon, a soldier who had been shot through the
knee, on the approach of the enemy, called out, "I am a
Roman Catholic, and will go with you," but the Indians re-
gardless of his faith, observing he could not march, soon de-
spatched him with a tomahawk.
As Fort Shirely is not easily defended, and their water
may be taken possession of by the enemy, it running at the
foot of a high bank eastward of the fort, and no well dug, I
am of opinion, from its remote situation, that it cannot serve
the country in the present circumstances, and if attacked, I
doubt will be taken if not strongly garrisoned, but (extremi-
ties excepted) I cannot evacuate this without your Honor's
orders.
Lyttleton, Shippensburg and Carlisle (the two last not fin-
ished) are the only forts now built that will, in my opinion,
be serviceable to the public. McDowell's, or thereabouts,
is a necessary post, but the present fort not defencible. The
duties of the harvest have not admitted me to finish Carlisle
Fort with the soldiers, it should be done, and a barracks
erected within the fort, otherwise the soldiers cannot be so
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756. 129
well governed, and may be absent or without the gates, at a
time of the greatest necessity.
I am honored sir,
your Honor's most obedient
and humble servant,
John Armstrong.
The distress of the frontier settlers had nearly reached
its acme. An attempt to depict their sufferings, alarms, and
fears, would prove a failure. In the fall of 1755, the coun-
try west of the Susquehanna possessed three thousand men
fit to bear arms ; and in August 1756, exclusive of the Pro-
vincial forces, there were not one hundred ; fear having dri-
ven the greater part from their homes into the interior of
the province. — Gordon's Pa. 430.
Governor Morris, in his message to the Assembly, August
16, 1756, says, " The people to the west of the Susquehan-
na, distressed by the frequent incursions of the enemy, and
weakened by their great losses, are moving into the interior
parts of the Province, and I am fearful that the whole coun-
ty will be evacuated, if timely and vigorous measures are
not taken to prevent it." — Votes of Assembly.
The few who had not fled petitioned the Governor, Coun-
cil and Assembly, for aid to protect them against the ravages
of a restless, barbarous and merciless enemy. Their several
petitions are given below.
To the Honorable Robert Hunter Morris, Esq., Lieut. Gov,
of Province of Pennsylvania.
The address of part of the remaining inhabitants of Cum-
berland county, most humbly showeth, that the French and
their savage allies have from time to time made several in-
cursions into this county, have in the most inhuman and bar-
barous manner murdered great numbers of our people and
carried others into captivity, and being greatly emboldened
by a series of success, not only attempted, but also took Fort
Granville on the 30th July last, then commanded by the late
Lieutenant Edward Armstrong, and carried off the greatest
part of the garrison, prisoners, from whom doubtless the
enemy will be informed of the weakness of this frontier, and
how incapable we are of defending ourselves against their
incursions, which will be a great inducement for them to re-
double their attacks, and in all probability force the remain-
130 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756.
ing inhabitants of this county to evacuate it. Great numbers
of the inhabitants are already fled, and others preparing to
go off; finding that it is not in the power of the troops in
pay of the government (were we certain of their being con-
tinued) to prevent the ravages of our restless, barbarous and
merciless enemy. It is therefore greatly to be doubted that
(without a further protection) the inhabitants of this qpunty
will shortly endeavor to save themselves and their effects,
by flight, which must consequently be productive of consid-
erable inconveniencies to his Majesty's interest in general,
and to the welfare of the people of this' Province in particular.
Your petitioners being fully convinced of your Honor's
concern for a strict attachment to his Majesty's interest,
have presumed to request that your Honor would be pleased
to take our case into consideration, and, if agreeable to your
Honor's judgment, to make application to his Excellency,
General Loudon, that part of the troops now raising for his
Excellency's regiment may be sent to, and for some time,
continued in some of the most important and advantageous
posts in this county, by whose assistance we may be enabled
ta continue a frontier if possible, and thereby induce the re-
maining inhabitants, to secure, at least, a part of the immense
quantity of grain which now lies exposed to the enemy and
subject to be destroyed or taken away by them ; and also
enable the Provincial troops to make incursions into the
enemy's country, which would contribute greatly to the safe-
ty and satisfaction of your Honor's petitioners — And your
petitioners, as in duty bound shall ever pray, &c.
Francis West, John Welsh, James Dickson, Robert Erwin,
Samuel Smith, Wm. Buchanan, Daniel W illiams, John Mont-
gomery, Thos. Barker, John Lindsay, Jas. Lindsay, Thos.
Uric, Jas. Buchanan, Wra. Spear, Jas. Polock, And. Mcln-
tyre, Robert Gibson, Garret McDaniel, Arthur Foster, Jas.
Brandon, John Houston, Patrick McCollom, James Reed,
Thos. Lockertt, And. Dalton, John Irwin, W m. Blyth,
Robt. Miller, Wra. Miller, Jas. Young, Jno. Davis, John
Mitchell, John Pattison, Samuel Stevens, John Fox, Chas.
Pattison, John Foster, Win. McCaskry, And. Calhoun, Jas.
Stackpole, Wm. Sebbe, Jas. Robb, Samuel Anderson, Rob-
ert Robb, Samuel Hunter, A. Forster, Nath. Smyth.
Read in council August 21, 1756.
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756. 131
Not only was the country west of the Susquehanna left
nearly desolate and deserted, but also on the east side of the
river, numerous murders were committed, and plantations
abandoned. When imagination fails to conceive the peril
and distress of the settlers of Paxton, Hanover, Derry, and
•other townships, then in Lancaster (now Dauphin and Leb-
anon counties) vain would it be to attempt to portray the
scenes of horror. Some idea, however, may be formed of
their condition from the subjoined letters :
Derry Township, 9th Aug. 1756.
Dear Sir :
There is nothing but bad news every day. Last week
there were two soldiers killed and one wounded about two
miles from Manady fort ; and two of the guards that escort-
ed the batteaux were killed ; and we may expect nothing
else daily, if no stop be put to these savages. We shall all
be broken in upon in these parts — the people are going off
daily, leaving almost their all behind them ; and as for my
part, I think a little time will lay the country waste by flight,
so that the enemy will have nothing to do but take what we
have worked for.
Sir, your most
Humble servant,
James Galbreath,
Ed. shippen, Esq.
Derry Township, 10th Aug. 1756.
Honored Sir :
There is nothing here almost every day but murder com-
mitted by the Indians in some part or other. About five
miles above me, at Manady gap, there were two of the Prov-
ince soldiers killed, one wounded. There were but three
Indians, and they came in among ten of our men and com-
mitted the murder, and went off safe. The name or sight
of an Indian makes almost all, in these parts, tremble — their
barbarity is so cruel where they are masters ; for by all ap-
pearances, the devil communicates, God permits, and the
French pay, and by that the back parts, by all appearances,
will be laid waste by flight with those who are gone and
going, more especially Cumberland county.
132 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756.
Pardon my freedom in this, wherein I have done amiss.
Sir, your most
Humble servant,
James Galbreath.
P. S. I am in want of pistols.
The above is fully corroborated by the following :
Hanover Aug. 7, 1756.
To Edward Shippen, Esq.
Sir : Yesterday, Jacob Ellis, a soldier of Captain Smith's,
at Brown's about two miles and a half over the first moun-
tain, just within the gap, having some wheat growing at that
place, prevailed with his officers for some of the men, to help
him to cut some of the grain ; accordingly ten of them went,
set guards, and fell to work; at about ten, o'clock, they had
reapt down, and went to the head to begin again, and before
they had all well begun, three Indians having crept up to
the fence just behind them, fired upon them and killed the
corporal, and another who was standing wilh a gun in one
hand and a bottle in the other was wounded — his left arm
is broken in two places ; so that his gun fell, he being a lit-
tle more down the field than the rest ; those who were reap-
ing had their fire arms about halfway down the field, stand-
ing at a large tree ; as soon as the Indians had fired and
without loading their guns, leaped over the fence right in
amongst the reapers — one of them had left his gun behind
on the outside of the field — they all ran promiscuously, while
the Indians were making a terrible halloo, and looked more
like the devil than Indians. The soldiers made for their
fire arms, and as three of them stood behind the tree with
their arms, the Indian that came wanting his gun, came with-
in a few yards of them, and took up the wounded soldier's
gun, and would have killed another, had not one who per-
ceived him, fired at him, so that he dropped the gun. The
Indians fled, and in going off, two soldiers standing about a
rod apart, an Indian ran through between them, they both
fired at him, yet he escaped ; when the Indians were over
the fence, a soldier fired at one of them ; upon which be
stopped a little — the three Indians escaped. Immediately
after leaving the field, they fired one gun, and gave a halloo.
The soldiers hid the one that was killed, went home to the
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1756. 133
fort, found James Brown, who lives in the fort, and one of
the soldiers, missing.
The Lieutenant, accompanied by some more, went out
and brought in the dead man ; but still Brown was miss-
ing. Notice was given on that night, I went up next
morning with some hands — Captain Smith had sent up
more men from the other fort ; these went out next morn-
ing, against I got there word was come in that they had
found James Brown, killed and scalped, I went over with
them to bring him home ; he was killed with the last shot,
about twenty rods from the field — his gun, his shoes and
jacket carried off. The soldiers who found him, said that
they tracked the three Indians to the second mountain,
and they found one of the Indian's guns a short distance
from Brown's corpse, as it had been not worth much.
They showed me the place where the Indians fired through
the fence; and it was just eleven yards from the place
where the dead man lay. The rising ground, above the
field, was clear of standing timber and the grubs low, so
that they had kept a look out.
The above account, you may depend upon. We have
almost lost all hopes of every thing, but to move off and
lose our crops that we have cut with so much difficulty.
I am your
Honor's servant,
Adam Reed.
John Harris, in the following letter, addressed to Richard
Peters, Secretary to the Provincial Council, mentions the
state of affairs on the frontiers. —
Paxton, Nov. 5th 1756.
Sir: Here is at my fort two prisoners that came from
Shamokin about one month ago, be pleased to inform his
Honor,our governor, that direction may be given how they
are to be disposed of. They have been this long time con-
fined. I hope that his Honor will be pleased to continue
some men during these calamitous times in our frontiers —
as this place and the conveniences here may be of service
if defended. We had a town meeting since the murder
committed in Hanover township, and have unanimously
agreed to support twenty men in our own township at the
12
134 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1758.
mountain, there to range and keep guard or watch day
and night for one month, commencing from the 3d of this
inst ; when it is hoped we shall be relieved by a strict
militia law that will oblige us all to do our duty.
Paxton township has kept up a strong guard at our
mountain near these twelve months past which has been
expensive and fatiguing ; but it is much better for us to do
so than to move off our families and effects, and ruin our-
selves whether the enemy comes or not. We have heard
bad accounts from Conegojego ; but if Lord Loudon is vic-
torious, it is to be hoped that a proper spirit will prevail
among us in America, I conclude.
Sir, your most obt. and humble servant,
John Harris.
Stimulated, and abetted by the French, both Shawanese
and Delaware Indians kept up their hostilities till 1757,
when negotiations for peace commenced with Teedyuscung,
the chief of the Delaware and Shawanese tribes, on the
Susquehanna, when their fury abated somewhat. But
the French and Western Indians still roamed in small par-
ties over the country, committing many sanguinary mur-
ders, and taking captives all whom they could surprise.
The frontier settlers were kept in continual alarm.
After the treaty of 1758 with the Indians, at Easton,
peace and friendship had been established between the
English and Indians ; all fear of Indian barbarities van-
ished, and the minds of the people had been at rest for
some time j but the French war still continued, and cruel
murders were occasionally committed upon the frontier
settlers, by the Indians, till near the close of the war be-
tween the English and the French, in 1762 — for there had
been a secret confederacy formed among the Shawanese,
the tribes on the Ohio and its tributary waters, and about
Detroit, to attack simultaneously, all the English posts
and settlements on the frontiers. Their plan was deliber-
ately and skilfully projected. The border settlements
were to be invaded during harvest ; the men, corn, and
cattie to be destroyed, and the outposts to be reduced by
famine, by cutting off their supplies — Pursuant to this
plan, the Indians fell suddenly upon the traders, whom
they had invited among them ; murdered many, and plun-
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1763. 135
dered the effects of a great number to an immense value.
The frontiers of Pennsylvania, &c, were overrun by scalp-
ing parties, marking in their hostile incursions, the way
with blood and devastation.
The upper part of Cumberland was overrun by the sav-
ages, in 1763, who set fire to houses, barns, corn, hay and
every thing that was combustible ; the inhabitants were
surprised and murdered with the utmost cruelty and bar-
barity. Those who could, escaped — some to Bedford,
where Captain Ourry commanded a garrison at the same
time, some went to Sh:ppensburg, others to Carlisle, where
houses and stables were crowded.
The refugees, who had resorted to Carlisle, &c, were
relieved, in part, in their distressses, by the munificence
of the Episcopal churches of Philadelphia, as appears from
the following :
" July 26, 1763, the rector, (Richard Peters) representing
to the Vestry, that the back inhabitants of this province
are reduced to great distress and necessity, by the present
invasion, proposed that some method be considered for
collecting charity for their relief, from the congregation
of Christ Church and St. Peters, (Philadelphia,) and it
was unanimously resolved, that a preamble to a subscrip-
tion paper for that purpose, be immediately drawn up^
which was accordingly done.
" At their next meeting, the church wardens reported
to the Vestry, that they had carried about a subscription
paper, and made a collection from the congregations of
Christ Church and St. Peter's, for the relief of the distress-
ed frontier inhabitants, amounting to ^662, 3s. The rec-
tor and church wardens were appointed a committee to
correspond with certain persons in Cumberland county,
in order to ascertain the extent of the distress, that the
above contributions might be judiciously distributed."
Some idea of the greatness of this calamity in the west-
ern part of Pennsylvania, brought about by Indian hostili-
ties, may be found from the following letter, addressed to
the rector and wardens of Christ Church and St. Peter's :
Carlisle, August 24, 1763.
Gentlemen :
We take the earliest opportunity of answering your let-
136 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1763.
ter on the 12th inst., in which you inform us, that there is
at your disposal a sum of money to be distributed amongst
the poor unhappy people on our frontiers, who have been
obliged to fly their habitations, and take shelter in this
town, Shippensburg, Littletown, Bedford, &c. We assure
you, that we shall now, and all other times, be ready to
give you as full and true information of every thing mate-
rial relating to the sufferers of our frontiers, as we shall
be able, and we shall also be ready to give our assistance
in the distribution of such sums of money, as you shall
think proper to send up, from time to time, for the relief
of those in distress. We have taken pains to get the num-
ber of the distressed, and upon strict inquiry, we find sev-
en hundred and fifty families have abandoned their plan-
tations, the greatest number of which have lost their crops,
some their stock and furniture, and' besides, we are in-
formed that there are about two hundred women and child-
ren coming down from Fort Pitt. We also find that the
sums of money already sent up are almost expended, and
that each family has not received twenty shillings upon an
average; although the greatest care has been taken to
distribute it to those who appeared the greatest object of
distress. — The unhappy sufferers are dispersed through
every part oi this county, and many have passed through
into York. Their exact number we cannot possibly as-
certain ; we can only inform you, that in this town and
its neighborhood, there are upwards of two hundred fam-
ilies, many of which are in the greatest exigence ; the
small pox and flux raging much among them ; and from
hence you may form a judgment of the numbers distressed
through the other parts of this county, as well as at York.
The other sums being almost expended, we conceived that
immediate relief should be sent up, that those poor people
may be enabled to employ a physician for the recovery of
the sick, as well as to purchase bread for their families ;
and this alone is what their present necessities call for.
We are, &c.,
William Thomson,
Itinerant missionary for the counties of York & Cumberland.
Francis West,
Thomas Donnellon,
Wardens of the Episcopal Church, Carlisle,
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1777. 137
In consequence of this information, a large supply of
flour, rice, medicine, and other necessaries, were immedi-
ately forwarded for the relief of the sufferers. And to en-
able those, who chose to return to their plantations, to de-
fend themselves against future attacks of the Indians, the
Vestry of Christ Church and St. Peter's were of opinion
that the refugees should be furnished with two chests of
arms, and half a barrel of powder, four hundred pounds
of lead, two hundred of swan shot, and one thousand
flints. These were accordingly sent, with instructions to
sell them to such prudent and good people as are in want
of them, and will use them for their defence, for the prices
charged in the invoice. — Revd. B. Dorr's His. Ace. of
Christ and St. Peter's Church, Phila. p. 139-142.
About December, 1777, a number of families came into
the fort from the neighborhood of Johnstown. Amongst
them were Samuel Adams, one Thornton and Bridges.
After the alarm had somewhat subsided, they agreed to
return to their property. A party started with pack-horses,
reached the place, and not seeing any Indians, collected
their property and commenced their return. After pro-
ceeding some distance, a dog belonging to one of the parly,
showed signs of uneasiness, and ran back. Bridges and
Thornton desired the others to wait whilst they would go
back for him. They went back, and had proceeded but
two or three hundred yards, when a body of Indians, who
had been lying in wait on each side of the way, but who
had been afraid to fire on account of the number of the
whites, suddenly rose up and took them prisoners. The
others, not knowing what detained their companions, went
back after them ; when they arrived near the spot, the
Indians fired on them, but without doing any injury.
The whites instantly turned and fled, excepting Samuel
Adams, who took a tree and began to fight in the Indian
style. In a few minutes, however, he was killed, but not
without doing the same fearful service foi his adversary.
He and one of the Indians shot at, and killed each other,
at the same moment. When the news reached the fort, a
party volunteered to visit the ground. When they reach-
ed it, although the snow had fallen ankle deep, they read-
ily found the bodies of Adams and tho Indian, the face of
12*
138 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780.
the latter having been covered by his companions with
Adams' hunting shirt.
A singular circumstance also occurred about that time
in the neighborhood of the Allegheny mountain. A man
named Wells, had made a very considerable improvement,
and was esteemed rather wealthy for that region. He,
like others, had been forced with his family from his house,
and had gone for protection to the fort. In the fall of the
year he concluded to return to his place and dig his crop
of potatoes. For that purpose he took with him six or
seven men, an Irish servant girl to cook, and an old plough
horse. After they had finished their job, they made pre-
parations to return to the fort the next day. During the
night, Wells dreamed that on his way to his family he
had been attacked and gored by a bull ; and so strong an
impression did the dream make, 1 hat he mentioned it to
his companions, and told them that he was sure some danger
awaited them. He slept again and dreamed that he was
about to shoot a deer, and when cocking his gun, the main-
spring broke. In his dream he thought he heard distinctly
the crack of the spring when it broke. He again awoke
and his fears wrere confirmed ; and he immediately urged his
friends to rise and get ready to start. Directly after he arose
he went to his gun to examine it, and in cocking it the main-
spring snapped off. This circumstance alaimed them, and
they soon had breakfast and were ready to leave. To pre-
vent delay, the girl was put on the horse and started off,
and as soon as it was light enough, the rest followed. Be-
fore they had gone far, a young dog belonging to Wells,
manifested much alarm, and ran back to the house. Wells
called him, but after going a short distance, he invariabl)
ran back.
Not wishing to leave him, as he was valuable, he went
after him, but had gone only a short distance towards the
house, when five Indians rose from behind a large tree that
had fallen, and approached him with extended hands. The
men who were with him, fled instantly ; and he would have
followed, but the Indians were so close that he thought it
useless. As they approached him, however, he fancied the
looks of a very powerful Indian, who was nearest him, boded
no good ; and being a swift runner, and thinking it " neck
or nothing,'7 at any rate determined to attempt an escape.
As the Indian approached, he threw at him his useless rifle,
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780. 139
and dashed off towards the woods, in the direction his com-
panions had gone. Instead of tiring, the Indians commenced
a pursi it, for the purpose of making him a prisoner, but he
outran ihem. After running some distance, and when they
thought he would escape, they all stopped and fired at once,
and every bullet struck him, but without doing him much in-
jury or retarding his flight. Soon ,after this he saw where
his companions concealed themselves; and as he passed, he
begged them to fire on the Indians and save him; but they
were afraid, and kept quiet. He continued his flight, and af-
ter a short time overtook the girl with the horse. She quickly
understood his danger and dismounted instantly, urging him
to take her place, while she would save herst If by conceal-
ment. He mounted, but without a whip, and for want of
one could not get the old horse out of a trot. This delay
brought the Indians upon him again directly, and as soon as
they were near enough, they fired ; and this time with more
effect, as one of the balls struck him in the hip and lodged in
his groin. But this saved his life ; it frightened the horse
into a gallop, and he escaped, although he suffered severeb
for several months afterwards.
The Indians were afterwards pursued, and surprised at
their morning meal ; and when fired on, four of them were
killed, but the other, though wounded, made his escape.
Bridges, who was taken prisoner near Johnstown, when Ad-
ams was murdered, saw him come to his people, and describes
him as having been shot through the chest, with leaves stuf-
fed in the bullet holes to stop the bleeding.
In 1780, the inhabitants of Woodcock valley Huntingdon
co. were again surprised and a number of them killed, sft
stated in the subjoined letter.
Cumberland county, August 7, 17S0.
To his Excellency Joseph Reid, Esq.
Sir : — I received the orders of council for the volunteers to
be put in motion, in order to join the main army and for those
classes of the militia to be in readiness — And was unfortunately
long coming to my hand. I have sent agreeable to said order?
to put the volunteers into motion that were raised on the
north side of the mountain ; but unfortunately I have sent
one company to the frontiers of Northumberland county, and
the other to the frontiers of Bedford, which was in a very
140 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780.
distressed situation: about three weeks ago, the Indians came
on a scout, a Captain and twelve men in a place called Wood-
rock Valley, and not one of the party escaped ; they lay, I
believe ten days without being buried ; I went with a party
from this county and covered them the best way we could,
which was a very disagreeable task.
I am apt to think it will be a very distressing and disagree-
able circumstance to the frontiers to have the volunteers taken
from them. — My reason for sending them then as soon as they
were ready, was to support and assist the inhabitants in sav-
ing their harvest. I am afraid the militia of this county will
not turn out so well as I could wish ; but your excellency
may depend upon it that every exertion in my power shall
be used on the occasion, as I am fully convinced of the neces-
sity of our utmost efforts this year in order to save the coun-
try. This county is now very scarce 'of ammunition, and I
have not been able to find any trusty hand and wagon to
send for, but expect one before long, when, I flatter myself,
that council will supply us with a sufficient quantity of pow-
der, lead and flints.
I doubt if the number required of the militia, turn out, we
will not be able to arm them in this county, as we have al-
ready furnished the volunteers out of what state arms were
here, but we have got a few muskets, but they all want bay-
onets. I am happy to inform you we have this year had a
very plentiful harvest in this county, and appearances of fine
corn and plenty of fruit, and also a good disposition in a
number of the people to receive and give credit to the state
money (if they could get it) but very little of it has come to
this part of the county yet. But if ready money of any kind
could be had there could be plenty of supplies purchased.
There may difficulty arise about procuring wagons, as I be-
lieve there is no wagon-maker that acts for this county.
I have the honor to be
your Excellency's most obedient
and humble servant,
Abm. Smith.
Late in the fall of 1777, some marauding Indians disturbed
the frontier settlers on the head waters of the Susquehanna ;
and all the frontier settlements along the West Branch, and
westward to the Allegheny river. Families were murdered
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780. 141
or carried into captivity — dwellings reduced to ashes — crops
destroyed — the settlers exposed to the most unheard of In-
dian cruelties. None dared venture forth, without a loaded
rifle as his constant companion ; for it was a time when they
had reason to expect to meet a savage concealed in every bush
and thicket — fire arms were carried to both field and church ;
and their lives were only secure by untiring and constant
vigilance ; and even then, at an unwary hour, some fell vic-
tims to the blood-thirsty Indian. Blockhouses were built
along the West Branch, under the protection of which, the
first settlers alone were in safety against the prowling, lawny
foe. With all these necessary precautions, several persons
were surprised, through this region of country, by the enemy.
A man named Saltzburn, on the Sinnemahoning, and Dan
Jones, at the mouth of the Tangascootac, were cruelly mur-
dered late in 1777.
" In the spring of 1778 Col- Hepburn, afterwards Judge
Hepburn, was stationed with a small force at Fort Muncy
at the mouth of Wallis' run, near which several murders
had been committed. The Indians had killed Brown's and
Benjamin's families, and had taken Cook and his wife pris-
oners on Loyalsock cr. Col. Hunter of Fort Augusta,
alarmed by these murders, sent orders to Fort Muncy that
all the settlers in that vicinity should evacuate, and taKe
refuge at Sunbury. Col. Hepburn was ordered to pass on
the orders to Antis' and Horn's forts above. To carry this
message none would volunteer except Covenhoven and a
young Yankee millwright, an apprentice to Andrew Culbert-
son. Purposely avoiding all roads, they took their route
along the top of Bald Eagle ridge until they reached Antis'
gap, where they descended towards the fort at the head of
Nippenose bottom. At the bottom of the hill they were
startled by the report of a rifle near the fort, which had been
fired by an Indian at a girl. The girl had just stooped to
milk a cow — the harmless bullet passed through her clothes
between her limbs and the ground. Milking cows in those
days was dangerous work. The Indians had just killed in
the woods Abel Cady and Zephaniah Miller, and mortally
wounded young Armstrong, who died that night. The mes-
sengers delivered their orders that all persons should evacuate
within a week, and they were also to send word up to Horn's
fort.
142 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780.
"On his way up Covenhoven had staid all night with An-
drew Armstrong, who then lived at the head of the long
reach, where Esq. Seward now lives Covenhoven warned
him to quit, but he did not like to abandon his crops, and
gave no heed to the warning. The Indians came upon him
suddenly and took him prisoner with his oldest child and
Nancy Bunday : his wife, who was enciente, concealed her-
self under the bed and escaped.
"Covenhoven hastened down to his own family, and hav-
ing taken them safely to Sunbury, returned in a keel-boat to
secure his household furniture. As he was rounding a point
above Derrstown (now Lewisburg,) he met the whole con-
voy from all the forts above ; such a sight he never saw in
his life. Boats, canoes, hog-troughs, rafts hastily made of
dry sticks — every sort of floating article had been put in re-
quisition, and were crowded with women, children, and
'plunder' — there were several hundred people in all. When-
ever any obstruction occurred at a shoal or ripple, the women
would leap out and put their shoulders, not indeed to the
wheel, but to the flat boat or raft, and launch it again into
deep water. The men of the settlement came down in sin-
gle file on each side of the river to guard the women and
children. The whole convoy arrived safely at Snnbury, leav-
ing the entire line of farms along the West Branch, to the
lavages of the Indians. They destroyed Fort Muncy, but
did not penetrate in any force near Sunbury; their attention
having soon been diverted to the memorable descent upon
Wyoming.
"After Covenhoven had got his bedding, &c, in his boat,
and was proceeding down the river, just below Fort Men-
ninger, he saw a woman on she shore fleeing from an Indian.
She jumped down the river bank and fell, perhaps wounded
by his gun. The Indian'scalped her, but in his haste neglected
to strike her down. She survived the scalping, was picked
up by the men from the fort, and lived near Warrior's run
until about the year 1840. Her name was Mrs. Durham.
" Shortly after the big runaway, Col. Broadhead was or-
dered up with his forces of 100 or 150 men to rebuild Fort
Muncy, and guard the settlers while gathering their crops.
After performing the service he left Fort Pitt, and Col. Hart-
ley with a battalion succeeded him. Capt Spalding from
Stroudsburg, also came down with a detachment by way of
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780. 143
the Wyoming valley. Having built the barracks at Fort
Muncy, they went up on an expedition to burn the Indian
towns at Wyalusing, Sheshequin, and Tioga. This was just
after the great battle at Wyoming, and before the British
and Indians had finished getting their plunder up the river.
After burning the Indian towns, the detachment had a sharp
skirmish with the Indians from Wyoming, on the left bank
of the Susquehanna at the narrows north of the Wyalusing
mountain. Mr. Covenhoven distinguished himself in that
affair by his personal bravery. He was holding on by the
roots of a tree on the steep precipice, when an Indian ap-
proached him and called on him to surrender. Mr. C, in
reply, presented his gun and shot the Indian through the
bowels."
To conclude this Chapter, the following notice of the well
known Covenhoven is inserted.
"About four miles below Jersey shore, a little south of the
road to Williamsport, lives the venerable Robert Covenho-
ven (commonly known as Mr. Crownover) at the advanced
age of 88. His venerable lady is still living with him, with
her faculties bright and unimpaired. Mr. Covenhoven was
born of Low Dutch parents in Monmouth co., New Jersey.
He was much employed during his youth as a 'hunter and
axeman to the surveyors of land in the valleys tributary to
the North and West branches of the Susquehanna. The fa-
miliarity thus acquired with all the paths of that vast wil-
derness, rendered his services eminently useful as a scout and
guide to the military parties of the revolution, which com-
menced about the time of his arriving at manhood. It is un-
necessary to say, that the graduate of such a school was
fearless and intrepid — that he was skilful in the wiles of In-
dian warfare — and that he possessed an iron constitution.
With these qualifications, at the call of his country in 1776,
he joined the campaigns under Gen. Washington. He was
at the battles of Trenton and Princeton. His younger bro-
ther had also enlisted ; but his father took his place, and the
general, with his characteristic kindness, permitted the boy
to return and protect his mother. In the spring of 1777
Robert returned to his home on the West Branch, where his
services were more needed by the defenceless frontier, than
on the seacoast. Mr. Covenhoven was one of those men
who were always put forward when danger and hard work
144 INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780.
were to be encountered, but forgotten when honors and emo-
luments were to be distributed. Nevertheless, he cheerfully
sought the post of danger, and never shrunk from duty, al-
though it might be in an humble station. Few men have
passed through more hair-breadth escapes; few have encoun-
tered more personal perils in deadly encounters with savages
than Mr. C. His services at the big runaway have been
mentioned above ; he was eminently useful in obtaining in-
telligence at Fort Freeland, the day before its capture ; he
was the guide to Col. Hartley's expedition up the North
Branch after the battle of Wyoming ; and he was in several
bloody skirmishes with Indians on Loyalsock and Pine creeks.
On one occasion, (I think it was after the return of Col.
Hepburn to Fort Muncy,) a detachment was started out
under the command of Capt. Berry, to recover some horses
stolen by the Indians, reported to be up on Loyalsock.
Covenhoven for some reason was sent out to advise Berry to
return, but the latter would not acknowledge the colonel's
authority, and persisted in going forward. Several of Co-
venhoven's brothers, and his uncle WyckofF, were in Berry's
detachment, and a friendly Indian by the name of Capt.
Sharpshins. As so many of his own family were in this ex-
pedition, Robert Covenhoven determined to go along as a
guide ; but he could not persuade Berry to keep the woods,
and before long they found themselves ambuscaded. A
bloody struggle commenced, in which a brother of Mr. C.
was killed, another brother was taken prisoner, with several
of his cousins, and his uncle WyckofF. The latter had been
previously bald, but strangely enough, after the hardships of
imprisonment, he returned with a fine head of hair. Robert
Covenhoven, after hard fighting, was chased some distance
along the bank of the creek, dodging up and down the bank
alternately that his pursuer might get no aim at him. He
escaped and returned to the fort. Brave as he was, the old
man speaks of the flutteiing of his heart often during this
chase. The skirmish occurred on Loyalsock, just above
Scott's, one mile above the bridge. The old man tells a
queer story about his "surrounding," in company with
Rob't King, a party of Indians and refugees who were work-
ing a loaded boat up the N. Branch from the depredations
of Wyoming. The party in the boat greatly outnumbered
them, but the prize was too tempting to be resisted. King,
INDIAN MASSACRES IN 1780. 145
remaining in the bushes, kept up a prodigious hullaboloo,
whooping and shouting to his imaginary comrades to come
on. Covenhoven rushed out with gun in hand, and ordered
the fellows in the boat to surrender, which they did, and per-
mitted themselves to be secured. King made his appearance,
and the two, forcing the prisoners by threats to assist them,
arrived with their prize at Wyoming — where, says Mr. Co-
venhoven, the officers and soldiers of the continental army
cheated the poor provincials out of their share of the plunder.
13
CHAPTER VII.
Northumberland County.
Northumberland County erected — Streams — Geological features of :he
County — Census of 1840 — Public Improvements — Towns : Sunbury ;
early incidents at, &c— Northumberland, Milton, McEwensville,
Watsonsburg, Fort Freeland, Pottsgrove, Sodom, Snyderstown, Dal-
matia, Shamokin, Popular Education.
Northumberland county was erected March 12, 1772,
out of Lancaster, Cumberland, Berks, Northampton and
Bedford.
§ I. That all and singular the lands lying and being with-
in the boundaries following, that is to say, beginning at the
mouth of Mahontongo creek, on the west side of the river
Susquehanna, thence up the south side of said creek, by the
several courses thereof, to the head of Robert Meteer's spring ;
thence west by north to the top of Tussey's mountain ; thence
south westerly, along the summit of the mountain to Little
Juniata] thence up the north-easterly side of the main branch
of Little Juniata, to the head thereof; thence north to the
line of Berks county ; thence east along the said line, to the
extremity of the Province ; thence east along the northern
boundary, to that part thereof of the Great Swamp; thence
south to the most northern part of the Swamp aforesaid ;
thence with a straight line to the head of the Lehigh, or
Middle Creek ; thence down the said creek so far, that a
line run west south-west will strike the forks of Mahontongo
creek where Pine creek falls into the same, at the place call-
ed the Spread Eagle, on the east side of the Susquehanna ;
thence down the southerly side of said creek to the river
aforesaid ; thence down and across the river to the place of
beginning.
§ V. Directs that courts be held at Fort Jlugusta until a
court house shall be built.
§ VI. That William Maclay, Samuel Hunter, John Lou-
don, Joseph Wallis and Robert Moody, or any three of them,
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 147
to purchase and take assurance a piece of land in some con-
venient place in the county, to be approved by the governor,
to erect a court house and prison on.
§ XIV. Appoints Joshua Elden, James Patten, Jesse Lu-
kens and William, or any two, to run, mark out and distin-
guish the boundary lines between Lancaster, Cumberland,
Berks, Northampton, Bedford and Northumberland counties.
W ith its original boundary Northumberland extended to
the north boundaries of the province ; its very ample limits
have since been successfully reduced by the erection of Sep-
tember 25, 1786 ; Mifflin, September 19, 1789 ; Lvcommg,
April 13, 1795 ; Centre, February 13, 1800 ; Columbia and
Union, March 22, 1813. It is ot an irregular shape, and is
bounded on the north by Lycoming ; north east and east by
Columbia ; southeast by Schuylkill ; south by Dauphin coun-
ty, and west by the Susquehanna river and West Branch
which separate it from Union. Its greatest length is 35
miles ; breadth 13 ; area in square miles 457, containing
292,480 acres of land. Population in 1790, 17,161 ; in
1800, (Lycoming off,) 27,796 ; in 1810 (part of Centre off)
36,327; in 1820, (Columbia and Union off) 15,424; in
1830, 18,133 ; in 1840, 20,027. The aggregate amount of.
property taxable in 18 15, was $4,035,605. The population
of the several townships in 1840 was as follows:
Augusta 2,409 ; Shamokin 1,983; Rush 1,022; Turbut
3,872 ; Chillisquaque 1,399 ; Point 746 ; Little Mahonoy;
213; Upper Mahonoy 1,131; Lower Mahonoy 1,199
Cools919 ; Jackson 1,584. Boroughs, viz : Sunbury 1,608 :
Milton 1,508 ; Northumberland 928. [See the table in the
opposite page.]
This county lies, like the others, with a great central tran-
sition limestone formation and like them is mountainous, es-
pecially the southern part ; the middle portion is hilly, and
the northern portion along the West Branch, is more level.
The principal mountains are Lime, Mahonoy and Little, the
Shamokin hills and Montour Ridge and Muncy hills.
Lime mountain in the south part of the County, is a re-
markable, straight range of hills which extend from the Sus-
quehanna river, about seventeen miles, to the east boundary
of the county. The Mahonoy is a large and wide range of
hills, extending from the Susquehanna river about eight miles
below Sunbury, in a north eastern direction, through the
148 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
southern part of this, and Columbia counties into Luzerne. !
Little mountain rises in this county. The Shamokin Hills
run east and west across the county, north of the Shamokin
creek: Montour's ridge, is a mountain range extending across
the county and forms in part the boundary between this and
Columbia county, and extending about twelve miles from the
west to the North Branch of the Susquehanna. The Muncy
Hills form the north boundary.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
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150 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
The county has an abundant supply of water. Its prin-
cipal streams are the North Branch, West Branch of the
Susquehanna, Mahantango, Mahonoy, Great and Little Sha-
rnokin, Chillisquaque, Limestone, Warrior creek, with others
of less importance, such as Big Roaring, Little Roaring,
Schwaben, Coal creeks and smaller tributaries, or runs, viz :
Gravel, Lodgis' run and others.
The West Branch as the main stream of the Susquehanna
was the western boundary of the county for a distance of
about forty miles. The North Branch flows about ten miles
across the centre, and then unites with tfce West Branch at
Northumberland, then united roll majestically southward,
till they reach Chesapeak Bay and unite with the thousand
of ocean streams, to return their waters to the great reser-
voir of equatic fluid. Mahantango creek rises in Schuylkill
county, flows in a south western direction, forming the boun-
dary line between Dauphin and Northumberland for about
12 miles and falls in the Susquehanna. Mahonoy rises in
Schuylkill co. and flows south westward through the south-
ern paft oi the county. Great and Little Shamokin — the
former rises in Shamokin township flows a north west course
by Snyderstown and empties into the Susquehanna about
two miles below Sunbury. It receives, in its course, the
Little Shamokin, nearly opposite Sunbury. Chillisquaque
creek rises in the Muncy hi ills, on the border of Lycoming
and Columbia waters, flows a south western direction,
through this county into the Susquehanna, on the north side
of Montour's ridge.
The mountains, hills, streams and valleys, all taken toge-
ther, present a highly beautiful, varied and picturesque sce-
nery. It is, says Trego, a pleasant region in which to spend
the summer months. The view from the hills around the
town of Northumberland, embraces more pleasing objects
than are usually met with in a single prospect. ^Mountains,
hills, farms, towns, canals and rivers are blended in one wide
and harmonious landscape, over which the eye may rove for
hours and still discover new beauties. As additional attrac-
tions may be mentioned, pure and wholesome water, a cool
and refreshing atmosphere, and a climate remarkable for its
salubrity, except in the low grounds along the river, where
bilious complaints sometimes occur in the autumnal months.
The geological features of the county are alike various and
m NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. . 151
interesting ; and are geographically and briefly described by
Mr. Trego. " South of the olive slate of the Muncy Hills,
the country to the north base of Montour's ridge is occupi-
ed by limestone, and red and various colored slates and shales,
having a rich soil, and being the most productive agricultu-
ral part of the county. In Montour's ridge is a hard gray
and reddish sandstone, overlaid by greenish and red slates
and slates with their thin strata of limestone and the valua-
ble band of fossiliferous iron ore. This formation is found
on both sides of the ridge, and sometimes saddles over its top.
Overlying the red shale is a belt of limestone extending also
on both sides of the ridge ; that on the south side appearing
near the West Branch, about four miles above the town of
Northumberland, and extending towards the North Branch
below Danville. South of this are hills containing olive
slate and gray sandstone, which extend over the country
above Northumberland, southward and southeastward to the
range called Shamokin Hills, and also in and beyond the val-
ley of Shamokin creek. These rocks are overlaid by a nar-
row belt of red shale and sandstone, of the most superior
formation, extending over the high grounds from the " Blue
Hill" at Northumberland, eastward to Roaring creek. An-
other range of this red shale and sandstone is also seen ex-
tending from the Susquehanna along the north side of the
Little mountain to the valley of Roaring creek. The lower
beds of the olive slate series are finely exposed in the cliffs
along the east side of the river below Sunbury, where some
of the strata aie sufficiently calcareous to be used for burn-
ing lime. In the interstices of this limestone is found an ore
containing sulphuret of lead and silicate of zinc ; but it is
doubtful whether its quantity or quality is sufficient to ren-
der it an object of much consequence. Other layers of this
formation appear to be adapted to the manufacture of hy-
draulic cement, and may be seen abundantly along the shore
of the river nearly opposite Selinsgrove. At Georgetown or
Dalmatia, on the Susquehanna, in the southern part of the
county, an axis of elevation brings up a limestone to the sur-
face ; this however extends but a short distance east of the
river, being overlaid and surmounted by the older slate, and
the red shale and sandstone, which occupy the region be-
tween the Line mountain on the north and the Mahantango
en the- south. In the Line and Little mountains, which unite
152 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. •
in a bold knob on the Susquehanna above the mouth of the
Mahanoy creek, we have a hard compact sandstone which,
though it sometimes contains thin layers of black carbonace-
ous matter, is yet several hundred feet below the coal mea-
sures. Enclosed by these mountains, and extending along
the valley of Mahanoy creek, between Line and Mahanoy
mountains, and along Little Mahanoy creek between the
Little and Big mountains, is red shale, which overlies the
sandstone last mentioned ; all these rocks dipping towards
the middle of the basin and passing beneath the coal. The
coarse conglomerate next below the coal series, appears in
the Mahanoy and Big mountains, which unite on the west
between the Great and Little Mahanoy creeks, enclosing
the western point of Shamokin and Mahanoy coal field.
Mining operations in this region are principally confined
to the vicinity of the new town of Shamokin, at the eastern
termination of the railroad from Sunbury, which affords a
ready means of transporting the coal to the river. Here in
the gap by which the Shamokin creek passes through the
Big mountain, 5 or 6 beds of coal, from 3 to 9 feet thick,
have been opened on both sides of the creek, and farther up
the stream, in the smaller hills along its banks., are numerous
other beds, a number of which are productively worked. On
Coal creek, between one and two miles east of the railroad,
is an enormous deposit of this valuable article, contained in
a bed not yet completely exposed, but which appears to be
about sixty feet thick.
According to the census of 1840, there were 12,130 tons
of coal raised, employed 46 hands, capital $15,000. Horses
and mules in the county 4,511, neat cattle 11,623, sheep
17,409, swine 18,865, the value of poultry of all kinds $6.-
233, bushels of wheat raised $227,227, barley 558, oats
160,190, rye 141,016, buckwheat 54,542, corn 165,799,
pounds of wool 26,019, hops 591, wax 258, bushels of po-
tatoes 115,985, tors of hay 9,926, flax 15 tons, pounds of
tobacco gathered 27,305, cords of wood sold 2,736. Value
of the products of the dairy $20,538, value of the products
of the orchard $8,130, value of family or home made goods
814,213. Fifty-three retail dry goods and other stores,
with a capital of $199,800 ; three lumber yards. Value of
machinery manufactured $3,500, employed three hands. Va-
lue of bricks and lime manufactured $12,500, employed 39
NORTHUKBERLAND COUNTY,
153
hands, capital $5,115. Value of hats and caps manufac-
tured $6,900, thirteen persons employed, capital $2,825.
Seventeen tanneries tanned 3,010 sides of sole leather, and
3,790 of upper, and employed 28 hands, capital $24,300—
all other manufactories of leather, saddleries, &c, 23, with
a capital of $10,405; value of manufactured articles $29,414.
Fourteen distilleries produced 101,256 gallons, one brewery
produced 11,520 gallons of beer, 22 men employed in man-
ufacturing distilled and fermented liquors, capital invested
$19,350. Three printing offices, employed 8 hands, capital
$4,500. Two rope-walks, value produced $2,500; employ-
ed 4 men, capital invested $650. Value of the manufactures
of wagon and carriages $15,200, employed 35 men, capital
$6,850. Grist mills 29, saw mills 28, one oil mill, value of
manufactures of mills $144,625, employed 77 men, capital
$118,350. Value of furniture manufactured $4,400, thir-
teen hands employed, capital $2,150. Total amount of ca-
pital invested in manufactures $223,660 00. Aggregate
value of all kinds of property taxable in 1844, $4,035,-
605 00.
Public bnprovements. — The public improvements in this
county are the North and West Branches of the Pennsylva-
nia canal. These two Branches unite at Northumberland,
and pass down the Susquehanna on the right bank of it.
The western portion of the Pottsville and Danville rail
road, of which about twenty miles are completed from Sun-
bury to the coal mines at Sharaokin. There is a dam across
the Susquehanna called the Shamokin dam, seven hundred
and eighty feet long, constructed by the state for the purpose
of supplying water to the Susquehanna division of the canal.
There is also a turnpike road from Northumberland by
way of Sunbury, Pottsville and Reading to Philadelphia.
Sunbury, the seat of justice, is beautifully situated on a
level plain on the east side of the Susquehanna, above the
mouth of the Shamokin creek, and two miles below the town
of Northumberland. It has been described by a visiter, as
a beautiful site — near the town, above and below, are ranges
of high hills, affording a magnificent prospect of the scenery
of the valley ; in front of the town Susquehanna, backed up
by the Shamokin dam, spreads out into a basin nearly a mile
154 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
wide, which receives the united streams of the North and
West Branches.
One of the hills called Mount Pleasant, I ascended this
morning just as the sun was rising — The scene was enchant-
ing— at my feet as it were, lay the borough in quiet repose,
embowered in shade and foliage, and surrounded on three
sides with rich fields, pastures and herds. In front of the
town was the river, which being raised by the Shamokin dam,
looked like an immense mirror, or a glassy lake, more than
like a river. On the opposite side of the river, the land rose
abruptly into a craggy mountain : looking further up the
stream, I saw two branches gradually approach each other,
till they met and mingled their waters. Over each of these
were long bridges leading to and from the village of North-
umberland, back of which and between the two branches,
the country rose gradually from the plain, till it became al-
most mountainous, yet covered to the very tops with fields,
pastures, flocks and herds. Turning again to the left, and
looking down the Susquehanna, a sort of vista was presented,
bounded on each side with romantic hills, and finally appear-
ing to end in the blue top of the mountains. Never have I
beheld a more varied or beautiful landscape than was here
presented."
Sunbury is an old town, it was laid out by the Surveyor
General, John Lukens, 1772. The streets cross each other
at right angles, and are wide enough for cleanliness, comfort
and beauty. It contains about two hundred and fifty dwell-
ings, a court house, jail, market house, Lutheran, German
Reformed, Presbyterian, Episcopal, Baptist and Methodist
churches.
A number of the Wyoming intruders were incarcerated
in the jail, as will be seen by the following —
From Col. Franklin's Journal, August 19, 1784.
Forty-two others were bound together with ropes, in a
team, and sent under a military guard to Sunbury goal.
The sheriff of the county proposed to take charge of the
whole that were to be sent to Sunbury, before they left Wy-
oming, and to be accountable for them all, but could not be
permitted. In a word, during the confinement of the pris-
oners at Wyoming, they were treated in a most cruel and
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 153
barbarous manner — suffered with hunger — and suffocated in
a nauseous prison, for the want of fresh air ; and insulted by
a bandilti of ruffians — the prisoners were not even suffered
to go out of their house to perform their most necessary oc-
casions for the case of nature, for the term of nine days.
It is a place of considerable business. The soil of the
surrounding country is rich and productive. Should the rail
road to Pottsville be finished it will become a place of im-
portance, especially in shipments of coal &c.
A bridge about a mile above town connects it with North-
umberland. It was built by a joint stock company in 1814.
It is in two parts separated by the Shamokin Island and
cost $90,000, of which the state subscribed $50,000.
The population of 1840, was 1,108, of these there were —
White Males, under 5, 86; 5 and under 10, 80; 10
and under 15, 70 ; 15 and under 20, 60 ; 20 and under 30,
85 ; 30 and under 40, 56 ; 40 and under 50, 43 ; 50 and
under 60, 27 ; 60 and under 70, 9 ; 70 and under 80, 8.
White Females, under 5, 102 ; 5 and under 10, 69 ;
10 and under 15, 65 ; 15 and under 20, 63 ; 20 and under
30, 106 ; 30 and under 10, 64 ; 40 and under 50, 49 ; 50
and under 60, 26 ; 60 and under 70, 12 ; 70 and under 80,
16; 80 and under 90, 1.
Colored Males, 7 ; Colored Females, 2.
Of these 42 were engaged in agriculture, 16 in commerce,
150 in manufactures and trades, 11 in navigation ; 22 in
land professions. It contained nine stores, three tanneries,
one distillery, one pottery, one printing office ; four schools,
257 scholars.
In the autumn of 1786, this place suffered some loss in
consequence of a great freshet. The following, dipt from an
old paper published at Carlisle, gives some account of the
high water, &c.
Carlisle, October 18, 1786.
The accounts from all parts of this and the neighbouring
counties of the effects of the late heavy rains are as innumer-
able as they are distressing to our suffering brethren ; — every
156 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNT**
hour furnishes us with lamentable tales of having mills of dif-
ferent kinds, forges and other works carried away or mate-
rially injured ; almost every farmer's dwelling on the borders
of the Susquehanna and the surrounding waters, are in the
catalogue of sufferers, by their loss of horses, cows, hay, and
other effects of industry in a greater or less degree.
By the last accounts from Northumberland town, in North-
umberland county, we are informed of the great destruction
occasioned by the rain, on Thursday and Friday, the fifth
and sixth instant. The storm grew violent on Thursday,
some hours before day, accompanied with heavy blasts of
wind, and rained more heavily and incessantly than has been
known by the oldest on the banks of Susquehannah. In the
course of Thursday night the river forced itself over its banks,
carrying everything down before it. No person can imagine
the situation of many of our fellow creatures who were sur-
rounded in their beds by an irresistible flood, and threatened
with the extremest danger. The only loss we are yet able
to ascertain, is that of a man and his wife, and one son, a
little below Fishing creek, their daughter, a girl about 17
years old, terrified at the approach of danger, fled to the hills
with three young children, and escaped the fate of her un-
happy parents and her brother : another old man of the name
of Campbell also perished in the same neighborhood, The
waters rose with the greatest rapidity all Friday, making in
the fore-part of the day, nearly twelve inches perpendicular
in the space of an hour — the rain continued, but not with
the same violence. The situation of the town of Sunbury
was truly alarming, its situation, an island occasioned by a
gut from the main branch, emptying into Shamokin creek
below the town, rendered an escape impossible. — In the low-
er part of the town, the Water was up to the first story of
many of the houses, so that the inhabitants were obliged to
land with their canoes on their stairs, or at the upper win-
dow— a few acres in the middle of the town, on which were
three or four houses, being situated higher than the rest,
shewed above the water. Had not good Providence stayed
the rise of the waters, we perhaps might have given the
melancholy information of the loss of the records of the
ccunty, which would have created the utmost confusion ;
the recorder, and register especially was obliged to leave his
house. The loss of the town of Northumberland is inconsid-
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 157
crable, save an unfinished ferry-house at the point of the
confluence of the two rivers, the situation of that town at
the foot of Montour's [hill being too high for floods ever to
reach. The sufferings of the farmers on the creeks and
rivers are very great, having lost much of their grain. We
have not yet heard from Wyoming, but suppose the floods
have occasioned much damage there.
The numerous incidents and events that transpired, at an
early day, are interesting. Some of them are given in the
Appendix (See C. Shamokin) — Some are presented in this
connection, in their " original freshness," as related by those
engaged in the conflicts of the day.
Shamokin, Fort Augusta, or Sunlury.
On the left bank of the Susquehanna, below the north
branch of Susquehanna, was a place of some notoriety in the
early history of the Province of Pennsylvania. It wTas not
only used as a convenient tarrying place of the Six Nations
for their war parties against the southern Indians ; but as a
Moravian missionary station, and where Fort Augusta was
erected, and garrisoned during the French and Indian war.
Several important conferences were held here with the In-
dians by Conrad Weiser and others.
As early as 1742, Count Zinzendorff accompanied by
Conrad Weiser, Esq., Br. Martin Mack and his wife, and
the two Indians, Joshua and David, after a tedious journey
through the wilderness, arrived at Shamokin. Shikellimus
stepped out and gave them a hearty welcome. " A savage
presented the Count with a fine melon, for which the latter
gave him his fur cap." The Count announced himself as a
messenger of the living God, come to preach grace and mer-
cy. Shikellimus said he was glad to receive such a messen-
ger, and promised to forward his designs. One day, when
the Brethren were about going to prayers, and the Indians,
then at a feast, were making a prodigious noise, with drums
and singing, the Count sent word to Shikellimus, who order-
ed silence immediately. * ,
The Count, with a part of his company, forded the Sus-
quehanna, and went to Ostonwackin, on the West Branch.
This place was then inhabited, not only by Indians of differ-
ent tribes, but by Europeans, who had adopted the Indian
14
158 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
manner of life. Among the latter was a French-woman,
Madame Montour, who had mairied an Indian warrior, (Car-
ondowana, alias Robert Hunter ;) but lost him in a war
against the Catawbas. She kindly entertained the Count
for two days. The Count went soon after to Wyoming.*
Loskiel, P. ii. p. 30-32.
The Revd. D. Brainerd visited Shamokin in 1745 and 46.
In his Journal, p. 176, he says : " In the beginning of Oc-
tober last (1744) with the advice and direction of the cor-
respondents for the Indian mission, I undertook a journey to
Susquehannah. And after three days tedious travel, two of
them through the wilderness almost impassable, by reason of
mountains and rocks, and two nights lodging in the open
wilderness, I came to an Indian settlement on the side of the
Susquehanna river, called Opeholhamping ; where were
twelve Indian houses, and, as nigh as I could learn, about
seventy souls, old and young, belonging to them.
Here also, soon after my arrival, I visited the King, ad-
dressing him with expressions of kindness; and after a few
words of friendship, informed him of my design to teach them
the knowledge of Christianity. He hesitated not long before
he told me, that he was willing to hear. I then preached ;
and continued there several days, preaching every day, as
long as the Indians were at home. And they, in order to
hear me, deferred the design of their general hunting, which
they were just then entering upon, for the space of three or
four days.
The men, I think universally except one attended my
preaching. Only the women, supposing the affair we were
upon was of a public nature, belonging only to the men,
and not what every individual person should concern him-
self with, could not readily be persuaded to come and hear;
•Fort Augusta stands at about forty yards distance from the river on
a bank twenty-four feet from the surface of the water. The side which
fronts the river is a strong pallisade, the bases of the logs being sunk
four feet into the earth, the tops hollowed and spiked into strong rib-
bond which run transversly and are morticed into several logs at
twelve feet distance from each other, which are larger and higher than
the rest, the joints between each pallisade with five logs well fitted on
the inside and supported by the platform — the other three sides are
composed of logs laid horizontally neatly dovetailed and trunnelled
down, they are squared, some of (the lower end three feet diameter,
the least from two feet and a half to eighteen inches diameter, and are
mostly Whiteoak.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 159
but, after much pains used with them for that purpose, some
few ventured to come, and stand at a distance.
When I had preached to the Indians several times, some
of them very frankly proposed what they had to object
against Christianity ; and so gave me a fair opportunity for
using my best endeavors to remove from their minds those
scruples and jealousies they labored under : and when I had
endeavored to answer their objections, some appeared much
satisfied. I then asked the King, if he was willing I should
visit and preach to them again, if I should live to the next
spring ? He replied, he should be heartily willing for his
own part, and added, he wished the young people would
learn &c. I then put the question to the rest ; some answer-
ed that he would be very glad, and none manifested any dis-
like to it.
There were sundry other things in their behavior, which
appeared with a comfortable and encouraging aspect ; that,
upon the whole, I could not but rejoice I had taken that
journey among them, although it was attended with many
difficulties and hardships. The method I used with them,
and the instruments I gave them, I am persuaded were means,
in some measure, to remove their heathenish jealousies and
prejudices against Christianity ; and I could not but hope,
the God of all grace was preparing their minds to receive
the " Truth as it is in Jesus." If this may be the happy
consequence, I shall not only rejoice in my past labours and
fatigues ; but shall, I trust also " be willing to spend and
be spent," if I may thereby be instrumental to turn them
from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan.to God.
I shall now only add a word or two respecting the diffi-
culties that attend the Christianizing these poor pagans.
In the first place, their minds are filled with prejudices
against Christianity, on account of the vicious and unchristian
behavior of some that are called christians. These not only
set before them the worst examples ; but some of them take
pains, expressly in words, to dissuade them from becoming
christians ; foreseeing, that if those should be converted to
God, ** the hope of their unlawful gain," would thereby be
lost.
Again, these poor heathens are extremely attached to the
customs, traditions, and fabulous notions of their fathers,
And this one seems to be the foundation of all their notions.
160 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
viz : that " it was not the same God made them, who made
the white people " but another, who commanded them to live
by hunting, &c, and not to conform to the customs of the
white people. Hence, when they are desired to become
christians, they frequently reply, that " they will live as
their fathers lived, and go to their fathers when they die."
And, if the miracles of Christ and his apostles be mentioned*,
to prove the truth of Christianity, they also mention sundry
miracles, which their fathers have told them were anciently
wrought among the Indians, and which Satan makes them
believe were so. They are much attached to idolatry ; fre-
quently making feasts, which they eat in honor to some
unknown beings, who they suppose, speak to them in dreams;
promising them success in hunting, and other affairs, in case
they will sacrifice to them. They oftentimes also offer their
sacrifices to the spirits of the dead ; who, they suppose, stand
in need of favours from the living, and yet are in such a state
as that they can well reward all the offices of kindness that
are shown them. And they impute all their calamities to
the neglect of these sacrifices.
Furthermore, they are much awed by those among them-
selves, who are called pow-woivs, who are supposed to have
a power of enchanting, or poisoning them to death, or at
least in a very distressing manner. And they apprehend it
would be their sad fate to be thus enchanted, in case they
should become Christians.
Lastly, the manner of their living is likewise a great dis-
advantage to the design of their being christianized. They
are almost continually roving from place to place ; and it is
but rare, that an opportunity can be had with some of them
for their instruction. There is scarce any time of the year,
wherein the men can be found generally at home, except
about six weeks before, and in the season of planting their
corn, and about two months in the latter part of the summer,
from the time they begin to roast their corn, until it is fit
to gather in." — [Memoirs of Brainerd.
The Six Nations were very desirous of having a black-
smith there, to save them the trouble of long journeys to
Tulpehocken, or to Philadelphia. The governor of Penn-
sylvania granted the request, on condition that he should
remain no longer than while the Indians continued friendly
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 161
to the English. The blacksmith, Anthony Schmidt, was
from the Moravian mission at Belhlehem; and this opened
the way for the establishment of a mission at Shamokin,
which was done in the spring of 1747, by Br. Mack, who,
with his wife, had previously visited the place. John Hagin
and Joseph Powel, of the mission, had built a house there.
Bishop Camerhoff, and the pious Zeisberger, visited there in
1748. The brethren speak of going to Long Island, and
Great Island, on the West Branch, above Ostonwackin ;"
and in 1755 " Brother Grube went to West Branch, and to
Quenis hacks hachlti, where some baptized Indians lived."
Shikellimus died in 1749. Loskiel thus describes his cha-
racter : —
Being the first magistrate and head chief of all the Iro-
quois living on the banks of the Susquehanna, as far as Onon-
daga, he thought it incumbent upon him to be very circum-
spect in his dealings with the white people. He mistrusted
the Brethren at first, but upon discovering their sincerity,
became their firm and real friend. Being much engaged in
political affairs, he had learned the art of concealing his sen-
timents ; and therefore never contradicted those who endea-
vored to prejudice his mind against the missionaries, though
he always suspected their motives. In the last years of his
life he became less reserved, and received those brethren who
came to Shamokin into his house. He assisted them in build-
ing, and defended them against the insults of the drunken
Indians ; being himself never addicted to drinking, because,
as he expressed it, he never wished to become a fool. He
had built his house upon pillars for safety, in which he al-
ways shut himself up when any drunken frolic was going in
in the village. In this house Bishop Johannes Von Watte-
ville and his company visited and preached the gospel to him.
It was then that the Lord opened his heart : he listened with
great attention ; and at last, with tears, respected the doc-
trine of a crucified Jesus, and received it in faith During
his visit in Bethlehem, a remarkable change took place in
his heart, which he could not conceal. He found comfort,
peace, and joy, by faith in his Redeemer, and the Brethren
considered him as a candidate for baptism ; but hearing that
he had already been baptized, by a Roman Catholic priest,
in Canada, they only endeavored to impress his mind with a
14*
162 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
proper idea of this sacramental ordinance, upon which he
destroyed a small idol, which he wore about his neck. After
his return to Shamokin, the grace of God bestowed upon him
was truly manifest, and his behavior was remarkably peace-
able and contented. In this state of mind he was taken ill,
was attended by Br. David Zeisberger, and in his presence
fell happily asleep in the Lord, in full assurance of obtaining
eternal life through the merits of Jesus Christ.
"After the defeat of Braddock, in 1755, the whole wil-
derness from Juniata to Shamokin was filled with parties of
hostile Indians, murdering, scalping, and burning. These
alarms broke up the mission at Shamokin, and the Brethren
fled to Bethlehem. In October of that year fourteen per-
sons were killed by the savages in the Penn's creek settle-
ment, and their bodies were horribly mangled. A party of
46 persons, led by John Harris, came up to bury the dead,
and afterwards came to Shamokin, where they were received
civilly but coldly, and remained all night. Andrew Montour,
the Indian interpreter, warned them against returning by a
certain road. They disregarded his advice, and were attack-
ed by a party of Delawares in ambush at Mahanoy creek.
Four of Harris's party were killed, four were drowned in
crossing the Susquehanna, and the others barely escaped.
Previous to this, on the 18th October, a party of Indians
had attacked the inhabitants at Mahanoy creek, carried off
25 persons, and burnt and destroyed their buildings and im-
provements. There were rumors that the French had in-
tended to build a Fort at Shamokin ; but in January, 1756,
the Indians had entirely abandoned their village and gone up
the Susquehanna and to the Ohio. The provincial govern-
ment in April erected Fort Augusta at Shamokin.
While Col. Clapham was at Fort Halifax, he received
the following orders to proceed to erect a fort at Shamokin.
Orders and Instructions to Col- W. Clapham.
1. With these instructions you will receive a number of
blank commissions under my hand and seal, for subaltern of-
ficers in your regiment, which you are hereby empowered to
fill up, with the names of such men as you judge most fit for
the service, having regard to the meiit and services of those
already employed ; taking care that they be of the Protestant
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 163
religion, and well affected to his Majesty's government, as
your name is inserted in the General Dedimus for this Pro-
vince, under the Great Seal, or cause Major Burd to do it.
2. Herewith you will also receive two plans of Forts; the
one a Pentagon, the other a square, with one Ravelin to pro-
tect the curtain where the gate is, with a ditch covered way
and glacis ; but as it is impossible to give any explicit direc-
tions to the particular form of a fort without viewing and
considering the ground on which it is to stand, I must leave
it to you to build it in such form as will best answer for its
own defence, the command of the river, and of the country in
its neighborhood ; and the plans herewith will serve to show
the proportion that the different parts of the works should
bear to each other.
3. As to the place upon which this fort is to be erected,
that must be in a great measure left to your judgment; but
it is necessary to inform you it must be on the east side of
the Susquehanna ; the lands on the west, at the Forks, be-
tween the branches, not being purchased from the Indians ;
besides it would be impossible to relieve and support a gar-
rison on that side in the winter time: from all the information
I have been able to collect, the land on the south side of the
east branch, opposite to the middle of the island, is the high-
est of any of the lowland thereabout, and the best place for
a fort. The guns you have with you will form a rampart of
a moderate height, commanding the main river. But as this
information comes from persons not acquainted with the na-
ture of such things, I am fearful they are not much to be
depended on, and your own judgment must therefore direct
you.
4. When you have completed the fort, you will cause the
ground to be cleared about it, to a convenient distance, and
openings to be made to the river, and you will erect such
buildings within the fort, and place there in such a manner
as you shall judge best.
5. Without the fort, at a convenient distance, under the
command of the guns, it will be necessary to build some log
houses for Indians, that they may have places to lodge in,
without being in the fort, where numbers of them, however
friendly, should not be admitted, but in a formal manner, and
the guard turned out ; this will be esteemed a compliment by
our friends, and if enemies should at any time be concealed
164 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
under that name, it will give them proper notions of our vi-
gilance, and prevent them from attempting to surprise it.
6. In your march up the river you will take care not to be
surprised, and always to have your forces in such a disposi-
tion that you may retreat with safety.
7. You will make the best observations you can of the ri-
ver and the most difficult passes you meet with in your way
as well by land as water, which you will note upon the map
I gave you, that it may be thereby amended, and furnish me
with your opinion of the best manner of removing or sur-
mounting those difficulties.
8. If you should be opposed in your march, or gain any in-
telligence of the approach of an enemy, for that or any other
purpose, you will inform me by express of such intelligence
or opposition, the situation you are in, and every thing else
material, that I may send you proper assistance, and be pre-
pared for any thing that may happen, and in the meantime
you are to use your best endeavors to oppose the enemy and
to secure yourself.
9. As soon as you are in possession of the ground at Sha-
mokin, you will secure yourself a breastwork in the best
manner you can, so that your men may work in safety, and
you will inform me of your arrival there, and let me know
what you will have occasion for, that I may apply to the
commissioners to supply it.
10. You will order the company and others in whose
hands you may trust any of the public provisions, or stores,
to be careful and exact in the distribution thereof, and to
keep exact accounts of every thing committed to their care.
11. Having suspected hostilities against the Delaware In-
dians on the east side of the Northeast Branch of Susque-
hanna, in order to enter into a treaty with them, I send you
herewith a Proclamation for that purpose to which you will
conform, and any friendly Indians that may join you in your
march or at Shamokin, you will treat with kindness and su{ -
ply them oi:t of the Province stores with such things as they
want and you are able to spare.
12. Having sent the Indians, New Castle and Jagree, again
to the town of Diahoga, accompanied with some of the Jer-
sey Delawares, all our friends who may, and probably will
return by the Susquehanna, you will, in about a fortnight
after this, cause a look out to be kept for them, and if they
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY
165
return that way, you will receive and assist them in their
journey. Their signal will be a red flag with " union" in
the corner, or if that should be lost, they will carry " green
boughs" or " Club'd muskets," will appear open and erect,
and not approach you in the night.
R. II. Morris.
Given under my hand and seal at Arms, Philadelphia, this
12th day of June, 1756.
Camp, at Armstrong's, June 20, 1756.
To Gov. Morris :
Sir — I received your Honor's of the 12th insl., together
with your Honor's instructions, your Honor's answer to the
Indian Sachem, six blank commissions, and two plans ot for-
tification. Your instructions I shall obey with the utmost
pleasure and punctuality. Your answer I delivered with
due solemnity. In filling up the commissions I shall be par-
ticularly careful to regard your Honor's directions ; when
arrived at the ground I shall conform as near as possible to
the plans, and hope I shall find no difficulty in the execution
which industry and application may not surmount, and shall
rely on your Honor for the supplies necessary during that
time. The progress already made in this Fort renders it im-
practicable for me to comply with the commissioners desire
to contract it, at which I am more surprised, as I expected
every day orders to enlarge it, it being as yet, in my opinion,
too small. I shall leave an officer and thiity men, with or-
ders to finish it when I march from hence, which will be
with all possible expedition after the arrival of the blankets,
the rum and the money for payment of Battoe-men, for want
of which, I am obliged to detain them here in idleness, not
thinking it prudent to trust them on another trip, for fear of
their desertion, which may totally impede the service. I
could wish the commissioners would invent some expedient to
pay these men without money, or at least without the dan-
ger of trusting me with their money, the charge of which I
am not ambitious of, or the much envied honor and trouble
of expending it — this far is certain, that without such expe-
dient, or the money, we cannot stir.
I have, pursuant to your Honor's command, sent down two
Indian Sachems properly escorted, and committed particu-
166 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
larly to the care of Mr. Shippen, and hope his coming will
fully answer the ends proposed by your Honor and your
council. I have found Capt. McKee extremely useful, and
have sent him also, at the Sachem's particular request.
The carpenters are still employed in building Battoes and
carriages for the canoes, and every body seems disposed
cheerfully to contribute their services towards the public
good, if there ever was any prospect or assurance of being
paid for it. From your Honor's character of Capt. Busse, I
am extremely sorry the Commissioners have not thought pro-
per to comply with your Honor's proposal. I assure my-
self, your Honor, will omit no opportunity of extricating me
from embarrassments arising from the want of money, both
for tKe Battoe men and the soldiers; twenty-six of whom
being Dutch (German) are now in confinement for mutiny on
that very account. I am with all respect, your Honor's
obedient humble servant.
William Clapham.
Edward Shippen, of Lancaster, makes mention of this
place, in a letter dated April 17, 1756 ; and Fort Augusta,
at Shamokin.
Lancaster, April 19, 1756.
Hon. Gov. Morris :
I have been at Captain McKee's Fort, where I found 10
Indians, men, women and children ; 3 of the women lying
very ill in bed. The Captain tells me that Johnny Shekalli-
Tny is greatly dissatisfied with being there ; and has several
times been much out of temper, which he would hope was
owing to nothing but the sickness of the Indians, and to their
being insulted by the fearful ignorant people who have some-
times told ShekaJlimy to his face, that they had a good mind
to scalp him. Shekallimy let me know that he wished the
Indians would be moved down to Barney Hughes', where
Capt. McKee's woman and children live; and afterwards, if
the Governor thought proper, he would go to Wyoming, and
endeavor to bring down Buckshenoath, a great man, a Shaw-
anese Captain, who would have come with him, but the Del-
awares would not permit it ; he says, that at the council of
Wyoming, whither your Honor sent Silver Heels and the
Belt, to know why the Indians struck their brethren, the
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 167
English; this Shawanese Captain observed, that it was not
more than one night and a half (meaning a year and a half)
since he had taken the Governor by the hand, and heard
every thing that he said, which was very kind and loving,
and why should he forget him so soon ? That he was then
sitting between the Six Nations, and the Governor, takes
one in each hand. — That council consisted of Shawanese,
Chickasaws, Mohickans, and some of the Six Nations, and
Shekallimy was appointed to give the answer, who spoke
and said : You, our young brothers, the Shawanese it may
be, know the reason of striking the English, as you are al-
ways in council with the Delawares. No, answered the
Shawanese, directing their discourse to the Six Nations,
saying : Old brothers, we cannot tell why the hatchet was
taken up against the English, but you know the reason of
it, who were always with them at Gen. Braddock's battle.
Shekallimy says there are about 400 Indian warriors at
Tiaogo of the Six Nations, Delawares, Munsees and Shaw-
anese, and about 40 more at Wyoming, viz : ten Mohickans,
ten Mingoes, and 20 Shawanese ; he says if we attempt to
go up to Shamokin to build a fort, we may expect to be at-
tacked by a body of 500 Indians in our march.
According to your Honor's instructions to Mr. Burd, 1
have prevailed with Shekallimy to stay where he is till we
can hear again from your Honor. I pity the sick Indians
much, because there is neither sheep, calves or poultry to be
got in that part of the country, and tho' game is very plen-
ty, yet the Indians dare not venture out of the Fort for fear
of being murdered ; and the Captain informs me that the
garrison has been but poorly served ; the provisions having
been very ordinary ; but they are now a little better used ;
yet he would fain believe, the persons employed about them
did their best ; he finds that one pound of Burlington pork
will go as far as two pounds made in that country.
John Harris has built an excellent stoccade around his
house, which is the only place of security that way, ior the
provisions for the army, he having much good cellar room,
and as he has but six or seven men to guard it, if the gov-
ernment would order six men more there to strengthen it, it
would in my opinion, be of great use to the cause, even
were no provision to be stored there at all, though there is
no room for any scarce in Capt. McKee's fort : Hunter's
168 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
house indeed would answer such a purpose were it stoc-
caded, but as it is quite naked, and stands five or six hun-
dred feet from the Fort, the enemy may surround it in the
night and kill the people, and set the roof on fire in three
or four places at once ; and if the sentry should discern
the fire as soon as it begins to blaze, it might be too diffi-
cult a task for them to quench it without buckets or pails.
I speak with submission; but this stoccacle at Harris' ought
by all means to be supported, for if for want of this small
addition of men above mentioned, the Indians should de-
stroy it, the consequence would be the most of the inhab-
itants within twenty miles of his house would immediately
leave their plantations. The enemy can come "over the
hills, at five miles distance from McKee's fort. But not-
withstanding all I have said on this head, I am convinced
that the number of stoccades set up and down the country
do more hurt than good.
By the best intelligence I can get, it will be best for
Colonel Clapham to march his regiment on the west side
of Susquehanna, after first marching 8 or 9 miles on this
side ; the only difficulty will be in crossing the river. I
know there are several bad passes, asfarasCapt. McKee's
plantation where I have been ; it is but twenty-five miles
from Hunter's mill.
I ought to have acquainted your Honor before, that 1
have cautioned Capt. McKee against suffering any body
to abuse the Indians for the future ; and by all means ad-
vised him to keep a strict watch over the young French-
man whom he has under his care.
Inclosed is a letter from Mr. Harris, and also a memor-
andum. At the request of a poor neighbor of his, who
has but one hand to work with for his living, I send an
account of some losses which he assures me he has sus-
tained by the Indians, whom Mr. Harris maintained at the
charge of the government.
Please pardon my prolixity, and permit me to say, that
I am, your Honor's &c.
Edward Shippen.
In 1749, Conrad Weiser, on his way to Shamokin with
a messenger from the government to the Indians there,
met the sons of Shickalimy at the Trading House of Thomas
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 169
McKee and delivered them the messages there ; because .
he had been informed that all the Indians were absent
from Shamokin. — In a letter addressed to Richard Peters
he mentions these facts :
Sir — By these lines I let you know that I returned from
Shamokin on the 18th inst. I happened to meet the eldest
and the youngest son of Shickelimy at the Trading house
of Thomas McKee, about twenty miles this side Shamokin,
by whom I was informed that all the Indians had left Sha-
mokin for this present time, for want of provisions ; so I
thought best to deliver my message there to the sons of
Shickelimy. There were also present three more of the
Six Nations Indians ; one of them was Toyanogow, a
noted man among the Cayukers. All what I had to do
was to let the children and grand-children of our deceased
friend Shickelimy know that the governor of Pennsylvania
and his council condoled with them, for the death of their
father; which I did accordingly, and gave them a small
present, in order to wipe off their tears, according to the
custom of the Indians. The present consisted of six stroud
match coats, seven shirts, with a string of wampum to
Taghnegdoarus, Shickelimy's eldest son, and desired him
to take upon him the care of a chief, in the stead of his
deceased father, and to be our true correspondent, until
there should be a meeting between the governor of Penn-
sylvania and some of the Six Nation chiefs, and then he
should be recommended by the governor, to the Six Na-
tion chiefs, and continued if he would follow the footsteps
of his father. He accepted thereof, and I sent a string of
wampum by Toganogan (who was then setting out for
Caynikgno) to Onondago to let the council of the Six Na-
tions know of Shikelimy's death, and my transaction, by
order of the governor. There was a necessity for my so
doing.
The Indians are very uneasy about the white people
settling beyond the Endless mountains, on Joniady, (Ju-
niata) on Sherman's creek and elsewhere. They tell me
that about thirty families are settled upon the Indian lands
this Spring, and daily more go to settle thereon. Some
have settled almost to the head of Joniady river, along the
Path that leads to Ohio. The Indians say that (and that
15
170 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
with truth) that country is their only hunting ground for
deer, because farther to the north, there was nothing but
spruce woods and the ground with Kalmia bushes (laurel)
not a single deer could be found or killed there. They
asked very seriously whether their brother Onas had given
the people leave to settle there. I informed them of the
contrary, and told them that I believed some of the Indi-
ans from Ohio, that were down last summer, had given
liberty (with what right I could not tell) to settle. I told
them of what passed on the Tuscarora Path last summer,
when the sheriff and three magistrates were sent to turn
off the people there settled ; and, that I then perceived < hat
the people were favored by some of the Indians above
mentioned ; by which means the orders of the governor
came to no effect. So far they were content, and said the
thing must be as it is, till the Six Nation chiefs would be
down, and converse with the Governor ,of Pennsylvania,
about the affair.
I have nothing else to add ; but remain, sir, your very
obedient, %
Conrad Weiser.
Heidelberg, April 22, 1749.
The provincial government erected a fort at Shamokin
in 1756, called Fort Augusta, and was garrisoned during
the French and Indian war. James Young, commissary
general, visited this place in July, 1756, and speaks with
much doubt of the success of building a Fort at that im-
portant place under the easiness of the officers and men
that prevailed. A fort, however, was erected, and in 1756,
'57, and at a later period several companies were stationed
here, as will appear from the following letters.
Carlisle, July 18, 1756.
To the Hon. Gov. Morris :
Sir — I did myself the honor to write to you on my ar-
rival at Shamokin. I staid there four days, in which time
I was greatly perplexed to know how to act, there being
a general dissatisfaction among the officers concerning my
instructions from the commissioners to pay them, for there-
in I am commanded to pay Lieut's 5s. Gd. and the Ensigns
4s. per day, whereas they expected 7s. 6d. and 5s. 6d. I
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 171
am likewise ordered to pay 384 private men and 16 ser-
geants. I find seven more in the camp besides Ensign
Meyers, with 20 men at McKee's store ; Ensign John-
ston with 23 men at Hunter's mill ; and a Sergeant with
13 men at Harris's, all ordered there by Col. Clapham,
and above his number of 400; I therefore did not pay,
neither could muster them, the certificates of enlistment
being disposed among the officers. At Shamokin the
people are extremely uneasy for their pay. The Colonel
is highly displeased I had not orders to pay him for his
Captain's commission, likewise that I brought him no
money to pay the Battoe men ; he talks loudly of his ill
usage, and threatens to leave the service ; that he will
go and join the Six Nations, whether they side with the
English or French. This I thought my duty to acquaint
you with. I was informed that he is to charge the Pro-
vince with 116 Battoe men at 2s. 6d. per day; at the same
time, I was credibly informed that the greater part of them
are soldiers in his regiment, and are now daily employed
ill the Battoes, and are very capable to work them.
The officers in general seem not at all pleased under their
colonel's command : all of them, but three cr four, have been
confined by him, and continued so during his pleasure, and
released without trial by the same authority.
I am sorry to say, I much doubt the success of building a
fort at that important place, Shamokin, under the present un-
easiness of the officers and men. I was ordered by the com-
missioners to pay all the men up to the 1st of July, deducting
half their pay for their clothing ; but the captain refused to
receive it on such terms, and presented me a paper, setting
forth their reasons, of which I sent you a copy. I being ap-
prehensive of a general desertion, and considering that the
Province had the same security for the clothing, complied
with their demands, and thereby have broken my orders
from the commissioners. I shall be extremely sorry if I am
blamed for so doing ; for nothing but the good of the service
(and so I judged it to be) would have induced me to act con-
trary to my instructions. The subalterns would not grant
me receipts for their full pay, but in part. If I have done
wrong, I beg your pardon, and that you will continue that
friendship to me, I have already so largely experienced, and
shall ever gratefully acknowledge.
172 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
Capt. Loyd was to set out soon after me for Philadelphia,
to lay their grievances before your Honor.
I left Shamokin early on Friday morning in a battoe; we
rowed her down to Harris's before night, with four oars.
There is but one fall above those you saw, not so bad as
those at Hunter's ; it is about 4 miles irom Fort Halifax. I
came here yesterday noon, hoping to find money sent by the
commissioners, to pay the forces on this side the river, as
they promised ; but as yet none is come, neither is Colonel
Armstrong come, and I find but 16 of his men here, the rest
are gone to Shearman's valley, to protect the farmers at
their harvest ; so when the money comes, I shall be at a loss
for an escort. I am informed that a number of men at the
Forts, whose time of three months is expired, agreeable to
their enlistments, have left their posts, and expect their pay
when I go there, this may be of bad consequence, and I hear-
tily wish there were none enlisted for less than twelve months.
I am persuaded the officers would find men enough for that
time.
I am with great respect, sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
James Young.
The following instructions from Colonel Clapham to Capt.
Hambright, commander of a detachment from Col. Clapham's
regiment, given at Fort Augusta, November 4, 1756, are
given, as it is believed they will be read with interest.
Sir — You are to march with a party of two sergeants, 2
corporals, and 38 private men under your command, to at-
tack, burn and destroy an Indian town or towns, with their
inhabitants on the West Branch of the Susquehanna, to
which Monsieur Montour will conduct you, whose advice
you are directed to pursue. In every case you are to attack
the town agreeable to the plan and disposition herewith giv-
en you, observing to intermix the men with bayonets equally
among the three parties in the attnck ; and if any Indians
are found there, you are to kill, scalp and captivate as many
as you can ; and if no Indians are there, you are to endeavor
to act in such a manner and with such caution, as to prevent
the discovery of your having been there, by any party that
may shortly arrive after you, for which reason you are strict*
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 173
ly forbidden to burn, take away, destroy or meddle with any
thing found at such places ; and immediately despatch Mon-
sieur Montour, with one or two more to me,. with intelli-
gence. When you come near a place of action, you are to
detach Monsieur Montour with as many men as he shall
judge necessary to reconnoitre the parts, and to wait in con-
cealment in the meantime with your whole party till his re-
turn ; then to form your measures accordingly. After hav-
ing burnt and destroyed the town, you are in your retreat to
post an officer and 15 men in ambush, close by the wood side,
at the most convenient place for such purpose which may of-
fer, at about 12 miles distance from the place of action, who
are to surprise and cut off any party who may attempt to
pursue, or happen to be engaged in hunting thereabouts, and
at the same time, secure the retreat of your main body.
It is very probable on these moonlight nights you will find
them engaged in dancing, in which case, embrace that oppor-
tunity by all means, of attacking them, which you are not
to attempt at a greater distance than 20 or 25 yards ; and
be particularly careful to prevent the escape of women and
children, whose lives, humanity will direct to preserve as
much as possible. If it does not happen that you find them
dancing, the attack is to be made in the morning, just at such
a season when you have light enough to execute it, in which
attempt your party is to march to the several houses, and
bursting open the doors, to rush in at once. Let the signal
for the general attack, be the discharge of one firelock, in
the centre division.
If there are no Indians at the several towns, you are, in
such a case, to proceed with the utmost caution and vigi-
lance, to the road which leads to Fort Du Quesne, there to
lie in ambush, and to intercept their march to, or from the
English settlements; and there to lemain, with that design,
till the want of provisions obliges you to return.
I wish you all imaginable success, of which, the opinion I
have of yourself, the party and officers under your command,
leaves me no room to write.
I am sir, &c
William Clapham.
P. S* You will not omit to post the sergeant with a party
cm the opposite side o£ the river during the attack, according
15*
174 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
to direction, to prevent the enemy from escaping that way,
and reserve one half of your force.
From the following, furnished by John Carson, a great-
grandson of the writer of the letter, it appears that John
Carson was sent by the Governor, in the year of 1757, to
open a trade with the Indians at Fort Augusta.
Fort Augusta, December 17th, 1757.
May it please your Honor :
I beg leave to acquaint your Honor that I arrived at
Fort Augusta on the 30th of November, and on the 8th cur-
rent opened a trade with the Indians, the store not being fit
to receive the goods sooner, and I have disposed of some of
the goods and received a small parcel of skins, the amonnt
of which I now enclose for your Honor's perusal. Accord-
ing to the best of my judgment I have calculated the prices
of the goods that the profits may defray the charges of the
Trade. I have not been able to put an equal profit on all
the goods, the Indians having heretofore had stroud blankets
and match coats at a very low rate, therefore I have charg-
ed the other goods something higher. If it appears to your
Honor that I have overcharged any of the goods, or sold at
too low a rate, please to favor me with your sentiments for
my future direction, and I shall act agreeably thereto.
I am your Honor's most humble servant,
John Carson.
The following letters, written at Fort Augusta, are here
introduced in connection with the preceding, as having rela-
tion to the same subject, and containing some important fact?.
Fort Augusta, July 1st, 1758.
May it please your Honor :
Your favor of the 21st past, was delivered me by Mr.
Holland, agent for the Indian affairs, who arrived here last
"Wednesday evening, and observe what your Honor says
with respect to supplying such Indians as Tedyuscung shall
direct with provisions, Indian corn, powder and lead, and
conforming to the orders you gave to the commandant offi-
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 175
cer respecting the friendly Indians that came to trade with
provisions, all which I shall punctually observe.
Capt. Trump has received no orders from Col. Bouquet or
any other person concerning a flag to be used by our friend-
ly Indians or our own people ; neither have any such flags
been sent here. Agreeable to your Honor's orders, I wrote
down to George Allen, master of the batteaux, by a man
that went down yesterday morning, and acquainted him that
you had ordered me to take all the batteaux men into the
service again, and that they were to be paid by the general,
and ordered him immediately to set about collecting them
together; but I understand as soon as they were discharged,
a great many of them engaged with Sir John St. Clair to go
upon the expedition, some as horse drivers, and others with
wagons, &c.
I do not doubt but Capt. Allen will pick up a sufficient
number of them. It is not every man that is fit for that ser-
vice : they ought to be well acquainted with the river pok-
ing. I understand Croston is expected this night at Harris's
with a drove of cattle ; a party goes down from here to-mor-
row to escort them and the batteaux up ; if the latter should
be ready and not wanted below to ferry over troops, &c — if
that should be the case, I have desired Capt. Allen to get as
many of them as can be spared, to bring up the cannon, pow-
der, ball, and sundry other necessaries, which are much want-
ed here, and have lain there a long while. When I was com-
ing up, I asked Sir Allen McClain, who was then at Harris's,
if he could not spare four of the batteaux to bring up some
necessaries that were much wanted at Fort Augusta, he said,
by no means, as there were troops, baggage, &c, coming
daily, and that they must not be detained. If the batteaux
can't come up at present, the party is ordered immediately to
escort up the bullocks, as so many men cannot be spared long
from this weak garrison.
We have now about two hundred men here ; seventy of
them came up with me, and are part of Captain Eastburn's
and Capt. Jackson's companies; thirty of their men were left
at Hunter's fort, and what were here before we came — one
hundred and twenty odd are the callings of the whole battal-
ion, and several of them sick and lame ; so that we have but
a very weak garrison.
Your Honor has doubtless heard of the French building a
176
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
fort upon the West Branch of this river, at a place called
Shingelaclamoos. And by a letter Capt. Trump has receiv-
ed from Col. Burd, wherein he acquainted him that from the
intelligence he has had, he has great reason to believe the
French intend to attack this Fort. I desired Capt. Young
to acquaint your Honor that there was neither surgeon nor
doctor here; since which he informs me there is one appoint-
ed for us : I hope he will be here soon, as several of our
men are suffering for want of one. I believe Doctor Morgan
left us but few drugs, as the shop looks very thin.
Agreeable to your Honor's orders by Mr. Peters, con-
cerning a flag that Teydyuscung took from Bille Sock, I
enquired of Capt. Trump, whether he knew how he came
by it ; he said he did not ; that he came here with his
brother and a Mohawk Indian man and a squaw on the
26 th of May, and brought with him cags of rum which he
said he got from the inhabitants-, but would not say from
whom ; he went away the next day and said he was go
ing to Tyahogah to see his friends and sell his rum ; that
he should return here in the fall to hunt — that is all the
conversation passed between Capt. Trump and him; but
upon inquiring of Lieut. Broadhead, if he new any thing
about it, he informed me, that he was down at Hunter's
fort and saw Indian Jegra have such a flag as Mr. Peters,
in his letter to me, describes, and he thinks the word
"■ union" was written with ink in the middle of it ; and
Capt. Patterson, the commander of the fort, informed him
he gave them to Jegra; Bill Sock, his brother, and another
Indian were there at that time and they all that evening
went away, and the next morning Jegra leturned to the
fort, beaten in a most cruel manner, of which he died the
next day. Lieut. Broadhead saw no more of the flag. —
Your Honor's most obedient humble servant.
Peter Bard.
P. S. Just as I had finished my letter, nine Indians
came here in two canoes from Wyoming, for Iudian corn
— there is none yet come up — they desire to have some
flour for the present : which shall we give them?
. To Hon. Wm. Denny, Esq.
For additional particulars, see Appendix, C.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 177
Paxton, July 26, 1779.
To Timothy Matlock, Esq.
Sir:
I am just returned from Sunbury. The whole of the
troops have left the place a week ago, and I am satisfied
that General Sullivan will move forward with the expedition
this very day. A more happy incident could not have hap-
pened than the rise of the Susquehanna, at this critical and
unexpected time ; notwithstanding some unlucky delays, my
hopes are now high, with respect to the northern expedition.
I must, however, leave this pleasing expectation, and say a
word or two of the deplorable situation of Northumberland
county — stript of the whole standing army, and without a
single man, save the militia of the county and 14 men under
the command of Capt. Kemplin, and almost every young man
on the frontier engaged in the Boat Service ; — they suffer
more than ever from the savage depredations of an horrid
enemy; every thing above Muncy Hill is abandoned ; a large
body of above 40 savages had penetrated as far as Freeland's
Mills ; Freeland and sundry others have fallen victims to
them. They were still hovering about the settlement when
I came away. In short, nothing seems wanting on their
part but a proper degree of spirit (and upon some occasions
they have manifested enough of it) for to make one bold push
for Sunbury, and destroy the magazine which is now collect-
ing there for the support of the army. I have spoken to
Col. Hunter for a guard for the magazine, but in vain. He
is not able to protect the flying inhabitants.
The stores at Sunbury are deposited in my dwelling house,
which is large and conveniently situated for defence and the
reception and delivery of stores : the . back part of it was
stoccaded last year by Col. Hartley — a small expense would
complete the stoccade, and mount a few swivels (several of
which lie there dismounted). This, and a very small guard
of militia from Lancaster county, would render the mag-azine
secure.
Now, my dear sir, let me not receive for an answer, "This
or much of this, is the business of the Board of War, or
ought to engage the attention of Congress." It is an object
of consequence ; between three and four hundred barrels of
flour, sixty odd barrels of pork, and a large quantity of li-
quors are now forwarding, and at this place to be forwarded
to Sunbury.
178
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
It is expected that the march of our army will recall the
savages to their own country. Were they left to their own
natural feelings there is little room to doubt this would be
the case ; but at present they are directed by British coun-
sels, and in many of their expeditions commanded by British
officers ; a different line of conduct may therefore be ex-
pected.
I will stay at this place until I hear from you ; and what-
ever is to be done at Sunbury, for the defence of the maga-
zine, I am ready to engage in. I wish not to complain of
any one, nor would be understood so ; I however know the
wretched slothfulness of many who are engaged in the pub-
lic departments, and would rather do a piece of business my-
self, than have the trouble of calling on them.
My present application, however, cannot be considered
either as impertinent or extra-official, as I have had the
charge of the magazine at Sunbury for some time past.
I am, sir, with great respect,
Your most obedient
and humble servant,
Wm. Ma clay.
Sunbury, July 28, 1779.
To Col. Joshua Elon — Sub-Lieut.
Dear Sir :
At the particular request of Col. Hunter, I inform you
that Freeland's Fort, the most advanced post on the fron-
tiers of the West Branch, had on Monday last three of the
garrison killed and scalped (one only shot) within 50 yards
of the Fort, and two made prisoners; the number of Indians
appeared to be upwards of 30, in the open view of the gar-
rison. Relief was sent in immediately from Boon's Fort and
the two towns, and additional force was left behind to their
assistance, notwithstanding which, they attacked them this
morning, and by intelligence received from persons of credit,
sent out as spies, they had surrounded the Fort, were walk-
, irig carelessly around them, and the gates were thrown open.
This account arrived by Express from Major Smith, at 12
o'clock, since when Mr. Frigg, sent by Capt. Nelson, in-
forms, the other spies had seen the Forts and barns in ashes,
the mill still standing, and the Indians appeared very numer-
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 179
ous, among whom were sOme Red-coats, supposed to be reg-
ulars— that 34 men had turned out from Boon's fort to re-
lieve Freeland fort, of whom there is not the least intelli-
gence.
The garrison of Freeland fort consisted of 32 men, 14 ol
whom were nine months men, and had in it upwards of 40
women and children. The situation of this country is truly
alarming and deplorable to the last degree.
The continental garrisons, formerly posted here, are all
drawn off, except a sergeant's guard ; and by accounts re-
ceived very late last night from Wioming, they need not
expect any protection from Gen. Sullivan — " he seems quite
regardless of the melancholy situation of those unhappy peo-
ple." If any relief can possibly be afforded, it should be
given instantly, otherwise the town of Northumberland and
Sunbury must be the barriers.
