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" gheny, Antis, Snyder, Tyrone, Frankstown, Blair, Huston 
"and Woodbury, and within that part of Morris township, 
" lying westward of the line lately run by William Reid and 
" other viewers, under an order of court, for the purpose of 
"dividing the same in Huntingdon, are hereby erected, ac- 
" cording to said boundaries, into a new and separate coun- 
" ty, to be called Blair." 

in the absence, of the compiler, as the work progressed 
through press, several errors occurred, which the reader will 
not fail to perceive in perusing it. It is almost impossible to 
insure thorough accuracy from a Jiastily written Mss. 

The compiler takes this occasion to tender his unfeigned 
acknowledgments to all who contributed materials for the 
present compilation. 


January, 1846. 


^v -' 





The Lenni Lenape, or confederates — Their customs and habits — 
Treatment of strangers — Treatment of enemies — Their vices — Mar- 
riages — Indian huts or wigwams — Their dress — Treatment of chil- 
dren — Religious ceremonies and sacrificial feasts — Hunting, their 
chief employment — Travelling or going on a journey — Their favor- 
ite amusements, viz : several kinds of dances — The calumet, &c. — 
Diseases; and doctors among them who practiced various ceremo- 
nies — An incident related by a Moravian missionary — Their Materia 
Medica — Death and burials — The languages of the Delawares and 
Iroquois — Printed specimens of the languages; vie: Lord's prayer, 
&c. — Their language highly figurative ; specimens thereof — Wars 
among the Indians— Mode of declaring war — Fasting and dreaming 
deemed necessary preliminaries to war — Before an attack, recon- 
noiier the country — Localities of Indian nations, &c. in 1763. p. 12 


Pen'nsylvania settled, purchase made from the In- 
dians, &:c. 

I'fnnsylvania named in honor of Sir "William Ptnn — WiiHam Penn 
receives a charter from King Charles H. — Boundary of the province 
— Penn's policy towards the aborigines — Similar policy had been 
pursued, in some measure, by others — MarWham, in obedience to 
Penn's instructions, purchases lands from the Indians — Repealed 


purchases made — Deeds to John Peiin, Thomas Penn and Richarr 
Penn — Deeds of 1749 and 1754, and of 1768 — William Peau's stad 
in, and departure from, the Province — His return to the Province : 
return to England: his death — Influx of immisrants — Settlements 
extend up along the Susquehanna river — Seitloments commenced 
on the west side of the Susquehanna, in Y( rk county- Settlements 
west of the Susquehanna in North, or Kiitochtinny valley — Earliest 
settlements first among the Indians — Seiilenients in Huntmgdon, 
Union, Northumberland, Centre and other counties — Indians' friend- 
shin towards the first settlers. p 34 



General character of Germans — First immigrants and settlers — Ger- 
mantown settled — Frankford land C(unpany — Immigrants of 1708 
and 1709 — Their sufferings in England— Dickinson's remarks con- 
cerning them — Settlements in Tulpehocken— Redemption servants — 
Numerous immigrants — Settlements on the west side of the Susque- 
lianna — Neulaender deceive many— Great sufferings experienced by 
many — C. Sauer's representation of iheir condition — Society formea 
to relieve German sufferers — Muhlenberg's letter, maltreatment, &c. 
Political influence of the Germans — Number of Germans in Penn- 
sylvania in 1755 — Catholic Germans — Scheme to educate the Ger- 
mans, p 49 



Tane of their first immigration — Settle first near the boundary line be- 
tween Maryland and Pennsylvania — James Logan's statement con- 
cerning them — First settlers in Donegal : in Peshtank — Richard 
Peters' complaint of them — They oppose a survey in Adams county 
.Settle west of the Susquehanna, in Cumberland county — Disagree- 
ment between the Irish and Germans at Lancaster and York —Immi- 
gration of, 10 Cumberland couniy, encouraged — Settle on the Juni- 
a'.a, &c. — Lord's prayer in Irish — General setllenienls. p 73 


J^\^:\ .\rmstrc)ng, James Smith & Woodward .Arnold, killed by Muse- 


neelin, in 1744 — Alexander Armstrong's letter to Allumoppics and 
Shicalemy — Search made for the bodies of the deceased; found and 
buried them — Weiser's letter — Provincial council held — Conrad 
Weiser makes a demand for the murderer at Shamokin — Weiser's 
transactions, &c. at Shamokin — Shicalemy's statement touching the 
murder of Armstrong. p 80 



Abductions in 1753; viz; of Evans, Devoy, Nicholson, Magenty, Burns, 
Hutchinson of Cumberland county — Frontier inhabitants fear the 
Indians, and petition Governor Hamilton, from Cumberland and Lan- 
caster counties — Governor Hamilton urges the Assembly to afford 
the frontier settlers aid — The government solicitous to retain the 
friendship and aid of the Indians — Weiser sent to Aughwick — Israel, 
an Indian of the Six Nations, kiied Joseph Cample in Cumberland 
(Franklin) county— Croghan's letter touching this murder,&c. p 92 



Ardent hostilities between the French and English — Braddock's defeat 
encourages the French and their Indian allies — Frontier settlers 
again petition government for protection — Plans for defence of the 
frontiers — Governor Morri^'s language in relation to Braddock's 
defeat — Twenty-five persons carried off at Penn's creek; buildings 
burnt ; several persons killed and scalped, viz : Jacques Le Roy, or 
Jacob King and others — Four men killed by the Indians, who were 
returning from Shamokin to Harris's ferry — Extensive settlements 
deserted —Harris's letters touching the above massacre — Weiser's 
letters — Harris's letter — Anecdote from Heckewelder's narrative — 
Frontier settlers abandon their homes— Harris's letter — Bingham's 
fort in Tnscarora valley destroyed — Fort Granville taken, &c. &c. — 
Hamilton's letters, &c.— Co!. Armstrong's letters — Numerous massa- 
cres in several places : In southwestern part of Huntingdon county : 
In Woodcock valley, &c. — Setilers killed at Sinnemahoning, &.c. in 
1778. p 100 





Northumberland county erected — Streams — Geological features of the 
county — Census of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns: Sunbury/ 
early incidents at, &c. ; Northumberland, Millon, McEwensville, 
Watsonburg, Fort Freeland, Pottsgrove, yodom, Snyderslown, Dal- 
matia, Shamokin — Popular education. p 146 



Huntingdon county erected — Streams of the county — Geological fea- 
tures — Census of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns; Hunting- 
don, Holidaysburg, Gaysport, Frankstown, Newry, Williamsburg, 
Alexandria, McConnellsburg, Ennisville, Antesiown, Davidsburg, 
Yellow Spring, Graysville\ir Graysport, Smithfiekl, Warriors, Mark 
Town, Petersburg, Water street, Birmingham, Shirleysburg, Orbiso- 
nia, &c. — Education. p 192 



Mi/Ilin county erected — Streams and geological features of the coun- 
ty — Statistics of 1840 — Public improvenipnts — 'J'owns : I^ewistowi'., 
McVeytow n or Waynesburg, HamillonvilJe or Newton Hamilton, 
Belleville, Horreltown, &c. &c. — Education, »&c.— Riots in Mifflii; 
county. p 22;j 