I am, in great esteem,
Your very humble servant,
Francis Allison, jr,
Articles of capitulation entered into between Captain John
McDonald, on his Majesty's part, and John Little on that
of the Congress :
Article 1 st. The men in the garrison to march out and
ground their arms on the green, in front of the fort, which is
to be taken in possession of, immediately, by his Majesty's
troops.
Agreed to.
2dly. All men bearing arms are to surrender themselves
prisoners of war, and to be sent to Niagara.
Agreed to.
3d. The women and children not to be stript of their
clothing, nor molested by the Indians, and to be at liberty to
move down the country where they please.
Agreed to.
John McDonal, Capt. of Rangers.
John Little.
Those killed at Freeland Fort in Capt. Boon's party.
Captain Boon, Jeremiah McGlaghglen, Nathaniel Smith,
180 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
John Jones, Edwd. Costikan, Ezra Green, Samuel Neei,
Mathw. McClintock, Hugh McGill, Andrew Woods, James
Watt, John McClintock, Wm. McClung, James Miles, Hen-
ry Gilfillen.
Si i
Head Quarters, Wioming, July 38, 1779.
Your letter, dated the 28th instant, I received this day,
with the disagreeable intelligence of the loss of Fort Free-
land. Your situation in consequence, must be unhappy. I
feel for you, and could wish to assist you, but the good of
the service will not admit of it. The object of this expedi-
tion is of such a nature, and its consequences so extensive, to
turn the course of this army would be unwise, unsafe, and
impolitic.
Nothing can so effectually draw the Indians out of your
county as carrying the war into theirs. To-morrow morn-
ing I shall march with the whole army to Tioga, and must
have you to call upon the council of your State for such as-
sistance as may serve to relieve you from your present per-
ilous situation. As Pennsylvania has neglected to furnish
me with troops, promised for this expedition, she certainly
will be enabled to defend her frontiers without much incon-
venience.
I am, sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
Jno. Sullivan.
Col. Samuel Hunter.
The above is a copy of a letter to Col. Hunter, in answer
to one of the 28th, but nothing would be done. Indeed the
General seems to have had it in view from his first arrival at
Wioming, to have the county reduced to what it now is. It
appears, however, in several instances, he is no friend to this
State. The evacuation of Fort Wallace, and drawing all
the men from the frontier, five or six weeks before he march-
ed, in my opinion, speaks very plain — the people of this
county are petitioning in very strong terms, and will request
a hearing against the General.
I am, sir,
Yours, &c.
Mathw. Smith.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 181
Sunbury, 28th July, 1779.
To Col. Matbw. Smith.
Dear Sir :
This day about 12 o'clock, an express arrived from
Capt. Boon's mill, informing us that Freeland's Fort was
surrounded by a party of Indians, and immediately after
another express came, informing that it was burned, and
all the garrison either killed or taken prisoners. The party
that went from Boons saw a number of Indians and some
Red-coats walking around the Fort, (or where it had been)
— after that there was a firing heard off towards Chilis-
quake, which makes us believe that the savages are nu-
merous, and parties are going off from this town and Nor-
thumberland, to the relief of the garrison at Boon's, as
there is a number of women and children. There were
at Freeland's Fort, 50 women and children, and about 30
men, and God knows what has become of them. By this
you may know our distressed situation at this present
time. General Sullivan would send us no assistance, and
our neighboring counties have lost the virtue they once
possessed of, or otherwise we would have had some relief
before this time. This I write in a confused manner, as I
am just marching off up the West Branch with the party
we have collected.
I am, dear sir,
Your humble servant,
Samuel Hunter.
N. B. Rouse the inhabitants there, (at Paxton) or we
are all ruined here. S. H.
Sunbury, July 29, 1779.
To Col. Joshua Elder.
Sir:
Since mine of the 2Sth, we have received particular in-
structions from Fort Freeland, by women who had been
in the Fort. They say the garrison surrendered, after
making a noble but short resistance ; after being thrice
summoned ; they capitulated in form ; the copy of it has
not yet come to hand. Of the garrison four were killed,
and 13 scalps were brought into the Fort in a pocket
handkerchief; amongsl whom were Capt. Boon's and
16
182 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
Dougherty's, supposed to belong to the party from Boon's
Fort which attacked the British, Indians, &c. &c, even got
in among them the people who were prisoners with them ;
but were obliged to fly on account of superiority of num-
bers— 13 or 14 of the party have come in. The women
of Fort Freeland estimate the number of the enemy at be-
tween 3 and 4 hundred, one third of whom are regular
troops.
Boon's Fort is evacuated and Northumberland town is
already the frontier. Hurry, if possible, all the assistance,
with utmost haste, or else the consequence on our side will
be dreadful.
I am, yours, &e.
Francis Allison, jr.
The commanding officer is said to be a Captain McDon-
ald ; he intimated to the women that a party was still in the
rear.
Sunbury, 29th July, 1797.
To William Maclay, per William Harris' express, Paxton.
Dear Sir :
Yesterday morning early, there was a party of Indians
and regular troops attacked Fort Freeland ; the firing was
heard at Boon's place, when a party of 30 men turned out
under the command of Capt. Boon ; but before he arrived at
Fort Freeland the garrison had surrendered, and the British
troops were paraded round the prisoners, and the fort and
houses adjacent set on fire. Capt. Boon and his party fired
briskly on the enemy, but were soon surrounded by a large
party of Indians — there were 13 killed of our people, and
Capt. Boon himself among the slain. The regular officer
that commanded was the name of McDonald ; he let the
women and children go, after having them a considerable
time in custody. The town of Northumberland was the fron-
tier last night, and I am afraid Sunbury will be this night.
Is there any possibility of getting some assistance from your
county, if it was but to meet the poor women and children
on their road down the country. You may easily form an
idea of our distress, by what you saw last year ; but this is
a great deal worse; as there is no relief from any quarter.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 183
There were about three hundred of the enemy, and the one-
third of them were white men, as the prisoners inform us
that made their escape.
I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Samuel Hunter.
P. S. Please to write Council, by express, on the receipt
of this, as it may be depended upon, and do all you can for
your poor, distressed country. S. H.
Paxtang, July 31, 7 o'clock, A. M. 1779.
Joseph Reed, Esq., Pres of Pa.
Sir:
I take the opportunity of conveying a few lines by the
bearer, John Gillcriest, Esq. (a member of the honorable
House of Assembly) who, I think, was pitched upon, think-
ing he might have more influence with council, than another,
that might as quickly deliver the despatches : for my part, I
think the distresses of Northumberland county people equal,
if not superior to any thing that has happened to any part of
the continent, since the commencement of the present war.
You will see the late accounts, in some measure, by the let-
ters inclosed, by Mr. Maclay. I believe only in some mea-
sure, as the accounts are almost every minute arriving by
people who have escaped the enemy, that, if true, are indeed
alarming. The accounts this moment is, that the town of
Northumberland is evacuated ; if so, then Sunbury will soon
follow the example — and the same frontier will be where it
was 20 years past.
This day the township of Paxtang met to appoint a com-
mittee to act in conjunction with other parts of the State: as
soon as the letters came to hand, Messrs. Elder, McClay,
and myself, attended, had the whole matter laid before the
people, that was no inconsiderable number ; and proposed a
scheme for volunteers to turn out immediately for the relief
of the distressed people. We have fixed Sunday morning,
6 o'clock, to march ; when, I doubt not, at least 50 men will
go that way, as the distress was so great. Every thing has
been done to encourage, but no promise of reward absolutely
given.
184 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
I know the difficulty in getting the militia out. This me-
thod in the mean time, in hopes to stop the progress of the
enemy, if the volunteers can be allowed wages, or even their
expenses, it will be acceptable ; if it cannot be done, a few
lines from your excellency, or your excellency and council,
will be truly acceptable to me ; and I will make the best use
of it in my power. As I assure you, I have made every
proposal in my power, and perhaps more. But as the great-
est number were going from this battalion, are officers, I
hope to make the matter more easy than if they were gener-
ally privates. If you write by the bearer, direct to North-
umberland county, as I shall be there two or three weeks, if
the county is not entirely broken up.
I am, dear sir, with esteem,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
Mathw. Smith.
Sunbury, August 3d, 1779.
To Joseph Reed, Esq. President.
Sir:
I have arrived at Sunbury with 60 Paxtang boys ; the
neighboring townships turnout a number of volunteers. Cum-
berland county will give a considerable assistance. To-mor-
row, at 12 o'clock, is fixed for the time of march ; provision
is scarce ; but we intend to follow the savages : we hope to
come at them, as the number of cattle is great they have ta-
ken from the country, and must make a slow progress on
their return home. I hope to see them on their return, and
doubt not if we do, to give a good account.
I inclose a copy of the capitulation of Fort Freeland. The
Captain, McDonald of the Rangers, was formerly a sergeant
in Col. Montgomery's regiment of Highlanders : his human-
ity has appeared in this one instance — perhaps the first in
this war : 52 women and children came safe to this place,
being the number taken. Four old men were also admitted
to come back — the enemy supposed them not fit to march to
Niagara.
Inclosed is a list of the number of Captain Boon's party
killed-— also the names of persons belonging to the garrison.
This account I believe is the fact, as the party out yesterday
have buried the dead— gave me the list, The distress of the
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 185
people here is great ; you may have some conception ; but it
can scarcely be told. The town now composes Northumber-
land county. The enemy have burnt every where you have
been, houses, barns, rye, wheat in the fields, stacks of hay,
-&c, &c, is all consumed. Such devastation I have never
vet seen. I write this in haste, and
Am, sir, your most obedient
and humble servant,
Mathew Smith.
NORTHUMBERLAND, *
Nearly opposite Sunbury, built on the point of land between
the North and West Branches of the Susquehanna, at theii
junction. The town was laid out about the year 1775, by
Reuben Haynes, originally from Philadelphia. At first its
progress was slow, as all the inhabitants during the revolu-
tion were obliged to escape being murdered by a cruel enemy,
to flee and seek refuge at Fort Augusta. It was not ti\l
1784 or '85, that Northumberland was again re-occupied :
and in 10 or 12 years afterwards it numbered nearly 100
houses ; at present it contains about 160. The town was
incorporated as a borough April 14, 1828. It contains four
churches — Old and New School Presbyterian, German Re-
tt >rmed .and Methodist — an academy, a market house, a bank.
* town house of brick, and in 1840 contained 6 stores, seve-
ral taverns, 3 scholars, 190 scholars, and a number of me-
chanics jsbops.
Its locality is inviting to the recluse. The country ex-
pands behind the town in a semi-circular form, rising in gen-
tle swells towards Montour's ridge, which crosses between
'he two rivers at a distance of about 3 miles. Opposite the
town, in the North Branch, is a long and beautiful island,
called Lyon's Island. Two splendid bridges connect this
sland with the main land on either shore. Another splendid
bridge, which also answers as a towing path, crosses the
West Branch at its mouth, At the southern end of this
latter bridge, rises the high and precipitous sandstone of
-c Blue Hill," from which a magnificent prospect is enjoyed
oi the valleys of both rivers." The town is well laid out,
16*
186 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
with spacious streets, and to those who love quiet, is a plea-
sant spot to reside.
At the time Fort Freeland was captured, a party went
from Northumberland to succor the garrison at Fort Free-
land, and were brought to action with a superior force, when
Captain Hawkins and Boon, and 14 men were killed and
scalped. The enemy then advanced towards Northumber-
land, with the addition of 100 men, whom they kept in re-
serve, creating great alarm at Fort Augusta.
Some years after the war, Capt. McDonald, having busi-
ness with the American government, on his way from Cana-
da ventured, from pride or curiosity, to visit the ground of
of his victory, and tarried part of a night at Northumberland.
Alarmed at certain movements, indicating hostility, he hired
a servant to take him down the stream in a canoe, before
daylight should expose him to his (as he had reason to sup-
pose) excited enemies. His horse, after remaining nearly a
year with the innkeeper, unclaimed, was sold for keeping —
[Miner's His. Wyoming.
"Dr. Joseph Priestley, the distinguished philosopher and
theologian, spent the latter years of his life in Northumber-
land. The large mansion erected by him is still standing in
a lovely, shaded spot, a little apart from the village, and is
in the occupation of his family. His sons had purchased a
large tract of land here with the view of making it the asy-
lum of English dissenters, and other intelligent emigrants from
Europe. Many Englishmen, friends of Dr. Priestly, remov-
ed here about the same time, among whom was Dr. Thomas
Cooper, who subsequently removed to the southern states,
where he became distinguished as a politician, philosopher,
and professor of political economy. Mr. Russell was another
Englishman who resided here, and purchased, in connection
with the land speculators at Philadelphia, large tracts of land
in Bradford, Susquehanna and Luzerne counties.
" Dr. Joseph Priestly was born at Fieldhead, near Leeds,
in England, in March, 1773. His father was a clothier of
the Calvinistic persuasion, in which he was also hnr.self
brought up. After he had attained a respectable degree of
classical acquirement, he was finally placed at the dissenters'
academy at Daventry, with a view to the ministry. He spent
3 years at this school, where he became acquainted with the
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 187
writings of Dr. Hartley, and was gradually led into a par-
tiality for the Arian hypothesis. He became minister of
Needham market, in Suffolk, but falling under the suspicion
of Arianism, he left there and took charge of a congregation
at Nantwich, to which he joined a school. In 1761 he was
appointed tutor in the languages at Warrington academy.
Here he published his essay on government, and several other
useful works on education and history. His History of Elec-
tricity, published in 1767, procured him an admission into
the Royal Society; he had previously obtained the title of
doctor of laws from the University of Edinburgh. In the
same year he took charge of a church at Leeds, where his
opinions became decidedly Socinian. Here his attention was
first drawn to the properties of fixed air, and he also com-
posed his work on Vision, Light, and Colors. In 1773 he
went to live with the Marquis of Landsdowne, as librarian,
or literary companion. He travelled over Europe with this
nobleman, and also occupied himself with scientific pursuits.
In 1773 he furnished a paper in the Philosophical Transac-
tions, on the different kinds of air, which obtained for him a
gold medal. This was followed by three volumes, the pub-
lication of which forms an era in the history of triform fluids.
He published several metaphysical works, and an edition of
Hartley's Observations on Man, to which he annexed a dis-
sertation savoring strongly of Materialism. This doctrine
he still more forcibly supported in his Disquisitions on Matter
and Spirit, in 1777. These works resulted in a dissolution
of the connection between himself and his patron, and he
took charge of a dissenting congregation at Birmingham. At
length, when several of his friends at Birmingham were cel-
ebrating the destruction of the Bastile, a mob assembled and
set fire to the dissenting meeting-houses and to several dis-
senters' houses, among which was that of Dr. Priestley, al-
though he was not present at the celebration.* He lost his
valuable library and apparatus, and although he obtained a
legal compensation, it fell far short of his loss. On quitting
Birmingham he succeeded his friend Dr. Price as lecturer in
the dissenting college at Hackney, where he remained some
time in the cultivation of scientific pursuits, until he was goa-
ded by party enmity to seek an asylum in the United States.
_ * See Appendix G, for detailed account of this riot, &c.
183 NOETHUMBEELAND COUNTY.
His sons had already preceded him, and taken up or purcha-
sed a large body of land near Northumberland, where the
doctor arrived and fixed his residence in 1794. Here he ded-
icated himself for 10 years to his accustomed pursuits, until
his death on the 6th Feb. 1804, in his 71st year.
" Doct. Priestley was an ardent controversialist, chiefly in
consequence of extreme simplicity and openness of character:
but no man felt less animosity towards his opponents, and
many, who entertained the strongest antipathy .to his opin-
ions, were converted into friends by his urbanity in personal
intercourse. As a man of science, he stands high in the walk
of invention and discovery : he discovered the existence of
oxygen gas, and other triform fluids. As a theologian, he
followed his own convictions wherever they led him, and
passed through all changes, from Calvinism to a Unitarian
or Socinian system, in some measure his own ; but to the last
remained a zealous opposer of infidelity. In his family he
ever maintained the worship of God. His works amount to
about 70 volumes, or tracts; and embrace essays on history,
politics, divinity, (practical and controversial,) metaphysics,
and natural philosophy. His Life, edited by his son, wa*
published in 1806. The memoirs are written by the doctor
himself, down to the year 1795.
MILTON,
Is a flourishing borough, on the left bank of the West Branch
of the Susquehanna river, at the mouth of Limestone Run,
12 miles above Northumberland. It was started as a town
about the year 1794 or '95. Being situated on the canal,
surrounded by a fertile and highly productive region, and
also the seat of considerable manufacturing establishments.
and of much importance. In 1840 it contained o churches —
a Presbyterian, Associate Reformed, and German Reformed:
in addition to these, it now also contains a Baptist and Epis-
copalian— an academy, 13 stores, 2 grist mills, 1 saw mih.
1 tannery, 4 distilleries, several foundries, 1 brewery, 1 pot-
tery, 2 printing offices, 4 schools. Population in 18o0, 1,279:
in 1840, 1,508. The town was incorporated Fehruary 26.
1816. There is a stone bridge across Limestone Run, an;
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 189
a frame bridge across the West Branch, which extends to
the Union county side.
McEWENSVILLE,
Named after Alexander McEwen, is a flourishing little town,
grown up within the last 20 years, about 3 miles north of
Milton, on the road to Williamsport. It contains about 25
or 30 houses, several stores and taverns, and a number of
mechanics' shops.
WATSONBURG,
Four miles above Milton, a short distance above Warrior's
Run, on the left bank of the West Branch of the Susque-
hanna ; it contains about 30 dwellings, several stores and
taverns — and one or two mills on Warrior's Run, near the
village.
FORT FREELAND,
Or Freeland Fort, was situated on Warrior's run, which was
destroyed by the enemy in July, 1779.
POTTSGROVE,
A post village, near the Chilisquaque creek, five miles north-
east of Milton, and eight miles northwest of Sunbury, con-
tains 15 or 18 houses, a store and tavern.
SODOM,
A post village, on Chilisquaque creek, seven miles north of
Sunbury. It contains twelve or fifteen houses, a store and
tavern.
190 NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
SNYDERSTOWN,
A post village of Shamokin township, on the Shamokin crk.
8 miles southeast of Sunbury — contains between 50 and 60
dwellings ; a store and tavern ; also a German Reformed &
Baptist Church. It is on the turnpike and railroad.
SNYDERSTOWN,
A hamlet of Turbut township, about six miles northeast of
Milton.
DALMATIA,
Or Georgetown, is on the left bank of the Susquehanna riv-
er, 15 miles south of Sunbury. It contains about 80 dwell-
ings, several taverns and stores.
SHAMOKIN,
At the eastern termination of the railroad, 19 miles from
Sunbury, surrounded by coal mines. It has sprung up with-
in the last 11 or 12 years. It is a coal creation.
The Shamokin Coal and Iron Company own large tracts
of Coal lands near Shamokin. This company was incorpor-
ated in 1836, and was fully organized in 1839 ; and in 1840
they got a charter, under the general act for the manufacture
of iron, proceeded to erect a furnace, which was soon in suc-
cessful operation, making iron of the first quality, from ore
procured at Montour's Ridge. Anthracite coal is used in
smelting ore. Large quantities of iron and coal are trans-
ported from this place to the Baltimore market.
Popular education is only partially encouraged. In some
portions of the county it is much neglected, and where it
does receive some attention, schools are not so conducted as
to impart the greatest benefit to the rising generation. The
townships of South Coal, Jackson, Little Mahahany, Lower
Mahanoy and Upper Mahanoy, have not adopted the com-
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY. 191
mon school system as yet ; of fifteen school districts only
eight have reported 59 schools in operation, which were
open five months ; engaged 51 male and 26 female teachers ;
the former receiving $18,90 per month; the latter $10,11.
In these schools 1,931 males and 1,422 females weie taught.
A district tax raised of $3,083,32 ; state appropriation
$2,691,00. Cost of instruction $4,122,86 ; fuel and con-
tiguous $614,17. Cost of school houses $1,987,55.
In several of the larger towns schools of advanced stand-
ing are opened. There are academies at Milton, Northum-
berland and Sunbury, and at the latter place is a Female
Seminary, pretty liberally patronized.
CHAPTER VIII.
Huntingdon County.
Huntingdon county erected— Streams of the county — Geological fea*
tures — Census of 1840— Public improvements — Towns — Hunting*
don, Holidaysbuig, Gaysport, Frankstown, Newry, Williamsburg,
Alexandria, McConnellsburg, Ennisville, Antastown, Davidsburg,
Yellow Spring, Graysville or Graysport, Smithfield, Warriors, Mark
Town, Petersburg, Water Street, Birmingham, Shirleysburg, Orbiso-
nia, &c. — Education.
Huntingdon county, formerly included by Bedford was
established by separating it from Bedford by an act of the
legislature, September 20, 1787; said provided " That all
and singular the lands lying within the bounds and limits,
hereinafter described, should be erected into a separate coun-
ty by the name of Huntingdon ; namely, beginning in the
line of Bedford and Franklin counties where the new state
road, (by some called Skinner* 's road) leading from Shippens-
burg to Littleton crosses the Tuscarora mountain ; thence in
a straight course or line to the Gap in the Shade mountain,
where the road formerly called Pott's road crossed the same,
about 2 miles north of Littleton; thence by a straight line to
the Old Gap, in Sideling Hill, where Sideling Hill creek
crosses the mountain ; thence in a straight line by the nor-
therly side of Sebastian Shoub's mill, or Raystown branch
of Juniata ; thence on a straight line to the Elk Gap, in
Tussey's mountain ; computed to be about 19 miles above,
or southwesterly of the town of Huntingdon, (formerly call-
ed the Standing Stone) and from the said Elk Gap, in a
straight line to the Gap of Jacob Stevens' mill, a little be-
low were Woolery's mill formerly stood, in Morrison's eove;
thence in a straight line by the southerly side of Blair's mill,
at the foot of the Allegheny mountain ; thence across the
said mountain, in a straight line to, and along the ridges di-
viding the waters of Conemaugh from the waters of Clear-
field and Chest creeks, to the line of Westmoreland county;
HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
193
thence by the same to the old purchase line, which was run
from Kittaning to the West Branch of Susquehanna river ;
and along said line to the said West Branch, and down the
same to the mouth of Moshannon creek, and along the re-
maining lines or boundaries which divide the county of Bed-
ford from Northumberland, Cumberland and Franklin, to the
place of beginning.
The following gentlemen were appointed Trustees for the
county, viz : Benjamin Elliot, Thomas Duncan Smith, Lud-
wig Sell, George Ashman and William McElvey to take as-
surances of a certain spot of ground in Huntingdon county,
thereon to erect a court house and prison for the accommo-
dation of the public service of the county.
After Mifflin county had been erected (1789) out of parts
of Cumberland and Northumberland, some differences of opi-
nion arose touching the boundary line between Huntingdon
and Mifflin, producing some excitement — to be noticed in
the sequel — commissioners were appointed by an act passed
April 1st, 1791, for running the boundaries between Hun-
tingdon and Mifflin — described as follows : Beginning where
the province line crosses the Tuscarora mountain, and run-
ning along the summit of the mountain to the Gap, near the
head of Path Valley; thence with a north line to the Juni-
ata ; and the said line, from the said Gap to the Juniata, to
be the line between Huntingdon and Mifflin, on the south
side of the Juniata.
In September, 1791, other commissioners were appointed,
and again March 29, 1792, an act was passed, directing
some alterations to be made in the boundary, viz : " That a
straight line, beginning in the middle of the Water Gap in
the Tuscarora mountain ; and from thence to the river Ju-
niata, in such direction as to include Joseph Galloway's farm,
within Huntingdon county, at the mouth of Galloway's run,
shall be the line between Huntingdon and Mifflin. And by
an act of March 29, 1798, other commissioners were appoin-
ted to run the lines between Bedford and Huntingdon, ac-
cording to the following boundaries : Beginning at the Old
Gap at Sideling Hill, where Sideling Hill creek crosses the
same, thence in a straight line, by the northerly side of Se-
bastian Shoup's mill, on the Ra>stown Branch of Juniata,
thence in a straight line to the Elk Gap in Tussey's Moun-
tain ; and between Huntingdon and Somerset, beginning on
17
194 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
that part of the line between the counties of Bedford and
Huntingdon, near the southerly side of Blair's Mills, at the
foot of the Allegheny Mountain ; thence across the said
Mountain, in a straight line, to and along the ridges divid-
ing the waters of Conemaugh, from the waters of Clearfield
and Chest creeks, to the line of Westmoreland county; thence
bv the same to the old purchase line, which was run irom
the Kittaning to the West Branch of the Susquehanna.
The extended limits of the county were reduced by erect-
ing Centre, Feb. 13, 1800 — formed' from Mifflin, Northum-
berland, Lycoming and Huntingdon, and by erecting Cam-
bria county, March 26, 1804, which was formed from Hun-
ting and Somerset, so that its present length is about thirty-
eight miles, and breadth thirty-one, with an area of about
1,185 square miles, containing 758,400 acres of land. Pop-
ulation in 1790, 7,568; in 1800, 13,008; in 1810, 14,778;
in 1820, 20,142 ; in 1830, 27,145 ; in 1840, 35,484.
The aggregate amount of property taxable in 1845, was
$8,168,226 00.
The population of the several townships in 1840, was as
follows :
Allegheny 2,225; Antis 5,154; Barre 2,225; Dublin
622 ; Franklin 1,376 ; Frankstown 1,499 ; Hopewell 1,238;
Henderson 1,555 ; Morris 1,516 ; Porter 879 ; Shirley 1,-
174 ; Springfield 984 ; Fell 911 ; Tyrone 1,226 ; Union
817 ; Warrior Mark 1,689 ; West 1,629 ; Woodberry 2,-
102; Walker 1,055; Todd 780; Cromwell 1,140; Blair
1,370.
The population of the boroughs, were as follows :
Huntingdon 1,154; Alexandria 574; Petersburg 196;
Holidaysburg 1,896 ; Shirleysburg 247 ; Williamsburg 637;
Birmingham 235 ; Frankstown 357.
See Table on following page.
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Colored pop'n.
196 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
The county is now bounded on the north by Centre, east
by Mifflin and Juniata ; southeast by Franklin, southwest by
Bedford, and west by Cambria ; lying entirely within the
great central mountainous district ; and its features, as one
of days past expressed himself, " rough and strong," like the
features of its pioneer settlers. The traveller cannot but be
struck with the grandeur of the scenery. It is truly a moun-
tanic region of the Keystone State ; for this part of Penn-
sylvania, comprising Huntingdon and adjacent counties, is
composed oi long and parallel ranges of lofty rupic eleva-
tions, separated, or " grandly serrated" by deep and narrow
valleys.
Entering the county from the southeast, and continuing a
northwestern direction, you pass Tuscarora mountain, the
line of strong demarcation between Franklin and Hunting-
don, then the shade and Black log extending southward
from Juniata ; then Jack's Mountain, a branch of which,
called Stone Mountain, folds round on the west of Kishico-
quillas valley; the Sideling Hill and Terrace Mountain, en-
closing Trough creek valley, from which rises the amorphous
and rugged Broad Top, who, as poets would have, like a
mighty Colossus, lifting his platonic shoulders, surmounted
by a huge head, with eyes proportionate, watching over the
two counties, in each of which he has placed a foot immova-
bly planted — his monstrous head, in unison with his sombre
aspect, blacked by the smut of countless coal beds — and like
a miser, concealing a treasure not of his own begetting.
Next, west of the borough of Huntingdon, is Warrior
Ridge, and then Tussey's, Lock, Canoe, Brush, Bald Ea-
gle, and then old Allegheny, as firm as his proud Broad Top.
Besides these named, there are minor elevations or moun-
tains in this county, such as Allegripus, Drakes Hill, Dock-
Mountain, Rocky Ridge. These Mountains, as already said,
are separated by valleys ; the principal of which are Augh-
wick, Sinking, Woodcock, Canoe, Scotch, Tuscarora, Trough
creek, Hares, Plank Cabbin, and others.
The county is well watered, though it has no large rivers.
The Juniata, with Raystown Branch, Aughwick, and nu-
merous minor streams, such as Black-log, Clover, Piney,
West Branch of Little Juniata, Beaver Dam, Standing Stone,
Shaver's, Shade, Canoe, Three Springs, Tuscarora, Vine-
yard creek, with a number of runs, such as Warrior, Spruce,
and others.
HUNTINGDON COUNTY- 197
Warm Spring is a place of considerable resort, during the
watering season.
Sinking Run, given name to sinking valley,* is a consid-
erable stream. It rises in the southern boundary of Tyrone
township, and flows north a few miles to sink into the earth,
as do also some smaller streams of the same valley. During
the revolutionary war this valley became remarkable on ac-
count of the lead mines which were wrought here, under the
auspices of the state. The following description of this val-
ley, and of the mining operations once carried on in it, we
are assured merits full credit. In the prosecution of the min-
ing scheme, some miners from Europe were employed ; a
large log fort was erected for their protection, and consider-
able quantities of valuable ore were obtained. Several reg-
ular shafts were sunk to a considerable depth. Lead enough
was made to give a favorable idea of the value ot the mines.
The work, however, was abandoned on account of the dan-
gers from Indian incursions, and the disqualification of Eu-
ropean nature for a forest life. Iron ore is also found in the
valley of every species, and in the greatest abundance. The
surrounding hills abound with white flint, and from their ab-
rubt forms and thick covering of pines, have a very sombre
appearance.
" Among the swallows which absorb several of the larg-
est streams of the valley, and after conveying them for sev-
eral miles under the ground, return them to the surface, that
called the Arch spring is the most remarkable. It is a deep
hollow in the limestone rock, about 30 feet in width, with a
* The following incident, though given here in the form of a foot-
note, is worthy of a place here. The incident occured in 1763.
Mr. Porter, residing in Sinking valley, having gone to Mill, and left
Mrs. Porter alone, while in this situation she espied an Indian coming
towards the house. Mr* Porter being a militia captain, had. a sword
and rifle in the house,iiis wife with great intrepidity took the sword,
and having set the door about half open, waited behind it until the In-
dian entered, when she split his head with the sword, another entered
and met the same fate : the third seeing the fate of his companions,
did not attempt to enter. She then took the gun and went up stairs
with the expectation of having an opportunity of shooting him from
■ hence, as there was port holes for the purpose; but he came in and
followed her up stairs, where she shot him dead. She then came down,
and fled with all possible haste, and met her husband coming; they
immediately rode to a place of security. The next morning a party of
men went to the place of action, and found that there had been other
Indians there, who had burnt the house and barn.
17*
198 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
rude arch of stone hanging over it, forming a passage for the
water, which gushes forth with some violence and in such
quantity as to form a fine stream, which after a short course
buries itself again in the bosom of the earth. Many pits
nearly 300 feet deep open into this subterraneous river, at
the bottom of which the water appears ot the color of ink,
though as pure as that which sparkles from the rocky foun-
tain.
" The stream again emerges to day and runs along the
surface for a few rods among rocky hills, when it enters the
mouth of a large cave, whose aperture is sufficient to admit
a sloop with her sails spread. Within, the cave is about 20
feet high declining somewhat as it proceeds, along which
runs a ledge of loose rocks, affording a tolerable safe pas-
sage. In the middle of the cave the bodies and branches of
trees are seen lodged quite up to the roof, whence it may be
inferred that the water swells to the very top during fresh-
ets, when the surrounding mountains pour into this channel
the clouds which break on their sides, and marks on the ex-
ternal sides of the cave show that the waters escape thence
into the lower country. Having continued about 400 yards
into the hill, the cave widens at a sudden turn, which pre-
vents discovery until you are within it, into a spacious sa-
loon, at the bottom of which is a precipitous fall, and a vor-
tex of amazing force, by which large pieces of timber are
immediately absorbed, and carried out of sight. The water
boils up with great violence when such substances are thrown
into it, but it soon after subsides. The stream is supposed
to continue its subterraneous course for several miles beneath
the Brush and Canoe mountains, and to reappear by two
branches in Canoe valley, and to fall into the Frankstown
branch of the Susquehanna at the point where it breaks
through Tussey's mountain."
The soil is no less diversified than the surface ot the coun-
ty. From the best of limestone to the most ordinary gravel
is to be found in this county ; much of it is adapted to agri-
cultural purposes. Its mineral wealth, however, will ever
surpass its agricultural products in value.
" Its geological features, as we have seen, are of the most
varied kind and interesting character. It contains all the
old secondary rock formations, from the lower limestone up
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 199
to the carboriferous series, in regular succession ; but so in-
tricately involved by multiplied lines of elevation and depres=
sion, and such numerous foldings and windings, that a minute
and detailed description shall not be here attempted. The
local positions of the principal formations only will be no-
ticed.
"The blue limestone, lowest in the series, occurs in Kishi-
coquillas Valley, Morrison's Cove, and Sinking Valley, hav-
ing associated with it the cellular and stalactitic brown iron
ore usually found in limestone districts. It commonly occurs
in irregular layers in the ferruginous earth overlying the
limestone, and appears to be subject to no regular or fixed
law of deposition. It is extensively used tor the supply of
furnaces in its neighborhood.
"Around the borders of the valleys where this limestone
occurs, and near the base of the mountain ridges inclosing
them, is a belt of dark slate, which is next in order above
the limestone. The hard gray and reddish sandstone of the
next formation are to be seen in Tuscarora, Shade, Black-
Log, Jack's, Tussey's, Lock, Canoe and Brush mountains —
iron ore is found connected with this sandstone at some pla-
ces on Black-Log and Jack's mountains. Next is the se-
ries of olive, yellowish and red shales, containing some thin
bands of sandstone and limestone, with abundance of shells
and other fossil remains in some of the strata. In this for-
mation is included the valuable fossiliferous iron ore, from
which a number of furnaces are supplied. The position of
the ore bands is usually indicated by a dirty white and yel-
lowish sandstone, breaking in rhomboidal fragments, con-
taining fossil impressions, and is below the thin limestone
strata beneath the rei\ shale. The rocks of this formation
may be seen along the west side of the Tuscarora mountain,
southeast of Shade, folding round on the south, passing west
of Black-Log Mountain and spreading out in the valley be-
tween this and Blue Ridge- It next appears on the east
side of Jack's Mountain, passing south of its southern end,
and ranging along the west side of the same ridge to the
Juniata, whence it passes northward on the west of Stone
Mountain, and then turns in a broad belt southwestward
along the southeast of Tussey's Mountain, between that and
Warrior ridge. It is also met with on the west ot Canoe
Mountain, passing around Scotch valley, and spreading out.
200 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
southward to Holidaysburg ; whence it ranges again to the
north along the west side of the Bald Eagle or Muncy Moun-
tain, east of Bald Eagle creek. The fossiliferous iron ore
generally accompanies this formation, though the strata are
frequently too thin to be productive. It is mined for the
supply of Matilda furnace, east of Jack's Mountain, near the
Juniata ; also east of Tussey's Mountain near the Little Ju-
niata, and in several other places.
"Accompanying the last mentioned formation, and over-
lying the red shale, is a belt of limestone, frequently contain-
ing fossil impressions, in contact with which is the next suc-
ceeding member of the series, a coarse fossiliferous sandstone,
generally forming a range of sharp, irregular hills, and some-
times rising into a ridge of considerable magnitude. These
adjunct formations maybe seen on both sides of Tuscarora
valley, between Black-Log Mountain and Aughwick creek,
in the neighborhood of Shirleysburg ; in Chestnut ridge east
of Jack's mountain, and then folding round its southern end
and passing on the west of it in a direction across the Juni-
ata, extending in Rocky ridge on the west of Stone Moun-
tain to the head of Stone valley. From this, southwestward,
are found fossiliferous sandstone in Warrior ridge, with the
limestone along its northwest side. These formations again
occur on the west of Lock and Canoe Mountains, sweeping
around Scotch valley, and appearing on the Juniata near
Frankstown. Hence they curve round south of Holidays-
burg, passing in a northeast direction on the west of Brush
and Bald Eagle or Muncy Mountain. Iron ore is occasion-
ally found in the lower portion of the fossiliferous sandstone,
near its contact with the limestone. It is mined near the
Juniata, southeast of Newton Hamilton, in Chestnut ridge,
near Chester furnace, west of Brush Mountain, in the neigh-
borhood of Allegheny furnace and others.
" Overlying the sandstone last mentioned, is a series of
dark colored and olive slates, with bands of gray and green-
ish sandstone, containing, among its lower beds, calcareous
strata, which in some places yield a good hydraulic cement.
This formation may be seen on both sides of the Tuscarora
valley in the eastern part of the county, and in the valley
of Aughwick creek, where it occupies a'considerable breadth
— thence folding southward round Jack's Mountain, it pass-
es down Hare's valley to the Juniata, and crosses northward
HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
201
to the head of Stone valley. From tliis it ranges along the
southeast side of Warrior ridge by the town of Huntingdon,
and across the Juniata to the Bedford county line. The same
formation occupies the middle part of the basin east of Franks-
town and south of Scotch valley. We must find it ranging
in a broad belt from a little west of Holidaysburg, nearly to
the base of Allegheny Mountain, extending northeastward
into Centre county, and southward into Bedford. A valua-
ble iron ore is sometimes found in the lower- layers of this
formation ; being mined for the supply of Chester furnace,
and at several other places in the neighborhood of A ugh wick
valley.
The red shales and sandstone of the next overlying form-
ation occupy the middle of that part of Tuscarora valley
which is in Huntingdon county, and «re seen along the east-
ern base of Sideling Hill, crossing to the north of the Junia-
ta, below the town of Huntingdon, and then passing up the
Raystown Branch, west of Terrace Mountain. The same
rocks also appear along the base of Allegheny Mountain,
and for some distance up the ascent. A hard coarse sand-
stone succeeds, which is seen on Sideling Hill, in Terrace
Mountain, and towards the summit of Allegheny. Overly-
ing the last is a series of red and greenish soft orgillaceous
shales, with some layers of sandstone, and containing, in its
lower portion, a bed of gray and reddish silicious limestone,
seldom of sufficient purity 'to be burned into lime. The rocks
of this formation occur in Trough creek valley, and encircle
Broad Top Mountain. They are also seen well exposed in
the Alleghany Mountain, on the ascent of Plane No. 7, of
the Portage railroad. Iron ore is sometimes found near the
contact of this formation with the underlying sandstone— it
is mined near Hopewell and Trough Creek furnaces. The
conglomerate of sandstone immediately below the coal, as
well as some of the lower coal beds themselves, are found on
Bread Top Mountain; but the limits of Huntingdon county
do not extend far enough westward to include any consider-
able portion of the coal measures on the Allegheny." —
[Trego.
According to the census of 18 10, there were in this coun-
ty 20 furnaces, producing 13,855 tons of cast iron, 27 bloo-
meries, forges and rolling mills, which produced 14,093 tons
202
HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
of bar iron ; in the manufacture of iron 39,367 tons of fuel
were consumed, giving employment to 1,357 hands engaged
in the iron works, including mining operations ; employing a
capital of $780,100. There were 58,500 bushels of bitu-
minous coal dug, employing ten hands ; capital $1,690.
There were in the county 9,219 horses and mules ; neat cat-
tle 2 4,747, sheep 26,598, swine 23,003 ; poultry of all kinds
estimated at $8,038 ; wheat raised 521,816, barley 4,937,
oats 548,959, rye 175,457, buckwheat 29,952, corn 345,-
795, pounds of wool 46,433, pounds of hops 1,375, pounds
of wax 885, bushels of potatoes 141,046, tons of hay 22,-
414, flax 55 tons; sugar made of maple 1,134 pounds, 29,-
119 cords of wood sold ; the value of the products of the
dairy were valued at $17,215, of the orchard $18,120, gal-
lons of wine made 341, value of homemade or family goods
$9,652 ; number of commercial warehouses 28, with a cap-
ital of $144,600, retail dry good stores, groceries, &c. 119;
with a capital of $581,600; 13 lumber yards, employing
213 hands ; value of machinery manufactured 3,800, 7 men
men employed ; value of various' metals manufactured $8,100,
employed 16 hands ; value oi bricks and lime manufactured
$15,280, employed 117 hands; capital invested in manufac-
turing of machinery, various metals, &c, brick, lime, &c,
$7,169 : 6 fulling mills, 9 woollen factories, value of manu-
factored goods $13,790, and employed 55 hands, capital
$9,015 ; value of manufactured flax $5,338 ; 34 tanneries
tanned 12,951 sides of sole leather, 8,344 upper leather, and
employed 131 hands, capital $52,550 ; all other manufacto-
ries of leather, saddleries, &c, 112, value of articles manu-
factured $53,000, capital invested $27,245 ; 15 distilleries
produced 57,335 gallons, two breweries produced 35,600
gallons of beer, distilleries and breweries employed 26 hands,
capital invested $16,420 ; 7 potteries manufactured articles
to the value of $3,800, employed 10 hands, and a capital
of $1,530 ; 4 printing offices, issued 4 weekly newspapers,
and employed 14 hands, capital $4,600 ; the value of manu-
facture of carriages and wagons $14,565, employed 53 hands
and a capital of $6,787 ; 4 flouring mills manufactured 10,-
430 barrels, 65 grist mills, 182 saw mills, value of manufac-
tures $103,897, employed 262 hands, capital $149,047 ; 51
brick and stone houses built, 207 wooden, employed 863
hands, value of constructing the buildings $163,275 ; value
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 203
of all other manufactures §131,171, capital invested $52,*
002. Total capital invested in manufactures $331,427. The
aggregate amount of personal and real estate subject to tax
in 1844, was $8,168,226 00.
PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.
The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania Canal, passes
mostly along the banks of the Juniata, from the eastern limit
of the county of Holidaysburg, a distance of nearly 60 miles,
where the Portage railroad over the Allegheny mountain
commences. These public works were finished about 12
years ago, and since their completion, have completely changed
the mode of carrying the surplus produce of the country and
other articles of commerce. Arks and keel-bottomed boats,
were then used in carrying the produce down the Juniata.
River pilots then found profitable employment — now that
occupation is not wanted, since these public facilities are at
hand. Not only has the river men felt the change of busi-
ness, but towns that once commanded a handsome share of
business, find it diverted from them, and into a different
course, where now new villages are sprung up, and are vie-
ing with each other.
When the first Canal Boat was launched at Huntingdon,
the citizens of that town and vicinity were much delighted,
and created with them a new era in trade.
"On last Saturday," says the Gazette of July 15, 1831,
" hundreds of our citizens witnessed the launching of the
' James Clarke,' a new and very handsome canal boat, into
the basin at the west end of the borough — owned by Messrs.
Williams & Miller. When safely launched into the basin,
she was greeted by the hearty acclamations of those who wit-
nessed the pleasing and interesting sight ! What ! a Canal
Boat launched in the vicinity of Huntingdon ! Had any one
predicted an event of this kind, some years back, he, in all
probability, would have been 'yclept a Wizard, or set down
as beside himself. When the mail stage commenced running
once a week, from Philadelphia to this place, our older citi-
zens considered it a marvellous affair. What will they say
now ?"
The northern turnpike road to Pittsburg enters the county
204 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
through Jack's mountain, and keeping the direction of the
river, but not following its valley, passes through this county
and its principal towns, viz : Huntingdon, Petersburg, Alex-
andria, Frankstown and Holidaysburg, and thence over the
Juniata river at Huntingdon, Alexandria and Holidaysburg,
as well as over other large streams when crossed by main
roads.
HUNTINGDON,
The seat of Justice, is situated on the left bank of the Juni-
ata river, immediately above the mouth of Standing Stone
creek ; by the name of which, this place was known nearly,
if not more than one hundred years ago. Conrad Weiser,
Esq., Indian Agent and Provincial Interpreter, on his way
to Logstown, 14 miles below the forks of the Muskingum &
Allegheny, in 1748, notices Standing Stone, as will appear
from the following extract from his Journal :
"August 11th, 1748 — Set out from my house (Heidelberg
township, Lancaster, now Berks county) and came to James
Galbreath's that day, 30 miles.
" 12th — Came to George Croghan's (Pennsboro township,
Lancaster, now Cumberland county) — 15 miles.
" 13th— To Robert Dunning's, 20 miles.
" 14th— To Tuscarora Path, 30 miles.
"loth and 16th — Lay by on account of the men coming
back sick, and some other affairs hindering us.
" 17th — Crossed the Tuscarora Hill, and came to the
sleeping place called Black Log, 20 miles.
" 18th — Had a great rain in the afternoon — came within
two miles of the Standing Stone, 24 miles.
" 19th — We travelled but 12 miles — were obliged to dry
our things in the afternoon.
"20th— Came to Frankstown, but saw no houses or cab-
ins, &c. &c."
The Stone Standing here, having been erected by the
Aborigines, was, according to John Harris's statement, 14
feet high and 6 inches square; on hlcb, as tradition has it,
that hieroglyphics were engr; , n ated to those who
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 205
frequented the spot, the course which the party of hunters
preceding them, had taken, their success in the chase, &c.
It is said the original stone was destroyed, or concealed by
the Indians, at the time of their expulsion by the whites.
Fragments of the stone, erected in imitation of the " first
Standing Stone," by the whites, are yet in the possession of
some of the inhabitants, on which are inscribed the names of
visiters, with date as early as 1760.
The town was laid out a short time before the war of '76,
by the Rev. William Smith, of the University of Pennsylva-
nia, and named it in honor of the Countess of Huntingdon,
in commemoration of her liberal donations made to Dr. Smith
to aid the Pennsyylvania University. The town was inju-
diciously laid out ; no street or avenue along the river, nar-
row streets and no alleys. The town is built upon an ele-
vated bank, sloping gently up from the river, and behind the
town, rising into a hill, upon which, in a beautiful shaded
cemetery, rest the remains of the departed.
Mr. Day thus speaks of Huntingdon :
" The town of Huntingdon was laid out a short time pre-
vious to the revolutionary war by Rev. Dr. Wm. Smith,
Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. The doctor had
been over to England soliciting funds in aid of the Universi-
ty. The countess of Huntingdon had been a munificient
donor: and in return for her liberality he perpetuated her
memory by giving her name to this town. The county in
1787 took the same name. Previous to that time the place
had been noted as the site of an ancient Indian village cal-
led Standing Stone. A tall slim pillar of stone — four inch-
es thick by eight inches wide — had been erected here by the
resident tribe many years since — perhaps as a sort of " Eben-
ezer." It then stood at the lower end of the town, near the
river bank.
"The tribe regarded the stone w-ith superstitious venera-
tion, and a tradition is said to ^ave existed among them,
that if the stone should be taken away, the tribe would be
dispersed ; but that so long as it should stand they would
prosper. A hostile tribe once came up from the Tuscaro-
ra valley, and carried it off during the absence of the war-
riors ; but the latter fell upon them, recovered the stone,
and replaced it. It is said that Dr. Barton, of Philadelphia,
18
206 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
learned, in some of his researches, that Oneida meant Stand-
ing Stone ; and that nation, while living in New York, is
said to have had a tradition that their ancestors came origi-
nally from the south. It is generally understood about Hun-
tingdon that the original stone had been destroyed or taken
away by the Indians, but that the whites erected a similar
one, a part of which remains. It is certain that the whites
removed it from its original position into the centre of the
town. When Mr. McMurtrie came here in 1776-'77,it was
about 8 feet high, and had on it the names of John Lukens,
the surveyor-general, with the date of 1768 ; Charles Luk-
ens, his assistant ; and Thomas Smith, brother of the founder
of the town, and afterwards Judge of the Supreme Court. It
stood thus for many years, until some fool, in a drunken fro-
lic, demolished it. A part of it is now built into the wall of
Dr. Henderson's house, and a part is in his office. It is ev-
idently a stone from the bed of the creek, bearing marks of
being worn by water.
" The venerable Mr. McMurtrie, still living in the place,
was one of the earliest settlers. He was a young man in
Philadelphia at the time of the declaration of independence ;
and his father, a prudent old Scotchman, immediately after
that event, started his son into the interior, ostensibly to look
after his wild lands ; but probably with a view to remove
him from any temptation to join the rebel army.
" When Mr. McMurtrie came to this place in 1776 or
'77, there were only five or six houses here, one of which
was the tavern by Ludwig Sills. On his way up, he had
stopped at the solitary tavern of old Mr. Buchanan, where
Lewistown now is, and at another cabin at Waynesburg.
The first settlers at Huntingdon, were his father-in-law,
Benjamin Elliot, Abraham Haynes, Frank Cluggage, Mr.
Ashbough, and Mr. Sills. The early settlers here were
chiefly from Maryland, probably from the Potomac valley,
near the mouth of Conococheague. People from the same
quarter settled Wells' valley. One of the Brady's, the un-
cle or father of the famous Capt. Samuel Brady, had previ-
ously resided across the river, at or near the mouth of Crook-
ed creek ; but he removed to the West Branch of Susque-
hanna before the year 1776. For some years after the year
1776, hostile Indians annoyed, and frequently murdered the
unprotected settlers. There was a fort built during the re-
.*t
Oh J^v-(l ,*■- li-jV j±^ 1
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 207
volution just at the lower end of the main street. The town
was once alarmed at the appearance of lurking Indians on
the neighboring hills ; and within a day or two afterwards
the unfortunate scout, from the Bedford gairison, was mur-
dered near where Holidaysburg now stands."
Viator, a traveller and correspondent of the Commercial
Herald, visiting this place some twelve or fifteen years ago,
says — " There is nothing there to interest the traveller, until
you get nearer to Huntingdon, the county town, except an
occasional peepat the river and canal, and some fine moun-
tain scenery. In approaching the town the prospect is pe-
culiarly beautiful. At about half a mile distance, the road
cut through a valuable quarry of solid rock, acquires an el-
evation of some twenty or thirty feet above the Canal, from
which it is separated by a railing placed on a nearly perpen-
dicular wall. On rounding the hill, the aqueduct across the
mouth of Stone creek — the town beyond, with its spires,
gardens, and adjacent highly cultivated fields— the canal, ri-
ver, and variegated " leafy world," on the surrounding hills
burst at once on the enraptured vision ! The " Grave-yard
Hill," within the limits of the borough, covered with half-
grown forest trees, is (strange to tell) an admired and much
frequented spot by the Lion.
The population in 1840, was, 1,145. Of these were :
White males — under 5 years, 78 ; 5 and under 10, 58 ;
10 and under 15, 63 ; 15 and under 20, 74 ; 20 and under
30, 113 ; 30 and under 40, 65 ; 40 and under 50, 35 ; 50
and under 60, 22 ; 60 and under 70, 7 ; 70 and under 80;
11 ; 80 and under 90, 1.
White females — under 5, 77 ; 5 and under 10, 73 ; 10
and under 15, 56 ; 15 and under 20, 53 ; 20 and under 30
109 ; 30 and under 40, 54 ; 40 and under 50, 37 ; 50 and
under 60, 26 ; 60 and under 70, 10 ; 70 and under 80, 4 ;
90 and under 100, 3.
Colored males — under 10, 16 ; 10 and under 20, 20 ;
24 and under 36, 7 ; 36 and under 55, 6 ; 55 and under
100, 3.
Colored females — under 10, 14 ; 10 and under 24, 28 :
24 and under 36, 11 ; 36 and under 55, 7 ; 55 and under
100,4.
Of these, according to the census of 1840, 3 were engaged
in agriculture, 20 m commerce, 96 in manufactures and
208
HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
trades, 8 in the navigation of canals, 23 in the learned pro-
fessions and engineers, 2 were deaf and dumb, 3 insane idi-
ots at public charge, 5 primary and common schools, 187
scholars ; 47 white persons, rising 20 years of age, who nei-
ther read nor write.
About 200 dwelliags, a brick court house, a stone jail, a
bank, an academy, 6 churches, a Presbyterian, German Re-
formed, Associate Reformed, a Methodist, Catholic, and an
African Methodist, 13 stores, 2 tanneries, 2 distilleries, 1
brewery, 1 pottery, 2 printing offices, 2 weekly newspapers.
The Academy was incorporated by an act of 19th March,
1816, granting a donation to the institution of $2000. A
public school of the county of Huntingdon, located in the
borough, was incorporated by an act of 19th Feb. 1790; the
second section of which speaks of " lands therein granted,"
but no grant whatever is made, either in the printed statute
or in the original act, in the office of the secretary of the
commonwealth.
It is a place of considerable trade, notwithstanding that
the public improvements have diverted business from here,
by affording facilities to other points. It is still the natural
outlet and depot of the surplus products of Woodcock and
Stone valleys.
It has long been noted for the wealth, intelligence and
hospitality, and amiable manners of its inhabitants. Within
a few years considerable improvements have been made in
the town.
Contiguous to this is Smithfield, a small village across
Juniata, opposite the borough. The Juniata is crossed here *
by a substantial bridge.
HOLIDAYSBURG,
At the head of canal navigation on Juniata river, near the
eastern base of the Allegheny mountain, and 23 miles west
of Huntingdon. From its site one has a commanding view
of the surrounding mountain scenery. It is the largest town
in the county: the borough contains about 2,200 inhabit-
ants, a?nd including Gay sport, separated only by a branch of
the Juniata, the population exceeds 3,000. This population
is considerable, when it is borne in mind that in 1830 it was
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. ' 209
considered an obscure village, with about 70 inhabitants.
Since the completion of the State improvements, the pro-
gress of this town has been more rapid than that of any other
between Pittsburg and Philadelphia. Its business operations
is in a ratio with its population. Large quantities of iron
and other produce are shipped here, as well as the bituminous
coal destined for an eastern market. " It is the centre of a
fruitful country, now rapidly opening to cultivation, and
teeming with abundant resources both mineral and vegetable.
It is in the midst of an abundant iron region ; and bitumin-
ous coal, obtained on the summit of the Allegheny descends
by its own gravity to town."
There are at this place a Presbyterian, Methodist, Luth-
eran, Baptist, Catholic, and two African churches ; 5 public
schools, and one classical school. There are several foun-
dries and machine shops, a large steam flour mill, a screw
dock, and marine railway, 10 or 12 forwarding houses, with
15 large warehouses. A large basin, formed by the waters
of Beaver-Dam Creek, for the accommodation of canal boats.
More than 1200 railroad cars may be seen here at different
times. The Portage railroad commences here, crossing the
Allegheny mountain by the summit at Blair's Gap, descends
to the valley of the Conemaugh, down which it proceeds to
Johnstown, and there meets the Western Division of the
Pennsylvania Canal. On this road are 10 inclined planes,
numbered from Johnstown eastward, and 11 "levels," or
graded lines of the road, the inclination of which is gener-
ally 10 to 15 feet to the mile, except that between Johns-
town and the first plane, where it is about 24 feet, and that
between the eastern plane and Holidaysburg, where the
maximum is 52 feet.
The summit of Blair's Gap is 2,325 feet above the level
of mean tide ; the ascent from Holidaysburg to the summit
is 1,171 feet in a distance of 10 miles, and the descent to
Johnstown 1,171 feet in a distance of 261 miles. There are
five inclined planes on each side of the summit ; the largest
being No. 8, or the third one west of Holidaysburg, which
is 3,117 feet in length, with a rise of 307i feet ; and the
shortest, No. 3, the third east of Johnstown, 1,480 feet in
length, rising ISOh feet.
At the head of each inclined plane are two stationary en-
gines of about 35 horse power each, which move the endless
18*
210 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
rope to which the cars are attached. Four cars, each loaded
with a burden of 7000 pounds, can be drawn at once, and
as many let down at the same time ; this operation can be
performed from 6 to 10 times in one hour. An ingenious
contrivance, called a safety car, is attached to the rope be-
low the cars, which stops them in case of accident to the
rope or fastenings. But one ot the stationary engines is used
at a time; the other being provided to prevent delay fiom
accidents or repairs. On the short levels between the planes,
horses are used for drawing the cars ; but on the longer ones
locomotives are preferred.
A viaduct over the Conemaugh, about eight miles easl of
Johnstown, is much admired for its boldness and beauty of
design and execution. It is a single arch of 80 feet span,
at a height of 80 feet above the water of the stream. In
order to pass through an abrupt ridge near the head of the
first plane east of Johnstown, a tunnel has been constructed
901 feet in length, 20 feet wide, and 19 feet high within the
arch. The entrances have ornamental facades of cut stone,
and the tunnel is arched with stone 150 feet from each end,
beyond which the rock is sufficiently solid to form a roof.
This road was opened for use in March, 1834 — Length 361
The following interesting and novel account of Mountain
Sailing will, it is believed, be read with interest. It is dated
Holidaysburg, Nov. 1834-
On Monday last, the inhabitants of Holidaysburg were
permitted to witness a novelty, in the tide of emigration,
which the completion of the grand chain of internal improve-
ments, has caused to flow through this channel, and by which
the Mississippi and Delaware have been made, as it were, to
unite their waters.
"A gentleman, by the name of Christman, from Lacka-
wanna, a tributary of the North Branch of the Susquehanna,
embarked with his family, in all, consisting of eleven persons,
together with the necessary requisites for their comfort ;
namely, beds, tables, chairs, stoves, cooking utensils, poultry,
pigeons, etc. etc., on board a canal boat, 29 feet long, and
7 feet wide. In this he proceeded down the North Branch
of the Pennsylvania canal, to the junction of the Central
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 211
Division, and up the latter to Holiday sburg. Here he in-
tended to dispose of his boat, and proceed by way of the
Portage Railroad, and Western Division of the Canal, to
Pittsburg.
Here, it was suggested to Mr. Christman, that it would
be practicable to pass the boat, together with the family and
cargo, over the traversing height of the Allegheny Moun-
tain. A railroad car, calculated to bear the novel burden,
was prepared, the boat was taken from its proper element,
and placed on wheels, and at 12 o'clock the same day, the
boat, together with the delighted family, began their pro-
gress over the rugged Allegheny. It was pleasing to see
the comfort and convenience, which the ingenuity of man
has added to the journey of the emigrant. The whole fam-
ily were comfortably located in the cabin of the boat, which
appeared to glide up the height of the mountain, unconscious
of the change. While some of the family were preparing
the coming meal, others were lying on their downy pillows,
occasionally roused by the hissing steam, at the head of the
inclined plane. They were, however, not to be stopped by
the hissing of the puffing auditory, but continued to ascend,
and at night, safely rested on the summit of this proud em-
inence.
" On the following morning, the boat and crew left the
sunny summit of the Allegheny, and smoothly glided down
her iron way to Johnstown, astonishing the inhabitants. On
the same day she was safely deposited in her own element,
in the basin at Johnstown, amidst the plaudits of the con-
gregated citizens."
GAYSPORT,
Like its "kin-sister," is also of recent origin. Its founda-
tion was laid in 1829, and bids fair to become a town of
some importance — it may vie with Holidaysburg at a fu-
ture day.
FRANKSTOWN,
Is a comparatively small village, on the turnpike road, three
miles east of Holidaysburg, contains between 40 and 50
212 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
dwellings. It is an incorporated borough, and contained
in 1840, 357 inhabitants. Near it is a furnace. It con-
tained at the last census, three stores, a saw mill, one tan-
nery, and several taverns. Frankstown is mentioned in
the Provincial Records more than 90 years ago; as the
following extract from the Provincial Records will show :
" Conrad Weiser, on his way to Logstown, 14 miles
below the forks of the Allegheny and Monongahela, in
1749, passed by here August 20. In his Journal of that
date, he says, 'came to Frankstown, but saw no houses
or cabins ; here we overtook the goods, because four of
George Croghan's hands fell sick.' "
The following, from a work recently published, contains
some particulars derived from a respectable citizen of Hol-
idaysburg, gives some interesting incidents :
Daniel Moore, and William Moore, two brothers from
Cumberland county, and Adam Holliday, from Franklin
county, whose name has been perpetuated by the town,
whose farm was situated near the town, just southwest of
the rai'road bridge.
They came here about the commencement of the revo-
lutionary war, and endured to the fullest extent the priva-
tions and sufferings incident to a wilderness still inhabited
or haunted by the red men. Stockade forts were built to
protect the inhabitants in case of invasion. Mr. Holliday
however, on one occasion had not availed himself of the
fort, and was engaged in the labors of the field, when the
savages appeared suddenly. The family took to flight ;
Mr. H. jumping on a horse with his two young children,
John and James. His elder son, Pat, and daughter, Janet,
were killed while running from the enemy. " Run, Janet,
run !" said the old man. The cruel savage repeated his
words in derision, as he sunk the deadly tomahawk into
her brain.
There was another fort in Sinking Valley, at the lead
mine ; and William Moore, finding it necessary to go there
for ammunition, started very early one morning, with a
boy by the name of M'Cartney. As he was passing a log
by the side of the road, with some brush behind it, a shot
from an Indian in ambush caused him to jump several
feet into the air; and he started off into the bushes, in a
direction opposite to that which he should naturally have
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 213
taken — his brain being undoubtedly bewildered by the
shot. The boy and the Indian at once jumped behind
trees ; but the latter peeping out from his tree, which was
not large, the boy availed himself of the chance to put a
bullet into his buttock, which was exposed at the other
side. The Indian ran, and dropped his belt and knife; and
the road was found strewed with bunches of bloody leaves,
with which he had attempted to stanch the wound. But
the man himself was not found, though bones were after-
wards found, supposed to be his.
The boy returned and reported the occurrence, when
Mr. Daniel Moore assembled a band of men to seek his
brother, and if possible to drive off the savage. The poor
man was found at Brush creek, nearly upright, leaning
against a pile of driftwood.
The depredations and murders of the Indians became
so frequent, that the few and scattered colonists were com-
pelled to abandon the settlements, and retire below Jack's
mountain, to Ferguson's valley, near Lewistown, where
they remained five or six years ; and then returned again
to their desolated homes, and settled in Scott's valley-
Moore joined them after the war, and among others Messrs.
John Blair, and John Blair, jr., who gave name to Blair's
gap, where the old Frankstown road used to cross the
Allegheny mountain, and which is now surrounded by the
proud monument of the enterprise of Pennsylvania — the
Portage railroad. Mr. John Blair, Jr., was a most useful
and intelligent citizen, and earned and deserved the char-
acter of the Aristides of the county. A Mr. Henry also
came about the same time.
The first village here consisted only of half a dozen or
a dozen houses, on the high ground along the Frankstown
road. Old Frank was the Indian chief of this region, and
had a town about two miles below Holidaysburg, called
Frankstown, or Frank's Oldtown. It was on the flat, on
the right bank of the Juniata, at the mouih of Oldtown
run, near where the mill now is. From this place, in later
days, the Frankstown road led over Blair's gap to the Co-
nemaugh country, by which the commodities of the east
and west were transported on pack-horses. What a con-
trast presents itself now, at this same summit, between the
locomotive and the old pack-horse !
314 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
Burgoon's gap was about four miles north of Blair's,
and through it, or rather through the Kittaning gap near
it, led the old war-path through the north end of
Cambria county to Kittaning. It was out upon this path
that a band of tories, from the eastern parts of Huntingdon
and Mifflin counties, went to escort the British and Indi-
ans from Kittaning, to cut off the defenceless settlements
of the frontier. They met the fate that traitors always
deserve. On arriving near Kittanning, they sent forward
messengers to announce their approach and their errand ;
but as they had been for some time on short allowance,
the whole body, on seeing the fort, were so elated at the
prospect of better supplies, that they simultaneously rush-
ed forward, and overtook their own messengers. The gar-
rison, seeing the rapid approach of such an armed force,
took them for enemies, and welcomed them with a warm
discharge of bullets, which killed many of their number.
The rest fled, in the utmost consternation, on the route by
which they had gone out. Their provisions had been ex-
hausted on the way out, and the poor fugitives were com-
pelled to recross the mountains, in a most famished condi-
tion. Two of them contrived to crawl over the mountain,
and arrived at an old deserted cabin, in Tuckahoe valley,
where the inhabitants had happened to leave a small por-
tion of corn meal and hog's fat. Forgetting every thing
but their hunger, they carelessly stood their rifles against
the house outside, and fell tooth and nail upon the meal,
seated upon the hearth inside, where they had kindled a
fire to cook it. Samuel Moore and a comrade happened
to be out hunting, when they approached the cabin, and
espied the rifles leaning against [he house. Moore crept
very cautiously up, secured the rifles, and then opening
the door with his rifle in his hand, called on the poor
starved tories to surrender; which of course they did.
They were conducted into the fort at Holidaysburg. While
going from the cabin to the fort, the tories could scarcely
walk without being supported. One of them was disposed
to be a little obstinate and impudent withal, when Moore's
comrade, an immensely stout man, seized him, tied a rope
round his neck, and throwing one end of the rope over
the lintel of the fort-gate, swung upon it, and run the
poor fellow into the air. Moore, however, being of a cool-
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 215
er as well as more merciful disposition, did not approve
of this summary justice, and ran immediately and cut the
rope, in time to save the fellow;s life. — His. Col. Pa.
About two miles west of Holidaysburg, on the turnpike
road, is a flourishing village of recent origin, around ex-
tensive iron works.
NEWRY,
A post town, on Poplar run, a tributary of Frankstown
branch of the Juniata river, about 24 miles west of Hun-
tingdon borough; four miles southwest from Holidays-
burg. It contains between forty and fifty dwellings,
several churches, stores, and a tavern.
WILLIAMSBURG,
Is a post town and borough, on the right bank of the
Juniata river, twelve miles northwest of Huntingdon bo-
rough, and fourteen miles below Holidaysburg. The
town was laid out in 1794 by Jacob Ake, a German,
who owned the land. He leased, as was customary then,
the lots on ground rent ; a circumstance that has here, as
well as in other towns laid out, and lots improved on si-
milar conditions, created some unpleasant feelings between
the citizens and the proprietor. The town was incorpor-
ated February 19, 1828.
Favored with a fine water power from a spring which
issues from a limestone rock, near the town, sufficient to
propel a flouring mill, woollen factory and saw mill, and
enjoying the trade of the large and fertile valley of Mor-
rison's Cove, the place continued for some years to flour-
ish ; but the completion of the canal has not contributed
much to the prosperity of the borough, though the farmers
have been benefited by it. The borough contains about
one hundred dwellings. There are five churches in the
place ; a Presbyterian, Lutheran, German Reformed, Me-
thodist, and a Baptist. Population in 1840, 637.
216 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
ALEXANDRIA,
Is a neat post town and borough, on the turnpike road
leading from the borough of Huntingdon to Ebensburg,
and on the left bank of the Juniata, seven miles above
Huntingdon, near the mouth of Little Juniata ; it contains
about seventy-five dwellings, chiefly brick and frame, a
Presbyterian and Methodist church, seven stores, one
brewery, one grist mill. It was incorporated as a borough
April 11, 1827. It is quite a place for business.
McCONNELLLSBURG,
In Porter township, upon Vineyard creek, at the fort of
Warrior Ridge, is a brisk little village, five miles south of
Huntingdon borough, contains between fifteen and twenty
dwellings, a tavern, store and a tan-yard ; population be-
tween eighty and ninety.
ENNISVILLE,
In Barre township, on Standing Stone creek, contains half
a dozen of buildings, a store, tavern, and a Methodist
Episcopal Church.
ANTESTOWN,
The name of a Post Office, in Antes township.
DAVIDSBURG,
Is a village in Antes township, west of the Brush Moun-
tain, on the left bank of the Little Juniata, about twenty
miles north west of Huntingdon borough : it contains
eight or more houses, a store, tavern, and tan-yard.
YELLOW SPRING,
A mineral spring in Canoe Valley : there is a post office
here.
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 217
GRAYSVILLE, or GRAYSPORT,
In Morris township, opposite the mouth of Spruce run, con-
tains eight or ten nouses, and a store.
SMITHFIELD,
On the Juniata, opposite Huntingdon — a small village.
WARRIORS MARK-TOWN,
In Warrior Mark township, contains 18 or 20 dwellings,
two stores and a tavern.
PETERSBURG,
A post town and borough, on the north side of the Franks-
town branch of the Juniata, about six miles above Hunting-
don borough, three miles east of Alexandria* at the mouth
of Shaver's creek. It was incorporated April 7, 1830, and
contains between 30 and 40 dwellings — several stores and
a tavern. Juniata forge, whose iron has been in high repute
ever since the forge has been in operation, is in this town.
WATER STREET,
So called, from the circumstance of the roadj in early days,
passing through a gap in the mountain literally in a stream
of water, is a brisk little village, cousisting of some ten or a
dozen of buildings. It is two miles above Alexandria, on
the turnpike road and Juniata river. There are valuable
iron works in this region.
BIRMINGHAM,
A borough and post town, on a branch of Juniata river, 15
miles northwest of Huntingdon borough, near the old lead
19
218 - HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
mine, and in the midst of the Iron Works of Sinking Valley,
The town contained in 1824, only nine houses, and now con-
tains between forty and fifty, and a church. It was incor-
porated as a borough in 1827 or '8. There are seven mills
in the neighborhood. In 1840 it contained six stores, and
235 inhabitants.
A gentleman, who visited the lead mines in 1832, says :
" The lead mines have been long since abandoned. The up-
per lead mine, as it is called, on the lands now belonging to
a German family by the name of Crissman, exhibits but the
traces of former excavation, trifling indications of ore. The
lower one, about a mile, in a direct distance from the Little
Juniata^was worked, within my remembrance, under the su-
perintendence of a Mr. Sinclair, a Scotch miner from the
neighborhood of Carron iron works. The mine then was
owned by two gentlemen, named Musser and Wells. The
former, I think, lived and died in Lancaster county.
"Three shafts were sunk to a great depth on the side of a
limestone hill, possibly a hundred yards. This was expen-
sive. No furnace or other device for melting the ore was
ever erected at this mine. Considerable quantities of the
mineral still lies about the mouth of the pit. Mr. H ,
of Montgomery county, who had read much, and practised
some mining — so far as to sink some thousands of dollars —
visited this mine in 1821, in company with another gentle-
man and myself, and expressed an opinion, that the indica-
tions were favorable for a good vein of the mineral."
SHIRLEYSBURG,
A post town in Aughwick valley, near Aughwick creek, in
the east part of the county, 16 miles south of Huntingdon,
contains between thirty and forty dwellings, several taverns
and stores. Population about 275.
In the early history of this county, a fort had been erect-
ed here, or near this place, called Fort Shirley, as the fol-
lowing account will exhibit :
Between the date of that event and 1756, a place called
Aughwick is frequently mentioned in the old provincial re-
cords ; but whether a settlement of whites or Indians it does
not distinctly appear. It was probably the same place where
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 219
Fort Shirley was subsequently built, in Jan. 1756 — one of
the line of frontier posts. After the defeat of Gen. Brad-
dock, in the summer of 1755, scalping parties of Indians
roamed throughout the whole frontier, cutting off all the
defenceless settlements. The following extracts, from Sar-
geant's Abstracts of the Provincial Records, relate to this
region : —
1755. From Aughwick, Oct. 9. That 14 days before,
160 were about leaving the Ohio to attack the frontiers.
That the Indians meant to draw off all the Indians from out
of Pennsylvania and from the Susquehanna, before they at-
tacked the province.
1755. Nov. 2. Accounts from C. Weiser and others,
that the people of Aughwick and Juniata were all cut off.
March 4. Conference with a number of Indians, one of
whom had returned from his visit, in Dec. last, to the Indi-
ans on the Susquehanna, and the Six Nations ; and those
who lived at Aughwick before Braddock's defeat, and since
at Harris's.
175G. Aug. 2. Mr. Morris informed the governor and
council, that he had concerted an expedition against Kittan-
ning, to be conducted by Col. John Armstrong, who was to
have under his command the companies under Capt. Hamil-
ton, Capt. Mercer, Capt. Ward, and Capt. Potter ; and to
engage what volunteers he could besides : that the affair
was to be kept as secret as possible, and the officers and men
ordered to march to Fort Shirley, and from thence to set out
for the expedition. And he had given. "Gol. Armstrong par-
ticular instructions, which were entered in the orderly book;
and in consequence of his orders, and agreeable to the plan
concerted, Col. Armstrong had made the necessary prepara-
tions, and has wrote to him a letter from Fort Shirley, stat-
ing that he was on the point of setting out. Letter from
Col. Armstrong, containing an account of the capture of Fort
Granville by the French and Indians, and the garrison taken
prisoners. That they designed very soon to attack Fort
Shirley with 400 men. " Capt. Jacobs said he could take
any fort that would catch fire, and would make peace with
the English when they had learned him to make gunpow-
der."
220 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
Carlisle, 19th April, 1756.
Honored Sir :
The Commissary General of the musters, with your Hon-
or's instructions to review and pay off the garrison at Fort
Shirley, arrived in a very lucky time, when the greater part
of our men were about to abandon the Fort, for want of pay.
It was with great difficulty I could prevent their doing so,
for three weeks before, that is ever since the time of enlist-
ment had been expired. I am sorry to observe that numbers
of our best men have declined the service, and reduced me
to the necessity of recruiting anew, thro' diffidence with re-
gard to their pay, and I have been obliged to engage that
even such as left us when paid off, should have the same al-
lowance as formerly for their overplus time, depending upon
my being reimbursed, as without such engagement it was
impossible to prevent the fort from falling into the enemy's
hands.
I am now filling up my company to sixty men, agreeable
to your orders, and have drawn upon the Commissioners for
£30, for this purpose. A garrison of 30 men are now at
Fort Shirley, engaged to remain there till the first of May,
by which time, I am in hopes of completing the company,
and shall immediately thereupon repair thither. It is to be
feared that our communication with the settlement will soon
be cut off, unless a greater force isvbrdered for the garrison.
As your Honor is sensible that I can send no detachment to
escort provisions, equal in force to parties of the enemy who
have lately made attempts upon our frontiers, and consider-
ing how short of provisions we have hitherto been kept, the
loss of our party upon this duty must reduce us to the last
necessity.
Mr. Hugh Crawford is upon the return of Lieutenant, and
Mr. Thomas Smallman, who acted before as commissary in
the Fort, is ensign to my company. It will be a particular
obligation laid upon me to have an exchange of James Hays
for Lieutenant, and Mr. Smallman continued ; and perhaps
Mr. Crawford would be satisfied to fill Mr. Hay's place with
Captain Patterson, as numbers of that company are of his
acquaintance.
I have given Mr. Croghan a receipt for what arms and
other necessary articles belonging to him, are at Fort Shir-
ley, a copy of which, together with my Journal and general
HUNTINGDON COUNTY. 221
return shall be sent by Captain Salter — and I find it impos-
sible to arm my men, or complete what yet remains of our
outworks, without them. The guns are preferable to those
belonging to the government ; and, I hope will be purchased
for our use. '„
Captain Salter will inform your Honor how unfit the arms
in general are for use, even after being righted by a gun-
smith, whose account is very considerable ; besides, we have
no cartridge boxes, nor any convenient pouches for powder
and lead, so that, in complying with your instructions of giv-
ing a detail of what is wanting for the company, I may men-
tion arms and accoutrements, besides orders to the commis-
sary for a large supply ot provisions at once, and regular
pay once a month: it will put me to extreme difficulty, if the
commissioners do not think proper to remit me me money to
pay my men by the first of May : I have written them to
this purpose, and beg your Honor will enable me to fulfil
my engagements with the company ; without which I can
hope for very little satisfaction in serving the public.
The trust your Honor has been pleased to repose in me in
giving me the command of Fort Shirley, calls for my warm
acknowledgments, and cannot fail of engaging my utmost
attention and zeal in the execution of your orders.
I am,
Your Honor's
Most obedient and most
Humble servant,
Hugh Mercer.
ORBISONIA,
A small town laid out of Shirleysburg, named after the pro-
prietor, William Orbison, Esq., ot Huntingdon. Two fur-
naces and a forge have been built ; and the inexhaustible
mines of valuable ore, and steady water power, promise to
make it a growing place.
MANER HILL, & SALISBURY, ,
Are brisk villages ; the former containing a population ns-
19*
222 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
ing of sixty; the latter above one hundred. The usual num-
ber of handicrafts in small villages, are found here.
Striking improvements have been made in agriculture and
manufactures within the last twenty years ; but popular ed-
ucation is still limited ; it has thus far not met with the en-
couragement it deservedly merits ; although the common
school system has been adopted in every township, except
Shirley; consequently 30 out of 31 districts have adopted it,
24 of which have reported (1844) 160 schools, as in opera-
tion ; and that 15 were yet required in these districts ; aver-
age nnmber of months taught, 4 months and 15 days, em-
ploying 154 male teachers and 9 female ; average salary of
male teachers $19,91 cts. ; female $12,50 ; taught 4,263
male scholars, and 3,315 females ; 79 of the whole number
learning German ; average number of scholars in each school
48 ; cost of teaching a scholar per month, 42 cents. A dis-
trict tax raised $13,219 42 ; state appropriation $8,188 00;
cost of instruction $10,577 42 ; fuel and contingencies $1,-
043 15 ; cost of school houses, &c, spent in 1844,
$2,354 75.
There is an academy at Huntingdon, which was incorpor-
ated by an act of March 19, 1816 ; but the higher branches
t>f learning meet not with liberal encouragement. It is how-
ever, confidently hoped that a change for the better is at
hand.
The people of this county will not shrink a comparison
with others as to their industry, economy, temperance, and
morality; many of them are devotedly religious. The reli-
gious denominations are Lutherans, German Reformed, Pres-
byterians, Baptists, Mennonites, Dunkards, Episcopalians,
Methodists, and some, so called members of the Church of
God, or " Winebrennerians."
CHAPTER IX.
Mifflin County.
Mifflin county erected — Streams and geological features of the coun-
ty — Statistics of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns — Lewistovvn,
McVeytown, or Waynesburg, Hamiltonville, or Newton Hamilton,
j Belleville, Horreltown, &c. &c. — Education, &c. — Riots in Mifflin
county.
Mifflin county was formed or erected by virtue of an act
passed September 19, 1789, which defines the original boun-
daries as follows : That all and singular the lands, lying
within the bounds and limits hereinafter described and fol-
lowing, shall be and are hereby erected into a separate coun-
ty, by the name of Miffiin county, namely; Beginning at
Susquehanna river, where the Turkey Hill extends to the
said river, then along the said hill to the Juniata where it
cuts Tuscarora mountain, thence along the summit of the
said mountain to the line of Franklin county, thence along
the said line to Huntingdon county line, thence along the
said line to Juniata river, thence up the said river to Jack's
Narrows, thence along the line of Huntingdon and Northum-
berland counties, so as to include the whole of upper Bald
Eagle township, in the county of Northumberland, to the
mouth of Buck creek, where it empties into the Bald Eagle
creek, thence to Logan's Gap, in Nittany mountain, then to
the head of Penn's creek, thence down the said creek to
Sinking creek, leaving George McCormick's, in Northum-
berland county, thence to the top of Jack's mountain, at the
line between Northumberland county and Cumberland, thence
along the said line to Montour's Spring, at the head of Ma-
hantango creek, thence down the said creek to Susquehanna
river, aud thence down the said river to the place of begin-
ning.
By the same act, John Oliver, William Brown, David
Beale, John Stewart, David Bole and Andrew Gregg, wTere
appointed trustees for Mifflin county, with authority " to
224 HUNTINGDON COUNTY.
purchase, or take and receive by grant, bargain, or other-
wise, any quantity or quantities of land, not exceeding one
hundred and fifty acres, on the north side of Juniata river
and within one mile from the mouth of Kishicoquilis creek,
for the use, trust, and benefit ol said county, and to lay out
the same into regular lots, and to dispose of so many of them,
as they, or any four ot them may think best for the advan-
tage of said county, and they, or any four of them, as -were
authorized to sell and convey so many of them as they may
think proper, and the monies arising therefrom, and with
other monies duly assessed and collected in the county to
erect a court house and prison.
Subsequently, in 1791, the boundaries of the county were
altered, and again in 1792 and in 1800, the county was re-
duced by the erection of Centre, and by the act of March
2d, 1831, Juniata was separated from it. Thus its original
extended bounds have been much reduced, and is now bound
as follows ; on the northwest by Centre county, on the north
by Union, on the southeast by Juniata, on the south and west
by Huntingdon. Length 30 miles, breadth 15 ; area about
360 square miles ; and containing about 230,400 acres. Po-
pulation in 1790, 7,562 ; in 1800, 13,809 ; in 1810, 12,132;
in 1820, 16,618 in 1840, (Juniata being separated) 13,062.
Aggregate amount of property taxable in 1845, $3,827,-
454 00.
The population of the several townships in 1840, were as
follows :
Derry 1,080, Armagh 1,468, Union 1,221, Wayne 1,350,
Decatur 767, Brown 903, Menno 974, Granville 1,016, Ol-
iver 1,907. Boroughs, viz : Lewistown 2,058, McVeytown
348.
See Table on the opposite page.
c"
c
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£
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Brown
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Menno
Decatur
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en
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Colored pop'n.
226 MIFFLIN COUNTY.
The county forms a long, irregular figure, stretching in a
southwest and northeast direction, traversed longitudinally
by a series of rugged mountains of nearly uniform height.
These mountains are separated by fine, fertile valleys. On
the east are Shade and Black Log Mountains, near the mid-
dle is the lofty and rugged Jack's Mountain, which rises in
Huntingdon county, and extends 70 miles throngh Centre,
Mifflin and Union counties, to Penn's creek near New Ber-
lin, in the last named county. The western boundary of this
county passes along Stone Mountain, and thence northeast-
ward by that complicated series of elevations known by the
name of " The Seven Mountains," part of which are in Mif-
flin, and part in Centre.
The principal valley, is Lewistown Valley, distinguished
for fertility of soil. This valley is subdivided into several
smaller ones. Kishycoquillas is eminently one of the most
fertile and beautiful vallies in this region of the State. It is
about thirty miles long and from three to four broad. Be-
sides these, there are others, such as Dry Valley, Fergu-
son's, Long Hollow, and others.
Kishycoquillas Valley was named after, a distinguished
Shawanese Chief, who died in 1756, as appears from the
following letter : —
Philadelphia, June 13, 1756.
To the Sons of Kishycoquillas, the late Shawanese Chief,
deceased.
I am obliged to you for your letter by our good friend,
John Shickcalamy. Your father's letter and present were
received by the late Governor Hamilton, who acquainted me
with it ; and I intended, at a time when less engaged by
public business, to have sent you my acknowledgments and
answer.
I heartily condole with you on the loss of your aged fa-
ther, and mingle ray tears with yours, which however I
would now have you wipe away with the handkerchief,
herewith sent.
As a testimony of love, the proprietors and this govern-
ment retain for the family of Kishycoquillas, you will be
pleased to accept of the present which is delivered to John
Shickcalamy for your use.
MIFFLIN COUNTY. 227
May the Great Spirit confer on you health, and every
other blessing. Continue your affection for the English, and
the good people of this province, and you will always find
them grateful.
I am,
Your assured friend,
Robert H. Morris.
The first settlers in this valley were annoyed by the Indi-
ans, and in great danger of being killed.
Carlisle, May 26, 1755.
R. H. Morris, Esq., Gov. of Pa.
This day I received a letter from my brother, who is lay-
ing out lands for the settlers in the new purchase, giving an
account of three Indians very much painted, who last week
robbed and drove off several settlers from the Valley of
Kishacoquillas. One of the Indians, by his skulking po-
sition, seemed as if he designed secretly to have shot, but
the white man discovering him, escaped. They took three
horses, three or four guns, and some cash. 'Tis said they
robbed another man up Juniata.
To-morrow I am to set out for Kishacoquillas, there to
decide some controversies, and thence to proceed to Susque-
hanna, near Shamokin, where I expect to meet Conrad Wei-
ser. If he is there, he may, by the assistance of the Shick-
calamies, be of use in regard to those robbers.
I am, sir,
Yours, &c.
John Armstrong.
This country has a number of streams, the principal of
which are the Juniata river, Kishycoquillas creek, Jack's
«.reek.
The Juniata passes through the southern part of the coun-
ty; its course for about five miles after passing Jack's moun-
tain, is southeastward, then north, and after flowing on a
short distance it inclines westward, and after a course of
several miles, approaches within a few hundred yards of its
channel above the Bend. It then turns northeastward, and
pursues that general direction into Juniata county. Kishy-
coquillas rises in Armagh township, by several branches,
228
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
which unite near the centre of the township, and flows in a
southern course along the foot of Jack's Mountain, and flow-
ing onward down through a gap in Jack's mountain, and falls
into the Juniata at Lewistown. Jack's creek rises at the
foot of Jack's mountain on the confines of Decatur township,
flows southwest about twenty miles into the Juniata river,
about one mile below Lewistown ; and receiving in its course
Meadow, and Bell's run.
The geological features of this county show abundant ev-
idence, says Trego, of the disturbance which has effected the
whole of the Apalachiam region. The action of those mighty
forces has produced alternate lines of elevation and depres-
sion, by which the rock strata are tilted in opposite direc-
tion, and successive formations exposed. The high mountain
ranges already ^mentioned, contained the hard sandstone,
which is the usual rock in most of the mountains in the mid-
dle part of the State. The valley between Shade and Jack's
mountain is a synclinal depression, in which the rocks dip in
a direction towards the centre from both sides. We accord-
ingly find the series of variegated and red shales, overlying
the mountain sandstones on both sides of the valley, and near
the middle of it the limestone and fossiliferous sandstone,
forming a series of hills nearly midway between the two
mountains. This limestone is seen on the Juniata, at Lew-
istown. From Waynesburg, or McVeytown, southwestward,
the olive slate formation extends to the Juniata, above New-
ton Hamilton.
In Kishicoquillas Valley, on the contrary, an axis of ele-
vation has brought up the lower limestone to the surface,
having around it a border of the overlying dark slate near
the base of the surrounding mountains. Iron ore is dug at
various places in this valley, of the kind usually accompany-
ing the same limestone in other parts of the State; being the
brown hydrated peroxoid, occurring in cellular or compact
masses, hematitic, or of the stalactite structure, commonly
called pipe ore. The fossiliferous band of ore contained in
the slates and shales above the mountain sandstone, is found
in several places wTithin the county, of sufficient thickness to
be productive. It is mined on the southeast flank of Jack's
mountain, and at some other points.
There are several curious caves in this county, which have
been only partially explored. Bevin's cave, on the summit
MIFFLIN COUNTY* 229
of a limestone ridge. Alexander's, in Kishicoquillas valley,
abounds with finest stalagmites and stalantites. It is a nat-
ural ice4iouse, preserving it in the heat of summer. Hani-
wall's in Wayne township, near McVeytown, is the most
extensive — it is of vast dimensions, studded with stalagmites,
stalantites and various calcareous concretions — crude saltpe-
tre has occasionally been taken from this cave. It has been
explored some fifty or sixty rods — says report.
Perhaps there is no county in the Sta£e in which better
wheat is grown than in this. Many of the farms are highly
improved and very productive. Upon the whole, this coun-
try can vie with any other in the State for its excellency of
water, fertility of soil, in some parts, and ior its picturesque
scenery. In the following extract, the reader has a graphic
description of the scenery, &c, of Mifflin county: —
" Much of the scenery along the banks of the Juniata in
this county, is of the same wild and picturesque character
which gives such a varied and romantic beauty to the shores
of the river, throughout most of the distance from its source
in the dark and solitary glens of the Allegheny mountain, to
its junction with the placid waters of the Susquehanna. High
mountain ridges rise from the river with towering cliffs,
whose gray and naked summits have braved the storms of a
thousand winters, still standing in their sublime and quiet
grandeur, as unchanged by the shock of the tempest as by
the sighing of the summer breeze; and there they will stand
forever, bidding defiance to the elements and to time, until
at the word of Him by whom they were erected, * the ever-
lasting hills shall be scattered and the perpetual hills shall
bow.5
"In this wild and romantic region, the charms of our native
scenery are displayed in all the beauty of their rude, pimitive
character. The tree clad mountain, the towering precipice,
the beautiful river pursuing its quiet course between the hills
— the desert loneliness and the savage grandeur which reign
around, afford to the lover of nature many a scene for de-
lightful contemplation — many a quiet, secluded spot, where
he may rest in undisturbed meditation, and, far removed from
the works of man, derive lessons of wisdom and good from
those of the Creator so magnificently displayed around him."
According to the census of 1840, there were in this coun-
ty 4 furnaces, providing 1,904 tons of cast iron, 2 forges
20
230
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
produced 600 tons of bar iron, these consumed 3,365 tons of
fuel, giving employment to 207 men, including mining oper-
atives ; capital invested $144,500 : horses and mules 3,817,
neat cattle 9,933, sheep 11,323, swine 15,002, poultry of all
kinds valued at $3,329, wheat raised 307,696 bushels, bar-
ley 922, oats 227,31, corn 189,45, rye 47,466, buckwheat
8,649, pounds of wool raised 20,395, potatoes 51,499 bush-
els, 10,331 tons of hay, value of the products of the dairy
$11,970, of the orchard 2,664, value of home made or fami-
ly goods $2,641 ; 42 retail dry goods and other stores, with
a capital of $225,900 ; value of lumber produced $5,551 ;
brick and lime manufactured to the value of $7,380, 58 hands
employed, capital invested $2,650 : 2 fulling mills, 5 wool-
len factories, value of manufactured goods $18,500, 26 men
employed, capital invested $8,800 ; 14 tanneries tanned 2,-
180 sides of sole leather and 2,490 upper, 82 men employed,
capital 21,600 ; all other manufactories of leather, saddler-
ies, &c. 38, value of manufactured articles $29,365, capital
invested $10,360 : 5 distilleries produced 43,296 gallons,
one brewery produced 24,960 gallons, 12 men employed,
capital $8,150 : 2 potteries manufactured articles to the
amount of $2,600, employed 3 hands, capital $400 : 6 prin-
ting offices, $2,000 : 1 rope walk, value of manufacture $500,
one man employed, capital $150 : value of the manufacture
of wagons and carriages $14,120, 31 men employed, capital
$4,890 : 24 grist mills, 61 saw mills, value of manufactures
of mills $177,350, employed 100 men, capital $140,770 :
value of furniture manufactured $13,600, 32 men employed,
capital invested $5,240. Total capital invested in all kinds
of manufacture $227,865. Aggregate amount of all taxable
property in 1844, $3,827,454 00.
PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.
The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania Canal passes
through this county, which has contributed much towards the
increased prosperity of the agricultural and manufacturing
interests of this county.
The following extract will show with what feelings the
MEFFLIN COUNTY. 231
Packet Boat "Juniata," was hailed on her approach to
Lewistown.
" Lewistown, Penn., Nov. 5, 1829.
" Packet Boat, Juniata. — On Thursday last this boat,
built by Joseph Cummins, Esq., of Mifflintown, arrived at
this town from Mifflin, having on board a large party of la-
dies and gentlemen from the lower end of the county. The
boat was met at the head of the " Narrows" by a large par-
ty of ladies and gentlemen from Lewistown, accompanied by
the Lewistown Band, who got on board of the Packet, and
landed here about 2 o'clock, P. M. About 4 o'clock, the
company from Mifflin, after having taken dinner, and a num-
ber of ladies and gentlemen from Lewistown, embarked on
board the Packet and returned to Mifflin that evening, re-
mained there all night, and the next day returned to Lewis-
town, with a view of conveying the members of the Legis-
lature who had, by a publication in the papers, been invited
to pass through the canal to the mouth of the river ; but, in
consequence of a letter having been received by Mr. Clarke, ,
from Mr. Craft, of Pittsburg, one of the western members,
stating that the members from the west would be on, on Sat-
urday; the boat was detained until about half after three on
that day, when several members of the west arrived, viz :
Mr. Brown of Allegheny, Mr. Fox of Indiana, &c. Mr.
Craft of Allegheny, Mr. McQuaid of Westmoreland, Mr.
Blair of Huntingdon, Mr. Galbraith of Venango, Mr. Pet-
riken of Centre, and Mr. Cummin of Mifflin, &c. and a num-
ber of citizens of Lewistown, and strangers got on board the
boat, which was drawn by two white horses, when she set
off in fine style, with the 'star-spangled banner' flying at
her head, and amidst the roar of cannon, the shouts of the
populace, and the cheering music of the band which was on
board."
The northern turnpike road from Harrisburg to Pittsburg
passes through this county. There is also a turnpike road'
irom Lewistown to Bellefonte.
The common public roads are in very good condition.
232
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
LEWISTOWN,
The seat of justice, is a flourishing town ; it stands on a
beautiful and elevated spot, on the north side of Juniata and
Kishacoquillas creek, immediately at the confluence of the
latter, the mouth of which forms a very safe harbor for boats
— on which are a number of spacious store-houses erected.
Lewistown derives numerous advantages from its location on
the Juniata river and Pennsylvania canal, which render it a
place of considerable deposit for a large district of country.
Here centres the trade of Kishacoquillas, part of Penn's,
Ferguson's and Dry Valleys, and a considerable portion of
Stone and Nittany Valleys. Although a mountainous coun-
try around Lewistown, it affords the finest and most lively
scenery in all this region of country; the valleys are fertile
and very productive. It is considered one of the healthiest
places in the interior of the State. We breathe, says the
editor of the Eagle, the pure mountain air ; our streams
abound with fish of the choicest kind, particularly the trout,
which are to be found in spring streams, and which afford
the angler much, amusement in taking them ; our forests are
filled with game of every description ; and Milliken's Spring
(noticed below) which is ascertained to possess all the medi-
cinal qualities of the Bedford water, operates as a balm in the
cure of many maladies, particularly bilious complaints.
Since opening the canal Lewistown has much increased. The
houses are generally of brick and display considerable taste.
The public buildings are a splendid court house, recently
built, a stone prison, a bank, and an academy ; it contains
also several fine churches — an Episcopal, Methodist, Luthe-
ran, Catholic, Baptist, and Seceder's church, and two Afri-
can churches. There are also two foundries here. Boat
building is carried on here to a considerable extent.
The population in 1840 was 2,058, of which were —
White Males under 5, 152 ; 5 and under 10, 105 ; 10
and under 15, 85 ; 15 and under 20, 104 ; 20 and under 30,
231 ; 30 and under 40, 129 ; 40 and under 50, 70 ; 50 and
under 60, 50 ; 60 and under 70, 9 ; 70 and under 80, 6.
Wthite Females under 5, 164 ; 5 and under 10, 120 ;
10 and under 15, 82 ; 15 and under 20, 120 ; 20 and under
MIFFLIN COUNTY. 233
30, 214; 30 and under 40, 95; 40 and under 50, 51 ; 50
and under 60, 34 ; 60 and under 70, 12 ; 70 and under 80,
9 ; 80 and under 90, 2.
Colorbd Males under 10, 37 ; 10 and under 24, 25 ; 24
and under 36, 34; 36 and under 55, 15; 55 and under
100, 2.
Colored Females under 10, 39; 10 and under 24, 36;
24 and under 36, 31 ; 36 and under 55, 11 ; 55 and under
100, 4.
Of these 14 were engaged in agriculture, 40 in commerce,
292 in manufactures and trades, 40 in navigation of canals,
24 in the learned professions, 7 primary schools, 231 schol-
ars. There were 28 persons above 20 years old who could
neither read nor write. It had in 1840 five commission hou-
ses in foreign trade, 17 retail stores, one furnace, one grist
mill, one saw mill, three tanneries, one brewery, one pottery,
and two printing offices.
The Mineral Spring is on the farm of James Milliken,
Esq., adjoining the borough of Lewistown. It rises at the
toot of a. firm bank of limestone formation, and within a
stone's throw of the west bank of the Kishacoquillas. The
water of this spring, it is said, equal that of the Bedford
Springs. In its effect it is purgative and diuretic, and acts
also as a tonic. " Taking from four to eight tumblers full .
before breakfast has produced no unpleasant effect, unless
indeed the stomach was in an unfavorable condition, or that
it was an over quantity for the beginning."
McVEYTOWN,
fWaynesburg) an incorporated borough, 11 miles above
Lewistown, on the turnpike, is quite a flourishing village. It
contains many new and recently built brick houses. It con-
tains several churches, a furnace, foundry, and a forge, near
town, several stores and taverns. Population in 1840, 348.
20*
334 MIFFLIN COUNTY.
HAMILTONVILLE,
(Or, Newton Hamilton,) is a brisk village, 21 miles above
Lewistown, and 10 above McVeytown. The town, until
the spring of 1828, contained only four huts ; since that time,
owing to the impulse given by the construction of the State
canal, which passes through it, the town has increased till it
has reached some 30 or more dwellings, several stores and
taverns. The river here makes a circuitous bend ; above the
bend, the canal crosses on a splendid aqueduct to the right
Ojf the Juniata.
BELLEVILLE,
On the east side of Stone Mountain, contains about twenty
dwellings, several stoies and taverns. It is in Kishicoquil-
las Valley.
HORRELTON,
Also in Kishicoquillas Valley, contains about thirty houses,
several taverns and stores. Besides this village, there are
are several other small villages, viz :
Perrysville, Belltown, Whitehall, Texas or Thompsons-
town, Lock's Mills, Reedsville, or Brown's Mills.
In the immediate vicinity of this place, is Logan's Spring,
named after the second son of Shicalamy, a distinguished In-
dian chief, who died at Shamokin in 1749. Logan resided
here for some time, whose family was afterwards cruelly
murdered, at Baker's, near the mouth of Yellow creek, on
the Ohio river, above Wheeling, as appears from the fol-
lowing : —
"About the latter end of April or beginning of May, 1774,
I lived on the waters of Cross creek, about 16 miles from
Joshua Baker, who lived on the Ohio, opposite the mouth of
Yellow creek. A number oi persons collected at my house,
and proceeded to said Baker's and murdered several Indians,
among whom was a woman, said to be the sister of the In-
dian chief, Logan. The principal leader of the party was
t MIFFLIN COUNTY. 235
Daniel Greathouse. To the best of my recollection, the cause
which gave rise to the murder was, a general idea that the
Indians were meditating an attack on the frontiers. Captain
Michael Cressap was not of the party ; but I recollect that
some time before the perpetration of the above act, it was
currently reported that Captain Cressap had murdered some
Indians on the Ohio, one or two, some distance below
Wheeling.
Certified by me, an inhabitant of Shelby county and State
of Kentucky, this loth day of Nov. 1799.
Charles Polke.
On the 15th day of Nov. 1799, I accidentally met upon
the road, Joshua Baker, the person referred to in the certifi-
cate signed by Polke, who informed me that the murder of
the Indians in 1774, Opposite the mouth of Yellow creek,
was perpetrated at his house by thirty-two men, led by Dan-
iel Greathouse ; that twelve were killed and six or eight
wounded : among the slain was a sister and other relations
of the Indian chief, Logan. Baker says, Captain Michael
Cressap was not of the party ; that some days preceding the
murder at his house, two Indians left him and were on their
way home; that they fell in with Capt. Cressap and a party
of land improvers on the Ohio, and were murdered, if not by
Cressap himself, with his approbation; by being the leader
of the party, and that he had this information from Cressap.
Harry Innes.
The following extract from John Sappington's statement,
proves conclusively that Logan's family was not killed below
Wheeling, as Dav, in his Historical Collections of Pa. states
(p. 468).
" Logan's family (if it was his family,) was not killed by
Cressap, nor with his knowledge, nor by his consent, but by
tbe Greathouses and their associates. They were killed 30
miles above Wheeling, near the mouth of Yellow creek." —
Jefferson's of Virginia, Appendix p. 30-'46.
Note. — Logan's people were killed at the mouth of Yel-
low creek, on the 24th of May, 1774. — Compiler.
In the autumn of the same year, Logan was urged by the
Indians, who were anxious to be relieved from Lord Dun-
236 MIFFLIN COUNTY.
more's army, who had waged war against them, he sent his
speech, in a belt of wampum, to be delivered to Dunmore, by
a faithful interpreter. Under an oak, still standing in a field
of one Wolf, seven miles from Circleville, Ohio, in a southern
direction, the following speech was delivered by the person
who carried the wampum. It is a pure, native specimen of
heart -stirring and soul-moving eloquence :
" I appeal," says Logan, " to any white man, to say, if
he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not
meat ; if he came naked and cold, and I clothed him not.
During the last, long and bloody war, Logan remained idle,
in his cabin, an advocate of peace. Such was my love for
the whites, that my countrymen, as they passed, said, ' Lo-
gan is the friend of the whites.' I had thought of living
among you, but for the injuries of one man. Captain Cressap,*
last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the
relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and cbildren.
There runs not one drop of my blood in any living creature.
This called on me for revenge : I have sought it, I have
killed many ; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my
country, I rejoice in the beams of peace. But, do not harbor
the thought, that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt
fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is
there to mourn for Logan ? Not one !"
John Heckewelder, a distinguished Moravian Missionary,
says, "About the year 1772, Logan was introduced to me,
by an Indian friend, as son to the late reputable chief, Shik-
eleraus, and as a friend to the white people. In the course
of conversation, I thought him a man of superior talents,
than Indians generally were. The subject turning on vice
and immorality, he confessed his too great share of this, es-
pecially his fondness for liquor. He exclaimed against ,the
white people, for imposing liquors upon the Indians; he oth-
erwise admired their ingenuity ; spoke of gentlemen, but ob-
served the Indians unfortunately had but few of these neigh-
bors, &c. He spoke of his friendship to the white people,
wished always to be a neighbor to them, intended to settle
on the Ohio, below Big Beaver ; was (to the best of my re-
• Logan had been misinformed, in part, as to the leader of those who
murdered his family; it was not Capt. Cressap, but Daniel Greathouse
and his associates.
MIFFLIN COUNTY. 237
collection) then encamped at the mouth of this river, (Bea-
ver) urged me to pay him a visit. I was then living at the
Moravian town on this river, in the neighborhood of Cuskus-
kee. In April, 1773, while on my passage down the Ohio
for Muskingum, I called at Logan's settlement, where I re-
ceived every civility I could expect from such of the family
as were at home.
" Indian reports concerning Logan, after the death of his
family, ran to this; that he exerted himself during the Shaw-
anese war (then so called) to take all the revenge he could,
declaring he had lost all confidence in the white people. At
the time of negotiation, he declared his nluctance to lay
down the hatchet, not having (in his opinion) yet taken am-
ple' satisfaction ; yet, for the sake of the nation he would do
it. His expressions, from time to time, denoted a deep mel-
ancholy. Life, said he, had become a torment to him ; he
knew no more what pleasure was ; he thought it had been
better if he had never existed. Report further states, that
he became in some measure delirious, declared he would kill
himself; went to Detroit, and on his way between that place
and Miama was murdered. In October, 1781, while as pri-
soner on my way to Detroit, I was shown the spot where
this should have happened."
EDUCATION, RELIGION, &c.
The general system of education has been adopted in every
township of this county; and all the districts (eleven) have
made regular Reports of the schools, except Menno. Ten
districts have reported 54 schools in operation, and 4 more
wanted ; schools open 7 months; employed 49 male and 11
female teachers ; the former received $20,41 cts. per month,
the latter $12,52. Number of scholars, 1,749 males, and-
1,389 females ; of the whole number, 73 were learning Ger-
man. A district tax of $6,002 01 was raised ; state appro-
priation $2,982 00. Cost of tuition, $5,838 42 ; fuel and
contingencies, $415,59; cost of school houses $1,055 54.
An academy and female seminary are in successful opera-
tion in Lewistown.
The prevailing religious denominations are Presbyterians,
238 MIFFLIN COUNTY.
Methodists, Lutherans, German Reformed, Ornish, Dunk-
ards or German Baptists ; there are also some Baptists, Epis-
copalians, and Winebrennerians, or Church of God.
In 1791, there was quite a serious riot in Lewistown, as
will fully appear from the following, which are given with-
out abridgment : —
A Report of the Riot in Lewistown, in the County of
Mifflin.
Sir:—
On Monday the 12th of September, 1791, the Hon. W.
Brown, James Bryson and James Armstrong, Esquires, met
in the forenoon, in order to open the Court and proceed to
business; but Thomas Beale, Esq., one of the Associate
Judges, not having arrived, their honors waited until three
o'clock in the afternoon, at which time he arrived, and was
requested to proceed with them and the officers of the court
to the court house, he declined going, and the procession
moved on to the court house, where the judges' commissions
were read, the court opened, and the officers and the attor-
nies and the attornies of the court sworn in, and the court ad-
journed till ten o'clock next morning.
About nine o'clock, while preparing business to lay before
the grand jury, I received information that a large body of
men were assembled below the Long Narrows, at David
Jordan's tavern, on the Juniata, and were armed with guns,
swords and pistols, with an avowed intention to proceed to
Lewistown, and seize Judge Bryson on the bench and drag
him from his seat, and march off before them, and otherwise
ill-treat him. This information was instantly communicated
to Messrs. Brown, Bryson, and Armstrong, the judges, who
agreed with me that Samuel Edminton, Esq. the Prothono-
tary, Judge Beale, Stewart, Esq. Bell, Esq.
should, with George Wilson, Esq. the Sheriff of Mifflin co.
proceed and meet the rioters ; and the Sheriff was command-
ed to enquire of them their object and intention, and if hos-
tile, to order them to disperse, and tell them the court was
alarmed at their proceedings.
Two hours after this, the court opened, and a grand jury
was impannelled. A fife was heard playing, and some guns
MIFFLIN COONTY. 239
fired, and immediately the mob appeared marching towards
the court house, with three men on horseback in front, hav-
ing the gentlemen that had been sent to meet them under
guard in the rear, all of whom on their arrival at Lewistown,
they permitted to go at large, except the sheriff, whom four
of their number kept a guard over. The court ordered me,
as the representative of the commonwealth, to go and meet
them, remonstrate against their proceedings, and warn them
of their danger, which order was obeyed, but all endeavors
were in vain, the mob crying out, march on! march on! draw
your sword on him! rideqever him! I seized the reins of the
bridle, that the principal commander held, viz : Wilson,
Esq. brother of the Sheriff aforesaid, who was well mounted
and well dressed, with a sword, and I think two pistols belt-
ed round him, a cocked hat, and one or two feathers in it.
He said he would not desist, but at all events proceed and
take Judge Bryson off the bench, and march him down the
Narrows to the judge's farm, and make him sign a written
paper, that he would never sit there as a judge again.
The mob still crying out, march on, he drew his sword,
and told me he must hurt me, unless I would let go the reins.
The crowd pushed forward, and nearly pressed me down ;
one of them, as I learned afterwards, a nephew of Judge
Beale, presented his pistol at my breast with a full determi-
nation to shoot me. I let the reins go, and walked before
them until I arrived at the stairs on the outside of the court
house, when Judge Armstrong met me and said, since noth-
ing else will do, let us defend the stairs. We instantly as-
cended, and Mr. Hamilton and the gentlemen of the bar, and
many citizens ; and the rioters, headed by William Wilson,
Col. Walker and Col. Holt, came forward, and the general
cry was, march on, damn you, proceed and take him. Judge
Armstrong replied, you damn'd rascals, come on ; we will
defend the court and ourselves, and before you shall take
Judge Bryson, you shall kill me and many others, which
seems to be your intention, and which you may do. At this
awful moment one Holt seized Judge Armstrong by the arm,
with intent to pull him down the stairs, but he extricated
himself. Holt's brother then got a drawn sword, and put it
into his hands, and damned him to run the rascal through ;
and Vk ilson drew his sword on me with great rage, and
young Beale his sword, and cocked his pistol and presented
240
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
it. I told them they might kill me, but the judge they could
not, nor should they take him — and the words, fire away !
shouted through the mob. I put my hand on his shoulder,
and begged him to consider where he was, who I was, and
reflect but lor a moment. I told him to withdraw the men,
and appoint any two or three of the most respectable of his
people to meet me in half an hour, and try to settle the dis-
pute. He agreed, and with difficulty got them away from
the court house. Mr. Hamilton then went with me to Mr.
Alexander's tavern, and in Wilson and Walker came, and
also Sterrett, who I soon discovered to be their chief coun-
sellor.
Proposals were made by me, that they should return home,
offer no insult to Judge Bryson or the court, and prefer to
the Governor a decent petition, stating their grievances (if
they had any) that might be laid before the Legislature; and
that in the meantime, the judge should not sit on the bench
of this court. They seemed agreed, and our mutual honor
to be pledged ; but Sterrett, who pretended not to be con-
cerned, stated that great delay would take place ; that inju-
ries had been received which demanded instant redress, and
objected to the power of the Governor as to certain points
proposed. At this moment young Beale and Holt came up,
the former with arms, and insisted on Wilson's joining them,
and broke up the conference. I followed, and on the field
among the rioters, told Wilson, " your object is, that Judge
Bryson leave the bench, and not sit on it this court :" him
and Walker said " yes." " Will you promise to disperse
and go home, and offer him no insult ?" he said " yes," and
our mutual honor was then pledged for the performance of
this agreement.
Mr. Hamilton proceeded to the court, told the judge, and
left his seat and retired. I scarce had arrived until the fife
began to play, and the whole of the rioters came on to the
court house, then headed by Wilson. I met them at the
foot of the stairs, and told them the judge was gone, in pur-
suance of the agreement, and charged them with a breach of
the word, and forfeiture of honor, and Walker said, it was
so, but he could not prevail on them. Wilson said he would
have the judge, and attempted going up the stairs. I pre-
vented him, and told him he should not, unless he took off
his military accoutrements. He said he had an address to
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
241
present, and complied with my request, and presented it,
signed " The People" Young Beale, at the moment I
was contending with Wilson, cocked and presented his
pistol at my breast, and insisted that Wilson and all of
them should go; but on my offering to decide it by com-
bat with him, he declined it, and by this means they went
off swearing, and said that they were out-generaled.
The next day Col. M'Farland with his regiment, came
down and offered to defend the court, and addressed it; the
court answered, and stated that there was no occasion, and
thanked him.
Judge Bryson read a paper, stating the ill-treatment he
received, and mentioned that no fear of danger prevented
him from talcing and keeping his seat ; but that he under-
stood an engagement had been entered into by his friends
that he should not, and on that account only he was pre-
vented. The court adjourned until two o'clock that day,
and were proceeding to open it with the sheriff, to wait
on him and request him to walk with them ; he returned,
and said the judge would not walk or sit with Bryson, and
addressed Judge Bryson with warmth, who replied to it
in a becoming manner. The sheriff struck at him, and
kicked also. JuJge Armstrong seized the sheriff, and
commanded the peace, and took the sheriff's rod from him;
the coroner took his place, and the sheriff was brought up
before the court. I moved he might be committed to gaol,
and his mittimus wrote and signed, and the court ordered
the coroner and gaoler to take him, and he submitted. The
court adjourned. After night the drum beat, and Holt
collected about seventy men, who repeatedly huzza'd, cry-
ing out "liberty or death," and he ordered to rescue the
sheriff, but the sheriff refused.
At ten o'clock at night I was informed expresses were
sent down the Narrows, 10 collect men to rescue the sher-
iff, and Major Edmiston informed me he was sorry for his
conduct, and offered to beg the court's pardon, and to en-
ter into recognizance. I communicated this to the Judges
Brown and Armstrong, and requested they would write
to the gaoler to permit him to come down; they did, and
the sheriff came with Major Edmiston, begged pardon of
every member of the court, and Judge Bryson, who was
21
242
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
not present, and entered into recognizance to appear at
next sessions.
The next day near three hundred were assembled below
the Narrows, and I prevailed on some gentlemen to go
down and disperse them ; and upon being assured the she-
riff was out of gaol, they returned to their respective homes,
and the court have finished all business ; nothing further
requiring the attendance of the grand jury, the court dis-
missed them and broke up. I must not omit to inform,
that Judge Beale had declared, during the riot, in court,
that he would not sit on the bench with Judge Bryson,and
that both him and said Stewart appeared to countenance
the rioters, and are deeply concerned.
I must now close the narrative with saying, that owing
to the spirit and firmness of Judge Armstrong, and the
whole of the bar, I was enabled to avert the dreadful
blow aimed at Judge Bryson, and to keep order and sub-
ordination in court ; and unless the most vigorous mea-
sures are exerted soon, it will be impossible ever to sup-
port the laws of the state in that county, or punish these
who dare transgress.
The excise law is execrated by the banditti; and from
every information, I expect the collection of the revenue
will be opposed.
I am happy to add, the dispute which originated by a
mistake between Huntingdon and Mifflin counties, is hap-
pily closed in the most amicable manner, without any pro-
secution in Mifflin.
I am, sir, your most obedient,
John Clarke, Dy. St. Attorney.
To Thomas Smith, Esq. Presiddnt of the court of Mifflin
county.
Carlisle, September 21.
At a period when the general voice of the people pro-
claims the excellence of the Federal Government — and the
State of Pennsylvania in particular is anticipating every
blessing from a constitution so conformable to it, an alarm-
ing sedition, together with a most daring turbulent temper
has unhappily manifested itself in the county of Mifflin.
The Governor has lately appointed Samuel Bryson, Es-
quire, second Associate Judge of the Court of Common
MIFFLIN COUNTY. 243
Pleas of that county — this gentleman having been Lieute-
nant of the county of Mifflin, had excited the determined
enmity of two men, who were ambitious of being Colo-
nels of Militia ; and against the commissioning of whom
(as unfit persons) Mr. Bryson as county Lieutenant had
made representations. Enraged at the promotion of Judge
Bryson, and unhappily yielding to the impulse of the most
unjustifiable passions, one William Wilson, brother to the
sheriff of Mifflin county, and one David Walker, levied a
considerable force and marched at the head of about forty
armed men, with a fife playing to Lewistown, with the
avowed determination to seize upon the person of Judge
Bryson, whilst on the Bench, drag him from thence, oblige
him to resign his commission, and compel him to march
many miles along the rugged Narrows of Juniata river.
Secrecy marked this unexampled Treasonable Riot. It
was not known at Lewistown until about an hour before
the insurgents appeared. Justice Stuart who had been
lately commissioned, and who is a very worthy man, had
been imprisoned in the morning by four men who belong-
ed to the party of the rioters — they attempted to make him
engage his word that he would not give information ; but
he refused. Ignorant of the private movers of this daring
and turbulent procedure, it was agreed by Judges Brown
and Armstrong and other gentlemen, to request the sher-
iff of the county and Judge Bails, who were presumed to
have influence over them, together with the prothonotary
of the county, to represent the illegality and imprudence
of their conduct and prevail on them if possible to return.
No advantage has been derived from this step. Mr. Ed-
miston, the prothonotary, was insulted — the sheriff was
taking into a mock imprisonment ; and Judge Bails soon
after adopted a part which evinced that little real exertion
could have been expected from him in quieting this dis-
turbance.
The court was sitting when this armed force, levying
war against the state, with a fife playing, marching reso-
lutely forward. At this juncture Judge Bryson asked Judge
Bail if it was not likely they would stop, to which the
other replied, that they never would whilst such a rascal
sat upon the bench.
Mr. Clark and Mr. Hamilton, two Attornies of the court,
244
MIFFLIN COUNTY.
at the desire of some of the judges, remonstrated with Mr.
Wilson, who was on horseback, and within a few paces of
the court house, at the head of the troops, respecting his
conduct: Mr. Wilson was dressed in a military style, with
a cockade in his hat, and was armed with a horseman's
sword and pistols — he declared his intention was to oblige
Mr. Bryson to resign his commission, and go down the
Narrows with him and his men. He was warned by the
gentlemen of the danger of the attempt, he observed that
nothing would divert him from his purpose, and immedi-
ately drew his sword and marched to storm the court-
room, where Judge Armstrong and others were stationed
at the door. The two gentlemen who had addressed Wil-
son ran to the steps in front of the force, where they found
a number of persons on the stairs: The rioters followed,
with a cry of Liberty or Deatli. Mr. Armstrong hollowed
out repeatedly, Villains come on, but you shall first march
over my dead body before you enter. This resolution, se-
conded by the circumstance oi the gentlemen above men-
tioned, and a number of other persons keeping their ground
on the stairs (although once or twice some called to the
rioters to fire, seemed to stagger the resolution of Wilson.)
At this moment a gentleman proposed to him tliat if he
would disarm, he might have admittance into the court
room; to this he seemed immediately to accede, the troops
were filed off to a short distance. It was then agreed that
a meeting should take place in half an hour with the lead-
ers of the party. Messrs. Clark and Hamilton, with tho
assent of some members of the court, met Messrs. William
Wilson, David Walker, and William Sterrett, who appear-
ed on behalf of the rioters. Entertaining hopes of preser-
ving the person of Mr. Bryson from injuiy, it was thought
prudent to promise if the party would disperse, that Mr.
Bryson would not sit during that week on the bench. Du-
ring this conference, Mr. Wilson offered no other charge
against Mr. Bryson but what respected the militia com-
missions for him and Mr. Walker, but it was not until af-
ter much discourse that the leaders of the troops could be
convinced that an extorted Resignation would not avail.
When they saw the futility of this idea, it was long insist-
ed, that Mr. Bryson should go with them down the Nar-
rows.
MIFFLIN COUNTY. 245
Mr. Wilson in contravention of the agreement marched
the troops to the court house. In the meantime Judge
Bryson had sent for a horse, and effected his escape. It
was then Mr. William Sterret exclaimed with an oath, we
are out-generaled.
An address was presented by Mr. Wilson to the court,
who w»nt in unarmed, signed " The People :" it was in
the hand- writing, as is supposed, of Mr. Sterret. It con-
gratulated the other Judges upon their appointments, but
mentioned and avowed their design in coming armed to
the court to force the dismission of Judge Bryson. Mr.
Bails, one of the most active of the rioters, armed with a
sword and pistols slung around him, wished to force his
way into the court room, but was prevented by Mr. Clark.
Four armed men surrounded the person of the Sheriff.
Under this delusive imprisonment, all intercourse of con-
versation with him was prohibited. In the evening the
rioters departed in a turbulent, straggling manner, gener-
ally intoxicated; at night one Corran, who had been very
active in raising men, was drowned, together with his
horse, in a mill dam, about one mile and a half from the
town.
About twelve or one o'clock the next day, Judge Bry-
son returned, soon afterwards Col. James M'Farland with
about seventy militia on horseback, appeared in sup-
port of the court and the laws. At three o'clock Judge
Brown, Bryson and Armstrong, preceded by the sheriff,
prepared to open the court. The sheriff was sent with a
message to Judge Bails, informing him that the Judges
waited for him to join them in proceeding to the court
house ; his reply was that he would not go whilst Mr.
Bryson was with them ; the Judges had not walked more
than a few paces, followed by the attomies and citizens,
when the sheriff with his rod of office in his hand, sudden-
ly stopped, and demanded of Mr. Bryson if he had said
any thing injurious of him — Mr. Bryson made a very mo-
derate reply, notwithstanding he was immediately assaul-
ted by the sheriff, and received a kick in the same leg
which had beeu shattered by a ball at the battle of Ger-
mantown. The sheriff was immediately taken into cus-
tody. The coronet received the sheriff's rod and under-
took to go before the Judges to Court. There the sher-
21*
246 MIFFLIN COUNTY.
iff refused to give any recognizance for his appearance at the
next court, and was therefore committed to gaol.
Col. M'Farland presented an address to the judges on he-
half of himself and the militia under his command, mention-
ing his abhorrence of the proceedings which had taken place,
and offering at the hazard of their lives to protect the court:
to which the following answer was returned :
" The Judges of the Court of Common Pleas of the county
of Mifflin, are very sensible of the laudable zeal of Colonel
M'Farland, and the militia now under aims, subject to his
command, in support of the laws and government of Penn-
sylvania, and particularly for the purpose of protecting this
court from injury and insult. They tiust, that the during
mob, who being aimed, assembled jesteiday and assaulted
the court, threatening the lives of the numbers are now too
conscious of the magnitude of their offence and ihe spirit of
the citizens of this county to repeat their attack : measures
are preparing to vindicate the dignity of cur insulted laws,
and to bring to a just punishment the atrocious offenders and
their abettors, who have bi ought disgiace upon the county,
and trampled upon the most sacied rights of the community.
The court, therefore, Sir, letuin )ou thanks for the suproit
which you, and the militia under )our cenmand, have with
so much alacrity brought to the aid of the administration of
justice in this county: but beirg of opinion that all danger
from these infatuated men had ceased, we do not think it
necessary that your attendance should be longer continued."
After which Judge Bryson, standing at the bar, spoke the
following words :
" Fellow Citizens : —
" It is not my intention to resume my seat on the bench
during this term — I do not decline it from any apprehension
of the mob, who yesterday assaulted the court and marked
me for their vengeance; supported by my country, by every
virtuous citizen, and a consciousness of my integrity, I have
nothing to fear ; but understanding that some gentlemen,
anxious for my personal safety, entered into an engagement
with the leaders of the banditti, that I should not sit as
judge during this court — my respect for these gentlemen is
my sole and only motive for making this declaration."
MIFFLIN COUNTY. 247
Col. M'Farland after this, thanked the militia in the fol-
lowing terms :
" Col. M'Farland returns his thanks to the militia of his
regiments who now attend in support of the laws of their
country: He is particularly indebted to Capt. Robert John-
ston and Capt. John Brown for their extraordinary vigilance
in collecting the men of their respective companies, upon a
notice given to them so late as last night after 12 o'clock.
He has no doubt but that the same zeal which has distin-
guished the militia undtr his command upon this occasion,
will always be as honorably manifested should this county
ever be so unhappy as to be disgraced by a similar necessity."
Soon after which the militia, having been discharged by
the court, returned home.
The evening of the day was replete with alarms — One
Holt, who thought he had cause of complaint respecting a
militia commission, assembled a body of men to the amount
of about forty; they paraded a considerable time with sound
of drum. At length at eight o'clock they appeared before
the prison door with an intention to break it and enlarge the
sheriff: Mr. Sterrett then appeared, and informed them 'That
the sheriff thanked his friends for their intention to serve
him, but this is not a proper period,' — or words to that ef-
fect.
About nine o'clock, several persons having long applied
to the sheriff without success, prevailed on him at length to
give a recognizance to appear at the next court to answer
for the assault and battery on Judge Bryson : happily, the
sheriff in this instance relinquished a system which was col-
lecting new horrors and threatened to involve in new scenes
of guilt a number of the inhabitants. Great numbers in Tus-
carora valley and its vicinity, prepared the following day to
march and liberate the sheriff, and probably to demolish the
Court house and prison — The news of his release arrived in
time to stop the progress of those infatuated men, who ap-
peared to have lost sight of the social compact, and whose
felicity seems to lie in scenes of tumult, disorder, and licen-
tiousness. It is to be hoped, however, that government,
when it comes to enforce the laws, will contemplate the ig-
norance and delusion of these unfortunate men ; and that
mercy will so far temper the prosecution as that it will not
248 MIFFLIN COUNTY.
be extended to a capita] charge ; yet, it is indispensably ne-
cessary that they be taught that genuine liberty consists in
the power of doing every thing which is not prohibited by
the laws, and that the exercise of an unbounded licentious-
ness which threatens the dissolution of society itself, must
receive a punishment in some degree commensurate to the
greatness of the offence.
How far Mr. Bryson's representations to the Governor,
against Messrs. Wilson, Walker and Holt, has been founded
in a just estimate of the characters of these men cannot be
elucidated here — but it would appear to afford the highest
evidence of its propriety, that they were the principals in this
most unexampled Riot.
CHAPTER X.
Centre County.
Centre county erected — Streams and geological features — Statistics of
1840— Public improvements — Towns — Bellefont, Philipsburg, Miles-
boro, Boalsburg, Potter's Bank, Potter's Old Fort, Aaronsburg, Mill-
heim, Earleysburg, Pattonsville, Walkersville, New Providence,
White Hall, Rabersburg, Jacobsburg, &c. — Education — Indian vil-
lages.
Centre county, originally embraced by Lycoming, North-
umberland, Mifflin and Huntingdon counties, by an act of the
Legislature, February 13, 1800, and from its central posi-
tion was named Centre. Its boundaries according to the act
of 1800, were as follows — Beginning opposite the mouth of
Quin's n:n, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna; thence
a straight line to the mouth of Fishing creek, where it emp-
ties into the Bald Eagle creek ; thence to the northeast cor-
ner of Miles, late Haines' township, including Nittany valley;
thence by the northeast boundary of the said township to the
summit of Tussey's mountain ; thence by the summit of said
mountain, by the lines of Haines' township in Northumber-
land county, Potter township in Mifflin county, and Frank-
lin township in Huntingdon county, to a point three miles
southwest of the present line between Mifllin and Hunting-
don counties ; thence by a direct line to the head of the south-
west branch of Bald Eagle creek ; thence, a direct line to
the head waters of Mushanon; thence down the same to the
Susquehanna to the place of beginning. The limits of this
county were reduced by forming Clinton county. Three town-
ships, Bald Eagle, Lamar, and Logan, were taken off.
By the act of 1800, the following gentlemen were appoin-
ted Trustees, viz: Andrew Gregg, William Swanzey, and
Robert Boggs, and were authorized to take assurances for
the payment of money and grants of land, stipulated for by-
James Dunlop and. lames Harris, and such others as might
be offered to them in trust to dispose thereof, on moiety in
250 CENTRE COUNTY.
some productive fund for the support of an academy or pub-
lic school in the county, and with other monies to be raised
in the county to erect public buildings lor the county in the
town of Beflefonte.
Centre county is bounded on the north by Clinton, on the
east by Union, on the southeast by Mifflin, and on the south
by Huntingdon, on the west by Clearfield county. Length,
about 58 miles; breadth 36; area 1,370 square miles, con-
taining 678,400 acres of land. Population in 1S00, 2,075 ;
1810, 10,680 ; in 1820, 13,706 ; in 1830, 18,879; in 1840,
20,492. The population of the several townships in 1840,
was as follows : —
Boggs 1,714, Ferguson 1,254, Gregg 1,671, Haines 1,-
978, Howard 1,409, Half Moon 1,406, Miles 1,198, Potter
1,787, Rush 317, Patton 473, Spring 1,793, Walker 1,180,
Husten 557, Marion 559, Snowshoe 162, Harios 2,002,
Bellefonte borough 1,032.
[See Table on the opposite page.
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*•*
252 _ CENTRE COUNTY.
The face of the country is greatly diversified by high
mountain ridges, ranging from northeast to southwest, with
deep valleys intervening. Tussey's, Brush and Nittany
mountains are in the east and northeast. Bald Eagle is a
ridge of the Allegheny, and is called Bald Eagle, upon the
confines of Huntingdon and Centre counties, northeast of the
Juniata river, and extends across the county near the mid-
dle ; and northwest of Bald Eagle is the Allegheny moun-
tain, beyond which is a tract of very wild, broken high lands,
composing the western declivity of that mountain. The prin-
cipal valleys are Brush, Nittany, Bald Eagle, Sugar, Half
Moon, George's, Penn's, and others.
Nittany, the great central valley of the county, in which
the county town is pleasantly situated, abounds with many
gushing rills or beautiful springs.
The county is well watered. The principal streams are
Bald Eagle creek, Mushanon creek, with their numerous
tributaries, and the West Branch of the Susquehanna on the
northwest, the recipient of Bald Eagle and others. The
smaller streams are Beach creek, Tungascootae, Spring creek,
Elk creek, Marsh creek, Spruce creek, Half Moon run, Big
Fishing creek, Cedar creek, Cold stream, Little Mushanon
creek, Logan creek, Buffalo run, Little Fishing creek, and
others.
The soil of this county is various. In some of the valleys
it may be safely classed among the best in the State, and is
highly productive, if well cultivated ; this is the case espe-
cially in Nittany and Penn's valleys, and form the finest
agricultural districts. Other parts of the county are, per-
haps, equally productive ; but not so desirable on account of
water, — the want of water is often severely felt, and
in some instances wells have been sunk to a great depth
without obtaining water. The smaller streams, after run-
ning some distance, frequently sink into the fissures of the
limestone rock and are seen no more. The mountain ridges
separating the valleys, are generally steep and rocky, not fit
to be cultivated, anJ only valuable for the timber that grows
there. Some portions along the Allegheny are little inhabit-
ed. The prevailing timber is pine, hemlock, sugar maple,
and different kinds of oak.
The geological features of the county are varied. East
of the liald Eagle mountain the valleys are of limestone for-
CENTRE COUNTY. 253
mation, bordered on their margin next to the mountains by
the overlying slate. This mountain and the high ridges south-
east of it are of sandstone. Northwest of Bald Eagle moun-
tain, along the valley in which flows Bald Eagle creek, are
found the red and variegated shales, and the fossiliferous
limestone, next in order. Above this is a thin belt of the
fossiliferous sandstone, not always perceptible. From this to
the southern base of the Allegheny, or rather of the hills
which jut forward from that mountain, is a belt two or three
miles wide, occupied by olive slates and sandstones; and
above this the red shale and red and gray sandstones,
which form the steep front of the Allegheny. Passing over
the intermediate formations, we find on the high lands beyond
the summit, in the vicinity of Snowshoe and Philipsburg, beds
of bituminous coal, which have been opened in some of the
most accessible places, and the coal transported to the coun-
try east of the mountain. — Trego.
Though bituminous coal abounds in the northwest of the
Allegheny mountain about Philipsburg, yet it is not so im-
portant a mineral as iron ore, which is abundantly found in
the limestone valleys, in always any quantity or variety,
yielding from 50 to 60 per cent, of metalic iron.
The wealth of the county may be pretty fairly estimated
from the late census, of which the following is an abstract :
In 1840 there were 7 furnaces in the county, (but the
number has since increased) produced 7,500 tons of cast
iron ; 9 bloomeries, forges and rolling mills, produced 10,110
tons of bar iron ; there were 20,400 tons of fuel consumed;
the number of men employed in the manufacture of iron, in-
cluding mining, was 603; capital invested $398,000 : there
were 87,000 bushels of bituminous coal raised, employing
7 men, capital invested 86,000 : horses and mules 4,752,
neat cattle 15,494, sheep 17,461, swine 10,769, poultry of
all kind estimated at 81,979, bushels of wheat raised 34,421,
barley 1,473, oats 114,470, rye 141,045, buckwheat 8,946,
corn 204,122, pounds of wool produced 38,449, hops 618,
wax 280, bushels of potatoes 107,547, tons of hay 11,273,
11 tons of flax and hemp ; sold 7,490 cords of wood ; value
of the products of the dairy $72,159, value of the products
of the orchard $14,068, value of home made or family goods
$8,690 ; retail dry goods and other stores 48, with a capital
of $158,950 ; value of lumber produced $28,140 • 60 bar-
22
254 CENTRE COUNTY.
rels of tar manufactured ; value of machinery manufactured
$4,700, employed two hands ; hardware and cutlery manu-
factured $800 ; bricks and lime manufactured $5,070, em-
ployed five men ; fulling mills 3 ; woollen factories 3 ; value
of manufactured goods $18,500, employed 17 hands, capital
invested $17,000 ; value of hats and caps manufactured $3,-
100, 5 persons employed, capital $2,200 ; tanneries 20, tan-
ned 2,705 sides of sole leather, 4,260 of upper, employed 33
men, capital $38,200 ; all other manufactories of leather,
saddleries, &c. 7, value of manufactured articles $17,050,
capital $8,800 ; two distilleries produced 43,000 gallons, 1
brewery produced 7,280 gallons, 6 men employed in manu-
facturing distilled and fermented liquors, capital $5,500 ; 2
printing offices, employed 6 hands, capital $1,500 ; value of
carriages and wagons manufactured $10,000, 13 men em-
ployed, capital invested $2,900 ; grist mills 35, saw mills
61, one oil mill, value of manufacture of the several mills,
$89,250, employed 21 hands, capital $77,900 ; brick and
stone houses built 13, wooden ones 25, men employed 22,
value of constructing the buildings $49,000. Total* capital
invested in manufactures $173,000. Aggregate amount of
all kinds of property taxable in 1844, $4,980,2ia 00.
PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.
Bald Eagle and Spring Creek navigation, from the West
Branch State Canal at Lock Haven, in Clinton county, up
the Bald Eagle creek and Spring creek to Bellefonte, a dis-
tance of 25 miles, will, when fully completed, prove a great
advantage to this county.
There are several good turnpike roads in this county, the
principal of which is from Bellefonte to Lewistown. This
pike leads westward from the county town towards the town
of Erie.
BELLEFONTE,
A post town and borough, including Smithfield, was incor-
porated March 18, 1814, is the seat of justice. The town
derives its name from a compound French word, i. e. Bell,
CENTRE COUNTY. 255
beautiful, and Fonte, a fountain, the name of a beautiful
spring, giving the name to the town, and supplying the in-
habitants thereof, with the finest water imaginable, which is
raised by a machinery into a reservoir, on an eminence about
90 feet above the level of the spring. These works were
first erected in 1S08, and have since been rebuilt and impro-
ved. The town was first commenced in 1795, by Messrs.
James Harris and James Dunlop, who were owners of the
site, and is on the right bank of Spring creek, in a township of
the same name, latitude 40 degrees, 50 minutes, north longi-
tude, and 40 minutes west from Washington city; 122 miles
northwest from that city, and 85 from Harrisburg. It is sit-
uated in a fine valley of limestone land, highly susceptible of
improvement and well cultivated, abounding with first-rate
timber, and the earth pregnant with inexhaustible quantities
of iron ore, of the very best quality, easily smelted and very
productive, yielding from 60 to 621 per cent, of metal. In
and about the vicinity, especially on Spring creek, is a great
number of furnaces, forges, rolling mills, tilt-hammers, grist
mills, saw mills, fulling mills, oil mills, &c. It is a highly
prosperous place.
When Centre county was erected, they gave half of the
lots for public purposes, among which was the establishment
of the seminary. The town contained in 1S10, 203 inhabit-
ants, in 1820, 433, in 1830, 699, in 1840, 1,032 ; of these,
were —
White Males under 5, 77 ; 5 and under 10, 47 ; 10 and
under 15, 49 ; 15 and under 20, 56 ; 20 and under 30, 100;
30 and under 40, 53 ; 40 and under 50, 35 ; 50 and under
60, 24 ; 60 and under 70, 11 ; 70 and under 80, 2.
White Females under 5, 66 ; 5 and under 10, 63 ; 10
and under 15, 4S ; 15 and under 30, 58 ; 20 and under 30,
106 : 30 and under 40, 55 ; 40 and under 50, 132 ; 50 and
under 60, 23 ; 60 and under 70, 8 ; 70 and under 80, 2.
Colored Males under 10, 17 ; 10 and under 24, 13; 24
and under 36, 17 ; 36 and under 55, 3 ; 55 and under
100, 3.
Colored Females under 10, 29 ; 10 and under 24, 10 ;
24 and under 36, 18
100, 3.
256
CENTRE COUNTY.
Of these there were engaged, according to the census of
1840, 2 in agriculture, 11 in commerce , manufactures and
trades 138, 1 in navigation, 21 in the learned professions and
engineering. The borough contained 130 dwellings, four
churches, a Presbyterian, Methodist, United Brethren, and
a Catholic; an academy, 8 stores, 1 fulling mill, 1 woolLpi
factory, 2 tanneries, 1 printing office, 1 weekly newspaper,
4 schools, 120 scholars.
The scenery around the town is very imposing ; nay, in-
viting. The town has some high land around it ; but none
which is not capable, under proper culture, of producing from
twenty-five to thirty bushels of wheat per acre ; and from
lands contiguous, once called barrens, have been known to
yield 30 bushels. The supply of mineral fuel is easy, as bit-
uminous coal is abundant within 10 miles of the borough ;
and is accessible by a well constructed turnpike road from
the town to the mines.
As to salubrity, it is said by competent judges, that no
town in the Union excels Bellefonte. This town possesses
many natural and artificial advantages. Schools of a higher
order, efficiently conducted, amid a moral, intelligent and
industrious community; and other advantages will, ere long,
attract the attention of those who can appreciate that wThich
renders life desirable.
Turnpikes in various directions radiate from this place, af-
fording facilities of access to the farmer, traveller, and tra-
der. Superior lines of stages leave daily for Lewistown, and
other places.
The following sketch of a prominent person, from the Cen-
tre Democrat, is worthy of a place here :-*—
"Died in Bellefonte, on the 20th May, 1835, in his 80th
year, Andrew Gregg, Esq. Mr. Gregg was among the early
settlers in Penn's valley. He was born on 10th June, 1755,
at Carlisle. He acquired a classical education at several of
the best schools of that day, and was engaged for some years
as a tutor in the University of Pennsylvania. In the year
1783, Mr. Gregg, having saved a few hundred dollars from
his salary as a teacher, changed his employment, and com-
menced business as a storekeeper in Middletown, Dauphin
county. In 1787 he married a daughter of General Potter,
then living near the West Branch, in Northumberland coun-
ty ; and at the earnest request of. h;s fa,tb,er-iu-Ia\v, in 1789,
CENTRE COUNTY. 257
moved with his family in Penn's valley, where he settled
down in the woods, and commenced the business of farming,
about two miles from Potter's old fort. On the place he first
settled, he continued improving his farm from year to year,
pursuing with great industry the business of a country farm-
er. There all his children were born and some married, and
there he resided until the year 1814, when he came with his
family to reside in this borough; having some years before
purchased property in this neighborhood. In 1790 Mr.
Gregg was elected a member of congress, and by seven suc-
cessive elections, for several districts, as they were arranged
from time to time, including one by a general vote or ticket
over the whole state — was continued a member of that body
for 16 successive years — and during the session of £806-7,
was chosen a member of the Senate of the U- S. At the
expiration of this term, on the 4th of March, 1803, he re-
turned to private life. One principal object of coming to
reside in this borough, was a desire to be convenient to good
schools, for the benefit of his younger children. Here he
lived a retired life, attending to the education of his children
and the improvement of his farms, until Dec. 1820, when he
was called by Gov. Hiester to the situation of secretary of
the commonwealth. During the administration of Governor
Hiester, the duties of that office were executed by him with
talent and integrity. Mr. Gregg, as a public man, as well
as in private life, was remarkable for a sound and discrimin-
ating man, agreeable and dignified manners, strict regard for
truth, and unbending and unyielding honesty."
" Died in Aug. 1833, at his residence in Spring township,
Gen. Philip Benner, aged 70 years. He was among the
first settlers in this county, and made his residence at the
spot where he died as early as 1792. At that time there
were but few inhabitants within the bounds of what is now
Centre county. He was born in Chester county. His father
was an active whig of the revolution, was taken prisoner by
the British, and imprisoned. Philip, then a youth, took up
arms under Gen. VS ayne, his relative and neighbor. When he
went forth to the field, his patriotic mother quilted in the
back of his vest several guineas, as a provision in case he
should be taken prisoner by the enemy. After the war he
became a successful manufacturer of iron, at Coventry forge,
in Chester county. About the year 1790 he purchased the
22*
258 CENTRE COUNTY.
present site of Rock Furnace, and soon after his arrival he
erected a forge, the first built in the county ; to which he
subsequently added another forge, a furnace, and a rolling
mill. To his example the people are mainly indebted for
the development of the vast mineral wealth of this county.
At that early day the supply of provisions for the works to
be transported from a distance, over roads that would now
be deemed almost impassable ; and a market for his iron was
to be found alone on the Atlantic seaboard. Undeterred by-
adverse circumstances, the vigorous mind of General Benner
struck out a new channel of trade. The rising importance
of the west impressed him with the idea of opening a com-
munication with Pittsburg, as a market for his iron and nails.
He succeeded, and enjoyed for several years, without com-
petition, the trade in what was termed by him the " Juniata
iron," for the western country — a trade now of immense im-
portance. He held the rank of major-general in the militia
of the state, and was twice an elector of president of the U.
S. He Was a democrat throughout his life. The borough
of Bellefonte bears testimony to his enterprise and liberality.
He has adorned it by the erection of a number of dwelling
houses, and aided in the construction of works to give it ad-
vantages which nature denied. He established the Centre
Democrat in 1827. He was remarkable for his industry,
enterprise, generosity, and open-hearted hospitality : his
home was the abode of a happy family."
PHILIPSBURG,
On the Mushannon creek, at the western side of the county,
2-5 miles west of Bellefonte, on the highlands behind the Al-
legheny mountains, where the Bellefonte and Meadville turn-
pike road crosses the Mushannon creek. The town is named
after Henry and James Philips, two enterprising and intelli-
gent Englishmen, who laid out the town in 1797. The first
house erected in the "wilderness town," was built by John
Henry Simler. Though the town contains now between 40
and 50 buildings, and a very neat church, erected by the li-
berality of Mr. Philips — it was studded with stumps not more
than 15 years ago. The following extract, from "notes of
CENTRE COUNTY. 2-59
a traveller," who visited here in 1830, will show what it
was then — " We proceeded over an excellent turnpike to
Philipsburg, which may emphatically be called a town of
stumps. Hairs never stood more plenteously on a dog's back
than the stumps in Philipsburg, yet it is a stirring place, and
much indebted to the public sj irit and enterprise of Dr. Phil-
ips, the proprietor. Among other manufactories, there is one
for the manufacture ot ' screws,' which is among the most
singular of modern inventions."
The following account is given of Mr. Simler, who is men-
tioned in the preceding page : —
" Mr. Simler enlisted in 1780, in France, as a private, and
served as a dragoon in Capt. Bart's corps of the first troop
of Light Dragoons, Free Legion, under the command of Col.
Armand. He arrived at Boston, and proceeded thence with
his troop to Yorktown, Va., at which memorable siege he
was present, and assisted in the capture of it by the united
forces of America and France. He was wounded in the
forehead and eye by a sabre, and retained the scar until his
death. He remained in the service until regularly discharged
at Philadelphia, although the greater part of his troop was
discharged immediately after the surrender of Yorktown. On
the termination of the war, he married and settled in Phila-
delphia, where he remained for about 15 years. In 1793,
he lost his wife by the yellow fever ; he then married a se-
cond time, and in 1797 removed to Philipsburg, in Centre
county, Pa. — a perfect wilderness at the time. He built the
first house in the place, where he resided until he lost his
second wife, in the year 1822. In the year 1829 he remo-
ved to Philadelphia, where he died the same year."
Hardman Philips had erected the screw factory and other
extensive iron works, which are not now in operation. There
is a most valuable mineral district around this place, abound-
ing in coal, iron, limestone, and fire clay ; and forest timber
almost without limit.
MILESBORO,
Is two miles north of Bellefonte, on the turnpike ; it is quite
a brisk village — containing between 40 and 50 dwellings,
and two churches, Baptist and Methodist, in and near it — a
260 CENTRE COUNTY.
foundry, iron works, forge, axe factory and mills. The Bald
Eagle canal passes through it. A woollen factory was start-
ed here some years ago. The briskness is owing much to
the energy of Gen. Miles, and a few other enterprizing in-
dividuals.
BOALSBURG,
On the main branch of Spring creek, 10 miles sonthwest of
Bellefonte, at the upper end of Penn's valley, is a pleasant
and thriving village. It contains about 35 dwellings, a store
and tavern, a Lutheran church, a grist mill, woollen factory,
and a number of mechanics' shops. The country around it
is pretty well improved. It is a German settlement.
The following, copied from the Weekly Messenger, print-
ed at Chambersburg, is introduced here, as being of unusual
occurrence.
Boalsburg, Centre co. Pa., Jan. 21, 1846.
On the 12th of November last, a son of Mr. Christian
Hoffer, of Potter township, of this county, who is about 21
years of age, was attacked with a bilious cholic, but soon
afterwards recovered so far as to be able to attend his usual
employment.
Nine days after this, as he returned to his house in the
evening from labor, he was again seized with such violent
pain, that his system began evidently to sink under it. By
prompt medical treatment, however, he was relieved of his
pain in the course of a few hours. A fever followed. His
conversation continued to be perfectly rational. On the fourth
or fifth clay following, he began to speak, exhort, sing and
pray, in sleep. When he awoke, he had no recollection of
what had happened during his sleep, except that he had
dreamed. He soon recovered his bodily health to such an
extent, that his physician pronounced him well. He, how-
ever, had some kind of presentiment that something extraor-
dinary would transpire in his case, which the result has shown
was by no means unfounded.
On the evening of the 11th of December, after he had ■
been reading for a short time in the bible, he complained of
having very unpleasant sensations in his head, and as he at-
CENTRE COUNTY. 261
tempted, in accordance with the advice of his friends, to seat
himself upon the bed, he fell suddenly upon the floor.
For a short time he was insensible, and when he recovered
his senses, he was unable to speak a word ; yea, not so much
as to utter the least sound- His countenance was calm, and
by signs he gave those present to understand that he desired
paper, ink and pen, to write. As these were handed to him,
he took them, and wrote various things with readiness ; and
amongst others, " that on the fourth or fifth night following
he would either die or speak." Contrary to his wishes, his
physician put a large blister upon him, to which he submit-
ted only after much persuasion.
On the second day following, he wrote to the physician,
" that he esteemed him highly; that his sickness was not that
which he thought it was ; that his liver was not swollen, as
his physician thought ; if it were so, he would certainly ex-
perience something of it, &c." He urgently entreated the
physician not to put another blister upon him, and also not
to give him any more medicine, at least not before Tuesday
morning at 8 o'clock, when, should he yet live and still be
unable to speak, he would cheerfully comply with his pre-
scriptions. To which the physician assented.
On Sunday, the 14th December, he wrote that he wished
to see me on Monday evening, and requested that I should
hold a prayer meeting at his father's house ; with which re-
quest I complied. After the prayer-meeting had closed, he
fell into a sleep, and from the motions of his hands, it could
be perceived that his mind was exercised in a very extraor-
dinary manner. He made a sign for something ; a bible was
handed him, and also a German and English hymn book : he
opened the bible, and with his eyes closed, he speedily ran
his fingers over certain passages, and pointed out one. He
did the same thing with the hymns, pointing to a German
and also an English hymn. When he awoke, he pointed out
to me the passage of scripture, to which he had pointed when
asleep, viz : Ezekiel xi, 19 — as also the hymns ; and, I must
acknowledge, that had I taken the greatest possible pains, I
could not have selected in either of the hymn books, hymns
more suitable to the text pointed out, than those which he
selected. At 11 o'clock, the same evening, he wrote for me
among other things, " that in the course of five hours, it
would be known whether he would die or speak."
262
CENTRE COUNTY.
Before the time fixed upon arrived, he again iell asleep,
and at the time itself, he became so weak that it was believed
that he would die. His strength, however, returned again ;
he began to speak ; opened the bible ; read a passage of
scripture, John i, 29, and discoursed upon it very correctly
and powerfully about forty minutes in German, and ten in
the English language. When he had ended his discourse, he
appeared to be in a deep and quiet sleep ; and in about fif-
teen minutes afterwards, he awoke, and was quite calm.
Several days after the above occurrence, he informed his
friends that on Sunday afternoon, the 18th instant, between
12 and 1 o'clock, he would be placed in a similar condition.
In the meantime he was calm, attended church, Sunday
school, &c, but he often spoke, sang and prayed in his
sleep.
I was with him on last Thursday and Friday. He still
insisted, on Friday, that what he had before said would cer-
tainly take place at the specified time ; and for some time he
was quite cast down, not knowing whether or not he should
recover his power of speech, in case he should live. Still he
endeavored to console himself with the promise, that "All
things shall work together for good, to them that love God."
I gave him and his parents all the counsel and consolation
which it was in my powder to give them.
On Sunday, at the appointed time, whilst he was engaged
with his parents and brothers in reading useful books, and
proposing and answering questions about edifying subjects,
he sank down some minutes before 1 o'clock. It was believ-
ed that he was dying. For some time he was insensible. At
length he opened his eyes, but could not speak a word or
move a limb. About an hour afterwards he was able to
move, and made signs for pen and ink. He wrote, amongst
other things, " that in seven or eight hours he would either
speak or die." When he specified the time had elapsed, he
became again so weak whilst he slept, that it was thought
he would die. After some time, however, he recovered his
strength, and began to speak, exhort, sing, &c, both in the
English and German languages. When he had finished, he
appeared again to sleep, and when he awoke, he was cheer-
ful and calm. He is now to all appearances well, and re-
lieved in mind. I was several times present when he spoke
CENTRE COUNTY. 265
in his sleep, and can truly say that I did not hear an unbe-
coming word from him.
P. S. Fischer.
POTTER'S BANK,
A post village, though small, is a very pleasant and thriv-
ing manufacturing village, 12 miles from Bellefonte, on a
branch of Sinking creek, on the Lewistown and Bellefonte
turnpike. It contains a first rate grist mill, woollen factory,
several dwellings, a store and tavern, owned by James Pot-
ter, Esq. and Gen. Potter, sons of Gen. James Potter.
POTTER'S OLD FORT,
Is four miles north of Potter's Bank, on the turnpike road.
Traces of the Fort are still visible.
The history of Potter's Fort is briefly thus related. "Soon
after the Indian Treaty of 1768, James Potter, afterwards
a Brigadier General under Gen. George Washington, came
up the West Branch and Bald Eagle creek to seek for choice
lands. He crossed the Nittany monntain at Logan's Gap,
and for the first time set his eyes upon the lovely Penn val-
ley, afterwards his happy home. After reconnoitering the
valley, he descended Penn's creek in a canoe — but soon re-
turned again, took up a large body of land, made a settle-
ment there, and erected a Stoccade Fort. The place is still
known as Potter's Fort. Gen. Potter, with many others, was
driven from his new home by the Indians, at the beginning
of the Revolution of '76. He entered the services of his
country, and was with Gen. Washington during the cam-
paigns of Brandywine, Valley Forge, Germantown, New
Jersey. At the close of that eventful war, another treaty
was made with the Indians for the purchase of all the terri-
tory in the State, northwest of the West Branch ; and Gen.
Potter was employed as agent and surveyor of a company of
land speculators, to visit and superintend the settlement of
their lands on the Sinnemahoning and West Branch, above
the Allegheny mountain.
264 CENTRE COUNTY.
AARONSBURG,
A post town, twenty miles east, by the road from Bellefonte,
on Mill creek, a branch of Penn's creek, contains between
thirty and forty houses, several stores and taverns. It is
contiguous to Millheim, being separated from it by Mill
creek. A turnpike road runs through it, which intersects
that leading from Bellelonte to Lewistown.
MILLHEIM,
Contains about thirty dwellings, a store and tavern. It lies
in Penn's Valley, east of Brush mountain.
EARLEYSBURG,
Is a post village, eight miles southeast of Bellefonte, in
Penn's valley, near the turnpike road from Lewistown to
Bellefonte.
PATTONSVILLE,
Near the head of Slab Cabin branch of Spring creek, fifteen
miles south of Bellefonte.
WALKERSVILLE,
A post town, fourteen miles southwest of Bellefonte, on the
east side of Bald Eagle ridge.
NEW PROVIDENCE,
A Post Office, on Bald Eagle creek, twenty miles northeast
of Bellefonte.
WHITE HALL,
A small village, 3 miles west of Pattonsville, and 14 miles
south of Bellefonte.
CENTRE COUNTY. 265
RABERSBURG,
A post town, in Brush Valley, sixteen miles east of Belle-
fonte, contains about 20 dwellings, and a store and tavern.
The valley possesses a rich limestone soil.
JACOBSBURG,
In Brush Valley, is thirteen miles northeast of Bellefonte.
EDUCATION AND RELIGION.
The co;iinM school system has been adopted in every
township except Gregg and Plaines. There are 13 school
districts in the county, 14 of which have reported 36 schools
in operation, and 7 more required in those districts; 5 months
was the average time that schools were open ; having enga-
ged 32 mile ail 10 femile teachers; the former receiving
82J,20 cts. per imath, the latter $16— number of scholars
taught, 2,733 mile, L, 9-5:5 females, of which number 131
were learning Germ in ; average namber of scholars to each
school 44; cost of teaching a scholar, per month, 401 cents.
A district tax was raised to the amount of $5,737 70; state
appropriation $2,931 00. Cost of tuition $6,737 70 ; fuel
and contingencies $535,85; expended in 1344 for school
houses, $)47,ll.
Besides the public schools and common subscription schools,
there are two schools of advanced standing in Bellefonte —
the academy, where upwards of fifty pupils are instructed,
and at the same place a femile seminary, with about the
same number of scholars. The progress of education is go-
ing onward.
The prevalent religious denominations are the same as in
the adjacent counties, except the Amish or more rigid Men-
nonites and Dunkards.
23
CHAPTER XI.
Union County.
Union county erected— Streams and geological features— Census of
1840— Public improvements — Towns; New Berlin, Frederick Stump
and Ironcutter killed ten Indians, &c- -Lewisburg, Capt. Brady, Mif-
flinburg, Middleburg, Hartleyton, Freeburg, Selin's Grove, Charles-
town, Beavertown, Adamstown, Centreville, New Columbus, Swifts-
town— Education, &c.
Union county, formerly a part of Northumberland county,
was separated from it by the act of March 22, 1813. The
act directed, That all that part of the said county of Union,
from and after the first day of November next, be entitled to
and at all times thereafter shall have all and singular the
courts, jurisdictions, offices, rights and privileges, to which
the inhabitants of other counties of this state are entitled by
the constitution and laws of this commonwealth. Some time
afterwards Mifflin county was added ; but this portion was
again re-annexed. By an act March 16, 1819— That all
that part of Decatur township, in Mifflin county, lying east-
ward of a line to begin at or near the southeast corner of
Centre county on the top of Jack's mountain, nearly opposite
John Eberhart's stillhouse, so that the same remains in the
county of Mifflin ; and from thence a south course to the
original division line between Union and Mifflin.
Previous to re-annexing Decatur township to Mifflin coun-
ty, a part of Union was annexed to Lycoming, by an act of
March 11, 1815 — That from and after the first day of May
next, the township of Washington, in Union county, be an-
nexed to the county of Lycoming.
Union county is now bounded on the north by Lycoming,
on the east by the Susquehanna, separating it from Northum-
berland, on the south by Juniata county, and on the west
by Mifflin and Centre counties. Length 26 miles, breadth
21, area in square miles 550; in acres 352,000. Population
in 1820, 18,619 j 1830,20,795; 1840,22,787.
UNION COUNTY. 267
The population of the several townships was, in 1840, as
follows :
Beaver 2,609, East Buffalo 812, West Buffalo 1,460,
Clapraan 1,279, Centre 1,891, Hartley 1,866, Kelly 788,
Penn 2,280, Union 1,630, Perry 1,254, Washington 1,135,
White Deer 1,252, Buffalo 1,348, Middle Creek 562. Bor-
oughs, viz : Miffiinsburg 704, Lewisburg 1,220, New Ber-
lin 679.
[See Table on the following page.
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UNION COUNTY. 269
Though this county may strictly be called mountain-
ous, yet it is not rugged. It lies in the range of the Alle-
ghan'ies, under the central transition formation. The
branches of the mountains traverse it in an eastern and
northeastern direction.
The mountains you meet with entering at the south, end-
ing a few miles west of the Susquehanna, are Shade moun-
tain, and Jack's mountain, the most lofcy in the county.
Nittany, Buffalo and White Deer, are considerable eleva-
tions. The latter forms the southern boundary. The Blue
Hill opposite Northumberland, attracts the attention of the
traveller, being isolated of considerable height. Besides
these mountains there are a number of ridges, which give
the county a broken appearance, especially in the southern
part, if we except bottoms along the Susquehanna, and the
small valleys of Middle creek and Klapperdahl. The val-
leys generally here have a calcareous soil, and are very
productive, especially Buffalo Valley, which is a fertile
and beautiful vale of limestone soil, extending from west
to east, nearly through the county; bounded on the north
by Buffalo mountain ; south by Jack's mountain and the
Shamokin ridge. Owing to the character of the soil, agri-
culture is the chief, and almost the only pursuit of the in-
habitants of this county.
This county is abundantly supplied with water. The
principal streams are the Susquehanna, West Branch of
Susquehanna, Buffalo, White Deer, Middle and Mahan-
tongo creeks, and others with small tributaries, such as
Beaver, Swift, Penns, West Mahantongo creeks, and oth-
ers; Turtle, Rapid and Spruce runs.
The West Branch of the Susquehanna flows along the
east side, to its junction with the North Branch at Nor-
thumberland, uniting there, both roll onward to, and be-
yond the southern boundary of the county, affording the
most ample water power imaginable, for all kinds of mills
and factories, if once demauded for that purpose.
Penn's creek, too, is a stream of considerable importance,
Tt rises in the southeast part of Centre county, and flows
east through Centre and Union, by New Berlin, and falls
into the Susquehanna river at Sehn's Grove, after a com-
parative course of more than fifty miles, for the great part
of which it is navigable for rafts and arks. New Berlin,
23*
268 UNION COUNTY.
which is twelve miles from its mouth, is the natural depot
of the descending trade of this stream.
Buffalo creek, in the north of the county, is a union of
Great Buffalo and Little Buffalo ; the former rises on the
confines of Centre county, and flows east through this
county, into the West Branch of the Susquehanna at Lew-
isburg, receiving in its course Rapid run, Spruce run and
the Little Buffalo creek, which rises in White Deer town-
ship, and runs south until it flows into Great Buffalo.
According to the census of 1840, there were two furna-
ces m this county, which produced 355 tons of cast iron,
one forge produced 150 tons of bar iron, and consumed
427 tons of fuel ; 39 men employed in manufacturing iron
including mining operatives, capital $22,000. Horses and
mules in the county 5,07S, neat cattle 14,605, sheep 18,-
196, swine 16,578, poultry of all kinds estimated at $6,-
193, wheat raised 310,010 bushels, barley 965, oats 263,-
501, rye 135,387, buckwheat 24,461. corn 172, 191, pounds
of wool 25,492, hops 515, wax 1,603, bushels of potatoes
107,570, tons of hay 1S,56S, pounds of tobacco gathered
8,000, cords of wood sold 2,908, value of the product of
the dairy $10,625, value of the products of the orchard
$4,455, value of home made or family goods $15,304.
Retail and dry goods and other stores 51, with a capital of
$232,200; two lumber yards, capital $2,400. Value of
machinery manufactured $8,800, 7 men employed. Bricks
and lime manufactured valued at $S,300, employed 96
hands. Fulling mills 13, one woollen factory, value of
manufactured goods $7,500, IS hands employed, capital
invested $4,000. Value of hats and caps manufactured
$7,950, employed 16 hands, capital invested $3,500. 24
tanneries tanned 3,920 sides of sole leather and 6,325 of
upper, employed 52 hands, capital $38,400 ; all other ma-
nufactories of leather, saddleries, &c. 38, value of manu-
factured articles $27,750, capital invested $16,710. Eigh-
teen distilleries produced 140,63 gallons; two breweries
produced 6,000 gallons of beer, 32 hands were employed
in the manufacture of distilled and fermented liquors, cap-
ital invested $15,500. Eight potteries manufactured to
the value of five thousand one hundred and ninety dollars,
employed 14 hands, capital nine hundred dollars. Six
printing offices and one bindery, employed 24 hands, cap •
UNION COUNTY. 271
ital nine thousand five hundred dollars. Value of wagons
and carriages manufactured eighteen thousand eight hun-
dred and sixty dollars, employed 5S hands, capital invest-
ed seven thousand two hundred and fifty dollars. Thirteen
flouring mills manufactured 8,526 barrels; 32 grist mills.
75 saw mills, 6 oil mills, value of the manufacture of mills
23,258 dollars, employed 130 hands, and a capital of 119,-
050 dollars. Value of furniture manufactured 3,500 dol-
lars, employed 16 hands, capital 2,350 dollars. Total cap-
ital invested in all manufactures 224,940 dollars. Total
aggregate of property taxable in 1844, $4,235,053 00.
PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.
The Susquehanna Division of the Pennsylvania canal
extends along the eastern side of the county to Northum-
berland, where the tow-path crosses the West Branch, by
a substantial bridge. The West Branch canal being on
the east side of the river, Cross-cut or Side-cut extends
from Lewisturg to the pool formed by a dam in the river,
and thus communicates with the State canal. This cut is
about three-fourths a mile long, and has contributed much
towards the briskness of business in Lewisburg. Much of
the produce of this fertile region is shipped here.
On its completion, the citizens of Lewisburg and vicini-
ty, had a Canal celebration. The following is taken from
the Lewisburg Journal.
Canal Celebration. — The Lewisburg Cross-Cut, consist-
ing ol a dam, and about three-fourths of a mile of canal,
making a complete communication between Lewisburg
and the West Branch Canal, being this day (October 26.
1833) finished ; and upon letting the water pass from the
canal into the river, a large number of persons collected to
witness the operation of an improvement in which all ap-
peared to feel a common interest. It was proposed that a
meeting be organized at the house of Col. Christian Shro-
yer, for the purpose of making a public expression of sen-
timent relative to those concerned in procuring for us this
improvement.
272 UNION COUNTY.
Christian Shroyer was called to the chair, P. Geddes &
W. Cameron, acted as Secretaries. Among others, the fol-
lowing sentiments were given : —
Samuel J. Packer, Esq. — The able, intelligent, and
faithful representative of his senatorial district. His zeal
and untiring exertion in favor of the law authorizing the
improvement that has just been finished, is still fresh in'our
memories, and should an opportunity offer, the borough
of Lewisburg will prove that her citizens are not ungrate-
ful.
The Lewisburg Cross-Cut — The Liberality that author-
ized the genius that designed, and the skill, perseverance
and industry that constructed, all deserve the admiration
and esteem of every one who looks forward to the rise
and prosperity of our already flourishing and growing vil-
lage and its surrounding neighborhood.
A turnpike road extends from Lewisburg by Mifflins-
burg, and Hartleytown to Aaronsburg and Bellefonte.
There are three bridges across the West Branch of the
Susquehanna within the bounds of this county; the State
bridge at Northumberland, and two company bridges in
which the State holds stock, one at Milton and the other
at Lewisburg. Besides these, there are bridges over all
the principal streams, when crossed by the main roads.
The common public roads are generally kept in good
repair in this county.
NEW BERLIN,
Is the seat of justice, situated on the left bank of Penn's
creek, rather in the eastern part of the county, in the midst
of a fertile limestone valley. It was laid out by a Mr.
Long, about forty-five years ago, who afterwards sold
out and moved away, about thirty years ago. When
first laid out it was called Longstown, but on the erec-
tion of the county in 1812, the name was changed to
New Berlin. The town was then built exclusively upon
the southernmost of the two principal streets, of which
it now consists. In 1813 it contained only five or six
frame houses, but on the establishment of the county, the.
UNION COUNTY. 273
holders of outlots north of the town and under Montour's
ridge, threw them into a common stock, made a lottery "rjf
them, at twenty-five dollars per share of one lot.
The town contains nearly one hundred dwellings, a fine
court house and county offices, of brick, and a stone jail,
three churches, Lutheran, Methodist, and Evangelical
Association. There are also several stores and tavern?.
Four papers are published here, two English and two Ger-
man.
Population in 1840, 679, of these there were —
White Males under 5, 72 ; 5 and under 10,51; 10
and under 15, 28; 15 and under 20,45; 20 and under
30, 61; 30 and under 40, 38; 40 and under 50, 24;
50 and under 60, 17; 60 and under 70, 6; 70 and un-
der SO, 2; SO and under 90, 1.
White Females under 5, 49 ; 5 and under 10, 45;
10 and under 15, 40; 15 and under 20, 45; 20 and
under 30, 66; 30 and under 40, 33; 40 and under 50,
27; 50 and under 60, 11; 60 and under 70, 12; 70
and under SO, 4; 80 and under 90, 1.
Of these 5 were engaged in agriculture ; 87 in man-
ufactures and trade, 1 in navigation, and 18 in the learn-
ed professions.
The Penn's creek is navigable for rafts and arks above
50 miles, and affords great facilities for transporting the
surplus produce of this county, and ere long this natu-
ral depot of the trade of this fertile valley will command
, a large share of trade.
Not far fram this town, Frederick Stump, the Indian-
killer, slew some Indians at their own cabins.
Below is given an account of this horrid murder, Stump's
-apprehension, and proceedings of government relative
thereto.
Two or three families of Indians, one called the White
P Mingo, another Cornelius, one Jonas, and one Cammell,
three Indian women, two girls and a child, had removed
from the Big Island, on the West Branch oi Suscuiehanna,
in the spring of 1767, came and built themselves cabins on
Middle creek, about 15 miles above the mouth of said
274 UNION COUNTY.
creek ; where they lived and hunted, and were on friendly
terras with their white neighbors — were always well received
and kindly treated. In the month of January, 1768, they
came to the house of William Blyth, who lived at the mouth
of Middle creek. He treated them kindly. From his house
they went to Frederick Stump's, who lived near Blyth's,
where it is supposed some differences happened. Here four
of the Indians were murdered ; their bodies cast into Middle
creek, through a hole in the ice. Stump, with his servant,
Ironcutter, (Eisenhauer,) then proceeded to a cabin about
four miles from his house, where he found two Indian girls
and one child, whom he also murdered, and setting fire to the
cabin, endeavored to consume the remains.
The body of one of those thrown into Middle creek, was
afterwards found, " lying dead within the water-mark of the
river Susquehannah," some distance below the Harrisburg
bridge, and interred in Allen township, as will appear from
the following letter, dated
East Pennsborough, Cumberland co., Feb. 29, 1798.
John Penn, Esq., Hon. Sir :
We take this opportunity to inform you, that on the
27th inst., at Allen township, in the county of Cumberland,
one James Thompson found an Indian man lying dead with-
in the water-mark of the river Susquehannah, who, without
doubt, is one of the Indians Stump killed, and was brought
down there by the water. As soon as we heard thereof,
hearing at the same time that the Coroner was sick, we went
down, and held an inquest on the dead body. He was struck,
as appeared to us, on his forehead, which broke his scull.
There was also a large scalp taken off his head, which took
both of his ears. We held the inquest on the 28th inst., and
interred him decently — cut small poles and made a pen about
his grave. We have nothing material more to inform you
of at present, but beg leave to subscribe ourselves,
Your obedient and humble servants,
James Galbreath,
Jonathan Hoge.
The murder of these Indians produced a prodigious ex-
citement, at the time, as will appear from all the facts and
UNION COUNTY. 275
proceedings arising from, and connected with it. As soon
as this atrocity was made known to the governor of the pro-
vince, and to Sir William Johnson, Penn issued his procla-
mation, offering a reward for the apprehension of Stump and
Ironcutter, promising to punish them with death ; and this
declaration, with two strings of wampum, he sent to be made
known to the Indians living on the Susquehanna, requesting
them not to break the peace in consequence of the murder.
A message was also sent to the same effect, says Heckewel-
der, by the governor to the Christian Indians, with the re-
quest that they should make it known in public assembly ;
and soon after, a special message was sent to the Christian
Indians (at Friedenshueten) from Sir William Johnson, de-
siring if they knew of the relations of those persons murdered
at Middle creek, to send them to him, that he might wipe
the tears from their eyes, comfort their afflicted hearts, and
satisfy them on a*ccount of their grievances. Sir William
Johnson also invited the chief of the Six Nations, and other
tribes of Indians living on Susquehanna, and on the Ohio to
an amicable convention. A convention was held, peace and
friendship again re-established. — [For particulars see Heck-
ewelder's Narrative.
All the circumstances connected with the murder were
communicated to the governor and council. Mr. Blyth re-
paired to Philadelphia, and made information upon oath. —
[See extracts of Records below.
Mr. William Blyth, of Penn's township, in Cumberland
county, just arrived in town, in order to give information to
his Honor the Governor, of the murder of ten Indians, late-
ly committed by Frederick Stump, at Middle creek, in that
county, appeared at the Board, and being examined on oath,
related what is contained in the following deposition, taken
in council before the Chief Justice, who was expressly de-
sired to attend for that purpose, viz :
The deposition of William Blyth of Penn's township, in
the county of Cumberland, Farmer, being sworn on the Ho-
^ ly Evangelists of Almighty God, saith :
That hearing of the murder of some Indians by one Fred-
erick Stump, a German, he went to the house of George Ga-
briel, where he understood Stump was, to enquire into the
matter ; that he there met with Stump and several others,
276 UNION COUNTY.
on the 12th of the present month, January ; and was there
informed by the said Stump himself, that on Sunday even-
ing before, being the 10th of the month, six Indians, to
wit, the White Mingo, an Indian man named Cornelius, one
other man named John Campbell, one other man named
Jones, and two women came to his (Stump's) house, and be-
ing in drink, and disorderly, he endeavored to persuade them
to leave his house, which they were not inclined to do, and
being apprehensive that they intended to do him some mis-
chief, killed them all, and afterwards, in order to conceal
them, dragged them down to a creek near his house, made a
hole in the ice and threw them in — and that the said Fred-
erick Stump further informed this deponent, that fearing
news of his killing the Indians might be carried to the oth-
er Indians, he went the next day to two cabbins about four-
teen miles from thence up Middle creek, ^where he found
one woman, two girls and one child, which he killed in or-
der to prevent their carrying intelligence of the death of the
other Indians, killed as aforesaid, and afterwards put them
into the cabbins and burnt them ; that this deponent after-
wards sent four men up the creek, to where the cabbins
were, to know the truth of the matter, who upon their re-
turn, informed him that they had found the cabbins burnt,
and discovered some remains of the limbs of some Indians
who had been burnt in them — And further saith not.
William Blyth.
Sworn at Philadelphia the 19th day of January, 1768,
before me, William Allen.
As soon as Capt. William Patterson, (formerly of Lancas-
ter county, then residing on the Juniata) heard of this atro-
cious act, went, without waiting orders from the governor,
with a party of nineteen men, and arrested Stump and Iron-
cutter, and delivered them to John Holmes, sheriff, at Car-
lisle jail. Aware that the relatives of the murdered Indians
would be, on the receipt of this news, exasperated, he sent
one Gersham Hicks, with a message to the Indians at Big
Island, oh the west branch of the Susquehanna.
Carlisle, January 23, 176S.
The 21st instant, I marched a party of nineteen men to
George Gabriel's house at Penn's creek mouth, and made
UNION COUNTY. 277
prisoners of Frederick Stump and John Ironcutter, who
were suspected to have murdered ten of our friend-Indians,
near fort Augusta ; and I have this day delivered them to
Mr. Holmes at Carlisle jail.
Yesterday I sent a person to the Great Island, that un-
derstood the Indian language, with a talk ; a copy of which
is enclosed *'.
Myself and party, were exposed to great danger, by the
desperate resistance made by Stump and his friends, who
sided with him. The steps I have taken, I flatter myself,
will not be disapproved of by the gentlemen of the govern-
ment ; my sole view being directed to the service of the
frontiers, before I heard his Honor the Governor's orders. —
The message I have sent to the Indians, I hope will not be
deems! assuming an authority of my own, as you are very
sensible I am no stranger to the Indians and their customs.
I am, with lespect,
Your most obedient
humble servant,
W. Patterson.
Juniata, January 22, 1768.
" Brothers of the Six Nations, Delawares, and other in-
habitants of the West Branch of Susquehanna, hear what I
have to say to you. With a heart swelled with grief, I
have to inform you, that Frederick Stump and John Iron-
cutter, hath, unadvisedly, murdered ten of our friend-Indians
near Fort Augusta — The inhabitants of the Province of
Pennsylvania do disapprove of the said Stump and Ironcut-
ter's conduct ; and as a proof thereof, I have taken them
prisoners, and will deliver them into the custody of officers,
that will keep them ironed in prison for trial ; and I make
no doubt, as many of them as are guilty, will be condemned,
and die for the offence.
" Brothers, I being truly sensible of the injury done you,
I only add these few words, with my heart's wish, that you
may not rashly let go the fast hold of our chain of friendship,
for the ill conduct of one of our bad men. Believe me, Bro-
thers, we Englishmen continue the same love for you that
hath usually subsisted between our grand-fathers, and I de-
sire you to call at Fort Augusta, to trade with our people,
for the necessaries you stand in need of. I pledge you my
24
278 UNION COUNTY.
word, that no white man there shall molest any of you,
while you behave as friends. I shall not rest night nor day,
until I receive your answer.
Your friend and brother,
W. Patterson.
The following is an answer to Captain Patterson's mes-
sage, of January 22, 1768.
" February 11th, 1768.
" Loving Brother :
I received your speech by Gertham Hicks, and have sent
one of my relatives with a string of wampum, and the fol-
lowing answer :
Loving Brother :
I am glad to hear from you — I understand that you are
very much grieved, and that the tears run from your eyes
— With both my hands I now wipe away those tears : and
as I don't doubt but your heart is disturbed, I remove all
the sorrows from it, and make it easy as it was before. I
will now sit down and smoke my pipe. I have taken fast
hold of the chain of friendship ; and when I give it a pull,
if I find my brothers, the English, have let go, then it will
be time for me to let go too, and take care of my family-
There are four of my relatives murdered by Stump ; and all
I desire is, that he may suffer for his wicked action ; I shall
then think that people have the same goodness in their hearts
as formerly, and intend to keep it there. As it was the
evil spirit who caused Stump to commit this bad action, I
blame none of my brothers, the English, but him.
I desire that the people of Juniata may sit still on their
places, and not put themselves to any hardships, by leaving
their habitations ; whatever danger is coming, they shall
know it before it comes on them.
I am,
Your loving Brother.
Shawana Ben.
To Capt. William Patterson.
The Council, after examining Mr. Blyth, immediately
took this most important matter into consideration, and were
of opinion that warrants should forthwith be issued by the
UNION COUNTY. 279
chiet justice, directed to the sheriffs, under sheriffs, and oth-
er officers of the Province, and particularly to those of the
counties of Cumberland, Lancaster and Berks, for the appre-
hending of the above mentioned Frederick Stump, and bringing
him before one of his Majesty's Justices of Oyer and Terminer,
to be dealt with according to law. The Board also advised
the Governor to issue a proclamation offering a reward of
£200 for apprehending said offender, and bringing him to
justice; but to delay the publication of the same for a short
time, till other more secret means should be used for taking
him, lest news of such a proclamation should reach his ear,
and he might be thereby so alarmed, as to abscond, or make
his escape before any sheriff could arrive at Penn's creek,
where it is believed he continues to remain with his family.
They therefore advised the governor to write immediately to
the magistrates of Cumberland county, strictly requiring them
to exert themselves on this occasion, by giving their best as-
sistance to the sheriff and other officers, and taking all other
measures in their power for apprehending and securing the
said Frederick Stump, and also to despatch letters of the
same kind to the magistrates of Lancaster and Berks coun-
ties, instructing them to send their sheriffs with sufficient aid
to the utmost limits of those counties on the Susquehanna, so
as to be nearly opposite to Middle crrek, that they may be
in readiness to apprehend the said Stump, in case he should
cross the river to retire to either of those counties.
The Board further advised the governor to write to Gene-
ral Gage and Sir William Johnson, acquainting them with
this unhappy accident, and the steps he is taking on this oc-
casion, and to request Sir William will be pleased to commu-
nicate the same as soon as possible to the Six Nations, in the
best and most favorable manner in his power, so as to prevent
their taking immediate resentment for this unavoidable injury,
committed on their people, and to assure them of the firm and
sincere purposes of this government to give them full satisfac-
tion at all times for all wrongs done to the Indians, and to pre-
serve the friendship subsisting between us and them inviolable.
Accordingly, the chief justices warrants and several letters
to the magistrates of Cumberland, Lancaster and Berks coun-
ties, were prepared without delay and despatched by ex-
press. But before those letters, and the proclamation of
chief justice Allen reached the magistrates and sheriffs, Stump
280
UNION COUNTY.
and Ironcutter, as above stated, had been lodged in jail ; but
before they were brought to trial, were rescued from prison
by their friends and neighbors, whose fears were excited that
Stump and Ironcutter were to be taken to Philadelphia, there
to be tried, they " not properly distinguishing between exam-
ination and trial," rescued them from prison, on the 29th of
January, and carried them off.
Governor Penn sent a message express to the chiefs on
Great Island, on which he deplores the death of the Indi-
dians.
A Message from the Governor of Pennsylvania to Ne-wo-
lee-ka, the Chief of the Delawares, and to other Indians at
the Great Island.
Brother Ne-wo-lee-ka :
The Indian man, Billy Champion, who is the bearer of this
letter, has informed me there were some white people in your
parts, surveying and marking out lands, under a pretence of
hunting ; and you sent him to desire to know, if this was
done by my order or knowledge. I assure you it was not.
It is a wicked thing, contrary to my treaties with you, and
contrary to our laws and my proclamations. I will make it
my business to find them out ; and, if you know who they
are, I desire you will inform me, that they may be taken and
brought to justice. The string herewith sent confirms my
words. A String.
Brother —
I am glad this Indian man, Bill, came down at this time,
for it gives me an opportunity of informing you of a melan-
choly affair which I have only heard of within these few
days, and which fills the hearts of all your Brethren with
the deepest sorrow and grief. It is this : two or three fami-
lies of Indians, namely the White Mingo, Jonas and John
Cammell, three women, two girls and a child, left the Big
Island in the spring and came and built themselves cabins on
Middle creek, about fifteen miles up the creek ; there they
lived and hunted, and were often with our people, and were
always well received and kindly treated by them. About
ten days ago they were at Mr. Wm. Blythe's, who lives at
the mouth of Middle creek, who treated them kindly ; and
from his house they went to one Frederick Stump's3.a Dutch-
UNION COUNTY. 281
man, who lives h that neighborhood. There it is supposed
some difference happened, but what it was we have not heard,
but they were all found murdered ; six of them in Stump's
own house, and four at a certain cabin at some distance from
it. I am further informed, Stump says he killed them all
with his own hands, and that there was no other person con-
cerned with him in the act.
On my receiving this melancholy account, the sheriff was
immediately sent with his officers to take up this Stump as
the murderer ; and for their encouragement, I offered them a
reward of two hundred pounds ; and I am in hopes he is by
this time taken ; and no time shall be lost to bring him to his
trial, that he may suffer death in the same manner as he would
have done, had he killed some white men.
Brother —
I consider this matter in no other light, than as the act
of a wicked, rash man, and I hope you will also consider it
in the same way, and not imagine that since it was done by
one man, in the manner I have related it to you, that any
other persons have been concerned in it, or that it has been
in any way encouraged by any of my people. I assure you
it has not.
Brother —
There are among you and us some wild, rash, mad-
headed people, who commit actions of this sort. Whenever
it so happens, all that can be done, is immediately to acquaint
each other of them, and to bring the offenders to justice, that
it may make no breach between us, but be considered as a
rash, sudden act, that could not be prevented : and, we now
inform you further, that we are going to send off a messen-
ger immediately, to the relations of the deceased people, who,
we hear, live near Chenasse, (Genesee) to inform them, and
the Seneca Nation, to whom they belong, of this murder:
and to bury their bodies and wipe their tears from their eyes,
that it may not break the friendship subsisting between us
and the Indians ; but that we may live together and love one
another, as we did before this melancholy accident happened.
This belt confirms ray words. A Belt of Wampum.
Brother—
I desire this belt of wampum may be sent to any of our
brethren, near you, that they may not be frightened, or think
24*
282 UNION COUNTY.
the English are not their friends. Assure them to the con-
trary; and that we will keep the chain of friendship entire
and bright, notwithstanding this accident. To confirm this?
my request, I give you this string. A String.
Given under my hand and the Lesser Seal of
{ Locus ) the Province of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia, the
\ sigili. j 23d of January, 1768.
John Penn.
By his Honor's command :
Joseph Shippen, Jr., Secretary.
Immediately on the rescue of the prisoners, Mr. Armstrong
sent a letter express, by Mr. Cunningham, to governor Penn,
informing him of what had happened. Mr. Cunningham's
deposition was taken, by Chief Justice Allen, before the
council and Assembly, whereupon the governor issued a proc-
lamation for the apprehension of the prisoners.
Carlisle, January 29th, 1768.
John Penn, Esq., Hon. Sir :
In this perturbation of mind, I cannot write; but in real
distress, only inform your Honor, that we are deceived and
disgraced at once; for about ten o'clock this morning, to the
number of 70 or 80 men, under arms, surrounded our jail,
when af number of them, unknown to the magistrates, I must
say, appear to have had too ready entrance into the dungeon?
and in less than ten minutes time, carried off Stump and his
servant, in open triumph and violation of the law. The few
magistrates that were present, Messrs. Miller and Lyon and
myself,, have,. I hope, obviously enough done our duty;, but,
while we were engaged at the prison door, exerting ourselves
both by force and argument, a party, utterly without our
knowledge, was in the dungeon, of which we were not ac-
quainted either by the jailer or any other person, who, be-
fore we were aware of it, had the prisoners in the open
street, when we were unable to make further opposition, and
they were gone in less than a second.
The jailer says that, a pistol was held at his breast, and
this is all we can at present say of that circumstance. These
rioters give as reasons for their conduct, that the prisoners
were to be carried to Philadelphia for trial — that a number
of white men have been killed by the Indians since the peace,,
UNION COUNTY. 28o
and the Indians have not been brought to justice, &c. At
present we know not what step to take for the best, and
beg leave to be favored with your Honor's further instruc-
tions. I have written in the presence of the two magistrates
mentioned above, and am
Your Honor's
Most obedient servant,
John Armstrong.
P. S. The bearer, Mr. Cunningham, is a prudent young
man — knows the state of these things, and may be depended
on in any questions your Honor, or the chief justice may
think proper to ask.
James Cunningham appeared before the Board, Thursday
Feb. 4, 1798 — his deposition taken in the presence of John
Penn, Esq., James Hamilton, Wm. Logan, Benj. Chew, Rich-
ard Penn and James Tilghman was examined, and his depo-
sition taken.
James Cunningham, of Lancaster county, farmer, being
sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth
and saith, that on Friday, the 29th day of January last, about
nine or ten o'clock in the forenoon, as he was sitting at break-
fast with John Armstrong, Esq., in the town of Carlisle, in
the county of Cumberland, he was surprised to see a number
of armed men surrounding, on a sudden, the public jail in the
said town, that he and the said John Armstrong, apprehend-
ing that tbe said company met with an intention to rescue
from the said jail a certain Frederick Stump and John Iron-
cutter, who were confined there for the murder of a numbei
of Indians, they both instantly ran to the said jail in ordei
to prevent, if possible, the execution of so wicked and illegal
a design. That when they got up to the said jail, the said
John Armstrong made his way through a number of armed
men, who stood before the door of the said jail, which wa>
open, and guarded by four men, who stood within the door
with arms in their hands; that the said John Armstrong and
John Holmes, high sheriff of the said county, both attempted
to go into the door of the jail, but were several times pushed
back and prevented : that as the said John Armstrong stood
on the steps, under the door, he addressed himself frequently
to the armed company who were about him, and used many
284
UNION COUNTY.
arguments to persuade them to desist from their lawless un-
dertaking, and told them, among other things, that they were
about to do an act which would subject themselves and their
country to misery. That while the said Armstrong was
speaking, this deponent saw one man take hold of him, and
draw him down the said steps, upon which the said Armstrong
by violence pushed back the person who had hold of him, and
regained his stand on the said steps, saying at the same timer
that they should take his lite before they should rescue the
prisoners. This deponent further saith, that while the said
John Armstrong and Robert Miller, and Wm. Lyon, Esq.,
and the Rev. J. Steel, who had joined the said Armstrong,
were endeovoring to disperse the said company, several other
armed men appeared within side the said jail, to the very
great surprise of every one, with the two prisoners above
mentioned in their possession, whom they brought forward,
and after pushing the said Armstrong, Miller, Lyon, Steel,
Holmes, and this deponent, by violence and crowding from
before the said jail door, carried them off with shouts and
rejoicing, and immediately left the town. This deponent
further saith that he cannot with certainty declare what num-
bers were in the company which made the said rescue, but
that from the best judgment he could form, there were 70 or
80, all armc d with guns, and some tomahawks. This depo-
nent further saith, on his solemn oath, that he does not know,
nor has any personal knowledge of any one of the persons he
saw in the said company, concerned in the said rescue, and
that after the said company had left the town, the Rev. Steel
came to the said Armstrong and Mr. Lyons and Holmes, and
informed them that the said rescuers desired theyjvould come
to, and confer with them at the plantation of John Davis,, to
come to some terms with them. That the said three last
mentioned persons immediately mounted their horses and went
towards the said Davis's, but informed this deponent that on
their return, that the said company had altered their resolu-
tion, and had gone on without waiting for them; and further
saith not.
James Cunningham.
Taken and sworn before the Gov-
ernor and council, Feb. 4, 1798.
Deposition of James Cunningham, of the county of Lancas-
UNION COUNTY.
2S/
ter, being sworn according to law, taken an oath, adminis-
tered by the Chief Justice, before the House, February 4,
1768.
That about ten o'clock last Friday morning, as he sat at
breakfast, with Col. John Armstrong, in the town of Carlisle,
looking through a window opposite to the prison, he saw a
number of armed men running towards the back of the jail,
of which, acquainting the colonel, they both arose from the ta-
ble, run into the street, and made their way through the arm-
ed men to the jail door, the colonel calling out to the people
that they were acting a bad part, or words to that effect, and
desiring them, as they could not be all reasoned with, to
choose out three or four, or half a dozen of their leaders, and
he would convince them that they were acting a part that
must subject them and their country to misery; that the Rev.