Centre county erected— Streams and geological features— Statistics of 



1840— Public improvements— Towns : Beilefont, Philipsburg, Miles- 
boro, Boalsburg, Poller's Bank, Poller's Old Fort, Aaronsburg, Mill- 
heini, Earleysburg, Pallonsviile, VValkersville, New Providence, 
While Hall, Rabersburg, Jacobsburg, &c.— Education— Indian vil- 
lages. P 249 



Union county erected — Streams and geological features — Census o( 
1840 — Public improvements -Frederick Stump and Ironcutter killed 
ten Indians, &c.— Capt. Brady— Towns: New Berlin, Lewisburg, 
Mifflmburg, Middleburg, Harileyton, Freeburg, Selinsgrove, Charles- 
town, Beavertown, Adamstown, Centreville, New Columbus, Swifts- 
town — Education, &c. P 266 



Columbia county erected — Streams and geological features — Statistics 
of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns: Danville, Catawissa, Ber- 
wick, Bloomsburg, Mifflinsburg, Washingtonvilh, Freicstown, Jer- 
seytown, Williamsburg, Orangevilie, White Hall, Espytown, Moors- 
lovvn, &c. — Education, «fcc. — Narrative of Van Camp. p 310 



Juniata county erected — Streams and geological features — Public im- 
provements — Towns: MifSin, Thompsonslown, Mexico, Perrysville, 
Tammany, Waterford or Waterloo, Calhoonsville, or McAUister- 
ville, Ridgesville, Greenwood, &c. — Education — Case of law suit, 
&.C. &c. p 338 



Clinton county erected— Geological features ana streams — Public im- 
provements — Towns : Lock Haven, Farrandsville, Dnnnstown, Lock- 



port, Mill Hall, New Liberty, Youngwomanstown, Salona — Educa- 
tion — Religious denominations — Indians visited by Count Zinzen- 
dorf in 1742; by David Brainerd, 1746; by Conrad Weiser, 1755 — 
Weiser's letters to Gov. Morris and Richard Peters, touching the 
Indians here, and his visit to them — Moses Van Camp. p 3.'i4 



General remarks — Poorhouse in Centre county; in MifHin county ; in 
Huntingdon county; in Columbia county; in Union county. p371 



Grubbing, the first operation — Belting, a common practice — Clearing 
the land — Log rollings — Stag dance — Buildings erected — Time of 
labor — Sugar boiling — Value of sugar. p 374 



Conrad Weiser ; Rev. Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf, Count; Rev. David 
Brainerd; Rev. David Zeisberger ; Governor Simon Snyder; John 
Harris, proprietor of Harrisburg ; Colonel Hartley ; George Crog- 
han ; Colonel John Kelly ; David R. Porter. p 382 

APPENDIX, p 408 



The Lenni Lenape, or confederates — Their customs and habits — 
Treatment of strangers — Treatment of enemies — Their vices — Mar- 
riages — Indian huts or wigwams — Their dress — Treatment of chil- 
dren— Religious ceremonies and sacrificial feasts — Hunting, their 
chief employment — Travelling or going on a journe)' — Their favor- 
ite amusements; viz: several kinds of dances — The calumet, «Si',c. — 
Diseases ; and doctors among them, who practiced various ceremo- 
nies — An incident related by a Moravian missionary — Their Materia 
Medica — Death and burials — The languages of the Delawares and 
Iroquoib — Printed specimens of the languages ; viz : Lord's prayer, 
&c. — Their language highly figurative ; specimens thereof — Wars 
among the Indians — Mode of declaring Avar — Fasting and dreaming 
deemed necessary preliminaries to war — Before an attack, recon- 
noiter the country — Localities of Indian nations, &c. in 1763. 

When the Europeans first came to this country, they found 
the western continent inhabited by numerous nations, to 
whom they applied the name, though erroneously, Indians. 
This name was given to the aborigines of this continent, un- 
der a mistaken notion, of having arrived, as Columbus sup- 
j)0sed, at the eastern shore of India. 

Touching the origin of the Indians, or by what means they 
got from the Old World to the New, has never been satis- 
factorily answered, notwithstanding that voluminous disquis- 
itions have been written on this subject. 

A majority, who have investigated this subject, seems to 
agree with Dr. Robert.son, that Tartary, in Asia, is the na- 
tive country of all the American Indians. But, as the re- 
gion of country of which a history is. briefly given in the 
sequel, was inhabited, by the -I^f.'lawaresand Iroquois, or Sfx 
Nations, no notice \^;be talcen of any others.-7-[See the 
close of this Introduction]. 



The Delawares; or, as they called themselves, LenniLe- 
NAPE, or LiNAPE, emphatically, " the original people," were 
divided into three tribes ; viz : the Unami, the Wunalach- 
TiKos, and the Monsys. 

The Iroquois, as they were named by the French, called 
themselves Aquanuschioni; that is, "United people." They 
were called Mengwe, by the Delawares; Maquas, by the 
Dutch; MiNGOES, by the English and Americans. They 
were a confederate nation, consisting of Mohawks, Oneida, 
Onondago, Cajugu, Senecca and Tuscarora; the latter 
joined them about 1714. 

Other nations were connected, or in league, with the Iro- 
quois and Delawares ; these were the IMahikons, Shawanese, 
Cherokees, Twightwees, Kickapoos, Moshkos, Wawiachta- 
nos, Tukashas, Chipawas, Ottawas, Nanticokes, Putewoat- 
amen, Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, ^Vyondots, or Hurons. 
These lived in various parts of the United States. The Del- 
awares lived in Pennsylvania, and in New York", half way 
between Lake Erie and the river Ohio. The Iroquois pos- 
sessed the country north of New^ York, Pennsylvania and 
Maryland, about the Lakes Erie, Ontario, extending west- 
ward to the Mississijipi, and southward to the Ohio. 

The Delawares and Iroquois resembled each other, as to 
their bodily and mental qualifications. In person, slender, 
middle-sized, handsome and straight. The women, however, 
were short, not so handsome, and clumsy in appearance. The 
skin of a reddish brown, or yellowish brown — hair straight, 
and jet black, 

" In common hfe," says Loskiel, who knew them well — - 
" and conversation, the Indians observed great decency. 
They usually treated one another, and strangers, with kind- 
ness and civility, and without empty compliments. In the 
converse of both sexes, the greatest decency and propriety 
were observed. They were sociable and friendly — Difference 
of rank, with all its consequences, was not to be found among^ 
the Indians. They were equally noble and free. The only 
difference consisted in wealth, age, dexterity, courage, and 

The Indians were hospitable to strangers. To refuse the 
act or kind office of hospitality was looked upon as a fla- 
grant violation of a laudable practice in vogue among the 
tawny sons of the forest- Hospitality, they counted a mos^ 



sacred duty, from which none was exempt. "Whoever," 
said they, " refuses relief to any one, commits a grievous of- 
fence, and not only makes himself detested and abhorred by 
all, but liable to revenge from the injured person." 