Mr. Steei came out and spoke to the people to the same ef-
fect ; that the Colonel, Mr. Miller, Mr. Lyon, the Sheriff,
the deponent and others, having got to the jail door, forced
all the people from it, except iour armed men, who stood
within the door with their muskets across it ; that some of the
armed men within pushed the Colonel down the steps, who,,
having recovered himself, said to them ; Gentlemen, I am un-
armed, and it is in your power to kill me, but I will die on
the spot before you shall rescue the prisoners. Mr. Miller
spoke in like manner ; that while the magistrates and sheriff
were thus attempting in vain to get at the door, to the sur-
prise of every one but the mob, the prisoners were brought
out, (Stump handcuffed, the servant not) when the people
accompanying them, called out to the mob, "make way, here
are the prisoners;" many shouting out, "we have them," and
immediately run off with them — that the deponent had no
personal knowledge of any of the rescuers, but, to the best
of his memory, was informed by the jailer, that one of the
persons who had hold of him in the jail, was named James
Morrow; that he also heard, but knows not from whom, that
there was one among them by the name of Beard ; likewise
Adams, Parker, Williams or Williamson, and one John Mor-
row, who was on the outside of the jail armed : that after the
mob and prisoners were gone off, Mr. Steel came down to Col.
Armstrong's, and informed him he had seen two that he sus-
pected were of the party, who told him they wanted the Co-
lonel, Mr, Lyon, and the Sheriff to go to John Davis's place
286
UNION COUNTY.
at the creek, about two miles off, to converse with them,
hoping they might come to terms; that upon this notice, the
Colonel, Mr. Lyon and the Sheriff, immediately took their
horses and went off: that a little before sunset they returned,
when Colonel Armstrong told this deponent they had gone to
Davis's, and to some other house farther off, (he does not
remember the name) and were there acquainted that the mob
being apprehensive a party might pursue them and retake the
prisoners, had moved off with them from that place, thinking
it was unsafe to stay longer; that Justice Byers having heard
of the matter, met them here, and Colonel Armstrong sent a
messenger, with a few lines, after the mob, setting forth to
them the danger they were in, and the mischievous conse-
quences of such conduct, and advising them to return and sur-
render the prisoners to justice ; that the deponent was told
the names of the rioters above mentioned by Colonel Arm-
strong, Mr. Miller, Mr. Lyon, or the Sheriff, but he is not
certain which of them; and that after the rescue, he heard a
company of lads say they saw the mob going along with the
prisoners, and carrying a Smith with them, (named McGonef
gal) with a pistol held to his breast ; that three men from
Carlisle, to wit, Ephraim Blain, Ralph JNailor and Joseph
Hunter, told the deponent he had followed the mob to one
Ferguson's, near the foot of the North mountain, six or seven
miles from Carlisle, and coming up with them, endeavored to
convince them they had done wrong, and ought to give up
the prisoners to government; that some appeared concerned,
as if convicted of misconduct, and thereupon told these men,
that if they could have security that the prisoners should not
be carried to Philadelphia for trial, they would take care of
them, and engage they should be delivered up to justice; —
that the said Blain, Nailor and Hunter, however, gave them
no encouragement to expect the security they wanted, but
acquainted them they would mention it to the magistrates
and Sheriff; that after this, deponent heard some talk of the
magistrates and sheriff intending to go out to the mob, but
they were gone up when he left Carlisle ; that the deponent
heard on the Wednesday before the rescue, the magistrates
met to consult on some matter, he supposes it might be about
sending the prisoners to Philadelphia, when a party of armed
men appeared in sight of Carlisle, from whom two persons,
John Davis and John McClure, came to town, and he was
UNION COUNTY. 287
told, informed the magistrates that this party were coming to
rescue the prisoners from jail, understanding the sheriff was
to take them to Philadelphia that day : that two young men
came also from the said party to town, to speak to the sher-
iff, having heard the prisoners were cruelly treated, and were
to be sent to Philadelphia for trial ; that upon talking with
the sheriff, and being convinced that the prisoners were not
ill used, nor to be carried to Philadelphia to be tried, but only
for examination, they seemed satisfied and returned to their
party, who fired their muskets and moved off; that the sher-
iff told this to the magistrates, and the deponents heard they
advised the sheriff to be careful of the jail doors, but he does
not know that the magistrates placed a guard or took any
other method for strengthening and securing the prison ; that
on the morning of the rescue, before the mob appeared, two
men, as the deponent was informed, went into the jail, the
door being open, called for some liquor, and were talking with
the jailer, when a party of armed men rushing in, the two
that first entered seized the jailer and hurried hjm to a back
apartment, where the debtors are kept, one drew a pistol and
put it to his breast, the other a cutlass or hanger, and swore
that he was a dead man if he made any noise or resistance ;
that a part of the mob, in the meantime, got into the dungeon,
a girl hired by the jailer having, the deponent knows not
whether by threats or persuasion, furnished them with the
keys and a candle, or (as he once heard) the door being bro-
ken by force ; that the deponent was in the dungeon when
the prisoners were committed, at which time their legs, he
thinks, were ironed and chained to the floor ; that before the
day of rescue he went down again with parson Bogart, (Bu-
cher) and then the servant lad being sick and his hands much
swelled with the tying ; when brought to Carlisle, he found
all the irons had been taken off the lad, and those also upon
the legs of Stump, but that Stump yet continued handcuffed;
that the deponent being about going to Lancaster county,
where he lived, was desired by the jailer, who had heard that
Stump's friends in that county would oppose his going to Phi-
ladelphia, to use his influence with them to quiet their minds
and discourage them from so rash an attempt; but that he was
informed, and believes the principal part of the rescuers were
inhabitants of Schearman's valley, about twelve miles from
Carlisle.
288
UNION COUNTY.
Here deponent was asked, if he knew the reason why the
sheritf did not, agreeable to the Chief Justices writ, immedi-
ately bring the prisoners to Philadelphia ?
Answer. — That Stump and his servant were brought into
Carlisle late on Saturday night, when they were put into jail,
and the next day the sheriff endeavored to procure a guard
to set out with them on Monday morning for Philadelphia —
that the guard were accordingly ready on Monday morning,
and the deponent intended at that time to go homewards, was
desired by the sheriff to make one of the party, and provided
himself with arms for that purpose ; that the sheriff being
thus prepared, determined to set off, and had the irons taken
from the prisoners, and their arms bound ; that just at this
juncture Mr. Miller and M. Pollock, going to Colonel Arm-
strong's, mentioned some uneasiness the people were under,
on account of Stump's removal to Philadelphia, alleging that
it would not be proper to set off with the prisoners that day,
the weather being bad, and the Susquehanna supposed to be
dangerous, a*s it had been stopped by ice the week before,
and that in case they should proceed to the river and find it
impassable, an attempt might be made there to rescue the
prisoners, which would probably be attended with dangerous
consequences to the sheriff and his guard ; — that Col. Arm-
strong, upon these suggestions, sent for the sheriff from the
jail, who, with a number of town's people, met at the Col.'s
house, when some were of opinion that it was not advisable
to set out that day; others encouraged the attempt ; but, in
fine, it was concluded best to defer it. Col. Armstrong and
the sheriff were for going ; Messrs. Miller and Lyon object-
ed to it, for the reasons above mentioned, without assigning
any others that the deponent remembers ; Mr. Pollock, Mr.
Sweeny — a lawyer, and some others, thought it improper,
because illegal, to remove the prisoners from the county; —
that Mr. Tea, and Mr. Campbell — a lawyer, urged strenu-
ously to bring them down, and further deponelh saith not.
James Cunningham.
William Allen, Chief Justice.
February, 1768.
Carlisle, Feb. 7th, 1768.
Hon. John Penn :
Please your Honor — Though I am very certain you will
UNION COUNTY. <iOV
receive full intelligence of the affair of Frederick Stump be-
fore this can reach you; yet as my conduct and character
are so much concerned, I pray your Honor to receive the
following plain statement of the case, as all the vindication I
can offer of my conduct. James Galbreath, Esq., brought
to Carlisle, and delivered to me the chief justice's warrant
on the 3d day of January. Immediately on the receipt
thereof, I summoned a guard to attend me next day to go in
quest of Stump; but that very evening, Captain Patterson
brought him with with his servant, and delivered them to
me. Next day I summoned a guard to set off in obedience
to the chief justice's warrant, having the same morning re-
ceived a letter from the sheriff of Lancaster, who waited for
me at John Harris's. Col. Armstrong sent for me, and told
me they had concluded to keep Stump, and not send him
down. I alleged to him, I was not obliged to obey any or-
ders of any magistrate in Cumberland county, as I had the
chief magistrate's warrant to the contrary. But he insisted
I should not take him off, bat discharge my guard, which I
absolutely refused, whereupon the Col. went to jail and dis-
charged my guard, brought up the prisoner, examined him
and by mittimus, committed him, and wrote to some other
justices to attend in Carlisle on Wednesday. On Wednesday,
while said justices were sitting in council, a large party, un-
der arms, came very near Carlisle and sent in messengers to
the magistrates and to me, claiming that they should be well
used, and not sent to Philadelphia. Being satisfied that they
were properly used, and having been told they were committed
to our jail, they dispersed. The magistrate wrote a full account
to the chief justice, and I made free to acquaint him that I was
ready to execute his orders, if he thought proper to call for
the prisoners, being persuaded now we should meet with no
further trouble from the country; but on the 29th of January
another large body of armed men, thought to be mostly the
former, joined with a party from Sherman's valley, on a sud-
den rushed into town, and marched up to the jail, having
sent a few without arms, to appear before them, who went
into the jail when the company came up, seized the prisoner,
making the jailer and his family prisoners ; we labored with
the armed men to disperse, to offer no violence, not dream-
ing they had got into prison, when, unexpectedly, they
25
290
UNION COUNTY.
brought out Stump and made off. Mr. Steel, at my request,
followed them to the creek, two miles from town, but labored
in vain.
On Sunday I called a posse, and set off early on Monday
into Sherman's valley. Several magistrates and most of the
principal inhabitants of Carlisle and in the country attended,
but we could neither find out where they had concealed
Stump, nor by any arguments prevail with them to deliver
him to us. Since this, they wrote me unless the Governor,
Mr. Allen, (who was then chief justice) another gentleman
of note, would oblige themselves that Stump should not be
taken out of the county.
Please your Honor, I have given you a plain and true ac-
count of the affair, and pray that I may not be considered
as designing or acting in disobedience to the chief justice's
warrant, as I am persuaded your Honor will plainly see.
I purpose to set off into Sherman's valley again to-mor-
row, and do what lies in my power to have the prisoners de-
livered up; though I fear that infatuated people will pay
very little regard to my endeavors.
I am your Honor's, &c.
John Holmes.
Nothing was left undone on the part of government, and
the magistrates to re-take the escaped prisoners, and bring
them to trial, also punish those who aided in their rescue. —
The magistrates of Cumberland issued warrants for appre-
hending and securing in jail those concerned in the rescue. —
They discovered some twenty more.
Carlisle, Feb. 28, 1768.
May it please your Honor —
Your commands per Capt. William Patterson of the
20th inst., came to hand on the 24th. On receipt, a num-
ber of the justices met the same evening, at Carlisle, (Mr.
Montgomery assisting) to concert measures, how to execute
your Honor's injunctions in the most effectual manner. As
it appeared to us utterly impossible that these licentious peo-
ple who rescued Stump, would, or ever had it in their power
to return to justice the perpetrators of the late murder on
the Indians, and as the best intelligence we can gain, ren-
ders it matter of scruple whether he be in our county, we
UNION COUNTY. 291
proceeded to take information on oath, and issue warrants to
the proper officers for apprehending and securing in jail these
villains, who were concerned in the rescue. We have trans-
mitted a copy of your Honor's injunction to the justices of
the upper end of the county, with our advice to exert them-
selves , as it appeared to us probable that the murderers
might take that way to Virginia, where it is thought they
will seek refuge.
We cannot sufficiently acquit ourselves in not acquainting
your Honor, yet we can assure you the sheriff, justices, and
several of the principal people here, have exerted themselves
with all their might, to regain Stump and Ironcutter, though
we have not had success, we are persuaded all pains will be
used by the proper officers to apprehend the rioters, and that
the magistrates will be aiding hereunto with all their influ-
ence.
W ith all wise and good men, we abhor the base insult on
government, sensible of the direct tendency of such a crime,
to the subversion of order, justice and propriety.
We are concerned your Honor's order and the chief jus-
tices warrant were not immediately complied with, which we
conceived might have been done with safety before these li-
centious people had time to cabal and contrive their plan ;
this, we think, might have prevented such disagreeable con-
sequences, nor can we conceive why it was not done. But
your Honor no doubt has had reasons laid before you.
We are, with many others, highly pleased with the brave
conduct of Capt. William Patterson, (he did honour to our
county) and the notice your Honor has taken of merit in the
manner of expressing your approbation, we persuade our-
selves will influence not only the young man himself, but
others to behave worthily.
We gratefully respect your Honor's goodness in repeating
your injunctions of the 4th inst., as most of us had not the
pleasure of seeing them before. We shall willingly receive
from time to time, what commands your Honor may think
proper. We are your Honor's most humble servants,
Jonathan Hoge,
Jas. Galbreath,
Andw. Calhoun,
Jno. Byers,
Jno. McKnight,
Herms. Alricks.
292 UNION COUNTY.
Copy of a list of names enclosed in the original letter, pre-
served at Harrisburg.
James Murry, John Murry, Andrew Jones, James Ham-
ilton, Richd. Shenky, Richd. Irwin, Neilson, Francis
Irwin, Joseph Childers, James Rody, Win. Adams, Thos.
Huitt, Jno. Glass, James Ferguson, Jostph McDowel, Wil-
liam Williams, Jno. Clark, Wm. McGary, Jno. Beard, Mat-
thew Gregg, Joseph Goldon, James Eakles, Wm. WTillson.
The murdering of the Indians, and the subsequent rescue
of Stump and Ironcutter, produced a great excitement, not
only at Carlisle, but through the whole country. The mag-
istrates and sheriif, it appears had been censured. But, the
general impression appears to have been, judging from doc-
umentary evidence, that the officers, sheriff and magistrates,
did not favor the prisoners. In support of this impression,
the following is submitted :
On the 26th of February, 1768, Governor John Penn
wrote to Col. John Armstrong, desiring him to appear before
the Board of the Provincial Council.
On the 19th of March, the Governor informed the Board
that both John Armstrong and John Holmes, the sheriff of
Cumberland, were in town to attend the Council, in order to
be examined with respect to their conduct. They appeared
— " each related the circumstances respecting the detention
of Frederick Stump, in the jail at Carlisle, the reasons for
taking that measure, as well as the manner and cause of his
rescue, and then laid before the Board sundry depositions in
proof of what they respectfully alleged.
"It appearing in their examination, that they disagreed in
some particulars, and that Robert Miller and William Lyon,
Esqrs., Justices of the Peace, were also concerned in pre-
venting the execution of the Chief Justice's warrant ; the
Council were of opinion that they also should be examined
with respect to their conduct and knowledge in this matter,
before any proper judgment can be given on it."
The Board advised the Governor to have Miller and Lyon
to appear before them. They were accordingly commanded
to appear before the Board in the month of May.
On the 6th of May, Col. Armstrong, Miller, and Lyon,
Esqrs., appeared before John Penn, William Logan, Benja-
min Chew, Richard Penn, and James Tilghman, members of
UNION COUNTY. 293
the Board of Council, and were severally examined with
respect to their own conduct in the detention of Frederick
Stump in the jail at Carlisle, as well as all that they knew
in regard to his rescue from the hands of justice. The Board
agreed to take this matter into further consideration and ap-
pointed a meeting of the Council to be held the 12th of May
in order to come to a final result on the subject.
Depositions, still on file at Harrisburg, had been presented
on the 19th of March and on the 6th of May; affording the
Council some aid to come, as it is not unreasonable to sup-
pose, to a correct conclusion, as to the guilt or innocence of
the persons accused in the detention and rescue of Stump —
and it is also not incredible to believe that Gov. Penn, who
had evidence before him of the true state of the case, would
not shrink to pronounce a true verdict — nor exculpate, or
acquit the sheriff, if he was indeed a principal actor in
freeing the prisoners from jail, and rescuing them from the
justices.
The 12th day of May the Board met, and came to a final
result on the subject. What that was, the reader may learn
from the following extract from the Provincial Records.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Thursday the 12th
of May, 1768 — present : The Hon. John Penn, Esq., Lieut.
Gov. &c, William Logan, James Tilghman, Esqrs.
Mr. Armstrong, Mr. Miller, and Mr. Lyon, appearing at
the Board, agreeable to the Governor's appointment, the
following admonition, which was read to them, viz :
Col. Armstrong, Mr. Miller and Mr. Lyon — Upon the
rescue of Frederick Stump, and John Ironcutter, who had
been arrested for the murder of ten Indians, I was informed
that you, as magistrates of Cumberland county, had inter-
posed' to prevent their being bi ought to Philadelphia, in obe-
dience to the Chief Justice's warrant, in the hands of the
sheriff; and that in particular, Col. Armstrong, had himself,
discharged the sheriff's guard, after he (the sheriff) had re-
fused to do it; and committed the prisoners to the county jail,
which was in a great measure the occasion of the rescue, as
it gave the persons who committed that bold and daring in-
sult upon the laws of the Government, time to consult mea-
sures for the execution of it. The matter was of such con-
sequence, and the reputation of the Government so much
concerned in it, that I could not pass it by, without making
£94
UNION COUNTY.
an enquiry into it, and upon hearing you and the sheriff, and
considering the several proofs, which both you and he have
laid before me, I find, that on Monday the 25th day of Jan-
nary last, the sheriff was ready to set off with the prisoners
from Carlisle, under a guard of eight or ten men, in order to
bring them to Philadelphia, as the warrant required — that
the people of Carlisle, thinking the rights and privileges of
their county would be infringed, by the prisoners being
brought to Philadelphia, grew uneasy under these apprehen-
sions, and did apply to you and press you to interpose in the
affair, until they could have an opportunity of remonstrating
upon the occasion, which was at first warmly opposed by Col.
Armstrong; but that at length, partly to quiet the minds of
the people, and partly from an apprehension of danger of a
rescue, in case the sheriff with the prisoners, should be de-
tained on the banks of the Susquehanna, which was then
hourly expected to break up, you were induced to cause the
prisoners to be examined, and, upon their examination, they
were committed by Col. Armstrong and Mr. Miller to Car-
lisle jail ; in order that the Government, informed by ex-
press, which was determined to be sent on that occasion,
should give further instructions respecting them.
" Tho' the transaction has not been proved in the aggra-
vated light in which it was represented to me, yet, it was un-
doubtedly officious and beside your duty to interpose at all in
the affair, as it w7as unjustifiable in the sheriff to pay any re-
gard to your interposition, and your conduct, upon the occa-
sion, was in itself an obstruction of justice, and is not to be
iustified ; however, it may in some measure be excused by
the motives of it. But as I am satisfied from the evidence,
that both you and the sheriff were far from having any in-
tention either to favor the prisoners, or to offer the least
contempt to the authority of the Chief Justice's warrant,
and that you acted for the best, in a case of perplexity, not
expecting, but rather intending to prevent the consequences
which followed. I shall take no other notice of the matter,
than to admonish you for the future, to be very careful, in
confining yourselves within the bounds of your jurisdiction,
and not to interfere again in matters which belong to supe-
rior authority."
UNION COUNTY. 295
The following, from the pen of the Rev. Geo. Duffield,
in reference to an implication arising from Stump's rescue,
we here insert, as follows : —
Carlisle, Feb. 16, 176S.
On the 18th and 19th of January, the first notice arriv-
ed here of Frederick Stump, and his men, having murder-
ed a number of Indians within this county, and that Wil-
liam Rlyth was gone down to inform the governor. This
account came not by any express, but by a private gen-
tleman on business of his own. It was the beginning of
our court week. The magistrates in town immediately
met, to consult on measures to be taken. Had the sheriff
then gone, it would have greatly impeded the public bu-
siness depending at court : And as all ends might be
equally answered by the coroner, with the additional ser-
vice of holding an inquest on the bodies, it was concluded
to send him, and a message accordingly was immediately
despatched to him. As he lives some distance from town,
and the place where he was to go, lying remote, so that
some little preparation was requisite, it was Thursday be-
fore he could get off. His directions were, to take a posse
with him from beyond the hills, and try to take Stump and
his men, hold an inquest on the bodies, and bury the dead.
On the 23d, in the afternoon, the Governor's orders came
up, very near the same in substance with the above, and
directing the sheriff also to go, and the Chief Justice's
warrant, ordering the prisoners, when taken, to be sent
down to Philadelphia, to be examined and dealt with as
the law directs. The sheriff, and some of the magistrates,
were preparing to set off, according to the Governor's or-
ders, but about 8 or 9 in the evening, the prisoners were
brought in by Capt. Patterson, and a party from Juniata.
Next day (being Sabbath) the weather being very disa-
greeable, a guard to be provided, and some necessary pre-
parations to be made, rendered it impracticable for the
sheriff to set off with the prisoners before Monday ; nor
had any body at this time, the least apprehension of any
design to rescue them. The clause in the warrant, order-
ing them down to Philadelphia, began to be a topic of
much conversation in the town. The more general, nay,
almost universal sentiment was, that if they went down,
296 UNION COUNTY.
they would undoubtedly be tried there, some not properly
distinguishing between examination and trial ; but the
greater part, apprehensive that an act might be made for
that purpose. On Monday morning, when the sheriff
was now nigh ready to set off, a number of respectable
inhabitants, with some from the country, went to Colonel
Armstrong's, and warmly remonstrated against the pris-
oners being sent down, until the Governor and Chief Jus-
tice's pleasure should farther be made known, and whe-
ther they insisted upon it, strenuously alleging it was yiel-
ding up a most valuable privilege, and setting a precedent
that might hereafter be of pernicious consequence. They
were then told, as were sundry others, on the same sub-
ject, at different times, that the Chief Justice's warrant
must be obeyed ; that he had an undoubted right to call
any persons, in such case, before him, from any part of
the Province ; that there was a wide difference between
examination and trial ; that it was uncharitable to suspect
any of the people below, while nothing illegal was yet
done, of attempting to deprive us of so valuable a privi-
lege ; that it was at most but bare suspicion, and ought
not to prevent from present duty, but all was overbalan-
ced by the above too tender jealousy of privilege, and ap-
prehensions of a particular law being made. It was also
pleaded, it was not usual to have prisoners sent out of
their proper county; and would not be insisted on by those
in authority, on a representation of matters being given,
and the confessions of the prisoners being sent down. The
weather, at the same time, was very bad ; creeks broke
up, and waters high ; the Susquehanna apprehended to be
dangerous, and most provable impassable ; and to have
had the prisoners lying by the way, would have been dis-
agreeable, and might have been running some hazard.
Upon the whole, therefore, it was thought most advisable
that the sheriff should not, as yet, set off with the prison-
ers, (though no determination was formed that they should
not all be sent). As the prisoners were, in consequence
of the above result, to remain yet some time longer in this
jail, the sheriff and prison-keeper requested a commitment,
and were told it was not necessary, but this being farther-
insisted on, it was given, not before the above remonstra-
ting and reasoning on the case, but after it, on Monday
UNION COUNTY.
297
afternoon, with a necessary clause, "until removed by su-
perior authority." It was also thought expedient, by the
magistrates in town, at rhis critical juncture, to have the
assistance of as many of their brethren from the county as
could conveniently be hf d, in an affair so embarrassed,
through the above-mentioned generally prevailing mis-
take ; and notices were accordingly sent them on Tuesday
and their attendance requested the next day. The hasty
apprehension of the prisoners being ordered to Philadel-
phia for trial, had spread almost beyond credibility, like
an electric shock, over all the county, and into adjacent
counties and governments; and, unexpectedly to all here,
had occasioned a very general alarm. On the Wednesday,
when the magistrates were met, an anonymous letter, that
had been dropt in a porch and found by the sheriff, was
brought to them, containing information, that several par-
ties were formed, and forming, to rescue the prisoners, if
attempted to be sent out of the county, and shortly a party
of 40 or 50 armed men were discovered on their way to
town ; but by the influence of several who met them, they
were happily prevented, and prevailed on to disperse.
It now began to appear, by various accounts, that were
the prisoners taken either by the direct road to Lancaster
county, or by the way of York, or had they even been ta-
ken sooner, there was the highest probability of a rescue,
by parties secretly formed for that purpose, as soon as it
was known the prisoners were sent to Philadelph a. The
magistrates, therefore, fully convinced of the imminent
danger attending the prisoners going, thought the most
safe and prudent, that they should not be removed until
the Governor and Chief Justice were first informed how
matters stood, which was accordingly done. And as there
was not the least apprehension of any design against the
jail, save what appeared in the above party, and they had
gone away perfectly satisfied, no one suspected any fur-
ther disturbance or danger, while the prisoners were there.
But on the Friday following, January 30, a parly of about
60 or 70, said to be chiefly beyond the North Mountain,
came on the same wicked design. They sent in two of
their number, a little before the body, who, going into the
room of the jail, called for a dram, and got it. The jailer
discovering some arms on them, immediately ran to the
^y» UNION COUNTY.
door and shut it, but was met by three more, who bolted
in armed, seized him, carried him to a different room, set
a guard on him, and threatened him severely, if he should
stir. Instantly after these came the whole party, who hav-
ing entered the town, till then undiscovered, had, with the
most violent precipitation, hastened to the jail, placed a
guard on the door, and on all within, whom they thought
might molest them ; they then constrained a girl to get
them the keys, lighted a candle, went down to the dun-
geon, (though without crow-bar, axe, or any such instru-
ments) opened the door and brought out the prisoners.
While this was transacting, the sheriff came, Colonel Arm-
strong, Messrs. Miller and Lyon, magistrates; the Rev.
Mr. Steel, and some others of the inhabitants, had at-
tempted to bring these infatuated people to reason, urging
a conference, and that they should be satisfied in any rea-
sonable demand. The sheriff and magistrates got in as
far as the door, and some of them declared they would die
before the prisoners should be taken out, not knowing
what was transacting within, for in an instant the prison-
ers were at the door, and a cry made to clear the way.
The sheriff attempted to lay hold of Stump, but was push-
ed off, 'and both he and the magistrates were jostled or
borne away into the street, and the prisoners carried off.
The whole transaction was but a few minutes. At the
extremity of the town, going out, they compelled a smith
to cut off their hand-cuffs. At the instance of the sheriff
and magistrates, who alleged that might, at that juncture,
have more influence on this people than they could, the
Rev. Messrs. Steel and Bucher, (the only clergy then in
town) with some others, went after them, and overtook a
few of the hindmost, about a mile out of town (the body,
with the prisoners, being gone off.) these said, that they,
for their part, would agree to the prisoners being restored,
on condition they were assured they should not be f ent to
Philadelphia. When this message was brought back, the
sheriff, Col. Armstrong and Lyon, went after them, but
came up with none, they having all proceeded as fast es
they could on their way over the hill. On Sabbath it was
agreed to raise the posse, and cross the hill, to attempt
regaining the prisoners — this was accordingly done. In
the temper these people were in, violent measures would
UNION COUNTY. 299
have instantly occasioned the shedding of blood ; the milder
steps of reasoning and opening consequences were therefore
pursued ; and assurances given them, that the trial of the
prisoners would undoubtedly be in their proper county. This
was the grand point ; and I doubt not the prisoners would
have been returned the next day, had not a mischievous re-
port been carried to them just after the sheriff and his posse
came away, that a party of soldiers were ready to take the
prisoners to Philadelphia, as soon as delivered. — When the
Governor's letter came up, in answer to one informing him
of the rescue, Col. Armstrong, and some others with him,
went over again, and had a number of them together. They
all declared their willingness to return the prisoners, but de-
sired opportunity to consult others of their number, and had
unluckily permitted Stump to go to see his family, on his
promise of returning in a few days, though some alleged he
was still in custody somewhere among them. Those present
promised to use their best endeavors to have both the pris-
oners returned.
This is a plain statement of that unhappy affair. Some,
I hear, reflect severely on the civil officers concerned in it,
and on the keeper of the prison; but I am fully convinced,
on a candid examination, it will be found they acted, every
man, with the greatest uprightness of heart, that part which
appeared at that time most conducive to the public good,
tending to the preservation of good order, and support of
government, and what, perhaps, even those who may blame
with the greatest severity, could have thought most prudent,
had they been in the situation."
Carlisle, March 15, 1768.
Messrs. Hall and Sellers :
As several injurious aspersions have, in the affair of
Frederick Stump, been cast on my people and me, and so as-
siduously propagated and made public, as that there now
remains no other method of overtaking and wiping away the
reproach, but by a public defence. I hope, therefore, a re-
gard to injured innocence, \\TiIl procure the following a place
in your next paper, which will much oblige many, as well
as gentlemen,
Your humble servant,
Geo. Duffilld.
300 UNION COUNTY.
To the Public.
It gives me peculiar concern to find myself obliged to the
disagreeable task of vindicating my conduct in this manner,
in a matter where I thought myself secure from the attacks
of malice itself; but the gross misrepresentations of facts,
which I have good reason to believe, have been made by
some invidious pen or pens, from this town, and industrious-
ly spread, lay me under the unhappy necessity of either sac-
rificing my character to those assassins, or justify myself to
the public by a true state of facts ; which latter, every man
having regard to either character or usefulness, would choose.
This, therefore, I hope, will sufficiently plead my excuse. I
am then openly reproached, as having advised and prevailed
on Col. Armstrong to oppose the chief justice's warrant, or-
dering Stump and Ironcutter down to Philadelphia, and hav-
ing also influenced in exciting the people that lescued the
prisoners, to that riotous undertaking. As to the first of
these, it is sufficient to observe : The prisoners were brought
in on Saturday evening ; on Monday forenoon, when they
were nigh ready to be sent off, a number of reputable inhab-
itants of the town, with some from the country, met and re-
monstrated against it, as has been represented in the Gazette,
of the 3rd inst, and that afternoon the temporary commit-
ment of the prisoners, until removed by superior orders, was
wrote. From early on Sabbath morning, until the whole
was over on Monday I was out of town, having been in
course at my congregation in the country ; nor saw Colonel
Armstrong, nor heard from him, nor sent to him, from before
the prisoners came in, until the Monday evening, after 7
o'clock, he came to my house, and greatly complained of the
opposition which had that day been made to sending off the
prisoners ; and expressed, in the strongest terms, his senti-
ment, that the chief justice's warrant must be obeyed, and
his earnest desire of having the prisoners taken down, accor-
ding to the order therein contained, and went away fully of
the same mind ; only proposing to have the assistance of
some of the magistrates from the country, in a matter where
the uneasiness of the people was so general and great, which
step had been proposed and advised to by some of the mag-
istrates in town before he came to my house; nor had I any
thing farther with the colonel on this head, at any other
UNION COUNTY. 301
time. From this true state of the fact, which I am able to
prove, if requisite, it is evident, 1st. That I had no inter-
course of any kind with Col. Armstrong, from before the
prisoners came in, until the evening after they had been, in
consequence of the unreasonable weather, and remonstrance
of the people, prevented from being taken off, and committed
as above. 2dly. That the expedient of having other magis-
trates, was not by any advice of mine, but proposed before
I so much as saw the Col. 3dly. That Col. Armstrong was
equally firm in the sentiment of obedience being due to the
chief justice's warrant at his going from my house, as he was
at coming to it, and equally desirous of having it obeyed, and
was the same afterwards, as I am also able to prove. And
4thly. As a natural consequence from the whole, that the
author and spreader of the report, that Col. Armstrong was
informed by me to disobey, or oppose the chief justice's war-
rant, were guilty of raising and spreading a false report. As
to my having used any influence to excite those who res-
cued the prisoners, in that iniquitous step, I shall just ob-
serve: That week the prisoners were in jail, I was provi-
dentially prevented from visiting my charge; (the service I
was then engaged in) this now appears a favorable circum-
stance, for had I been employed in executing that part of my
office, the pen of detraction would, most probably, have con-
strued it into sowing sedition from house to house: but from
the time I returned home on Monday afternoon, I was no
where out of my house, except at two or three neighbors in
town, and saw scarce any body but my own family until
Wednesday morning, when I set off, by sun up, in company
with several gentlemen, for Yorktown, and did not return
till Saturday afternoon, (the day after the rescue) and can,
if requisite, vindicate my character, stabbed by defamatory
influence. On my way home, I was alarmed with the news
of the rescue. On the next day (being Sabbath) I publicly
declared from the pulpit, my detestation of the fact. Early
on Monday I crossed the North mountain, in company with
William Lyon, Esqr., before the posse were yet gathered,
and joined my best endeavors, in attempting to recover those
infatuated people to reason; and openly, in the presence of a
large number assembled together, condemned their distract-
ed conduct, and urged the return of the prisoners. The next
Sabbath I preached on subjection to government, and that
26
302 UNION COUNTY.
week went over again, in company with Col. Armstrong and
some other gentlemen, who went to make those people assu-
rances from the Governor, of the prisoners being tried in
their county. These things I say not in boasting, but in
self vindication, and whether this was consistent with having
excited to the fact, let the impartial world judge. I must
have had a face of impudence, almost beyond Beelzebub
himself, to have encouraged first, and then acted thus, and
blamed and censured, even to raising resentment of some
against me, for my being so much engaged.
But what innocence can be secure from the impeachment of
determined obloquy and reproach ? But to attack myself
alone, and to attempt a single character, did not suffice — Ha-
inan's malice cannot rest in aiming at Mordecai's men only ;
the whole nation is marked out for vengeance. The same
spirit seems to have actuated these modern Hamans, in at-
tempting to roll over the blame of rescuing the prisoners, en-
tirely on my people, and assert that the rescuers were all of
them, or that the whole was done by the "new side," as
they are termed : this charge must have proceeded from the
greatest malevolence and rancor, beyond expression ; partly
in religion not having any hand, more or less, in the matter;
and to attempt turning it into the channel, (though I know
it was early done in this place, and is perfectly agreeable to
the general course some have been steering for several years
past) is, I am bold to say, infamous and base to the last de-
gree, calculated only to heighten the fire of party, embroil
society, both civil and religious, weaken the country, by di-
viding it against itself, subserve in every respect, the Prince
of Darkness, without being able of answering any one single
valuable purpose. Suppose they had all been of my people
that perpetrated the rescue, would it have been friendly, or
acting the part of christian brotherhood, to have been so ea-
ger to expose the whole body ? Would it not have been
imitating Eden, as recorded by Obediah ? Might it not, in
such case, have been sufficient to name out the guilty per-
sons, without attempting to brand the whole society with
infamy, unless they had already become infamous for such
conduct ? Or could any other reason be alleged for pointing
out the particular society, unless to attempt rendering both
me odious in the eyes of all good men, even on that suspicion
of their having all belonged to me ? — which yet is far from
UNION COUNTY. 303
being the case. A great part of the rescuers came from be-
yond the North mountain ; and though the very idea of party
in the affair, and esteem the attempting to fix it on, or roll it
off, any one sect or party, an evidence of a wicked temper,
as some of all sorts concerned, as they happened to live in
the neighborhood, or part of the country where the design
was formed, and were made acquainted with it, both old
side and new, Seceders, Covenanters, Church of England,
and even Papists, as some of the persons concerned have
declared. Yet, this I will assert, and can maintain, that as
far as I have yet been able to learn the names of those found
out to have been engaged, there are not more of what was
formerly called I he new side, than there are of what was
called the old ; this I do not say to blame or free any one
particular sect or party, but merely to show it was no party
matter.
I have now stated this matter in a fair point of light,
which I am able to maintain, and leave it to every impartial
mind, what sentiment to form of the author or authors, and
spreaders of such invidious misrepresentations. Every good
man, I am sure, must hold them in detestation, as pests in
society, civil or religious, base incendiaries, and a nuisance
in a commonwealth. And yet, odious as the character is,
and however detestable the conduct, there are some of so
perverse a disposition, so uninfluenced by religion, and des-
titute of honesty, as to lurk privily for the innocent without
cause, who sleep not except they have done mischief, and
their sleep is taken away, unless they have attempted to
cause some to fall. If any see proper to contradict the state
of facts here given, I desire they may do it, not in the un-
dermining way of private whispering and suggestion, the fa-
vorite plan of base detractors, whose safety lies in conceal-
ment, and to whom day is as the shadow of death, but
openly in the public prints, signed with their name. Nor
shall I esteem myself bound to take any notice of any thing
which the author will not dare to avow. And if none ap-
pear, I hope the public wrill be so candid as to take their
silence on this head, as a full, though tacit confession, of
their being convinced, that the representations they have
made, or propagated, are false and groundless.
George Duffield.
304 UNION COUNTY.
LEWISBURG,
(Derrstown,) situated at the mouth of Buffalo valley, eight
miles above Northumberland, is a thriving town. It was laid
out by Ludwig Derr, an old German, who owned the land,
and had for many years an Indian trading house here. At
first it increased slowly; in 1806 it contained about 65 or
70 houses. It contains now upwards of 200 houses, and a
population of about 1300. In 1840 it contained 13 stores,
1 furnace, 1 grist mill, 1 saw mill, 1 foundry, 2 tanneries,
1 distillery, 2 printing offices, an academy, 4 schools, several
commodious store-houses, and a number of churches — a Lu-
theran, Methodist, Presbyterian, Christian.
It is the depot and customary market place for the pro-
ducts of Penn's, Brush and Buffalo valleys. There is a sub-
stantial and beautiful bridge across the river and leads di-
rectly from the end of Main street to the Northumberland
shore ; it was completed in 1818, at a cost of $60,000. A
dam, opposite the town, built in 1833, forms a basin, which,
with a Cross Cut, enables the trade to reach the West Branch
Canal, which is about half a mile from Derrstown. A turn-
pike road commences at the Lewisburg bridge, and leading
through Mifflinsburg (Youngmanstown) and Hartley ton, in-
tersects the Bellefonte and Lewistown turnpike at Potter's
Fort in Penn's valley.
When Captain John Brady left Shippensburg, he located
himself at the Standing Stone creek and the Juniata river,
where the present town of Huntingdon, in Huntingdon coun-
ty stands, in part on the site of the Standing Stone. From
thence he removed to the West Branch of the Susquehanna,
opposite the spot of Lewisburg, or Derrstown, in Union co.,
stands. If I mistake not, the tract settled on by him, now
belongs to George Kremer, Esq. Derr had a small mill on
the run that empties into the river below the town, and a
trading house, from whence the Indians were supplied with
powder, lead, tobacco and rum. In the commencement of
the strife between the colonies and the mother country, Bra-
dy discovered that the Indians were likely to be tampered
with by the British. The Seneca and Muncy tribes were in
considerable force, and Pine and Lycoming creeks were na-
vigable almost to the State line for canoes. Fort Augusta
UNION COUNTY. 305
had been built upon the east side of the North Branch, im-
mediately where it connects with the West Branch, about a
mile above the present town of Sunbury. It was garrisoned
by " a fearless few," and commanded by Captain, afterwards
Major Hunter, a meritorious officer. He had under his com-
mand about 50 men. In the season for tillage, some atten-
tion was paid to farming, but the women and children mostly
resided in the fort, or were taken there on the slightest
alarm.
It was known that the Wyoming flats were full of Indi-
ans of the Delaware and Shamokin tribes. — The latter since
extinct, was then a feeble people, and under the protection
of the Dela wares. In this state of affairs Capt. John Brady
suggested to his neighbors and comrades, under arms at Fort
Augusta, the propriety of making a treaty with the Seneca
and Muncy tribes ; knowing them to be at variance with the
Delawares. This course was approved of, and petitions sent
on to proper authorities, praying the appointment of commis-
sioners for the purpose of holding a treaty : commissioners
were appointed, and Fort Augusta was designated as a place
ot conference; and notice of that, and of the time fixed for
the arrival of the commissioners, was directed to be given to
the two tribes. Captain John Brady and two others were
selected by the people in the fort to confer with the Senecas
and Muncies, and communicate to them the proposal.
The Indians met the ambassadors of the settlers, to wit :
Capt. John Brady and his companions. The chiefs listened
with apparent pleasure to the proposal for a treaty, and af-
ter smoking the pipe of peace, and promising to attend at
Fort Augusta on the appointed day, led our men out of their
camp, and shaking hands with them cordially, parted in
seeming friendship.
Brady feared to trust the friendship so warmly expressed,
and took a different route in returning with his company,
from that they had gone, and arrived safe at home.
On the day appointed for holding the treaty, the Indians
appeared with their wives and their children. There were
about one hundred men, all warriors, and dressed in war
costume. Care had been taken that the little Fort should
look as fierce as possible, and every man was on the alert.
In former treaties, the Indians had received large presents,
and were expecting them here ; but finding the fort too poor
26*
306
UNION COUNTY.
to give any thing of value, (and an Indian never trusts) all
efforts to form a treaty with them proved abortive. They
left the fort, however, apparently in good humor, and well
satisfied with their treatment, and taking to their canoes,
proceeded homeward- The remainder of the day was chiefly
spent by officers and people of the fort in devising means of
protection against anticipated attacks of the Indians. Late
in the day, Brady thought of Derr's trading house, and fore-
boding evil from that point, mounted a small mare he had at
the fort, and crossing the North Branch he rode with all
possible speed. On his way home he saw the canoes of the
Indians on the bank of the river near Derr's. When near
enough to observe the paddles, to work canoes over to this
side of the river, and that when they landed they made for
thickets of sumach, which grew in great abundance on this
land to the height of a man's head, and very thick upon the
ground. He was not slow in conjecturing the cause. He
rode on to where the squaws were landing, and saw that they
were conveying rifles, tomahawks, and knives, into the su-
mach thickets, and hiding them. He immediately jumped
into a canoe and crossed to Derr's trading house, where he
found the Indians brutally drunk. He saw a barrel of rum
standing on end before Derr's door, with the head out. He
instantly overset it, and spilled the rum, saying to Derr,
" My God, Frederick, what have you done?" Derr replied,
" Dey dells me you gif um no dreet town on de ford, so I
dinks as I gif um one here, als he go home in bease."
One of the Indians, who saw the rum spilled, but was un-
able to prevent it, told Brady he would one day rue the spil-
ling of that barrel. Being well acquainted with the Indian
character, he knew death was the penalty of his offence, and
was constantly on his guard for several years.
Next day the Indians started off. They did not soon at-
tack the settlements, but carried arms for their allies, the
English, in other parts. Meanwhile, emigration to the West
Branch continued ; the settlement extended, and Freeland's
Fort was built near the mouth of Warrior run, about eight
miles above Derr's trading-house."
UNION COUNTY. 307
MIFFLINSBURG,
(Youngmanstown,) on the south side of Buffalo creek, in
Buffalo valley, five miles northwest of New Berlin, and eight
miles from Lewisburg, contains nearly one hundred dwell-
ings, two churches, Lutheran and Methodist, an academy,
incorporated at the time the town was erected into a bor-
ough, April 14, 1827. In 1840 it contained 6 stores, 2
tanneries, 2 breweries, 2 potteries, 3 schools, 180 scholars,
and 704 inhabitants.
MIDDLEBURG,
(Swinefordstown,) stands on the left bank of Middle creek,
six miles southwest of New Berlin. It contains between 50
and 60 dwellings, several stores and taverns, and a Luther-
an church. It is quite a pleasantly located village.
HARTLEYTON,
A post town, on the road to Potter's Fort from Mifflinburg,
and six miles southwest of the latter, contains between 30
and 40 dwellings, several stores and taverns, and also a Lu-
theran church.
FREEBURG,
(Stroupstown,) a post town on Middle creek, eight miles
southeast of New Berlin, contains about forty dwellings, se-
veral stores and taverns. It is situated in " Klopperdahl."
SELIN'S GROVE.
Is on the Susquehanna, near the mouth of Penn's creek,
which, uniting with Middle creek, enters the Susquehanna
bv two outlets, and thus, with the river, encloses the " Isle
of Q."
Selin's Grove was founded by Anthony Seling, a brother-
-308 UNION COUNTY.
in-law of the late Simon Snyder, Governor of Pennsylvania,
whose memory will long be cherished by the citizens of his
native State.
Selin's Grove contains about one hundred dwellings, some
five or six stores, several taverns, and one church. The
great public road along the Susquehanna, runs through the
town ; it is the great thoroughfare, not only between the
southern and northern counties, but between the southern
and northern states of Canada. The Northumberland and
Harrisburg stages pass through here daily.
CHARLESTOWN,
A small village, connected with Selin's Grove, has lately
sprung up on the Isle of Q., on the canal, the passage of
which, along this island, has closed the upper thoroughfare,
and forced both streams to empty their waters under the
aqueduc', at the lower end of the peninsula, for such it is
now.
During the French and Indian war, shortly after Brad-
dock's defeat, the Indians made hostile incursions and butch-
ered a number of persons here.
BEAVERTOWN,
In Moser's valley, 10 miles southwest of New Berlin, con-
tains 15 or 20 dwellings, a store and tavern.
ADAMSBURG,
At the foot of Black Oak Ridge, 12 miles southwest of New
Berlin, contains about 25 dwellings, a store and tavern, and
a church.
CENTREVILLE,
At the foot of Jack's mountain, on the right bank of Penn's
creek, about 4 miles southwest of New Berlin, contains about
20 dwellings, several stores, a tavern, and Lutheran church.
UNION COUNTY. 309
NEW COLUMBUS,
On the West Branch of the Susquehanna river, nearly oppo-
site Milton, at the mouth of White Deer Valley, contains
about 30 dwellings, several stores and a tavern. It is 12
miles from New Berlin.
SWIFTSTOWN,
A small village in Middle creek valley.
EDUCATION AND RELIGION.
Education is a mere secondary matter with the great mass
of the inhabitants, especially the agricultural portion of them.
The cultivation of the soil is deemed, with many, of more
importance than the improvement of the mind. The inhab-
itants of Beaver, Chapman, Middle creek, Perry and Union
townships, have not as yet seen proper to adopt the common
school system. Out of 17 districts, only 11 reported 45
schools in operation, and 5 more wanting in those 11 dis-
tricts ; the schools were open 5 months, employing 44 male,
and 7 female teachers ; the former receiving $20,17 cts. per
month, the latter $9,83 : number of scholars taught, 1,601
males, and 1,766 females ; of which number 113 were learn-
ing German. District tax raised $2,368 71 ; state appro-
priation $3,272 00. Cost of instruction $3,567 74 ; fuel
and contingencies $358,75 ; paid out in 1844 for school
houses, $47,00.
The prevailing religious denominations are Presbyterians,
Lutherans, German Reformed, Methodists, Evangelical As-
sociation, and some Dunkards and Christians.
CHAPTER XII.
Columbia County.
Columbia county erected— Streams and geological features— Statistics
of 1840— Public improvements — Towns: Danville, Catawissa,
Bloomsburg, Berwick, Miffiinsburg, Washingtonville, Freictstown,
Jerseytown, Williamsburg, Orangeville, White Hall, Espytown,
Moorstown, &c. — Education, &c. — Narrative of Van Camp.
Columbia county was former!}' a part of Northumberland,
and was taken from it by an act passed March 22, 1813.
Its boundaries are thus described :
Beginning at the nine mile tree, on the bank of the north-
east branch of the Susquehanna, and from thence by the line
of Point township, to the line of Chilisquaque township ;
thence by the line of Chilisquaque and Point townships, to
the West Branch of the river Susquehanna ; thence up the
same to the line of Lycoming county; thence by the line of
Lycoming county to the line of Luzerne county ; thence by
the same to the line of Schuylkill county; thence along the
same to the southwest corner of Catawissa township; thence
by the line of Catawissa and Shamokin townships, to the ri-
ver Susquehanna ; and thence down said river to the place
of beginning, shall be, and the same is hereby, according to
the present lines, declared to be erected into a county.
By an act of January 22d, 1816, part of the townships of
Chilisquaque and Turbit, in Northumberland county, were
annexed to Columbia, and by an act of March 3d, 1818,
part of Columbia county was annexed to Schuylkill county ;
and is now bounded on the north by Lycoming, on the
southeast by Schuylkill county, and on the south and west
by Northumberland. Length 25 miles, breadth 23; area
574 square miles ; area in acres, 367,360.
Population in 1820, 17,621; in 1830, 20,059; in 1840,
24,267.
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 311
The population of the several townships, in 1840, were
as follows : —
Greenwood 1,217, Madison 1,700, Hemlock 956, Bloom
1,774, Liberty 1,328, Sugarloaf 934, Mount Pleasant 609,
Mifflin 2,150, Limestone 646, Derry 1,754, Catawissa
2,064, Mahoning 1,927, Fishing creek 904, Roaring creek
1,855, Bear creek 1,905, Orange 833, Montour 809, Val-
ley 633, Jackson 625.
[See Table on the following page.
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Colored pop'n.
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
313
This county is spread over the Apalachian range or sys-
tem ; the surface is uneven, being diversified by mountains,
hills and valleys. Though the mountain ranges of this coun-
ty are not very high, yet they are very much broken. Be-
tween these are some broad, fertile valleys, of different kinds
of soil. Along the Susquehanna are some level tracts, and
a very rich soil, and in the western parts of the county, the
limestone, when well cultivated, is very productive. The
hilly and broken portions are found in the southern part of
the county. The soil here is not so productive as in the
western parts of the county.
The principal mountains are Little, Nescopeck or Cata-
wissa, in the southeast part of the county : in the northeast
is Knob mountain, extended westward from Luzerne ; and
on the north border is the high range prolonged eastward
from the Allegheny, which is here called the North moun-
tain.
The principal streams in the county are the North Branch
of Susquehanna river, Catawissa, Roaring, Fishing, Chilis-
quaque, Mahoning, and others, and some smaller tributaries.
Little Fishing, Hemlock, Briar, Green, Huntingdon creeks,
Limestone run, &c.
The North Branch of the Susquehanna flows through the
central part of this county, entering at Berwick and leav-
ing at Danville. Fishing creek rises by numerous branches
along the side of the North mountain, and has a nearly south
course to the river, near Bloomsburg. Catawissa rises in
Schuylkill county, flows northwestward, and empties at Cat-
awissa, into the North Branch of the Susquehanna. Roaring
creek rises near the southern extremity of this county, and
forms part of the southwestern boundary. Fishing creek has
its source in Lycoming county, whence it receives many tri-
butaries, and forcing its way through the Bald mountain into
Sugarloaf township, it flows south into the Susquehanna riv-
er, about three miles above Catawissa, its volume having
been much increased by the waters of Huntingdon creek,
from Luzerne county and by Little Fishing creek, and seve-
ral other smaller streams.
The geology of this county is interesting, but somewhat
complex, for, says Trego, " so many rock formations are
brought to the surface in this county, by numerous anticli-
nal and synclinal axes or lines of elevation and depression,
27
314
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
and so often are some of these formations repeated by the
consequent changes of dip, that a minute description of theiif
various ranges, foldings and doublings, would occupy several
pages. A more general notice of some of the more prominent
features in the geology of the county is all that our limits
will permit.
In the elevated range, called Montour's ridge, which ex-
tends from the West Branch above Northumberland, east-
ward by Danville, to a point northeast of Bloomsburg, an
axis of elevation passes nearly along the middle of the ridge,
is composed of hard gray and reddish sandstones, which are
covered along both sides, and sometimes nearly or quite to
the top of the ridge, by the slates and shales of overlying
series, the lower part of which consists of yellowish or green-
ish slates, containing thin strata of limestone, in which are
impressions of shells and other fossil, and near these a very
valuable layer of brownish red iron ore, from six inches to
two feet in thickness, also containing fossil impressions. This
ore is found on both sides of the ridge, as far east- as the
neighborhood of Bloomsburg, where the strata converge and
unite over its top as it sinks away on the east, and finally
disappears under the overlying red shale in the vicinity of
Espytown. In the slates above the iron ore are some thin
layers of dark colored limestone, succeeded by a thick bed
of red shale, which forms the upper portion of the series.
Overlying this red shale is a limestone formation, which en-
circles the ridge on the outside of the red shale, and which
may be seen not far from the river above Northumberland,
and along the railroad from Danville to Bloomsburg, extend-
ing also from this to within two> or three miles of Berwick,
where it sinks away beneath the overlying slate. From this
point the northern division of the limestone extends along the
outer border of the red shale north of the ridge, passing a
little south of Moorsburg, to the West Branch, near the
mouth of Chilisquaque creek. The next formation in order,
the fossiliferous sandstone, appears to be wanting in this part
of the State ; for immediately next to the limestone last men-
tioned we find the olive slate, which, with red shales and
sandstones next above spread over a wide region south of
Montour's ridge, in the valleys of Shamokin and Roaring
creeks, as far as the Little mountain. The same formations
also occupy most of the northern part of the county, extend-
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
315
ing to the southern side of the North mountain. In the
neighborhood of Washington, in the west of the county, the
limestone appears, encircling the red shale which extends
eastward from the vicinity of Milton.
The Knob mountain, which terminates at Fishing creek,
near Orangeville, is formed by the union of two ridges which
in Luzerne county pass on either side of the southwestern
point of W yomingcoal basin, and extend into Columbia coun-
ty, in a long narrow ridge, which is capped with a hard
coarse sandstone. The same rock appears in Nescopeck or
Catawissa mountain, and in Little mountain. South of Cat-
awissa mountain, the little valleys on Catawissa creek are
of red shale, which underlies the conglomerate of McCau-
ley's and Buck mountain, supporting the anthracite beds.
Although much attention has latterly been paid to the
manufacture of iron, agriculture forms the principal occupa-
tion of the inhabitants, and they have annually a large
amount of surplus productions, consisting of flour of differ-
ent kinds, pork, &c, &c, to send to Philadelphia and Bal-
timore.
According to the census of 1840, there were in this coun-
ty, two furnaces (since increased by four or five) which pro-
duced 1,300 tons of cast iron, consuming 2,000 tons of fuel,
employing 80 hands, and a capital of $80,000. Mules and
horses 5,905, neat cattle 13,525, sheep 22,184, swine 19,-
474, poultry of all kinds estimated at $ 3,394, wheat 214,426
bushels, 223,373 of oats, rye 153,246, buckwheat 50,584,
corn 208,400, pounds of wool 31,453, potatoes 163,480
bushels, 14,878 tons of hay, 8 tons of flax. Value of pro-
ducts of the dairy 825,705 ; of the orchard $6,800 ; 100
gallons of wine made ; value of home made or family goods
818,710 ; 55 retail dry goods stores, with a capital of
^335,000. Value of machinery manufactured $57,895, em-
ployed 71 hands. Value of bricks and lime manufactured
$23,600, employed 30 hands, and a capital of $37,210.
There were seven fulling mills in the county and three wool-
len factories, manufactured goods to the value of $3,600,
employed 32 persons ; capital $4,800. Value of hats and
caps manufactured $13,500, employed 16 persons, capital
invested $2,755. Twenty-three tanneries tanned 4,427 sides
of sole leather, 5,299 of upper, employed 47 hands, capital
-invested $35,650. All other manufactories of leather, sad-
316 COLUMBIA COUNTY.
dleries, &c. 63, value of manufactured articles $27,685, ca-
pital invested $10,549. Twelve distilleries produced 121,-
000 gallons, one brewery produced 14,336 gallons, 25 hands
employed in manufacturing distilled and fermented liquors,
and employed a capital of $43,100. Two potteries manu-
factured articles to the value of $1,900, employed 5 hands,
capital $750. One paper manufactory made paper to the
value of $4,000, employed 12 men, capital $6,000. Four
printing offices employed 14 hands, capital $3,100. Car-
riages and wagons manufactured $13,650, 50 men employ-
ed, capita] $8,425. Eight flouring mills manufactured 6,-
710 barrels, 40 grist mills, 74 saw mills. Total capital
invested in manufactures $266,487. Aggregate amount of
all kinds of property taxable in 1844, was $4,260,914 00.
PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.
The North Branch Division of the Pennsylvania .Canal
passes through this county, for the distance of about twen-
ty-five miles, extending from below Danville to Berwick,
where it passes into Luzerne coi.nty.
There is also a turnpike road extending from Danville to
Pottsville. The unfinished (1844) Little Schuylkill and
Catawissa railroad is paitly in this county, passing down
Catawissa valley. There are five bridges across the river
at Berwick, Catawissa and Danville. The common public
roads are generally in a tolerable condition.
DANVILLE,
Situated on the North Branch of the Susquehanna river, is
sixty-five miles from Harrisburg, and 11 miles above the
junction of the North and West Branch, though of compar-
atively recent origin, is destined before many days to become
one of the most important and flourishing inland towns in
Pennsylvania. Upwards of two hundred dwelling houses
were erected here during 1845, besides one furnace, one
foundry, two rolling mills ; one of the latter alone cost one
hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Jn 1845? there were
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 317
no less than twelve or thirteen establishments ior the manu-
facture of iron, in operation, within the limits of the town.
The rolling mill, owned by the New York company, was
built for the purpose of manufacturing railroad iron with
anthracite coal. T railing of a superior quality are manu-
factured here — upwards of eight hundred tons of which were
manufactured in one month. The New York company also-
own four furnaces besides the extensive rolling mill, and are
superintended by Major Brevoort.
The following, from the Sunbury American, describes the
manner in which the T rail is made here :
" In order to make the T rail, the iron is first rolled
through one sett of rollers into heavy flat bars, about three
inches in width and three-fourths of an inch in thickness.
These bars are then cut into pieces, something less than three
feet in length. A number of the pieces, probably 15 or 30,
•are then placed together, making a square bundle or faggot,
weighing nearly 400 pounds. This faggot is then placed
into one of the furnaces and brought to a white heat, when
it is drawn out on a small iron hand cart and conveyed to
the rollers. — The great weight and intense heat of such a
heavy mass, requires considerable skill as well as strength,
in passing it through the rollers. The bar as it passes through
is caught and supported by iron levers, fastened to chains,
that are suspended on pullies from above. The bar first
through the square grooves of the rollers three or four times,
before it is run through the different groves that gradually
bring it to the form of the T rail, as seen upon our railroads.
Through the last grooves it passes five or six times before
it is completed. It is then placed on a small railway car-
riage, on a track 18 feet wide, and hauled up about 20 feet,
when the rail comes in contact with two circular saws, one
of which is placed on each side of the railway. These saws
revolve with great rapidity, and the moment the rail, still
red hot, reaches them, the red, sparkling iron saw du.'-t is
scattered in every direction. The rails are then cut off
square at each end, exactly 18 feet long, apparently as easi-
ly as if they were made of tough hickory wood. The rail
is then dragged to the pile and left to cool, perfectly finish-
ed. The rails we saw made were intended for the Harris-
burg and Lancaster road, and weighed fiftv-one pounds to
27*
318 COLUMBIA COUNTY.
the yard, or something more than three hundred pounds
each. These are said to be the first rails ever made with
anthracite iron, in this or any other country, and are, we
believe, superior to any that have ever been imported."
Ever since the canal has been completed this town has
risen in importance. Many of the houses are neat and com-
modious. The public buildings — court house, prison, and
other county buildings ; an academy, incorporated March
23d, 1818, and several churches, viz : Presbyterian, Epis-
copal, Methodist, Baptist, are all fine buildings. There is
a very substantial bridge across the Susquehanna at this
place. The population in 1840 was about 1000 ; at pres-
ent it may exceed 1250. Its increase having been very ra-
pid for the last three or four years. The site of the place
is commanding, being an elevated bank of the river ; imme-
diately behind it is Montour ridge, abounding with iron ore:
it is said to contain one of the most valuable mines in the
State. The State Geologist, in speaking of the iron ore
here, says, " The daily growing experience derived from
the mining operations now (1838) on foot, will tend to mul-
tiply the data for making a safe estimate of the exact ex-
tent to which the buried treasures of Montour's ridge can
be pursued. Enough is already known respecting the ex-
cellent quality of the ore, the large quantity still readily
accessible, and the cheapness of the present mode of mining
it, to establish a just confidence in the value of this forma-
tion as one of the choicest ore tracts in the State."
« The land where Danville now stands was originally ta-
ken up, or purchased by Mr. Francis and Mr. Peters, of
Philadelphia. During the Revolutionary war, but subse-
quent to the hottest period of the contest, Capt. Montgome-
ry, of Philadelphia — the father — and Col., afterward Gen.
Wm. Montgomery — the uncle — of Hon. Judge Montgome-
ry, now living, resolved to come out and settle on the Sus-
quehanna, then a wild and dangerous frontier, still occasion-
ally disturbed by Indians. They purchased their farms at
the mouth of Mahoning from one John Simpson. They had
but just entered upon the hardships of frontier life, when the
storm of savage warfare descended upon Wyoming. The
Montgomerys, just retired from the campaigns of the revolu-
tion, were no strangers to the alarms of Indian warfare ; but
Mrs, Montgomery had been reared amid the security and
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 319
luxury of Philadelphia, and became so terrified in anticipa-
tion of being murdered by savages, that her husband was
prevailed upon to remove with her, and her little son, now
die Judge, to Northumberland, where the settlements were
protected by a fort. Previously however, to their removal,
they were often annoyed by the lurking foe, and frequent
murders were committed in the vicinity. Their fears, too,
were as often excited by merely imaginary dangers. Capt.
Daniel Montgomery, looking out one evening, about dusk,
upon the river, saw a fine canoe drifting down the stream,
and immediately pushed out with his own canoe to secure
the prize. On coming up to it, and drawing it towards him
with his hand, he was thunderstruck at seeing a very large,
muscular Indian lying flat on his back in the canoe, with his
eyes wildly glaring upon him. He let go his hold and pre-
pared for defence — but in a moment, reflecting that he had
seen water in the bottom of this strange canoe, he again ap-
proached it, and found the Indian was dead. A paper on
his breast set forth that he had been shot near Wyoming,
and set adrift by some of the Yankees. The captain towed
his prize to the shore with a lighter heart, and after a hear-
ty laugh with his neighbors, sent the Indian on his misson.
The following from the " Hazleton Travellers," by Mr. Mi-
ner, of Luzerne co., is the counterpart to the story.
"Among the Indians who formerly lived at Wyoming
was one by the name of Anthony Turkey. When the sav-
ages removed from Wyoming he went with them, and re-
turned as an enemy at the time of the invasion. With him
and the people there had been before a good understanding,
and it created some surprise when known that he was with
the bloody band who had come on an errand of destruction.
It was Turkey who commanded the party that came to Mr.
Weeks' the Sunday after the battle, (1778,) and taking the
old gentleman's hat, shoved his rocking-chair into the street
and sat down and rocked himself. In the invasion of March
following Turkey was here again, and in an engagement,
on the Kingston flats, was shot through the thigh and sur-
rounded by our people. ' Surrender turkey,' said they, ' we
wont hurt you." Probably conscious of his own cruelties,
he defied them, and fought like a tiger-cat to the last. Some
of our boys, in malicious sport, took his body, put it into an
old canoe, fixed a dead rooster in the bow — fastened a bow
320
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
and arrow in the dead Indian's hands, as if in the act just to
fire — put a written * pass' on his breast to ' let the bearer
go to his master King George or the d — 1' — and launched
the canoe into the river, amid the cheers of men and boys."
" After the expedition of Gen. Sullivan had quitted the
frontier and expelled the Indians, the Montgomerys return-
ed to Danville, where Daniel Montgomery established a
store, and laid off a few lots on a piece of land given him by
his father. A few other settlers came in, and in about 1806
we find Danville described in Scott's Geography as a ' small
post-town on the east branch of the Susquehanna, at the
mouth of Mahoning.' Judge Montgomery was at that time
the post-master — the first in the place who enjoyed that dig-
nity. When it was proposed to erect Columbia co., and es-
tablish Danville as the county seat, the elder Gen. Montgo-
mery was opposed to the scheme, fearing annoyance in his
farming operations by the proximity of the town ; but his
son, on the contrary, was eager for the success of the pro-
ject, anticipating large gains from the sale of Jots. After
the county was fairly established, Gen. Montgomery not
only requiesced, but entered with his whole heart into the
enterprise for its improvement. He and his relations en-
dowed and erected an academy, and gave thirty lots as a
fund for the support of the ministry here. He afterwards
took a leading part in getting a charter for the Bear-gap
road, which opened the place to the Pottsville travel ; and
also had great influence in inducing Stephen Girard to
embark in the enterprise of Danville and Pottsville rail-
road. A part of the road was made near Pottsville, and
is now rotting in the sun without use. Girard and«Gen.
Montgomery died nearly at the same time — other inter-
ests interfered, and the Danville and Pottsville railroad,
with the bright visions of augmented wealth associated
with it, exists only on paper."
CATAWISSA,
Was laid out in 1787, by William Hughes, a Quaker, (to
which James Watson made addition in 1776) is on the
left bank of the North Branch of the Susquehanna river,
about nine miles above Danville, at the mouth of Cata-
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
321
wissa creek, situated in the midst of the picturesque scen-
ery. In 1840 it contained three churches, one Methodist,
one Lutheran, and one Friends' Meeting House ; several
stores, taverns, and upwards of two hundred dwellings,
and about 800 inhabitants. There are a foundry, a pa-
per mill, and several tanneries in, and near the place. The
region abounds in iron, and there are, within a few miles
of town, several furnaces and forges, John Hauch built
the first furnace in this region in 1816.
Though the Germans constitute the principal popula-
tion at present, it was originally a Quaker settlement. The
first settlers emigrated principally to Ohio.
BLOOMSBURG,
(Eyersburg) was laid out in 1802, by Ludwig Eyer : it is
a nourishing, well built town, near the river and canal, 9
fniiles northeast of Danville, and four from Catawissa. It
is finely situated on the rising ground, about 2 miles from
the Susquehanna, and contains upwards of one hundred
dwellings, with a population of 650. The North Branch
canal passea.between the river and the town. A very ex-
tensive trade is carried on here with the fertile valley of
Fishing creek. It is a place of some importance, and will
ere long be noted for the manufacture of iron.
The town contains a German Reformed and Lutheran
church hi common ; there are also a Methodist and Epis-
copal church. In the cemetery of the German Reformed
church is a monument erected to the memory of the foun-
der of Bloomsburg. It has this inscription :
In memory of Ludwig Eyer, born January 8, 1767.
Died Sept. 20, 1814, in the 48th year of his age. He left
a widow, six sons and four daughters, to deplore his loss.
He was proprietor of Bloomsburg, laid it out in 1802, and
presented this square to the Lutheran and Presbyterian
congregations, for a church and burying ground, in 1807.
His liberality was not confined to these congregations,
he also gave the Episcopalians a lot of ground.
Near this place, south of the town, on the Susquehan-
na, was a Stoccade Fort erected in 1781, and another in
Fishing creek, about 3 miles above its mouth.
322
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
In February, 1780, 1 was, says Van 6ampen, promoted
to a lieutenancy, and entered upon the active duties of an
officer, by heading scouts, and as Capt. Robinson was no
woodsman or no marksman, he preferred that I should en-
counter the danger and head scouts ; we kept up a con-
stant chain of scouts around the frontier settlements, from
the north to the northwest branch of the Susquehanna, by
the way of Little Fishing creek, Chilisquaqua, Muncy,
&c. In the spring of 1781, we built a fort on the widow
McClure's plantation, called McClure's Fort, where our
provisions were stored.— Incidents of Border Lije.
BERWICK,
Is twelve miles above Bloomsburg, on the right bank of
the Susquehanna, on the eastern boundary — part of the
village is in Luzerne county. It was originally settled by
Evan Owen, in 1783. It contains about one hundred
dwellings, a Methodist church, an academy, several stores
and taverns, and about 800 inhabitants. From this town
a turnpike road runs to Lausanne, on the Lehigh river,
above Mauch chunk, passing near the Beaver Meadows.
The road crosses the Susquehanna by a substantial bridge
which connects Berwick with Nescopee village — com-
menced in 1814 and completed in 1818, at a cost of $52,-
435. The North Branch canal passes along the foot of the
elevated bank upon which the town is built.
MIFFLINSBURG,
Is on the left bank of the Susquehanna river, seventeen
miles above Danville. It contains about thirty dwellings,
several stores and taverns — a Lutheran and a Methodist
church. In and near it are several mills and tanneries.
WASHINGTONVILLE,
Is seven miles southwest of Danville : contains about 40
dwellings, several stores and taverns. It is situated in the
fertile valley of Chilisquaque creek.
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 323
FRUITSTOWN,
Is a small hamlet, twelve miles north of Danville, on a
branch of Chilisquaque creek, at the head of Chilisquaque
valley.
JERSEYTOWN,
Seven miles northeast of Danville, contains about thirty
dwellings, a store, a tavern, and a church.
WILLIAMSBURG,
On Fishing creek, three miles above Bloomsburg, and 13
northeast of Danville, consists of a dozen of houses, a store
and tavern, and a Methodist church.
ORANGEVILLE,
Five miles north of Bloomsburg, on Fishing creek, con-
tains about 40 dwellings, several stores and taverns.
WHITE HALL,
Ten miles from Danville, four miles northwest of Jersey -
town, contains six or eight dwellings, a store and tavern.
ESPYTOWN,
On the west bank of the Susquehanna, on the road from
Danville to Berwick, twelve miles from the former place,
contains about 25 dwellings, several stores and a tavern.
MOORSBURG,
A small village, in Liberty township. Prettily located.
324
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
EDUCATION AND RELIGION.
Genera] education has, as in several other counties, been
much neglected in many parts of the county. Although
all the townships, except Mifflin and Valley, have adopted
the system of public schools. The compensatiion allowed
to teachers, is such as to induce illy qualified persons to
take charge of schools. There are 19 school districts, 14
of which _have reported 104 schools as in operation, and
12 wanting in those districts: schools open 7 months; em-
ployed 98 male and 31 female teachers; the former at a
salary of $16 per month, and the latter at $9. In these
schools there were 3,296 male and 2,556 female pupils;
138 of whom were learning German. District tax raised
$5,207 95 ; state appropriation $4,778 00. Cost of in-
struction $6,106 33; fuel and contingencies $589 41; cost
of school houses $5S6 77. There is an academy and a
female seminary at Danville, pretty liberally patronized.
Methodists and Presbyterians are the most numerous
religious denominations — there are some Episcopalians,
German Reformed, Lutherans, and Quakers.
NARRATIVE
Of Lieut. Moses Van Campen, during the War of the Rev-
olution ; sent by the author to Congress in 1838, accom-
panied by a petition for pension, which was granted.
My first service was in the year 1777, when I served
three months under Colonel John Kelly, who stationed us
at Big Island, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna.
Nothing particular transpired during that time, and in
March, 1778, 1 was appointed lieutenant of a company of
six months men. Shortly afterwards I was ordered by
Colonel Samuel Hunter to proceed with about twenty men
to Fishing creek, (which empties into the North Branch of
the Susquehanna, about twenty miles above Northumber-
land,) and built a fort about three miles from its mouth,
for the reception of the inhabitants, in case of an alarm
from the Indians.
In May, my fort being nearly completed, our spies dis-
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
'32-5
covered a large party of Indians making their way towards
the fort. The neighboring residents had barely time to fly
to the fort for protection, leaving their goods behind. The
Indians soon made their appearance, and having plundered
and burnt the houses, attacked the fort, keeping a steady fire
upon us during the day. At night they withdrew, burning
and destroying every thing in their route.
What loss they sustained, we could not ascertain, as they
carried off all the dead and wounded, though from the marks
of blood on the ground, it must have been considerable. The
inhabitants that took shelter in the fort, had built a yard for
their cattle, at the head of a small flat, a short distance from
the fort, and one evening in the month of June, just as they
were milking them, my sentinel called my attention to some
movement in the brush, which I soon discovered to be Indi-
ans, making their way to the cattle yard. There was no
time to be lost ; I immediately selected ten of my sharp-
shooters, and under cover of a rise of land, got between them
and the milkers. On ascending the ridge we found ourselves
within pistol shot of them; I fired first, and killed the lead-
er, but a volley from my men did further execution, the In-
dians running off at once In the meantime the milk pails
flew in every direction, and the best runner got to the fort
first.
As the season advanced, Indian hostilities increased, and
notwithstanding the vigilance of our scouts, which were out
constantly, houses were burnt and families murdered. In the
summer of 1778 occurred the great massacre at Wyoming;
after which the Governors of Connecticut, New York and
Pennsylvania, petitioned Congress to adopt speedy measures
for the protection of the western frontier, which subject was
referred to a committee of Congress and Gen. Washington.
The committee recommended that the war should be carried
into the enemy's country, and a company of rangers raised
for the defence of the frontier.
In 1779 Gen. Sullivan was sent with an army into their
country. The provisions for the supply of the army were
purchased in the settlements along the waters of the Susque-
hanna, and deposited in storehouses. I was appointed, under
the title of quartermaster, to superintend this business, and
about the middle of July, by means of boats, had collected
all the provisions at Wyoming, where Gen. Sullivan, with
28
326
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
his army, lay waiting for them. About the last of July our
army moved for Tioga Point, while a fleet of boats ascended
the river parallel with the army.
We reached Tioga Point early in August, where we halt-
ed for Gen. Clinton to join us with his brigade, which came
by the way of the Mohawk river, and so on into Lake Otse-
go. During this time the Indians were collecting in consid-
erable force at Chemung, a large Indian village about 11
miles distant. As they became very troublesome neighbors,
Gen. Clinton contemplated an attack upon them, but wished
to ascertain their numbers and situation, and selected me for
that dangerous enterprise. I prepared myself an Indian
dress, breech cloth, leggings, and moccasins. My cap had a
good supply of feathers ; and being painted in Indian style, I
set off with one man, dressed in the same manner. We left
the camp after dark, and proceeded with much caution until
we came to the Chemung, which we supposed would be
strongly guarded. We ascended the mountain, crossed over
it, and came in view of their fires, when having descended
the hill, we waited quietly until they lay down and got to
sleep. We then walked around their camp, counted the fires
and the number of Indians at some of the fires, thus forming
an estimate of their number, which I took to be about six or
seven hundred. I returned, and having made my report to
the general early next morning, I went to my tent, spread
down my blanket, and had a refreshing sleep.
In the afternoon Major Adam Hoopes, one of the gener-
al's aids, requested me to wait upon the general, which I
obeyed. The latter requested, as I had learnt the way to
Chemung, that I would lead the advance, he having selected
Gen. Samuel Hand, of the Pennsylvania line, to make them
a visit with eleven hundred men. I accepted the service,
and we took up our line of march after sundown. When we
came to the Narrows, I halted, according to order, until the
main body came up, when the general ordered us to enter the
Narrows, observing, " Soldiers, cut your way through." We
did so, and entered the Indian village at daybreak, but found
that the birds had flown. We halted a few minutes for our
men to refresh, set fire to their village, and having discov-
ered from their trail, that they had gone up the river, fol-
lowed it about two miles. Here our path lay up a narrow
ridge, called Hogback Hill, which we remarked, seemed
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
327
formed by nature for an Indian ambuscade. Accordingly,
every eye was fixed on the hill, and as we began to ascend,
we saw the bushes tremble, and immediately rifles were pre-
sented, and we received a deadly fire, by which sixteen or
seventeen of the advanced were killed or wounded.
We that stood, sprang under cover of the bank, and for a
moment, reserved our fire- Six or seven stout fellows rushed
out with tomahawk and knife, to kill and scalp our com-
rades. It was now our turn to fire : every shot counted one
— they fell. Gen. Hand now came on at quick stop, advan-
ced within a few rods of them, and ordered his men to fire,
and then charge them at the point of the bayonet ; they were
soon routed and put to flight. We returned with our dead
and wounded the same night, to our former camp.
We had no further opportunity of coming to a brush with
them, until we were joined by our whole force, under Gen.
Clinton. We were opposed by the enemy's whole force,
consisting of Indians, British and tories, to whom we gave
battle a little below Newtown Point. Our loss was compa-
ratively trifling.
On the return of the army, I was taken with the camp fe-
ver, and was removed to the fort which I had built in 1778,
where my rather was still living. In the course of the win-
ter I recovered my health, and my father's house having been
burnt in 1778, by the party which attacked the before-men-
tioned fort, my father requested me to go with him and a
younger brother to our farm, about four miles distant, to
make preparations for building another, and raising some
grain.
But little- apprehension was entertained of molestation
from the Indians this season, as they had been so completely
routed the year before. We left the fort about the last of
March, accompanied by my uncle and his son, about twelve
years old, and one Peter Pence. We had been on our farms
about four or five days, when on the morning of the 30th of
March, we were surprised by a party of ten Indians. My
father was thrust through with a war spear, his throat was
cut and he was scalped, while my brother was tomahawked,
scalped, and thrown into the fire before my eyes. While I
was struggling with a warrior, the fellow who had killed my
father, drew his spear from his body and made a violent
thrust at me. I shrank from his spear ; the savage who had
328 COLUMBIA COUNTY.
hold of me, turned it with his hand, so that it only penetrated
my vest and shirt. They were then satisfied with taking me
prisoner, as they had the same morning taken my uncle's
little son and Pence, though they killed my uncle.
The same party, before they reached us, had touched on
the lower settlements of Wyoming, and killed a Mr. Upson,
and took a boy prisoner by the name of Rogers. We were
now marched off up Fishing creek, and in the afternoon of
the same clay we came to Huntingdon, where the Indians
found four white men at a sugar camp, who fortunately dis-
covered the Indians and fled to a house ; the Indians only
fired on them, and wounded a Captain Ransom, when they
continued their course till night.
Having encamped and made their fire, we, the prisoners,
were tied and well secured, five Indians lying on one side of
us and five on the other ; in the morning they pursued their
course, and, leaving the waters of Fishing creek, touched
the head waters of Hemlock creek, where they found one
Abraham Pike, his wife and child. Pike was made a pris-
oner, but his wife and child, they painted and told Joggo —
squaw — go home. They continued their course that day,
and encamped the same night in the same manner as the pre-
vious. The next day I had an opportunity to communicate
my plan to my fellow prisoners ; they treated it as a vision-
ry scheme for three men to rttempt to despatch ten Indians.
I spread before them the advantages that three men would
have over ten, when asleep; and that we would be the first
prisoners that would be taken into their towns and villages,
after our army had destroyed their corn ; that we should be
tied to the stake and suffer a cruel death; we had now an
inch of ground to fight on, and if we failed it would only be
death, and we might as well die one way as another.
That day passed away, and having encamped for the night,
we lay as before. In the morning we came to the river, and
seen their canoes ; they had descended the river, and run
their canoes upon Little Tunkhannock creek, so called ; they
crossed the river and set their canoes adrift.
I renewed my suggestion to my companions, to despatch
them that night ; and urged that they must decide the ques-
tion. Disarm them, and each take a tomahawk, and come
to close work at once. There are three of us ; plant our
blows with judgment, and three times three will make nine,
and the tenth one we can kill at our leisure.
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 329
They agreed to disarm them, and after that, one take pos-
session of the guns and tire, at the one side of the four, and
the other two take tomahawks on the other side and despatch
them. I observed that would be a very uncertain way; the
first shot fired would give the alarm ; they would discover
it to be the prisoners, and might defeat us. I had to yield
to their plan. Peter Pence was chosen to fire the guns, Pike
and myself to tomahawk ; we cut and carried plenty of wood,
to give them a good fire ; the prisoners were tied and laid in
their places; after I was laid down, one of them had occa-
sion to use his kni/e ; he dropped it at my feet ; I turned my
foot over if and concealed it — they all lay down and fell
asleep. About midnight I got up and found them in sound
sleep. I slipped to Pence, who rose ; I cut him loose and
handed him the knife ; he did the same for me, and I in turn
took the knife and cut Pike loose ; in a minute's time we
disarmed them. Pence took his station at the guns. Pike
and myself, with our tomahawks, took our stations; I was
to tomahawk three on the right wing and Pike two on the
left. That moment Pike's two awoke, and were getting up;
here Pike proved a coward and laid down. It was a critical
moment. I saw there was no time to be lost ; their heads
turned up fair ; I despatched them in a moment, and turned
to my lot, as per agreement, and as I was about to despatch
the last on my side of the fire, Pence shot and did good exe-
cution ; there was only one at the off wing that his ball did
not reach ; his name was Mohawk, a stout, bold, daring fel-
low. In the alarm, he jumped off about three rods from the
fire ; he saw it was the prisoners that made the attack, and
giving the war-whoop, he darted to take possession of the
guns; I as quick to prevent him; the contest was then be-
tween him and myself. As I raised my tomahawk, he turned
quick to jump at me ; I followed him and struck at him, but
missing his head, my tomahawk struck his shoulder, or rath-
er the back of his neck ; he pitched forward and fell ; at the
same time my foot slipped, and I fell by his side; we clinched;
his arm was naked ; he caught me round my neck, at the
same time I caught him with my left arm around the body,
and gave him a close hug, at the same time feeling for his
knife, but could not reach it.
In our scuffle, my tomahawk dropped out. My head was
under the wounded shoulder, and almost suffocated me with
28* .
330 COLUMBIA COUNTY.
his blood. I made a violent spring and broke from his hold :
-we both rose at the same time, and he ran ; it took me some
time to clear the blood from my eyes ; my tomahawk got
covered up, and I could not find it in time to overtake him ;
he was the only one of the party that escaped. Pike was
powerless.
I always have had a reverence for Christian devotion. Pike
was trying to pray, and Pence was swearing at him, charg-
ing him with cowardice, and saying it was no time to pray,
he ought to fight ; we were masters of the ground, and in
possession of all their guns, blankets, match coats, &c. I
then turned my attention to scalping them, and recovering
the scalps of my father, brother, and others. I strung them
all on my belt for safe keeping.
We kept our ground till morning, and built a raft, it be-
ing near the bank of the river where they had encamped,
about fifteen miles below Tioga Point ; we got all our plun-
der on it, and set sail tor Wyoming, the nearest settlement.
Our raft gave away, when we made for land, but we lost
considerable property, though we saved our guns and ammu-
nition, and took the land ; we reached Wylusing late in the
afternoon. Came to the narrows ; discovered a smoke below
and a raft lying at the shore, by which we were certain a
party of Indians had passed us in the course of the day, and
had halted for the night.
There was no other alternative for us, but to route them,
or go over the mountain ; the snow on the north side of the
hill was deep ; we knew, from appearance of the raft, that
the party must be small ; we had two rifles each ; my only
fear was of Pike's cowardice. To know the worst of it, we
agreed that I should ascertain their number and give the sig-
nal for the attack ; I crept down the side of the hill, so near
as to see their fires and packs, but saw no Indians. I con-
cluded they had gone hunting for meat, and that this was a
good opportunity for us to make off with their raft to the
opposite side of the river. I gave the signal ; they came and
threw their packs on to the raft, which was made of small,
dry pine timber, and had got nearly out of reach of shot,
-when two of them came in; they fired ; their shots did no in-
jury; we soon got under cover of an island, and went seve-
ral miles; we had waded deep creeks through the day; the
night was cold ; we landed on an island, and found a sink
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 331
hole, in which we made our fire ; after warming, we were
alarmed by a crackling in the crust ; Pike supposed the In-
dians had got on to this island, and commenced calling for
quarters; to keep him quiet, we threatened him with his life;
the stepping grew plainer, and seemed coming directly to the
fire ; I kept a watch, and soon a noble raccoon came under
the light. I shot the raccoon, when Pike jumped up and
called out, " Quarters, gentlemen ; quarters, gentlemen." I
took ray game by the leg, and threw it down to the fire ;
" Here, you cowardly rascal," I cried, " skin that, and give
us a roast for supper."
The next night we reached Wyoming, and there was much
joy to see us ; we rested one day, and it being unsafe to go
to Northumberland by land, we procured a canoe, and with
Pence and my little cousin, we descended the river by night;
we came to Fort Jenkins before day, where I found Colonel
Kelly and about one hundred men encamped out of the Fort;
he came across from the West Branch by the heads of Chil-
isquaka to Fishing creek, the end of the Nob mountain, so
called at that day, where my father and mother were killed ;
he had buried my father and uncle; my brother was burnt;
a small part of him only was found.
Colonel Kelly informed me that my mother and her chil-
dren were in the fort, and it was thought that I was like-
wise killed. Col- Kelly went into the fort to prepare her
mind to see me. I took off my belt of scalps and handed
them to an officer to keep. Human nature was not sufficient
to stand the interview. She had just lost a husband and a
son, and one had returned to take her by the hand ; and one
that she supposed was killed.
The day after, I went to Sunbury, where I was received
with joy: my scalps were exhibited, the cannons were fired,
&c. Before ray return, a commission had been set me as an
ensign of a company, to be commanded by Captain Thomas
Robison. This was, as I understood, a part of the quota
which Pennsylvania had to raise for the continental line.
One Joseph Alexander was commissioned as Lieut, but did
not accept his commission.
The summer of 1780 was spent in the recruiting service;
our company was organized, and was retained for the defence
of the frontier service.
In February, 1781, I was promoted to a lieutenancy, and
332 COLUMBIA COUNTY.
entered upon the active duty of an officer by heading scouts,
and as Capt. Robison was no woodsman nor marksman, he
preferred that I should encounter the danger and head the
scouts; we kept up a constant chain of scouts around the
frontier settlements, from the North to the West Branch of
the Susquehanna, by way of the head waters of Little Fish-
ing creek, Chilisquaqua, Muncy, &c.
In the spring of 1781 we built a fort on the widow Mc-
Clure's plantation, called McClure's Fort, where our provis-
ions were stored.
In the summer of 1781 a man was taken prisoner in Buf-
falo Valley, but made his escape ; he came in and reported
there were about three hundred Indians on Sinnemahoning,
hunting and laying in a store of provisions, and would make
a descent on the frontiers ; that they would divide into small
parties, and attack the whole chain of the frontier at the
same time on the same day.
Colonel Samuel Hunter selected a company of five to re-
connoitre, viz : Capt. Campbell, Peter and Michael Groves,
Lieut. Cramer and myself; the party was called the Grove
Party. We carried with us three weeks' provisions, and
proceeded up the West Branch with much caution and care;
we reached the Sinnemahoning, but made no discovery, ex-
cept old tracks ; we marched up the Sinnemahoning so far,
that we were satisfied it was a false report. We returned,
and a little below the Sinnemahoning, near night, we discov-
ered a smoke ; we were confident it was a party of Indians,
which we must have passed by, or they got there some other
way; we discovered there was a large party, how many we
could not tell, but prepared for the attack.
As soon as it was dark we new primed our rifles, sharp-
ened our flints, examined our tomahawk handles, and all be-
ing ready, we waited with great impatience, until they all
laid down : the time came, and with the utmost silence we
advanced, trailed our rifles in one hand, and the tomahawk
in the other. The night was warm ; we found some of them
rolled in their blankets a rod or two from their fires. Hav-
ing got amongst them, we first handled our tomahawks; they
rose like a dark cloud ; we now fired our shots, and raised
the war yell ; they took flight in the utmost confusion, but
few taking time to pick up their rifles. We remained mas-
ters of the ground and all their plunder, and took several
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
333
scalps. It was a party of twenty-five or thirty, which had
been down as law as Penn's creek, and had killed and scalp-
ed two or three families; we found several scalps of different
ages which they had taken, and a large quantity of domestic
cloth, which was carried to Northumberland and given to
the distressed who had escaped the tomahawk and knife.
In December, 1/8 L, our company was ordered to Lancas-
ter ; we descended the river in boats to Middletown, where
our orders were countermanded, and we were ordered to
Heading, Berks county, where we were joined by a party of
the third and fifth Pennsylvania regiments, and a company
of the Congress regiment. We took charge of the Hessians
taken prisoner by Gen. Burgoyne.
In the latter part of March, at the opening of the campaign
of 1782, we were ordered by Congress to our respective sta-
tions. I marched Robison's company to Northumberland,
where Mr. Thomas Chambers joined us, who had been re-
cently commissioned as an ensign of our company. We hal-
ted at Northumberland two or three days for our men to
wash and rest ; from thence ensign Chambers and myself
were ordered to Muncy, Samuel Wallace's plantation, there
to make a stand and rebuild Fort Muncy, which had been
destroyed by the enemy.
We reached that station, and built a small block-house for
the storage of our provisions. About the 10th or 11th of
April, Captain Robison came on with Esquire Culbertson,
James Dougherty, William McGrady, and Mr. Barkley. I
was ordered to select twenty or twenty-five men, with these
proceed up the West Branch to the Big Island, and thence
to Bald Eagle creek, to the place where Mr. Culbertson had
been killed. On the 15th of April, at night, we reached the
place, and encamped for the night ; on the night of the 16th
we were attacked by eighty-five Indians; it was a hard fought
battle; Esquire Culbertson and two others made their escape.
I think we had nine killed, and the rest of us were made
prisoners. We were stripped of all our clothing, excepting
our pantaloons. When they took off my shit t they discov-
ered my commission; our commissions were written on parch-
ment, and carried in a silk case, hung with a ribbon, in our
bosom; several got hold of it, and one fellow cut the ribbon
with his knife, and succeeded in obtaining it.
They took us a little distance from the battle ground, and
334
COLUMBIA COUNTY.
made the prisoners sit down in a small ring, the Indians form-
ing around us in close order, each with his rifle and toma-
hawk in his hand. They brought up five Indians we had
killed, and laid them within their circle. Each one reflected
for himself; our time would probably be short; and respect-
ing myself, looking back upon the year 1780, at the party I
had killed, if I was discovered to be the person, my case
would be a hard one.
Their prophet, or chief warrior, made a speech, as I was
informed afterwards by the British Lieutenant, who belonged
to the party, he was consulting the Great Spirit what to do
with the prisoners, whether to kill us on the spot or spare
our lives : he came to the conclusion that there had been
blood enough shed, and as to the men they had lost, it was
the fate of war, and we must be taken and adopted into the
families of those whom we had killed. We were then di-
vided amongst them according to the number of fires. Packs
were prepared for us, and they returned across the river at
the Big Island, in bark canoes.
They then made their way across hills, and came to Pine
creek, above the first forks, which they followed up to the
third fork, and pursued the most northerly branch to the
head of it, and thence to the waters of the Genesee river.
After two days travel we came to a place called the Pigeon
Woods, where a great number of Indian families, old and
young, had come to catch pigeons. There we met a party
of about forty warriors, on their way to the frontier settle-
ments ; they encamped some little distance apart, the warri-
ors of the two parties holding a council at our camp.
I soon perceived that I was the subject of conversation. I
was seized and dragged to the other camp, where the war-
riors were sitting on one side of a large fire ; I was seated
on the opposite side. Every eye was fixed upon me. I per-
ceived they were gathering around in great numbers ; in a
short time I perceived a man pressing through the crowd ;
he came to me and sat down ; I saw he was a white man
painted, in Indian dress. He examined me on the situation
of the frontiers, the strength of our forts, the range of our
scouts, &c. After he got through, he observed that there
was only one there, beside himself, that knew me. "Do you
know me, sir?" said I. "I do: you are the man that killed
the Indians"
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 335
I thought of the fire and the stake. — He observed that he
was a prisoner and a friend ; that his name was Jones, and
he had been taken prisoner in the spring of '81, with Capt.
John Boyde, in Bedford county ; that he would not expose
me, and if I could pass through undiscovered and be delivered
up to the British, I would be safe ; if not, I would have to
die at the stake. The next morning they moved down the
river; two days afterwards they came to the Caneadia vil-
lage, the first on the Genesee river, where we were prepared
to run the Indian gauntlet. The warriors don't whip ; it is
the young Indians and squaws. They meet you in sight of
their council house, where they select the prisoners from the
ranks of the warriors, bring them in front, and when ready,
the word joggo is given ; the prisoners start, the whippers
follow after, and if they outrun you, you will be severely
whipped.
I was placed in front of my man ; the word being given,
we started. Being then young and full of nerve, I led the
way; two young squaws came running up to join the whip-
ping party, and when they saw us start they halted, and
stood shoulder to shoulder with their whips ; when I came
near them I bounded and kicked them over; we all came
down together; there was considerable kick ing amongst us,
so much so, that they showed their under-dress, which ap-
peared to be of a beautiful yellow color ; I had not time to
help them up. It was truly diverting to the warriors ; they
yelled and shouted till they made the air ring.
They halted at that village for one day, and thence went
to Fort Niagara, when I was delivered up to the British.
I was adopted, according to Indian custom, into Col. But-
ler's family, then the commanding officer of the British and
Indians at that place. I was to supply the loss of his son,
Capt. Butler, who met his death late in the fall of 1781,
by the Americans.
In honor to me, as his adopted son, I was confined in
a private room, and not put under a British guard. My
troubles soon began ; the Indians were informed by the to-
nes that they knew me, that I had been a prisoner before,
and had destroyed my captors; they were much excited,
and went to Butler and demanded me, and, as I was told, of-
fered to bring in fourteen prisoners in my place. Butler sent
an officer to examine me on the subject ; he came and inform-
336 COLUMBIA COUNTY.
ed me their Indians had laid heavy accusations against me ;
they were informed that I had been a prisoner before, and
destroyed the party, and that they had demanded me to be
given up to them, and that his Colonel wished to know the
fact. 1 observed : " Sir, it is a serious question to answer ;
I will never deny the truth ; I have been a prisoner before,
and destroyed the party, and returned to the service of my
country: but, sir, 1 consider myself to be a prisoner of war
to the British, and I presume you will have more honor than
to deliver me up to the savages. I know what my fate will
be; and please to inform your Colonel that we have it in our
power to retaliate."
He left me, and in a short time returned and stated that
he was authorized to say to me that there was no alternative
for me to save my life, but to abandon the rebel cause and
join the British standard ; that I should take the same rank
in the British service as I did in the rebel service. I replied,
" No, sir, give me the stake, the tomahawk, or the knife, be-
fore a British commission ; liberty or death is our motto." —
He then left me.
Some time after, a lady came to my room, with whom I
had been well acquainted before the Revolution ; we had been
schoolmates; she was then married to a British officer, a
captain of the Queen's rangers ; he came with her. She had
been to Col. Butler, and she was authorized to make me the
same offer as the officer had done. I thanked her for the
trouble she had taken for my safety, but could not accept of
the offer. She observed, how much more honorable would
it be to me to be an officer in the British service. I remarked
that I could not dispose of nv. self in that way; I belonged
to the Congress of the United States, and that I would abide
the consequences. She left me, and that was the last I heard
of it. A guard was set at my apartment.
In about four days after, 1 was sent down Lake Ontario
to a place called Carlton Island : from thence down ihe St.
Lawrence to Montreal, where I was placed in prison, and
found forty or fifty of our American officers, and where we
had the honor to look through the iron grates. The fourth
of July was drawing near; ten of us combined to celebrate
the political birth-day of our country ; we found ways and
means to have some brandy conveyed in to us, unknown to
the British guard. It was highly offensive to the British
COLUMBIA COUNTY. 337
officers, and we ten were taken out and sent to Quebec,
thence down to St. Lawrence, and put on the Isle of New
Orleans, where we remained until the last of September ; a
British fleet sailed about the same time and bound for New
York ; we were put on board of that fleet. When we came
to New York there was no exchange for us. General Carlton
then commanded the British army at New York ; he paroled
us to return home.
In the month of March, 1783, I was exchanged, and had
orders to take up arms again. I joined my company in March
at Northumberland ; about that time Capt. Robison received
orders to march his company to Wyoming, to keep garrison
at Wilkesbarre Fort. He sent myself and ensign Chambers
with the company to that station, where we lay till Novem-
ber, 17S3. Our army was then discharged, and our compa-
ny likewise; poor, and penniless, we retired to the shades of
private life.
29
CHAPTER XIII.
Juniata County.
Juniata county erected— Streams and geological features—Public im-
provements—Towns ; Mifflin, Thompsonstown, Mexico, Perrysville,
Tammany, Waterford or Waterloo, Calhounsville or McAllister-
ville, Ridgesville, Greenwood, &c— Education— Case of law suit,
i &c. &c.
Juniata county was, by virtue of an act of March 2nd,
1831, separated from Mifflin county, and is bounded on the
north by Union county ; for a short distance on the east by
the Susquehanna river ; on the southeast it is bounded by
Perry county ; and, on the southwest, by Huntingdon
county.
Average length about forty miles ; breadth nine ; area in
square miles, about 360 ; it contains about 230,400 acres of
land.
Population in 1840, 11,080.
The population in the several townships in 1840, was as
follows : —
Fermanagh, 831; Greenwood, 1,237; Milford, 1,829;
Turbett, 1,319; Lack, 761; Tuscarora, 1,018; Walker,
1,423; Delaware, 956; Fayette, 1,291; Mifflin borough,
420.
[See Table on the opposite page.
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340
JUNIATA COUNTY.
This county, like all noticed, belongs to the great central
transition formation of the State. Its surface is traversed
northeast and southwest by several mountains. The Tusca-
rora mountain forms the most of the southeastern boundary,
dividing Juniata from Perry, and on the northwest the Shade
and Black Log mountains separate it from Mifflin. The sur-
face of the county, as well as the soil, is diversified. The
mountains and hills are separated by intervening valleys.
The principal streams are the Juniata river, Tuscarora, Lost,
Licking, Cocalamus, West Mahantango, Black Log.
The Juniata river passes through the middle part of this
county. The Tuscarora creek rises in Huntingdon county,
runs northeast between 30 and 35 miles, passes through the
western part of this county, in a northeastward couise, and
falls into the Juniata below Miffiintown, being joined by
Licking creek. Lost creek rises by several branches, and
flows into the Juniata river, about two miles above Miffiin-
town. Cocalamus creek rises in Greenwood township and
flows southeast into Perry county, and thence into the Juni-
ata river some distance below Millerstown.
The geological features of the county are not so greatly
diversified as in some counties. A series of nearly parallel
belts of various rock formations range across this county
from northeast to southwest, following the direction of the
mountain ridges, and being brought successively to the sur-
face by undulations or lines of elevation and depression. The
variegated and red shale overlying the mountain sandstone,
appears along the northwest side of Tuscarora mountain,
and again on the Juniata above Mexico, having between
those points a belt of overlying fossiliferous limestone and
sandstone, as seen between Thompsontown and Mexico, on
the turnpike. A similar belt of this limestone, with the sand-
stone accompanying, appears at Miffiintown, above which
place we find the red and variegated shale formation extend-
ing to the foot of Shade mountain. In the valley of Tusca-
rora creek, a few miles southwest of Juniata, the fossiliferous
sandstone divides into two branches, having between them
the overlying olive slate, which, still farther in the valley,
is itself overlaid by the red shales and sandstones, next in
series.
The soil in many parts is very productive, especially in
the valleys in which limestone is generally at, or near the;
JUNIATA COUNTY. 341
surface. The mountainous portions are broken and unusu-
ally sterile. The chief occupation of the inhabitants is agri-
culture. The finely improved fields, the well built house,
and huge barns, give strong evidence of the industry of this
class of the community.
According to the census of 1840, there were 3,571 horses
in Juniata county, 11,089 neat cattle, 12,023 sheep, 18,604
swine, value of all kinds of poultry 3,822, 219,859 bushels
wheat, barley 3,035, oats 156,072, rye 69,219, buckwheat
17,726, corn 162,659, wool 19,907 pounds, hops 787 lbs.,
wax 399 pounds, potatoes 53,320 bushels, 8,958 tons of
hay, 5i tons of flax, 1,257 cords of wood sold, value of the
products of the dairy $34,305, value of the products of the
orchard §7,667, value of home made or family goods §800.
Retail dry goods, grocery, and other stores 33, with a capi-
tal of §112,600. Products of the forest §3,865. Value of
machinery manufactured §4,400. Value of hardware, cut-
lery, &c, manufactured §3,500. Value of bricks and lime
§13,794; 30 men employed, capital §13,305. Nine fulling
mills, value of manufactured goods §20,200, 21 hands em-
ployed, capital invested §10,000. Value of hats and caps
manufactured §900, 3 persons employed, capital §300 ; 21
tanneries, tanned 14,742 sides of sole leather, 3,472 up-
per, 53 men employed, capital invested 54,100. All other
manufactories of leather, saddleries, &c, 91: value of ar-
ticles manufactured §29,550, capital invested §5,815. Five
distilleries produced 11,425 gallons, six men employed, ca-
pital §3,700. Three printing offices, 7 hands employed,
capital §1,400. Value of carriages and wagons manufac-
tured §3,520, 13 men employed, capital §800. Eleven
flouring mills, manufactured 11,875 barrels. There were
also, 17 grist mills and 52 saw mills; value of manufac-
tures of mills §192,440, 74 men employed, capital invest-
ed §89,250. Value of furniture manufactured §4,525, 16
men employed, capital §1,890. Total capital invested in
manufactures §185,690. Aggregate amount of all property
taxable in 1844, §2,498,930 00.
PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.
The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania canal, and the
29*
342 JUNIATA COUNTY,
northern turnpike road, from Harrisburg to Pittsburg, both
pass through this county.
MIFFLINTOWN,
The seat of justice, is situated on the north side of the Ju-
niata river ; it occupies an elevated site, commanding an ex-
tensive view of the adjacent and neighboring hills and moun-
tains. It was laid out in the year 1791, by John Harris. It
improved very slowly until 1831, when it was made the seat
of justice : since, it has improved rapidly. It now contains
about one hundred dwellings, some of which are very commo-
dious, and of brick. It has the usual number of county build-
ings. There are also an academy, a Presbyterian, and Luth-
eran church. The Methodists worship in the court house.
There are 4 stores, 2 apothecary stores, and three taverns.-
The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania canal passes
along the river; and the Huntingdon township road passes
through town. A thriving trade is carried on here ; it is
the depot of all the surplus produce of the adjacent valleys.
A substantial bridge crosses the Juniata here, affording great
facilities to the farmers of Tuscarora valley. The population
is about four hundred and seventy-hve. In 1840 it was 420.
Of these there were :
White Males under 5, 30 ; 5 and under 10, 26 ; 10 and
under 15, 23 ; 15 and under 20, 31 ; 20 and under 30, 38 ;
30 and under 40, 32 ; 40 and under 50, 17 ; 50 and under
60, 7 ; 60 and under 70, 4 ; 70 and under 80, 1 ; 80 and
under 90, 2.
White Females under 5, 36 ; 5 and under 10, 23 ; 10
and under 15, £2 ; 15 and under 20, 23 ; 20 and under 30,
42 ; 30 and under 40, 32 ; 40 and under 50, 13 ; 50 and
under 60, 5 ; 60 and under 70, 3 ; 70 and under 80, 3.
Colored Males, 6.
Colored Females, 1.
Of the entire population, 14 were engaged in agriculture,
13 in commerce, 72 in manufactures and trades, 7 in navi-
gation, 11 in the learned professions, 2 primary schools, 120
scholars.
Mill i ;
wJI MPs
HIT
JUNIATA COUNTY. 343
THOMPSONSTOWN,
Laid out by Mr. Thompson, is a flourishing post village,
about half a mile north of the Juniata river and State canal;
and on the turnpike road leading from Millerstown to Lew-
istown : it contains about 50 dwellings, several stores and
taverns, and three churches — Lutheran, Seceder, Baptist —
and a school house. Delaware run passes through and emp-
ties into the Juniata river.
MEXICO,
Laid out by Tobias Kreider, about 40 years ago, is a plea-
sant little village on the Juniata river and turnpike road,
leading to Lewistown, three miles southeast of Mifflintown,
contains between 30 and 40 dwellings, 3 stores, 3 taverns,
a grist mill, saw mill, and woollen factory ; two churches —
a Seceder and Methodist — and a school house. The mills
and factory are on Doe run.
PERRYSVILLE,
Was laid out 15 or 18 years ago : it is a fine village, situ-
ated on the right bank of the Juniata river, at the mouth of
Licking and Tuscarora creeks, two miles and a half below
Mifflin. It contains three stores and a tavern. The Juni-
ata is crossed here by a substantial bridge.
TAMMANY,
In Turbit township, consists of a few houses ; and a wool-
len factory and saw mill, owned by Mr, Hertzler.
WATERFORD & WATERLOO,
Both in Lack township, in Tuscarora valley, and on the
Tuscarora creek, are very small villages, some three or four
miles apart. They are in the southwestern part of the county.
344
JUNIATA COUNTY.
CALHOUNSVILLE,
*
■
Or McAllisterville, was laid out by Mr. McAllister. It con-
tains 12 or 15 dwellings, and lies at the foot of the moun-
tain, girded by Cocalamus and Lost creeks.
RIDGEVILLE,
Lies on the south side of West Mahantango creek, and on
the road from Calhounsville to Selin's Grove. It contains a^
number of dwellings, and a store.
GREENWOOD,
Is quite a small village. The situation is very romantic.
EDUCATION.
The common school system has been adopted in every
township in the county. Of the 10 districts, 9 have report-
ed. Sixty schools are in successful operation, and but five
more are yet required. . Schools were open four months and
a half; 60 male and 15 female teachers were engaged ; aver-
age salary of male teachers is $15,57 cents per month ; fe-
male teachers $9,60. Number of scholars taught ; males
1,791 ; females 1,417. District tax raised $3,069 15; state
appropriation $2,707 00. Cost of instruction $3,254 00 ;
fuel and contingencies $290,82 ; cost of school houses $492,-
30. In Tuscarora academy the higher branches are taught,
and the institution is well patronized.
" The first settlements in Tuscarora Valley were made by
Scotch Irish, from the Cumberland Valley, about the year
1749. At that day the slate lands bordering the moun-
tains, watered by clear and copious springs, were more es-
teemed than the limestone lands, where the waters sunk be-
neath the surface, and expensive wells were consequently
required. The adventurous pioneers, therefore, extended
JUNIATA COUNTY. 345
their researches over the mountains, and discovered the rich
and well-watered valleys along the Juniata. In 1833, at
the circuit court sitting at Mifflin, an important lawsuit was
tried, involving the title to a farm of 390 or 400 acres of
the best land in Tuscarora Valley, about six miles from Mif-
flin. The farm was in controversy for about 50 years, be-
fore various courts at Carlisle and Lewistown. It is known
among lawyers as the Grey property case, report in 10, Ser-
geant and Rawle, page 182. Many of the facts given in
evidence are interesting as elucidating the history of the
times ; and the whole case, with the amusing scenes that
occurred at the trials, and the marked originality of many of
the principal personages, would constitute an excellent theme
for an historical novel. The following statement of the case
is derived, partly, from a sketch by Samuel Creigh, Esq.,
published in Hazard's Register, and partly from verbal con-
versation with a number of the eminent counsel in the case.
" Robert Hagg, Samuel Bigham, (or Bingham,) James
Grey, and John Grey, were the four first settlers in Tusca-
rora Valley, and the first white men who came across Tus-
carora mountain, about the year 1749. They cleared some
land, and built a fort, called Bigham's fort Some time in
1756, John Grey and another person went to Carlisle with
pack-horses, to purchase salt : as Grey was returning, on the
declivity of the mountain, a bear crossed his path and fright-
ened his horse, which threw him off. He was detained some
hours by this accident ; and when he arrived at the fort, he
found it had just been burned, and every person in it either
killed or taken prisoner by the Indians. . His wife, and only
daughter, three years old, were gone, — also Innis's wife and
children. A man by the name of George Woods (he was
the father-in-law of Mr. Ross, who ran for governor, and
afterwards lived in Bedford) was taken outside the fort, with
a number of others.
" John Grey joined Col. Armstrong's expedition against
Kittanning, in the autumn of that same year, in hopes of
hearing from his family. The hardships of the campaign
prostrated his health, and he returned to Bucks county, his
original home, only to die. He left a will, giving to his wife
one half his farm, and to his daughter the other half, if they
returned from captivity. If his daughter did not return, or
346
JUNIATA COUNTY.
was not alive, he gave the other half to his sister, who had a
claim against him of £13, which she was to release.
" In the meantime, George Woods, Mrs. Grey and her
child, with the others, were taken across the mountains to
Kittaning, then an Indian village, and afterwards delivered
to the French commander of Fort Duquesne. Woods was
noted for his gallantry, and during their captivity at Fort
Duquesne he represented to Mrs. Grey how much better
married than single persons fared among the Indians, and
proposed a match. Mrs. Grey had no inclination for a part-
nership in misfortune, and peremptorily declined. Woods
was given to an Indian by the name of Hutson ; and Mrs.
Grey and her child were taken charge of by others, and car-
ried into Canada. About a year after the burning of the
fort, Mrs. Grey concealed herself among some deerskins in
the wagon of a white trader, and was brought off, leaving
her daughter still in captivity. She returned home, proved
her husband's will, and took possession of her half the pro-
perty. She afterwards married a Mr. Enoch Williams, by
whom, however, she had no issue. Some seven years after
her escape, in 1764, a treaty was made with the Indians, by
the conditions of which a number of captive children were
surrendered, and brought to Philadelphia, to be recognized
and claimed by their friends. Mrs. Grey attended, but no
child appeared that she recognized as her dear little Jane. —
Still, there was one of about the same age whom no one
claimed. Some one conversant with the conditions of John
Grey's will, slyly whispered to her to claim this child for
the purpose of holding the other half of the property. She
did so, and brought up the child as her own — carefully re-
taining the secret, as well as a woman could. Time wore
away, and the girl grew up, gross and ugly in her person,
awkward in her manners, and, as events proved, loose in her
morals. \A ith all these attainments, however, she contrived
to captivate one Mr. Gillespie, who married her. A Scotch-
Irish clergyman of the Seceder persuasion, by the name of
McKee, became quite intimate with Gillespie, and either
purchased the property in question from him, or had so far
won his good graces, that he bequeathed it to him. The
clergyman made over the property to one of his nephews, of
the same name. The clergyman had also a brother, McKee,
who, with his wife, was a resident of Tuscarora Valley. —
His wife " old Mrs. McKee," was a prominent witness in
JUNIATA COUNTY. 347
the subsequent trials. After a lapse of years, the children of
James Grey, heirs of John Grey's sister, got hold of some
information leading them to doubt the identity of the return-
ed captive ; and the lawsuits consequent upon such a state
of things were speedily brought, about the year 1789. It
would literally " puzzle a Philadelphia lawyer" to describe
the multiform and complicated phases which the case assu-
med during a legal contest of more than 50 years, and would
besides throw no light upon the history of the valley. The
Williamses, the Greys, and the McKees, all claimed an in-
terest by inheritance, — to say nothing of the Beales, the
Norrises, and others who had bought into the property, and
several lawyers with large contingent fees. Many of the
facts stated above were elicited during the examination, al-
though some of them were not admitted by the court as le-
gal testimony.
" Mrs. Grey (or Mrs. Williams) said that when they were
crossing Sideling hill she had examined the child Jane, and
found a mark on her by which she had been able to recog-
nize her. Mr. Innis was one of the captives, and remained
with the Indians until the treaty ; and when one day he
chided Mrs. Williams for keeping a child not her own, she
replied, " you know why I keep this girl." Mrs. Innis told
her that her daughter was not returned, that this was a Ger-
man girl, and could not talk English when she came to Mon-
treal. Mrs. Innis herself had lost three children. One the
Indians put under the ice because it was sick — the other
two she got. One of these a gentleman of Philadelphia
had, and refused to give it up, until Innis proved the child
his by a private mark. Mrs. Williams said to one wit-
ness, " No, this is not my daughter, but George Woods
knows where my daughter is, as he has promised to get
her." The real daughter, however, never was recovered.
" Old Mrs. McKee, the principal living witness at a
number of trials, and who spoke with a rich Irish brogue,
on one occasion became quite garrulous, and entered large-
ly into the history of the valley, to the great amusement
of the court. Among other things, she described the spu-
rious girl as a " big black ugly Dutch lump, and nofto be
compared to the beautiful Jenny Grey." Her historical
developments so much interested one of the Jury at Lew-
istown, an old settler himself, that he — forgetting the res-
348
JUNIATA COUNTY.
traints of a juryman — sent for the old lady to come to his
room at the hotel, and enter more at large into " the days
of auld lang syne." The old man was a little deaf, and
the old lady's voice could be heard throughout the house.
One of the counsel, whose side of the case wore rather a
discouraging aspect, overheard the old lady; and the next
morning exposed the poor juryman, amidst a roar of
laughter from the court and the bar. The case of course
had to be ordered for trial before another jury. The fol-
lowing is the deposition of George Woods, written by him
or at his dictation, at Bedford, in 1789, but never sworn
to. It was not without great resistance on the part of
counsel, that the facts were introduced as testimony. The
case was finally decided in 1833 or '34, against the iden-
tity of the adopted child, and the property vested accord-
ingly.
" Personally appeared, &c, &c, &c, George Woods,
and saith, that about the 12th or 13th of June, 1756, he
was taken by the Indians in the settlement of the Tusca-
rora, in the county aforesaid, [of Mifflin,] and that the
wife of John Grey and his daughter Jane, and others,
were taken at the same time ; — that we were all carried
to the Kittanning town on the Allegheny river — and there
divided among the Indians, — and some time in the month
of July then next, the said Indians delivered me, together
with Jane Grey, to a certain Indian named John Hutson;
which said Indian took me and the said Jane Grey to
Pittsburg, then in possession of the French ; and after
some days the Indian Hutson delivered me to the French
Governor, Mons. Duquesne; from which time I heard
nothing of the said Jane Grey until the winter after Stump
killed the Indians up Susquehanna; at which time I fouiad
out the said Indian called John Hutson, who informed me
that little Janey Gray was then a fine big girl, and lived
near Sir William Johnson's — which information I gave
to Hannah Grey, mother of the said Jane Grey.
"At the same time Hannah Grey showed me a girl she
had taken out from the prisoners released by Col. Bou-
quet for her own child.
" I then informed the said Hannah that the child she
had taken was not her own child — said Hannah request-
ed me not to mention that before the girl she had taken,
JUNIATA COUNTY. 349
for that, if she never got her own, she wished not to let
the one she had know anything of her not being her own
child. Some time in the same year Col. George Croghan
came to my house. I informed him the account I had got
from John Hutson. He, Mr. Croghan, informed me that
the Indian's information was true, and that he got the
said Jane Grey from the said Indian; and had put her into
a good family to be brought up; — all which I informed
the said Hannah, — and this-summer-was-a-three-years the
said John Hutson, and his son, came to my house at Bed-
ford and stayed some time. I inquired about little Janey,
as he called the child he had got with me — he informed
me little Janey was now a fine woman, had a fine house
and fine children, and lived near Sir William Johnson's
seat, to the northward. I am sure that the girl Mrs.
Hannah Grey showed me she had taken for her child was
not the daughter of John Grey — and further saith not.
"Dated June, 1789 — never sworn to — used in 1815,
1S1 7— Mifflin county."
A number of persons were killed by the Indians, from
1756 to 1763, residing on the Juniata river; some in this
county, others within the present limits of Perry.
The following narrative, though already given in sub-
stance, will, it is believed, not be considered out of place
here.
"The next I remember of, was in the year 1756 — the
Woolcomber family, on Sherman's creek: the whole of the
inhabitants of the valley were gathered to a fort at Geo.
Robison's ; but Woolcomber would not leave home ; he
said it was the Irish who were killing one another; these
peaceable people, the Indians, would not hurt any person.
Being at home, and at dinner, the Indians came in, and
the Quaker asked them to come and eat dinner; an Indian
answered that he did not come to eat, but for scalps ; the
son, a boy 14 or 15 years of age, when he heard the In-
dian say so, repaired to a back door, and as he went out
he looked back and saw the Indian strike the tomahawk
into his father's head. The boy then ran over the creek,
which was near to the house, and heard the screams of his
mother, sisters and brothers. The boy came to our fort
30
350 JUNIATA COUNTY.
and gave us the alarm ; about 40 went to where the mur-
der was done, and buried the dead.
In the second war, on the 5th July, 1763, the Indians
came to Juniata, it being harvest time, and the white people
were come back to reap their crops : they came first to the
house of Wm. White, it was on the Sabbath day ; the reap-
ers were all in the house ; the Indians crept up nigh to the
door, and shot the people lying on the floor, and killed Wm.
White, and all his family that were there, excepting one boy,
who, when he heard the guns, leaped out of the window and
made his escape.
The same party went to Robert Campbell's, on Tuscarora
creek, surprised them in the same way, and shot them on the
floor where they were resting themselves ; one Geo. Dodds
being there harvesting, had jnst risen and gone into the room
and lay down on the bed, sitting beside him; when the Indi-
ans fired, one of them sprung into the house with his toma-
hawk in his hand, running up to where a man was standing
in the corner; Dodds fired at the Indian not six feet from
him; the Indian gave a halloo and ran out as fast as he could.
There being an opening in the loft above the bed, Dodds
sprung up there and went out by the chimney, making his
escape, and came to Sherman's valley. He came to Wm.
Dickson's and told what had happened, there being a young
man there which brought the news to us, who were harvest-
ing at Edward Elliot's ; other intelligence we got in the
night. John Graham, John Christy and James Christy, were
alarmed in the evening by guns firing at Wm. Anderson's,
where the old man was killed with his Bible in his hand ;
supposed he was about worship; his son also was killed, and
a girl had been brought up from a child by the people. Gra-
ham and the Christys came about midnight. We hearing
the Indians had got so far up the Tuscarora valley, and
knowing Collins' family and James Scott's were there about
harvest, 12 of us concluded to go over to Bigham's gap and
give those word that were there; when we came to Collins'
we saw that the Indians had been there, had broke a wheel,
emptied a bed, and taken flour, of which they made some
water-gruel ; we counted 13 spoons made of bark ; we fol-
lowed the tracks down to James Scott's, where we* found
the Indians had killed some fowls ; we pursued on to Gra-
ham's, there the house was on fire, and burned down to the
JUNIATA COUNTY. 351
joists. We divided our men into two parties, six in each;
my brother, with his party, came in behind the barn; and
myself, with the other party, came down through an oats
field ; I was to shoot first ; the Indians had hung a coat upon
a post on the other side of the fire from us; I looked at it,
and saw it immoveable, and therefore walked down to it and
found that the Indians had just left it ; they had killed four
hogs, and had eaten at pleasure. Our company took their
track, and found that two companies had met at Graham's,
and had gone over the Tuscarora mountain. We took the
run gap ; the two roads meeting at Nicholson's ; they were
there first, heard us coming, and lay in ambush for us — they
killed five, and wounded myself. They then'went to Alex-
ander Logan's, where they emptied some beds, and passed
on to George McCord's.
The names of the 12 were, Wm. Robison, who acted as
captain, Robert Robison, the relater of this narrative, Tho-
mas Robison, being three brothers; John Graham, Charles
Elliott, William Christy, James Christy, David Miller, John
Elliott, Edward McConnel, William McAlister, and John
Nicholson; the persons killed were William Robison, who
was shot in the belly with buckshot, and got about half a
mile from the ground ; John Elliott, then a boy about 17
years of age, having emptied his gun by random, out of his
powder horn, and having a bullet in his mouth, put it in the
muzzle, but had no time to ram it down ; he turned and fired
at his pursuer, who clapped his hand on his stomach and cried
och ! then turned and fled. Elliott had ran but a few perches
further, when he overtook William Robison, weltering in his
blood, in his last agonies ; he requested Elliott to carry him
off, who excused himself by telling him of his inability to do
so, and also of the danger they were in ; he said he knew it,
but desired him to take his gun with him, and, peace or war,
if ever he had an opportunity of killing an Indian, to shoot
him for his sake. Elliott brought away the gun, and Robi-
son was not found by the Indians.
Thomas Robison stood on the ground until the whole of
his people were fled, nor did the Indians offer to pursue, un-
til the last man left the field ; Thomas having charged and
fired a second time, the Indians were prepared for him, and
\vhen he took aim past the tree, a number fired at him at the
same time ; one of his arms was broken ; he took his gun in
352
JUNIATA COUNTY.
the other and fled ; going up a hill he came to a high log,
and clapped his hand, in which was his gun, on the log to
assist in leaping over it ; while in the attitude of stooping, a
bullet entered his side, going a triangular course through his
body; he sunk down across the log ; the Indians sunk the
cock of his gun into his brains, and mangled him very much.
John Graham was seen by David Miller sitting on a log, not
far from the place of attack, with his hands on his face, and
the blood running through his fingers. Charlesv Elliott and
Edward McConnel took a circle round where the Indians
were laying, and made the best of their way to Buffalo creek,
but they were pursued by the Indians; and where they cross-
ed the creek there was a high bank, and as they were endea-
voring to ascend the bank they were both shot, and fell back
into the water.
. A party of 40 men came from Carlisle, in order to bury
the dead at Juniata : when they saw the dead at Buffalo
creek, they returned home. Then a party of men came with
Capt. Dunning ; but before they came to Alexander Logan's,
his son John, Charles Coyle, Wm. Hamilton, with Barthol-
omew Davis, followed the Indians to George McCord's, where
they were in the barn; Logan and those with him were all
killed, except Davis, who made his escape. The Indians then
returned to Logan's house again, when Capt. Dunning and
his party came on them, and they fired some time at each
other ; Dnnning had one man wounded.
I forgot to give you an account of a murder done at our
own fort in Sherman's valley, in July, 1756; the Indians
waylaid the fort in harvest-time, and kept quiet until the
reapers were gone ; James Wilson remaining some time be-
hind the rest, and I not being gone to my business, which
was hunting deer for the use of the company, Wilson stand-
ing at the fort gate, I desired liberty to shoot his gun at a
mark, upon which he gave me the gun, and I shot ; the In-
dians on the upper part of the fort, thinking they were dis-
covered, rushed on a daughter of Robert Miller, and instantly
killed her, and shot at John Simmeson; they made the best
of it that they could, and killed the wife of James Wilson,
and the widow Gibson, and took Hugh Gibson and Betsy
Henry prisoners. While the Indian was scalping Mrs. Wil-
son, the narrator shot at and wounded him, but he made his
escape. The reapers being 40 in number, returned to the
fort, and the Indians made off.
JUNIATA COUNTY. 353
I shall relate an affair told me by James McClung, a man
whom I can confide in for truth, it being in his neighborhood.
An Indian came to a tavern, called for a gill of whiskey,
drank some out of it ; when there came another Indian in,
he called for a gill also, and set it on the table, without drink-
ing any of it, and took out the first Indian, discoursing with
him for some time; the first Indian then stripped himself na-
ked, and lay down on the floor, and stretched himself; the
other stood at the door, and when he was ready, he stepped
forward with his knife in his hand, and stabbed the Indian
who was lying down, to the heart ; he received the stab,
jumped to his feet, drank both the gills of whiskey off, and
dropped down dead : the white people made a prisoner of
the other Indian, and sent to the heads of the nation ; two
of them came and examined the Indian, who was a prisoner,
and told them to let him go, he had done right. — [Loudon's
Narrative.
30
CHAPTER XIV.
Clinton County.
Clinton county erected— Geological features and streams— Public im-
provements—Towns; Lock Haven, Farrandsville, Dunnstown, Lock-
Port, Mill Hall, New Libert}', Young Womanstown, Salona— Educa-
tion— Religious denominations — Indians visited by Count Zinzen-
dorff, 1742; by David Brainerd, 1746; by Conrad Weiser, 1755—
Weiser's letters to Gov. Morris and Richard Peters, touching the
Indians here, and his visit to them — Moses Van Camp.
Clinton county was organized by an act of the Assembly
passed in 1839; and was separated from Centre and Lycom-
ing. The townships of Bald Eagle, Lamar and Logan, from
Centre; and part of Lycoming, were taken to form this
county. It is bounded on the north by Potter, on the west
by Clearfield and Elk counties ; the latter also a recently
organized county, having been erected in 1843. The county
is of an irregular form ; about 20 miles wide and 50 miles
long ; not much unlike, in this respect, to its northern coun-
ty, (Lycoming,) which was in 1S35, 92 miles long, but now
reduced to about 60 in length. It is estimated that this por-
tion of Centre and Lycoming, now constituting Clinton, con-
tained a population in 1820 of about 4,000 ; in 1840, the
population was 8,323, when it was divided into the following
townships, viz :
Allison, with a population of 643; Dunstable 841 ; Wayne
307; Limestone 200; Grove 239; Chapman 622; Lumber
105; Coal Brook 546 ; Pine Creek 572; Bald Eagle 1,178;
Lamar 1,813; Logan 1,187.
The following Table exhibits the population of the differ-
ent sexes and ages, of each township.
Qg.sSe.B«^g4l|f
CfQ J O
i — T> o
CD 7T ??
CB
X
•JO^MOOiOOiMDJOOO!
tS
en — << *a co tOHHH^^
OQ©'-'-aOCnCO>P»WCn(r>CO
(OfflM^Ol'-Oi^MMOiO
M^if>.^O)MO)C»O100
40 CO <1 Cn CO
_ ob — tft. K>
O OJOi Oi
s
CO ©
-
© O O i- i-
M
~
co o
-I
35
X
CO -i
— 00
-J
*>. Ol i-< >P>- tS
ta
10
05 Cn
© tO
35
35
co cn
to o
30
o
^ CO i^ t3
to <t co co to
Jo
Cn CO
CO 05
33
<1 H-
O CO
CJl
CO N CO
£
»0
rf^ to
-3 *-
^
tn o
tO *»
Cn
—
M tO CO
00 *>■ *> CO CO
oc
*i
CO >£■
— OJ^-rf^^-^t^^-^tSCiCn
20 and under 30
years old.
►-H-<soocn*>to©cn©<r>co
30 and under 40
years old.
ta
^uuMS- >- coi—
— ci^jtscniCo^i^icoi^H-oo
40 and under 50
<:
-co-
0DCOCDCOa0tS#>.Cn>^<!C0CD
50 and under 60
31
ai^ffiOMo^ostoaf-^
if
tOCnCOtOOOCOCOOt^Cn^
X
©^•^-^-©©tOOOOCO©
01OO05OMOOOO03
under 5 years
old.
5 and under 10
years old.
10 and under
15 years.
15 and under
20 years.
20 and under:
years.
30 and under 40
40 and under 50
50 and under 60
60 and under 70
70 and under 80
80 and under 90
under 5 years
old.
5 and under 10
years old.
10 and under 15
years old.
15 and under 20
60 and under 70
70 and under 80
80 and under 90
Colored pop'n.
356 CLINTON COUNTY.
This county is generally mountainous and very uneven; in
consequence of which, some portions are but sparsely inhab-
ited. The geological character of course, owing to the moun-
tains, is various. " Passing northwestward from the lime-
stone of Nittany valley, we observe in a regular succession
the several formations of slate, sandstone, shale, and lime-
stone, which intervene between the lower limestone and the
coal formation west of the main Allegheny ridge. Bitumin-
ous coal is found on Queen's run near the Susquehanna, and
at several other places further westward." Owing to the
different variety of rock formations, the soil is various. The
alluvial bottoms and limestone valleys are very fertile ; and
under proper culture very productive. The slate lands, how-
ever, are no* so productive, yet they yield good crops, and
pay the husbandman abundantly for his labor and care be-
stowed upon them. That portion abounding with sandstone
is rough, and difficult to cultivate; and does not so amply
repay the labor of the farmer as the others just named.
Timber is very abundant, and affords a fine supply to the
lower counties, along the Susquehanna. Some townships, as
appears from the foregoing Table, are thinly settled, and
perhaps never will be able to support a dense population.
The principal settlements in these townships, exist along the
banks of the river and smaller streams ; where, in passing
along, the traveller meets, at intervals, scattered settlements
of farmers, miners and lumber-men, whose manners and hab-
its are, like the country, " being settled and improved." No
where do we meet with a more hospitable people than among
the lumber-men of these pine forests.
This county is well watered. The principal streams are
the West Branch of the Susquehanna, Bald Eagle, Sinnema-
honing and Kettle creeks, and numerous smaller streams.
The West Branch rises in Cambria county, with the Apa-
lachian valley, and pursues a northeast course, receiving a
number of tributaries, flows through this county from west
to east, and affords ample water power in its course for man-
ufacturing, and other purposes.
The Bald Eagle rises in Centre county. It is navigable
for boats above Milesboro', and affords excellent mill seats.
Sinnemahoning rises in Clearfield county, flowing a north-
eastern direction, receives several tributaries, and after a
course of about 50 miles, unites with the West Branch. Ket-
CLINTON COUNTY. 357
tie creek rises in Potter county, and empties also into the
West Branch. These streams, says a traveller, as they me-
ander along, tumbling down as they do, along the ravines of
the mountains, furnish an abundance of water power for all
the purposes to which streams of the kind are usually ap-
plied.
According to the census of 1840, there were in this coun-
ty, two furnaces that produced 663 tons of bar iron ; capital
employed in the manufacture of iron $80,000. Bituminous
coal raised 400,000 bushels. The live stock of the county
was as follows: horses and mules 1,803, neat cattle 5,867,
sheep 6,806, swine 9,316 ; value of poultry of all kinds $3,-
330 ; wheat 150,354 bushels, barley 700, oats 223,373, rye
44,975, buckwheat 11,603, corn 66,552, pounds of wool
11,314, potatoes 60,464 bushels, hay 4,576 tons. Value of
tt.e products of the dairy $2,905, of the orchard $3,468, of
family goods $3,046. Stores 20; capital 91,100 dollars.
Six tanneries, tanned 775 sides of sole, and 655 of upper
leather. One distillery produced 4000 gallons: mills 11;
saw mills 28. Total amount of capital invested in all kinds
of manufacture $47,435. Aggregate amount of property
taxable in 1845, $1,588,628.
The West Branch Division of the Pennsylvania Canal,
which commences at the termination of the Susquehanna Di-
vision, at Northumberland, in following the course of the
river, passes into this county, affording facilities for the trans-
portation of produce of all kinds to the eastern markets, and
for carrying merchandise into this county.
The Bald Eagle and Spring Creek Navigation, affords
transporting facilities to that portion of the county through
which it passes, to carry the surplus produce to an eastern
or more southern market.
Common roads are generally in good order, and some of
the streams have bridges, at convenient places, across them.
LOCK HAVEN,
The county town, is a new place, situated at the junction of
the Bald Eagle Navigation with the West Branch Division.
In 1833, the site of the town was a cornfield. In 1834 Je-
remiah Church laid out the town, which is now flourishing
358
CLINTON COUNTY.
and in a rapidly growing condition, numbering at present
about 100 good dwelling houses, besides the county build-
ings, and an academy, endowed by the state with two thou-
sand dollars; a large steam flouring and saw mill, 2 church-
es— Presbyterian and Methodist — and several stores and
taverns.
This place bids fair to become one of more than ordinary
importance. The town and country have the elements to
cause this town to flourish and become a central point of
trade. Men of enterprise and liberality, like Mr. Church,
who made a liberal donation of land for the public buildings,
can do much towards, and will contribute essentially to the
prosperity of any town or neighborhood.
The scenery around Lock Haven is romantic, and inviting
to the weary worn, and those who delight in Nature, as
she is.
FARRANDSVILLE,
Is situated on the left bank of the Susquehanna, at the mouth
ot Licking creek. This place originated from a settlement
commenced here in 1831, '32, by a company of Boston cap-
italists. It was named after W. P. Farrand, a gentleman
from Philadelphia, acting agent for the Bostonian company.
A visiter to this place in 1835 (J. Holbrook) has described
it thus:
" The Lycoming Coal Company — the proprietors of Far-
randsville — have a good farm of 200 acres, a short distance
above the village; and progressing up the river, the bottoms
are extensive, and settlements closer.
" Lick run is a strong, steady stream. On it is erected a
large nail establishment, capable of manufacturing from the
pig metal 10 tons of nails per day: an air and cupola fur-
nace, which in the last six months have turned out nearly
300 tons of castings; mills for sawing different descriptions
of lumber, shingles, lath, &c. ; an establishment for manu-
facturing railroad cars on a large scale. There are nowT
three veins of coal opening, and the shutes in ; 50 coal cars
finished, and in the best manner, and two miles of railroad,
communicating with the different mines and the basin, finish-
ed. One track of the road leads to the nail works, which
are calculated to consume 5,000 tons of coal per year. An
CLINTON COUNTY. 359
extensive rolling-mill is in progress, and a furnace for smelt-
ing iron ore with coke will be erected in a short time, imme-
diately below the nail-works. Farrandsville proper is situa-
ted on the Susquehanna ; on the mountain where the coal
mines have been opened, there are a number of buildings,
where the miners and their families reside, with a street run-
ning between them town-fashion ; and at the foot of this
mountain, at Lick run, there are also large boarding-houses
and habitations tor artisans and their families. These three
separate towns, however, all belong to the community of
Farrandsville, which contains a large hotel, far advanced in
the erection, two reputable taverns, three large boarding-
houses, and upwards of 90 tenements, each calculated to
render a family entirely comfortable. Here are inexhausta-
ble mines of iron, with the bituminous coal for smelting it,
and all the elements for building up a manufacturing estab-
lishment capable of supplying iron in all its forms to our
widely-extended and populous country."
DUNNSTOWN,
Was laid out by William Dunn, in 1794. The proprietor
had strong hopes that it would become the county seat of
Lycoming county, which was erected in 1795. It contains
about 30 dwellings, stores, taverns, &c.
LOCK PORT,
Near Lock Haven, consists of several large houses and
stores, on the opposite side of the river*
MILL HALL,
A post village, situated on Fishing creek, immediately below
a romantic gorge through which it steals, and tumbles through
Bald Eagle mountain. The town was laid out by Nathan
Harvey, who erected a saw mill here more than forty years
ago. It contains several stores and taverns, a Methodist
360 CLINTON COUNTY.
church, &c. It is a brisk manufacturing village ; and con-
tains also a forge and furnace.
NEW LIBERTY, YOUNG WOMANSTOWN, AND
SALONA,
Are small villages. The most important among them is Sa-
lona, near Mill Hall, on the road to Bellelonte.
EDUCATION AND RELIGION.
Most of the townships have adopted the common school
system. The number of school districts is 16, 11 of which
have reported 41 schools in operation. Tax levied for
school purposes in 1845, was $1,732 50. The State appro-
priation amounted to $955,43. The number of scholars
taught was 1,803, during four months.
The religious denominations are Presbyterian, Methodist,
Lutheran, German Reformed, and Baptist.
Prior to 1768, the date of the " new purchase," this re-
gion of country was occupied by Delawares, Shawanese, and
some Muncy, Nanticoke and Conoy Indians. Some of the
Shawanese, who had for some time straggled along the Ohio,
returned again to the West Branch, as will be seen by the
sequel. It appears, according to Loskiel, " that this region
of country was not only inhabited by Indians of different
tribes, but also by Europeans, who had adopted the Indian
manlier of living." When Count ZinzendorfF visited Oston-
wackin, (or Frenchtown,) he was met (July 30, 1742,) by
an Indian who understood French and English.
The Revd. David Brainerd, a missionary to the Indians,
visited this region of country in 1746. August 23d, he ar-
rived at Shamokin, where he remained a few days.
In his journal, he says :
" September 1st. Set out on my journey towards a place
called ' The Great Island,' about fifty miles distant from
Shamokin, in the northwestern branch of the Susquehanna.
CLINTON COUNTY. 361
Travelled some part of the way, and at night lodged in the.
woods. Was exceedingly feeble this day, and sweat much
the night following.
"September 2d. Rode forward ; but no faster than my
people went on foot. V\ as very weak, on this as well as pre-
ceding days. I was so feeble and faint, that I feared it
would kill me to lie out in the open air ; and some of the
company being parted from us, so that we had now no axe
with us, I had no way but to climb into a young pine tree,
and with my knife to lop branches, and so made a shelter
from the dew. But the evening being cloudy, and very likely
for rain, I was still under fears of being extremely exposed :
sweat much in the night, so that my linen was almost wring-
ing wet all night. I scarcely ever was more weak and weary
than this evening, when I was able to sit up at all. This
was a melancholy situation I was in; but I endeavored to
quiet myself with considerations of the possibility of my being
in much worse circumstances, amongst enemies, &c.
" September 3d. Rode to the Delaware town ; found di-
vers drinking and drunken. Discoursed with some of the
Indians about Christianity ; observed my Interpreter much
engaged and assisted in his work ; some few persons seemed
to hear with great earnestness and engagement of soul.
"About noon, rode to a small town of Shawanese, about
8 miles distant; spent an hour or two there. Was scarce
ever more confounded with a sense of my own unfruitfulness
and unfitness for my work, than now. 0 what a dead, heart-
less, barren, unprofitable wretch, did I now see myself to be!
My spirits were so low, and my bodily strength so wasted,
that I could do nothing at all. At length, being much over-
done, lay down on a buffalo skin; but sweat much the whole
night.
" September 4. Discoursed with the Indians, in the morn-
ing, about Christianity; my Interpreter, afterwards, carrying
on the discourse to a considerable length. Some few ap-
peared well-disposed and somewhat affected. Left this place,
and returned towards Shamokin ; and at night lodged in the
place where I lodged the Monday night before." — [Brain-
erd's Memoirs.
In 1755, Conrad Weiser, Indian Agent, then residing in
Heidelberg township, near Womelsdorf, Berks county, was
visited by some Shawanese from this region. He soon after-
31
362 CLINTON COUNTY.
wards visited them at Ostonwackin. The following gives,
among other things, all the particulars in relation to this
matter.
The Indians alluded to, had left the Susquehanna for the
Ohio, about the year 1727 or 1728. These, or others of
the same tribe, had been induced to go south, towards the
mouth of the Ohio, about the year 1744, by Peter Chartier,
who had accepted of a captain's commission from the French.
Heidelberg, in the co. of Berks, March 1st, 1755.
To Gov. R. H. Morris.
Honored Sir:
I must inform you that I have been visited this winter by
a good number of Indians, chiefly of those that came away
last year from Ohio, because of the invasion of the French,
whom they hate, and will not live in their neighborhood.
The first company that came consisted of 19 persons, all of
the Six Nation Indians ; one Jonathan Cayienquily-quoah at
their head : they arrived on the 27th and 28th of January
last. The second company that came, consisting chiefly of
Shawanos, 12 in number; they arrived on the 26th and 27th,
this instant. They jointly intend to make a town next spring
on the West branch of Susquehanna, commonly called Otzin-
zachson, at a place called Otstuagy, or Frenchtown, about
40 miles above Shamokin; and they gave me the enclosed
string of wampum, to send it to Philadelphia, with a short
speech, to the following purport :
Brother :
The Governor of Pennsylvania — We, your brethren, have
been obliged to come away from Ohio, because we would
not live so nigh the French ; but rather nigher our brethren,
the English, in these critical times ; but we deprived our-
selves, by that means, of a good hunting ground, and our
little corn fields. We intend to build a town at Otstuagy,
on Otzinachson river, and pray you will be so good, consid-
ering our poverty, as to send some of your industrious peo-
ple up, next spring, to fence in a small piece of ground for a
corn-field for us, and we will thankfully acknowledge your
favors.
CLINTON COUNTY. 363
Jonathan Cayienquily-quoah, the speaker, gave a string
of wampum-
I received the string of wampum, and promised to send it
to the governor of Pennsylvania, by the first safe opportu-
nity, and transmit his answer to them, according to direc-
tion.
Before these Indians left me, they made me a present of
some skins, to the value of about four pounds, ten shillings,
as a satisfaction for expense and trouble I have been at dur-
ing their stay. I received it and thanked them; but I must
bring in an account against the Province next August, and
your Honor, after perusing it, will recommend it to the house
of the general Assembly for better satisfaction.
I take this opportunity of informing your Honor that when
Tachnachdorus, the Chief of Shamokin of the Cayuker Na-
tion, was down here in the beginning of the winter ; he told
me that the Indians about Shamokin and Otzinachson, had
been informed that a set of people from New England had
formed themselves into a body to settle the lands on Susque-
hanna, and especially Scahantowano, and that against the
advice of their superiors ; and asked me whether it was true
what they heard. I told him it was true, as to their inten-
tion to settle that land ; but whether with, or without the
advice of their superiors, I could not tell ; but that I was
persuaded by some letters I saw last fall in Philadelphia, it
was against the advice of the superiors of that country. The
said chief then desired me to make it known, that whosoever
of the white people should venture to settle on any land on
Woyennock, or thereabouts, belonging hitherto to the Indi-
ans, will have his creatures killed first, and then if they did
not desist, they themselves would be killed, without distinc-
tion, let the consequence be what it would.
I found he had intelligence from the Indians up the river,
that some of the New England people had been there spying
the lands. I found this a difficult matter, and was no ways
inclined to make it known, to keep off trouble from myself;
but the last visiters insinuated the same thing ; so I resolved
to acquaint your Honor with it, who is best able to judge
what must be done to prevent bloodshed among us by the
Indians, who would then certainly (if they should do such a
thing, as I fear they will,) out of a guilty conscience submit
364 CLINTON COUNTY.
themselves to the protection of the French: the consequence
of that would be very disagreeable to the English in general
in this and neighboring colonies.
I have nothing else to trouble you with at present ; but,
-A-ith a great deal of pleasure, subscribe myself,
Honored Sir,
Your most obedient and
Humble servant,
Conrad Weiser.
Heidelberg, May 19, 17->j.
To Richard Peters.
Sir—
My son Sammy is coming to you with two Indian boys,
mm of Jonathan Gayienquiligoa, a noted Mohawk, that
an read and write in his language, well known to you. He
:s poor, and prays that you, with the gentlemen managers oi
.ademy, will teach them to read and write English,
. provide necessaries of life for them, during their stay
:n Philadelphia, which will be as long as it will require time
to teach them. The biggest of them is a very intelligent boy,
^nd good natured : the other is not so, but more oi an Indi-
m, as something cross, as his father says. If you could pre-
vail with Mr. Heintzelman, my son-in-law, for a few weeks
-o board with him, it would be agreeable to the lads ; be-
ause my daughter is somewhat used to the Indians, and un-
ierstands here and there a word : then, afterwards, you can
put them where you please. The name of the biggest is
Jonathan, and the other Philip. I believe their father will
.k\ them stay long enough to learn English to perfection,
provided proper care is taken of them, which I hope wont be
vanting:.
Jonathan wanted me to go to Philadelphia with the boys,
Sut I thought Sammy could do as well.
The Indians on Susquehanna are starving, and have almost
nothing to eat, because deer are scarce. He thought to have
had an answer before now, concerning their petition to the
governor for some provision and the fencincj in of a corn-
field.
French Margaret, with some of her family, has gone to
the English camp in Virginia, and her son A'icklaus has gone
CLINTON COUNTY. 365
to Ohio, to the French fort. I suppose they want to join
the strongest party, and are gone for information. The In-
dians that are with the French on Ohio are chiefly Anakun-
kis, neighbors to New England ; and, neither they nor the
rest (I cannot learn their number) will be true to the French,
as they give out to our Indians. The other Indians on Ohio
thinks our troops much too slowly. They say, they will be
glad to see the French driven away from the Ohio. This
report was brought by one of Jonathan's sons from Ohio:
he was not in the French fort — he was afraid of going nigh
it; but the Indians thereabout have told him so.
I wrote to the Governor last week about the Indians' pe-
tition. I hope he has received my letter. The Indians should
have an answer. What can I say to them without having it
from the Governor or Assembly ? They are continually
plaguing me for an answer, which I hope you will send, if
you can, by this opportunity.
I have nothing to add, but am,
Sir,
Your most humble servant,
Conrad Weiser.
P. S. Tachnachdorus sent word by Jonathan for me to
come up to Shamokin, that the Indians had something of
importance to lay before me.
I understood since that several messages had arrived at
Otstuacky from the English army or Virginia, (as was said)
with strings of wampum to forewarn the Indians on Susque-
hanna not to come nigh the army, for fear of being taken for
French Indians, and to stay where they are.
Heidelberg, in the co. of Berks, June 12, 1755.
Honored Sir :
Last night I arrived safe at my house from Otstuacky,
an Indian town about 45 miles above Shamokin, on the
Northwest Branch of Susquehanna river, where I have been
with ten hired men to fence in a cornfield, for the Indians,
according to your Honor's order : but when I came there, I
found the Indians that petitioned the governor for that pur-
pose, had mostly deserted the place for want of provision,
and chiefly for having lost all their corn by that great frost
31*
366 CLINTON COUNTY.
in the night between the 29th and 30th of May last past,
which was the second frost they had on that river since their
corn was up, and entirely killed it. There was only Jona-
than, and one of the Cayugas, named Canadies, upon the
spot, with their families. They thanked your Honor very
sincerely for the kindness you had shown them in sending
hands to fence in their cornfield; but said, that as they could
have no hopes of getting one grain of corn this year, from
^'hat they have planted, they thought it needless to have a
fence made about their field ; but should be extremely glad
if the government would help them with some provision in
their present necessity; which I promised to use my endeavor,
or to write to your Honor to get it for them. I left one sack
of flour with them: the same I did to the Indians at Cana-
.soragy, about 10 miles on this side of Otstuacky, and two
sacks at Shamokin, with the rest of the provision I took up
with me for the hands, and could now spare.
I have bought of Christian Lower, a miller of Tulpehock-
en, 120 bushels of good wheat, and 60 bushels of Jacob
Fisher, his neighbor, to be distributed among the Indians, as
your Honor will be pleased to direct.
I gave them hopes that the meal should be delivered at
John Harris's Ferry, where they could fetch it by water —
and, I believe it will be the cheapest way. There is a good
wagon road from Christian Lower's mill to Harris's. The
distance is about 40 miles, and wagons may be had reason-
ably.
In my going up, I took John Shickallamy with me, and
as we passed by Canasoragy, where an Indian town now is,
John told me that it would be very unmannerly or unbecom-
ing me, not to say something to those Indians (chiefly Shaw-
anese and Chickasaws,) as I was a public person, and trusted
with the Indian affairs ; and that the Indians longed to hear
from the governor of Pennsylvania, how things are, concern-
ing the war.
I therefore told the Indians, who were then met in coun-
cil, that I was sent by the governor of Pennsylvania to Ot-
stuaky, to fence in a cornfield for the Indians, according to
their petitions sent down last winter to the governor and his
council, by Cayenquiligoa and others ; and that the governor
took this opportunity to send his salutation to them, and had
ordered me to acquaint them — 1st. That the King of Great
CLINTON COUNTY. 367
Britain had sent a great number of men and ammunition, who
are now on their march to drive away the French from Ohio
by force.
2dly. That no war was yet proclaimed between the Eng-
lish and French, but that it was daily expected : that, in the
meantime, the governor desired them to stop their ears to
every thing that the French could say to them, and to listen
altogether to the English, and to depend upon, that their
brethren, the English, will strictly observe the treaties of
friendship, subsisting between them, and their brethren, the
Indians.
odly. That as soon as the governor would receive the
news of war being proclaimed between the English and the
French, the governor would let them know, and whatever
else should pass, wrorthy their notice.
Gave a string of w
ampur
There are about 20 men in this town, when they are all at
home: five or six of them are Chickasaws, that lived many
years among the Shawanese. There happened then to be
two messengers from the Chickasaw Nation, in the town,
with some particular message to them. I could not then
learn what it was. One of these messengers told me, that
his Nation would be mighty glad to see the English in ear-
nest to fight the French — that they, the Chickasaws, had
observed, that wherever the French came, Ihey did mischief;
and, that they are more generally hated among the southern
Indians.
The Indians of this town informed me, that a few days
ago, some Shawanese Indians came from Ohio, and reported
that the French are in a very poor condition at Ohio : their
provisions being half rotten ; and that there are not one hun-
dred and fifty men there ; and that all their Indians had left
them; but a very few French praying Indians are yet with
them. I have nothing else to trouble your Honor with at
present, but am,
Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Conrad Weiser,
To Governor Morris.
368 CLINTON COUNTY.
Among those, as an early pioneer, whose name is familiar
to many of the inhabitants of this county, was Moses Van
Campen.
Though a brief sketch of his adventures has already been
given ; a passage touching his heroism in this region, is here
repeated, as it is believed it will not be out of place.
" My first service," says Van Campen, " was in the year
1777, when I served three months under Col. John Kelly,
who stationed us at Big Island, on the West Branch of the
Susquehanna. Nothing particular transpired during that
time; and in March, 1778, I was appointed lieutenant of a
company of six months' men. Shortly afterwards I was or-
dered by Col. Samuel Hunter to proceed, with about twenty
men, to Fishing creek, on the North Branch, to build a
Fort.
In February, 1781, I was promoted to a lieutenancy, and
entered upon the active duty of an officer by heading scouts,
and as Capt. Robison was no woodsman nor marksman, he
preferred that I should encounter the danger and head the
scouts ; we kept up a constant chain of scouts around the
frontier settlements, from the North to the West Branch of
the Susquehanna, by way of the head waters of Little Fish-
ing creek, Chilisquaqua, Muncy, &c.
In the spring of 1781 we built a fort on the widow Mc-
Clure's plantation, called McClure's Fort, where our provis-
ions were stored.
In the summer of 1781 a man was taken prisoner in Buf-
falo Valley, but made his escape; he came in and reported
there were about three hundred Indians on Sinnemahoning,,
hunting and laying in a store of provisions, and would make
a descent on the frontiers; that they would divide into small
parties, and attack the whole chain of the frontier at the
same time on the same day.
Colonel Samuel Hunter selected a company of five to re-
connoitre, viz : Capt. Campbell, Peter and Michael Groves,
Lieut. Cramer and myself; the party was called the Grove
Party. We carried with us three weeks' provisions, and
proceeded up the West Branch with much caution and care ;
we reached the Sinnemahoning, but made no discovery, ex-
cept old tracks ; we marched up the Sinnemahoning so far,
that we were satisfied it was a false report. We returned,
and a little below the Sinnemahoning, near night, we discov-
CLINTON COUNTY. 369
ered a smoke; we were confident it was a party of Indians,
which we must have passed by, or they got there some other
way; we discovered there was a large party, how many we
could not tell, but prepared for the attack.
As soon as it was dark we new primed our rifles, sharp-
ened our flints, examined our tomahawk handles, and all be-
ing ready, we waited with great impatience, until they all
laid down : the time came, and with the utmost silence we
advanced, trailed our rifles in one hand, and the tomahawk
in the other. The night was warm ; we found some of them
rolled in their blankets a rod or two from their fires. Hav-
ing got amongst them, we first handled our tomahawks; they .
rose like a dark cloud ; we now fired our shots, and raised
the war yell ; they took flight in the utmost confusion, but
few taking time to pick up their rifles. We remained mas-
ters of the ground and all their plunder, and took several
scalps. It was a party of twenty-five or thirty, which had
been down as low as Penn's creek, and had killed and scalp-
ed two or three families; we found several scalps of different
ages which they had taken, and alarge quantity of domestic
cloth, which was carried to Northumberland and given to
the distressed who had escaped the tomahawk and knife.
In December, 1781, our company was ordered to Lancas-
ter ; we descended the river in boats to Middletown, where
our orders were countermanded, and wTe were ordered to
Heading, Berks county, wThere we were joined by a party of
the third and fifth Pennsylvania regiments, and a company
of the Congress regiment. We took charge of the Hessians
taken prisoner by Gen. Burgoyne.
In the latter part of March, at the opening of the campaign
of 1782, we were ordered by Congress- to our respective sta-
tions. I marched Robison's company to Northumberland,
where Mr. Thomas Chambers joined us, who had been re-
cently commissioned as an ensign of our company. We hal-
ted at Northumberland two or three days for our men to
wash and rest ; from thence ensign Chambers and myself
were ordered to Muncy, Samuel Wallace's plantation, there
to make a stand and rebuild Fort Muncy, which had been
destroyed by the enemy.
We reached that station, and built a small block-house for
the storage of our provisions. About the 10th or 11th of
April, Captain Robison came on with Esquire Culbertson,
370 CLINTON COUNTY.
James Dougherty, William McGrady, and Mr. Barkley. I
was ordered to select twenty or twenty-five men, with these
proceed up the West Branch to the Big Island, and thence
to Bald Eagle creek, to the place where Mr. Culbertson had
been killed. On the 15th of April, at night, we reached the
place, and encamped for the night ; on the night of the 16th
we were attacked by eighty-five Indians; it was a hard fought
battle; Esquire Culbertson and two others made their escape.
I think we had nine killed, and the rest of us were made
prisoners. We were stripped of all our clothing, excepting
our pantaloons. When they took off my shirt they discov-
ered my commission; our commissions were written on parch-
ment, and carried in a silk case, hung with a ribbon, in our
bosom ; several got hold of it, and one fellow cut the ribbon
with his knite, and succeeded in obtaining it.
They took us a little distance from the battle ground, and
made the prisoners sit down in a small ring, the Indians form-
ing around us in close order, each with his rifle and toma-
hawk in his hand. They brought up five Indians we had
killed, and laid them within their circle. Each one reflected
for himself ; our time would probably be short ; and respect-
ing myself, looking back upon the year 1780, at the party I
had killed, if I was discovered to be the person, my case
would be a hard one.
Their prophet, or chief warrior, made a speech, as I was
informed afterwards by the British Lieutenant, who belonged
to the party, he was consulting the Great Spirit what to do
with the prisoners, whether to kill us on the spot or spare
our lives: he came to the conclusion that there had been
blood enough shed, and as to the men they had lost, it was
the fate of war, and we must be taken and adopted into the
families of those whom we had killed. We were then di-
vided amongst them according to the number of fires. Packs
were prepared for us, and they returned across the river at
the Big Island, in bark canoes.
They then made their way across hills, and came to Pine
creek, above {he first forks, which they followed up to the
third fork, and pursued the most northerly branch to the
head of it, and thence to the waters of the Genesee river.
CHAPTER XV.
Maintenance of the Poor.
There is an old book in which it is written : " Blessed is
he that considereth the poor." Whether the system that has
been adopted by this State, or its originators, did "consider"
the poor, as they should have done, I feel no disposition to
discuss here. To consider the poor, evidently implies that
the poor, or such as are deserving objects, who have become
poor by the operation of causes which they could not con-
trol— the diseased and aged — all who are prevented by bo-
dily or mental incapacity from earning their own bread or
maintaining themselves, should be treated considerately, and
with a view to alleviate their sufferings, and render them ac-
tually, so far as feasible, comfortable.
That the swarms of vagrants and beggars, a great major-
ity of whom are foreigners, do not properly fall under the
denomination that should be considered, needs no waste of
words to show; for they generally are too lazy to procure
by manual labor, a decent subsistence. " Beg or steal," is
the motto of many of such characters. Where all who can,
and desire to labor, are remunerated for services rendered,
there is no need to beg, or depend upon public or private
charity. And none, who are actually poor, should be suf-
fered to stroll the country. If rendered so by circumstances
beyond their control, ample provision is made for their sup-
port at home — in their township or county. In many of the
counties of this State, houses for their relief, with all the ne-
cessaries of life, are provided for the poor; and where houses
are not provided, overseers or guardians of the poor are cho-
sen in each township and district in the State, whose duty it
is to provide the necessary means for all poor persons, who,
by reason of age, disease, infirmity, or from mental incapa-
city, are unable to labor and support themselves.
In the counties, of which a history and topography are
372
CLINTON COUNTY.
given, there are no poor houses : the system following is,
that the overseers, which are elected annually in March, in
each township, do, with the concurrence of two justices of
the peace, assess the tax necessary, contract with any person
for a house or lodging, for keeping and employing the poor;
or as the phrase runs, "their paupers are annually distributed
in families, who receive them at the lowest rate for which
they are bidden." Whether this system, in practice, " con-
siders the poor" is best decided by facts.
The following facts, collected by a Miss D. L. Dix, while
travelling through these counties a few years ago, are sub-
mitted for consideration.
i " Centre County has no poor house. Some details of suf-
fering reached me. The number of insane poor is computed
at forty, including the idiotic cases. I understand many in-
digent families receive liberal aid from the more prosperous
citizens, especially near Bellefonte; but, much doubt was
expressed respecting the general condition of the aged poor
sick through the county at large.
Mifflin County.— " This county has no poor-house. The
poor are distributed as cheapness and convenience determine.
For the insane, idiots, and epileptics, there is no appropriate
provision; there is no medical attendance, and I heard of no
recoveries amongst the poor. Many I did not see; those who
described them, concurred in the opinion that 'something was
needed for their help, and they thought well of a State Hos-
pital.'
"Huntingdon County has no poor-house; but the poor are
boarded with those who name the lowest receivable price.
From the best information received, the idiots, epileptics, and
insane, in this county, may be estimated at about sixty. The
desire for a State Hospital wTas strongly expressed by intel-
ligent citizens.
I seldom refer to cases existing in private families, and
never by name ; but there is one in Huntingdon county, so
well known, and so publicly exposed, that I feel a descrip-
tion of his condition, as given to me by a citizen, will be in
place here, and serve to illustrate the fact that there are ter-
rible sufferings, and miseries which call for speedy relief. —
On the banks of the canal, near the Juniata, stands a farm-
CLINTON COUNTY. 373
house, to which the cooks of the canal boats are accustomed
I o resort for supplies of milk, butter, &c. Immediately ad-
jacent to the house is a small shanty, constructed of boards
placed obliquely against each other. In this wretched hovel
is a man, whose blanched hair indicates advancing years;
not clad sufficiently for the purposes of decency; " fed like
the hogs, and living worse; in filth, and not half covered:
the decaying wet straw upon the ground, only increases the
offensiveness of the place." In the rains of summer, and the
frosts of winter, he is alike exposed to the influence of the
elements. There is no fire, of course. There is no room for
such a luxury as a fire-place or stove ! And there you may
see hira, affording a spectacle so miserable and revolting, that
you are thankful to retreat from a scene you have no autho-
rity to amend. It is but a few days since nineteen cases,
from sources of unquestionable authority, have been commu-
nicated to me; some accompanied with solicitations to inter-
pose in behalf of these poor maniacs, whose sufferings almost
transcend belief. These are in private families, chiefly of
humble circumstances; and most of all, those who are connect-
ed with them are utterly perplexed by the trials of their lot,
and ignorant how, or in what manner, to manage the refrac-
tory and violent mad-men. These all need care and protec-
tion in a Lunatic Asylum. They cannot elsewhere be brought
into decent conditions, or rendered in any sort as comforta-
ble as the lowest of the brute creation.
Columbia County. — In this county there is no poor-house.
The present mode of disposing of those who become a public
cost, is the same as in all the northern and most of the inte-
rior counties. Physicians informed me, that the insane suf-
fered much for want of suitable care.
Union County. — In this county there is no poor-house.
The poor are supported as in Columbia county. The cost
of supporting each individual was variously estimated at from
forty to sixty dollars per annum. Of the insane, a consid-
erable number are under the care of relatives. Their condi-
tio! varies according to the forms the disease manifests, and
the dispositions and ability of those who have them in charge.
A physician acquainted me at New Berlin, that within the
links of his own practice, there are now six insane persons,
32
374 CLINTON COUNTY.
proper subjects for an insane hospital, and he writes, " to
give you some data, I inform you, that beside myself, there
are fifteen practitioners of medicine in the county ; all of
whom traverse a considerable territory. We leel the want
of a hospital constantly." I heard of about thirty cases of
idiotic and demented persons in Union county, but this can-
not embrace all of the class, though it may exceed the num-
ber strictly needing remedial treatment."
Similar iacts have been collected in several of the other
counties.
CHAPTER XVI.
Clearing Lands.
As it may be interesting, especially hereafter, an account
is given in this Chapter of " former customs," and still, in
some instances, practiced in clearing lands, &c. The account
given, was written about twenty years ago — and, the writer
spoke then in the present tense.
" When we wish to clear a piece of land, we, in the first
place, stake it off, and provided with a grubbing hoe, take
up by the rools every sapling which a stout man can shake
in the root, by grasping the stem and bending it backwards
and forwards. If the roots give to this action, it is called
a grub — dogwood, ironwood, and witch-hazel, are always
classed among grubs, whether they shake in the root or
not.
After the land is grubbed, the brush is picked in heaps.
We then chop the saplings ; that is, every thing is cut down
which does not exceed twelve inches across the stump. Such
part of the saplings as are fit for ground poles, are chopped
at the length of eleven feet ; such parts as are fit for fire-
wood are left for that purpose, and the top brush thrown
upon the heaps made of the grubs. Next, the trees are
deadened, leaving one or two for shade. This process of
deadening is called letting. The manner of doing the work
is this ; to chop entirely around the tree a curve of three or
four inches wide. A tree is not well deadened unless it is
cut to the red ; that is, the axe must penetrate through the
sap {alburnum), but it is not thought necessary to chip out
more than the bark of oak timber. Sugar maple, gum, &c.,
must be chipped out half an inch or an inch deep, to kill
them.
The advantages of deadening timber, are immense; labor
is saved in chopping down and burning the stuff on the
376
ground. Indeed, in this country it is next to impossible to
cut down the timber, unless we live in the vicinity of Bed-
ford— the county town — because farmers are not rich enough
to pay for it. The dead timber gives us firewood for years,
which obviates the necessity of resorting to the woods. When
it falls the roots are taken out with the tree. On the other
hand, the falling branches incommode us for years, covering
our grain every winter, and causing great labor in picking
the branches or limbs in heaps. The trees fall over the fen-
ces and demolish them; sometimes they fall on horses, cat-
tle, &c, &c., killing or maiming them; not unfrequently men
and boys have been killed.
As soon as the brushes will burn, it is fired, and every
particle consumed. The fire sometimes gets away from the
workmen, and great havoc is committed on fences, woods,
and mountains. After the clearing is burnt, the rail timber
is chopped and logged off, the rails mauled, and the tops of
the rail timber hauled home for firewood. If saw-logs, or
building timber is wanted, they are cut down and hauled off.
At any time between the 1st of September and middle of
October, the ground is scratched; that is, rough-ploughed;
a bushel of wheat per acre sown broadcast, harrowed in and
crossed. New ground is sometimes ploughed twice, but this
is so seldom done as scarcely to form an exception, though
it is admitted that a second ploughing adds a fourth to the
crop.
Wheat is universally the first crop sown on new land, un-
less we clear a patch for potatoes. The average crop is from
12 to 20 bushels per acre. The second crop is rye ; oats
follow, and then corn. This is the usual course. It is then
left out a year or two, and then the course begins again un-
til it will produce nothing.
In eight or ten years the timber begins to fall rapidry.
When the ground is pretty well covered with old logs, the
farmer goes in " to nigger-off." This is effected by laying
the broken limbs and smaller trees across the logs and put-
ting fire to it. Boys or women follow to chunk up the fires.
In a day or two the logs are " niggered off" at the length
of 12 or 15 feet ; sometimes the entire tree is consumed.
When they are thus reduced to lengths that can be handled
by men, the owner has a log-rolling. He gives the word to
18 or 20 of his neighbors the day before the frolic, and
CLEARING LANDS. 377
when they assemble, they generally divide the force into two
companies. A company is chosen by acclamation for each
company, and the captains choose their companies, each nam-
ing a man alternately. When the whole is formed, they set
to work, provided with handspikes, and each company exerts
itself to make more log heaps than the other.
Nothing is charged for the work, and the only thing ex-
ceptionable in these frolics, is the immoderate use of whis-
key. In general, great hilarity prevails ; but these meet-
ings, like many others in this county, are sometimes disgraced
by dreadful combats between the persons composing them.
Bedford county, like most mountain countries, possesses a
large proportion of stout, athletic men. Bravery is a pre-
dominant feature in their character, and they value themselves
in proportion to their strength : hence arise animosities which
are seldom allayed but by battle — these pugilistic scenes now
(1845) seldom occur. They possess one noble quality, how-
ever ; and that is, forgiveness of injuries. After a fair trial
of strength, though each may have been so severely cut and
bruised as to be disabled for several days, they will meet in
perfect harmony, and no trace of malice or even resentment
appears. This, to one who has always looked upon the in-
dignity of a blow as meriting the chastisement of death,
seemed impossible; but there can be no doubt of their tacit
reconciliation.
The general price of clearing land is five dollars per
acre, put under fence six rails, and a ground pole 4 feet
round and ready for the plough. Sometimes it is cleared on
the shares, and then if the proprietor finds the grubber in
boarding and lodging, finds horses, feed, and puts it in him-
self, the grubber gets the first crop, or the half of the two
first. If the undertaker finds every thing, he gets the two
nrst or the three first crops, according as he can make his
bargain, and the bargain is usually determined by the quality
of the land and the difficulty of clearing. Meadow land is
cleared for from four to seven crops.
In addition to our log-rolling frolics, we have frolics to
haul dung, to husk corn, to raise our buildings.
The dung-hauling frolics are nearly out of vogue — and ne-
ver ought to have been practised, because a man can do.it
himself. The corn husking is done at nights. The neighbors
meet at dark; the corn has been previously pulled, and hauled
32*
378 CLEARING LANDS.
in a pile near the crib. The hands join it, the whiskey bot-
tle goes round, the story, the laugh, and the merry song is
heard. Three or four hundred bushels are husked by 9 or
10 o'clock — a plentiful supper is provided, and sometimes the
frolic ends with a stag-dance; that is, the men and boys,
(without iemales) dance like mad devils, but in good humor,
to tune of a neighbor's cat-gut and horse hair, not always
drawn with much judgment.
Our buildings are made of hewn logs, on an average 24
feet long by 20 wide, sometimes a wall of stone, a foot or
more above the level of the earth, raised as a foundation; but
in general, four large stones are laid at the corners, and the
building raised on them. The house is covered sometimes
with shingles, sometimes with clapboards. The advantage
of the latter kind of roof is, it requires no laths, no rafters,
no nails, and is put on in less time. It has been called a poor
Irian's make shift, and its use can only be justified by the
poverty and other circumstances of the country. The ground
logs being laid saddle-shaped, on the upper edge, is cut in
with an axe, at the ends, as long as the logs are thick, then
the end logs are raised and a notch cut to fit the saddle. This
is the only kind of tie or binder they have; and when the
building is raised as many rounds as it is intended, the ribs
are raised, on which a course of clapboards is laid, butts
resting on a butting pole- A press pole is laid on the clap-
boards immediately over the ribs to keep them from shifting
by the wind, and the pole is kept to its berth by stay blocks,
resting in the first course against the butting pole. The logs
are run up on the building on skids by the help of wooden
forks. The most experienced " axe-men" are placed on the
building as "corner-men;" the rest of the company are on
the ground to carry the logs and run them up.
In this way a building is raised and covered in a day,
without a mason, and without a pound of iron. The doors
and windows are afterwardr cut out as the owner pleases.
As the country becomes rich and more densely settled,
those hastily constructed buildings will give way to more
durable and more comfortable dwellings; but at present there
are very few buildings in this county, except on the turnpike
and in our larger towns, of any material than rude or unhewn
logs.
Every landholder lives by the sweat of his brow. We have
CLEARING LANDS. 379
no slaves — master and slave are terms unknown ; laboring
hands are hired. The usual wages of a good hand, when
boarding and lodging are provided, is from $5 to $7 per
month; if by the day 31 to 37i cts. The cradler has from
75 to 80 cts. per day ; the reaper and mower from 37i to
50 cts. The food of the agricultural laborer is the same as
that of the employer. No farmer in the county could get a
hireling, if he made any distinction; and the entire family,
maids, men, children, wife and master, eat at the same table.
The quality of the fare depends on the circumstances of the
master ; usually it is coffee, wheat bread, and bacon, fresh
meat, poultry, or salt fish for breakfast; white bread, bacon,
fresh or salt meat, poultry, with abundance of vegetables or
pies, and a glass of whiskey for dinner ; tea, the same sort
of meat and bread for supper ; sometimes mush and milk in
winter.
In summer, farmers work from sunrise till sunset, allowing
an hour or an hour and a half for breakfast, and the same
for dinner. In winter they breakfast by candle-light, and
join their work by the dawn of day; they are all called to
dinner, eat and go it again.
We raise neither cotton nor sugar cane, but we manufac-
ture sugar from the sugar maple (acer saccharimtm). This
tree, which arrives at a size rivalling the largest white oaks,
flourishes in our sandy bottoms, spouting drafts on the sides
of our mountains and the summit of the Allegheny.
When the sugar season begins, which is generally about
the first of March, the sugar maker repairs his camp if it is
out of order. The camp is a small shed made of logs, cov-
ered with slabs or clapboards, and open at one end or side.
Immediately before the opening, four wooden forks are plant-
ed, on which is placed a strong pole. From this is suspend-
en as many wooden hooks as the sugar boiler has kettles —
usually four. Wood is hauled, and it requires a large quan-
tity to boil a season.
The troughs to receive the watei are roughly hewn of cu-
cumber, white or yellow7 pine, or wild cherry, and contain
from one to three gallons. The trees are tapped with a thfee-
quarter inch auger, about one inch or an inch and a half deep.
In the hole is placed a spile or spout, 18 inches long, made
of sumach or alder. Two spiles are put in a tree.
A good camp will contain one hundred and fifty or two
•380 CLEARING LANDS.
hundred trees. When the troughs are full the boiler goes
round with a sled drawn by horses, on which are placed
vessels or barrels to receive the water. Having filled the
barrels, he returns to the camp and fills up the vessels, which
consists of meat vessels, &c. well cleansed. The water which
is gathered in should be immediately boiled, because it makes
the best sugar. If left to stand a few days, it becomes sour
and ropy. The kettles are filled, and as the water boils
down, the kettles are filled up again until all is boiled in.
In order to ascertain when it is fit to stir off, a little of the
molasses is taken out with a spoon and dropped into a tin of
cold water. If the molasses is thick it will form a thread in
the water, and if this thread will break like glass, when
struck with a knife, it must be taken off the fire, and is fit
to stir. The kettle is set on the ground and occasionally
stirred in till it cools and granulates.
Great judgment is required, and the most exact attention
to take it off at the very moment it is fit. If it is taken
off too soon, the sugar will be wet and tough ; if it is left
on too long it will be burnt or be bitter, and scarcely fit
for use. Some boilers try it by taking a few drops of the
molasses between the thumb and finger, and if it ropes
like glue when it cools, it is said to be in sugar. A tree
is calculated to produce, a season, a barrel of water of
30 gallons, and it requires six gallons to make a pound of
sugar. This estimate, however, appears too large. I
have never known a camp turn out, one tree with anoth-
er, more than three pounds, In Jamaica it is not unusu-
al for a gallon of raw cane liquor to yield a pound of su-
gar. It is supposed that there can be no doubt of the fact
that our trees do not produce as much as formerly. Many
of the trees have been injured by fire, but the fatal cause
of their deterioration is the auger. When a tree is cut
down which has been frequently tapped, there is a black
and rotten streak for a foot above and below many of the
auger holes. The great miracle is that a single sugar tree
is alive in Bedford ; but the Almighty Fabricator of the
universe has in his infinite wisdom and beneficence be-
stowed on this precious tree a tenacity of life truly won-
derful. Though every year assaulted by the axe, the au-
CLEARING LANDS. 381
ger, or by fire, it clings to existence and yields to its un-
grateful possessor a luxury, and necessary of life, which,
but for it, would command a price which would debar its
use from the poor. Maple sugar is worth Irom six to
ten cents per pound."
CHAPTER XVII.
Biographical Notices,
Of distinguished individuals, who were actively engaged in
this region of country, at an early period, or who resided
within the bounds of the several counties, of which a history
is attempted.
No. 1.
CONRAD WEISER.
The name of Weiser is intimately associated with many of
the leading events in the history of Pennsylvania, from 1730
to 1760, especially in all the important Indian treaties during
that period. It is a name which every German should de-
light to honor, for the disinterested benevolence of the "In-
dians' Friend," and friend of humanity. Several of our most
influential men of Pennsylvania have descended from Conrad
Weiser. He was the great-grandfather, on the maternal
side, of the Honorable Henry A. Muhlenberg, late of Read-
ing, and of Doctor Muhlenberg, of Lancaster.
Conrad Weiser, son of John Conrad Weiser, was born at
Herrenberg, in Wittemberg, Germany, November 2d, 1696.
His father had sixteen children. Mrs. Weiser died May 1st,
1709. Shortly after her death John Conrad Weiser, with 8
of his children, in company with several of his countrymen,
left Germany; and arrived at London, in June. Several
thousand Germans having arrived at the same time, were
maintained at the expense of Queen Anne, upon whose invi-
tation they had gone thither. In December about four thou-
sand of them embarked for America. They arrived at New
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 383
York, June 13th, 1710. In the autumu of this year, John
Conrad Weiser, with his family, and several hundred Ger-
man families, were transferred, at the Queen's expense, to
Livingston District, where many of them remained till 1713.
Two younger brothers of Conrad's, George and Christopher,
had, before their father went to Livingston District, been
apprenticed by the Governor of New York, to a gentleman
on Long Island.
It was assigned to these Germans to manufacture tar, and
raise hemp, to re-pay freightage from Holland to England,
and thence to New York. The business proving unsuccess-
ful, they were released of all freightage. More than half of
the families in Livington District, now resolved to leave and
settle at Schoharie, 40 miles west of Albany. Previous to
going there, they sent deputies to Schoharie to consult with
the Indians, touching their locating there; for one of the
chiefs, five of whom had been in England at the time these
Germans were there, granted the Queen a tract of land for
the use of the Germans. The names of the chiefs were Te-
yee-neen-ho-ga-prow, Sa-ga-yean-qua-prah-tou, of the Ma-
quas ; Elow-oh-kaom, Oh-nee-yeath-tou-no-prou, of the
river Sachem.
John Conrad Weiser was one of the deputies to Schoharie.
After returning from the Maqua country, in which Schoharie
lay, a number of families moved thither in the autumn of 1713;
some to Albany, others to Schenectady — Weiser had moved
to the latter place, and remained with one Johannes Meyn-
derton, during the winter. Here he was repeatedly visited
by Quagnant, a chief of the Maquas, who proposed to take
Conrad, the subject of this notice, with him to his own coun-
try, and teach him the language spoken by that nation. By
the consent of his father, Conrad accompanied his instructor,
and now lived among the Indians.
While with Quagnant, and acquiring a knowledge of the
Maqua tongue, his sufferings were beyond description. He
had scarce clothes to cover his nudity, much less to protect
him against the inclemency and piercing cold of a severe
winter ; to all this was added, that often times he had not
wherewith to satisfy hunger. Still, to heighten the sufferings
of this young stranger among savages, they repeatedly threat-
ened him, when they were drunk, with death, to escape
which he had to secrete himself, till reason Jiad given them
384 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
a " sober second thought" to restrain the execution of their
threats upon him. While the patient young scholar was
among the savages, his father moved in the spring of 1714
to Schoharie, accompanied by upwards of one hundred Ger-
man families.
In the month of July, having mastered that language, Con-
rad left Quagnant : he returned to his father's house, and as
occasion demanded, he was interpreter between the Germans
and Maquas or Mohawks. Several families of the Maqua
nation lived within a mile of his father's house. Conrad
was poorly compensated here as interpreter. In his Journal
he says : " So lagen auch allezeit Maquaische hie und wieder
auf der Jagd, da es oefters was fehlte dass ich viel zu dol-
metchen hatle, aber ohne Lohn"
The Germans here, amid trials and difficulties, ever inci-
dent to new settlements, made, in a few years, considerable
improvements. Their flattering prospects were, however,
wholly blasted. Owing to a defect in their land titles, they
were dispossessed. Many of them left Schoharie in the spring
of 1620 ; came to Pennsylvania, and settled among the In-
dians in Tulpehocken, now Berks county. The Weiser fa-
mily however remained till 1719, when Conrad left with his
wife and five children, Philip, Frederick, Anna, Madlina,
and Maria, and came to Pennsylvania. He settled half a
mile east of the present site of Womelsdorff. His father,
John Conrad, remained at Schoharie till 1746. He left then
on account of the dangers which he apprehended from the
French and Indians, who had already murdered several Ger-
man families at Schoharie. Soon after his arrival at the
house of his son, Conrad, he died at the advanced age of
nearly ninety.
Weiser's profound knowledge of the Indian and character,
and an intimate aoquaintance with their language, attracted
the attention of Governor Gordon, of the Province of Penn-
sylvania, shortly after his arrival at Tulpehocken. As inter-
preter and Indian agent, having received that appointment
from the governor, he accompanied the noted Shikelamy, of
Shamokin, and Cehachquay, from his residence to Philadel-
phia.— [Prov. Records.
He was now nearly constantly absent for years, on Indian
missions, on bthalt of the Province of Pennsylvania. He and
Shikelamy were appointed by the treaty of 1732, "as fit and
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 385
proper persons to go between the Six Nations and the gov-
ernment, and to be employed in all actions with one another,
whose bodies, the Indians' said, were to be equally divided
between them and us ; we have one half — that they (Indians)
had found Conrad Weiser faithful and honest — a true and
good man, and had spoken their words, and our words, and
not his own." — [Prov. Records.
In 1736, Governor Thomas commissioned him a Justice
of the Peace. Now in a threefold capacity — Interpreter,
Indian Agent and Justice of the Peace, to which was added
that of Colonel, in 1756. He continued his public career for
many years. His was emphatically an active life. In Sep-
tember, 1736, the chiefs of the Six Nations were expected at
Philadelphia, to confirm a treaty that had been made in 1732:
Weiser was active on this occasion, as we learn from the Pro-
vincial Records. "Conrad Weiser, our Interpreter, about
the beginning of September, 1736, advised from Tulpehock-
en, that he had certain intelligence from some Indians, sent
before him, that there was a large number of those people,
with many -of the chiefs, arrived at Shamokin, on the Sus-
quehanna, upon which he was directed to repair thither to
attend them, and supply them with necessaries on their jour-
ney to Philadelphia."
" On the 27th of September, the chiefs came with Weiser
to the President's house at Stenton, being near the road,
where a suitable entertainment was provided for them ; on
the next day, the honorable proprietor, Thomas Penn, and
some of the Council, with other gentlemen, coming thither
from Philadelphia : after dinner, a council was held at Sten-
ton, September 28th. The council continued till the 29th,
then adjourned to meet Oct. 2d, in the Great Meeting House,
in Philadelphia." — [Prov. Records.
In the year 1737, he was sent to Onondago, N. Y., at the
desire of the Governor of Virginia. He departed quite un-
expectedly, towards the close of February, on a journey of
five hundred miles, through a wilderness, where there was
neither road nor path, and at a time of the year when ani-
mals could not be met with for food. It was an unpleasant
journey. In a letter, he says, "There were with me, a Dutch-
man and three Indians. After wehad goneone hundred and fifty
miles on our journey, we came to a narrow valley, about
half a mile broad and thirty mdes long, both sides of which
33
586 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
were encompassed by high mountains ; on which the snow
lay about three teet deep; in it ran a stream of water also
three feet deep. The stream was so crooked that it kept a
continual winding from one side of the valley to the other.
In order to avoid wading so often through the water, we en-
deavored to pass along the slope ol the mountain — the snow
now being three feet deep, and so hard frozen on the top that
we walked upon it, but were obliged to make holes into the
snow with our hatchets, that we would not slide down the
mountain, and thus we crept on. It happened that the old
Indian's foot slipped, and the root of the tree by which he
held, breaking, he slid down the mountain, as from the roof
of a house ; but happily he was stopped in his fall, by the
string which fastened his pack, hitching on the stump of a
small tree. The two Indians could not go to his aid, but
our Dutch fellow traveller did ; yet not without visible dan-
ger of life. I also could not put a foot forward, till I was
helped ; after this we took the first opportunity to descend
into the valley, which was not till after we had labored hard
for half an hour with hands and feet. Having ^observed a
tree lying directly off from where the Indian fell, when we
were got into the valley again, went back about one hundred
paces, where we saw, that if the Indian had slipped four or
five paces farther, he would have fallen over a rock one hun-
dred feet perpendicular, upon craggy pieces of rocks below.
The Indian was astonished, and turned quite pale; then with
outstretched arms, and great earnestness, he spoke these
words: "I thank thee Great Lord and Governor of this
world, in that he had mercy upon me, and has been willing
that I should live longer." This happened March 25, 1737.
On the 9th of April, while we were yet on our journey, I
found myself extremely weak, through the fatigue of so long
a journey, with cold and hunger, which I had suffered ; there
having fallen a fresh snow about 20 inches deep, and we be-
ing yet three u'ays journey from Onondago, in a frightful
wilderness, my* spirit failed, my body trembled and shook— I
thought I should fall down and die : I stepped aside, and set
under a tree, expecting there to die. My companions soon
missed me; the Indians came back and found me there. They
remained awhile perfectly silent. At last the old Indian said:
" My dear companion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us, wilt
thou now quite give up ? Remember that evil days are bet-
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
387
ter than good days ; for when we suffer much we do not sin
— sin will be driven out of us by suffering, and God cannot
extend his mercy on them ; but contrary wise, when it goeth
evil with us, God hath compassion with us." These words
made me ashamed. I rose up, and travelled as well as I
could.
In 1738, in the month of May, he again went to Ononda-
go, accompanied by Bishop Spangenberger, David Zeisber-
ger, and Shebosh, Moravian missionaries to the Indians.
Here he again experienced great hardships. He not only
accompanied these men to the Indians, but in 1742, he met
Count Zinzendorf (of whom an account is given in the se-
quel) at Bethlehem, who had just arrived from Europe. The
count went with him to Tulpehocken, where, Aug. 14, they met
a numerous embassy of Sachems of the Six Nations, return-
ing from Philadelphia. The Count preached to them through
Weiser as interpreter.
Soon afterwards Weiser accompanied Zinzendorf to Sham-
okin, where he was kindly received by Shikelamy.
In January, 1743, Weiser again went to Shamokin, at the
request of Governor Thomas.
The many active duties performed by Mr. Weiser would
have completely engrossed all the time of an ordinary man,
still he found leisure to instruct others in the Indian tongue.
In 1743 we find that distinguished Moravian missionary,
Pyrlacus, at the house of Conrad Weiser, and being made
acquainted with the Maqua language. Weiser's superior
qualifications as a qualified instructor, soon enabled his pupil
to master the language, so as to be able to address the Indi-
ans of that Nation in their own tongue. Pyrlacus having
acquired a competent knowledge of that language, moved
with his wife into the interior parts of the Iroquois country,
and took up his abode with the English missionaries, in Jun-
tarogu.
In April, 1743, he went again to Shamokin, in behalf of
Virginia and Maryland. In his Journal, he says:
"April 9th. I arrived at Shamokin, by order of the Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania, to acquaint the neighboring Indians,
and those' on Wyoming, that the Governor of Virginia was
well pleased with the mediation, and was willing to come to
an agreement with the Six Nations about the land his peo-
ple were settled upon, and if it was that they contended for,
388 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
and to make up the matter of the late skirmish, in an amica-
ble way." A treaty was subsequently held at Lancaster.
In June, of the same year, he went again to Onondago, in
obedience to the orders of the governor and council of Penn-
sylvania. He kept a most minute Journal of this journey,
replete with many interesting notices. — [Prov. Records, K.,
pp. 280-297.
In consequence of the massacre of John Armstrong and his
servants, noticed pages 80-90, he again went to Shamokin.
In May, 1745, accompanied by Shikelamy, one of his sons
and Andrew Montour, he again went to Onondago, where
they arrived in safety on the 6th of June. In 1747 he start-
ed for Shamokin, charged with a message to the Indians to
notify them of the death of John Penn, late proprietary of
the province of Pennsylvania. On his way thither he met
Shikelamy, and several Indians, among whom was Scaien-
ties, at Chambers' mill, now M'Allister's, where he delivered
the message.
In November, he again went to Shamokin, to administer
relief to some of the suffering there. He was surprised, on
his arrival, to find Shikelamy in so low a condition ; reduced
by sickness. Many of them had died. He administered
medicines to the sick, under the directions of Dr. Greene. —
[Prov. Records, L.
The period had now arrived that the French were actively
engaged, to seduce, if possible, all the Indians on the Ohio,
and westward, and persuade them to take up the hatchet
against the English, to counteract the influence of ihe French
emissaries, Mr. Weiser was selected as a suitable person to
pay the Indians a visit at Logstown, 14 miles below the
present site of Pittsburg. Weiser set out August 11th, 1748,
for Ohio; crossed the Susquehanna at Harris's Ferry, passed
through what is now Cumberland, Perry, and Huntingdon,
by way of Frankstown, Kittaning, &c, on to Logstown,
through a perfect wilderness. On arriving at Logstown the
Indians received him with great joy.
The utmost vigilance was now required by the public
functionaries to conciliate the Indians. White intruders upon
Indian lands had now to be expelled. In 1750 Weiser, Sec-
retary Peters, joined by the magistrates of Cumberland coun-
ty, and the delegates from the Six Nations, a chief of the
Mohawks, and Andrew Montour, went to Cumberland, now
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 389
Perry and Bedford, and removed many of those intruders.
The same year he undertook another journey to Onondago,
with a message from the Honorable Thomas Lee, Esq-, Pre-
sident of Virginia to the Indians there. He left home on the
15th of August, and arrived at Onondago, on the 26th- He
spent some time among them. He arrived at home October
1st.
About this time a scheme was formed, to educate the Ger-
mans. He was appointed, in connection with other distin-
guished gentlemen, as a member of the board of Trustees.
From 1752 to 1757, he repeatedly visited the Indians at
Harris's Ferry ; attended treaties held there and at Carlisle.
He acted as Interpreter at the treaties held at Carlisle in
October, 1753, and in January, 1756.
During the French and Indian war he was appointed Col.
of a regiment of volunteers from Berks county. In 1759,
Governor Denny appointed him a commissary. The duty
assigned him by his late commission was too tedious for his
worn out constitution. In a letter of Sept. 19, 1759, to the
governor, he says : " I am in a very low state of health, and
cannot, without great fatigue, hazard to undertake my jour-
ney."