In their conduct towards their enemies, as will be seen 
from the sequel, they w^ere " bloody cruel," and when exas- 
perated, nothing but the blood of their enemy could assuage, 
or allay anger, which rankled concealed in their bosom, wait- 
ing only for a convenient opportunity to strike the tearful 
blow, inflicted w'ith fury that knew no bounds. So deter- 
mined on revenge upon their enemies were they, that they 
would solemnly enjoin it upon their friends and posterity to 
resent injuries done them. The longest space of time, the 
most remote place of refuge, afforded no security to an In- 
dian's enemy. 

Drunkenness, after the whites were dealing with them, was 
a common vice. It was not confined, as it is at this day, 
among the whites, principally to the " strong-minded, '^ the 
male sex ; but the Indian female, as w-ell as the male, was 
infatuated alike with the love of strong drink; for neither of 
them knew bounds to tlicir desire : they drank while they 
had whiskey, or could swallow it down. Drunkenness was 
a vice, though attended with many serious consequences, 
nay, murder and death, that was not punishable among them. 
Ja was a f\)shionab]e vice. Fornication, adultery, stealing, 
lying and cheating, principally the offspring of drunkenness, 
were considered as heinous and scandalous offences, and were 
punished in various ways. 

The Dekwares and Iroquois married early in life; the men 
usually at eighteen, and the women at fourteen; but they 
never married near relations. If an Indian man wished to 
marry, he sent a present, consisting of blankets, cloth, linen, 
and occasionally a few belts of wampum, to the nearest re- 
lations of the 2:)erson he had fixed upon. If he that made 
the present, and the present pleased, the matter was formally 
pioposed to the girl, and if the answer was affirmatively 
given, the bride was conducted to the bridegroom's dwelling 
without any further ceremony ; but if the other party chose 
to decline the proposal, they returned the present, by way 
of a friendly negative. 

"After the marriage, the present made by the suitor, was 
divided emong the friends of the young wife. These returned 


the civility by a present of Indian corn, beans, kettles, bas- 
kets, hatchets, &c., brought in solemn procession into the 
hut of the new married couple. The latter commonly lodged 
in a friend's house, till they could erect a dwelling of their 

An Indian hut was built in the following manner : They 
peeled the trees, abounding in sap; then cutting the bark 
into pieces of six or eight feet in length, they laid heavy 
stones upon them, that they become flat and even in drying. 
The frame of the hut was made by driving poles into the 
ground, and strengthening them by cross beams. This frame 
was covered both inside and outside with the pieces of bark 
that had been prepared for that purpose, and fastened tight 
with the bast or withes of hickory. The roof ran upon a 
ridge, and was covered the same way. An opening was left, 
in the roof to let the smoke pass through ; and one in the 
side as a door, which was fastened with neither lock nor 
bolt — a stick leaning against it on the outside, as a token 
that no one was at home, was the only bolt to prevent in- 
truders. A lesson to whites 1 

There was some difference in the huts of the Delawares 
and Iroquois; the roofs of the former being angJilar, and the 
latter round or arched, — the Delaware families preferring to 
live separately, their huts were small ; the Iroquois preferred 
living together, they built their houses long, with several 
fire places, and corresponding openings in the roof and sides. 
In their dress, they displayed more singularity than art. The 
men wore a blanket, which hung loose over the shoulders, 
and generally went bare-headed. The dress which distin- 
guished the women, was a petticoat, fastened tight about tlie 
hips, and hanging down a little below the knees. A longer 
one would have proved an incumbrance in walking through 
the woods, or working in the fields. 

As soon as a child was born, it was laid upon a board or 
straight piece of bark, covered with moss, and wrapped up 
in a skin or i)iece of cloth; and when the mother was en- 
gaged in her housework, this rude cradle, or bed, was hung 
to a peg or branch of a tree. Their children they educated 
to fit them to get through the world, as did their fathers. 
They instructed them in religion, &c. They believed that 
Manitio, their God, ''the good spirit," could be propitiated 
by sacrifices, hence they observed a great many superstitions 


and idolatrous ceremonies. At their general and solemn 
sacrifices, the oldest men j erformed the offices of priests ; but 
in private parties, each man brought a sacrifice, and oli'ered 
it himself as priest. Instead of a temple, they fitted up a 
large dwelling house for the purpose. 

Polytheism, or the grossest kind of idolatry, did not exist 
among them, although they had their images, representing 
the " Manitto." The images ^vere of wood, the head of a 
man in miniature, which they always carried about them, 
either on a string round the neck, or in a bag. They also 
suspended images of the kind about the necks of their chil- 
dren, to preserve them from illness and to ensure them suc- 

The Delawares, in their feasts and sacrifices, held five as 
being the cardinal ones — each was accompanied by its ap- 
propriate ceremonies. 

The first was a sacrificial feast, held biennially by a whole 
family, or their friends— usually in the fall; occasionally in 
the winter. Besides the members of the family, they some- 
times invited their neighbors from the surrounding villages. 
The head of the family was obliged to piovide every thing. 
After estimating the requisite number of bears and deer on 
such an occasion, the young hunters were despatched to 
procure them. After securing them, they were carried in 
solemn procession to the house of sacrifice, and there depos- 
ited. The women, in the meantime, had prepared wood for 
roasting and boiling. They also prepared seats of long dry 
grass, ^^'hen the invited guests had assembled and seated 
themselves, the boiled meat was servcj.1 up m large kettles, 
with bread made of Indian corn, and distributed by persons 
appointed for that purpose. A uniform rule, strictly ob- 
served, was "that whatever was thus served up, as a sac- 
rifice, must be wholly eaten, and nothing left." A small 
quantity of melted fat only, was poui-ed by the oldest man 
into the fire, and in this the main part of the offering consist- 
ed. The bones were burnt, to prevent the dogs from getting 
any of them. After meal, the men and women struck up a 
dancCp One singer performed during the dance, who walked 
up and down, and rattled a small tortoise shell, with some 
pebbles in it. The principal part of the song consisted of 
dreams, and a recital of all the names of the " Manittos," and 
£uch things as v/ere esteemed most useful to the Indians. 



After the first singer was weary he sat down, and another 
sang. This kind of feast usually began in the afternoon, and 
lasted till next morning. Sometimes it continued for several 
nights in succession. 

The second feast was similar to the first, with this differ- 
ence, that the men danced almost in a state of nudity, and 
their bodies were besmeared with white clay. 

At the third feast, a dozen or fifteen tanned deer skins 
were given to as many old men and women; who wrapped 
themselves in them, and stood before the house, with their 
face towards the east ; and in this position, prayed God with 
a loud voice to reward their benefactors. 

The fourth feast was made to a certain voracious spirit, 
who, according to their notions, was never satisfied. The 
guests were therefore obliged to eat all the bears' ffesh, and 
drink the melted fat, without leaving any thing, which was 
frequently followed by indigestion and violent vomiting. 