He closed his eventful life July 13th, 1760. He left sev-
en children — having been the father of fifteen — and a widow,
to lament his departure. His remains rest about half a mile
east of Womelsdorf, a few hundred yards south of the turn-
pike. A rough hewn stone stands to mark the spot, with
the following, almost obliterated, inscription :
Diesses ist die
Rube Staette des
weyle ehren geachteten M. Conrad
Weiser derselbige ist gebohren 1696 den 2 No-
vember in Astaet in Amt Herrenberg ira Wittenberger
Lande, und gestorben 1760 den 13
Julius, ist alt worden 63
jahr 8 Monat und
13 Tage.
33*
No. II.
Revd. Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf, Count.
This pious and devoted man was the patron of the Mora-
vians. He was born at Dresden, in May, 1700. He studied
at Holle and Utrecht. About the year 1721, he purchased
the lordship of Berthelsdorf, in Lusatia. Some poor Chris-
tians, the followers of John Huss, obtained leave in 1722 to
settle on his estate. They soon made converts. Such was
the origin of the village of Herrnhut. Their noble patron
soon alter joined them.
From this period Count Zinzendorf devoted himselt to the
business of instructing his fellow men by his writing and
preaching. He travelled through Germany and Denmark,
and became acquainted with the Danish missions in the East
Indies and Greenland.
About 1732 he engaged earnestly in the promotion of
missions by his Moravian brethren, whose numbers at Herrn-
hut were then about five hundred. So successful were these
missions, that in a few years four thousand negroes were bap-
tised in the West Indies, and the converts in Greenland
amounted to seven hundred and eighty-four.
In 1737 he visited London ; and in 1741 came to Ameri-
ca, and preached at Germantown, Bethlehem, Tulpehocken;
and visited the Indians at Shamokin, Wyoming, and State of
New York.
In 1743 he returned to Europe. He died at Herrnhut in
1760, the same year that his friend Weiser did. His coffin
was carried to the grave by thirty- two preachers and mis-
sionaries, whom he had reared, and some of whom had toiled
in Holland, England, Ireland, North America, and Green-
land. What monarch was ever honored by a funeral like
this?
No. III.
Revd. David Brainerd.
The subject of this notice was born at Haddam, Connec-
ticut, April 20, 1718. His mind was early impressed with
the importance of religion. After preparatory studies he be-
came a member of Yale College in 1739, where he was dis-
tinguished for application and general correctness of conduct.
He was expelled from this institution in 1742, inconsequence
of having said, that one of the tutors wae as devoid of grace
as a chair. In the spring of 1742, he began the study of
divinity, and at the end of July was licensed to preach. Hav-
ing received from the society, for propagating Christian know-
ledge, an appointment as missionary to the Indians, he com-
menced his labors at Kaunameek, a village of Massachusetts,
situated between Stockbridge and Albany. He remained
there about twelve months, and on the removal of the Kau-
nameeks to Stockbridge, he turned his attention towards the
Delaware Indians.
In 1744, he was ordained at Newark, N. J., and fixed his
residence near the Forks of the Delaware and Lehigh rivers,
Pennsylvania, where he remained about a year. From this
place he removed to Cross weeksing, in N. J„ where his ef-
forts among the Indians were commenced with success.
In the summer of 1745 and 1746, he visited the Indians
on the Susquehanna, at Duncan's Island, at Shamokin, and
on the West Branch. On his return in September he found
himself worn out. His health was so much impaired, that
he was able to preach but little more. Being advised in the
spring of 1747 to travel in New England, he went as far as
Boston, and returned in July to Northampton, where he pass-
ed the remainder of his days. He died October 9th, 1747,
aged twenty-nine years.
No. IV.
Revd. David Zeisberger.
This distinguished Moravian missionary among the Indi-
ans, was born in Moravia, in Germany, 1721, whence his
parents emigrated to Hernnhut, in Upper Lusatia. In 1738
he came to Georgia. Thence he removed to Pennsylvania,
and assisted in the commencement of the settlements of Beth-
lehem and Nazareth. From 1742 he was for sixty-two years
a missionary among the Indians. He visited them on the
Susquehanna. He attended Shikelamy in his last illness, at
Sharaokin, ih 1749. Loskiel says, " He (Shikelamy) was
taken ill — was attended by David Zeisberger, and in his
presence, fell happily asleep in the Lord, in full assurance of
obtaining eternal life, through the merits of Jesus Christ."
Zeisberger was an indefatigable missionary. He instructed
and baptised about fifteen hundred Indians. This he did
araid trials and opposition from several quarters.
About the year 1768, he wrote two grammars of the On-
ondago, in English and in German, and a dictionary, German
and Indian, of more than 1700 pages. In the Lenape, or
language of the Delawares, he published a spelling book,
sermons to children, and a hymn book, containing upwards
of 500 hymns, translated partly from German and partly
from English. He left in manuscript a grammar in German
of the Delaware language, which has been translated by Mr.
Du Ponceau, late of Philadelphia; also a harmony of the
four gospels, translated into Delaware.
No. V.
Governor Simon Snyder.
He was born at, Lancaster, in November, 1759. His fa-
ther was a respectable mechanic, who had emigrated to
Pennsylvania, from Germany, about the year 1740. The
maiden name of his mother was Knippenberg. She was born
near Oppenheim, in Germany. In April, 1774, his father,
Anthony Snyder, died at Lancaster. In 1776, Simon Sny-
der left Lancaster, and went and resided at York. There he
remained more than eight years- In that place he learned
the tanning and currying business. As a proof of early in-
tegrity, it may be mentioned that he served an apprentice-
ship ol four years, without being bound by an indenture or
written contract. At York, he went to night school, kept
by John Jones — a worthy member of the Society of Friends
— where he learned reading, writing, arithmetic, and made
some progress at mathematics. Often, at the midnight hour,
after a hard day's work, Simon Snyder was found engaged
in the pursuit of knowledge ; and his Sundays were almost
constantly devoted to its acquirements.
In July, 1784, he removed to the county of Northumber-
land, to that portion which is now Union county. There he
became a storekeeper, and the owner of a mill. He soon
became very useful, and much respected as a scrivener. He
was in all situations, and at all times the friend of the poor
and the distressed ; modest and unassuming ; yet was his
sound judgment, impartiality, and love of justice, so well
known, and duly appreciated, that he was elected unani-
mously by the freeholders of a large district of country, a
justice of the peace. In this office he continued to officiate
for twelve years, under two commissions. The first was
granted under the constitution of 1776, and the last was un-
der the constitution of 1790. So universally were his decis-
ions respected, that there never was an appeal from any judg-
ment of his to the court of Common Pleas, and but one writ
of certiorari was served on him during all that time.
Though the inhabitants consisted of that description of
persons who are the settlers of all new countries, amongst
394
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
whom quarrels and disputes are very frequent, yet so great
was his personal influence, and so strenuous his efforts to
reconcile contending parties, that he generally prevailed; in-*
deed, so efficient was his influence, that of the many aclions
brought before him for assaults and batteries, during the
whole period of 12 years, he made return to the Court of
Quarter Sessions of but two recognizances. These are evi-
dences of an extraordinary degree and extent of public confi-
dence in the disposition and judgment, and general good prin-
ciples and character of Mr. Snyder, and confidence which
his whole life proved to have been well deserved.
In 1789 he was elected a member of the convention which
formed the late constitution of this State. Mr. Snyder had,
heretofore, taken but little part in political contests of the
day, yet his principles seemed to have been well understood ;
and his votes in the convention proved him to have been,
then, as he continued through life, the steady supporter of
those invaluable principles, which were best calculated to
maintain the rights and promote the happiness of the people
of this free country.
In 1797 he was eleoted a member of the Legislature. He
was never considered a speaker of much impression, nor did
he ever speak at length, yet what he did say, was listened
to with marked attention, and always carried weight, be-
cause he never spoke but when he felt assured that it was his
duty to speak, and that he had something in the way of fact
or information to communicate, which should influence the
minds of J j is fellow members.
As a committee man, his services were much sought and
much valued. In 1802 he was chosen Speaker of the House
of Representatives. As Speaker, Mr. Snyder presided with
much dignity, with a full knowledge of his duties, and a most
accurate recollection and prompt application of the rules of
the House. None of his decisions were reversed by the House.
His amendments, which were frequently of moment, suggest-
ed by him as Speaker, even when the bill wras in its last
stage, were almost always adopted, with unanimity, which
marked the high respect entertained by the House for his
judgment.
With him originated in our Legislature, a proposition to
engraft the arbitration principle on our judicial system, as
well as many other wholesome provisions for the adjustment
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 395
of controversies brought before justices of the peace. ITe
continued, after repeated unanimous elections, to preside in
the Speaker's chair to the session of 1805. During that ses-
sion he was taken up as a candidate for the office of Gover-
nor, and ran in opposition to the then Governor, Thomas
McKean.
The question of calling a convention to amend the State
constitution, was so intimately interwoven with the question,
who should he Governor? that the contest was conducted ra-
ther in reference to the question oi the convention, than upon
the popularity of the candidate.
Governor McKean was re-elected by a majority of 5000.
In 1806, Mr. Snyder was again elected to the House of Re-
presentatives, and again chosen Speaker, and was re-elected
to both stations in 1807.
In 1808, he was taken up as candidate for Governor, and
after an arduous contest, was elected by a majority of 28,000.
In 1811, he was re-elected ; and, also in 1814. His conduct
in the war of 1812, was patriotic, and worthy of a Gover-
nor of Pennsylvania.
In the session of 1813-14, a very large majority of both
Houses of the General Assembly, passed the bill to charter
forty Banks! The candidate for Governor was at that
time nominated by the members of the Legislature. Having
assembled in caucus, for that purpose, it was remarked, after
the meeting had been organized, that the bill to charter 40
Banks was then before the Governor, and that it would be
prudent to adjourn the caucus without making any nomina-
tion of a candidate for Governor, until it was ascertained
whether he would or would not approve ol the bill.
Within three days, Governor Snyder returned the bill,
with his objections, and it did not pass that session. The in-
dependence of Governor Snyder was the theme of almost
universal praise, and he was that year re-elected by nearly
30,000 majority.
Having served the constitutional period of nine years, he
retired to his former place of residence — Selin's Grove —
where, at the general election, he was elected and forthwith
entered upon the discharge of his duties as a guardian of the
poor of the township.
At the next general election, Mr. Snyder was elected a
Senator of the State of Pennsylvania3 and served one session.
396 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES*
He died in the spring of 1820, honored, respected and be-
loved. He was in truth an honest and upright man. Peace
to his ashes.
No. VI.
John Harris, Proprietor of Harrisburg.
The subject of this brief notice, was the son of the well
known elder John Harris, a native of Yorkshire, England,
and who was the first settler west of the Conewago hilk.
John Harris was born at the present site of Harrisburg, in
1726. He was the first white child born in Pennsylvania,
west of the Conewago hills.
Harris's father was a middle-aged man when he immigra-
ted to America. He first settled in Philadelphia, where he
married Esther Say, an English lady; a woman of rather an
extraordinary character, for energy and capacity of mind.
When but a young man, John Harris was occasionally em-
ployed by the Province of Pennsylvania to transact important
business with the Indians at a critical period. His house was
frequently visited by the aborigines. Several important con-
ferences were held there between the several tribes of Indi-
ans on the Susquehanna, Ohio, &c, and the government of
Pennsylvania.
Prior to 1754, he had been sent on an Indian mission to
Ohio, and at the same time to notice the most practicable
route from his Ferry to Logstown. That he performed his
duty faithfully may be seen from the following brief extracts
from his journal :
" From my Ferry to George Croghan's, it is five miles —
(this place was in Cumberland county) ; to Kittatinny moun-
tains 9; to Andrew Montour's 5; Tuscarora hill 9; Thomas
Mitchell's sleeping place 3; Tuscarora 14; Cove Spring 10;
Shadow of Death 8; Black Log 3. Sixty miles to this
point.
The road forks to Raystown (Bedford) and Frankstown —
we continued to Raystown- To the Three Springs 10;
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 397
Sideling Hill Gap 8 ; Juniata Hill 8 ; Crossings at Juniata
8 ; Snake's Spring 8 ; Raystown 4 ; Shawana cabins 8 ; Al-
leghany hill 6 ; Edmund's swamp 8 ; Stoney creek 6 ; Kich-
eney Paulin's house (Indian) 6 ; Clearfield's 7 ; to the other
side of Laurel hill 5; Loyal Hanning 6; Big Bottom 8;
Chestnut ridge 8 ; to the parting of the roads 4 ; thence one
road leads to Shanoppintown, the other to Kiscomenettas
Old Town — To Big Lick 3 ; Beaver dams 6 ; James Dun-
ning's sleeping place 8 ; Cockeye's cabin 8 ; Four mile run
11 ; Shanoppintown on Allegheny river 4 ; to Logstown
down the river 18 ; distance by the old road 246 miles.
" Now beginning at the Black Log — Frankstown road
to Aughwick 6 ; Jack Armstrong's Narrows (so called
from being murdered here) 8 ; Standing Stone, which is
about 14 feet high and 6 inches square, 10. At each of the
last places we crossed the Juniata. The next and last
crossing of Juniata 8 ; Branch of Juniata 10; Big Lick
10; Frank's (Stephen's) Town 5; Beaver dams 10; Al-
legheny hill 4 ; Clearfield 6 ; John Hart's sleeping place
12 ; Shawanese cabins 24 ; Shaver's sleeping place, at two
large licks 12; Eighteen mile run 12; Ten mile lick 6;
to Kiscomenettas town on the creek which runs into the
Allegheny river six miles down, almost as large as Schuyl-
kill 10 ; Chartier's landing on Allegheny 8 ; &c."
Having accepted an Indian agency he was faithful to
his charge, both to the Indians and the government. The
latter he kept constantly advised of what was going on in
the frontier settlements ; for at this time many of the In-
dians on the Ohio had taken up the. hatchet against the
English.
He frequently visited the Indians at Shamokin ; and
when the French and Indians had committed atrocious
murders upon the frontier settlers, he, aided by others,
came and buried the bodies of the slain.
He was a great patriot. "When the independence was
agitated, he thought the declaration premature. He feared
that the colonies were unequal to the task of combating
with Great Britain; but when independence was declared,
he advanced £3000 to carry on the contest."
He was a man of more than ordinary forecast. He un-
derstood well the advantages of Harris's Ferry. Twenty-
years before he had laid out Harrisburg, he observed to
34
398 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
the late Judge Hollenback, that his place would become a
place of central business, and the Seat of Government of
Pennsylvania.
When he laid out Harrisburg in 1785, he conveyed with
other property to commissioners, four acres of ground on
Capital Hill, to the east of the present State Buildings, in
trust for public use, and such public purposes as the Leg-
islature shall direct.
He was always liberal; he gave lot No. 185, on the cor-
ner of Chesnut and Third streets, to the German Reformed
and Lutherans, in 1787, to erect a church thereon — the
same lot on which the German Reformed Church now
stands.
After a life of usefulness, he closed his eventful period,
July 29, 1791, and his remains rest in the Paxton church
graveyard.
No. VII.
Rochefoucauld Liancourt.
This distinguished French Duke was born in France,
1747 ; and was grand master of the wardrobe to Louis xv.
and xvi. During the revolution, like another Lafayette,
he was the friend of liberty, but the enemy of licentious-
ness. The downfall of the throne compelled him to quit
France, and after having resided for some time in Eng-
land, he visited America, in 1795, and made a tour through
this part of Pennsylvania, by way of Harrisburg, &c, and
in 1796 passed through Northumberland county, where he
tarried for some time ; which place, with others, he noti-
ces in his work, entitled, " Travels in the United States."
In 1799, he was allowed to return to his native coun-
try, and he died in March, 1827, generally respected for
his liberal principles and his active benevolence. It was
chiefly by his exertions that vaccination was introduced
into France.
No. VIII.
Colonel Hartley.
Colonel Thomas Hartley — stationed for some time in
Sunbury — was born in Berks county, September 7, 1748.
Having received the rudiments of a classical education, in
the town of Reading, he went, at the age of 18, to York,
and commenced the study of law under Samuel Johnson.
Pursuing his studies with unremitting diligence for three
years, he was admitted to practice, in the courts of York,
July 25, 1769. He soon distinguished himself in his pro-
fession.
Young Hartley was early a distinguished as a warm
friend of his country, both in the cabinet and in the field.
In 1774, he was elected by the citizens of York, a member
of the Provincial meeting of deputies, which was held at
Philadelphia, July 15th, of the same year. In 1775 he was
a member of the Provincial convention, held at Philadel-
phia, January 23d.
The time now approached that tried men's souls. Hart-
ley now espoused the cause of his country in good earnest.
He soon distinguished himself as a soldier. The Commit-
tee of Safety recommended a number of persons to Con-
gress, for Field Officers to the sixth battalion, ordered to
be raised. Congress accordingly, on the 10th of January,
1776, elected William Irwin, as Colonel ; Thomas Hartley
as Lieutenant-colonel ; and James Dunlap, as Major. Mr.
Hartley was soon afterwards promoted to the full degree of
Colonel.
Colonel Hartley having been three years in service, wrote
a letter to Congress, February 13th, 1779, asking permission
to resign his commission. His resignation was accepted. In
1778 he was elected a member of the Legislature from York
county. In 1783 he was elected a member of the Council
of Censors. In 1787 he was a member of the State Conven-
tion, which adopted the Constitution ol the United States.
In 1788 he was elected a member of Congress. He con-
tinued a member of that body for about 12 years.
400
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
April 28th, 1800, Governor McKean commissioned him a
Major-General of the fifth division of the Pennsylvania mili-
tia, consisting of the counties of York and Adams. He soon
after receiving this appointment, died at his house in York,
December 21st, 1800, in his 53d year.
No. IX.
George Croghan.
Mr. Croghan was an Indian Agent for many years. He
resided several years five miles west of Harris's Ferry, in
Cumberland county, at whose residence several Indian con-
ferences were held ; one in May, and anolher in June, 1750.
Soon after 1750 he was sent to Aughwick, where he dis-
charged faithfully his duty. Prior to his settling at Augh-
wick, he had accompanied Conrad Weiser to Logstown in
1748. In 1750 and 1751 he held conferences with the In-
dians at Logstown. In 1755 he tendered his services, and
those of a number of friendly Indians, to General Braddock:
but was repulsed by the selfish General. In 1753 he was
present at the treaty held at Carlisle. He erected Fort Gran-
ville in 1756.
Having received a commission from Sir William Johnson,
as Deputy Indian Agent, after the French had evacuated
Fort Du Quesne, in 1758, he took up his residence at Fort
Pitt, where he held several important treaties with the seve-
ral Indian nations of Ohio, and west of the Ohio.
In 1765 he set off from Fort Pitt with I wo batteaux, be-
ing accompanied by several men, and deputies of the Sene-
cas, Shawanese and Delawares, down the Ohio, for Fort
Chartres, on the Wabash river. They left Fort Pitt on the
15th of May, and towards the latter part of July arrived at
Fort Chartres. It was quite a hazardous undertaking. Be-
fore they arrived at the Fort they were attacked, June 8th,
at daybreak, by a party of Indians, consisting of 80 warriors
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 401
of the Kickapoos and Musquatrimus, who killed two of his
men and two Indians ; himself and all the rest of his party
being wounded, except two white men and one Indian. They
were all made prisoners, and plundered of every thing they
had, and were now hurried on through a dreary wilderness
for several hundred miles, crossing a great many swamps,
morasses, and beaver ponds. On the 15th of June they ar-
rived at Port Vincent, now Vincennes. Thence they were
carried as captives to Ouicatanon, a distance of upwards of
two hundred miles from Port Vincent.
Here they were enlarged on the 25th of July. Mr. Cro-
ghan now set his face for Detroit, where he arrived on the
17th of August. He describes Detroit and vicinity as con-
sisting of a Stoccade Fort, enclosing about 80 houses, and
standing close on the north side of the river, on a high bank,
commanding a very pleasant prospect of nine miles above and
below the Fort — the country thickly settled with French;
their plantations generally laid out about three or four acres
in breadth on the river, and eight in depth; the soil good,
producing plenty of grain. All the people, he says, are ge-
nerally poor wretches here, and consist of three or four hun-
dred French families — a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly
on the savages for subsistence.
During his stay at Detroit he held frequent conferences
with the different Indian nations assembled there. He left
Detroit September 26th, and arrived at Niagara, October
8th. Afterwards he retired to Fort Pitt.
In 1770 he was still stationed at Fort Pitt, where George
Washington, on his way down the Ohio, dined with him in
the Fort. Colonel Croghan accompanied Washington as far
as to Logstown. He was an extensive landholder at that
time. He owned all the land between Raccoon creek and
the Monongahela.
Colonel Croghan was one of the most active Indian Agents
and pioneer settlers of his day,
34*
No. X.
Colonel John Kelly.
John Kelly was a native of Lancaster county. He was
born in February, 1747. After the purchase from the Indi-
ans, by the proprietaries ot Pennsylvania, in 1768, he left
Lancaster county and settled in Buffalo valley. Here he en-
dured the hardships common to all settlers in new countries.
He was well calculated for a new settlement ; — tall, about
six feet two, vigorous and muscular, with a body inured to
labor, and insensible of fatigue, and a mind fearless of dan-
ger.
He was a major in the revolutionary war, and was engaged
in the brilliant actions at Trenton and Princeton.
In the course of one of their retreats, the commander-in-
chief, through Col. Potter, sent an order to Major Kelly to
have a certain bridge cut down to prevent the advance of
the British, who were then in sight. The major sent for an
axe, but repiesented that the enterprise would be very haz-
ardous. Still the British advance must be stopped, and the
order was not withdrawn. He said he could not order an-
other to do what some would say he was afraid to do him-
self ; he would cut down the bridge. Before all the logs on
which the bridge lay were cut off, he was completely within
the range of the British fire, and several balls struck the log
on which he stood. The last log broke down sooner than
he expected, and he fell with it into the swollen stream. Our
soldiers moved on, not believing it possible for him to make
his escape. He, however, by great exertions, reached the
shore, through the high water and the floating timber, and
followed the troops. Encumbered as he must have been with
his wet and frozen clothes, he made a prisoner, on his road.
of a British scout, an armed soldier, and took him into camp.
History mentions that our army was preserved by the de-
struction of that bridge ; but the manner in which it was
done, or the name of the person who did it, is not mentioned.
it was but one of a series of heroic acts, which happened
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 403
every day ; and our soldiers were then more familiar with
the sword than the pen.
After his discharge, Major Kelly returned to his farm and
his family, and during the three succeeding years the Indians
were troublesome to this then frontier settlement. He became
colonel of the regiment, and it was his duty to keep watch
against the incursions of hostile Indians, through our moun-
tain passes. At one time our people were too weak to re-
sist, and our whole beautiful country was abandoned. Col.
Kelly was among the first to return. For at least two har-
vests, reapers took their rifles to the fields, and some of the
company watched while others wrought. Col. Kelly had
the principal command of scouting parties in this valley, and
very often he was out in person. Many and many nights has
he laid among the limbs of a fallen tree, to keep himself out
of the mud, without a fire ; because a fire would indicate his
position to the enemy. He had become well skilled in their
mode of warfare. One circumstance deserves particular no-
tice. The Indians seemed to have resolved on his death,
without choosing to attack him openly. One night he had
reason to apprehend they were near. He rose the next
morning, and, by looking through the crevices of his log-
house, he ascertained that two at least, if not more, were ly-
ing with their arms, so as to shoot him when he should open
his door. He fixed his own rifle, and took his position so
that, by a string, he could open the door, and watch the In-
dians. The moment he pulled the door open, two balls came
into the house, and the Indians rose to advance. He fired
and wounded one, and both retreated. After waiting to sat-
isfy himself that no others remained, he followed them by
blood ; but they escaped.
For many years CoJ. Kelly held the office of a magistrate
of the county. In the administration of justice, he exhibited
the same anxiety to do right, and disregard of self, which
had characterized him in the military service of the country.
He would at any lime forgive his own fees, and, if the par-
ties were poor, pay the constable's cost, to procure a com-
promise.
There is a monument in the Presbyterian cemetery in Lew-
isburg, to the memory of Colonel Kelly. This was erected
April 8th, 1835, amid a solemn and imposing military array.
After the ceremony, James Merrill, Esq., delivered an ad-
dress.
No. XI.
David R. Porter.
The subject of this brief notice, was born October 21st,
178S, in Montgomery county. His father, Andrew Porter,
colonel of the fourth, or Pennsylvania regiment of artillery,
and subsequently Brigadier and Major-General of the second
division of Pennsylvania militia, was also a native of Mont-
gomery county. He was born September 24th, 1743. The
life of General Porter affords a striking and useful example
•f what native energy and genius may accomplish, unfostered
and unaided, except by its own exertions. He rose, without
any peculiar advantage of an early education, to rank and
respectability, both in civil and military life, and held a dis-
tinguished station in the scientific world. David R. Porter
resided for many years in Huntingdon county, where he en-
joyed the confidence of the people; holding several offices,
at different periods, both civil and military. He was twice
elected Governor of Pennsylvania, and now resides at Har-
risburg, extensively engaged in the manufacture of iron.
OMISSION.
The following interesting narrative of incidents, written
by a daughter of a revolutionary soldier, familiar with the
facts, was, by reason of misplacing the Mss., omitted being-
being inserted in its proper place. It was not discovered in
time to correct the omission.
" James Thompson lived, at the commencement of the re-
volutionary war, on a beautiful farm, near Spruce run, in
White Deer township. On a contiguous farm lived a family
named Young. One morning in March they were surprised
by five Indians, who took Thompson and Margaret Young
prisoners. Thompson was a very active young man, and de-
termined to rescue Miss Young, and make his own escape,
On the second night of their captivity, while the Indians
were asleep, — each with his rifle, tomahawk, and scalping-
knife wrapped, with himself, in his blanket, — Thompson
found a stone weighing about two pounds, and kneeling down
beside the nearest Indian, with his left hand he felt for his
temple — his intention being to kill one, and, having secured
his tomahawk, he thought he could despatch the rest succes-
sively as they arose. The darkness of the night, however,
frustrated his plan; for, not seeing, he did no serious injury.
The Indian bounded up with a fierce yell, which awoke the
others, and springing on the young man — who had thrown
his stone as far from him as he possibly could — would have
put an end to his existence, had not the rest interfered and
secured Thompson. The Indian immediately accused him of
endeavoring to kill him — while he signified that he had only
struck him with his fist — and nothing appearing to induce
them to doubt his word, they were highly amused at the idea
of an Indian making so terrible an outcry at any stroke a
pale-face could inflict with his naked hand. He, however,
although he had not an ocular, had certainly a very feeling-
demonstration that something weightier than a hand had been
used — but was shamed into silence by the laugh raised at his
expense. Our prisoners were now taken up the Susquehan-
406 OMISSION.
na, crossed the river in a canoe, and proceeded up Loyal Sock
creek. For five nights he was laid upon his back, with his
arras extended and tied to stakes. On the seventh night, near
the mouth of Towanda creek, the Indians directed Thomp-
son and his companion, as usual, to kindle a fire for them-
selves, while they built another. By this means he had an
opportunity of communicating to her his intention of leaving
the company that very evening. She advised him to go
without her. He expressed great unwillingness; but she
overruled his objections, declaring that even did she now
escape, she would not be able to reach home. Accordingly,
in gathering the dry sticks which were strewn round, he went
further from the circle, throwing each stick, as he found it,
towards the fire, and then wandering slowly, though notrun-
consciously, still further for the next, until he had gone as
far as he thought he could without exciting suspicion ; then
he precipitately fled. They were soon in pursuit ; but were
unable to overtake him; and he ran in such a quick, zigzag
manner, that they could not aim straight enough to shoot
him.
He was obliged to travel principally at night; and in go-
ing down Loyal Sock creek, he frequently came upon In-
dian encampments, when he had either to wade the stream,
or cross the slippery mountains, to avoid thera. Sometimes
he came to places where they had encamped. The bones of
deer, &c , which he found at these places, he broke open,
and swallowed the marrow. This, with the few roots he
could find, was all the food he was able to procure. Once,
when almost overcome with fatigue and loss of sleep, he
thought of getting into a hollow tree to rest ; but this w'ould
not do, for where he could get in a wild animal might also
get, although naturally possessed of great courage, he did
not like to be attacked in this manner, where he had no
means of defence. In this wTay he reached the Susquehan-
na, where he found the cance as they had left it. He en-
tered it, and descended the river ; but fatigue, and want of
nourishment and rest, had so overcome him, that when he
reached Fort Freeland — a short distance above where Mil-
ton now stands — he was unable to rise. He lay in the can-
oe until discovered by the inhabitants, who took him ashore ;
and by cartf j1 treatment he was restored to health. He af-
terwards received a pension from the United States, and died
about the year 1838, in the 96th year of his age.
OMISSION. 407
The Indians, meantime pursued their course, taking Miss
Young with them, to the neighborhood of Montreal, in Can-
ada. She had frequently understood them to lament the loss
of Thompson. As he was a fine active young man, they
were keeping him as a subject upon which to exercise their
cruelty. Miss Young was given to an old squaw, who wish-
ed to make her work sufficient to maintani them both ; but
an old colored man advised hei to work as little as possible
— and what she must do, she should do as badly as she
could ; " for," said he, " if you work well, she will keep
you for a slave, — but be lazy, and do your work wrong,
and she will get tired of you, and sell you to the whites." —
Poor young girl ! away from her home and her friends, she
was grateful for the advice which even an old colored man
gave. She acteti her part well ; for when the corn was rea-
dy for hoeing, she would cut up the corn, and neatly dress
some weed in its stead. The old squaw thought she was
too stupid ever to learn — for, notwithstanding all the pains
she had taken to teach her, she was still as awkward and
ignorant as ever ; and thinking her a useless burden, she sent
her to Montreal, according to her wish, and sold her. Her
purchaser was a man of some distinction, of the name of
Young ; and when he discovered her name, he began to trace
relationship, and found they actually were cousins. This
was a happy discovery. She lived almost as contentedly, in
her cousin's family, as in her father's house. Some time af-
ter the conclusion of the war, she became very anxious to
visit her friends in the United States. She came home, where
she sickened and died soon after."
APPENDIX.
A— page 43.
Several conferences were held by the Indians touching the
encroachments of the whites upon their lands, fyc, which
are given below; and Richard Peters' Report, in 1750, to
Governor Hamilton.
At a conference held with the Indians at Mr. Croghan's,
in Pennsboro' township, Cumberland county, on Thursday
the 17th day of May, 1750.
Present. — Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary. Conrad Wei-
ser, Esq., James Galbreth, Esq., George Croghan, Esq.,
George Steveson, Esq., William Wilson, Esq., Hermanus
Alricks, Esq., Andrew Montour, Jac-nech-doaris, Sai-uch-
to-wano, Catara-dirha, Tohornady Hunthoa, Mohock, from
Ohio.
Sai-uch-to-wano spoke, as follows:
Brethren —
We were in hopes of giving the Secretary a cheerful
welcome into this part of the county, but we have just heard
a piece of bad news, which has interrupted our joy — that one
of the principal men of the Province is taken away by a sud-
den death ; — a wise counsellor, and a good friend of ours.
Be pleased, therefore, to convey to the Governor our expres-
sioos of sorrow on this melancholy occasion ; and let this
string of wampum serve to comtort his heart, and wipe away
tears from his eyes, till this great loss shall be supplied by
some fit person to succeed him.
A String of Wampum.
APPENDIX. 409
To which the Secretary made Answer.
Brethren —
I will deliver your string to the Governor, with your
expression of sorrow for the death of the Chief Justice. This
is indeed a real cause of concern to the whole Province, since
the loss which the public sustains by the death of wise men
cannot soon be repaired. Wisdom in the administration of
the affairs of government, requiring experience as well as
great abilities, both of which the deceased gentleman had a
large share.
Then Catara-dirha, on behalf of the Conestogoe Indians,
spoke.
Brother —
When the Six Nations sold their land on Susquehanna,
to the proprietaries, the Conestogoe Indians were then living
in their town, near Lancaster, for which reason, the place
where they lived was excepted out of the sale. It will ap-
pear by your Records, that they were to live there as long
as they pleased, and when they should incline to depart, they
were to signify it to the proprietaries, and receive a consid-
eration: they are now inclinable to remove nearer to the
other Indians, and according to the agreement already made
with the proprietaries, they request you to inform the Gover-
nor of their intention. They want to sell their improvements,
and now make the proprietaries the first offer of them.
A String of Wampum.
Brother, the Governor —
Many of your old people are dead, so that we are now
left, as it were, orphans in a destitute condition, which in-
clines us to leave our old habitations. When we are gone,
ill-minded people may tell you stories to our prejudice, but
we assure you that distance will not alter our affections for
you; therefore, give no ear to such stories, as we, on our
part, will not think you can lose your regard for us, though
there are some, who would persuade us that we are now not
so much regarded by you as we have been.
35
410 APPENDIX.
Then Andrew Montour spoke, as follows :
Brethren —
The Twightwees, who were admitted into the alliance
of the English, in a treaty held at Lancaster, two or three
years ago, sent their deputies to Allegheny last winter, with
a message addressed to the Six Nations, and other Indians
living at Ohio, and to the Governor of Pennsylvania, and
delivered to them this string of wampum ; and as this gov-
ernment is equally concerned with those Indians in the Twight-
wee message, they have commissioned me to relate it to the
Governor, and to give him over the string of wampum sent
with it, and desire he will favor them with his answer to it
by Mr. Croghan, who is going this summer to Allegheny.
The Message delivered by the Deputies of the Twightwees,
was as follows :
Brethren of the Six Nations, and all the other Indians living
on Ohio, and the Governor of Pennsylvania, and all the
English Governors.
We, the Twightwees, who are now one with you, de-
sire that the road which has lately been opened between us,
being a new one, and therefore rough, blind, and not well
cleared, may now be made plain, and that every thing which
may hinder the passage, may be removed out of it so effec-
tually as not to leave the least obstruction; and we desire
this may be done, not only as far as where you live, but be-
yond you to the places where our brethren the English live,
that their traders, whom we desire to see amongst us, and to
deal with us for the future, may travel to us securely and
with ease.
Brethren —
We are yet young and inexperienced. You, the Six
Nations, are our elder brothers, and can advise us what to
do on all occasions. We, therefore, put ourselves under your
care, and request that you will look upon us as children, and
assist us with your counsel, and we promise to follow what-
ever advice you give us, for we are sensible that it will be
for our good. Our father, Onontio, has kept us poor and
blind, but through your means, we begin to open our eyes,
APPENDIX. 411
and to see things at a great distance. We assure you by this
string of wampum, that we, the T wight wees, have entirely
laid Onontio aside, and will no more be governed by his ad-
vice, nor any longer hearken to what he shall say.
This is our settled determination, and we give you the
strongest assurances that we shall abide by it, and of this we
desire you will inform the Six Nation Indians at Onondago,
and all the Indians who are in their, and your alliance, and
likewise the Governor of Pennsylvania, and the other Eng-
lish Governors.
Brethren —
I have it further in charge to relate to you the answer
which the Allegheny Indians gave to this Message of the
Twightwees, and it was to this purpose.
Brethren, the Twightwees —
Hearken to what we say, and consider our answer, and
the joint answer of all the Nations of the Indians living in
these parts, of our father's, the Six Nations, living at Onon-
dago, and of the English governors, all whom we include in
the answer.
Brethren of the Twightwees Nation —
You have, by your deputies, desired of us that we would
open the new road between us and you wider, and take out
of it every thing that can possibly hinder our travelling safe-
ly and pleasantly to one another, and that the English trad-
ers may come more amongst you: and further, that you hence-
forth put yourselves under our care, and desire we will assist
you with our council, and that you have entirely laid aside
Onontio, and will be no more governed by his councils- We
declare ourselves well pleased with every part of your mes-
sage, and heartily join with you in making the road perfectly
clear, and free from all impediments ; — we will take you un-
der our care, and assist you on all occasions in the best man-
ner : we trust your determinations are made with the utmost
seriousness and deliberation, and that you will adhere to
what you say. The English and we are firmly united toge-
ther— we are all one people, and our hands joined so that
nothing can separate them. You have joined hands with
$hera and us, 'tis true; but yours are, as yet, like the hands
412
APPENDIX.
of infants, they cannot take hold of the chain of friendship
with so much strength as those of riper years ; but we ad-
vise you to take as strong a hold of it as ever you can, and
to form an union that nothing can break through : if any
tree should fall, and block up the road between us, be sure
and let us all put our hands to it, and unitedly and amicably
like brethren, throw it out of the road. Don't let us act
single on any occasion, but altogether, and then shall we
have the more strength.
A message arrived from the Twightwees just before I left
Allegheny, to thank the Indians on Ohio for their kind re-
ception of an answer to their message in the winter, with
further assurances that they would continue true to their new
engagements, and expected to see Mr. Croghan with the an-
swer of the Governor of Pennsylvania, and the other Eng-
lish Governors.
Brethren—
I have finished what was given me in charge with re-
spect to the Twightwees, but I have still something to com-
municate to the Governor of Pennsylvania — and all the other
governors on the continent, which was communicated to me
by the Onendot Indians, in conjunction with the other In-
dians on the Ohio; be pleased therefore to receive a message
sent by the Onendots and the other Indians.
Brethren — all the English Governors :
When you were at war with Onontio, we were persuad-
ed by Cordear to strike the French; you have since made
peace with Onontio, and we expected that we were included
in that treaty, but we don't find it so; for the French are
always threatening us, and have put us into so much fear by
their menaces, that we dare not suffer our people to go into
the hunting places at a distance from us, lest we should meet
a party of French. — This was the case all last summer, and
we have received intelligence from the Six Nations, that the
French of Canada are now making military preparations, and
intend to attack us this summer.
Brethren —
You ought to have included us in your Peace; but since
you did not, we now request that the English governor would
APPENDIX. 413
joinlly apply to have us included in the peace, that we may not
be subject to the intimidations and resentment of the French,
as well as you.
The Secretary then informed the Indians that the magis-
trates were come together, to go and remove the people off
the land at Juniata and other places, by direction from the
governor, agreeable to the promise his honor made the depu-
ties of the Six Nations last summer, and that Mr. Weiser and
he were appointed to see this work effectually done.
Sai-uch-to-wano, spoke as follows:
Brethren —
We have thought a great deal of what you have impart-
ed to us, that ye were come to turn the people off who are
settled over the hills: we are pleased to see you on this oc-
casion, and as the council of Onondago has this affair ex-
ceedingly at heart, and it was particularly recommended to
us by the deputies of the Six Nations, when they parted from
us last summer, we desire to accompany you. But we are
afraid, notwithstanding the care of the governor, that this
may prove like many iormer attempts ; the people will be
put off, and come next year again ; and if so, the Six Na-
tions will no longer bear it, but do themselves justice. To
prevent this, therefore, when you shall have turned the peo-
ple off, we recommend it to the governor to place two or
three faithful persons over the mountains, who may be agree-
able to him and us, with commission empowering them im-
mediately to remove every one, who shall presume after this
to settle there, until the Six Nations shall agree to make sale
of their lands. To enforce this, they gave a string of wam-
pum, with the strongest assurance that they would do their
duty.
Soon afterwards another conference was held at the same
place, as appears from the following minutes :
M a Conference held with the Indians, at Mr. George
Croghan's, on Thursday the 1th of June, 1750.
Present — Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary. George Cro-
ghan, Matthew Dill, Hermanus Alricks, William Trent and
35*
414 APPENDIX.
George Stevenson, Esquires. Andrew Montour, Ca-na-ja-
cha-nah alias Broken-Kettle, Hatchin-hattu, Ca-dre-dan-
hin-nut, — chiefs of the Seneca Nation settled in Ohio.
Ca-na-ja-cha-nah spoke as follows :
Brethren, —
We have been sent for by Capt. Cressap, and are now
upon our road to his house — meeting with settlements of
white people as we came along from Allegheny,we asked why
they settled so far back, and whether the Six Nations had
sold that land to Pennsylvania, but received from them no
satisfactory answer. As we came among the inhabitants,
we were told that the lands were not sold by the Six Na-
tions, and the Secretary had been turning the white people
off, and was at Mr. Croghan's, whereupon we came here to
enquire if this be true, and as we find it is, we return the
government thanks for their care of our lands.
We were sent from Ohio about six years ago to Canada,
to desire the French to supply us with goods, and they could
not supply us. When we returned, our council determined
to send a string of wampum to the governor of Pennsylva-
nia, to desire that the English governor would send their
traders with goods among us; which string was sent by James
Lowry, to which we have received no answer : therefore,
we present you with this string, to know whether that was
delivered or an answer ever given to it.
A String of Wampum.
Brother —
The Six Nations come down every year to sell land,
and we are part of the Six Nations ; live at Allegheny and
hunt there. They sell land and give us no account of the
value ; therefore, we are sent by the Ohio council to desire
our brother, the governor, to recommend it to the Six Na-
tions, that when any lands shall be sold we may have part of
the value.
We are now become a stronger body than when we re-
ceived the present from our brothers, the governors of Vir-
ginia and Pennsylvania, and have got many to join us, and
APPENDIX. 415
are become a great body, and desire to be taken notice of as
such, and for this purpose our Nations, by us, present this.
Belt of Wampum.
Though we have been sent for by Capt. Cressap, yet, if it
be to buy lands of us, we shall have nothing to say to that,
as it has not been given us in charge by our council ; but, if
it should be for any thing else, perhaps trade, now we see,
we would know your opinion about it.
The Secretary answered.
I am glad I happened to be here, and shall consider your
message, and give you such an answer this afternoon as I
can ; though, whatever I say, will be only my private. senti-
ments.
In the Afternoon. — Present as before.
Brethren —
I shall give your belt to the governor, and faithfully
relate what was said to me at the delivery of it, and doubt
not but you will receive his honor's answer in a little time.
As trade is of a private nature, the Indians — since you ask
my advice — ought to buy their goods where they can be best
served. The people of Maryland and Virginia, who deal in
this trade, may serve you as well as any others from Penn-
sylvania or elsewhere; and I advise you by all means to go
to Capt. Cressap, and to cultivate a good understanding with
every body who can supply you with goods, for it is equal
to this government, from whence the Indians are supplied,
so that there be a good harmony kept up between them and
the king's subjects. It is no part of my business to give you
advice, but I cannot help repealing to you my sentiments,
that you do well to trade with the people of Virginia and
Maryland, as well as with those of Pennsylvania, and give
to them the preference, if you find they treat you better than
our people. And as I am at the house of an Indian trader,
I charge you Mr. Montour, to tell them truly what I say,
and that it will be agreeable to the proprietaries, and this
government, that the Indians trade wherever they can be
supplied.
416 APPENDIX.
In a conversation after the conference, the Indians desired
Andrew to relate to me the particulars which passed about
the invitation of Cressap; viz: that last fall Barny Currant,
a hired man of Mr. Parker, brought them a message from
Cressap, to let them know that he had a quantity of goods,
and from the true love that he bore to the Indians, he gave
them, viz: Seneca George, Broken Kettle and the Stone, an
invitation to come and see him; that he intended to let them
have the goods at a low rate — much cheaper than Pennsyl-
vania traders sold them ; and notwithstanding the people of
Pennsylvania always told them they were their brethren, and
had a great value for them, yet this only come from their
mouth, and not from their heart ; for they constantly cheated
them in all their dealings, which Capt. Cressap was very well
acquainted with; and taking pity of them he intended to use
them in another manner, and mentioned the rates that he and
Mr. Parker would sell their goods to them at, which is chea-
per than the first cost, be they any where imported, viz : a
matchcoat for a buck, a stroud for a buck and a doe, a pair
of stockings for two raccoons, twelve bars of load for a buck,
and so on in proportion.
Richard Peters Reported, 1750.
To James Hamilton, Esq., Governor of Pennsylvania.
May it please your Honor :
Mr. Weiser and I having received your Honor's orders
to give information to the proper magistrates against all such
as had presumed to settle on the lands beyond the Kittoch-
tinny mountains, not purchased of the Indians, in contempt
of the laws repeatedly signified by proclamations, and par-
ticularly by your honor's last one, and to bring them to a
legal conviction, lest for want of their removal a breach
should ensue between the Six Nations of Indians and this
Province. W e set out on Tuesday, the 15th of May 1750;,
for the new county of Cumberland, where the places on which
the trespassers had settled lay.
At Mr. Croghan's we met with five Indians, three from
Shamokin, two of which were sons of the late Shickcalam)v
who transact the business of the Six Nations with this gov-
ernment; two were just arrived from Allegheny, viz: one of
the Mohock's nation, called Aaron, and Andrew Montour^
APPENDIX, 417
the interpreter at Ohio. Mr. Montour telling us he had a
message from the Ohio Indians and Twightwees to this gov-
ernment, and desiring a conference, one was held on the 18th
of May last, in the presence of James Galbreth, George Cro-
ghan, William Wilson and Hermanus Alricks, Esqs., justices
of the county of Cumberland ; and when Mr. Montour's bu-
siness was done, we, with the advice of the olher justices,
imparted to the Indians the design we were assembled upon,
at which they expressed great satisfaction.
Another conference was held, at the instance of the Indi-
ans, in the presence of Mr. Galbreth and Mr. Croghan, be-
fore mentioned, wherein they expressed themselves as fol-
lows :
Brethren —
We have thought a great deal of what you imparled to
us, that ye were come to turn the people off who aie settled
over the hills ; we are pleased to see you on this occasion,
and as the council of Onondago has this affair exceedingly
at heart, and it was particularly recommended to us by the
deputies of the Six Nations, when they parted from us last
summer, we desire to accompany you, but we are afraid,
notwithstanding the care of the governor, that this may prove
like many former attempts ; the people will be put off now,
and next year come again; and if so, the Six Nations will
no longer bear it, but do themselves justice. To prevent this,
therefore, when you shall have turned the people off, we re-
commend it to the governor, to place two or three faithful
persons over the mountains, who may be agreeable to him
and us, with commissions, empowering them immediately to
remove every one who may presume after this, to settle
themselves, until the Six Nations shall agree to make sale
of their land.
To enforce this they gave a string of wampum, and re-
ceived one in return from the magistrates, with the strong-
est assurances that they would do their duty.
On Tuesday, the 22nd of May, Matthew Dill, George
Croghan, Benjamin Chambers, Thomas Wilson, John Fin-
ley and James Galbreath, Esqs., justices of the said county
of Cumberland, attended by the under sheriff, came to Big
Juniata, situate at the distance of 20 miles from the mouth
thereof, and about 10 miles north from the Blue Hills, a
418
APPENDIX.
place much esteemed by the Indians for some of their best
hunting ground ; and there they found five cabins or log
houses, one possessed by William White, another by George
Cahoon, another not quite yet finished, in possession of David
Hiddleston, another possessed by George and William Gal-
loway, and another by Andrew Lycon; of these persons,
William White and George and William Galloway, David
Hiddleston and George Cahoon appeared before the magis-
trates, and being asked by what right or authority they had
possessed themselves of those lands, and erected cabins there-
on? They replied, by no right or authority, but that the
land belonged to the proprietaries of Pennsylvania. They
then were asked, whether they did not know they were act-
ing against the law, and in contempt of frequent notices giv-
en them by the governor's proclamation? They said they
had seen one such proclamation, and had nothing to say for
themselves, but craved mercy. Hereupon the said William
White, George and William Galloway, David Hiddleston
and George Cahoon, being convicted by said justices on their
view, the under sheriff was charged with them, and he took
William WThite, David Huddleston and George Cahoon into
custody, but George and William Galloway resisted, and hav-
ing got at some distance from the under sheriff, they called
to us: You may take our lands and houses and do what you
please with them; we deliver them to you with all our hearts,
but we will not be carried to jail.
The next morning being Wednesday, the 23rd of May,
the said justices went to the log house or cabin of Andrew
Lycon, and finding none there but children, and hearing that
the father and mother were expected soon, and Wm. White
and others offering to become security, jointly and severally,
and to enter into recognizance, as well for Andrew's appear*
ance at court, and immediate removal, as for their own; this
proposal was accepted, and William White, David Huddles-
ton and George Cahoon, entered into a recognizance of one
hundred pounds, and executed bonds to the proprietaries in
the sum of five hundred pounds, reciting, that they were
trespassers, and had no manner of right, and had delivered
possession to me for the proprietaries. When the magistrates
went to the cabin or log house of George and William Gal-
loway, (which they had delivered up as aforesaid the day
before, after they were convicted, and were flying from the
APPENDIX. 419
sheriff) all the goods belonging to the said George and Wil-
liam were taken out, and the cabin being quite empty, I took
possession thereof for the proprietaries ; and then a confer-
ence was held, what should be done with the empty cabin ;
and after great deliberation, all agreed that if some cabins
were not destroyed, they would tempt the trespassers to re-
turn again, or encourage others to come there, should these
trespassers go away ; and so what was doing would signify
nothing, since the possession of them was at such a distance
from the inhabitants, could not be kept for the proprietaries;
and Mr. Weiser also giving it as his opinion, that if all the
cabins were left standing, the Indians would conceive such
a contemptible opinion of the government, that they would
come themselves in the winter, murder the people, and set
their houses on fire. On these considerations the cabin, by
my order, was burnt by the under sheriff and company.
Then the company went to the house possessed by David
Hiddleston, who had entered into bond as aforesaid, and he
having voluntarily taken out all the things which were in
the cabin, and left me in possession, that empty and unfurn-
ished cabin was likewise set on fire by the under sheriff, by
my order.
The next day being the 24th of May, Mr. Weiser and
Mr. Galbreath, with the under sheriff and myself, on our
way to the mouth of Juniata, called at Andrew Lycon's,
with intent only to inform him, that his neighbors were
bound for his appearance and immediate removal, and to
caution him not to bring him or them into trouble by a refu-
sal. But he presented a loaded gun to the magistrates and
sheriff; said he would shoot the first man that dared to come
nigher. On this, he was disarmed, convicted, and commit-
ted to the custody of the sheriff. This whole transaction
happened in the site of a tribe of Indians, who had by acci-
dent in the night time fixed their tent on that plantation ;
and Lycon's behavior giving them great offence, the Shick-
calamies insisted on our burning the cabin or they would do
it themselves. Whereupon, every thing was taken out of it
(Andrew Lycon all the while assisting) and possession be-
ing delivered to me, the empty cabin was set on fire by the
under sheriff, and Lycon was carried to jail.
Mr. Benjamin Chambers and Mr. George Croghan had
about an hour before separated from us ; and on meeting
420
APPENDIX.
them again in Cumberland county, they reported to me they
had been at Sheerman's creek, or Little Juniata, situate about
6 miles over the Blue Mountain, and found there James Par-
ker, Thomas Parker, Owen M'Keib, John M'Clare, Rich-
ard Kirkpatrick, James Murray, John Scott, Henry Gass,
John Cowan, Simon Girtee and John Kilough, who had set-
tled lands and erected cabins or log houses thereon ; and hav-
ing convicted them of the trespass on their view, they had
bound them in recognizances of the penalty of one hundred
pounds, to appear and answer for their trespasses on the first
day of the next county court of Cumberland, to be held at
Shippcnsburgh, and that the said trespassers had likewise
entered into bonds to the proprietaries in five hundred pounds
penalty, to remove off immediately, with all their servants,
cattle and effects, and had delivered possession of their hous-
es to Mr. George Stevenson for the proprietaries use ; and
that Mr. Stevenson had ordered some of the meanest of those
cabins to be set on fire, where the families were not large,
nor the improvements considerable.
On Monday the 28th of May we were met at Shippens-
burgh by Samuel Smith, William Maxwell, George Crog-
han, Benjamin Chambers, William Allison, William Trent,
John Finley, John Miller, Hermanns Alricks and James Gal-
breath, Esqrs., justices of Cumberland county, who inform-
ing us that the people in the Tuscarora Path, in Big Cove,
and at Aucquick, would submit, Mr. Weiser most earnestly
pressed that he might be excused any further attendance,
having abundance of necessary business to do at home ; and
the other magistrates, though with much reluctance, at last
consenting, he left us.
On Wednesday the 30th of May, the magistrates and com-
pany, being detained two days by rain, proceeded over the
Kittochtinny mountains, and entered into the Tuscarora Path
or Path Valley, through which the road to Allegheny lies.
Many settlements were formed in this valley, and all the peo-
ple were sent for, and the following persons appeared, viz :
Abraham Slach, James Blair, Moses Moore, Arthur Dunlap,
Alexander McCartie, David Lewis, Adam McCartie, Felix
Doyle, Andrew Dunlap, Robert Wilson, Jacob Pyatt, jr.,
William Ramage, Reynolds Alexander, Robert Baker, John
Armstrong and John Potts, who were all convicted by their
own confession to the magistrates, of the like trespasses with
APPENDIX, 421
those at Sheerman's creek, and were bound in the like recog-
nizances to appear at court, and bonds to the Proprietaries
to remove with all their families, servants, cattle and effects,
and having voluntarily given possession of their houses to
me, some ordinary log houses, to the number of eleven, were
burnt to the ground ; the trespassers most of them cheerful-
ly and a very few of them with reluctance, carrying out all
their goods. Some had been deserted before and lay waste.
At Aucquick, Peter Falconer, Nicholas De Long, Samuel
Perry and John Charleton, were convicted on the view of
the magistrates, and having entered into the like recogniz-
ances and executed the like bonds, Charleton's cabin was
burnt and fire set to another that was just begun, consisting
only of a few logs piled and fastened to one another.
The like proceedings at Big Cove (now within Bedford
co.) against Andrew Donnaldson ,#John MacClelland, Charles
Stewart, James Downy, John Macmean, Robert Kendell,
Samuel Brown, William Shepperd, Roger Murphy, Robert
Smith, William Dickey, William Millican, Win. MacCon-
nell, James Campbell, Wm. Carrell, John Martin, John Ja-
mison, Hans Patter, John MacCollin, James Wilson and John
Wilson; who, coming before the magistrates, were convicted
on their own confession, of the like trespasses, as in former
cases, and were all bound over in like recognizances and ex-
ecuted the like bond to the proprietaries. Three waste cab-
ins of no value were burnt at the north end of the Cove by
the persons who claimed a right to them.
The Little Cove (in Franklin co.) and the Big and Little
Conolloways, being the only places remaining to be visited,
as this was on the borders of Maryland, the magistrates de-
clined going there, and departed <for their homes.
About the year 1740 or 1741 one Frederick Star, a Ger-
man, with two or three more of his countrymen, made some
settlements at the above place, where we found Wm. White,
the Galloways, and Andrew Lycon, on Big Juniata, situ-
ate at the distance of 20 miles from the mouth thereof, and
about 10 miles north of the Blue Hills, a place much esteemed
by the Indians for some of their best hunting ground — which
(German settlers) were discovered by the Delawares at Sha-
mokin, to the deputies of the Six Nations, as they came down
to Philadelphia in the year 1742, to hold a treaty with this
government ; and they were disturbed at, as to enquire with
36
422
APPENDIX.
a peculiar warmth of governor Thomas if these people had
come there by the orders or with the privilege of the govern-
ment; alleging that if it was so, this was a breach of the
treaties subsisting between the Six Nations and the proprie-
tor, William Penn, who in the most solemn manner engaged
to them not to suffer any of the people to settle lands till
they had purchased from the Council of the Six Nations. —
The governor, as he might with great truth, disowned, any
knowledge of those persons' settlements ; and on the Indians
insisting that they should be immediately thrown over the
mountains, he promised to issue his proclamation, and if this
had no effect, to put the laws in execution against them. The
Indians in the same treaty publicly expressed very severe
threats against the inhabitants of Maryland, for settling lands
for which they had received no satisfaction; and said, if they
would not do them justice jthey would do justice to them-
selves ; and would certainly have committed hostilities, if a
treaty had not been under foot between Maryland and the
Six Nations, under the mediation of governor Thomas ; at
which the Indians consented to sell lands and receive a valu-
able consideration for them, which put an end to the danger.
The proprietaries were then in England, but observing, on
perusing the treaty, with what asperity they had expressed
themselves against Maryland, and that the Indians had just
cause to complain of the settlements at Juniata, so near Sha-
mokin, they wrote to their governor, in very pressing terms,
to cause those trespassers to be immediately removed ; and
both the proprietaries and governor laid these commands on
me to see this done, which I accordingly did in June, 1743 ;
the governor having first given them notice by a proclama-
tion served on them.
At that time none had presumed to settle at a place called
the Big Cove — having this name from its being enclosed in
the form of a basin by the southernmost range of the Kit-
tochtinny Hills and Tuscarora Hills, which last end here,
and lose themselves in other hills. This Big Cove is about
five miles north of the temporary line, and not far west of
the place where the line terminated. Between the Big Cove
and the temporary line lies the Little Cove, so called from
being likewise encircled with hills ; and to the west of the
Little Cove, towards Potowmec, lie two other places called
the Big and Little Conollaways, all of them situate on the
APPENDIX.
423
temporary line, and all of them extended toward the Po-
*towmec.
In the year 1741 or 1742 information was likewise given
that people were beginning to settle in those places, some
from Maryland and some from this Province. But as the
two governments were not then on very good terms, the go-
vernor did nol think proper to take any other notice of these
settlements, than to send the sheriff to serve his proclamation
on them, though they had ample occasion to lament the vast
inconveniences which attend unsettled boundaries. After this
the French war came on, and the people in those parts tak-
ing advantage of the confusion of the times, by little and lit-
tle stole into the Great Cove; so that at the end of the war
it was said thirty families had settled there; not, however,
without frequent prohibitions on the part of the government,
and admonitions of the great danger they run of being cut
off by the Indians, as these settlements were on lands not
purchased of them. At the close of the war, Mr. Maxwell,
one of the justices of Lancaster county, delivered a particu-
lar message from this government to them, ordering their re-
moval, that they might not occasion a breach with the Indi-
ans, but it had no effect.
These were, to the best of my remembrance, all the places
settled by Pennsylvanians in the unpurchased part of the
province, till about three years ago, when some persons had
the presumption to go into Path Valley or Tuscarora Gap,
lying to the east of the Big Cove, and into a place called
Aucquick, lying to the northward of it ; and likewise into a
place called Shearman's creek, lying along the waters of Ju-
niata, and is situate east of the Path Valley, through which
the present road goes from Harris' Ferry to Allegheny; and
lastly, they extended their settlements to Big Juniata ; the
Indians all this while repeatedly complaining that their hunt-
ing ground was every day more and more taken from them ;
and that there must infallibly arise quarrels between their
warriors and these settlers, which would in the end break
the chain of friendship, and pressing in the most importunate
terms their speedy removal. The government in 1748 sent
the sheriff and three magistrates, with Mr. Weiser, into these
places to warn the people : but they, notwithstanding, con-
tinued their settlements in opposition to all this ; and as if
those people were prompted by a desire to make mischief,
424 APPENDIX.
settled lands no better, nay not so good, as many vacant
lands within the purchased parts of the Province. 9
The bulk of these settlements were made during the admi-
nistration of president Palmer ; and it is well known to your
honor, though then in England, that his attention to the safe-
ty of the city and the lower counties, would not permit him
to extend more care to places so remote.
Finding such a general submission, except the two Gallo-
ways and Andrew Lycon, and vainly believing the evil would
be effectually taken away, there was no kindness in my pow-
er which I did not do for the offenders ; I gave them money
where they were poor, and telling them they might go di-
rectly on any part of the two millions of acres lately pur-
chased of the Indians; and where the families were- large,
as I happened to have several of my own plantations vacant,
I offered them to stay on them rent free, till they could pro-
vide for themselves : then I told them that if after all this
lenity and good usage, they would dare to stay after the time
limited for their departure, no mercy would be shown them,
but that they would feel the rigor of the law.
It may be proper to add, that the cabins or log houses
which were burnt, were of no considerable value ; being such
as the country people erect in a day or two, and cost only
the charge of an entertainment.
Richard Peters,
July 2d, 1750,
B.— Page 55.
Neulaender.
Extracts from the Hallische Nachrickten.
As it is the custom of the Neulaender, or first emigrants,
to persuade the Germans to quit Europe and immigrate into
Pennsylvania, promising them great advantages, quite be-
yond what is true; and when the Germans arrive in Ameri-
ca, they find themselves wofully disappointed. Their con-
dition is then the most miserable. Even ministers of the
gospel have often been deceived by them. The Neulaender
prevail upon ministers to immigrate to America, so that the
number of colonists may be increased.
Neulaender are those, who are too lazy to labor, yet anx-
ious to become wealthy, and yet for that purpose return again
to their native country, travelling from one part to the other,
and prevail upon their German friends to accompany them to
Pennsylvania; promising them that their most sanguine ex-
pectations would be fully realized — that in a few years they
might accumulate any amount of wealth, and then live like
lords. All this is represented from sinister motives ; for it
is a stubborn fact, that they receive from each captain of a
vessel a stipulated sum, for each person they induce to take
a passage at Amsterdam.
I cannot, says Muhlenberg, let this opportunity pass, with-
out cautioning all our Germans to beware of this class of
persons. I do not speak of those who return to Germany
for their fortunes, and invest their money in the purchase of
goods, and return to America — this kind of traffic is lawful
and right ; but I am now speaking of the Neulaender, who
have no inclination to live by their own industry; but who
depend entirely upon their success in making a fortune by
persuading the unwary to leave their Fatherland and immi-
grate to the New World.
The Neulaender, on their arrival in Holland, enter into
contracts with the merchants there, on condition that if they
3$*
426
APPENDIX.
•will grant them a free passage, with the permission to bring
with them some merchandize, that they will secure them a
stipulated number of German emigrants. When these make
their appearance in Germany, they are generally well dress-
ed ; a time-piece or watch in the fob, exhibiting now and
again — all this is done to attract attention and impose on the
credulous, to induce them also to immigrate to a country,
affording such great advantages. Besides, in their letters
from America to their countrymen in Europe, they give such
flattering accounts of Pennsylvania, that one wrould readily
believe, it was in this country that the elysian fields were to
be found, producing spontaneously what the heart of man
could desire; and that all the mountains are pure gold and
unalloyed silver, and all the fountains gushing milk and ho-
ney. He that goes thither as a servant, will soon be a lord ;
the handmaid be the mistress of a respectable family; the
farmer become a nobleman; the common mechanic a baron !
That the rulers are chosen by the people, and at their
pleasure deposed from office. These representations, adapted
to the feeling of those desiring worldly prosperity, induced
numbers to forsake their native country, burdened with hea-
vy taxes, and extravagant demands upon their personal labor
to sustain princes in power, and immigrate to America. To
accomplish theii ends, they make great sacrifice in disposing
of their effects, or converting their property into money. Af-
ter paying the just demands against them, if any thing is
left, they place it into the hands of the Neulaender to pay
their passage down the Rhine. Arriving in Holland, they
take passage there. But before embarking, they have to
subscribe to a written contract, generally written in English,
and of course not understood by the Germans ; and in almost
every instance advantages are taken of their ignorance.
Hundreds of them are crowded into a vessel, and often
many of them die on the Atlantic. If they have been pa-
rents and left children, the captains, in such cases, generally
appoint some Neulaender as guardians or protectors of the
orphans ; to take possession of their chests and other effects;
and as soon as the ship lands, these children are sold in ser-
vice for a number of years, to pay the freightage of them-
selves and their deceased parents. What goods or effects
they have had on kept by their guardians or protectors, as
a recompense for their services rendered the orphans.
APPENDIX. 427
These almost unheard of impositions moved a number of
benevolent German citizens of Pennsylvania, especially of
Philadelphia, to form an association to aid, as far as possible,
all distressed or indigent German immigrants, on their arri-
val,— that they would be dealt with according to strict
justice.
As soon as the vessels are freighted in Holland, commen-
ces the arduous and dangerous voyage. Storms, sea-sick-
ness, and other unexpected casualties crowd upon the anxi-
ous passengers. The prospect of soon entering the elysian
fields, buoys them up. After many days of anxious waiting
they arrive at Philadelphia; and often when winter is setting
in. The list of passengers and their written agreements are
now placed into the hands of some merchants in Philadelphia.
Formerly, each adull passenger paid from six to ten Louis
d'or ; but at present it amounts to from fourteen to seven-
teen Louis d'or. Before they are allowed to cast in the
port of Philadelphia, all the passengers have to be examined
in conformity to the law of the land, to ascertain whether
any of them are sick or infected by disorder. This done, the
immigrants are conducted in procession to the City Hall,
where they have to swear allegiance to the king of Great
Britain, and are then re-conducted through the medium of
the press, that German passengers are to be disposed of for
their freight across the Atlantic. Those, however, w7ho have
the means to pay their passage, are discharged. Those who
have rich friends here seek aid from them ; but few such are
found. The ship is the place of sale. . The purchasers enter
the vessel, select such as they desire; enter into a contract
with them as to the length of time of service; then take their
servants, for such they call them, to the merchant holding the
contract, and pay the stipulated sum. This done, the ser-
vants are now bound by a written indenture before some
magistrate to their master or purchaser.
Unmarried persons of both sexes are generally first select-
ed ; and whose condition in life depends much upon the dis-
position of their masters or purchasers. It is worthy of re-
mark, that those children who left home without their parents'
consent, have generally such master that recompense them
for their self-will, and disobedience toward their parents.
Aged, married and decrepid persons can scarce obtain mas-
ters, because this class of persons is already numerous, and
428 APPENDIX.
have become a public charge. But if they have healthy and
likely children, in such a case the freight of the parents and
children are taken together, and the children are obliged to
serve a longer time, and are sold at an advanced price. They
are sold to different masters, and thus dispersed, perhaps ne-
ver to see each others faces any more. The aged parents
are now discharged. In this indigent condition they are
turned upon society. Many of them have scarce clothing
to conceal their nudity. In appearance as though they had
just escaped the grave, they now wander about begging from
house to house, and are often repulsed when asking a pit-
tance at the door.
These things are calculated to effect the heart. Especially
if it be borne in mind that they forsook a christian country,
and their comfortable firesides, for the New World, where
they now deplore most lamentably their deception. Some
curse most bitterly the Neulaender, imprecating the wrath
of heaven upon the heads of their deceivers. But as they
are not present to hear these imprecations, it effects them not
at all. And if they were present, the only consolation they
would give to those whom they deceived, would be that
which the Pharisees gave Judas Iscariot : What is that to
us? Mat. 27, 4.
The children, on reflecting that their situation is none of
the most agreeable, and their time of servitude has been
prolonged because of their parents, become impatient and
obdurate against them on that account.
The above mentioned association for the relief of the Ger-
mans, have had numerous applications made to them for re-
lief. The members thereof pay every three months a cer-
tain sum.- They occasionally receive contributions from
other benevolent persons from the country. With these
funds they buy bread and other necessaries of life, and dis-
tribute them among the needy. Notwithstanding (heir ef-
forts, the wants of comparatively few are met. They take
special care of the sick. As occasion demands it, they in-
terpose when any of them are unjustly dealt with.
Notwithstanding all this, there are still some of the more
credulous Germans believe the representations of the Neula-
ender, and when they arrive here depend wholly upon the
German association for relief and support. This would be
impossible, for it would require a fund of many thousand
APPENDIX. 429
pounds annually. Failing in their applications to this asso-
ciation, they call upon the ministers of the gospel for aid ;
believing that the ministers in this country receive salaries
equal with those of the Protestant churches of Germany.
But, alas, what can ministers do tor them. They themselves
are dependant upon the voluntary contributions of the mem-
bers of their congregations ; and these are by no means
generally in affluent circumstances; consequently cannot af-
ford to contribute liberally toward the support of their
ministers.
C.— Page 176.
SHAMOKIN'
The following letters, extracts, &c, are here inserted as
affording additional facts and incidents, that transpired at
Shamokin, and that region of country, or having some con-
nection with this place.
January the 2d, 1744.
To Richard Peters.
Sir—
I make bold to trouble you again with a few lines. The
occasion of which is, my son came the other day from Vir-
ginia, where I had sent him after one of my honest debtors;
and, by the way he met several Indians of the Six Nation's
country from the Southern Indians, the Catawbas ; and has
been told that one of Shikelimy's sons, to wit, Unhappy Jake,
has been killed by the Catawbas, with five more of the Six
Nations, in an engagement ; and, as this is a great stroke to
our friend Shikelimy, who is, for the trust put in him, by the
council of the Six Nations and our government, worthy to
be taken notice of, I thought it my indispensable duty to in-
form you of this, and lay it before the governor, whether or
no he thinks fit to send to Shikelimy a small present, in
order to wipe his tears, and comfort his heart; and enable
him, by so doing, to stand to his charge aforesaid, which
would not only be satisfactory to Shikelimy, but very agree-
able and pleasing to the council of the said nation ; and con-
sequently some little service done to ourselves.
His honor, the governor, will be able to judge to whom,
with my humble respects, I leave the whole, and remain
Sir,
Your servant, to command
Conrad Weiser.
P. S. It is customary with the Indians, that let what will
happen, the chiefs or people in trust with them, don't stir to
APPENDIX. 431
do any services or business to the public when they are in
mourning, till they have, in a manner, a new commission,
before said, in being fetched out of mourning, and invested
with newer courage and disposition.
Lancaster, June 9, 1744.
To Richard Peters.
Sir—
I gave you an account some days ago of a man's coming
down from John Harris's, and reporting that about one hun-
dred Indians were there; and that to know the certainty of
it, the sheriff went up and returned to this town ; in the
meantime Conrad Weiser received the true account from
Shickalamy, of which he informed me by letter, and also
that he had sent an express to the governor, viz : that about
six of the deputies who came from Oneida town were ar-
rived at Shamokin — that they had all set out about the 18th
May last, and the body of them were daily expected, and
as soon as the}'" arrived Conrad was to have notice by a
special messenger, which I presume he has not yet received.
The sheriff finding the man's account of the number of
Indians at Harris's false, and that we must wait for an ac-
count of the arrival of the rest at Shamokin, returned home,
being promised by you to have timely notice of the day fixed
by the government for setting out, in order to wait on him.
Now on Col. Patten's coming to town, he says the Virginia
gentleman propose to come up on Monday next. Several of
our townspeople ar^informed that you design to set out on
Monday; and particularly George Honey, who came into
town just now, says that you told him you should set out on
Monday, but does not write with certainty. These accounts
have perplexed me, as I have not received a line from you
about it, notwithstanding so many opportunities have offered.
And least there should be any mistake about it, or miscar-
riage of a line, I sent a messenger to know how the gover-
nor has determined, whether to come up on the first account
or to await the arrival of a messenger from Conrad Weiser
— as the sheriff lives thirty miles from town, time must be
allowed to send him word ; — and you cannot expect that
either he or I shall take common report of people com-
432 APPENDIX.
ing from town to the Nation. Your friend is not
up.
I am, sir,
Your most humble servant,
Tho. Cookson.
P. S. We have no Backgammon Tables nor Long Pipes
to amuse you.
September 29th, 1744.
Sir —
The day before yesterday I came back from Shohomo-
kin, where I have been with eight young men of my coun-
try people whom Shickelimy hired to make a log-house for
him, and I went with them to direct them ; we finished
the house in seventeen days ; it is about forty-nine and a
half foot long and seventeen and a half wide, and covered
with shingles.
Shickelimy informed me that the governor of Canada
had sent an embassy to Onontago to lament over the death
of Tocanuwarogon, a chief of the Onontagers who died
last spring (in whose house I used to lodge) and he let the
Council of the Six Nations know that the French had
made war against the English, whom they would soon
beat ; and as they, the Six Nations, loved their Brothers,
the English, their father Onontio, desired them to take no
offence, nor be on either side concerned, but be neutral ;
and that they should be supplied by the French with pow-
der, lead and other commodities at their several trading
houses as usual and as cheap as before ; and, as the Eng-
lish traders had men away from Oswego, cowards as they
are, Onontio would take the house of Oswego to himself,
as his people are the oldest settlers of the northern coun-
tries, and would supply his children, all the Indians, with
all sorts of goods very cheap. At the same time, the in-
terpreter of Albany was at Onontago with a message from
the commissioners of Indian affairs, who was to desire
the council of the united nations, to take the house at Os-
wego into their care for a little while, till sufficient force
could be sent from Albany to defend it. The council gave
no answer, neirher to the French nor to the commissioner
aforesaid. The interpreter went to the Siniker country to
APPENDIX. 433
prevail with that nation for that purpose, but it was not known
when Jonuhaly (who brought the news) came away from
Onontago, with what success he met. Jonuhaly further told
Shickelimy that the council of the united nations had agreed
to some of their chiefs to Catarockron (Fort Frontinac) to
let their father Onontio know that his children, the united
nations, did not approve of his intention to take the house at
Oswego to himself, which could not be done without blood-
shed ; and as there were always some of the united nations
with their brethren, the English, at Oswego, it might proba-
bly fall out so that soma of them would be sprinkled with
blood, which would raise the spirit of revenge. They there-
fore thought it would be a dangerous undertaking of Onontio,
and it would also look very maan in their farher, Onontio, to
attack the English on their back, since he made war against
them, they would advise him to act more honorably as be-
coraath a warrior, and go round by sea and face the English.
The deputies have orders not to go farther than to the
aforesaid place, and deliver the message to the governor of
the place, and return immediately.
The chiefs of the Cajukers have sent word to Shickelimy
to stay at home, to ba ready whenever they should send to
him.
French Andrew, who want to fight the Oatawbas, fell sick
near Jamas' river, in Virginia, and his company left him un-
der tha care of Pisqueton, one of the company. Andrew got
wall and is now coma bick to Siamokin: he told me he
would coma down with the other two young Indians, who are
to coma against the time when the Indian, in Philadelphia
prison, will be tried.
The fever was among the Indians at Shamokin, and has
carried off five or six while I was here. Olumapies, the Del-
aware chief, is recovered again of his long sickness. This is
all at present I thought fit to inform, or rather trouble you
with, who am
Sir, your dutiful
Conrad Weiseb.
N. B. Jonuhaly is a noted warrior of the Onontagers —
was one of the deputies of that nation at the treaty held at
Lancaster ; he is gone to war against the Catawbas. Credit
may be given to his information.
37
434 APPENDIX.
Tulpehocken, February 10th, 1744-5.
To the Hon. Gov. George Thomas.
Honored Sir —
I received the packet of letters by Mr. Mohlon,with
the several copies which your Honor was pleased to send to
me, and as there was a deal of business to be done under a
great deal of noise at our last court, I could not answer im-
mediately, but thought necessary to do it home, in hopes that
your Honor would not take it amiss, considering the weight-
iness of the affair.
I shall never be wanting in your Honor's service, what-
ever may be required of me that tends to the honor of your
government and the good of the public ; and am very willing
to undertake a journey to Onontago in the spring, to put the
finishing hand in behalf of Onas to so good a work ; and I do
not doubt of my success. If that what is said by the Cataw-
ba king be no deceit, which I fear it is — my reasons are these:
the Catawbas are known to be a very proud people and have,
at several treaties they had with the Cherokees, used high
expressions, and thought themselves stout warriors for hav-
ing deceived Garantowano — (the captain of that company
that was so treacherously killed). I should have been bet-
ter pleased to see the said king's name with some of his
countrymen signed to the letter they sent governor Gooch.
The Catawbas are also known to be an irregular people.
They have no council. The richest or greatest among them
calls himself a king, with the consent of his brothers, cous-
ins or wives ; and prove often the greatest fool, acts all what
he does as an arbitrator : the rest don't mind him, and after
all send him to the grave with a broken head. This is what
those that were prisoners among them all agree.
If that one article is true with them, that they will own
that they treacherously murdered Garantowano and some of
his men, a peace no doubt will be made between those poor
wretches.
I shall soon go up to Shamokin to see Shickelimy, and
shall then have an opportunity to talk a great deal with
Shickelimy; and if he seems inclined for peace, I will let him
know of Gov. Gooch's request to your Honor, otherwise not;
and will, on my return from Shamokin, wait upon your Ho-
nor to receive the necessary instructions.
APPENDIX. 435
I should be well pleased if the Six Nations would make
Williamsburgh the place of Congress; but question very much
whether they will not think of giving up too much, or sub-
mit too much to the Catawbas. They, the Six Nations,
will refuse at once, and therefore that point must be given
up. Your Honor said enough to Gov. Gooch about that in
the letter. As for a third place, I shall be more able to give
my sentiments about when I return from Shamokin.
I shall hardly meet any Frenchmen in Onontago, but a
messenger or two, perhaps, which cannot hurt me ; and if
there are more, I think they will have more to fear from me,
than I from them. The council of the Six Nations have
always looked upon me as their friend, and one of their own
nation. It will be dangerous for a few Frenchmen to meddle
with me amongst the Indians : they will soon find their mis-
take. I have a great deal more to fear from the family Haines
in my absence ; they are worse than the French or Indians,
and I do not know yet my wife and children will be so far
out of fear that I can leave them. The Haines (Heans) have
still more friends than they had twenty years, otherwise not
one soul of the family would in these days be in the province,
or if they had had their due, they would have been out of the
world. I do not know how to do, the whole neighborhood
is afraid of them; and the many felonies they have commit-
ted, and hitherto escaped punishment, will be sufficient cause
for several good families to move to some other places. I
did expect at least that they would all be bound to stay at
their own houses, in time of night, and behave well in all re-
spects ; but I find their time is not yet come. I shall not
trouble you any longer about that family in this letter ; but
am in hopes when I shall have an opportunity to wait upon
your Honor, I shall be heard somewhat further.
As for the time to set out for Onontago, I think it almost
impracticable before the middle of May, because of the creeks,
and food in the woods for the horses, and the Southern In-
dians cannot expect an answer in their own towns till the
latter end of August next. If every thing goes well I should
have liked it much better if they had sent two or three old
men as deputies : I should have travelled with them to the
Mohawk country by the way of Albany, and having got the
opinion of the council of the Mohawks, I would have acted
436 apiendix.
accordingly, without any danger to the Catawbas. I intend
to go round by way of Albany now if I go.
1 have nothing more to mention, but am,
Sir,
Your obedient and dutiful
Conrad Weiser.
In the early part of 1747, Conrad Weiser, the Provincial
Interpreter and Indian Agent, was sent to Shamokin, to de-
liver a Message to the Indians- While on his way to this
place, they met him at Mr. Chambeis's, now McAllister's,
where he delivered the following Message :
Memorandum of the Message delivered to the Indians of
Shamokin, at the house of Joseph Chambers, in Paxton,
by Conrad Weiser.
There were present — Shickelimy, Taghneghdorus, Canai-
darogan, Scaienties, (a man of note among the Cayjukers).
Brethren —
You that live at Zinachson, (Shamokin,) I am sent
to you by your brethren, the President and his council of
Philadelphia, to pay you a visit, and to acquaint you of what
passes among the white people, also to infoim myself how
you do, and what passes among the Indians in these critical
times.
Gave a String of Wampum.
Brethren —
In the first place I am to acquaint you that your friend
and countryman, John Penn, the eldest son of Great Onas,
died last winter in England, on his bed, and with a content-
ed mind, and as his death must needs affect you, as it did us,
being you are sensible he always has been a true friend to
the Indians, I give you these handkerchiefs to wipe off your
tears.
Gave twelve handkerchiefs.
Brethren —
I also inform you that your brother, Gov. Thomas, has
left us and is gone to England ; not out of any ill will or dis-
APPENDIX. 437
gust, but for the sake of his health ; he has been ill ever since
the treaty of Lancaster. The doctors of this country could
do no good to him. He is in hopes that the air of his native
country, and the assistance of some skilful doctor there will
give him ease: he went away a good friend of the people of
Pennsylvania, and of his brethren the Indians, and will do
them what service he can when in England.
Laid a String of Wampum.
Brethren —
Nothwithstanding the governor is gone, the same cor-
respondence will be kept up with all the Indians, by the
President and council of Philadelphia : they resume the same
power with their President as if the governor were here; and
the body of the people heartily join them to keep up a good
correspondence with all the Indians. According to the trea-
ties of friendship subsisting between us, your old and assured
friend, James Logan, is also in being yet, although he laid
aside all public business as to the white people: in Indian
affairs he assists the council, and will not lay that aside as
long as he is alive and able to advise.
In confirmation thereof, I laid a String of Wampum.
Brethren —
There was a trunk found in one of the rooms where
your friend John Penn used to lodge when in Philadelphia,
with some clothes in it, and as he has been gone for several
years, and the clothes were not spoiled, your friend, the Sec-
retary, changed them for new ones, and sent them up to me
to give to the Indians at Zinachson, (Shamokin,) to wear
them out in remembrance of their good friend and country-
man, John Penn, deceased.
Gave ten strowd maich coats and twelve shirts.
Brethren —
I have at present no more to say.
January the 17th, 1747.
After about fifteen minutes Shickelimy made answer — di-
rected his discourse to the President and council of Philadel-
phia, and said :
37*
438 APPENDIX.
Brethren —
We thank you for this kind visit : we longed to hear of
you, and to inform ourselves of the truth of things reported
among us. Some few of us intended a visit to Philadelphia
this summer for that purpose: we are pleased with what has
been said ; and will give you a true account this day of all
what passes among the Indians.
We then broke up for about an hour.
Then Shickelimy informed me in the presence of the others
before mentioned, that in the beginning of last spring, some
of the Zistagechroann came to treat at Oswego, with a mes-
sage from their whole nation, joined by the rest of the Indi-
ans about the lakes of Canada, to the Six United Nations —
to the following purport, viz :
Brethren —
The United Nations — We have hitherto been kept like
prisoners on the other side of the Lake: Onontio, our father,
told us that if we should treat with the English, he could
look upon it as a breach of the peace with him. Now we
come to let you know that we will no more be stopped from
treating with your brethren, the English. W e will join with
you to support the house of Oswego, when the goods that
the Indians want are so plenty— all the Indians about the
Lakes will join, and if need, take up the hatchet against our
foolish father (the French) Onontio, whenever you require
it : his goods are very dear, and he is turned malicious ; be-
cause he sees our women and children clothed fine in English
cloths bought at Oswego. We have already let him know
that we want no more of his advice, as we did formerly,
when we were young ; but that we became now men, and
would think for ourselves, so let the consequence be what it
will. In confirmation of the above speech, the said deputies
laid several fine tobacco pipes, adorned with wampum and
fine feathers.
They had an agreeable answer from the Six Nations coun-
cil. The Six Nations have received messages from other
nations to the same purport, all promising to engage in favor
of the Six Nations and the House of Oswego.
Note. — The Zistagechroann are a numerous nation to the
APPENDIX. 439
north of the Lake Frontenac; they chpn't come by Niagara
in their way to Oswego, but right across the Lake.
Shickelimy told me further that of late a council was held at
Onondago, by the Six Nations, in which it was agreed to
send a message to Canada, of the last importance; and that
also a message was sent to Albany to desire their brethren,
the English, to tie their canoes or batteaux for a few days
to the bushes, and not to proceed in their expedition against
Canada, till their messengers came back from Canada, which
would clear off the clouds, and the United Nations would
then see what was to be done.
Scaienties informs me that a few days before he came away
from Cayiuckquor (which was about the 20th day of May
last) a message arrived at the Cayjucker country, and the
Senickers, from the commanding officer at the French Fort
of Niagara, inviting those two nations to come and pay him
a visit, and to receive a fine present which their father Onon-
tio had sent those two nations. He having understood that
the large presents he had made to the Six Nations from time
to time were withheld by the Onondagoes and Mohocks, of
whom he had been informed that they are corrupted by the
English, by which, and what they had received from Onon-
tio they had enriched themselves, and cheated the other na-
tions in union with them.
That some of the two nations were actually gone to Nia-
gara to receive the presents, and were set out the same day
when Scaienties came away.
War against the French, in Canada, was not declared by
the Six Nations when Scaienties came away, and as yet un-
certain when it would be done, at least not before the arrival
of their messenger, and perhaps not this summer. The Sin-
ickers and Cayiuckersare against it ; the Mohocks are for
it very much ; the Onoutagers have declared in open coun-
cil last spring never to leave the Mohocks, their eldest bro-
ther and founder of the Union — The Oneiders and Tuscarro-
ras will follow the Onontagers example.
This is what Shickelimy assures not to be true.
The Mohocks engaged themselves in the war against the
French, on their own accord, without the approbation of the
Six Nations council, they having been over-persuaded by
their brethren, some of the white people at Albany, and by
the force of presents prevailed upon the council of the Six
440 APPENDIX.
Nations, does not altogether like it, but think it too rashly
of the Mohocks.
Shickelimy and Scaienties wonder at the dexterity of the
French to have intelligence of the declaration of the Onon-
tagoes in council, and so soon had presents af Niagara, and
a message in the Sinickers country ; but both say, the Six
Nations will after all stick together, notwithstanding the
presents received from the French.
The five French traders that were killed on the south side
of Lake Erie, have been killed by some of the Six Nations,
(then called Accquanushioony, the name which the Six Na-
tions give their people, signifies a Confederate). Another
French trader has since been killed in a private quarrel with
one of the Jonontatochraanu, likewise between the river
Ohio and the Lake Erie. The Frenchman offered but one
charge of powder and one bullet for a beaver skin to the
Indian, the Indian took up his hatchet and knocked the
Frenchman on his head, and killed him on the spot.
This is all the news that can be depended on : several more
stories I heard not worth while to trouble the council with,
as there was no confirmation of them.
Conrad Weiser.
The above report was read in council July 9, 1747. —
[Provincial Records.
Tulpehocken, October 15, 1747.
To Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary of the Province of Penn-
sylvania.
On the 6th of this instant I set out for Shamokin, by the
way of Paxtang, because the weather was bad : I arrived at
Shamokin on the 9th, about noom I was surprised to see
Shikalimy in such a miserable condition as ever my eyes be-
held ; he was hardly able to stretch forth his hand to bid me
welcome: in the same condition was his wife; his three sons
not quite so bad, but very poorly; also one of his daughters,
and two or three of his grand-children, all had the fever.
There were three buried out of the family a fewr days before,
viz : Cajadies, Shikalimy's son-in-law, who had been mar-
ried to his daughter above fifteen years ago, and reckoned
the best hunter among all the Indians ; — his eldest son's wife
APPENDIX.
441
and grandchild. Next morning I administered the medicine
to Shikalimy and one of his sons, under the direction of Dr.
Graeme, which had a very good effect upon both. Next
morning I gave the same medicine to two more; who would
not venture at first — it had the same effect ; and the four
persons thought themselves as good as recovered : but above
all, Shikalimy was able to walk about with me, with a stick
in his hand, before I left Shamokin, which was on the 12th
instant.
As to what passes among the Indians, the Six Nations
(except the Mohawks) have not yet declared war against the
French. Some of their chiefs are now in Canada ; but for
what reason is not known. It is generally believed by the
Indians that they are about bringing over the French Pray-
ing Indians to the Five Nations country, or put a stop to
their war against the English. Shikalimy says if they miss
in their schemes, war will then be declared against the
French. Some of the Sinikers young men have followed the
example of the Mohawks, and went to war against the
French, and five of their company killed by the French. The
young people of the Six Nations are inclined to fight the
French.
Shikalimy told me further, that the Governor of Canada
has sent a message to all the Indians about the Lakes, and
desired them to take up his hatchet and fight the English ;
that two of the Nations had accepted it, but Shikalimy does
not know which two — all the rest of the Six Nations refused
it at once.
The Zisgechroonu, or Jonontadyhagas (Wyandot Indian)
or both jointly, have sent a large black belt of wampum to
all the Delaware and Shawanese Indians living on the rivers
Ohio and Susquehanna, to invite them into the war against
the French. The Belt came to Shamokin with the said
message. Shikalimy saw the belt, but the Delaware Indians
that brought it could not remember which of the above named
two Nations (or whether jointly) had sent it. That one hun-
dred men of the Delawares were actually gone to meet the
Jonontadyhagas about Deoghsaghronty, where seventy or
eighty of the Six Nations living at Canoyinhagy were also
expected. They intended to cut off a French settlement to
the south of Lake Erie.
Another black belt of wampum was sent by the aforesaid
442
APPENDIX.
Indians to the Six Nations, to the same purpose. Shikalimy
said that himself and the Indians about Shamokin keep their
ears open to the said Nations, and they will act according
as the Six Nations act.
Whilst I was at Shamokin, fourteen warriors came down
from Diagon, about one hundred and fifty miles above Sha-
mokin, to go to war against the Catawbas.
On my return, about three miles this side Shamokin, I met
eleven Onontagers coming from war : they, with some of the
Cajukers, in all twenty-five men, had an engagement with
the Catawbas, in which five of the Cajukers were killed. The
Onontagers said the Catawbas were two hundred men. I
sat down and smoked a pipe with them. I had some tobacco
and a little rum left, with which I treated them; and we dis-
coursed about the wars. Their captain was a very intelli-
gible man. I told him, before we parted, that we, their breth-
ren of Pennsylvania, long to hear of the Six Nations, how
things go concerning the war with the French, whether or
no they had engaged in it ; that if they had, we were desir-
ous our brethren, the Council of Onontago, would let us
know. If they had not, we had nothing to say to them; well
knowing that our brethren, the Six Nations, were people of
understanding and experienced in the war: we, therefore,
leave that entirely with them; only, we wanted now and then
to receive a message from them in these critical times, and to
hear of their welfare. I gave the captain a piece of eight,
to remember what has been said to the council at Onontago.
In my going up, I saw a French scalp at the house of
Thomas McKee ; some Indians from Ohio had brought it
there. Thomas McKee was gone to Philadelphia. I left it
where it wras. The same day I met the Indian that brought
it the:e. He desired me to take it to the governor in Phil-
adelphia, since Thomas McKee was not at home, who was
desired to do it — and he pressed very hard upon me to re-
ceive the scalp for the government of Pennsylvania, in whose
favor the scalp was taken ; and at the government of Penn-
sylvania's request the Indians of Canayiahagon had taken up
the hatchet against the French ; and that I wras the fittest
man to receive it. I told him that I had been concerned in
Indian affairs these many years, but I never knew that the
government of Pennsylvania had given the hatchet, or em-
ployed any body to kill Frenchmen, and that I was sensible
APPENDIX. 443
the government had never requested the Indians at Canay-
iahagon to kill Frenchmen ; and, therefore, I could not re-
ceive the scalp; and as I was well informed that this scalp
had been taken in time of peace, I could in no wise receive
it — all white people would look upon such actions with con-
tempt : and, as my commission for the transaction of Indian
affairs did not extend to Ohio or Canayiahagon, but reached
only to the Six Nations, I must leave that affair to those that
had correspondents that way to inform government of it, and
receive an answer. I hoped he would excuse me; and so
we parted.
I must, at the conclusion of this, recommend Shikalimy as
a proper object of charity. He is extremely poor — in his
sickness the horses have eaten his corn : his clothes he gaVe
to Indian Doctors to cure him and his family — but all in
vain. He has nobody to hunt for him ; and I cannot see
how the poor old man can live. He has been a true ser-
vant to the government, and may perhaps stjll be, if he
lives to do well again. As the winter is coming on, I think
it would not be amiss to send a few blankets or match-
coats, and a little powder and lead. If the government
would be pleased to do it, and you could send it soon, I
would send my sons with it to Shamokin before the cold
weather comes.*
Olamipies is dead — Lapaghnitton is allowed to be the fit-
test to succeed him ; but he declines ; he is afraid he will
be envied, ami consequently bewitched by some of the Indi-
ans. However, this must lie still till next Spring, according
to what Shikalimy says.
It is my humble opinion that the present intended for
the Indians on the river Ohio, should be larger. If that
what George Croghan is to take with him is intended for
the Indians at Canayiahagon, the Indians at Ohio, our
much nearer neighbors should not be passed over without
something.
I arrived this day about 12 o'clock at my house in good
* In the early part of Nov. 1747, the following goods were brought
for Shikalamy :
5 strowu match coats at £7 ; § cask of gunpowder, £2 15; § cut
bar of lead, £1 ; 15 yards of blue half thicks, £2 7 6 ; 1 dozen best
buck-hefted knives, 9 shillings ; 4 Duffell match coats, £3 ; amounting
to £16, 11,6.
444 APPENDIX.
health, and I hope this will find in perfect health and pro-
found peace of mind, who am,
Sir,
Your ever dutiful servant,
Conrad Weiser.
Account of the dreadful devastation of Wyoming settlements
in July, 1778. From Gordon's History of the Ameri-
can War.