The fifth festival was celebrated in honor of fire, which 
they held in veneration, considered it as the first parent of 
ail'lndian nations- They said that twelve "Manittos" at- 
tended this parent as subordinate deities, being partly animals 
and partly vegetables. The principal ceremony, in celebrat- 


this festival, was, that a large oven was built in the 
midst of the house of sacrifice, that consisted of twelve poles, 
each of a different species of wood. These they ran into the 
ground, fasteiied them together at the top, and covered them 
entirely with blankets, so that the whole appeared like a 
baker's oven, high enough nearly to admit a man, standing 
upright. After meal, the oven was heated with twelve large 
stones made red hot : then twelve men crept into it, and re- 
mained there as long a.s they couui bear the heat. In the 
mean while an old woman threw twelve pipes full of tobacco 
upon the hot stones, which occasioned a sranke almost pow- 
erful enough to suffocate the persons that were confined ; so 
that on being taken out, they generally fell in a swoon! 
During this feast, a whole deer-skin, with the head and an- 
tlers remaining, was raised upon a pole, to which they sang 
and prayed; though they always denied that by this act 
they paid any adoration to the buck: they declared that God 
alone was worshipped through this medium. 

To amuse the young people, qtiantities of wampum were 
scattered upon the ground, for which they scrambled, and he 



that got the most was considered the best fellow. At these 
feasts, four persons, who were styled servants, had been ap- 
pointed, whose business it was to wait, or serve, day and 
night; who were paid in wampum, with the privilege to take 
the choice provisions, such as sugar, eggs, butter, bilberries, 
Lc, and dispose of them fo the guests, and appropriate the 
proceeds to their own benefit. The festivals were always 
closed, after the whites had been trafficking with the Indi- 
ans, with a general drinking-about of lum! Besides these 
principal feasts, they had many others of minor importance. 

Depending, as they did, for a supply of food, principally- 
taken in the chase ; hunting constituted their chief employ- 
ment, and next to war, was considered the most honorable ; 
they were experienced hunters ; their boys were trained to 
tliis business, whom they taught when quite young to climb 
trees, " both to catch birds and to exercise their sight, which 
by this method was rendered so quick, that in hunting, they 
saw objects at an amazing distance. In detecting and pur- 
suing game, they almost exceeded the best trained dog, in 
following its course." Their principal weapons used by the 
Indian hunters, were bows and arrows ; some had rifles. 
Their hunting excursions continued for months, sometimes. 
Before they entered a long hunt, they would usually shoot 
one or more deer, and kept a feast of sacrifice, and invited 
the old men to assist in praying for success. Some of the 
more credulous bathed and painted before they set off; and 
the more superstitious kept a fast before, and during the sea- 
son. They assigned as a reason for fasting, that it helped 
them to dream, and in their dreams they said they were iri- 
lormed of the haunts of the game, and of the most success- 
ful method of propitiating the ire of evil spirits, during the 
hunting season. If the dreamer fancied that he saw an In- 
dian, who had left this stage of action for years, and heard 
l;im say, " If thou wilt sacrifice to me, thou shalt shoot deer 
«t pleasure," they instantly prepared a sacrifice, burnt the 
whole, or part of a deer, in honor of the apparition. They 
observed other ceremonies, and made use of charms to pro- 
mote their success. 

When they travelled or went on a journey, they manifest- 
ed much carelessness about the weather ; yet, in their pray- 
ers, they usually begged " for a clear and pleasant sky." 
Ti.ey generally provided themselves with Indian meal, which 


they cither ate dry, mixed with swgar and water, or boiled 
into a kind of mush; for they never took bread made of In- 
dian corn, for a long journey, because in summer, it would 
spoil in three or four days, and be unfit for use. As to meat, 
that they took as they went. 

If, in their travels, they had occasion to pass a deep river, ■ 
on arriving at it, they set about it immediately and built a 
canoe, by taking a long piece of bark, of proportionate 
breadth, to which they gave the proper form, by fastening 
it to ribs of light wood, bent so as to suit the occasion. If 
a laro-e canoe was required, several pieces of bark were care- 
fully sowed together. " If the voyage was expected to be 
long, many Indians carried every thing they wanted for their 
nio-ht's lodging with them; namely, some slender poles, and 
rush-mats, or birch baik." 

When at home, they had their amusements. Their favor- 
ite one was dancing. An amusement that is excusable even 
at this day, among those whose "taste and education," like 
the simple sons of the forest, preponderate that way. The 
Indians, like some whites of this day have, had several kinds 
of dances. 

'•' The common dance was held either in a large house, or 
in an open held around a fire. In dancing, they formed a 
circle, and always had a leader, to whom the whole compa- 
ny attended. The men went before, and the women closed 
the circle. The latter danced with great decency, and as 
if they had engaged in the most serious business; while thus 
eno-ai^ed, they never spoke a word to the men, much less 
joked with them, which would have injured their character- 
They neither jumped nor skipped; but placed one foot light- 
ly forward, and then backward; yet so as to advance grad- 
ually, till they reached a certain spot, and then retired in 
the "same manner. They kept their bodies straight, and their 
arms hanging down close to their sides. But the men shout- 
ed, leapt, and stampt with such violence that the ground 
trembled under their feet. Their extreme agility and light- 
ness of foot was uexev shown to •■more advantage than in 
dancing. Their whole music consisted in a single drum ; 
which was mride of an okl barrel or kettle, or the lower end 
of a hollow tree, covered with a thin deer-skin, and beaten 
with one stick. Its sound, however, was not very agreea- 
ble, and served only to mark the time, which the Indians, 



when (lancing even in large numbers, kept with due exact- 
ness. When they had finished one round, they took sonie 
rest : but during this time the drummer continued to sino; 
till another dance commenced. These dances, in keeping 
with that spirit, lasted till midnight." 

"Another kind of dance was only attended by men. Each 
rose in his turn, and danced with great agility and boldness, 
extolling their own, or their forefathers' great deeds in a 
song, to which all beat time, by a monotonous, rough note, 
which was given out with great vehemence at the commence- 
ment of each bar." 

" Some dances, held upon different occasions, dilTered 
much from the above. Of these, the chief was the dance of 
peace, called also the Calumet, or pipe dance ; because the 
Cahiract, or pipe of peace, was handed about during the 
(lance. This was the most pleasing to strangers, who at- 
tended as spectators ; its appearance was peaceable, and not 
so dreadful as the former. The dancers joined hands, and 
leapt in a ring for some time. On a sudden, the leader let 
the hand of one of his partners go, and kept hold of the 
other. He then sprang forward, and turned round several 
times, by which he drew the company round, so that he was 
enclosed by them, when they stood close together. They 
then disengaged themselves as suddeidy, yet they kept hold 
of each others hands during all the different revolutions and 
changes in the dance; which, as they explained it, represen- 
ted the chain of friendship, A song made especially for this 
solemnity, was sung by all," 

" The war dance, which was always held either before or 
after a campaign, was dreadful to behold. None took part 
in it, but the warriors themselves. Thtw appeared armed, 
as if going to battle. One carried his gun or hatchet ; an- 
otlier a long knife, the third a tomahawk, the fourth a large 
club; or, they all appeared armed with tomahawks. These 
they brandislied in the air, to show how they intended to 
treat their enemies. They affected such an air of anger and 
fury on this occasion, that it made a spectator shudder to 
behold them. A chief led the dance, and sang the warlike 
deeds of himself or his ancestors. At the end of every cele- 
brated feat of valor, he wielded his tomahawk with all his 
might against a post fixed in the ground. He was then fol- 
lowed by the rest, each finished his round by a blow against 


the post. Then they danced all together; and this was the 
most frightful scene. They affected the most horrible and 
dreadful gestures; threatened to beat, cut, and stab each 
other. They were, however, amazingly dexterous in avoid- 
ing the threatened danger. To complete the horror of the 
scejie, thty howled as dreadiully as if in actual fight, so that 
they appeared as raving madmen. During the dance 
they sometimes sounded a kind of fife, made of reed, which 
had a shiill and disagreeable note. The Iroquois used 
the war dance even in times of peace, with a view to cel- 
ebrate the deeds of their heroic chiefs in a solemn man- 

" The sacrificial dance Avas held at the solemnization of 
their sacrifices." 

"The Indians, as well as 'all human flesh,' were heirs of 
disease. The most common were pleurisy, weakness and 
pains in the stomach and breast, consumption, diarihrea, 
rheumatism, bloody flux, agues, inflammatory fevers — and, 
occasionally the small pox made dreadful ravages among 
tbera. Their general remedy for all disorders, small or great, 
was a sweat. For this purj)ose they had in every town an 
oven, situated at some distance from the dwellings, built of 
stakes and boards, covered with sods, or were dug in the 
sifle of a hill, and heated with some red-hot stones. Into this 
the patient crept naked, and in a short time was thrown into 
]M-ofuse perspiration. As soon as the patient felt himself too 
hot, he crept out, and immediately plunged himself into a 
river, or some cold water, where lie continued about thirty 
seconds, and then went ao-ain into the oven. After having 
j)erformed this operation three times successively, he smoked 
iiis pipe with composure, and in many cases a cure was com- 
pletely eOected." 

" In some places they had ovens eonstructed large enough 
to receive several jiersons. Some chose to pour water now 
and then ujion the healed stones, to increase the steam, and 
promote more jMofuse perspiration. Many Indians, in per- 
fect health, made it a practice of going into the oven once or 
twice a week, to renew their strength and spirits. Some pre- 
tended by this ojK'ration to pre])are themselves for a business 
which requires mature delibeiation and artifice. If the sweat- 
ing did not remove the disorder, other means were applied. 
I\Iany of the Indians believed that medicines had no eliicacy, 


unless administered by a professed physician — enough of pro- 
fessed doctors could be found — many of both sexes professed 
to be doctors. 

Indian doctors never applied medicines without accom- 
panying them with mysterious ceremonies, to make their ef* 
feet appear supernatural. The ceremonies were various. 
Many breathed upon the sick — they averred their breath was 
wholesome. In addition to this they spirted a certain liquor 
made of herbs, out of their mouth, over the patient'^^ whole 
body, distorting their features, and roaring dreadfully. In 
some instances physicians crept into the oven, where they 
sweat, howled, roared, and now and then grinned horribly 
at their patients, who had been laid before the opening, and 
frequently felt the pulse of the patient. Then pronounced 
sentence, and foretold either their recovery or death. On 
one occasion, a Moravian missionary was present, who saySj 
"An Indian physician had put on a large bear-skin, so that 
his arms were covered with the fore legs, his feet with the 
hind legs, and his head was entirely concealed in the bear's 
head, with the addition of glass eyes. He came in this at- 
tire with a calabash in his hand, accompanied by a great 
crowd of people into the patient's hut, singing and dancing, 
when he grasped a handful of hot ashes, and scattering them 
into the air, with a horrid noise, approached the patient, and 
began to play several legerdemain tricks with small bits of 
wood, by which he pretended to be able to restore him to 

The common people believed that by rattling the calabash, 
the physician had power to make the spirits discover the 
cause of the disease, and even evade the malice of the evil 
spirit who occasioned it. 

Their Materia JMcdica, or the remedies used in curing dis- 
eases were, such as rattle snake root, the skins of rattle 
snakes, dried and pulverized, thorny ash, toothache tree, 
tulip tree, dogwood, wild laurel, sassafras, Canada shrubby 
elder, poison ash, wintergreen, liverwort, Virginia poke, ja- 
lap, sarsaparilla, Canadian sanicle, scabians or devil's bir, 
bloodwort, cuckowpint, gmseng, and a few others. 

Death and burials among them, are described by one who 
spent years among them, as follows : Immediately after the 
death of an Indian, the corpse is dressed in a new suit, with 
the face and shirt painted red, and laid upon a mat or skin. 


in the middle of the hut or cottage. The arms and effects 
of the deceased are then piled up near the body. In the 
evening, soon after sunset, and in the morning, before day- 
break, the female relations and friends assemble around the 
corpse and mourn over it. Their lamentations are loud, in 
proportion to the love and esteem they bore to the deceased, 
or to his rank, or the pains he suffered in dying ; and they 
are daily repeated, till his interment. 

The burying places -were at some distance from the dwell- 
ings. The graves were generally dug by old women, as the 
young people abhorred this kind of work. Before they had 
hatchets and other tools, they used to line the inside of the 
grave with the bark of trees, and when the corpse was let 
down, they placed some pieces of wood across, which were 
again covered with bark, and then the earth thrown in. :o 
fill up the grave. But afterwards, they usually placed three 
boards, not nailed together, over the grave, in such a man- 
ner that the corpse lay between them. A fourth board was 
placed as a cover, and then the grave was filled up with 
earth. Now and then a proper cotKn was jirocured. 

At an early period, they used to put a tohacco-pouch, 
knife, tinder-box, tobacco and pil)e, bow and arrows, gun, 
powder and shot, skins, and cloth for clothes, paint, a small 
bag of Indian corn or diied bilberries, sometimes the kettle, 
hatchet, and other furniture of the deceased, into the grave, 
supposing that the departed spirits would have the same 
wants and occupation in the land of souls. But this custom 
was nearly wholly abolished among the Delawares and Iro- 
quois about the middle of the last century. At the burial, 
not a man shed a tear ; they deemed it a shame for a man 
to weep. But, on the other hand, the women set up a 
dreadful howl. 

The language of the Delawares and Iroquois has an agree- 
able sound, both in conversation and public delivery, accord- 
ing to the testimony of Loskiel and others, who understood 
it. Though there is a great dilTercnce between that of the 
former and latter. The pronunciation, say those skilled in 
the Delaware tongue, is quite easy. Whether the languages 
of these nations have not been greatly changed in process of 
time, is a question that cannot here be discussed. No 
doubt these languages, like all others, were subject to mu- 


The following is the Lord's prayer in these languages ; 
v}z : Delaware and Iroquois. 