So early as the 8th of February, 1778, General Schuyler
wrote to Congress — " There is too much reason to believe
that an expedition will be formed (by the Indians) against
the western frontiers of this State (New-York) Virginia
and Pennsylvania." The next month he informed them
— "A number of Mohawks, and many oftheOnondagoes,
Cayugas, and Seneccas, will commence hostilities against
us as soon as they can ; it would be prudent therefore
early to take measures to carry the war into their coun-
try ; it would require no greater body of troops to destroy
their towns than to protect the frontier inhabitants." No
effectual measures being taken to repress the hostile spirit
of the Indians, numbers joined the tory refugees, and with
these commenced their horrid depredations and hostilities
upon the back settlers, being headed by Colonel Butler,
and Brandt, an half blooded Indian, of desperate courage,
ferocious and cruel beyond example. Their expeditions were
carried on to great advantage, by the exact knowledge
which the refugees possessed of every object of their enter-
prise, and the immediate intelligence they received from
their friends on the spot. The weight of their hostilities
fell upon the fine, new and flourishing settlements of Wy-
oming, situated on the eastern branch of the Susquehanna,
in a most beautiful country aed delightful climate. It was
settled and cultivated with great ardor by a number of peo-
ple from Connecticut, which claimed the territory as included
in its original grant from Charles II. The settlement con-
sisted of eight townships, each five miles square, beautifully
APPENDIX. 445
placed on each side of the river. It had increased so by a
rapid population, that the settlers sent a thousand men to
serve in the continental array. To provide against the dan-
gers of their remote situation, four forts were erected to co-
ver them from the irruptions of the Indians. But it was their
unhappiness, to have a considerable mixture of royalists
among them; and the two parties were actual ed by senti-
ments of the most violent animosity, which was not confined
to particular families or places; but creeping within the roofs
and to the hearths and floors, where it was least to be ex-
pected, served equally to poison the sources of domestic se-
curity and happiness, and to cancel the laws of nature and
humanity.
They had frequent and timely warnings of the danger to
which they were exposed by sending their best men to so
great a distance Their quiet had been very frequently
interrupted by the Indians, joined by marauding parties of
their own countrymen, in the preceding year; and it was
only by a vigorous opposition, in a course of successful skir-
mishes, that they had been driven off. Several tories, and
others not before suspected, had then and since abandoned
the settlement ; and beside a perfect knowledge of all their
particular circumstances, carried along with them such a stock
of private resentment, as could not fail of directing the fury,
and even giving an edge to the cruelty of their Indian and
other inveterate enemies. An unusual number of strangers
had come among them under various pretences, whose be-
haviour became so suspicious, thot upon being taken up and
examined, such evidence appeared against several of them,
of their acting in concert with the enemy, on a scheme for
the destruction of the settlements, that about twenty were
sent off to Connecticut to be there imprisoned and tried for
their lives, while the remainder were expelled. These
measures excited the rage of the tories in general to the
most extreme degree ; and the threats formerly denounced
against the settlers, were now renewed with aggravated
vengeance.
As the time approached for the final catastrophe, the In-
dians practised unusual treachery. For several weeks pre-
vious to the intended attack, they repeatedly sent small
parties to the settlements, charged with the professions of
friendship. These parties, besides attempting to lull the
38
446 APPENDIX.
people in security, answered the purposes of communi-
nicating with their friends, and of observing the present
state of affairs. The settlers, however, were not insensible
to the danger. They had taken the alarm, and colonel Ze-
bulen Butler had several times written letters to congress
and general Washington, acquainting them with the danger
the settlement was in, and requesting assistance ; but the
letters were never received, having been intercepted by the
Pennsylvania tories. A little before the main attack, some
small parties made sudden irruptions, and committed sever-
al robberies and murders ; and from ignorance or a contempt
of all ties whatever, massacred the wife and five children
of one of the persons sent for trial to Connecticut, in their
own cause.
At length, in the beginning of July, the enemy suddenly
appeared in full force on the Susquehanna, headed by colo-
nel John Butler, a Connecticut tory, and cousin to colonel
Zebulon Butler, the second in command in the settlement.
He was assisted by most of those leaders, who had render-
ed themselves terrible in the present frontier war. Their
force was about 1600 men, near a fourth Indians, led by
their own chiefs ; the others were so disguised and painted,
as not to be distinguished from the Indians, excepting their
officers, who, being dressed in regimentals, carried the ap-
pearance of regulars. One of the smaller forts, garrisoned
chiefly by tories, was given up or rather betrayed. Anoth-
er was taken by storm, and all but the women and children
massacred in the most inhuman manner.
Colonol Zebulon Butler, leaving a small number to guard
fort Wilkesborough, crossed the river with about 400 men,
and marched into Kingston fort, whither the women, chil-
dren, and defenceless of all sorts crowded for protection. —
He suffered himself to be enticed by his cousin to abandon
the fortress. He agreed to march out, and hold a conference
with the enemy in the open field (at so great a distance from
the fort, as to shut out all possible protection from it) upon
their withdrawing, according to their own proposal, in or-
der to the holding of a parley, for the conclusion of a treaty.
He at the same time marched out about 400 men, well
armed, being nearly the whole strength of the garrison, to
guard his person to the place of parley, such was his dis-
trust of the enemy's designs. On his arrival he found no-
APPENDIX. 447
body to treat with, and yet advanced toward the foot of the
mountain, where at a distance he saw a flag, the holders of
which seemingly afraid of treachery on his side, retired as
he advanced ; whilst he, endeavoring to remove this preten-
ded ill-impression, pursued the flag, till his party was thor-
ougly enclosed, when he was suddenly freed from his delu-
sion, by finding it attacked at once on every side. He and
his men, notwithstanding the surprise and danger, fought
with resolution and bravery, and kept up so continual and
heavy a fire for three quarters of an hour, that they seemed
to gain a marked superiority. In this critical moment a sol-
dier through a sudden impulse of fear, cried out aloud —
4i the colonel has ordered a retreat." The fate of the party
was now at once determined. In the state ot confusion that
ensued, an unresisted slaughter commenced, while the ene-
my broke in on all sides without obstruction. Colonel Ze-
bulon Butler, and about seventy of his men escaped ; the
latter got across the river to fort Wilkesborough, the colon-
el made his way to fort Kingston which was invested the
next day on the land side. The enemy, to sadden the droop-
ing spirits of the weak remaining garrison, sent in for their
contemplation, the bloody scalps of a hundred and ninety-six
of their late friends and comrades. They kept up a contin-
ual fire upon the fort the whole day. In the evening the
colonel quitted the fort and went down the river with his
family. H« is thought to be the only officer that escaped.
Colonel Nathan Dennison, who succeeded to the command,
seeing the impossibility of an effectual defence, went with
a flag to colonel John Butler, to know what terms he would
grant on a surrender : to which application Butler answered
with more than savage phlegm in two short words — the
hatchet- Dennison having defended the fort, till most of
the garrison were killed or disabled, was compelled to sur-
render at discretion. Some of the unhappy persons in the
fort were carried away alive ; but the barbarous conquer-
ors, to save the trouble of murder in detail, shut up the rest
promiscuously in the houses and barracks ; which having
set on fire, they enjoyed the savage pleasure of beholding
the whole consumed in one general blaze.
They then crossed the river to the only remaining fort,
Wilkesborough, which, in hopes of mercy, surrendered with-
out demanding any conditions. They found about seventy
448 APPENDIX.
continental soldiers, who had been engaged merely for the
defence of the frontieis, whom they bukheied with every
circumstance of horrid cruelty. The remainder of the men,
with the women and children, were shut upas before in the
houses, which being set on tire, they perished together in
the flames.
A general scene of devastation was now spread Ihrongh
all the townships. Fire, sword, and the other different in-
struments of destruction alternately triumphed. The settle-
ments of the tories alone generally escaped, and appeared
us islands in the midst of the surrounding ruin. The merci-
less ravagers having destroyed the main object of their cru-
elty, directed their animosity to every part of living nature
belonging to them; shot and destroyed seme of their cattle,
and cut out the tongues of others, leaving thtm still alive to
prolong their agonies.
The following are a few of the more singular circumstan-
ces of the barbarity practised in the attack i pon Wyoming.
Captain Bedlock, who had been taken prisoner, being strip-
ped naked, had his body stuck full of splinters of pine knots,
and then a heap of pine knots piled around him; the whole
was then set on fire, and his two companions, captain Ran-
sy and Durgee, thrown alive into the flames and held down
with pitch-forks. The returned tories who had at different
times abandoned the settlement in oider to join in those sav-
age expeditions, were the most distinguished for their cruel-
ty : in this they resembled the tories that joined the British
forces. One of these Wyoming tories, whose mother had
married a second husband, butchered with his own hands,
both her, his father-in-law, his own sister and their infant
children. Another, who during his absence had sent home
several threats against the life of his father, now not only
realized them in person, but was himself, with his own
hands, the exterminator of his whole family, mothei, broth-
ers and sisters, and mingled their blood in one common car-
nage, with that of the ancient husband and father. The
broken parts and scattered relics of families consisting most-
ly of women and children, who had escaped to the woods
during the different scenes of this devastation, suffered little
less than their friends, who had perished in the ruin of their
houses. Dispersed and wandering in the forests,* as chance
APPENDIX. 449
and fear directed, without provision or covering, and many
without doubt perished in the woods.
In October, 1744, the Rev. David Brainerd, accompanied
by the Rev. Byram, two chief Indians from the forks of the
Delaware, and his interpreter, visited the Indians on the Sus-
quehanna. " We went," says Brainerd, " on our way into
the wilderness, and found the most difficult and dangerous
travelling, by far, that ever any of us had seen. We had
scarce any thing else but lofty mountains, deep valleys and
hideous rocks, to make our way through. Near night, my
beast, on which I rode, hung one of her legs in the rocks,
and fell down under me; but through divine goodness I was
not hurt. However, she broke her leg; and being such a
hideous place, and near thirty miles from my house, I saw
nothing that could be done to preserve her life, and so was
obliged to kill her, and to prosecute my journey on foot. This
accident made me admire the divine goodness to me, that my
bones»were not broken. Just at dark, we kindled a fire, cut
up a few bushes, and made a shelter over our heads, to save
us from the frost, which was very hard that night." This
was Oct. 1st.
" October 5th, we reached the Susquehanna river, at a
place called Opeholhaupung, and found there twelve Indian
houses. After I had saluted the king in a friendly manner,
I told him my business, and that my desire was to teach them
Christianity.
"After some consultation, the Indians gathered, and I
preached to them. And when I had done, I asked if they
would hear me again. They replied, that they would con-
sider of it ; and soon after sent me word, that they would im-
mediately attend, if I would preach; which I did, with free-
dom, both times. When I asked them again, whether they
would hear me further, they replied they would the next
day.
" October 6th, near noon, preached again to the Indians ;
and in the afternoon visited them from house to house, and
invited them to come and hear me again the next day, and
put off their hunting design, which they were just entering
upon, till next Monday.
" October 8. Visited the Indians with a design to take
my leave of them, supposing they would this morning go out
to hunting early; but, beyond my expectation and hope, they
450 APPENDIX.
desired to hear me preach again. I gladly complied with
their request, and afterwards endeavored to answer their ob-
jections against Christianity. Then they went away; and we
spent the rest of the afternoon in reading and prayer, intend-
ing to go homewaid early next morning."
In a subsequent part of his journal, Brainerd says, "there
were as nigh as I could learn at Opehalhaupung, about 70
souls, old and young, belonging to them. The men, I think
universally, except < ne, attended the preaching. Only the
women, supposing the affair to be of a public nature, belong-
ing only to the men, and not what every individual person
should concern himself with, could not readily be persuaded
to come and hear; but after much pains used with them for
that purpose, some lew ventured to come and stand at a
distance."
In the autumn of the same year, ho again visited the In-
dians on the Susquehanna.
" Sept 13. After having lodged out three nights, I arrived
at the Indian town on the Susquehanna, called Shaumoking;
one of the places, and the largest of them, which I visited in
May last. I was kindly received and entertained by the In-
dians; but had little satisfaction, by reason of the heathen-
ish dance and revel they then held in the house where I was
obliged to lodge; which I could not suppress, though 1 often
entreated them to desist, for the sake of one of their own
friends who was then sick in the house, and whose disorder
was much aggravated by the noise."
On the 17th he left Shaumoking, about noon, and travel-
led down the river southward. On the 19th, he writes —
"Visited an Indian town called luneauta, situated on an isl-
and (Duncan's) in the Susquehanna. Was much discouraged
with the temper and behavior of tin- Indians here; although
they appeared friendly when I was with them the last spring,
and then gave me encouragement to come and see them again.
But they now seemed resoked to retain their pagan notions,
and persist in their idolatrous practices.
"Sept 20. Visited the Ind ans ag-in at Juneauta island,
and found them almost universally very busy in making pre-
parations for a great sacrifice and dame. I had no oppor-
tunity to get them together, in order to discourse with them
about Christianity, by reason of their being so much engaged
about their sacrifice. My spirits were much sunk with a
APPENDIX. 451
prospect so very discouraging ; and especially seeing I had
t bis day no interpreter but a pagan, who was as much at-
tached to idolatry as any of them, and who could neither
speak nor understand the language of those Indians: so that
I was under the greatest "disadvantages imaginable. How-
ever, I attempted to discourse privately with some of them,
hut without any appearances of success ; notwithstanding, I
still tarried with them.
"In the evening they met together, nearly 100 of them, and
danced around a large fire, having prepared ten fat deer for
the sacrifice. The fat of th° inwards they burnt in the fire
while they were dancing, which sometimes raised the flame
to a prodigious height ; at the same time yelling and shout-
ing in such a manner that they might easily have been heard
two miles or more. They continued their sacred dance near-
ly all night, after which they ate the flesh of the sacrifice,
and so retired each one to his own lodging.
"I enjoyed little satisfaction ; being entirely alone on the
island, as to any Christian company, and in the midst of this
idolatrous revel ; and having walked to and fro till body
and mind were pained and much oppressed, I at length crept
into a little crib made for corn, and there slept on the poles.
"Lord's day, Sept. 2 L — Spent the day wrth the Indians on
the island. As soon as they were well up in the morning I
attempted to instruct them, and laboured for that purpose to
get them together ; but soon found they had something else
to do ; for near noon they gathered together all their powaws,
or conjurers, and set about half a dozen of them playing
their jungling tricks, and acting their frantic, distracted pos-
tures, in order to find out why they were then so sickly upon
the island, numbeis of them being at that time disordered
with a fever and bloody flux. In this exercise they were
engaged for several hours, making all the wild, ridiculous,
and distracted motions imaginable, sometimes singing, some-
times howling, sometimes extending their hands to the ut-
most stretch, and spreading all their hngers; they seem to
push with them as if they designed to push something away,
or at least keep it off at arm's end ; sometimes stroking their
faces with their hands, then spurting water as fine as mist ;
sometimes sitting flat on the earth, then bowing down their
faces to the ground ; then wringing their sides as if in
452 APPENDIX.
pain and anguish, twisting their faces, turning up their eyes,
grunting, puffing, &c.
"Their monstrous actions tended to excite ideas of horror,
and seemed to have something in them, as I thought, peculi-
arly suited to raise the devil, if he could be raised by any-
thing odd, ridiculous, and frightful. Some of them, I could
observe, were much more fervent and devout in the business
than others, and seemed to chant, peep, and mutter with a
great degree of warmth and vigor, as if determined to awa-
ken and engage the powers below. I sat at a small distance,
not more than thirty feet from them, though undiscovered,
with my bible in my hand, resolving, if possible, to spoil
their sport, and prevent their receiving any answers from
the infernal world, and there viewed the whole scene. They
continued their horrid charms and incantations for more than
three hours, until they had all wearied themselves out; al-
though they had in that space of time taken several intervals
of rest ; and at length broke up, 1 apprehended, without re-
ceiving any answer at all.
"Alter they had done powawing, 1 attempted to discourse
with them about Christianity ; but they soon scattered, and
gave me no opportunity for anything of that nature. A
view of these things, while 1 was entirely alone in the
wilderness, destitute of the society of any one who so much
as "named the name of Christ," greatly sunk my spirits,
and gave me the most gloomy turn of mind imaginable, al-
most stripped me of all resolution and hope respecting furth-
er attempts for propagating the gospel and converting the
pagans, and rendered this the most burdensome and disa-
greeable Sabbath which I ever saw. But nothing, I can tru-
ly say, sunk and distressed me like the loss of my hope re-
specting their conversion. This concern appeared so great,
and seemed to be so much my own, that I seemed to have
nothing to do on earth if this failed. A prospect of the great-
est success in the saving conversion of souls under gospel
light would have done little or nothing towards compensa-
ting for the loss of my hope in this respect ; and my spirits
now were so damped and depressed, that I had no heart nor
power to make any further attempts among them for that
purpose, and could not possibly recover my hope, resolution
and courage, by the utmost of my endeavors.
" The Indians of this island can, many of them, under-
APPENDIX. 453
stand the English language considerably well, having
formerly lived in some part of Maryland, among or near the
white people ; but are very drunken, vicious and ptofane,
although not so savage as those who have less acquaintance
with the English. Their customs, in various respects, differ
from those of the other Indians upon this river. They do
not bury their dead in a common form, but let their flesh
consume above the ground, in close cribs made for the pur-
pose. At the end of a year, or sometimes a longer space of
time, they take the bones, when the flesh is consumed, and
wash and scrape them, and afterwards bury them with some
ceremony. Their method of charming or conjuring over the
sick, seems somewhat different from that of the other Indians,
though in substance the same. The whole of it among these
and others, perhaps, is an imitation of what seems by Naa-
man's expression, (2 King v. 11) to have been the custom
of the ancient heathen. It seems chiefly to consist in their
"striking their hands over the diseased," and repeatedly
stroking them, " and calling upon their god;" except the
spurting of water like a mist, and some other frantic ceri-
monies common to the other conjurations which I have al-
ready mentioned.
"When I was in this region in May last, I had an opportu-
nity of learning many of the notions and customs of the In-
dians, as well as observing many of their practices. I then
travelled moie than 130 miles upon the river, above the En-
glish settlements ; and in that journey met with individuals
of seven or eight distinct tribes, speaking as many different
languages. Eut of all the sights I ever saw among them,
or indeed any where else, none appeared so frightful, or so
near akin to what is usually imagined of "infernal powers,"
none ever excited such images of terror in my mind, as the
appearance of one who was a devout and zealous reformer,
or rather restorer of what he supposed was the ancient reli-
gion of the Indians. He made his appearance in his pontifi.-
ficiaJ garb, which was a coat of bear-skins, dressed with the
hair on, and hanging down to his toes ; a pair of bear-skin
stockings, and a great wooden face painted, the one-half
black, the other half tawny, about the color of the Indians'
skin, with an extravagant mouth, cut very much awry ; the
face fastened to a bear-skin cap, which was drawn over his
head. He advanced towards me with the instrument in his
454
APJEjNDIX.
hand which he used for music in his idolatrous worship;
which was a dry tortoise-shell with some corn in it, and the
neck of it drawn on to a piece of wood, which made a very
convenient handle. As he came forward he beat his tune
with the rattle, and danced with all his might, but did not
.suffer any part of his body, not so much as his fingers, to be
seen. No one would have imagined from his appearance or
actions, that he could have been a human creature, if they
had not had some intimation of it otherwise. When he came
near me I could not but shrink away from him, although it
was then noonday, and I knew who it was ; his appearance
and gestures were so prodigiously frightful. He had a house
consecrated to religious uses, with divers images cut upon
the several parts of it. I went in, and found the ground beat
almost as hard as a rock, with their frequent dancing upon
it. I discoursed with him about Christianity. Some of my
discourse he seemed to like, but some of it he disliked ex-
tremely. He told me that God had taught him his religion,
and that he would never turn from it, but wanted to find some
who would join heartily with him it; for the Indians, he said,
were grown very degenerate and corrupt. Fie had thoughts,
he said, of leaving all his friends, and travelling abroad, in
order to find some who would join with him; for he believed
that God had some good people somewhere, who felt as he
did. He had not always, he said, felt as he now did ; but
had formerly been like the rest of the Indians, until about
five years before that time. Then, he said, his heart was
very much distressed, so that he could not live among the
Indians, but got away into the woods, and lived alone for
some months. At length, he said, God comforted his heart,
and showed him what he should do; and since that lime he
had known God, and tried to serve him; and loved all men,
be they who they would, so as he never did before. He
treated me with uncommon courtesy, and seemed to be hearty
in it. I was told by the Indians, that he opposed their drink-
ing strong liquor with all his power ; and that, if at any time
he could not dissuade them from it by all he could say, he
would leave them, and go crying into the woods. It was
manifest that he had a set of religious notions which he had
examined for himself, and not taken for granted upon bare
tradition ; and he relished or disrelished whatever was spo-
ken of a religious nature, as it either agreed or disagreed
APPENDIX.
455
with his standard. While I was sometimes discoursing, he
would sometimes say, " Now that I like ; so God has taught
me," &c- ; and some of his sentiments seemed very just. Yet
he utterly denied the existence of a devil, and declared there
was no such creature known among the Indians of old times,
whose religion he supposed he was attempting to revive. He
likewise told me that departed souls went southward, and
that the difference between the good and bad was this : that
the former were admitted into a beautiful town with spirit-
ual walls, and that the latter would for ever hover around
these walls in vain attempts to get in. He seemed to be
sincere, honest, and conscientious in his own way, and ac-
cording to his own religious notions ; which was more than
I ever saw in any other pagan. I perceived that he was
looked upon and derided among most of the Indians as a
precise zealot, who made a needless noise about religious
matters ; but I must say that there was something in his tem-
per and disposition, which looked more like true religion
than any thing I ever observed among other heathen. But.
alas ! how deplorable is the state of the Indians upon this
river ! The brief representation which I have here given of
their notions and manners is sufficient to show that they are
led captive by Satan at his will, in the most eminent man-
ner ; and methinks might likewise be sufficient to excite the
compassion and engage the prayers of God's children for
these their fellow-man, who, " sit in the region of the sha-
dow of death.
Letter to Governor Hamilton.
Heidelberg, in Berks county, May the 2d, 1754.
May it please your Honor —
Last night I arrived safe from my journey to Shamokin
and Wyomink, of which I think I am obliged by your Hon-
or's orders to lay before you a just and distinct account,
which is as follows :
April the 17th I set out from my house, and went by way
of John Harris's and Thomas McKee's, being afraid of the
two high mountains, and bad road that leads from them to
Shamokin. I arrived at Shamokin the 20th of April ; found
that two of the Shickalamy's being about 30 miles off on the
Northwest Branch of Susquehannah, commonly called Zin-
456 APPENDIX.
achson, I sent a messenger for them, there being a great num-
ber of Indians at and about Shamokin, I thought fit to send
my son with James' Logan, the lame son of Shickalamy with
another Indian to Oskohary, Nishibeckon and Wyomeek,
three Indian towns on ^usquehannah (Northeast Branch)
with your Honor's message.
They set out from Shamokin on the 22nd, by water, be-
cause there was no fodder to be had by the way for horses.
On the 26th they came back again, and reported that they
lodged the first night at Oskohary with Lap'ickpitton, the
chief man, and Sammy interpreted your Honor's message in
Mohock, ann James Logan and he to Lapackpitton in Dela-
ware. That Lapaekpiiton was well pleased with the mes-
sage, thanked them very kindly and gave them a string of
wampum b;ick again which they had given him, and told
them it was best to leave the string at Niskibeckon, (Nesco-
peck) where there were more Indians with old Nutimus,
their chief. When they arrived at Niskibeckon, old Nuti-
mus was from ho i e, but the. rest of the Indians received the
message very kindly, and said they would lay it before Nu-
timus and the rest of their Indians after they should come
home. At Woyomeck it was just the same; Paxanosy, chief
man there was from home also; the message, with another
string of wampum, was taken well by those that were at
home. It is supposed they will have a council together,
when they are all come home, which will be at their pi ant-
ing time.
In the meantime that Sammy w.isgone up to Woyomeck,
I was gone up the Northwest Branch about 20 miles to see
some Indians, in particular one that came from the Cayuga
country ; but missed him, however. John Shikalamy told
me all the news he brought from Cayinkquo, which is insert-
ed in the paper of Indian news herewith sent.
The Indians on Susquehanna and about Shamokin saw
some of the New England mm that came as spies to Woyo-
meck last fall, and they saw them making of draughts of the
land and rivers, and are much offended about it: they asked
me about them. I told them we had heard so much as that,
and that we had intelligence from New England that they
came against the advice of their superiors, as a parcel of
headstrong men and disturbers of the peace. They, the In-
dians, said they were glad to hear, that neither their brother
APPENDIX.
457
Onas nor their own chief men had sent them ; and they hoped
they would not be supported by any English government in
so doing.
The Nanticokes are gone up the river to live at Otsen-
encky, a branch of Susquehanna, where formerly some Onon-
dagers and Shawanese lived. The Indians in general about
Shamokin, enquire strongly about what the English are do-
ing against the French on Ohio ; they seemed too mightily
pleased when I told them that the government of Virginia
had sent five or six hundred men, and that a great number
would be sent by N. Carolina; but they wondered why
Pennsylvania would not assist their brethren' I told them
I hoped they still would, though perhaps not at this time.
They said, perhaps it will be too late then ; for the Indians,
said they, will not engage before they see the English fight
the French courageously with one accord.
I have nothing to add, but am
Sir, your very obedient
and humble servant,
Conrad Weiser.
News that the Indians told Mr. Weiser at Shamokin.
Canadehnia, son of Sakuchsonyont, deceased, came from
Cayukoe about the middle of April, and brought some news
that some of the Senecas, on their way to the Southern In-
dians, met at Ohio with three parties of French praying In-
dians, who came from the inhabited parts of Virginia, and
had a great many scalps and four prisoners, one thereof they
knew was a son of Col. Cressap. The Senecas asked them
why they did so, they made answer that they did it not
themselves, but their father Onontio had ordered them so to
do ; that they did not know where they had been, being led
by a Frenchman ; but supposed it was upon James* river,
or Pottowmack; that they had also two Indian scalps which
they gave to the Senecas, and told them they might now go
home, as these scalps would answer their end, and the Sene-
cas turned home accordingly.
Again, that a large belt of wampum, one end black and
the other white, was sent by the Shawanese and Delaware*
on the Ohio to Onondago, with the following speech, by the
black part, he, the Shawanese, spoke :
39
458 APPENDIX.
" Brethren, the United Nations, hear us; the French, your
father's hatchet is just over our heads, and we expect to he
struck with every moment ; make haste, therefore, and come
to our assistance as soon as possible ; for if you stay till we
are killed, you wont live much longer afterwards ; but if you
come soon, we shall be able to fight and conquer the French,
our enemy."
The Delawares said by the white part :
" Uncles, the United Nations, we expect to be killed by
the French, your father, we desire therefore that you will
take off our petticoat, that we may fight for ourselves, our
wives and children : in the condition we are in, you know
we can do nothing."
Newmoch, an old Delaware Indian from the Big Island,
came to Shamokin while I was there, and brought the news
that above one hundred men, Delawares, where by the way
of Ohio to settle upon the Big Island upon Zinachsy river,
for security of their wives and children ; that as many staid
at Ohio, and are moving towards the Shawanese ; that the
Shawanese had sent a message to the Delawares, when they
heard of their intention to move to Zinachsy with a belt of
wampum, and said, " Grand-fathers" — for so they style the
Delawares — "don't leave me, but let us live and die togeth-
er, and let our bones rest together ; let us die in battle like
men, and fear not the French."
That Captain Trent had surprised and taken six French
praying Indians, but that three of them had made their es-
cape afterwards, by carelessness of the guard.
Canadehnia also said that three columns of Frenchmen
passed the Lake Ontario towrards Ohio ; the first column of
four hundred, the second of three hundred, and the third of
four hundred men ; in all eleven hundred ; and it was said
that more would come.
Sarroyady to Governor Morris.
Shamokin, September 11th, 1755.
May it please your Honor —
According to your request at our last council, I am re-
membering you to the Six Nations, and all other Nations,
and as you requested of me to acquaint you of whatever
APPENDIX. 459
affairs happened amongst your brethren, the Six Nations, this
is to inform you that I have already heard good news, viz:
This day a belt of wampum (black) came to Shamokin from
Oneida from the Six Nations, setting forth that the French,
with all the Indians they can get, are coming down upon
them, and are near at hand, and therefore, the Six Nations
have sent the said belt (about a fathom long) to their cou-
sins, the Delawares, and all other Nations, their allies, to
come with speed to their assistance, for they expect nothing
but death, and likewise the Six Nations have ordered their
cousins, the Delawares, to lay aside their petticoats and clap
on nothing but a breech clout. This is only to let you know
the news that I have already heard and met with, but not-
withstanding, I shall go up with all speed to your brethren,
the Six Nations, and all our other allies, according to my
promise to you ; and to confirm my words, I send you this
string of wampum. These are to let you know that there
are twenty in number of our men got this length, and there
are more daily coming to us and we shall go and view the
French forts and serve them as they served us. Your friend
Henry Montour is along with our men.
Skirooniatta.
The subscriber is getting a company with all the expedi-
tion he can to go against the French ; the people whose
names are under his are going with him.
Tohneetonas alias John Sicalamy, the captain.
Cunnoy Sam.
tuckaunauteneo.
James Logan Sicalamy.
Onnoharioh.
John Petty Sicalamy.
Jno. Davison, in camp with them.
These are the heads of this company.
To Governor Morris.
Heidelberg, in the co. of Berks, November 19, 1755.
May it please the Governor :
That night after my arrival from Philadelphia, Eman-
uel Carpenter and Simon Kuhn, Esqrs. came to my house
460 APPENDIX.
and lodged with me. They acquainted me that a meeting
was appointed (of the people of Tulpehocken and Heidel-
berg, and adjacent places) in Tulpehocken township at Ben-
jamin Spycker's early next morning. I made all the haste
with the Indians I could, and gave them a letter for Thomas
McKee to furnish them with necessaries for their journey. —
Scariyade had no creatine to ride on, I gave him one. Be-
fore 1 could get down with the Indians, three or four men
came from Benjamin Spycker's to warn the Indians not to go
that way, for the people were so enraged against all the In-
dians, and would kill thtm without distinction. 1 went with
them, so did the gentlemen before mimed. When we came
near Benjamin Spyckei's, I saw about four or five hundred
men, and there was a loud noise. I rode before, and in rid-
ing along the road (around men on both sides of the road,)
I heard some say, " Why must we be killed by the Indians?"
1 got the Indians to the house with much ado, where 1 treat-
ed them with a small dram ; and so parted in love and friend-
ship. Capt. Diefenbach, undertook to conduct thtm, with
five other men, to the Susquehanna. Alter this, a sort of
council of war was held by the officers present, the gentle-
men before mentioned, and other freeholders. It was agreed
that one hundred and fifty men should be raised immediately
to serve as outscouts, and as guareTYrt certain places, under
the Kittatinny hills, for forty dajs; that thofe so raised to
have two shillings per day, and two pounds of bread and
two pounds of beef, and a gill of rum, and powder and lead,
(arms they must find themselves.) This scheme was signed
by a good many freeholders, and read to the people.
They cried out that so much for an Indian scalp they would
have (be they friend or enemy) from the governor. I told
them that I had no such power from the governor nor from
the Assembly. They began to curse and swear the gover-
nor; some the Assembly ; called me a traitor of the country,
who held with the Indians, and must have known this mur-
der beforehand. I sat in the house by a low window; some
of my friends came to pull me away from it, telling me, some
of the people threatened to shoot me. I offered to go out
to the people, and either pacify them, or make the king's
proclamation ; but those in the house with me would not let
me go out. The cry was, " The land is betrayed and sold.'1
The common people from Lancaster county were the worst.
APPENDIX. 461
The wages, they said, were a trifle, and said somebody pock-
eted the rest, and they would resent it. Somebody had put
it into their heads, that I had it in my power to give as much
as I pleased. I was in danger of being shot. In the mean-
time, a great smoke arose under Tulpehocken mountain, with
the news following that the Indians had committed murder
on Mill creek ( a false alarm ) and set fire to a barn : most
of the people ran, and those that had horses rode off with-
out any order or regulation. I then took my horse and went
home, where I intend to stay, and defend my own house as
long as I can. There is no doings with the people without
law and regulation by the governor and Assembly.
The people of Tulpehocken all fled till about six or seven
miles from me, some few remain. Another such attack will
lay the country waste on the west side of the Schuylkill.
I am Sir,
Yoar most obedient,
Conrad Weiser.
Fort Augusta, 14th August, 1756.
To Robert H. Morris, Governor.
Sir-
Last night I received by express, the disagreeable news
that Fort Granville was taken and burnt to the ground by a
body of about five hundred French and Indians ; that the
whole garrison were killed, except one person, who was
much wounded, and made his escape; and am well assured
that this loss was entirely occasioned by a want of ammuni-
tion, having received a letter two or three days ago from Col.
John Armstrong, that they had in that Fort only one pound
of powder and fourteen pounds of lead.
I must again acquaint your Honor that we are still with-
out the necessary military stores, for which Mr. Bard, per
my order, has frequently written to the commissioners, but to
no purpose ; and should, in our present situation, which in
all probability is their design, it is impossible but we must
likewise fall a sacrifice to them. We have not in the store
more than four half barrels of powder, which is only half
a pound to each man, and none remaining for the use of the
cannon. Inclosed is a list of several articles absolutely and
immediately necessary for our security; with which I expect
39*
462 APPLNDIX.
the commissioners will furnish us without delay; and then we
may be able to give a good account of ourselves. We have
the walls of the Fort now about half finished, and our other
works in such situation, that we can make a \ery good de-
fence against any body of French and Indians that shall seat
themselves before us, without cannon.
I am informed by the express that the twelve baftoes, I
sent the 10th inst. to Harris's for flour, &c, met with so
much difficulty in getting down the river lo Halifax, that I
am convinced it will be quite impracticable for them to push
up before the river rises; but least they should attempt to
do it, I have despatched a messenger to Captain Jameson,
whom I have ordered not to sutler them to stir, but to
Temain at Hunter's Fort till further orders, as I am appre-
hensive the enemy have by this time posted themselves along
the river, in order to interrupt our communication and harass
our convoys.
The present method of supplying this garrison by water
is so uncertain, that some quick expedient should be fallen
upon to engage a number of pack-horses into the service,
which may transport our provisions, &c, at all times of the
year, by way of Tulpehocken, or any other that may be
thought more convenient.
Our battoes, during the winter season must lay by, so that
it will be necessary that three or four months provisions
should be stored up here in the fall for the support of this
garrison till the spring.
*' Mr. Bryan, who by no means has supported the charaeter
of a £o0d officer, this morning delivered me up his commis-
sion, which he chose to do rather than stand a trial before a
general court martial for his late misconduct. I have there-
fore filled up an ensign's commission for Mr. Thomas McKee's
son, who entered wiih the regiment as a volunteer at Mr.
McKee's store, and has since behaved himself extremely well
in that capacity.
I have put Lieut. Plunket under an arrest for mutiny, and
only wfait for the return of Capt. Lloyd, the judge advocate,
to have him tried by a general court martial.
Your Honor's
Most obedient humble servant,
William Clapham.
P. S. If this letter should not be very clean when it cemes
APPENDIX. 463
to your Honor's hands, you will excuse it, as I am obliged
to put it into the pad of the courier's pack-saddle, Jest
the enemy should get possession of it.
Fort Augusta, 17th Aug., 1756.
Honored Sir,
When I wrote on the 14th inst. I omitted to inform
your honor, that the garrison at Fort Halifax, Hunter's and
McKee's store had very iittle ammunition ; and yesterday
I received a letter from Capt. Jammison acquainting me that
no warlike stores are yet arrived at Harris's from Philadel-
phia, so that I hope the commissioners will make the great-
est despatch in furnishing these several garrisons with all the
necessary supplies. I forgot to mention our want for Gran-
ada shells, which should be sent up properly filled and fuzed.
Inclosed is the examination of a young man, who has been
among the Indians about six months, and made his escape
here last Saturday.
I am with due esteem,
Your Honor's
Most obedient and humble servant,
William Clapham.
Hon. Rob. H. Morris, Gov.
Fort Augusta, 7th Sept., 1756.
To Benj. Franklin.
Sir —
The bearer, Michael McGuiro, enlisted as. a private sol-
dier, for the term of three months, in the service of the
province; he has not only during that time behaved him-
self soberly and well as a soldier, but has been particu-
larly useful as an overseer and carpenter in the building of
the Fort. The term of his enlistment expired a month ago.
and as he is capable of earning more in the practice of his
business than his pay amounts to, he is now come to offer
his further services to the gentlemen commissioners on rea-
sonable terms. If the government design to strengthen this
post by doubling the Fort with another case of logs, and
filling up the intermediate space with earth, in order to
render it cannon proof, which I think ought to be done.
464 APPENDIX.
Such a man will be particularly serviceable: at least, I
could not refuse him his certificate of his merit — and am,
Sir,
Your most obedient
and humble servant,
William Clapham.
Harris's, October 13, 1756.
Sir-
Inclosed is a copy of intelligence conveyed to Fort Au-
gusta by an Indian chief of the Six Nations, on whose credit
I can formerly rely; and transmitted to me by Major Burd,
as also an inventory of the stores, ammunition and provisions
now in the garrison, from which your Honor will be enabled
to judge of the state and condition of that Fort, and what
probability there is of it maintaining a long, or a vigorous
siege. I have despatched Capt. Lloyd to your Honor with
this intelligence, and to receive your orders. I shall imme-
diately repair to my post and defend it to the last extremity,
in which endeavor I promise myself all the assistance your
Honor may be able to afford me. I should be very glad of
the assistance of Mr. Myer, the engineer, if your Honor
thinks proper to dispatch an express to him with orders to
repair to me. The garrison consists of three hundred and
twenty effective men, and not one side arm in case of an at-
tempt to storm. If the most vigorous measures are taken I
presnme that good may be made of this timely intelligence ;
in the meantime I shall endeavor to discharge my duty both
as a soldier and an honast man ; and relying on your Honor
for the necessary supply and assistance, I am
Your Honor's
Most obedient, humble servant,
William Clapham.
Fort Augusta, October 18, 1756.
Sir—
I have just time to inform you that I have arrived here
safe with my party on Sunday afternoon, having brought
with me 70 horse loads of flour, and a quantity of salt, and
•30 head of cattle. Captain Bussee arrived here with his
company this evening, and as I am informed that the com-
missary of musters is on his way thither, I have detached a
APPENDIX.
460
party of 30 men this night, under two officers, as a rein-
forcement to his escort.
Inclosed you have a return of the regiment, by which you
will be informed of the number of duty-men, &c. I have also
sent the substance of a conference I have had this day with
the Indians.
I remain
Your most obedient,
Humble servant,
William Clapham.
To Gov. W. Denny.
According to the return there were 164 duty-men — 300
total, viz :
Colonel's company, 18 duty men; total 43.
Major's company 27 ; total 44.
Capt. Lloyd's company 18; total 39.
Capt. Shippeii's company 27 ; total 44.
Capt. Work's company 23; total 43.
Capt. Hambright's company 26 ; total 49.
Capt. Salter's company 25; total 44.
These consisted of sergeants, corporals, drummers, bakers,
blacksmiths, herdsmen, cooks, carpenters, masons, ;awyers,
coal burners, butchers, brickmakers, &c.
According to the deposition of George Allen, Abraham
Sowerhill, James Crampton, John Gallaher, John Murray
and Robert Egar, who had been out as scouts on the 3d of
June, to reconnoitre from McKee's store and upward the
Susquehannah, they saw nothing till they came to McKee's
and found his house burnt — then they went up to Shamokin,
and not observing an enemy, went to the place where the
town had been, the houses being burnt to the ground — after
some time returned, and on this side found a canoe in which
they came down to George Gabriel's place, whose houses
were burnt, and searched about for some guns that were lost
last fall in the skirmish between the Indians and McKee's
party, and found five of them in the ruin, that they then pro-
ceeded to Charles Williams' house — thence proceeded by
Berry's place to the camp at Armstrong's.
466 APPENDIX.
Fort Augusta, October 23d, 1756.
Sir — I have had the pleasure to receive Mr. Myers's in-
structions relative to the additional works to be made at Au-
gusta, and shall endeavor to conform to them with all the
exactitude which so geod a plan deserves and the time will
allow — but beg leave to inform your Honor that two escorts
for provision, and the reconnoitering parties which I am con-
tinually under the necessity of detaching, will necessarily
impede the execution of the plan, at the same time that they
weaken the garrison, and if only once intercepted, subject it
to the danger of inevitable ruin from the want of provisions,
of which there is seldom more than a sufficiency for two
weeks in store. I have endeavored to hire four men, pursu-
ant to your Honor's direction, but they having been employ-
ed in the service of the government and received no compen-
sation for their services are utterly unwilling to engage, tho'
I offered to become bound for their reward.
I have, with the advice of Mr. Myers and Mr. Young,
(who, at the same time communicated to me your Honor's
opinion on the subject,) presumed to promise each man, nine
pence additional pay, per day, during the time he is employ-
ed, and faithfully discharges his duty as a pioneer in the
works — and having no rum, should be glad of a supply, as
seems necessary for their health at this season, and at the
same time is the most effectual encouragement to exert them-
selves.
Inclosed is a return of the provisions, ammunition and
stores now in this magazine, and also a return and descrip-
tion of the deserters from the regiment, as there is no provi-
sion made by law for the recovery of them, while the farmers
entertain, and the regulars publicly enlist them, I am at a
loss here to proceed, and the service in the meantime suf-
fers.
I wait with impatience for your Honor's further orders,
and am
Sir,
With the greatest respect,
Your Honor's most obedient
and humble servant,
William Clapham.
APPENDIX. 467
Extract,
To Gov. Denny from Thomas McKee.
Fort Augusta, June 16, 1757.
I left the Indian camp at Lancaster, the 23d of last month,
and when I came as far as Samuel Scott's, I was obliged to
stop, and bury a Tuscarora Indian, who was killed by one
of his own Nation ; from thence, with much difficulty, by
reason the Indians' excessive drinking, I came to John Har-
ris', where I was detained three days, and buried another man
of the same Nation, who died of the small pox ; from thence
I came to Fort Hunter, where the Indians, in spite of all
that I could do, got into a drinking frolic, which detained
me three days ; and from thence I set off by water to Fort
Augusta, where Major Burd received us very kindly, and
gave the Indians plenty of all such provisions as he was mas-
ter of; and lest there should be any difference between the
Indians and the soldiers, he gave the Indians but a gill of
rum a day, which did not altogether please them, as they ex-
pected another drinking frolic ; but we did not think it ex-
pedient, by reason that our scouting parties daily discovered
fresh signs of the enemy — Indians.
I must acquaint your Honor, that after we left the inhab-
itants, Thomas King, one of the Indian chiefs, seemed much
out of humor, and did not prove so free or familiar as I ex-
pected ; and, after we were some time at Fort Augusta, I
asked him, in the presence of Maj. Burd, which of rjis peo-
ple he would leave here? And he replied, he would leave
none but what died here.
They left this Fort the 5th of last month, with plenty of
flour, meat and rum, sufficient to carry them home.
_ _ I have still here two families of Tuscaroras, and two fam-
ilies of Conestogas, and old Ogohadorio alias Kiskatay, but
they have not as yet resolved whether they will stay or not.
I must further acquaint pour Honor, that a family of the
Oneidas, came yesterday down the river, and they want pow-
der and lead ; but the Major does not think proper to part
with any more ammunition out of the garrison. So that, in
my humble opinion, it would be very requisite that your
Honor would order a supply of powder, lead and flour, to
468
APPENDIX.
be sent to this Fort, inasmuch as by all information, there
would be a continual resort of Indians to this place.
I understand by this family that Teedyuscung is gone
from Wyomink across the country, with a great number
of Indians to go to Easton. The aforesaid Indians like-
wise inform me, that they expect two canoes with Indians
here this day or to-morrow, in order to get powder and
lead, and provisions — and as they are in a starving condi-
tion, they expect sustenance from here, during this sum-
mer.
If it is your Honor's pleasure, that I should remain here,
1 humbly desire the favor of receiving your Honor's in-
structions, and the liberty of distributing amongst the In-
dians, according as it will suit such things as are designed
for them, for sale.
I remain your Honor's
Most obedient humble servant,
Thomas McKee.
At Barnabas Hugh's, Lancaster co. Nov. 22d, 1757.
To the Hon. W. Denny.
Honored Sir —
A few miles on this side of Wyomink, Teedeuscung
with some of his friends met us, and showed their way
to the spot he had pitched upon for the town, and said he
had desired us not to erect a fort, but only some houses,
and accordingly we set the men to work, and when we
had covered in two and set up six more, he let us know
he was satisfied, as he intended to go to Bethlehem imme-
diately and live there all winter, in which time, he thought
if not improbable, but some straggling, ill effectual Indians
might burn them down ; howeVer be that as it might, he
designed to return in the spring and settle there, where he
would have the business completed.
We are with due esteem,
Your Honor's most obedient and humble servants,
James Hughes,
E.-wd. Shippen,
James Galbreath.
APPENDIX.
469
Fort Augusta, 20th January, 1758.
To Major James Burd.
Dear Brother —
I had the pleasure to write you the 2d inst. per Mr.
Bard, when I enclosed you the returns, &c., for the 1st of
January, 1753, since wliich several small parties of Delaware
Indians have arrived here with skins, to trade at the store ;
among the rest came old King Neutimas, Joseph, and all
their family; and we have now forty-three present, including
women and children. Job Chilloway, brother to Bill Chil-
loway, came here the other day from the Muncy country at
the head of the Cayuga branch above Diahoga ; he was born
and bred at Egg Harbor, is a very sensible fellow, and
speaks the English language perfectly well. From all the
circumstances of his conversation and behavior, he appears
to be a strict friend to the English interest ; his releasing
Armstrong's wife fram the Indians last summer, and the pru-
dent precautions he used in sending her here, is a confirma-
tion of my good opinion of him. He assures me that the
only Indians on the Susquehanna, who are our enemies, are
the Muncy nation; and they are determined to continue the
war against the English: he says he understood from some
of the Indians, when he came away, that a small party of
French were expected next month from Niagara, to join a
Muncy captain and some of his warriors ; and their intention
is to go towards the settlements near Delaware, and to take
-an English Fort, situated at a place called Bendig Hill,
which we suppose to be Fort Allen. He further informs me
that last March he carried a parcel of skins to the French,
at Niagara, to purchase clothing for his family, which mere
necessity obliged him to do, much contrary to his inclination,
observing that the unhappy Indian war had put an end to
English trade; that while he was at that fort, there were
but five officers, and he had computed the number of sol-
diers not to exceed 150, who, by his description of their ap-
pearance and dress, are regulars ; that they mounted in the
tort 45 pieces of cannon, some of which were the brass field
pieces taken from General Braddock, which they intended
in the summer to send to fort Frontenac ; that the fort was
strong and pretty large, having in it a great stone house,
three stories high, where the officers lived.
40
470
APPENDIX.
He intends to return to the Muncy country in a few days
in order to bring away his things, and in the spring is de-
termined to live among his brethren, the English, with whom
he has always enjoyed peace and friendship.
I have the pleasure to inform you that Capt. Jamison and
Lieut. Garraway arrived here yesterday with twelve battoes
containing 6000 of flour, two hogsheads of whiskey, three
barrels of salt, and twenty bushels of Indian corn for the gar-
rison, besides a quantity for Carson's store.
In the morning I shall despatch off Capt. Davis and En-
sign McKee with a party of fifty men in the battoes to make
another trip, if possible, while the river is open and favor-
able.
I have restricted the garrison to an allowance of one pound
of flour per man, since the 1st of January, and shall think
it necessary to continue the same till Capt. Davis's return,
with an additional supply.
We have in store 17,390 of flour, and 91,481 of beef.
Yours, &c,
Joseph Shippen.
Fort Augusta, July 19, 1758.
May it please your Honor —
I received yours of the 3d inst., wherein your orders
to me is to carry on the works relating to the strengthening
of thjs fort, which I shall observe to do to the utmost of my
power, with the few men that are left to garrison this place.
Capt. Montgomery arrived here on the 16th instant, with
three subalterns and sixty-two private men, who were
draughted out of several companies of the new raised levies.
General Forbes has ordered Capt. Robt. Eastburn and
Capt. Paul Jackson, and their subalterns, with thirty-five of
each, company, (which is more than they have here,) to
march and join him at Raystown. He likewise ordered me
to draught forty of the best men belonging to Colonel Burd's
battalion, and send them to him, with two officers, viz: Lieut.
Broadhead, and Ensign Holler. There is but one officer
left here, beside myself, of Colonel Burd's battalion, who is
Ensign Henry. I have no Ensign. The above draughts
march from this place this day. There is only one hundred
and forty-three men left here, out of which number there are
APPENDIX. 471
ten whose time is expired, and will not enlist again; besides
two men more that Major Lloyd has sent discharges for, and
a great part of them that are left, are blind, lame, sick, old,
and decrepid, not fit to be intrusted with any charge. I have
got but few tradesmen to carry on any building ; one car-
penter, two masons, and one smith, are left here. I have be-
gun to build a powder magazine (as there has never been
any other than the common provision store) an unfit place
to hold powder, and am obliged to leave it unfinished for
want of lime and stone ; the limestone we fetch six miles,
and it is impossible to fetch them any other way than by
water, and all the batteaux men are discharged ; so it is im-
possible for me to carry it on any further than without some
more assistance.
The four pieces of cannon are come up that were sent
from Philadelphia ; but there is not a person to make car-
riages for them, so they will be useless till such time as there
is a fit person sent here to make them, and as to what intel-
ligence I can get, I shall always immediately send to your
Honor and General Forbes, and I have no other way to
get but by sending out some Indians that frequent this gar-
rison, who have offered their services, provided they be pro-
perly rewarded for their trouble. Capt. Hembus says that
he has not been rewarded for the scalp he brought some
some time ago.
I have not had any instructions from your Honor concern-
ing sending out Indians to bring intelligence or French scalps
and rewarding them for the same : had it not been Colonel
Burd's positive orders to send Mr. Dunlap and Capt. Hem-
bus to him, I should have sent immediately to your Honor.
I sent Lieut. Broadhead with a party of thirty men, on the
2d instant, down to Harris's Ferry, to escort some batteaux
up here, as your Honor ordered Commissary Bard to engage
all the batteaux men in the service again. Capt. Hembus
went down with him ; Lieut. Broadhead received the gene-
ral's orders to continue there for some time, and on the 10th
instant, in Mr. Broad head's absence, I got intelligence of a
party of enemy Indians being seen down the Susquehanna,
on the west side, opposite Capt. McKee's place. Two Indi-
ans brought me the news ; the name of one was James Co-
tas; he judged there were about 30 in number, and were
bending their course towards the inhabitants. Immediately
472
APIENDIX.
I despatched the two Indians with an express to Lieutenant
Broadhead, desiring him to take particular care in marching
up, and to alarm the inhabitants that they put themselves in
a posture of defence.
On the 13th instant Capt. Hembus and James Cotas had
some difference at Hunter's, and the former, in the dead time
of the night, killed the latter. Mr. Broadhead informs me
the General would not employ any batteaux men for this ri-
ver, but ordered George Allen, captain of the batteaux, to
engage as many of them as he could to go on the expedition.
There have been several parties of Indians here from Wyo-
ming for Indian corn, but not having any, I was obliged to
give them flour. I understand there is corn below; but as
there are no batteaux men, we can't get it up; and our gar-
rison is so weak, we can't spare men from the fort ; and if I
would, there is not one who understands working a batteaux.
As the guns, powder, and sundry other necessaries, which
are much wanted here, were at Harris's, Commissary Bard
gave orders to Lieut. Broadhead, who went down with a
party to engage as many batteaux men as would bring up
the necessaries, and he would see them paid. Here is one
Mr. Hausey, son-in-law to Capt. Eastburn, who came a vo-
lunteer; he is a ship carpenter, and seems an ingenious young
man ; and might be of great service here in doing many things
in that way, if he had any encouragement. He is a sober,
active, genteel young man, and by his behavior since he has
been here, I believe would make a good officer, if your Ho-
nor thought proper.
' It is impossible for me to carry on the Indian storehouse,
for want of workmen and tools, and as this last draught has
taken all the workmen from me, save the few I have men-
tioned to your Honor ; but I have for the present fitted up
one of the barracks, that is almost joining the present Indian
store, which will hold a great quantity of skins.
We have no drums here; they took them all away; and I
understand there are some new ones in Philadelphia. Capt.
John Teedyuscung, with an other Indian, who were sent by
the king last April to Allegheny, returned here the 10th inst.
and went from hence for Wyoming, the 14th, and informed
he intended to be in Philadelphia by the first of next month
at farthest ; he had belts from the Allegheny.Indians. Doc-
APPENDIX. 473
tor Bond came here with the party under Captain Montgo-
mery.
I am, with due respect,
Your Honor's most humble servant,
Levi Trump.
P. S. I have set the above named Mr. Hausey to work at
the carriages for the cannon, but he has no one to help him
to carry it on.
I this moment received an account from an Indian that has
come from hunting, that saw three of the enemy Indians'
rires, and several of their beds, yesterday morning, about 30
miles from this fort, down towards the inhabitants. Capt.
Eastburn's detachment, just ready to march that course where
the fires were seen — I gave him orders to march his men in
such order as would best discover them, if there should be
any thereabouts ; at the same time, I sent a party out of the
garrison in search of them elsewhere.
L, T.
The batteaux men were greatly exposed to immediate
dangers, as would appear from the following extract of a
report :
A roll of men killed in the batteaux, 28th March, 1759.
James Allen, of the Governor's company — 1st battalion.
Frederick Devoid, of Major Shippen's company — 2d bat-
talion.
Philip Bond, of Major A-imstrong's company — 1st battal-
ion.
Christopher Dolen, of Captain Ward's company — 1st bat-
talion.
Joseph Leard, of Captain Callender's company — 1st bat-
talion.
John McCotter, of Captain Patterson's company, and Da-
vid Cody, of Major Jameson's company, both taken from the
Fort, the 26th March.
John McCotter returned the 2d of April.
Fort Augusta, March 1st, 1758.
Joseph Shippen, Capt. in the Augusta regiment, Reports,
March 1st, the military store there to consist of 75,786 pounds
of beef, 3,694 pounds of flour, 7 sheep, 2 bushels of salt, 40
40*
474 APPENDIX.
gallons of rum, 23 pounds of match rope, 12 old gray coats
entirely worn out, 173 pairs of stockings, 14 frying pans, 15
reams of cartridge paper, 4 horse-bells, 10 ordinary broad-
axes, 70 tomahawks, 22 spades, 215 shovels, 2 hand-saws,
5 drag-chains, 4 ordinary whip-saws, 18 grubbing hoes, 14
batteaux — patched up for present use, 8 pieces of cannon*,
2 swivels, 7 blunderbusses, 413 small arms, &c.
Thomas Lloyd, major of 2d battalion, and commandant,
reports the number ot officers and of companies stationed
there April 1st, 1758 :
Lieut. Col. James Burd, Major Thos. Lloyd ; Captains
Joseph Shippen, Patrick W ork, David Jameson, John Ham-
bright, Levi Trump, and Asher Claytonf. Total of each ;
viz : 1 Lieut. Col., 4 Majors, 6 Captains, 3 Ensigns, 1 mate,
11 sergeants, 8 drummers; 205 men fit for duty; 20 sick, 2
in the hospital, 95 on command, 3 on furlough.
Absent officers at the time — Col. Burd, Capts. Ilambright,
Trump, Shippen; Lieuts. Miles, Scott, Ensign Henry Hol-
lar— Doctor John Morgan visiting ihe sick at Harris's.
Dec. 1, 1758, they had provisions, &c. — 103 bullocks,
1S,316 pounds of flour, 6 ferkins of butter, &c. Total num-
ber of men 170 ; whereof 123 were unfit for duty.
Extract.
Joseph Shippen to Major Burd.
Fort Augusta, 20th January, 1758.
I have the pleasure to inform you that Capt. Jameson and
Lieut. Garraway arrived here yesterday with 12 battoes,
containing 6000 pounds of flour, 2 hogshead of whiskey, 3
barrels of salt, and 20 bushels of Indian corn for the garri-
son, besides a quantity for Mr. Carson's store.
In the morning I shall dispatch off Capt. Davis and En-
"slgn McKee with a party of 50 men in the battoes to make
* August 1, 1758, 13 pieces of cannon are reported; 704 cannon ball,
1,301 grape shot made up for cannon.
+ August 1, 1758, in additiou to these captains we find others sta-
tioned here, viz: Robert Eastburn, Paul Jackson, John Montgomery,
Ludwig Stein, John Clark and Robert Boyd; but few officers present
then.
APPENDIX. 475
another trip, if possible, while the river is open and favora-
ble. I have restricted the garrison to an allowance of one
pound of flour a man since the 1st of January, and shall
think it necessary to continue the same till Capt. Davis's re-
turn with an additional supply.
We have now in store 17,390 pounds of flour, and 91,481
pounds of beef.
.in Indian Conference, was held at Shamokin, or Fort Au-
gusta, 1769.
Saturday, August 19, 1769, a little before noon, Seneca
George, Gen-gu-ant, and about fifty-three more Indians of
different tribes, being chiefly Nanticokes and Conoys, landed
from their boats, and sent a message to Col. Francis to know
when they might speak to him, who immediately returned
an answer, that in the afternoon that he would be glad to see
his brother, Seneca George, and the friends and brethren he
had brought with him. Col. Francis then proposed to re-
ceive the Indians, and desired the Rev. Doctor Smith, of
Phila., who happened to come to the fort about half an hour
before the Indians, to give his assistance in taking the min-
utes.
Aug. 11, P. M.
Present, Col. Francis, Rev. Smith, and about 50 inhabi-
tants on and near Susquehanna; Seneca George, Last Night,
the Conoy King ; Gu-en-gu-ant an Onondago, and 22 more
warriors and young men.
Isaac Still, Interpreter.
Seneca George, speaks :
Brother : You sent a letter some days since inviting
me to this place. I invited ray brother Gu-en-gu-ant, one of
the Onondagoes to come with me, and likewise some of my
children of the Nanticokes and Conoys. I also found other
young men waiting for me to come down J and now we are
all here before you as you was the governor, for you could
not expect me to come alone.
Brother :
We have met among ourselves this day with many tears,.
476 APPENDIX.
but now see you, our tears begin to dry up a little, and we
are ready to hear what you have to say, and you may ap-
point the time as soon as you please; and when you speak,
all of us will consider one with another what you say to
us.
Brother :
I will speak one word more. I desire you would stop
all your strong drink for awhile, for you and I can neither
speak or smoke together rightly, if our young men should
get drink at this council fire, kindled by the Governor at
"Shamokin.
Brother :
You and I are friends, and know each other, and you
likewise very well know what the custom is when the Gov-
ernor meets his brethren at any place where he appoints a
council fire — now you see your brethren here, and we de-
sire you will give us something to eat, for this is always
the custom when we meet the Governor at a council fire —
we have no more to say at this time.
Col. Francis was going to make some reply, and to ex-
press his pleasure at meeting his brethren, and to tell them
i hat they should hear good things from the Governor on
Monday. The Indians then went to their camp and provi-
sions were sent them. This evening, Joseph Shippen, Esq.,
Provincial Secretary, arrived at the Fort.
Sunday, Aug. 20, 1769.
The Indians having understood that Doctor Smith was to
have divine service to white people, assembled at the Fort,
Seneca George sent notice that his people worshipped the
same God with the English, and would attend divine ser-
vice ; which they did accordingly, with great decency, and
Isaac Still interpreted the conclusion of the discourse, which
was particularly addressed to them.
Monday, Aug. 21, 1769.
Present, Col- Francis, Joseph Shippen, Dr. Smith, Chas.
APPENDIX.
477
Stewart and near one hundred inhabitants ; and all the In-
dians that had attended on Saturday.
Isaac Still, Interpreter.
Seneca George speaks.
Brother, and all you, my Brothers :
This day we are alt met here together ; some chief
men, my brothers, are come with me, and some young men,
to this council fire, kindled by the governor. You have sent
foi me to come from Shenango, and now I am come to hear
my brother, and I suppose you have something within your
heart to tell me. Gives a String.
Colonel Francis spoke then as follows :
Brother Seneca George, and all you, my brethren :
I am glad to see you here, and that you received the
letter I sent you, soon enough to meet me here, at the very
lime I wished to see you. My grief for what has happened
has been equal to yours, but in seeing you here, in so friend-
ly and good a disposition, my grief is now so much removed
that I have been able to light this council fire, and to ac-
quaint you with what is contained within the Governor's
heart, on this occasion. Gives a String.
Now brethren open your ears and listen — I am going to
deliver to you what the Governor desired me to speak to
Seneca George, and his friends on this sad occasion — Attend
then, brethren, for it is now the Governor speaks.
Brethren :
I take this opportunity by Col. Francis to give you
my kind and hearty salutation, and by this String desire you
will hearken to the message I send you by him. A String
of Wampum.
Brethren :
It is not above a month ago, that Col. Francis came
from Shamokin, on purpose to acquaint me of the death of
one of our Indian brethren, and that the man who was sup-
posed to have committed the crime was apprehended and se-
cured in Lancaster jail.
IT-
APPENDIX.
On this information, I ordered the man to be sent to the
jail of this city, to be kept secure, till he can be tried.
Brethren : „ —
Col. Francis further acquaints me that, the Indians,
who were in the cabin with our deceased brother, at the
time he was killed, were present when the offender was ta-
ken, and were satisfied with Col. Francis' conduct in this
arfair, and were kind enough to take a message from him,
to give an account of what had been done, and to tell you
he was hastening to Philadelphia, to lay the same before me,
md would bring in a month or six weeks, my message to
you on this melancholy occasion, and desired you to be at
Sharaokin in order to receive it.
Brethren:
Knowing that by treaties between this government and
the Indians, we are obliged to inform each other of any ac-
cident that happen, which may be likely to disturb the peace
subsisting between us ; as soon as I had made myself ac-
quainted with the particulars attending this matter, I lost no
time in sending account thereof to Sir YVm. Johnson, that he
might relate the real truth, as far as was come to my knowl-
edge, to the Indians of the Six Nations, and assure them,
that the person apprehended should be taken great care of,
and safely secured, and receive his trial in the same manner
as if the deceased had been a white man, and by his trial it
will appear whether the affair was accidental or designed.
Brethren :
We are sensible that whilst the body of our deceased
brother lies above ground, your minds cannot be easy. We
therefore, by these strouds, bury his body, and cover it so
deep that your eyes may never more see it.
Brethren :
With these handkerchiefs we wipe away all the tears
which run down your cheeks, and take the sorrow from your
hearts, and desire you would grieve no more. Handkerchiefs.
Brethren:
With this belt we scrape up all the blood that has lain
APPENDIX. 479
on the ground, or may have stained the bushes. We collect
them together, bury them under ground, that neither your
nor your friends eyes may more behold them, as you pass
and re-pass the place where the accident happened. A Belt.
Brethren :
As we have not buried the body of our deceased broth-
er, we desire you will suffer no uneasiness to remain in your
minds, that may cause the least ill will towards your breth-
ren of the English. A Belt.
Brethren :
As you are the relations of our deceased brother, as a
token of our affection for you, and to comfort your hearts,
we desire you would accept of this present of goods. Deliv-
ered the Goods.
Signed John Penn.
Seneca George speaks.
Brother :
Now I have heard what the governor has to say to'me
on this occasion ; my young men and the chiefs that are
come with me have likewise heard it and are very glad that
they have heard the Governor of Philadelphia speak. Now
I will return to my fire place, and to-rnorrow will give an
answer to what the governor has said to us.
Tuesday, 22nd Aug. — The Indians sent word they could
not be ready to answer the Governor's message till to-mor-
row in the afternoon.
Wednesday, 23rd August. — Having met, Seneca George
spoke as follows :
Brothers :
We have met here on this good day, and as the Gover-
nor of Philadelphia has sent you here to speak to me, I shall
look upon you as in the governor's room. I am glad to hear
what my brother the governor has said, and so are also my
young men, and I doubt not your young men are likewise as
well pleased as our young men are with what the governor
has said.
4S0 APPENDIX.
Brother :
I let you know I am not a king, but a captain of the
Six Nations. But here is a king, (pointing to Last Night,
the Conoy King,) you will hear him speak good things. His
words and mine are one.
Brother :
You may see that the occasion which has called us to
meet here, is not from a bad spirit on our part, but on yours.
The Great and Good Spirit put it into the hearts of our
grandfathers and yours, to lay strong foundations for peace
with each other ; we must follow what they have done, and
if we hide any thing in our hearts from one another, this
Great Spirit, whom you call God Almighty, will know it.
The Conoy King then speaks.
Brother :
I am really glad to see you at this fire which the gov-
ernor has placed at Shamokin, and to hear what my brother
the governor has said ; and to see all these young men that
are come with you. My young men are likewise glad on
the same account. — A string of four rows.
Brother :
I now speak to the governor, by you, Colonel Francis.
I have put into my heart what the governor lias said. My
young men have done the same. We all believe what the
o-overnor has said to Col. Francis has really come from his
heart. I will, therefore, now open my heart, and you shall
hear my good things. — Second string of four rows.
Brother :
I am well pleased the governor takes this method to
bury our grief under ground. I need not repeat what you
said to us. I am glad you have wholly wiped away that
stain from the face of the earth, and I now assure you, I will
look on you, my brothers, as I used to do, and think well of
you.
Brother:
As I told you, we are all glad to hear our brother, the
APPENDIX. 481
governor. But I assure you, brother, I do not know what
to do on the affair we are met about. I have considered this
sad breach, and should know what to do in it if any of my
people had committed the like against any of yours.
Brother :
You know best how to manage such of our people as
have been overcome by the evil spirit, and therefore I leave
this matter wholly to you. — A belt of wampum.
Brother :
Let me now speak one word to my brother, the gover-
nor, and to you Col. Francis. I would have my brother, the
governor, be strong, to hold fast that good friendship, where-
of our forefathers laid fast foundations when you first came
into this country. Sir William Johnson is but lately come ;
but we had in old time a very firm peace, and you and I used
always then to speak to one another. Now, as I said, bro-
ther, we then laid a firm foundation for peace, and this was
one great article of that peace ; that we should have pity on
our young men and also on our women and children; because
we all came from one woman, as you may easily know by
the mark — " That our little children when born have all the
same shapes and limbs as yours, although they be of a dif-
ferent color." Wherefore, I would have you be strong, and
in good earnest to preserve this our ancient friendship, so that
our young men, whoever they meet on a journey or hunting
about in the woods, may always be glad to see one another.
Brother :
There was also another mark in this, our old friendship,
that if we had one loaf of bread when we meet each other in
the woods, we would cut it in two, and divide it with one
another. Let us all then cast our eyes to the great Good
Being, to bless our endeavors to preserve this, our ancient
friendship. — A belt of eight rows.
Brother :
You know that our Grandfathers made a road between
each other, which passes by my door and reaches to Onon-
dago- We have now kindled a council fire at Shamokin. Let
41
ls'-2 APPENDIX.
us then be strong, that our young men, women and children
may pass and re-pass, and always be glad to meet one an-
other as they hunt in the woods.
Brother :
You may perhaps hear bad stories from other nations,
but I would not have you listen to them, but let you ami 1
still hold fast the ancient friendship.
Brother :
You and I are brothers. The Nations to which I be-
long, the Nanticokes and Conoys, never yet, since the begin-
ning of the world, pulled one scalp, nor even one hair from
your heads; and this, I say, gives us a right to call you bro-
thers. Although you have done me some hurt, I have never
yet cast my eye upon that, but have always looked stead-
fastly to our ancient friendship.
Brother:
Now we have healed this sad breach, and you see all
my young men here are satisfied it is so made up, and I hope
your young men are also pleased. But, brother, I would
have you tell your young men never to make the least breach
of our friendship again, and I will tell our young men the
same. — A belt of seven rows.
Brother :
Now you have heard all your brothers had to say to
you on this good day. There is, as I told you, a council
"fire at Shamokin, which is the door of the Six Nations.
When I go home, all your brethren shall know what you
have said, and Sir William Johnson shall also know it.
Brother :
We, the Nanticokes and Conoys, hare wiped away all
the grief from the eyes of our great warrior, Seneca George.
We show you this belt, wherewith we joined you in wiping
his eyes.
Brother :
Last fall, Sir Wm. Johnson and all the Governors kin-
APPENDIX.
483
died a council fire at Fort Stanwix. They sent for all his
Indian brethren, as lar as Allegheny, to meet at this council
fire. It was his business when they met, to find provision
for them, and he did so. But they killed one six years old
steer for me, and I have no satisfaction for it. If you think
proper to consider this matter, and allow me satisfaction, I
shall think well of it.
Brother :
To-morrow I intend to leave you. I was in hopes you
would send me a squaw to warm me at night. Perhaps you
have one to keep you warm; but as you did not send me one
I must go home to my own as fast as I can. But you know
the custom is, that you must give me a little bread to eat on
the way.
Col. Francis then spoke as follows :
Brothers ; Seneca George, Last Night, and you my brethren:
I am really rejoiced to hear all the good things you have
said, and to find that the governor's message to you, with his
small present of goods, have wiped away all the tears from
your eyes, and confirmed in your hearts the old friendship
and good will you have for your brothers, the English. All
who are present with me rejoice on the same account. You
see I have caused to be written down on paper all the good
things you have said, that I may send them directly to the
governor, who will put them in his heart and remember them
the first time you speak together.
Brother :
As to what you say about a squaw, I have really none
here. We keep all ours in Philadelphia, and we are as de-
sirous to get home as you are. I am sorry that we have so
little provisions here ; but you shall, this very evening, have
all that I can get for you. I will kill one of our best cattle
tor you. I will send you all the flour I have left, to make
cakes on your way, and I will give some powder and shot to
your young men to kill a little deer to eat with your cakes
as you go along. I shall likewise send you a little walking
sticky (the Indian phrase for rum) and I am sorry I cannot
make it long enough for a setting pole; but really the rum
484 APPENDIX.
kegs begin to run very low ; however, I will make the stick-
as long and strong as I can Brother Last Night, I will con-
sider what you say about your steer, and look what there is
in my purse when I go home to my lodgings from this coun-
cil fire.
Col. Francis having finished the above, which was received
with great cheerfulness and many signs of approbation by the
Indians. Mr. Frederick Y\ eiser desired Col. Francis that he
would be pleased to deliver the following short speech to
Seneca George.
Brother Seneca George :
Now the business of the Governor is finished ; the son
of your old brother and friend, Conrad Weiser, desires me to
speak a few words to you. Myself and all the children of
Conrad have had great grief and many tears for the unhappy
death of your son, and our tears have run down our cheeks
in greater abundance, because a cousin of our's, the sister's
.son of our father, Conrad, has been suspected of the mis-
chief. He is soon to be tried by the English laws, and if he
should be proved guilty, which we hope he may not be, we
are willing he should suffer the same punishment as if he had
committed the crime against a white man.
Brother :
This matter has grieved and surprised us greatly, for
neither the man who is said to have done this, nor any of our
lamily, have ever had any difference with our Indian breth-
ren, and time will show whether this man is guilty or not ;
and as we do not wish to screen him from justice, we desire
you will not entertain in your hearts any ill will against any
of the family or children of our old friend and brother, Con-
rad Weiser, on account of this one man, who, if he is guilty,
must have been carried away by a very evil spirit towards
the Indians, and different from the spirit of all his family.
As a mark of our love to you, I, who am the eldest son of
your old friend, Conrad Weiser, desire you will accept this
small present from his family, to wipe all tears from your
eyes.
A present from Mr. Weiser.
0 I
APPENDIX. 485
Seneca George having sat after this speech three or four
minutes in deep silence, with his eyes fixed on the ground,
and tears visibly flowing from them, got up and spoke as
follows : —
Brother :
I have really been pleased with what the governor has
spoken by you, Col. Francis, for making up this sad affair.
Now, as to what has been said by the son of Conrad Weiser,
1 am glad to see one of his sons, and to hear him mention a
little of the old friendship and love that was between us and
our brother, his father. Yes, old Conrad Weiser was indeed
my brother and friend. He was a counsellor of the Six Na-
tions, and knew all that passed between them or was in their
hearts. I am very glad the tears have flowed from the eyes
of his children, as they have done from mine, on account of
this unhappy affair, which has certainly been a great grief to
me : for, he that is lost, was a son that lay near to my heart.
He was all the child that I had ; and now that I am old, and
the loss of him has almost entirely cut away my heart. But
I am yet pleased my brother Weiser, the son of my old friend,
has taken this method to dry my tears. I assure my brother
Weiser this matter shall be remembered no more against his
family to their hurt, but I will look upon it that an evil spirit
got into the mind of the person who did it.
All the while Seneca George was delivering the above, he
kept advancing still nearer and nearer to the table where
Col. Francis, Mr. Weiser, and the other gentlemen sat, and
his action and whole behavior was surprisingly great. That
part especially where he spoke of his son, was understood,
even before interpreted, by the tone and manner in which it
was delivered. When he came to the last part, where he de-
clared he had no ill will to the family of the Weiser's, he
sprang forward with a noble air of forgiveness, and shaking
Mr. Weiser by the hand, I have, said he, no ill will to you,
Mr. Weiser ; nor to you, Col. Francis ; nor any to you, fa-
ther, (meaning Dr. Smith) ; nor any to you, (meaning Mr.
Stewart) ; and shaking every one by the hand, then spread-
ing out his arms, and turning quite round to all the company;
nor have I any ill will to any of you, my brothers, the En-
glish.
That manly spirit of forgiveness and reconciliation which
4L*
486 APPENDIX.
Seneca George showed on this occasion, by his looks and
gestures, and whole action, made some of them at the table
cry out, as he ran up, holding out his hand to them, "This
is noble;" for here his speech stood in need of no interpreter.
A conference with the Dela wares, inhabiting the Big Island
and West Branch of Shamokin.
During the conference with Seneca George and his friends,
Colonel Francis had great uneasiness on account of the Del-
aware Chief, Newaleeka, and about forty-two of his friends,
who had come down the West Branch on a rumor that there
was to be a general treaty at Shamokin, and that the gover-
nor was to be there.
The Nanticokes and Conoys refused to admit them into the
onlerence, and said they had no business with it, while the
others complained that they had waited many days last past
of their hunting season, and wore now starving for hunger.
Col. Francis sent Isaac Still to bring three or four of their
chiefs to a private conference; who being come, told him that
since they could not see the governor, nor hear from him, they
intended to proceed to Ohio. Col. Francis told them the go-
vernor was not at Philadelphia, but gone on a long journey,
but that he would carry any message they had to the gov-
ernor, and that they might not be wholly disappointed, he
would give them some provisions and a little 'walking slick,'
to help them back to their hunting-place.
The chief then desired Col. Francis to carry this message,
viz :
That they would return home and hunt awhile a few skins
to make a pair of breeches for the governor, which they
would bring down in the fall, to have a talk with him ac-
cording to an old custom, for they now longed to see him,
and had many things to say.
It was then found necessary to give them some flour, &c...
and to get them away as well pleased as possible, for the in-
habitants were apprehensive that they wrould kill cattle or
do some hurt, for want of provisions, and on account of their
disappointment in their journey.
APPENDIX. 487
Fort Augusta, 23d July, 1779.
To Col. Mathew Smith.
Dear Sir —
We have really distressing times at present in this coun-
ty, occasioned by the late depredations committed by the sa-
vages on our defenceless frontiers. Immediately after the
evacuation of Fort Muncy the Indians began their cruel mur-
ders again. The 3d of June they killed three men and took
two prisoners at Lycoming. They burned the widow Smith's
mills and killed one man. The 17th June they killed two
men and took three prisoners from Fort Brady; the same day
they burnt Sterret's mills and all the principal houses in Mun-
cy township. The 30th inst. they killed three men at Free-
land's Fort, and took two prisoners. They striking so close
to this county after the continental troops have marched to
Wyoming, has intimidated the people so much that they are
really on the eve of deserting the county entirely, as there is
no prospect of any assistance, that the people on the frontiers
could get their harvests up. I thought the army marching
even to Wyoming would draw the attention of the savages
from us ; but I think it never was worse than at present, and
without some reinforcements are sent to this county soon, 'tis
not possible the little Forts we have at Freeland and Boon's
can stand long. Suppose I never see the people of this coun-
ty behave more spirited than they do at present ; — suppose
they are reduced to a few. I have just arrived, after being
on a scout along Muncy Hill, and we made great discover-
ies where the savages had been along the frontiers and taken
off a number of horses.
I am, dear sir,
Your most humble servant,
Samuel Hunter,
Northumberland Town, May 18, 1780.
To his Excellency, Joseph Reed.
Sir—
I am unhappy enough to inform you that the savage ene-
my made, on the 16th inst., a stroke on the inhabitants of
this much distressed county, at Buffaloe Vally, at French
Jacob Grozong's mill, and killed four men, viz : John Fos-
1SS APPENDIX.
ter, jr., Eytzwiller, James Chambers, and Samuel
McLaughlin. The enemy got only one of the scalps. The
neighboring inhabitants, on hearing the firing, briskly turned
out, and pursued the enemy very bravely, but were not able
to overtake them. The inhabitants have stood it longer here
than could have been expected, were it not desperation.
But, sir, unless some support can instantly be afforded, the
State must shortly count one county less than formerly; which
God forbid.
I refer you, dear sir, to the bearer, General Potter, for
turther information, as he waits on horseback while I write
these imperfect, distressing accounts.
Provision, we have none ; cash, none : nor can it be had
in this place. Gen. Potter's accounts, from this place, to the
honorable, the Assembly — which I doubt not you will see —
will fully satisfy you of the state of this place.
I am, dear, sir,
Your most obedient and
Humble servant,
Mathew Smith.
D.— Page 219.
AUGHWICK.
Aughwick, or Old Town, was for some time the residence
of George Croghan. and a resort for many of the friendly In-
dians. The following letters, &c. are here presented, though
with little or no connection, they still cast some light on the
early history of this place.
A message to the Governor of Pennsylvania, by Lewis
Montour, express from the chiefs of the Six Nations, met in
council at the " Old Town," 27th October, 1753.
October the 27th, 1753, the Old Town.
A speech, delivered by the Half-King and all the head
men of the Six Nations, and those that were at the last coun-
cil in Virginia and Pennsylvania, and by this belt we have
all joined our hand to it and sent it to our brother, the Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania, hoping he will look on the case as it
stands, and we depend that you and the Governor of Virgi-
nia will join hand and be as one, and we the Six Nations
will be the third brother ; and as for the French, our enemy,
is at hand with a tomahawk in their hands, holding it over
our heads, to us to take hold of it, or else to be struck with
it ; and to take and strike our own flesh, we think it very
hard ; as for you, they have already struck, and openly de-
clare they will clear this river of the English, and all others
that will not join them. So now we beg our brother's as-
sistance with quick dispatch; and for the security of our
word we send you this belt of wampum, and we beg you
will come to our assistance : and farther, all the land on the
east side of the Ohio (Allegheny) river, we deliver to you for
to make a restitution to you for to clear us and our traders
of what they are indebted to you, so we desire you will come
to secure us and our ground, and we beg that you may not
look light on this, and send us a speedy answer by the bea-
rer and his brother, or any body you see cause to entrust,
4i)0
APPENDIX.
and we beg you will come to raise a couple of Forts, espe-
cially one at the mouth of " Mohongialo," and the other
higher up the river ; so we wait for an answer for you.
These from your brothers, the Six Nations. We entrusted
Lewis Montour and William Campbell — for said Montour
openly declares himself one of is, and we hope our brothers
will use him well.
The Half King,
MlNKOTTOHA,
Jontha, the Deer.
A speech made in the said Council, by one of the Mohocks,
named Jonathan.
Brothers —
I have heard since I came up, more nor what I knew
when I was with you last, concerning the French ; and now
we have concluded of and with all the Six Nations, as we
aie now put to distress by the French, and see that many
of our brothers, the traders, are broke and cannot assist
us as they used to do formerly, and we have all concluded
to pay their debts which they stand indebted to you; and
tarther, what our young men are indebted to our traders,
shall be good and no reflections, and for restitution of heir
debts we deliver all the land on the east side of the Ohio
river, from the head to the mouth ; to confirm the above
we have taken hold of the said belt of wampum, which we
have sealed with blood.
We desire a speedy answer.
There are a few lines of their own, wrote on the small bit
of paper— it is their names.
Us present —
Thomas Mitchell,
Reed Mitchell,
Joseph Campbell,
Thomas Mitchsll, jr.
William Campbell.
March the 23d, 1754.
To Richard Peters, Esq.
Sir — I am sorry to hear the Assembly was not convinced
APPENDIX. 491
of the absolute necessity there is at present of assisting the
Indians, whose country is invaded by a number of French.
I hear likewise they are in suspense, whether Ohio will
fall, any part of it within this Province. I am surprised
to think that the gentlemen of Philadelphia are so little
acquainted with the back parts of this Province; tor I as-
sure you that from the Three Springs, (which is about 8
miles west from my house, and certainly some miles from
Philip Davies,) but 70 miles to the Laurel Hill, the road
we now travel, which I suppose may be about 50 odd
miles on a straight course, and from Laurel Hill to Sha-
noppins is but 46 miles, as the road now goes, which I sup-
pose may be 30 odd miles on a straight line; what distance
the Three Springs may be from Philadelphia I cannot tell ;
but I think it can't be above one hundred and forty miles on
a straight line ; and I assure you from where the Allegheny
road crosses the Laurel Hill, Venango, where John Cure is
now building a Fort, lies due north. I wish with all my
heart some gentleman, who is an artist in Philadelphia, and
whose account could be depended on, would have the curi-
osity to take a journey in those, whose return, I dare say,
would give general satisfaction to the whole Province.
Sir, I am your most humble servant,
Geo. Croghan.
Aughwick, Old Town, Aug. 30, 1754.
To the Hon. James Hamilton, Esq. Gov. Pa.
May it please your Honor —
Yesterday I received your Honor's express, and acquaint-
ed the Indians that Mr. Weiser was on the road, with a
message from your Honor to them, which was very agreea-
ble news to the Indians in general.
One of the Indian messengers that went to Ohio, is re-
turned, and brings an account that there will be a great num-
ber of Indians from Ohio here in a few days, as he tells me
they are all deserting the French. By a French deserter
from the Fort, I hear the French are very sickly, and not
less than three or four die daily.
I assure your Honor I have been as frugal as in my pow-
er, in supplying the Indians since they came here ; nor did I
know any thing of their coming till they got here ; for had
492 APPENDIX.
been at Wills' creek when they set off, I should have endea-
vored to make them stay in Virginia, at the Camp, before I
would have drawn such an expense on the Province, or such
a trouble on myself. I was abroad when they came; but as
soon as I came home I put a stop to any spirits being brought
amongst them; nor do I even keep one drop in my own
house.
I here enclose the copy of a letter from Captain Stobo,
mentioned in his last letter, with a plan of the Fort, (Fort
Du Quesne,) which I received two days ago, by an Indian
named Moses.
I received a letter from Col. Innes yesterday, who makes
his compliments to your Honor : he informs me that there
will be one of the council from Virginia up here for certain,
to confer with the Indians soon, who, I hope, will bear some
of the expenses ; for I assure your Honor the expense will
be great. There is such a number of women and children,
and more are coming ; they have already destroyed nearly
30 acres of Indian corn for me, exclusive of other provisions,
which are very dear, and had to be got, as the country takes
every opportunity to extort an extravagant price for what
they have to sell ; but if these Indians are to be maintained
here, I would be glad if the government would send some
person to purchase the provisions for them, whom I would
assist as much as in my power, by which means the govern-
ment might be fully satisfied of the prices of provisions and
the quantity that would serve, as well as the trouble of tak-
ing care of so many different tribes.
I shall do every thing to assist Mr. Weiser, pursuant to
your Honor's command.
I am your Honor's most humble
and most obedient servant,
Geo. Croghan.
P. S. The Indians insist on the promises made them last
fall by the government of Virginia and this government; that
is, to supply their wives and children with provisions, as they
are driven out of their own country.
APPENDIX. 493
Instructions to Conrad Weiser, Esq.
Philadelphia, Aug. 24, 1754.
Having received by express a message from the Half-King*
Tanacharissan,. and Scarroyady, who with some Shawanese
and Delawares came lately to Aucquick, and intend to stay
there, I have, by the advice of council, and with the ap-
probation of the speaker and such other members of the As-
sembly as live in town, thought proper to send you to Auc-
quick ; where you are to inquire of Mr. Croghan, what they
have at any time said to him of their dispositions of future
intentions, as well as those of the Tvvightwees, Owendots,
Shawanese and Delawares, respecting the present hostilities
of the French.
You are to learn, if possible, if any and what directions
have been given them for their behavior towards the English
or French from the council of Onondago, or any of the Six
Nations, their Fathers ; or whether they, or which of them,
have ever encouraged the French — particularly enquire about
the disposition of the Senecas.
When you have received information of these and all other
necessary matters, then you are to consult wilh Mr. Crog-
han, and deliver the following answer :
Brethren —
The Governor sent me express to acknowledge and thank
you for your message by Mr. Croghan, and to bid you wel-
come to Aucquick, and to enquire after your health and that
of your families.
Brethren —
You have done right to put yourselves under the protec-
tion of this Province. We shall make all necessary provision
for you, till the government shall come to some determina-
tion respecting the present situation of affairs.
Brethren —
Our present governor's administration, agreeable to what
has been some time ago fixed by himself, draws to a period.
A new governor is appointed, and is hourly expected. This
renders it difficult for us to know what to do. We are all
disposed to concur with Virginia and to repel the French,
42
494 APPENDIX.
but are waiting for the arrival of the new governor, that it
may be done more effectually.
Brethren —
This being the case, the governor, who is your hearty
friend, desires you will be quiet and remain where you are,
till the Governor of Virginia, or he, or both together, who I
believe are determined to strike the French this fall, send to
you to let you know their determination what they expect
from you.
As to the speeches made by the Shawanese and Delawares
to the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia, which were
delivered to Mr. Croghan and the Half-King, consult with
Mr. Croghan about the particulars thereof, and return such
answers as are consistent with the treaties subsisting between
us, and the present circumstances of our affairs.
You are to declare to the inhabitants that they will be se-
verely punished if they presume to carry any spirits to Auc-
quick, and you are to charge the Indians to stave all the
casks, and if they will not do it, you are to insist on Mr.
Croghan doing it.
The distribution of the three hundred pounds is committed
to your care, in which you may consult Mr. Croghan, and
when you have consulted every thing to your mind, Mr.
Croghan, through your direction, will be better able to con-
duct matters.
August 24, 1754, Conrad Weiser received instructions
from Gov. R. H. Morris, to go and hold a conference at
Aughwick with the Indians, on the 29thraccompanied by anv
Indian, called Half-King, and Andrew Montour. He left
his house, in Tulpehocken township, Berks county, by way
of Harris's Ferry and Tobias Kendrick's — at the latter place
he staid all night.
Sept. 1st, he crossed the Kittatinny Mountain at George
Croghan's Gap (Sterret's) and Sheerman's creek, and arriv-
ed that day at Andrew Montour's, accompanied by himself,
the Half-King, and another Indian, and my son. I found at
Andrew Montour's about 15 Indians, men, women and chil-
dren ; and more had been there, but were gone. Andrew's
wife had killed a sheep for them some days ago : she com-
plained that they had done great damage to the Indian corn,
which was now fit to roast ; and I found that there were most
APPENDIX. 495
every day Indians of those that came from Ohio with some er-
rand or other which always wanted some victuals in the bar-
gain ; I gave him ten pounds of the government money.
The 2d of Sept. we set out from Andrew Montour's with-
out any provision, because he told me we should be at Augh-
wick before night ; we rode six hours in the forenoon and
three in the afternoon — took up lodging in the woods.
Sept. 3d, we set out by six o'clock, and by eight we came
to the Trough Spring ; by 9 to the Shadow of Death, by 11
to the Black Log, and by 12 arrived at Aughwick. The
Indians fired off many guns to make me welcome, according
to their custom.
By the way, Tanacharisson, otherwise called the Half-
King, complained very much of Col. Washington, though in
a very moderate way, saying the colonel was so good-na-
tured a man, but had no experience, &c.
The Indians' names that were present at Auehwick in
Sept. 1754. 5
Tanacarisson— Seneca chief; Scarroyady— Oneida chief;
Tokaswayeston— Seneca chief ; Seneca George— chief ; Cap-
tain William— Seneca ; Kanachjakanyjady— Seneca ; Sako-
jaduntha— Cayuga ; Moses Contjochqua— Mohock; Aquo-
yioda — Mohock.
Shawanoes.— Lapechkewe, the Young King; Donyle-
queshoney; Wapatykeety, speaker; Kunjuchha (alias Penn)
the Runner; Catousiraa, Cachkawatchiky's, Grandchild, and
several others.
The white people that were present for the most part, my-
self and my son, Andrew Montour, Interpreter to the Dela-
wares ; George Croghan, Peter Sheffer, Hugh Crawford,
Thomas Simpson, and John Owen.
On the 8th Sept. about 10 o'clock, I left.
Aughwick, Old Town, October 16, 1754.
To Mr. Peters.
Sir-
Two days ago, came here an old man of the Six Nations,
from the French Fort on Ohio, and brought with him a very
large belt of black wampum, with a speech made on it by
4% APPENDIX.
one of the Six Nations, who lives wilh the commandant in
the Fort. The speech was, to desire those Indians to return
immediately to Ohio, to settle themselves under their father's
arm, where they might be sure to be fed and clothed ; with
great plenty, and where their wives and children would be
safe from the attack of any enemy, as they have plainly seen
that no enemy can stand before their father, the French.
The same man sent me the enclosed string of wampum, to
desire me at my peril, not to interfere nor stop those Indians
from going home to their own country. Those Indians' an-
swer was, that they never would return in peace with the
French, but that they expected to live yet on the Ohio lands,
which lands justly belong to them, their brethren, the Eng-
lish, and not to the French.
By every Indian that comes down from the Ohio, we hear
of great preparations making by the French to attack the
back inhabitants, in small parties, in hopes, I suppose, to
put a stop to any English army marching out this fall,
which I think they need not dread. Col. James Innes. has
built a fortification at the mouth of Wills' creek, opposite
the new store called Fort Mount Pleasant. He has invited
the Indians that are here to go to see him, and receive a
present fiom the government of Virginia, which he will de-
liver them. They set oil to-morrow, but leave their women
and children here behind till they return; which they expect
will be in ten days.
You heard of the Half-King's death, I hope, which has
been much lamented by all the Indians. As ( ol. Innes had
sent for them, I was obliged to make a condolence speech to
them, and a present of goods to cover his grave in the name
of the government of this province, as they could not see
the road, nor hear what the Governor of Virginia had to say
to them till that ceremony had been done ; the expense was
£23, 14 shillings: as I did it without any orders, I have omit-
ted putting it in the account, and submit it to the honorable
house, if they think proper to pay it with the balance of my
account, which I here inclose. I likewise leave it to the
honorable house what they please to allow me for my corn ;
out of 30 acres of good corn, the Indians have left me but
66 bushels, now measured, which corn Mr. Weiser saw
when he was up here, and told me I would be paid for it.
The Indians, at their return, intend to build a town here,
APPENDIX.
497
and expect the government will stoccade it round for them ;
for I assure yon the Indians apprehend danger this fall
from the French. I hope you will let me know by the
bearer, whom I send down at the request of the Indians,
what is to be done with them. They have been expensive
to the government, and I assure you no small trouble and
loss to me, more than I am able to bear, which Mr. Weiser
can inform you of. I expect as the Assembly sits you will
know what will be done for them, that I may know how to
act with them, or whether I shall let them go about their
business. If the house will pay my account and any thing
for the loss of my corn and expenses on the condolence speech,
which I expect, they will please to send the amount by the
bearer. I would have written to his Honor, the governor,
but thought it would be too forward in me, who had no ac-
quaintance with him. My compliments to Governor Ham-
ilton ; and pray excuse me for giving you so much trouble
to read so long a letter.
I am, sir,
Your most humble servant,
- . Geo. Croghan.
November 23, 1754.
To R. H. Morris.
May it please your Honor —
Four days ago an Indian man, called Caughcustian, of
the Delaware Nation, who had been gone six weeks to the
French Fort as a spy, returned and brings an account lhat
there were eleven hundred French come to the Fort on the
Ohio, and 70 French Indians, called the Orundox, and that
there were more French at the head of the Ohio, (Allegheny
river), and tljree hundred Indians of the Conewagos and Ot-
taways, which were expected every day when he left the
Fort — they have brought eight more cannons with them. He
says that the French sent out three small parties of Indians
against the English settlements before he left that ; but whi-
ther they are destined he could not find out. He likewise
says that the.e are three hundred French families settled at
the Twightwees town and thereabouts, which is a fine coun-
try, lying on this side of the southwest end of Lake Erie.
This news he had from a man of his Nation, who saw them»
42*
198 APJENDIX.
and had bought three cows from them. This news makes
the Indians here very uneasy, at whose instance I am obliged
to trouble your Honor with this express.
The Indians who went to the camp of Virginia, to treat
with that government, returned fifteen days ago with a pres-
ent of goods; and in two days ten men will return to camp
and stay there this winter, ami act as scouts. Monacatootha
and another chief set olfat the return of the express for the
Onondago country, and propose leaving the rest of the peo-
ple here the winter, in number about one hundred and eigh-
ty, big and little, at the expense of the government, (which,
ii' the government undertakes, will be no small expense) as
they are afraid to separate or go out in the woods a hunting
for fear of the enemy. I am sensible they have already been
a great expense to this government, and much more to me;
for they have destroyed all the corn and grain I had for the
support of my family this winter; and now I am obliged to
kill my own cattle for their support besides.
The chiefs have frequently kept out scouts to watch the
notions of the French, and obliged me to pay them, which
has cost me above £-30 worth of goods this summer, which
is a burden I am not able to bear, and I can't charge the
government, as I had no orders to do so.
I hope your Honor will send some persrn to provide for
them, if the government intends to maintain them this win-
ter, or let me know, that I may discharge them before I set
off, as I am going to remove into the inhabitants ; for I as-
sure your Honor, I don't think myself safe here.
I am ashamed of troubling the government with so many
expresses as 1 have done this summer ; but I assure your
Honor I had been obliged to do it, at the repeated instance
of the chiefs of those Indians.
I hope your Honor will dispatch this messenger, as Mon-
acatootha waits impatiently for his return, to set off to the
Onondago country. If your Honor intends to provide for
those people, it must be done very soon, as there will be no
carrying across the mountains in a little time.
I am, sir,
Your Honor's most humble
and most obedient servant,
Geo. Croghan.
APPENDIX. 499
P. S. I understand the reason of the French making those
great preparations this winter, is from a report by one of
the deserters from the Virginia regiment, took there this
summer, that there were four thousand of his Majesty's
troops coming from England to Virginia, to act this fall on
the expedition.
g. a
E.— Page 273-303.
Stump's Case.
Gov. Perm's several Proclamations, fyc, See.
I. Proclamation.
Whereas, it appears by a deposition, this day taken, be-
fore the chief justice of this Province, that on Sunday, the
10th day of this month, a certain Frederick Stump, a Ger-
man of Penn's township, in the county of Cumberland, did,
in violation of the public faith, and in defiance of all law,
inhumanly and wickedly kill, without any provocation, four
Indian men, and two Indian women, in his own house, near
the mouth of Middle creek, in the said'eounty ; and that the
said Frederick Stump went the next day to an Indian cabin,
about 14 miles up the said creek, and there barbarously put
to death, and burnt an Indian woman, two girls and a young
child.
And, whereas, not only common justice loudly demands,
but the laws of the land, and the preservation of the public
faith of Treaties with the several Indian Nations require that
the most speedy and vigorous exertions of the civil authority
should be made, in order to secure, and bring to condign
punishment, an offender that hath perpetrated so audacious
and cruel an act on Indians, who, for several months past,
have lived near the frontiers of this Province in a friendly
and quiet manner, and have at all times, since the establish-
ment of the general peace with the Indians in 1764, behaved
themselves peaceably and inoffensively to all his majesty's
subjects.
I have, therefore, by and with the advice of the council,
thought fit to issue this proclamation, and do hereby strictly
charge and command all judges, and justices, sheriffs, con-
stables, officers civil and military, and all other of his Ma-
jesty's faithful subjects within this Province, to make diligent
search and enquiry after the said Frederick Stump ; and that
APPENDIX.
501
they use all possible means to apprehend and secure him in
one ol the public jails of this Province, to be proceeded
against according to law. And I do hereby promise and
engage, that any person or persons, who shall apprehend and
secure the said Frederick Stump, so that he be brought to
conviction, shall have and receive the public reward of two
hundred pounds.
Given under my hand, and the great seal of the said pro-
vince, at Philadelphia, the 19th January, 1768.
II. Proclamation.
Whereas, a number of armed men, unlawfully assembled,
did, on Friday, the 29th of January last, forcibly enter the
jail at Carlisle, in Cumberland county, and, in defiance of
all laws, rescue from thence the persons of Frederick Stump
and John Ironcutter, who had been apprehended and com-
mitted there, for the murder of ten Indians, on Middle crk.,
and have since set them at liberty.
And, whereas, the measures hitherto pursued for retaking
the said Stump and Ironcutter, have proveuMneffectual ; and
there is reason to believe that the murderers are either con-
cealed within this province, or have made their escape to
some of the neighboring colonies.
And, whereas, it is absolutely necessary in the present cri-
tical situation of affairs, for the preservation of the peace and
friendship subsisting between his Majesty's subjects and the
several Indian Nations ; and as it is highly expedient for the
discouragement of such atrocious crimes, that the said Fred-
erick Stump and John Ironcutter should be brought to exem-
plary punishment.
I have, therefore, with the advice of the council, thought
fit to issue this, my second proclamation, hereby strictly
charging and commanding all judges, justices, sheriffs, con-
stables, and the civil and military officers, as well as all
other subjects within this government, to make diligent search
and enquiry after the said Frederick Stump and John Iron-
cutter, and to use all possible means for apprehending and
securing them, that they may be proceeded against according
-~>0'2 APPENDIX.
to law. And as an encouragement for bringing the said offen-
ders to justice, I do hereby promise and engage, that any
person or persons, who shall apprehend and secure the said
Frederick Stump and John Ironcutter, so that they may be
prosecuted to conviction, shall have and receive, as public
reward for Frederick Stump, two hundred pounds, current
money; and for John Ironcutter, one hundred pounds: and
for the better security of saiil Stump and Ironcutter, I have
caused a description to be published at the foot of this proc-
lamation.
Given under my hand and seal of the said province, at
Philadelphia, the lGth of March, in the year of our Lord
one thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight, and in the
eighth year of his Majesty's reign.
Jly his Honor's command.
John Penn.
Joseph Shipper), jr., Secretary.
[God save the King].
Description of Frederick Stump and John Ironcutter, viz :
Frederick Stump, born in Heidelberg township, Lancaster
county, in Pennsylvania, of German parents. He is about
-i'S years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, a stout fellow, and
well proportioned ; of a brown complexion, thin visaged, has
small black eyes, with a downcast look, and wears short
black hair ; he speaks the German language wTell, and the
English but indifferently. He had on, when rescued, a light
brown cloth coat, a blue great coat, an old hat, feather
breeches, blue leggins and mockasons.
John Ironcutter, bom in Germany, is about 19 years of
age, 5 feet 6 inches high, a thick, clumsy fellow, round-
shouldered, of a dark brown complexion, has a smooth, full
face, grey eyes, wears short brown hair, and speaks very
little English. He had on, when rescued, a blanket coat, an
old felt hat, buckskin breeches, a pair of long trousers, coarse
white yarn stocking, and shoes with brass buckles.
appendix. 503
Chief Justice's Warrant.
Pennsylvania, ss.
Whereas, proof hath been made before me, William Allen,
Esq., chief justice of the Province of Pennsylvania, that a
certain Frederick Stump, of Penn's township, in Cumberland
county, hath most maliciously and barbarously killed and
murdered four Indian men, three Indian women, and three
Indian children, being in the peace of God, and of our Lord,
the King. These are, therefore, in his Majesty's name, to
wdl and require you, and every one of you, forthwith to make
diligent search for the said Frederick Stump, and him the
said Frederick Stump to apprehend, and take and bring him
before me, or any other of his Majesty's justices of Oyer and
Terminer, for the Province of Pennsylvania, to answer for
the said murders, and to be dealt with according to law. And
I do hereby require all his Majesty's liege subjects, inhabit-
ants of the Province, to be aiding and assisting to the utmost
of their power, towards apprehending the said Frederick
Stump.
In witness, whereof, I have hereunto set the seal of the
Supreme Court of the Province of Pennsylvania, this 19th
day of January, A. D., 1768.
William Allen.
To the high sheriff, under-sheriff, constables, bailiff, and
all other officers of the said Province of Pennsylvania, and
particularly to those of the several counties of Cumberland,
Lancaster, York, and Berks.
The following are the names of the Indians killed on the
10th and 11th of January, 1768, by Frederick Stump and
John Ironcutter, at Middle creek, viz:
The White Mingo, otherwise called John Cook, a Seneca
Indian, whose relations are said to live on the head of the
Cayuga branch, (which runs into the Susquehanna at Dia-
hoga,) at a place called Pee-raee-kannink, not far from Gen-
essee.
Cornelius, a Mohickon Indian, from a place called Pagh-
Sekacunk, on the Susquehanna, 6 miles below Diahoga.
John Campbell, a Mohickon Indian also.
504 APPENDIX.
Jonas Grifly, either a Stoekbridge or Jersey Indian.
Women. — The White Mingo's wife. Two other women,
supposed to be the wives of Cornelius and John Campbell.
Two girls and a child.
The women are said to be of the Delaware and Shawa-
nese tribes. — [Prov. Records.
A letter from the Governor to the Magistrates of the county
of Cumberland.
Philadelphia, 19th January, 1768.
Gentlemen —
Having received certain information that on Sunday, the
10th inst., Frederick Stump, a German, of Peon's township,
in Cumberland county, did, without provocation, murder in
the most cruel and inhuman manner, in his own house, near
the mouth of Middle creek, four Indian men, and two Indian
women, and that the next day he proceeded fourteen miles
up that creek, and there put to death and burnt in their cab-
ins an Indian woman, two girls, and a child. I do hereby
strictly charge and require you immediately to exert your-
selves in the most active manner on this occasion, by giving
your assistance to the sheriff and the officers of justice in
executing the chief justice's warrant, and taking all other
measures in your power for the immediate apprehending the
said Frederick Stump, and that also give your best assist-
ance to the sheriff in sending him under such a guard as may-
secure him from all possibility of escape or rescue down to
this city, agreeable to the chief justice's warrant forwarded
for that purpose, by this opportunity, to be examined by one
of the justices of the Oyer and Terminer, and to be dealt with
by them according to law.
The sheriff and the officers of the county should be dis-
patched without the least delay to George Gabriel's house,
on Penn's creek, where, I am informed Stump is gone, and
to such other places where it is most likely he may be found.
You are also to give directions for the apprehending of his
servanflad, (whose name I don't yet know) about 18 years
of age, who was whh him at the murder of the women and
children, and is, perhaps, the most material evidence that can
be got against him. You are likewise to direct the coroner
APJPENDIX. 505
of your county to proceed thither, and to the cabins before
mentioned, and to hold an inquest on the bodies of all the
said Indians that can be found, and cause them to be buried
in a very decent manner.
I am persuaded, gentlemen, that the love of justice, a sense
of duty, and a regard for the public safety, will be sufficient
with you to exert yourselves in such a manner as to leave no
measures untried which may be likely to apprehend and bring
to punishment the perpetrators of so horrid a crime, which
in its consequences will certainly involve us again in all the
calamities of an Indian war, and be attended with the effu-
sion of much innocent blood, unless by a proper exertion of
the powers of government, and a due execution of the laws,
we can satisfy our Indian allies, that the government does
not countenance those who wantonly spill their blood, and
convince them, that we think ourselves bound by solemn
treaties made with them.
I have this matter somewhat at heart, that I have deter-
mined to give a reward of £200 to any person or persons
who shall apprehend the said Frederick Stump and bring
him to justice, and should have sent up proclamations for
that purpos3, by this opportunity, if I was not apprehensive
the setting up, and making public such proclamations might
be a means of terrifying him, and put him on making his es-
cape, or absconding before the officers of justice could take
him. I mention this, therefore, to you in confidence, and
that you by discreetly communicating it to such as you think
proper, may the more easily prevail with them, willingly to
engage in the undertaking, and you may assure them, that
they shall have the reward, though he should be apprehend-
ed before the proclamation is actually published.
I am, with great regard, gentlemen,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
John Penn.
To John Armstrong, James Galbreath and John Bayard,
Esqrs. and others, his Majesty's Justices for Cumberland
county.
43
506 APPENDIX.
Letter to William Allen, Esq., Chief Justice, from the Mag-
istrates of Cumberland county.
Carlisle, 27th January, 1768.
Sir—
At a consultation of the subscribing magistrates, 'tis
agreed to inform you, that, in obedience to the orders of his
Honor, the Governor, and your special warrant, the sheriff
and posse of this county, on the evening of the 23d instant,
stood prepared to set out, in order to apprehend Frederick
Stump and his servant man, when, to our satisfaction, Capt.
William Patterson, together with about 20 young men of the
settlers on Juniata, brought in the said Stump and servant,
who were delivered to the sheriff and committed to our jail
for their sale keeping, until the sheriff could be prepared
with a safeguard to carry them down to Philadelphia. But,
when the sheriff was ready, viz : on the morning of the 25th,
the river was thought to be impassable, and any impediment
in the way judged at last to be attended with possible haz-
ard, so that as the prisoners were in custody, it was agreed
best to retain them until this day, when the magistrates were
notified to meet here, in order to assist the sheriff with their
advice and influence at his setting out with the prisoners, who
met accordingly, but were furnished with various suggestions
that the relatives and connexions of Stump would very pro-
bably attempt a risk, as he (Stump) had been heard to say
that he expected his trial where the act was committed,
which, taken in conjunction with other circumstantial ap-
pearances, moved us to suspect that the removal of the pris-
oners, at this time, would but too probable be attended with
bad consequences, and to conceive the first expedient incum-
bent upon is to inform the principal officers of the govern-
ment of these appearances, of the safety of the prisoners in
this jail ; and to the best of our knowledge the hearty incli-
nations of the body of the county to see public justice admi-
nistered, submitting any further procedure at present to the
judgment of our superiors.
We are sorry to inform you that the officer of the coroner
has been prevented by his taking sick on the road, and as we
are informed, is yet confined by a pleurisy, and that since we
received this account, it has been impracticable to pass the
sundry waters in that part of the country, and are now of
APPENDIX.
507
opinion, that beyond doubt the dead bodies are swept off by
this extraordinary flood.
For your satisfaction we hereby send the confession of
Frederick Stump and John Ironcutter, made on the 25th in-
stant, and am, sir, with great respect and esteem,
Your most obedient humble servants,
John Armstrong,
James Galbreath,
John McKnight,
Jonathan Hoge,
Robert Miller,
William Lyon.
To the Hon. William Allen, Esq., Chief Justice of the
Province of Pa., at Philadelphia — by Robert Harvey, who
will wait ior an answer.
A letter from the Governor to the Magistrates of the county
of Lancaster.
Philadelphia, 19th January, 1768.
Gentlemen —
Having received certain information that on Sunday the
10th instant, Frederick Stump, a German, of Penn township,
in Cumberland county, did, without provocation, murder in
the most cruel and inhuman manner, in his own house, near
the mouth of Middle creek, four Indian men, and two Indian
women, and that the next day, he proceeded 14 miles up
said creek, and there put to death, and burnt in their cabins,
an Indian woman, two girls and a child. I do hereby strictly
charge and require you immediately to exert yourselves in
the most active manner, on this occasion, by giving your as-
sistance to the sheriff and other officers of justice in execut-
ing the chief justice's warrant, and taking all other measures
in your power, for the immediate apprehending the said Fre-
derick Stump, and that you also give your best assistance to
the sheriff, in sending him under such a guard as may secure
him from all possibility of escape, or rescue, down to this
city, agreeable to the chief justice's warrant, forwarded for
that purpose, by this opportunity, to be examined by one of
the justices of Oyer and Terminer, and to be dealt with by
them according to, l#w.
508 APPENDIX.
I have directed the magistrates of Cumberland county to
dispatch the sheriff, with the power of the county, without
delay, to George Gabriel's house, on Penn's creek, where I
am informed Slump is gone, and to such other places as it is
most likely lie may be found. But, as it is probable, he may
abscond and throw himself out of the jurisdiction of Cumber-
land, by crossing the Susquehanna and taking refuge in the
upper part of Lancaster county, near that river, it will be
absolutely necessary that your sheriff, with all the assistance
he can collect, be also dispatched as far as Mahonoy creek,
or the furthest limits of the county, to be in readiness to ap-
prehend him, in case he should retire thither.
I am persuaded, gentlemen, that the love of justice, a sense
of duty, and a regard for the public safety, will be sufficient
inducements with you to exert yourselves in such a manner
as to leave no measures untried, which may be likely to ap-
prehend and bring to punishment the perpetrators of so hor-
rid a crime, which, in its consequences, will certainly involve
us again in all the calamities of an Indian war, and be at-
tended with the effusion of much human blood, unless, by a
proper exercise of the powers of government, clue exertion of
the laws, we can satisfy our Indian allies that the government
does not countenance those who wantonly spill their blood,
and convince them that we think ourselves bound by the
solemn treaties made with them.
I have this matter so much at heart, that I have deter-
mined to give a reward of £200 to any person or persons
who shall apprehend the said Frederick Stump and bring
him to justice, and should have sent up proclamations for the
purpose, by this opportunity, if I was not apprehensive that
the setting up, and making public such proclamations might
be a means of terrifying him and put him on making his es-
cape, or absconding before the officers of justice could take
him. I mention this, therefore, to you in confidence, and
that you, by discreetly communicating it to such as you think
proper, may the more easily prevail with them, willingly to
engage in the undertaking, and you may assure them that
they shall have the reward, though he should be apprehend-
ed before the proclamation is actually published.
I am, with great regard, gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
John Penn*
APPENDIX. 509
To Emanuel Carpenter, Isaac Saunders, Edward Shippen,
Adam Simon Kuhn, Adam Reed, James Burd, John Philip
De Haas, and James Bickham, Esqrs., and others, his Ma-
jesty's Justices of the Peace.
A similar letter was written by the Governor to James
Diemar, John Patton, Henry Christ, and other justices of
Berks county.
John Armstrong's Letter to the Governor.
Carlisle, 24th January, 1768.
May it please your Honor —
Your Honor's orders of the 19th inst, together with
the chief justice's warrant came to hand yesterday afternoon.
This most barbarous murder, pregnant as it is with every
gloomy appearance, as well to the public as to many help-
less families, you very justly conceived of.
Agreeable to these apprehensions, as soon as the report
came here, although at second hand, I did, with the advice
of a number of magistrates write for and immediately sent
off the coroner, not only to do his office, but to use every
possible means, whether by stratagem or force, to bring in
Frederick Stump and his servant man, hoping at the same
time, that unless men were lost to reflection, and the laws of
society, the thing would not be to do when the coroner
should get there, accordingly to our great satisfaction, whilst
in obedience to the orders of government we were fixing out
the sheriff with William Lyon, James Maxwell and John
Allison, Esqrs., who were to have a proper guard, Stump
and his man were brought to town about 8 o'clock, P. M.,
by Capt. Wm. Patterson, and about 20 young men, inhabit-
ants of Juniata, who did this good act, and the sheriff sets
out with the criminals to-morrow morning. I hope the cor-
oner, who has not yet time to return, nor did the party meet
him, will also be enabled to do his office. I told him to bury
those said to be under the ice, at least in two graves, and
also sent a message to Patterson, before he came here, pro-
vided the fellows even cannot be taken, that if any Indians
were in them parts, he should immediately be dispatched to
the Great Island, or next party of Indians, to assure them
that the government would do them justice; accordingly, he
43*
510
APPENDIX.
tells rae he has sent one Gersham Hicks, formerly a prisoner
with the Indians, and have also ad vised that if a second mes-
senger can be got, he may be sent to show the particular
•are your Honor has taken on the occasion, but the last, I
hope may be better effected by Blyth, on his return home, if
any Indians there be about him. We have not attempted
any formal examinations here, but the fellows frankly ac-
knowledge that they were the onlyperpctrators at both pla-
ces : Stump killing 9 of the Indians, and the servant one, but
fonacd a similar story touching the conduct of the Six
Indians at Stump's house, and the necessity lie was under
io kill them, which I take to be false. The report of the
roroner shall be transmitted by the first opportunity after his
return. Sundry families are fled off of the Susquehanna, near
to Stump's, yet 1 think the Indians will consult before they
attempt hostilities, but am afraid they may strike before any
proper state of this matter can be sent them.
I am, your Honor's
most obedient and humble servant,
John Armstrong.
Governor Penn :
28th inst., the magistrate's letter to the chief justice
will show the coroner's disappointment as well as that of my
own expectations, when 1 wrote your Honor as above, re-
specting the speedy removal of the prisoners to Philadelphia.
\Ve are most sincerely anxious and deeply affected, why a
punctual compliance with your Honor's orders and the war-
rant of the chief justice, in regard of sending Stump to Phil-
adelphia for examination, &c, should meet with any appear-
ance of reluctance or disobedience upon our parts, which is
tar from the fact, but the truth is humbly vested in your
Honor's confidence, that by certain means an alarm is raised
in the minds of many, touching their privileges in this, and
in any future case, which they allege would be infringed by
this measure, as they take it for granted that these men would
not be remanded for trial to the county where the fact was
committed, but the whole process carried through at Phila-
delphia, and these opinions and uneasiness are founded chief-
ly on the judgment of some person supposed to be learned in
the law; so that on the whole, we have not had it in our
power to do otherwise than we have done, without a mani-
APPENDIX. 511
fest risk of complicated .evil, as will more fully appear by the
letter now sent the chief justice. The sentiments of the mag-
istrates expressed in that letter, as they respect the safety
of the prisoners here, and desire of the people that justice
may be distributed to them. I think you may fully rely on,
and also upon any thing in our power to do, in aiding the
sheriff, should the sending down of these unhappy people be
thought indispensable. I have not rested from this affair
since last Saturday at 1 o'clock, and ought now to have been
in town, had not these troubles arose.
J. A.
Philadelphia, 3d February, 176S.
Sir:
The moment I received your letters of the 24th and
28th alt., I was sending off an express to your sheriff with
positive orders to bring the bodies of Frederick Stump and
his servant, Ironcutter, to the verge of your county and de-
liver them to the sheriff of Lancaster, that they may be con-
veyed forthwith agreeable to the Chief Justice's warrant to
this city for examination. I find no answer from your let-
ters to countermand the above order, and therefore expect
that absolute obedience be paid to it. Time will not at pres-
ent admit of my saying more on this occasion, than that 1
am astonished at the impertinent insolence of those who here
take upon them to suggest even to suppose that the govern-
ment or judges intended to do so illegal an act as to try pris-
oners in any other county or place than where the fact was
committed, and that, if the inferior officers of government
are with impunity suffered to control, or counteract the pro-
ceedings of their superiors, there will not only be an end to
all subordination and order, but of government itself.
I am, sir, your most obedient
and humble servant,
John Penn.
To John Armstrong, at Carlisle.
Lancaster, 28th January, (Noon,) 1768.
Honored Sir:
As soon as the magistrates of this county received the
honor of your directions by William Blyth for apprehending
012 APPENDIX.
Frederick Stump, the sheriff and coroner went off with a
copy of said directions, to James Burd, Esq., and other offi-
cers are now returned, and inform us that the murderers of
the Indians is taken by young Capl. Patterson with a par-
ty of twenty more, and secured in Carlisle jail, that on our
said officers return to Mr. John Harris's, Mr. liuid being
there they sent an express over to the sheriff of the county
of Cumberland, desiring him to bring Stump to them and
they would take care to convey him safely down to Phila.
in order to be examined, but he wrote them for answer that
he could not, for reasons which he should immediately send
by express down to his Honor the Governor. The magis-
trates who live in this borough thought it advisable to send
your Honor this news by express, who is to set off after his
horse is shod.
I am your Honor's affectionate friend,,
and most obedient and humble servant,
Edward Shippen.
Carlisle, February 7th, 1768.
May it please your Honor :
Last night your Honor's favor of the 3d inst. by Apty,
express, came to hand, whereby 1 see you had not received
my last, on the taking of Stump and his servant out of this
jail by violence. I shall not spend your Honor's time in
showintr the several methods that have since been taken to
have these men delivered back to the custody of the sheriff,
as he no doubt will do that by the return of your express,
nor can I fully express the distraction of mind and uneasi-
ness I have with many others here, at this piece of outrage
and disregard of lawful authority, directly calculated to awa-
ken the shame of our best friends, and upon a poor unfortu-
nate county the just resentment of the government, and pen-
alties of the law. And yet should I presume so far on your
Honor's candor, as expect to be believed, when I assure you
that after the closest examination I have been able to make,
even the ignorant and giddy crowd, who have committed
this hasty, flagrant violation of the established course of jus-
tice, have done it under the influence of a mistaken appre-
hension of the intentions of carrying Stump to Philadelphia,
APPENDIX. 513
together with a few particular matters that the more orderly
and sedate among them, as well as their young people, deep-
ly lament, and complain of, as bearing hard on them in their
exposed situation.
They tell us that the government always manifests a great-
er concern at the killing or death of an Indian, than at the
death or killing of any of them — that the Indians first break
the peace, and have since the last establishment thereof, kill-
ed a considerable number of Pennsylvanians at different times
and places, and that no lamentation has been made, nor ex-
ertion of the powers of government, to bring those savage
butchers (as they call them) to account for this dangerous
and bloody account, whereby, they say, that some of the
frontier people will always be exposed to suffer the same
fate, and that their wives and children must be threatened
and insulted by Indians, and that a number of them must re-
ceive the fatal blow before they dare say it is war, with sun-
dry other complaints of this sort. All these things have been
reasoned against to the uttermost in our power, in order to
appease these piteous and distracted people, as well as to
convince them that those matters have no connection with
the conduct of such of their young men as have in this in-
stance opposed themselves to lawful authority and to the Di-
vine Author of it; but that the perceptible and illegal beha-
vior of this is directly calculated to prevent them the benefit
of that seasonable protection and relief they have always a
right to expect, when their grievances are dutifully repre-
sented.
That the sheriff and magistrates here had sufficient reason
to fear a rescue of the prisoners, and other mischievous con-
sequences on the road, had they been sent off when we ap-
prehended the river to have been passable, is beyond all
doubt ; for it is a matter of great surprise with what rapid-
ity, and to what extent this wild spirit of jealousy was car-
ried ahroad, and how many different parties as well out of
this county as in it, were all intending the same thing, viz :
to prevent the prisoners being carried to Philadelphia for
trial, as their mistake led them to believe : notwithstanding,
wre had not the least suspicion that any would attempt to
take them out of the county jail, which they say they would
by no means have done, but that they imagined we would
convey them off secretly by night,
514 APPENDIX.
These madmen, however, keep Stump and his servant
confined somewhere beyond the mountains, but at what par-
ticular place we have not yet heard, but think that they are
not yet out of Sheerraan's valley, from whence we have still
expectations of having them delivered back to the sheriff,
"lis but natural for such as know our unhappy circumstan-
ces, to believe that the severest measures ought before this
time to have been taken, but permit me to assure your Hon-
or, that none other than what has been taken, and what we
are still engaged in, could yet have been attempted by us,
with any probability of success.
Whilst this letter lay unsealed, I was favored with your
Honor's agreeable instructions of the 4th inst. which, though
more mild than the offenders had any reason to expect, yet
probably adapted to the present circumstances, and will very
probably produce the desired effect. I intend to set out to-
morrow morning to cross the mountains, and shall detain the
second express in order to carry down the answer that I shall
receive from those persons, who at present detain Stump and
his servant man.
Your Honor's faithful and
Most humble servant,
John Armstrong.
To Governor Penn.
Philadelphia, February 4, 1768.
Sir:
The information given in yours of the 29th ult. of the res-
cue of Frederick Stump and his servant gives me the greatest
concern, and is truly alarming. Perhaps, if the magistracy
of your county had not indiscreetly (to say no more) interpos-
ed when thesheriffwas ready to proceed with the prisoners
to Philadelphia, this event so full of mischievous consequen-
ces had not happened. However, since matters have so
unluckily fallen out, the best is to be done what the exigen-
cy of the case requires and the most probable method of re-
gaining the custody of the prisoners, are now to be pursued.
If the people who have gone into this rash and wicked step
were actuated by the principles they professed of preserving
their rights rather than those of screening the prisoners from
the hand of justice, they will certainly be ready to deliver
APPENDIX. 515
them up when they can be satisfied that they will receive
their trial in the county where the offences were committed.
You will therefore, in the first place, try the expedient of
assuring these people (if it can be known who they are) that
the governor never entertained the least thought of so ille-
gal an act as trying them out of their proper county, and
that they were ordered down to Philadelphia that the Chief
Justice himself might have the examination of them in a
matter of such consequence, and that they might then be out
of the reach of any attempts to rescue them, which their
friends or abettors might be disposed to make, till the time
of their trial. If, upon this assurance they will retake the
prisoners, or deliver them up, it will go a good way towards
convincing me, and all others, that they, upon a mistaken
notion took this rash, though most unwarrantable step, to
prevent an invasion of their rights. If this measure should
fail of the desired effect, and these people should persist in
refusing to deliver up the prisoners, or if they have already
permitted their escape, you are, after waiting a reasonable
time for the result, to proceed immediately in the most ac-
tive and vigorous manner, as well for apprehending the pri^
soners who have been rescued as to procure testimony on
which to found legal charges against the rioters (many of
whom it is more than probable you, and those other magis-
trates who were present with you, and were witnesses of the
whole transaction, personally know,) for this most daring
assault upon the laws of the country, and with the assist-
ance of the magistrates, you are to call before all such wit-
nesses as you may think can give any information of the
names of the rioters, and to take their examinations, and to
issue warrants for apprehending and securing them, and upon
every occasion which you may think requires it, you are to
dispatch expresses, informing me of any material occurrence,
that I may take the measures which I may think necessary :
and particularly you are to dispatch an express immediately
with the answer which the rioters may give to the assurance
which you are above instructed to make them. I must press
you, and the magistrates, in the most earnest manner, that
upon this important occasion, you exert the utmost assiduity,
vigor and activity in your power, least a failure of success
in our endeavors to bring the persons to justice should in-
516 APPENDIX*
volve the frontier inhabitants in the dreadful efforts of an
Indian war.
I am, Sir,
Your most humble and obedient servant*
John Penn.
To John Armstrong, at Carlisle.
Carlisle, 26th of February, 1768.
May it please your Honor :
I thank your Honor for your favor of the 20th instant,
which came to hand at the same time as your last general
letter to the magistrates of this county, and also for the lib-
erty you are pleased to grant me of going to Philadelphia
for the justification of my conduct, in regard to that opposi-
tion to the chief justice's warrant with which I am charged,
in the case of Frederick Stump, and shall accordingly wait
on your Honor as soon as I possibly can.
The less, therefore, is at this time necessary to be said,
having lately sent a state of that matter to the chief justice,
which I expect he will produce to your Honor. Had I, on
that occasion, been conscious of disobedience or injury to the
public, it is not very likely I should have wrote you in the
manner I did, and in so many different letters have always
neglected even the least labor to justify myself. I knew
ray own innocence, and never imagined that any person
would ever suggest the contrary, or that my conduct would
be placed to your Honor in that point of light in which it
now appears to stand, for, however, directly or otherwise,
any may have wrote or spoken to my disadvantage, or how-
ever mistaken I might by any means have been, yet, an
act so unnatural as that of voluntary disobedience, either
to your orders, or the chief justice's warrant, I beg leave
to say, is at least highly improbable, unless I were known
to be actuated by principles equally opposed to virtue and
my own interest.
The letters I wrote were never intended to palliate the
crime of the lawless mob who rescued the prisoners, but rea-
dily confess, that at that time, I had strong expectations they
would be returned, which led me to mention those things
that your Honor now construes to be against me. 'Tis very
true, I was desirous that the impending resentment of the
APPENDIX. 517
government might be mitigated, had they returned the pris-
oners, but this desire arose from very different motives, than
barely to cover the crimes. My principal intention was, to
acquaint your Honor more generally of the prevailing tem-
per and sentiments of the people, which I conceived neces-
sury that you should know, and therefore incumbent upon
ms to relate.
The anxiety and public concern I have had on the present
occasion, has at least been considerable ; but your Honor's
conceptions of my conduct have added a complete supplement.
However, as by the utmost exertion of my capacity, I find
myself still unable to render that satisfaction for which I have
faithfully labored. Duty obliges me to rest on one compre-
hensive wish — The will of God may be done.
As soon as the breaking up of the river would admit a
passage, I did not fail of having conveyed for your informa-
tion, all that I there had heard — but deferred sending anoth-
er express until the utmost intelligence could be had, from
which it is now evident that Stump and Ironcutter are both
set at liberty. The former, 'tis said, went first to the parts
where he had lived ; thence proceeded to his father's, in Tul-
pahawka, in which neighborhood, 'tis alleged, he yet remains.
That his friends are to ask advice of some able counsellor in
the law, to know whether there is a good prospect of his
safety, and should the answer be agreeable, that he may be
expected to deliver himself up in the month of April, other-
wise, is determined to flee somewhere, and most probably, I
should think, in some part of Virginia. Ironcutter, 'tis said,
was carried off by a German, suspected to be from Tulpe-
hawka ; but I think it natural to suppose that Stump and he
will repair to some back part of Virginia, if they are not al-
ready gone. I shall not assert the reasons assigned by the
rioters for their aggravated guilt in dismissing Ironcutter ; —
the grand reason being now evident — unwillingness that
white men should be brought to the risk of life for killing
Indians at this time, when war is expected.
I herewith send a copy of the proceedings of the magis-
trates, on receipt of your Honor's orders of the 20th instant,
and had intended their meeting on the 25th, in consequence
of former orders. We have got testimony against 21 of those
that committed the rescue, including the ringleaders, as we
suppose; and have already issued a number of warrants. I
44
\
518 APPENDIX.
design this by express, but, if disappointed, by the first safe
hand ; and am, sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
John Armstrong.
To Governor Penn.
Extract of a letter from Carlisle, containing a full account
of the taking and rescue of Frederick Stump.
" Captain William Patterson, lately in the Provincial ser-
vice, now living on Juniata, about 20 miles from Frederick
Stump's, hearing of the murder committed by him and his
servant, on the bodies ot a number of Indians, engaged 19
men, at two shillings and sixpence per diem wages, to go
with him to take them. On their approach, Stump fled to
the woods ; but Patterson pretended to the people in the
house, that he came there to get Stump to go with them and
kill the Indians at the Great Island ; this decoy had the de-
sired effect. Some one went out, found and brought Stump
to the house. On his coming in, Patterson arrested, bound,
and brought him, with his servant, John Ironcutter, without
delay, to Carlisle jail, where he was lodged on Saturday
evening, the 23d of March, 1768. The court just then con-
cluding, all the justices were in the town. The Monday
morning following, the sheriff was preparing to carry him to
Philadelphia, agreeable to the express mandate of the chief
justice's warrant ; but a doubt arose amongst the justices and
townspeople, as is pretended, whether the sheriff had a right
to remove him, he being committed to their jail by two jus-
tices, Armstrong and Miller. But the truth was, they ap-
prehended a design to try him at Philadelphia, though the
chief justice's warrant expressly commanded that he should
be brought down for examination — and thereupon the sher-
iff was directed to proceed in his duty.
" Wednesday, several justices again met, to consult about
sending him down ; while they were consulting, about 40 of
the country people assembled, and marched near the town,
declaring they would take him out of jail, as they understood
he was to be taken to Philadelphia. A gentleman advised
them not to go into town, but send in two of their party, to
know the sentiments of the magistrates on that head. The
two messengers came into town, and received assurances that
APPENDIX.
519
Stump should not be sent to Philadelphia, but receive his
trial at Carlisle ; upon which the messengers returned, and
the company dispersed, and went to their respective dwell-
ings.
" Thus matters quietly rested until Friday, when a com-
pany from Shearman's valley, about 15 miles from Carlisle,
and Stump's neighborhood, assembled, and came near the
town, about eight of whom came in by couples ; the first two
that entered the prison, asked the jailer for a dram, or some
liquor, which he went to get for them, and when he brought
it, the others entered. They directly drew a cutlass, and
presented a pistol, swearing they would kill him, if he re-
sisted, or made the least noise ; the same care was taken as
to the jailer's wife. Immediately came up the general com-
pany, of about 60 armed men, and surrounded the jail : the
rioters within had a sledge, crowbar, and axe, with which
(as some say) they broke the inner jail door ; while others
assert, that they had procured the keys of the dungeon from
a girl in the jail. They proceeded down to the dungeon,
where Stump lay handcuffed, the chain which fastened him
to the floor having been taken off two days before. They
then brought him up. In the meantime came the sheriff,
Colonel John Armstrong, Robert Miller, Esq., and Parson
Steel, who were admitted within the circle of the armed men
round the jail, but not knowing of others being within, went
on the steps of the jail, and declared they would defend it
with their lives. By this time those within came with Stump
to the door — the sheriff seizing him, when one of the men
made a thrust with a cutlass, which passed close by his
throat, and immediately the whole body surrounded the sher-
iff and justices, and carried them to the middle of the street,
but happily did not touch a hair of their heads, and went off
with Stump, greatly shouting; — but first took him to a smith,
whom they obliged to cut off his irons. The sheriff and jus-
tices immediately went after them, and overtook one-half of
the company ; but the rest, with Stump, were gone over the
hills to Shearman's valley.
Some of them declared they would give Mr. Patterson the
interest of his £200 reward, which should not be of any ser-
vice to him, and great danger is now apprehended to his
person and property, for his upright and spirited behavior in
the cause of virtue and his country.
520 APPENDIX.
" N. B. John Ironcutter was also rescued and carried off
with Stump."
The editor of the Pa. Gazette, continues as follows :
" By a gentleman who left Carlisle last Thursday, we are
informed that the sheriff, clergy, magistrates, and several
other reputable inhabitants, had been to Shearman's valley,
among the people that rescued Stump, and represented to
them the consequences of their conduct, in such a manner,
that they seemed convinced of their error, and promised to;
deliver him up in three days ; and that it was expected they
would bring him back last Friday night.
" By another gentleman, arrived since from Lancaster co.,
we are informed that the inhabitants of the frontier were so
alarmed at what had happened, that many of them left their
places 5 and that Capt. Patterson being threatened by the
rescuers of Srump, was obliged to keep a guard in his house
night and day.
F. — Tedyescung.
Tedyescung was the last Delaware chief in these parts
east of the Alleghany mountains. His name makes a con-
spicuous figure in the history of Pennsylvania previous to the
Revolution, and particularly towards the commencement of
the war of 1756.
Before he was raised to the station of a chief, he had sig-
nalised himself as an able counsellor in his nation. In the
year 1749, he joined the Christian Indian congregation, and
the following year, at his earnest desire, was christened by
the name of Gideon. He had been known before under that
of Honest John.
It was not until the year 1754, that his nation called on
him to assume a military command. The French were then
stirring up the Indians, particularly the Delawares, to aid
them in fighting the English, telling them if they suffered
them to go on as they had done, they would very soon not
have a foot of land to live on. The Susquehanna and Fork
Indians (Delawares) were then in want of" a leading charac-
ter to advise and govern them — their great, good, beloved,
and peaceable chief, Tademe, (commonly called Tattemi,)
having been murdered some time before, down in the Forks,
by a foolish young white man. They, therefore, called on
Tadeuscund to take upon himself the station of a chief, which
having been accepted, he repaired to Wyoming, whither
many of the Fork Iudians followed him.
Whatever might have been Tadeuscund's disposition to-
wards the English at that time, it is certain that it was a dif-
ficult task for him to govern an exasperated people, entirely
devoted to the opposite interest. This may account for his
not having always succeeded in gratifying our government
to the extent of their wishes. Yet, he did much towards les-
sening the cruelties of the enemy, by keeping up an inter-
course with the Governor of Pennsylvania, and occasionally
drawing many from the theatre of war and murder, to meet
the colonial authorities at Easton or Philadelphia for the ne-
44*
522 APPENDIX.
gotiation of treaties, by which means fewer cruelties were
committed than would otherwise have been.
His frequent visits to the governor, and to the people call-
ed Quakers, (to whom he was much attached) excited much
jealousy among some of his nation, especially the Monseys,
who believed that he was carrying on some underhanded
work at Philadelphia detrimental to the nation at large ; on
which account, and as they wished the continuation of the
war, they became his enemies.
From the precarious situation Tadeuscund was placecLin,
it was easy to foresee that he would come to an untimely
end. Perhaps no Indian chief before him ever found himself
so delicately situated ; mistrusted and blamed by our govern-
ment and the English people generally, because he did not
use his whole endeavors to keep his nation at peace, or com-
pel them to lay down the hatchet ; and accused by his own
people of having taken a bribe from the English, or entered
into some secret agreement with them that would be of ben-
efit to himself alone, as he would not suffer them to inflict
just punishment on that nation for the wrongs they had done
them, but was constantly calling on them to make peace.
The Five Nations, on the other hand, (the enemies of the
Delawares, and in alliance with England), blamed him for
doing too much for the cause which they themselves support-
ed, for making himself too busy, and assuming an authority
which did not belong to him, the leader of a band of women,
but to them, the Five Nations alone.
To do justice to this injured chief, the true secret of his
apparently contradictory conduct must be here disclosed. It
is said by those Indians who know him best, and who at that
time had the welfare of their own nation much at heart, that
his great and sole object was to recover for the Lenni Le-
nape that dignity which the Iroquois had treacherously wres-
ted from them; thence flowed the bitterness of the latter
against him, though he seemed to be promoting the same in-
terest which they themselves supported.
He had long hoped that by showing friendship and at-
tachment to the English, he would be able to convince them
of the justice of his nation's cause, who were yet powerful
enough to make their alliance an object with the British go-
vernment ; but here he was mistaken. No one would exam-
ine into the grounds of the controversy between the Dela-
APPENDIX. 523
wares and the Five Nations ; the latter were supported in
their unjust pretensions as heretofore, and were called on to
aid in compelling the Lenape to make peace.
This unjust, and at the same time impolitic conduct, irrita-
ted to the utmost the spirited nation of the Delawares ; they
felt themselves insulted and degraded, and were less disposed
than ever from complying with the wishes of a government
which sported in this manner with their national feelings, and
called in question even their right to exist as an independent
people.
Surrounded as he was with enemies, Tadeuscund could not
escape the iate that had long been intended for him. In the
spring of 1763, when the European nations had made peace,
but the Indians were still at war, he was burnt up, together
with his house, as he was lying in his bed asleep. It was
supposed, and believed by many who were present, that this
dreadful event was not accidental, but had been maturely re-
solved on by his enemies, whoever they were, and that tfie
liquor which was brought to Wyoming at the time, was in-
tended by them for the purpose of enticing him to drink, that
they might more easily effect their purpose. A number of
Indians were witnesses to the fact, that the house was set on
fire from the outside. Suspicion fell principally upon the
Mingoes, who were known to be jealous of him, and fearful
of his resentment, if he should succeed in insinuating himself
into the favor of the English and making good terms with
them for his nation. It is said that those Indians were con-
cerned in bringing the fatal liquor which is believed to have
been instrumental in the execution of the design.
While Tadeuscund was at the head of his nation, he was
frequently distinguished by the title of " King of the Dela-
wares." While passing and repassing to and from the ene-
my with messages, many people called him " The War
Trumpet"
In his person he was a portly, well-looking man, endowed
with good, natural sense, quick of comprehension, and very
ready in answering the questions put to him. He was rather
ambitious — thought much of his rank and abilities — liked
to be considered as the king of his country, and was fond
of having his retinue with him when he would go to Phil-
adelphia on business with the government.
98 \ APPENDIX.
His greatest weakness was a fondness for strong drinks ;
the temptation of which he could not easily resist, and would
sometimes drink to excess. This unfortunate propensity is
supposed to be the cause of his cruel and untimely death. —
Heckewelder's Historical account of the Indians.
G.— Page 187.
Priestley's Case.
Birmingham, July 21.
Numerous fabricated accounts having appeared in the Lon-
don and other prints, of the tate unhappy riotous proceed-
ings in this town, we have taken much pains to collect the
following authentic particulars :
Riots in Birmingham.
•In consequence of an advertisement on Thursday the 14th
of July, upwards of 90 gentlemen met at the hotel to com-
memorate the French revolution. It is previously to be ob-
served, that six copies of a seditious handbill had been left
early in the week by some person unknown, for discovering
the author, printer, or publisher of which a reward of one
hundred guineas was offered by the magistrates, and which
have been very generally copied, causing no small sermenta-
tion in the minds of the people. In consequence on Thurs-
day afternoon, a considerable number of persons gathered
round the hotel, hissing at the gentlemen as they assembled ;
and afler their departure (which happened two hours alter)
every window in the front was completely demolished, not-
withstanding the personal appearance and interference of the
magistrates.
The mob next attacked the new meeting house, (Dr. Priest-
ley's) and after trying in vain to tear up the seats, &c, they
set it on fire, and nothing remains that could be consumed.
The old meeting house was completely emptied of pulpit,
pews, &c, which were burned in the adjoining burying
ground, and afterwards the building was levelled nearly with
the ground, it being considered dangerous from its situation
to set it on fire.
Dr. Priestley's house at Fair Hill (a mile and an half from
o26
APIENDIX.
thence) next met a similar fate, with the whole of his val-
uable library, and more valuable collection of apparatus for
philosophical experiments. Here one of the rioters was kill-
ed by falling from a cornice stone.
On Friday morning the infatuated mob continued their
depredations, for there were no armed force in the town, and
the civil power were not sufficient to repress them. Armed
with bludgeons, &c. and vociferating church and king, they
spread a terror wherever they appeared.
About noon they attacked and demolished the elegant
mansion of Mr. John Ryland at (late Mr. Baskervill's) Easy
Hill, where many of the rioters who. were drunk, perished in
the cellars, either by the flames, or suffocation, by the fall-
ing in of the roof. Six poor wretches terribly bruised, were
got out alive, and are now in our hospital, and ten dead bo-
dies have since been dug out of the ruins ; but a man, who
had remained immured in one of the vaults from the preced-
ing Friday, worked his way out on Monday, with little in-
jury.
This afternoon the magistrates, anxious to preserve the
town from further outrage, until military aid could be pro-
cured, attended and swore in some others as constables, who
with mob staves in their hands marched up to Mr. Ryland's
to disperse the mob, who at first gave way ; but rallying,
after a stout conflict, in which many were severely wounded,
the jwsse commitatis were obliged to retire without effect-
ing any useful purpose.
The country residence of John Taylor, Esq. Bordesley
Hall, after the greatest part of its splendid furniture had been
demolished, or carried away, was set on fire, together with
the out-offices, stables, ricks of hay, &c. and altogether ex-
hibited a most tremendous scene of devastation. Every ex-
ertion to preserve this elegant seat was made by captain Car-
ver, but in vain — on offering them his purse with an hundred
guineas, to save the house, he was hustled amidst the crowd,
with the cry of no bribery ! and narrowly escaped their fury.
In the night of Friday, the house of Mr. Hutton, in High
street, was completely stripped, his large stock of paper ;
his very valuable library of books and all his furniture de-
stroyed or carried away. Fire was several times brought
by a woman, (women and boys were particularly active in
APPENDIX.
527
all their depredations) but the majority of the populace, in
tenderness to the town would not suffer it to be applied.
From Mr. Hutton's, they proceeded to his country house
at Washwood Heath, about three miles from town, which
with its offices they reduced to ashes,
Saturday morning the rioters made an attack on Mr.
George Humphreys's elegant house at Spark Brook, but
were repulsed and one man killed ; they went off after ran-
sacking the house of all its valuable furniture, but did not
burn it.
Mr. Wm. Russell's house at Showell Green, experienced
all the violence of fire and devastation.
The house of Mr. T. Hawkes, Mosley wake green, was
stripped of its furniture, which was either broken to pieces
or carried away.
Mosley Hall, the residence of the Dowager countess Car-
hampton, but the property of John Taylor, Esq. Mr. Har-
wood's and Mr. Hobson's a dissenting minister, were both
on fire at one time.
Lady Carhampton had notice on the proceeding day to
remove her effects, as their vengeance was not directed
against her : the good old lady gave directions accordingly ;
and Sir Robert and Capt. Lawley immediately attended on
their noble relation, whom they accompanied in safety to
Canwell, Sir Robert's seat.
The whole of Saturday business was at a stand, and the
shops mostly close shut up, notwithstanding the appearance
of the magistrates, and several popular noblemen and gentle-
men, for the reports were so vague and various of the num-
ber and the strength of the insurgents, and having no milita-
ry save a few undisciplined recruits, no force could be sent
out against them. In the afternoon and evening, small par-
ties of three or five, levied contributions of meat, liquor and
money, with the same indifference that they would levy par-
ish taxes ; but the night passed without interruption in the
town.
On Sunday the rioters bent their course towards Kings-
wood, seven miles off, extorting money and liquors by the
way. There the dissenting meeting house, and the dwelling
house of their minister were reduced to ashes ; as were the
premises of Mr. Cox, at Worstock, the same day.
The reports of every hour of this day appeared calculated
528 APPENDIX.
to excite alarm in the town, while depredation and extortion
were committing in the surrounding villages and country
seats.
Sunday night soon after ten, three troops of the 15th
light dragoons, arrived amid the exclaimations of the inhab-
itants, whose hopes and fears had been visibly depicted
through the day in every countenance, as reports of the near
approach of the soldiery were spread or contradicted. The
town was immediately illuminated, and before morning every
thing was tolerably quiet, but the rioters were full continu-
ing their depredations in the country.
Their visits to Mr. Hunt's, at Ladywood, Mr. Coate's, at
the Fives Ways, and Dr. Withering's Edgbaston-hall, were
attended with great alarm, but not the injury reported. They
exhausted the cellars at each place, and received various
sums of money to prevent their proceeding to further violence,
but were at the last mentioned place in great force at the
time the troops arrived, which they no sooner had intima-
tion of when they began to flink off in small parties, and the
peasantry taking courage put the rest to flight in various di-
rections.
So rapid were the light horse in their route for the relief
of this place, that they came here in one day from Notting-
ham, a distance of 59 miles, but to the great injury of their
horses, one of which, a famous old horse, that had been in
the regiment 18 years, died the next day.
Monday.— The town in perfect security, but as much
crowded as during the three .preceding days, in viewing the
military ; the mob keeping at such a distance as to render all
accounts of 'them dubious — At one time said to be at A Ices-
ter, the next hour at Broomsgrove, fyc. which reports, how-
ever, were refuted by the Earl of Plymouth, who kindly at-
tended as a magistrate of the county of Worcester, as did the
Rev. Mr. Cartwright, of Dudley.
Tuesday. — Flying rumors of depredations near Hagley,
Halesowen, &c. and in the evening certain information was
received that a party of rioters were then attacking Mr. Male's
of Belle Vue, a few of the light dragoons immediately went
to his assistance ; but they had been previously overpowered
by a body of people in that neighborhood, and ten of them
are now confined at Halesowen.
Wednesday. — 'This morning the country round, for ten
APPENDIX.
529
miles was scoured by the light horse, but not one rioter to
be met with, and all the manufactories are at work, as if no
interruption had taken place. These troops of the 11th Light
Dragoons marched in, this morning, and more troops are still
expected.
To the Inhabitants of Birmingham.
My late Townsmen and Neighbors :
After living with you eleven years, in which you had
uniform experience of my peaceful behavior, in my attention
to the quiet studies of my profession ami those of philosophy,
I was far from expecting the injuries which I and my friends
have lately received from you. But you have been misled
by hearing the Dissenters, and particularly the Unitarian
Dissenters, continually railed at, as enemies to the present
government, in church and state. You have been led to con-
sider any injury done to us a meritorious thing, and not hav-
ing been better informed, their means were not attended to.
When the object was right, you thought the means could not
be wrong. By the discourses of your teachers, and excla-
mations of your superiors in general, drinking confusion and
damnation to us, (which is well known to have been their fre-
quent practice) your bigotry has been excited to the highest
pitch, and nothing having been said to you to moderate your
passions, but every thing to inflame them : hence, without
any consideration on your part, or on theirs — who ought to
have known and taught you better — you were prepared for
every species of outrage; thinking that whatever you could
do to spite and injure us, was for the support of government,
and especially the church. In destroying us, you have been
led to think you did your God and your country the most
substantial service.
Happily, the minds of Englishmen have a horror of mur-
der, and therefore, I hope, you did not think of that; though,
by your clamorous demanding of me at the hotel, it is pro-
bable that, at that time, some of you intended me some per-
sonal injury. But what is the value of life, when every thing
is done to make it wretched. In many cases, there would be
45
OJO APPENDIX.
greater mercy in dispatching the inhabitants than burning
their houses. However, I infinitely prefer what 1 feel from
the spoiling of my goods, to the disposition of those who have
misled you.
You have destroyed the most truly valuable and useful
apparatus of philosophical instruments that perhaps any in-
dividual, in this or any other country, was ever possessed of,
in my use of which I annually spent large sums, wiih no pe-
cuniary view whatever, but only an advancement of science,
for the benefit of my country and mankind. You have de-
stroyed a library corresponding to that apparatus, which no
money can purchase, except in a long course of time. Hot
what I feel far more, you have destroyed my manuscripts,
which have been the result of the laborious study of many
years, and which I shall never be able to re-co npose ; and
this has been done to one who never did, or imagined you
auy harm.
I know nothing more of the handbill which is said to have
enraged you so much than one of yourselves, and I disap-
prove of it as much ; though it has been made the ostensible
handle of doing infinitely more mischief than any thing of that
nature eould possibly have done. In the celebration of the
first anniversary, at which I did not attend, the company as-
sembled on the occasion only expressed their joy in the eman-
cipation of a neighboring nation from tyranny, without inti-
mating a -desire of any thing more ihan such an improvement
of our own constitution, as all sober citizens, of every per-
suasion, have long wished for. And though, in answer to
the ^ross and unprovoked calumnies of Mr. Madan and oth-
ers, 1 publiclv vindicated my principles as a Dissenter, it was
only with plain and sober argument and with perfect good
humor. We are better instructed in the mild and forbearing
spirit of Christianity, than ever to think of having recourse to
violence; and can you think such conduct as yours any re-
commendation of your religious principles, in preference to
■an
You are still more mistaken, if you imagine that this con-
duct of yours has any tendency to serve your cause, or to
prejudice ours. It is nothing but reason and argument that
can ever support any system of religion. Answer our argu-
ments and your business is done. But your having recourse
to violence is only a proof that you have nothing belter U>
APPENDIX. 531
produce. Should you destroy myself as well as my library,
and apparatus, ten more persons, of equal or superior spirit
and ability, would instantly rise up. If those ten were de-
stroyed, an hundred would instantly appear; and believe me,
the church of England, which you think you are supporting,
has received a greater blow by this conduct of yours, than I
and all my friends have ever aimed at it.
Besides, to abuse those who have no power of making re-
sistance is equally cowardly and brutal, peculiarly unworthy
of Englishmen, to say nothing of Christianity, which teaches
us to do as we would be done by. In this business we aie
the sheep and you are the wolves. We will preserve our
character, and hope you will change yours. At all events,
we return you blessings for curses ; and pray that you may
soon return to that industry, and those sober manners, for
which the inhabitants of Birmingham were formerly distin-
guished. I am,
Your sincere and well wisher,
London, July 19, 1794. J. Priestley.
P. S. The account of the first toast at the revolution din-
ner in The Times of this morning, can be nothing less than
a malicious lie. To prove this, a list of the toasts, with an
account of the proceedings of the day, will soon be published.
The first of them was, The King and the Constitution, and
they were all such as the friends of liberty, and of the true
principles of the constitution, would approve.
H— Page 3U and ?.
At the request of a friend of education, lo notice tl -
of I^sbarg," under the bead of LraSshurg, the
Act, Uihfihii^ the Umrerar v, is given Lere. The request
- • -.
-irf la frfai/tra /a< Umrernty «tf Lewubmrg-
i- ■■
lor tke ssasntenanee of any partkakr
Aad whereas, tke (autev of a Uaheratj, to be placed
and direction, would be a
-: :*_. ::-i. :--- :-. . :i: -5 ::' :i-f ::~-
the efforts of said*
_ 1 - " : • -
1- Be it enacted by tke Senate and House of Re-
of the ri—i ai ihk of Pennsylvania ■ Gen-
eral \mwh\) saet, and it is hereby enacted by tie authority
' "ae sane, Thai there be, and
-:' :ir si--. j.Lz: -z:t :~. ---". :- _5 :-:>; =- ,
■:i :•:::- :-_ :: L ^ :.-: ;. 1- :: _:.:y ;:
1 college, and sack other de-
APPENDIX. 533
maintain ; and that the name and constitution of the said Uni-
versity shall be and they are as follows :
Article I.
Section 1. — The said Institution shall be forever called and
known by the name of" The University at Lewisburg."
Article II.
Section 1. — The said University shall be under the man-
agement, direction, government, and supervision of a number
of Trustees not exceeding 20, and a number of Curators not
exceeding 40, or a quorum of each as hereinafter mentioned.
Section 2. — The Trustees and a majority of the Curators
shall be regular members of the Baptist denomination. Five
or more of the Trustees shall be a quorum of the Trustees ;
and seven or more of the Curators shall constitute a quorum
af Curators.
Article III.
Section 1. — The Trustees of said University shall consist
of the following persons, to wit: James Moore, James Moore,
jr., Joseph Meixell, W illiam H. Ludwig, Samuel Wolfe, Levi
B. Christ, Henry Funk, Joel E. Bradley, Eugenio Kincaid,
Benjamin Bear, William Keene, William T. Bucknell, Tho-
mas Watson, James M. Linnard, Lewis Vastine, Oliver
iilackburn, Caleb Lee and Daniel L Moore; which said
Trustees and their successors, to be elected as herein subse-
quently mentioned, shall be, forever hereafter, and they are
Lereby created, established, and declared to be a body politic
and corporate, with perpetual succession, and with all the
incidents of a corporation, in deed and in law, to all intents
aad purposes whatsoever, by the name, style, and title of
"The Trustees of the University at Lewisburg;" by which
name and title, said Trustees and their successors shall be
capable, in law and in equity, to take to themselves and their
successors, for the use of siid University, any estate in any
messuages, lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, chattels,
moneys, or other effects, by gift, grant, bargain, sale, con-
veyance, assurance, will, devise, or bequest, of any person or
persons whatsoever; and to bold ten acres of land, together
with the improvements thereon, exempt from taxation, Pro-
vided,. That the annuel nett income accruing from said estate,
45»
534 APPENDIX.
and subject to a yearly appropriation or disposition of said
Trustees shall not exceed the sum of twenty thousand dol-
lars ; and the same messuages, lands, tenements, heredita-
ments, and estates real and personal, to grant, bargain, sell,
convey, assure, demise, and to farm, let, and place out on
interest, or otherwise dispose of, or invest, for the use of said
University, in such a manner as to them, at least a quorum
of them, shall seem most beneficial to said Institution; and
to receive the rents, issues, profits, income, and interest of the
same, and to apply the same to the proper use of said Uni-
versity; and by the same name, to sue, and be sued, implead
and be impleaded, in any courts of law or equity, and in all
manner of suits and actions whatsoever ; and, generally, by
and in the same name, to do and transact all the business
touching or concerning the premises, or which shall be inci-
dentally necessary thereto, as fully and effectually as any
natural person, or body politic or corporate, has power to
manage the concerns belonging to such person or body; and
to hold, enjoy, and exercise all such powers, authorities, and
jurisdictions, as are customary in other Universities, or in
Colleges within this commonwealth.
Section 2. — Said Trustees shall cause to be made, for their
use, one common seal, with such devices and inscriptions
thereon as they shall think proper, and by and with it, all
deeds, diplomas, certificates, and acts of said incorporation
shall pass and be authenticated ; and said Trustees may, at
their pleasure, alter their seal, or break it and substitute a
new one.
Sec. 3. — A quorum of said Trustees shall meet at Lewis-
burg, within ten days from the date of this charter, to tran-
sact any business which the interests of the Institution may
then require. (More particular notice of said meeting shall
be given by the first Trustee first named on the list.)
Sec. 4. — There shall be a meeting of said Trustees held
as often as once in six months, at or near the borough of
Lewi&burg, at such particular times and place or places as
said Trustees, or a quorum of them, shall appoint, of which,
after the fir^t meeting, notice shall be given by a written
communication, signed by the chairman or secretary of the
board, and addressed to said Trustees severally, at least ten
days before the time of such intended meeting, and if at such
meeting less than a quorum shall be present, the members
APPENDIX 535
present shall have power to adjourn t o some other day ; but
if a quorum of said Trustees meet at the appointed time, or
at any time of adjournment, then the majority of the votes of
such quorum or board, shall be capable of doing and tran-
sacting all the business and concerns of said University not
otherwise provided for by this act, and particularly of mak-
ing and enacting ordinances and by-laws for the government
and instruction of said University; of adding, within the limit
prescribed by article two, section one, to the number of Trus-
tees whose names are inserted in this charter ; of electing
Trustees in the place and stead of those who shall decline
service, resign, or die, or whose places become vacant from
any other cause; of electing or appointing the President,
Professors, tutors, and other teachers of said University, of
agreeing with them for their salaries and stipends, of remov-
ing them for misconduct, breaches of the ordinances of the
institution, or other sufficient causes; of appointing a chair-
man, secretary, treasurer, and other officers necessary for
managing the concerns of the corporation, of providing for
the maintenance and observance of discipline in said Univer-
sity, and of prescribing and inflicting the penalties due to all
violations of the rules, ordinances, or regulations thereof, or
to other misconduct committed by students or other persons
thereat ; and generally by the majority of the voices of the
board or quorum of said Trustees, at any stated or extra
meeting, shall determine all matters or things (although not
herein specified) which shall occasionally arise and be inci-
dentally necessary to be determined by said Trustees ; Pro-
vided, That said Jaws, rules and ordinances, or any of them,
be not repugnant to the laws and constitution of the United
States of America, or to the laws and constitution of this
commonwealth.
Sec. 5. — As soon as said Trustees shall have obtained, in
the form of subscriptions, believed to be valid, the amount of
one hundred thousand dollars, they shall purcliase a lot, or
farm, and proceed to erect thereon suitable buildings for the
use and benefit of said University ; to procure the requisite
library, apparatus and specimens in natural history; and they
shall exercise their own judgment and discretion in so doing,
as likewise in the general management and disj osition of the
funds of said University ; Provided, however, Said Trustees
shall exact from their treasurer adequate security for all the
636 APPENDIX.
moneys and other property of the Institution, which he may
at any time receive; Provided, also, That if any person con-
tributing to the funds of said Institution, indicate a special
appropriation of the amount so contributed, said contribution,
if accepted, shall be disposed of in stiict accordance with the
evident intent or expressed wish of the contributor; Provid-
ed, likewise, That a fourth part of said one bundled thous-
and dollars, and, at least twenty- five per cent, of all monies,
and every species of pi or erf y capable of producing revenue
(and not herein already specified or excepted) which shall
come into the hands of said institution, shalL be placed out
on interest, the principal or stock secured by bond and mort-
gage on real estate; and the revenue thence accruing shall
be exclusively of instruction in said University; And provid-
ed, too, That said Trustees shall not, for any cause, or un-
der any pretext whatever, encumber, by mortgage or other-
wise, the real estate, or any other property of said Institu-
tion, and that they shall not involve it in any debt which
they have not the means of paying, consistently with the re-
strictions above mentioned
Section 6. — Said Trustees shall, annually, publish an ab-
•tract of the minutes of their doings.
Article IV.
Section 1. — The President, Piofessors, tutors, and other
teachers, or a majority of them, for the time being, shall con-
stitute the Faculty of the University, and, in their respective
departments, shall have the power of enforcing the rules and
regulations adopted by the Trustees for the government and
instruction of the students ; and the President and Profes-
sors, with the counsel and consent of a quorum of Curators,
shall have the power to grant and confirm unto the students
of the University, or unto others deemed worthy, such de-
grees in the liberal arts and sciences, or in certain branches
thereof, as have been usually granted in other Universities:
to grant, likewise, to said graduates, diplomas, under the
common seal of the corporation, in order to authenticate and
to perpetuate the memory of such graduation; and to grant
also, certificates to such students as have duly completed the
course of studies prescribed in any subordinate department of
Ibe University.
537
Article V.
Section 1. — The Curators of the University shall consist
of the following persons, to wit : The Governor, and the Sec-
retary of this commonwealth, the Judges of the Supreme
Courts, and the President of the University, (ex-officia,) to-
gether with Abbott Green, J. G. Webb, George B. Ide,
V\ illiam Shadrack, Lansing Burrows, A. D. Gillette, J. H.
Kennard, Wilson Jewell, David Jane, A. A. Anderson,
Charles Tucker, John 0. Rockafellow, Simon Schuyler,
Martin Bell, James Estep, Simon Cameron, Geo. I. Miles,
Joseph Green, James Buchanan, Jackson M'Faddin, Geo.
F. Miller, James Irwin, Morgan J. Rees, (Delaware) Geo.
M. Keim, William R. Williams, (N. Y.) T. O. Lincoln, (N.
J.) and Jacob Wagenseller ; which persons and their suc-
cessors, in perpetual succession, are hereby made and de-
clared to be, and forever hereafter, are to be known by
" The Curators of the University of Lewisburg."
Sec. 2. — Within six months from the date of this char-
ter, (the room and hour to be designated by the Curator,
whose proper name is first mentioned above,) said Curators,
or at least seven of them, shall meet at, or near said Lew-
isburg, and appoint a chancellor, a scribe, and such com-
mittees of their own body, as they may deem requisite, in
order to the faithful and convenient discharge of their du->
ties, and they shall observe the same rules in calling meet-
ings, passing decisions, adding to the number of Curators
whose names are herein specified, and filling vacancies in
their own body, as herein prescribed to the Trustees. The
meetings are all to be held at, or near the borough of Lew-
isburg, and, after the first, they are to be notified by the
chancellor or scribe.
Sec. 3. — Said Curators, a quorum of them, or at least a
committee of three, are required and expected to attend the
principle examinations and the annual commencements of the
University; they are to make themselves acquainted with
the manner in which the work of study and recitation is
planned for the students, and by them executed; and partic-
ularly with the scholarship, conduct, and character of such
students as are candidates for admission from a lower into a
higher class, or department of the University, or for degrees;
and the consent of the majority of Curators present shall be
538
APPENDIX.
necessary, in order to a student's promotion, or receiving of
a degree.
Sec. 4. — Said Curators are to have access to the minutes
of the official doings of the faculty ; and they are, likewise,
to take care to inform themselves respecting the methods of
government and instruction adopted and practised by the se-
veral teachers in the University.
Sec. 5. — Said Curators are to inspect the records of the
business transactions of the Trustees, and audit the Treasur-
er's accounts.
Jirticle VI.
Sec. 1. — No misnomer of the said corporation shall defeat
or annul any gift, grant, devise, or bequest, to or from the
said corporation, Provided, The intent of the parties shall
sufficiently appear upon the face of the gift, grant, will, or
■writing, whereby any estate or interest was intended to pass
to or from said corporation.
Article VII.
Seel. — No religious sentiments are to be accounted a
disability to hinder the election of an individual to any office
among the teachers of the Institntion, or to debar persons
from admittance as pupils, or, in any manner, to abridge their
privileges or immunities as students, in any department of the
University.
Article VIII.
Sec. 1. — The Legislature reserves the right to alter or
annul the charter, in case of any abuse of the privileges
hereby granted.
Lewisburg, Feb. 14, 1846.
To the. Pastors of Baptist churches in Pennsylvania and N.
Jersey, to whom this paper may come.
Gentlemen :
Your particular attention is invited to the above copy
of a charter recently granted by the Legislature of this state.
It presents a subject of immense importance, not merely to
the Baptist denomination, but to all the friends of science in
APPENDIX. 539
our state. We need and request your hearty co-operation in
representing the subject in its proper light, to those in our
vicinity. We shall call upon you soon to assist in raising
the requisite amount of funds. We trust you will manifest
an interest proportioned to the magnitude of the object at
which we aim.
In behalf of the Board of Trustees.
J. E. Bradley, Secretary.
INDEX
Aborigines or Indians, 12
Aquanuschioni, or United People, 14, 32
Amusements among the Indians, 20
Abitibis, Algonkins, Adirondaks, Arkansas, 31, 32
Andaggyjunkquagh, an Indian sachem, 38
Arrivals of Germans numerous, 54, 55
Armstrong John and his servants murdered by the
Indians, 80
Armstrong Alexander his letters, 81
" James, deposition taken before him, 82
Adams James abducted by the Indians, 117
Armstrong John his letter to Gov. Morris, 126, 227
Antis' Fort, 141
Allen Captain, 175
Allison Francis his letter to Col. Joshua Elder, 178, 181
Ake Jacob laid out Williamsburg, 215
Alexandria, 216
Antestown, 216
Aaronsburg, 264
Adamsburg, 308
Anthony Turkey, a Wyoming Indian, 319
Auchwick Crogan's residence at 97
B.
Buck adored by the Indians, 18
Burial of the dead among them, 24
Belt or War-belt, among the savages, 27
Boehm, Anton William Revd. 52
46
542 INDEX.
Burns Patrick taken captive by the Indians, 94
Braddock's defeat effects the frontier settlers, 102
Bighara George abducted by the Indians, 117
Baskins on the Juniata killed, 119
Bradon wounded at Granville, 128
Brown's and Benjamin's families killed, 141
Broadhead rebuilt Fort Muncy, 142
Big-runaway noticed, 144
Brainerd David Revd. visited Shamokin, 158, 360
Bard Peter, his letter to Gov. Morris, 174
Batteaux employed in service, 175
Bille Sock, 176
Boon Capt. killed at Fort Freeland, 179
Boat launched at Huntingdon, 203
Birmingham, 217
Bevin's cave, 228
Belleville, 234
Brown's Mills, 234
Bellefonte borough, 254
Boalsburg, 260
Blythe William, his deposition, 275
" examination before the council, 278
Beavertown, 308
Brevoort Major at Danville, 317
Blooinsburg, 321
Berwick, 322
Biennial feast held by the Indians, 17
Beaver, a noted Indian, 48
C.
Custom of Indians, 14, 20
Clapham's letter to Gov. Morris, 165
Children treatment of by the Indians, 14
Ceremonies observed by the Indians at their feasts, 18
Chase, the Indian's chief dependence, 19
Calumet or Pipe dance, 21
Canadian sanicle, a medicine with the Indians, 23
Catawbas and Cherokees, 30, 32, 33
Christinaux or Kilistinos, 31
Cayugaes, Cherokees, Chicasaws, Chactaws, 32
Charter from Charles II. to William Penn, 35
INDEX. 543
Conestoga Indians, 33
Canasatago, an Indian of note, 40
Cressap, a Maryland Intruder, 53
Catholic Germans arrive at Philadelphia, 61
Cardross Lord settles Irish in N. Carolina, 79
Croghan George his letters, 97
Cample Joseph an Indian trader killed by the Indians, 97
Cochran Jane abducted 117
Croghan George erected Fort Granville, 118
Cumberland county overrun by savages, 135
Cook and wife taken prisoners, 141
Cady Abel killed by the Indians, 141
Covenhoven's adventures, 142 144
Clapham William orders to ' ig2
Carson John his letter to Gov. Morris, 174
Capitulation of Fort Freeland, 179
Costikan Edward killed, 180
Centre county organized, 249
Canal celebration at Lewisburg, 271
Cunningham James his deposition 283
Centreville, 3Q8
Columbia county organized, 310
Catawissa 320
^afhounsville, 344
Clinton county organized, 354
Canasoragy, 366
^niJIisquaque creek, 150
D.
Delaware Indians, 13 32
Drunkenness among the Indians, ' 14
Diseases among the Indians, 22
Dancing, an Indian custom, 17
Doctors of medicine among the Indians, 23
Dachotas or Sioux Indians, 30
Dongan's purchase from the Indians, 1696, 37
Dickinson's remarks touching the Germans, 52
Disputes among the Irish and Germans, 76, 77, 78
Devoy Henry taken captive by the Indians, 94
Durham Mrs. scalped by the indians, 142
Dalmatia, 190
5 1 I INDEX.
Davidsburg, 216
Duffield George Revd. his letters, 295, 300
Derr Ludwig Jaiil out Lewisburg, 304
Dunnstown, 3oJ
Doctors of both sexes among the Indians, 23
Disputes how to settle between whites and Indians, 37
E.
Early marriages among some Indian tribes, 15
Early settlers in various parts of Pennsylvania, 44, 4 IS
Emigrants from Scotland and Ireland, 79
Evans John taken captive by the Indians, 04
Endless mountains on Joniady, 160
Elder Joshua, Colonel 178
Ennisvillc 204
Education in Northumberland, 190: in Huntingdon,
222: in Mifllin, 237: in Centre, 265: in Union,
300: in Columbia, 324 : in Juniata, 344 : in Clin-
ton ■ 360
Earleysburg 264
Eisenhauer, Stump's servant kills Indians 274
Espy town 323
Edict of Nantes revocated 45
Fornication, how punished by the Indians 16
Feasts, several kinds among the Indians 17
Figurative language among the Indians 25
First settlers under William Penn 36
Fort Stanwiz 42
Ferree Madame, a Huguenot 48
Frankfort Land Company 50
Fort Granville taken by the French and Indians 119
French Mss. posted up at Granville 122
Fort Shirley, Armstrong at 126
Fort Augusta, Shamokin or Sunbury 157
Freeland Fort capitulated 179
Fort Freeland town, so called 189
Frankstown 211
Fisher P. S. Revd. his letter 260
Freeburg 307
INDEX. 545
Fruitstown 323
Farrandsville 358
G.
Graves, how dug by the Indians 24
Germans, history of 49, 72
Germantovvn early settled 49
Gabriel George his house burnt by the Indians 104
Galbreath James, his letter 116, 131, 132
Giles Susan, killed and scalped by the Indians 117
Granville Fort erected in 1756 118
Green Ezra, killed at Fort Freeland 180
Gaysport 211, Graysville 217, Greenwood 344
Gregg Andrew, biographical notice of 256
Grey John joins Armstrong's expedition 345
Gibson widow was murdered by the Indians 352
H.
Hospitality of the Indians 14
Hiely George, an Indian prisoner, escaped 121
Huts, how built by the Indians 16
Hatchets used by the savages 26
Huron nation of Indians 30
Huguenots, several of, noticed 45
Hutchinson George taken captive by the Indians 94
Hostilities commenced in 1755 100
Harris John, his letter 104, 105, 115, 133
Horsefield Timothy, deposition taken before him 110
Heckewelde*'; recount of Luke Holland 112
Hogan John, an fndian prisoner, escaped 120
Hoops Adam, his letter to Hance Hamilton 124
Hamilton's let ter to H oops 126
Hepburn Colonel stationed at Muncy 141
Horn's Fort 141
Hartley Colonel at Fort Muncy 142, 177
Hambright's instructions from Col. Claphara 172
Hunter Samuel, his letter to Colonel Smith 181, 182
Huntingdon county organised 192
Huntingdon borough 204, Holidaysburg 208
Hamiltonvilie — Horrelton 234, Hartleyton 307
HofTer Christian, bis son,&c. 260
Holmes John, his letter to John Penn 2£0
Hoge and others write to John Penn 291
46*
I |6 INDEX.
Hebrew Lord's prayer 25
I.
Indians, various opinions as to their origin 13
Illinois Indians' residence 31
1 or Scotch-Irish, history of 73
Indian massacres, genera! notice of 80
Instructions to Colonel Clapham 162
Indian physician described 23
J.
Johnstown, place of resort for relugees 137
John Daniel murdered on Tangascootac 141
.I.i. kson Captain, his company 175
Jones John, killed at Fort Freeland 180
Jacobshuiur 266, Jerseytown •!■-'•'-
Juniata county organised :;:;^
Jonathan Gayienquiligoa, a Mohawk 364
Journey, when taken by the Indians 19
K.
Keith Sir William favorable to the Germans 53
King Jacob, a Swisser, murdered hy the Indians 103
Kemplin Captain 177
Kishicoquillas, a Shawanese chiet 226
Kishicoquillas valley -'Js
Kelly John Colonel 324
L.
Lenni Lenape or Linape 14
Leininger Barbara taken captive 104
Loskiel' s account of the Indians 15
Lum, Indians fond of it 19
Language of the Delawares and Iroquois 24
Lord's prayer in the Delaware and other tongues 25
Localities of different Indian nations, &c. 29
Logan James, his opinion of the Irish 74
Lord's prayer in the Irish language 78
Le Roy murdered by the Indians 104
Le Roy Anne Mary taken captive 104
Luke Holland, a noted Indian 112, 113
Lime mountain 147
INDEX. 547
Lewistown, a flourishing town 232
Lewisburg 304, Lock Haven 357, Lockport 359
Legerdemain tricks practiced by the Indian doctors 23
M.
Mengwe, Maquas or Mingoes 14
Mohawks, one of the confederate nations 14
Materia Medica of the Indians 23
Manitto or Good Spirit 16
Metaphors used by the Indians 25
Muskhogee-chocta 30
Markham William, his instructions from Penn 37
Mascoutens, Miamies, Messesaques 31
Musemeelin murdered John Armstrong and others 80, 86
Magenty Alexander taken" by the Indians 94
Mahahany, Penn's creek murders committed at 103
Monacatootha communicates news to John Harris 106
Mitcheltree Mrs. killed by the Indians 117
McAllister Alexander abducted 117
Miller Zephaniah killed by the Indians 141
Menninger's Fort 142, Muncy Fort destroyed 141, 142
Mahonoy hills 147, Mack Martin Rev. at Shamokin 157
McKee's trading house 169, McClain Sir Allen 175
Maclay's letter to Timothy Matlock 177
McDonald John Captain 179, Milton borough 188
McGlaghlen killed at Fort Freeland 178, McEwensville 189
Mountains in Northumberland 147, in Huntingdon 196,
in Mifflin 228, in Union 269, in Centre 252, in Col-
umbia 313, in Juniata 340
McMurtie, an early settler 206
Mountain sailing 210
Moore William and Daniel 212
Mercer Hugh, his letter to Gov. Morris 220
Manor Hill 221, Mifflin county organized 223
McVeytown 233, Milliken's mineral spring 233
Milesboro 259, Millheim 264, Montour's ridge 314
Message from John Penn to Newoleeka, an Indian chief 280
Middleburg 307, Mifflinsburg 322
Moorsburg 323, Mifflintown 342, Mexico 343
Mill Hall 360, Mennonites settle first in Lancaster co. 45
Muhlenberg estimates the number of Germans 61
548 INDEX.
N.
Nations of Indians connected with the Iroquois 11
Natchez Indians' residence 30
New Netherlands, so called 36
Nova Belgia, Penn purchases part of it, &c. 30
Neulaender impose upon their countrymen 55, 56
Nicholas Edward killed by the Indians 117
Northumberland county organized 146
Northumberland town 185, Newry i31«T>
Nittany valley 232, New Providence 264, New Berlin 272
Newoleeka, a Delaware chief at Great Island 380
New Columbus 309, New Liberty 380
Narrative of Van Campen 324
Nonconformists severely oppressed 35
O.
Offensive and defensive weapons used by the savages 26
Outaoncas, Onondagos, Qsages 31, 32
Owen Nicholson taktn captive by the Indians 94
Old Belt urges the whites to go to Shamokin 109
Old Town, on the Juniata river 119
Ostonwackin on the West Branch 157, 16L
Opeholhampin^ on the Susquehanna 158
Orders to William Cfepham 162, Orbisonia 221
Old Frank, an Indian chief 213
OrangeviUe 323, Otstuacky 365
P.
Polytheism was not common among the Indians 17
Preparations for war among the Defawares& Iroquois 28
Pennsylvania, whence the, name 34
Penn William, propiietary of Pennsylvania 34, 38
Purchases made of the Indians 38, 46
Plans for the defence of the frontiers 101
Pomfret castle fired by the Indians 119
Petitions to Gov. Morris 95, 129
Population of Northumberland co. 147, of Huntingdon
194, of Mifflin 224, of Centre 250, of Union 267, of
Columbia 311, of Juniata 338, of Clinton 354
Public improvements in Northumberland 153, of Hun-
tingdon 203, in Mifflin 230, in Centre 254, in Union
271, in Columbia 316, in Juniata 341
549
Priestley Joseph Dr. a distinguished philosopher 1S6
Porter Mrs. her heroic valor 197, Pottsgrove 189
Petersburg 217, Potter's Bank—Potter's Old Fort 263
Packet Boat Juniata 231, Philipsburg 258
Pattonsville 264, Perrysville 343
Patterson William apprehended Frederick Stump 276
Queen Anne sends Germans to New York 51, 52
Quenishachshachki 161
R.
Robertson's opinions of the Indians —
Resemblance between the Delawares and Iroquois 14
Rattlesnake's skin, a medicine with the Indians 23
Redemptioners, German 58, 59
Reed Adam, his letter to Ed. Shippen 132
Religious denominations in Northumberland county, and
several counties near the same 188, in Huntingdon
222, in Mifflin 237, in Centre 265, in Union 309, in
Columbia 324, in Clinton 360
Riot in Lewistown 238, Rabersburg265, Ridgeville 344
Robinson William killed by the Indians 351
Roaring creek 151
Sacrificial feasts among the Indians 16
" dance " " 22
Snakeroot used by the Indians 23
Senecas, Shawanoes Indians 31
Solconwanaghly, a noted Indian 40
Sauers Christopher writes to Gov. Denny 55
Sufferings of the Germans 56, 57
Scheme to educate the Germans 62, 72
Schlatter Revd. general school visiter 69
Smith James murdered by the Indians SO
Shamokin, Cenrad Weiser at 84
Seidel Christian, his affidavit —
Salter Elisha, his letter 119
Smith Abraham, his letter to J. Reid 139
Saltzburn murder on Sinnemahoning 141
Streams in Northumberland 150, in Huntingdon 196, in
550
INDSX.
218
278
Mifflin 827, in Centre 90S, in Union 269, in Colombia
313, in Juniata ;; jo
Sutiatica of Northumberland 152, i /Huntingdon 201, of
Mifflin 2:30, of (Vm n -'">:;, of Union 36*, of Columbia
315, o| Clinton :i.~,7
Sunburr, ;< leaf ofjoatiee 153, Sbainokin hills I i^
Sbikellunua, notice of, l»v Loakiel 161, Sbippen'a latter L6G
Smitb Nathaniel kill..! at Fort FreeJand 179
Sollivan'a 1. ttei to Samoi 1 Hooter 180
Smith William, his letter L80, Smith William Kivd. 205
Smith Matthew, his letter to Joeeph Reed L83
Sodom 189, Snyderetown 190, Sbamokin 190
Sinking Run 197, Standing Stone 204, Shirleyaborg
Saliabon 821, Shawana Ben'a letter to Patterson
Simlcr Mr. notice i I 259, Stump murders ten Indians 273
Sefinagrofe 307, Swiftatown 3094 Salona 300
Shearman'a rallei the Indiana commit mordera 350
St< iming resorted to by the Indians 22
T.
Thorny ash, a medicine need by the Indians 23
Tribes of Indians, principal ones 13, 29, 30
Twightweea' Indiana reaaJenoe 31,32
Tomer Robert, his letter touching the name of Pcnn'a. 34
Treaties held with tin- Indians 37, Traders among 44
Tulpehocken early eettlementa .it 52
Thomas Revd. how he raiaed funds to educate fiermans63, 64
Taylor Robert abdocted by the Indians 117
Turner taken at Fort Granville 120, Teedyuscung a chief 134
Translation ot a French Mss. posted up at Granville 124
Townships in Northumberland 1 17. 1 19, of Huntingdon
l'.'j, 195, in Mifflin 225, in CenTre250, in Union 268,
in Colombia :>13, in Juniata 338, in Clinton 355
Toyanogon, a Cayulcer Indian 169, Trump capt. 175, 176
Tammany — Thompsontown 343
U.
Upland, now Chester, William Penn landed at 36
Union county organized 266
V.
Virginia poke used as a medicine by the Indians 23
Van Campen's Narrative 324
INDLX. 551
w.
War dance among the Indians 21
Wild laurel, an article of the Indians' materia medica 23
Wars, how carried on among the Indians 26
Widagh, an Indian sachem 38
Weiser Conrad his letters 40, 85, 103, 110, 169, 362, 263
Wharton's opinion of the Germans 60
Wood worth Arnold murdered by the Indians 80, 81
Will's creek Indians fire at the camp 98
Woods George abducted by the Indians 117
Ward captain at Fort Granville 119, 120
West Branch of the Susquehanna 150
Woods Andrew killed at Fort Freeland 180
Watsonburg 189, Warm Spring 197, Williamsburg 215
Warrior's Mark Town 217, Water street 217
Walkersville 264, White Hall 264
Washingtonville 322, Williamsburg— White Hall 323
Waterloo— Waterford 343, Woolcomber family killed 352
Waldborough, settlement of Germans at 62
Young James his letter to Gov. Morris 170
Yellow Spring 2 16, Younwomanstown 360
Z.
Zeisberger David his affidavit 111, 162
ZinzendorfT Count at Shamokin 157
NAMES OF SUBSCRIBERS IN HUfs'l INGDON CO.
' Huntingdon. Thomas Slates
A. Benedict, Esq. Saml. Dinsmore
M. A. Henderson, Esq John G. Ohaplin
A. P. Wilson, Esq. E. C. Summers
Geo. Jackson Matthew Wright
Geo. Raymond, Esq. Chas. Hergeshumer
Rev. Geo. W. Williard Win. Calt
James Clark, Esq.
James Steel, Esq.
Jacob Miller. Esq.
John Scott, Esq.
W. S. Ervis, Esq.
D. Sewell Setert, Esq.
Alex. Port
Root. V* oods
Isaac Fisher, Esq.
A. Willaghbey
J M Cunningham, Esq
Barton Hight
Wm. T. Wilson, Esq. WTm. Boat, jr.
John A. Duck
A. K.Cornyn, E<q.
James Hollinghead
James Hempfield
John Cruswell, Esq.
John Ker, Esq.
James Gwin, Esq.
D. J. Gotwell
W. s. ATrica
Jos. Law
A. Isenhower
Edwin Hawkin
Henry Africa
Rev. Wm. Bunker
J. A. Hall
David Woods
O. Stevens
John Fisher
John M'Cahan, Esq.
Rev. John Peebles
Rev.Mat'w Crownover John Porter
John Snyder
John B. White
Henry Williams
Saml. Cams
Afidw. M. Hazlet
Jacob Grubb
Wm. Wimer
Wm. H. Hamilton
.Mexanrlua.
Rev. Saml. H. Reed
John Swoap, E*q.
D. Hauts. M. D.
Henry Walker, Esq.
Saml. Jenkins
Chas. C. Byrn
Henry Weight
Michael Householder
Granberry Taylor
Rev. John McKinney
Rev. John Miller John Scott
Rev. Geo. G. Fields Charles Camren
Rev. Geo. Whittaker Saml. Isenberger
Thomas Jackson Geo. Shutz
Alex. Gwin, Esq. | Michael Byrns
Geo. Tailor, Esq. ' Wm. P. Cook
J. Williamson, Esq. John Isenberger
ThomaslAdams, Esq. Wm. Birk
C. H. Miller, Esq. James Laird
James Hazlet Geo. Pitenger
Wm. Swope, M. D. Michael Lisler
H. W. Swope James Gardener
W. S. Heldebrand James Dean
D. R. Findley Jacob Baker
David Miller Wm. C. Geven
John Armenlage, Esq. Meyers Miles
Henry Sturtsman J. P. Baker
D. Buoy Mchael Becker
S. S. Whorten, Esq. Samuel Hues
David Decker, jr Wm. Christy, Esq.
Saml. Hatfield
John B. Martin
Benj. Swartz
Water Street.
L. G. Mitinger
Saml. Wilson
A. Moyer
Maj. Robt. Kinkead
Lewis Mytinger, Esq.
Rev. Wm. Emey
George Davis
Robt. Sneath
G. H. Sieiner
John M'Faddin
F. Snyper
Petersburg.
Joseph M Stevens, Esq
John P. Murphey
Wm. Temple
Jacob Longnecker
Wm. P. Hamilton
Wm. Heiger
Geo. Baker
A. Jaquay
Wm. M. Couley
Geo. W\ Barkley
John Fetterhoop
William Nail
Joseph Meradith
B. Zeigler
Jogn Zeek
Joseph Keith '
John Davis
John B. Updike
Amos Sqarp
Jno. Moorhead
Saml. S. Watson
Jno. McCulJock, M. D.
James Dovis, Esq.
Abr. Brubaker
Daniel Dougherty
Benj. Laser
Saml. A. Rogers
Aaron Updiker
James Temple
Wm. Ellis
James Dennis
Henry Shively
David Beyer
Geo. Helsel
Jonas Moor
Wm. Black, jr.
Geo. W. Slaly
558
NAMES OF suBscanu US.
Holiday tburg.
W. Williams, Ksq.
John I. Royer
John Penn Joneu
James M'Cahen
Johnson M'Kee
Alex. Jacobs
Rev. J. P. Rockfellow
Rev. John C. Bradey
Saml. Calvin. I
Joseph Reed
Joseph Kemp, Y.*'\.
Henrv Lamer
y.G.'Umun
John M. Gibbeny
J. A. B.lea
Haden Smith, artist &
civil engineer
W. McMunrie
J. Cunningham, Esq.
H. A. Caldwell, Esq
Michael Kelley
Nathaniel Heart
John Barr
E. Gilbreath
Isaac Hershbereer
James M. Bell. Esq
Tha'd Banks, Esq
Saml. L. Blair, Esq.
Jas. Hammer
John Kay lor
Jacob Fell, tailor
Then. H. Boggs. Esq.
J. M. M'Cord
Jno. Crisswell, Esq.
0. A. Traugh, Editor
*«»o. Cramer
.-. «3. S. McFatlane
Thomas McAwlay
E. Sm'th
W. pr. Coburn
John B. Rimona
Geo. W. Penline
Ren en leister
Joseph Baldridge
Robert Stratton
Robt. C. McKillip
Dharles Merriman
John Young
Stephen G. Keech
Wm. Tompkins
Joel C. Rogers
Alex. McConnel
Lloyd <fc Graff
E. Howard
Washington Bivins
John 8. Hallar
Jacob Bnllinger
Henry IJiiit
James Stewart
William Butler
Wm. II. I, mes
George Beatly
Henry McCooi
('has. Uepulie
G T. Cyphers
Danl. Kline
Geo. K. Stewart
Daniel Hunter
Henrv Carner
Peter Bush
W Uliam Dan ley
Mrs. Catharine Ze:gler
John F>
Henry Mc.Cauley
James Rmard
Michael Linnoo
Mi s. Letitia Harkens
Isaac Keubineer
James Long
John O. D. Jackson
Joseph Stuff
Geo. W. Low
W. H. S. Tailor
Mrs. Martha Bil
J. S. Mard.rk
Philip Fau:t
Money I
John Ra.iii
Rev. H. Wescotc
Rev Thompson Mitch
Benj. Dasher
John Bairn, jr
David D. Lewis
Rev P Anstatt
Jesse Herbit
Paul McCachan
James McHugh
Benjamin Wilson
David Sufler
John Sufler
David Myers
James Alexander
8 Loughan
Gnysport.
Wm W Jackson
Andrew Donley
Michael Maxwell
John Barr, Esq
George Reesman
Jacob Gailey
George Innes
James Bradly
Lewis Swinehenrt
U R Henderson
.1. hn B fie
David Taie, E»q
Joseph Q Han
James » Harrcle
Aswry.
Daniel Beigle. M. I>.
Rev Win V\ eaver
Rev Jamea Biapley
Daniel .McCoinial, K*q
A Baker
Sohn MrNamara
Daniel Null
Robert Dienurr
I Met onnal
/c hn Mvres
John M Eogala .
Ihim untxxlU.
John Miller _
Peter Bradley
John Kane
J 11 Fuller
James Ron*
W H Baker
James Z.qiper
Saml. Wallace
Wm Ganhan
Daniel Fesler
Thomas Holland
Wm. Kay
James Onksl
Sam'l Baker
Jacob Chngernaen
Alex Sw iera
JllUghetty Townfhip.
Thomas Flyn
Jacob Gales
Adam Thomas
Elijah Smith
Samuel Smith
John Words
John Champion
Andrew Douling
Wm Arble. jr
Jacob Funck
Simon Breninger
Wm Walker
John Lautz
8am'l Deyasmin
Sam'l Hileman
JosephDysart
Adam Siufft
Philip Can
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