Ki wetocheraelenk talli epian awossagame. Mach elend- 
Ksutch ktellewunsowoagan ksakimawoagan pejcwigetsch, 
Knelite hewoagan legetsch talli achquidhackarnike flgiqva 
leek talli awossaganae. Milineen elgischquik gunigischuk 
schpoan. Woak mirvelen-darnmauwineen 'n 
sowoagannena elgiqui niluna miweleden-dammauwenk nik 
tschetschanilawequergik. Woak katschi 'npawuneen li acn- 
quetschiechtowoaganueng. Alod knihillatamen ksakimawoa- 
gan, woak ktalbewussovvoagan, woak ktallowiluesso'voagan, 
ne wuntschi hallemiwi li hallamagamik. Amen. 

Soungwauncha caurounkyauga lehseetaroan saul'vvoney- 
custa, es a, sawaneyou okettauhsela ehneawoung, na, cau- 
rounkyauga nugh wonshauga, neattewehnesalauga taugwau- 
nautoronoantoughsick toantangweleewiieyoustaung chenee}- 
ent chaquatautaleywheyoustaunna toughsan langwassareneh 
tawantottenaugaloughtoungga, nasawne sascheautaugwass 
contehsalohaunzaikaw, esa sawauneyou, esa sashantzta, esa 
soungwasoung chenneauhaungwa, anwen. 

William Penn, the founder of the province, says', " then- 
language is lofty, yet narrow; bu^, like the Hebrew, m S5g- 
nificaiion, full ; like short hand, i*^ writing, one w'ord serveth 
in place of three, and the rest are supplied by the urulerstarA- 
ing of the hearer." 

To the eye, the words of the Delaware and Iroquois ap- 
pear very long — longer than Hebrew words. The foilowing 
iS copied from a work, printed at Leipsic, 1740. It js the 
Lord's prayer in Hebrew, and is here introduced, to show 
iiy comparison, that there is a difference in the length of 

Abbinu schebbuschschamajira, jikkadesch schemecha, tah- 
ho malchutecha, jehi rezonecha caascher basehschamajim 
vechen baarez, lachmenu dhebhar jora bejomo then lanu 
hajjom, vselach lanu eth chobhoththenu, veal tebhiena 
lenissajou, ki-im hazzilenu mera,ki lecha hamalchuth ugheh- 
hura vechabodh leolara olaraim. Amen. 

Their language is highly figurative. The lollowitig spe- 
cimens may afford an idea of their metaphors : — 

" The sky is overcast with dark, blustering clouds ;"' 
meaning. We shall have troublesome times — we shall have 
war. '' We shall lift up the hatchet ;" We shall have war, 


26 introductioin. 

" The path is already shut up ;" War has begun. *'Thi 
rivers run with blood;" War rages in the country^ "To 
bury the hatchet ;" To conclude peace. " To lay down the 
hatchet — to slip the hatchet under the bed ;" To cease fight- 
)ng for a while, during a truce. "You did not naake me strong;'' 
You gave me nothing. "Don't listen to birds which fly by, 
singing ;" Don't believe what stragglers tell you. " Look 
this way;" Join our party. "Suffer no grass to grow on 
this war path;" Carry on the war with vigor. " One night s- 
encampment ;" A halt of one year at a place. " You have 
spoken good words;" I am pleased with what you say. "I 
will pass one night yet at this place ;" I will stay one year 
at this place. 

Wars, among the Indians, were always carried on with 
the greatest fury, and lasted much longer than they do izcrw 
among them. The otfensive weapons were, before the whites 
came among them, bows, arrows and clubs. The latter were 
made of the hardest kind of wood ; from two to three feet 
long, and very heavy, with a large round knob at one end. 
Their weapon of defence was a shield, made of the tough 
hide of a buffalo, on the concave side of which they receivetJ 
the arrows and darts of tlie enemy; but about the middle oi 
the last century this was * laid aside by the Delawarcs ami 
Iroquois, though they used to a later period, bows, arrows, 
and clubs of war : the clubs they used, were pointed, witli 
nails and pieces of iron, when used at all — guns were mea- 
surably substituted for all these. The hatchet and iong- 
knife was used, as well as the gun. The army of these na- 
tions consisted of all their young men, including boys of fifteen 
years old. They had their captains and subordinate officers. 
Their captains, would be called amongst them, commanders 
or generals. The requisite qualifications for this station, 
were prudence, cunning, resolution, bravery, undauntedness, 
and previous good fortune in sorr.e fight or battle. 

" To Hft the hatchet ;" or, to begin a war, was always, 
as they declared, not till just and important causes prompted 
them to it. Then they assigned as motives, that it was ne- 
cessary to revenge the injuries done to the nation. Perhaps, 
the honor of being distinguished as great warriors, may have 
been an " ingredient in the cup." 

" But, before they entered upon so hazardous an underta- 
king, they carefully weighed all the proposals made, com- 



pared the probable advantages or disadvantages that might 
accrue, A chief could not begin a war without the consent 
of his captains ; nor could he accept of a war-belt, only on 
the condition of its being considered by the captains. The 
chief was bound to preserve peace to the utmost of his pow- 
er. But, if several captains were unanimous in declaring 
war, the chief was then obliged to deliver the care of his 
[leople, for a time, into the hands of the captains, and to lay 
down his office. Yet his influence tended greatly either to 
prevent, or encourage the commencement of war ; for the 
iudians believed that a war could not be successful without 
the consent of the chief; and the captains, on that account, 
strove to be in harmony with him. x4.fter w^ar was agreed 
on, and they wished to secure the assistance of a nation in 
league with them, they notified that nation by sending a 
piece of tobacco, or by an embassy. By the first, they in- 
tended that the captains were to smoke pipes and consider 
seriously whether they would take part in the war or not. 
The embassy was entrusted to a captain, who carried a belt 
of wampum, upon which the object of the embassy was des- 
cribed by certain figures, and a hatchet with a red handle. 
After the chief had been informed of his commission, it was 
laid before a council. — The hatchet having been laid on the 
ground, he delivered a long speech, while holding the war- 
belt in his hand. Always closing the address with the re- 
quest, to take up the hatchet ; and then delivering the war- 
belt. If this was complied with, no more was said; and this 
act was considered as a solemn promise to lend every assist- 
ance : but, if neither the hatchet was taken up, nor the belt 
accepted, tlie ambassador drew the just conclusion, that the 
nation preferred to remain neutral, and without any further 
ceremony, returned home. 

The Delawares and Iroquois were very informal in declar- 
ing war ; they often sent out small parties, seized the first 
man they met, belonging to the nation they had intended to 
engage, killed and scalped him, then cleaved his head with 
a hatchet, which they left stick in it, or laid a war club, 
painted red, upon the body of the victim. This w^as a for- 
mal challenge ; in consequence of which, a captain of an in- 
sulted party would take up the weapons of the murderers, 
and hasten into their country, to be revenged upon thesa ; .t 


lie returned with a scalp, he thought he had avenged the 
rights of his own nation. 

Among the Delawares and Iroquois, it required but 
iittle time to make preparations for war. One of the most 
necessary preparations, was to paint themselves red and 
black ; for they held it, that the most horrid appearance ot 
war, was the greatest ornament. Some captains fasted and 
attended to their dreams, with the view to gain intelligence 
ot the issue of the war. The night previous to the march of 
the army was spent in feasting, at which the chiefs were 
present ; when either a hog or some dogs were killed. Dog's 
iiesh, said they, inspired them with the genuine martial spi- 
rit ; even women, in some instances, partook of this feasi, 
and ate dogs' flesh greedily. Now and then when a warrior 
"was induced to make a solemn declaration of his war incli- 
nation, he held up a piece of dog's flesh in sight of all pres- 
ent, and devoured it, and pronounced these words : " Thus 
vall I devour my enemies !" Alter the feast, the captain 
and ail his people began the war-dance, and continued till 
dayoreak — till they had become quite hoarse and weary. 
They generally danced all together, and each in his turn 
took the head of a hog in his hand. As both their friend? 
and tiie women generally, accompanied them to the first 
night's encampment, they halted about two or three miles 
from the tcvv'n, danced the war dance once more, and the day 
following, began their march. Before they made an attack, 
they reconnoitered every part of the country. To this end, 
they dug holes in the ground ; if practicable, in a hillock, 
covered with wood, in which they kept a small charcoal fire, 
from which they discovered the motions of the enemy undis- 
covercJ. When they sought a prisoner or a scalp, they ven- 
tured, m many instances, even in day time, to execute their 
designs. Etfectually to accomplish this, they skulked behind 
a bulky tree, and crept slyly around the trunk, as not to i«e 
observed by the person or persons for whom they lay in am- 
bush. In this way they slew many. But if they had a fa- 
mily or town in view, they always preferred the night, when 
their enemies were wrapt in profound sleep; and in this way 
killed, scalpt, and made prisoners, many of their enemies — 
set fire to the houses, and retired with ail possible haste tu 
the woods, or some place of sale retreat. To avoid pursuit, 
tney disguised their footmarks as much as possible. They 


jiepended much on stratagem for their success ; even in war 
they thought it more honorable to distress their enemy more 
by stratagem than combat. The English, not aware of the 
artifice of the Indians, lost an army when Braddock was 

The Indians' cruelty, when victorious, was without bounds: 
their thirst for blood was almost unquenchable. They never 
made peace till compelled by necessity. No sooner were 
"erms of peace proposed, than the captains laid down their 
office, and delivered the government of the state into the 
hands of the chiefs. A captain had no more right to con- 
clude a peace, than a chief to begin war. When peace had 
been offered to -a captain,. he could give no other answer 
than to mention the proposal to the chief; for as a warrior, he 
could nor make peace. If the chief inclined to peace, he used 
all his influence to effect that end ; and all hostility ceased. 
And in conclusion, the Calumet, or peace-pipe was smoked, 
and belts of wampum exchanged ; and a concluding speech 
made, with the assurance, " that their friendship should last 
as long as the sun and moon give light, rise and set; as long 
- as the stars shine in the firmament, and the rivers flow with 

The foil oicing will afford the reader some idea of thedif- 
lerent Indian nations, and principal tribes, and their locali- 
ties, at the time when Europeans first attempted to colonise 
this country ; and at the time when the French concluded 
peace with the English. 

When the Europeans first commenced colonizing this coun- 
try, there were eight races, or grand families of Indian tribes, 
each consisting of a number of minor tiibes or nations. The 
rgrand tribes were each of a different language. These eight 
tribes lived east and west of the Mississippi, and within the 
bounds of What now constitutes the United States. 

The largest of their families or tribes, were the Algon- 
QCixs, consisting of many tribes, scattered over the whole of 
ihe eastern States, the southern part of New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois and Michigan. The principal tribes belong* 
mg to the Algonquins, were the Abenakis, Pequods, Mohe- 
gans, east of the Hudson river : Lenni I^enape, Nanticokes, 
and Powhattan confederacy, north of James and Tennessee 
rivers, and east of the Ohio; and Corees south of James riv- 


'50 rNTRODUcnoN 

er : the Shawnees on the Cumberland river: the Chippewas, 
Sac and Foxes, Menomonies, Ottawas, Miamis, about the 
Jakes Superior, INIichigan, on the Mississippi and Illinois ri- 
vers, north ot 37, north latitude. 

The Dahcotas or Sioux, lived between Lake Superior 
and Gulf of Mexico, west of the Mississippi. They were a 
small branch of the great tribe of the same name, to be found 
aoout the higher streams of that river, and between them and 
the Oregon mountains. 

The Iroquois or Huron nation, composed of the Senecas, 
Cayugas, OiiOndagos, Oneidas, Mohawks, long known by 
the name of the Five Nations ; and of the Eries and Andas- 
tes; who occupied all the northern and western parts of the 
State of Nev; York, and part of upper Canada. The Fivt 
Natio.vs were afterwards (1713 '14) joined by the Tusca- 
roras from Carolina, and were thereafter called the Six Na- 

Tiie Catawsas who lived principally in South Carolina. 
The Ckerokees who inhabited the mountainous parts of the 
Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama. The Uchees who resided 
m Georgia, near where Augusta now stands. The Natchez, 
who lived on the Mississippi; only a small tribe. The Mo- 
lULiAN tribes, or as they are called by some writers, the 
Muskhogee-Chocta, composed of Chickasas, Choctas, Mus- 
hogees or Creeks ; Yamasees, and Seminoles of Florida m 
tlie southern states. Tiie languages of these eight families 
are all very different. These were the nations and their lo- 
calities at the close of the xvi. and early part of the xvii. 
century. Their habitations have been changed, as the tide 
o/Earo}")ean immigration rolled westward. 

.Karnes and localities of the numerous Indian nations, tribes, 
^c, rn the middle of the xvii. century, according to '' Ji 
map of the British dominions in JVorth America, within 
the limits of the goverriments annexed thereto, by the late 
treaty of peace, and. settled by proclamation October 7th, 

In this arrangement I commenced at west, 95 w. long, ana 
arranged them eastward m spaces of 5 degrees of latitude: 
After the name of each nation or tribe, the longitude and 
latitude are given. 


i. Nations, <kc. between 50 and 55 parallels of N. lat. 

i. Christinaux or Kilistinos, 51, n. 1. and 95 and SJ. 
w. Ion. between Lake Christinaux, on the north and Lake 
Alemipigon, on the south. 

2. Abitibis, 50 n. I. 80 and 75 w. Ion. south of Hudson' < 

II, Nations, &c. between 45 and 5<J w. i. 

1. Algonkins, or Adirondaks, 47 n. 1. and S5 and 80 v* 
Jon. east of Lake Superior. 

2. Messesagues, 46 n, 1. & 80 w. Ion. northeast of Lake 

S. Outaoncas, 45 n. 1. &. 90 w. Ion. south of Lake S.,- 

III. Nations, &c. between 40 & 45 n. i. 

i. OrjTAGAMis, 44 n. 1- & 90 w. Ion. west of Lake Mich- 

2. NiARiAGES, 44 n. 1. & S5 w. Ion. between Lake Mich- 
igan & Lake Huron. 

3. The Ancient Hurons, 43 n. 1. & SO w. Ion. southeas; 
of Lake Huron. 

4. Northern Iroquois, (1) 42 n. 1. & 77 w. ion. north- 
west of Lake Ontario. 

5. Mascoutens, 42 n. 1. 86 w. Ion. south of the Outaga- 
mis Indians, 

G. MiAMiES, 42 n. 1. 85 w. Ion. south of Lake Michigan 
7. Senegas, 42 n. 1. 77 w. Ion. southeast of Lake Eru-. 
S, Onondagos, 43 n. 1. 75 w. Ion. southeast of Lake On- 

9. Cayugaes, contiguous, and immediately south of the 

10. Illinois, 40 n. 1. 90 w. Ion. in the forks of the Mis- 
sissippi and Illinois rivers, around Fort des Miamis. 

11. TwiGHTWEEs, (2) 40 n. 1. 85 w. Ion. on the Wabach* 

12. Shauwanoes, 41 n, 1. 80 w. Ion- on the Aiiegtiany 
river and Ohio. 

IV. Nations, &.c. between 35 & 40, n. latitude. 

JS''ote. The Illinois & Twightwees extended soutft. of 
40 n. iat. 


1. OsAGES, 38 n. 1. 94 n. Ion. south of the Missouri river. 

2. Delawares, (3) 40 n. 1. & 83 w. Ion. southwest of 


3. Arkansas, 86 n. !. 6c 92 w. Ion. west of the Missis- 

4. Cherokees, (4) 3G n. 1. & 85 w. Ion. west of the Apa- 
iachian mountains. 

V. Nations, &c. between 30 & 35 n. latitude. 

1. ChicasawSj 36 n. 1. & 83 w. Ion. east of the Missis- 
sippi river. 

2. Catawbas, (5) 37 n. 1. <Sc 82 w. Ion, on the head wa- 
ters oi the Congaree river. 

3. Chactaws, 32 n. L & 90 w. Ion, on the west & east 
side of the Mississippi, 

Motes. — These have been added from Loskiel's History of 
Moravian Missions. Loskiel wrote in 1788, twenty-five 
vears after the appearance of the Map, from which the above 
list of Indian nations, &c., has been compiled. 

(1). This name they received from the French. The En- 
j-lish called them the Six Nations ; they called themselves 
Aquanuschioni, i. e. United People. Others called them 
Minsos, and some Maquais. These confederate nations are 
the Mohawks, Oneida, Onondago, Cajuga, Senneka <Sc Tus- 
■yiroras : the latter joined the confederacy about 1713 or 

The rest of the nations in league with the Deknvares & 
Iroquois, were Mahikans, Shawanese, Cherokees, Twitch- 
wees, Wawiachtanos, Putewoatarnen, Nantikoks, ^^'yon(lots 
or Hurons, Chaktawas, Chickasaws. All these nations live 
to the w^est o{ New^ Englantl, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina & 
Georgia, But it is difficult to determine the boundaries of 
the different countries they inhabit. 

(2). The Twightwees reside chiefly between the rivers 
Sioto Sr Wabash. 

(3). The Delawares live above the Shawanese. 

(4). The Cherokees inhabit the mountains behind North 
Carolina, between the river Cherokee, which flows into the 
Ohio, and South Carolina ; eastward of the Mississippi. 


(5), The Catawbas live behind Georgia, on the banks of 
the Mississippi, and the Creeks are neighbors of the Chero- 
kees & Choctaws. Between the Creeks and Cherokees more 
to the westward on the east side of the Mississippi are Chic- 
asaws, who inhabit both sides of the river Chicasaw or 
Jason river. 


Penxsvlvania settled, purchase made from the In- 
dians, &c. 

Pennsylvania named in honor of Sir William Penn — William Penri 
receives a charter from King Charles II. — Boundary of the Proviiice 
— Penn's policy towards the aborigines — Similar policy had been 
pursued, in some measure, by others — Markham, in obedience to 
Penn's inslructions, purchases lands from the Indians— Repeated 
purchases made — Deeds to John Penn, Thomas Penn and Richard 
Penn — Deeds of 1719 and 1754, and of 17G8— William Penn's stay 
in, and departure Irom, the Province — His return to the Province : 
return to England: his death — Influx of immigrants — Settlements 
-extend up along the Susquehanna river — Settlements commenced 
■v. the v.-est side of the Susquehannah, in York county — Settlements 
west of the Susquehanna in North, or Kittochtinny Valley — Earlie^c 
settlements first among the Indians — Settlements in Huntingdon, 
Union, Xorihumberlaiid, Centre anJ other counties — Indians' fiiend- 
shn towards the first settlers. 

The Province of Pennsylvania was named by King Charles 
II., in honor of tiie soij of Giles Penn, Sir William Penn, an 
Admiral of (!ie English Navy, who commanded the British 
rieet in Oliver Cromwell's time; and in the beginning of 
Charles 11. 

In a letter to Robert Turner, William Penn says, that 
the King would have it called " by the name of Pennsilva- 
■nia,^' in honor of his (William Penn's) lather. The follow- 
ing is a coj)y of the letter : 

5thof 1st Mo. IGSl. 
•^ To RoHERT Turner : 
Dear Friend — My true love in the Lord salutes thee, and 
dear friends that love the Lord's precious truth in those parts. 
Thine I have, and for my business here, know that after 
many waitings, watchings, solicitings and disputes in council, 
tliis day my country was confinned to me under the great 


seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the 
name of Pennsilvania, a name the king would give it in ho- 
nor of my father. I chose JYew Wales, being as this, a 
pretty hilly country, but Perm being Welsh for a head, as 
'Pamamoire in Wales, and Penrith in Cumberland, and Penn 
m Buckinghamshire, the highest land in England, called this 
Pennsilvania, which is the high or head woodlands ; lor I 
proposed when the Secretary — a Welshman — refused to have 
it called New Wales, Sylvania, and they added Penn to if. 
and though I much opposed it, and went to the king to have- 
it struck out and altered, he said 'twas past, and would take 
it upon him; nor could twenty guineas move Ihe under sec- 
retarys to vary the name, for I feared least it should be lookt 
un as a vanity in me, and not as a respect in the king, as it 
truly was to my father, whom he often mentions with praise. 
Thou mayst communicate my graunt to friends, and expect 
:ihortly my proposals : tis a clear and just thing, and my God 
that has given it me through many dilficultys will, I believe, 
bless and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a ten- 
der cafe to the government, that it will be well laid at first: 
no more now, but dear love in truth. 

Thy true friend, 

W. Penn. 

Sir William Penn, the Admiral, for services rendered, and 
i consideration of sundry debts due him fiom the crown, had 
• ! promise made him, from King Charles II., of a large tract 
(;t land in America ; but he died before he obtained it. 

William Penn, son of Sir William, while at Oxford, pur- 
•<uing his studies, hearing the distinguished Thomas Loe, a 
(Quaker, preach, imbibed religfous sentiments of the Friends; 
and seemed for some time to care little about the promised 
grant which the King had made his fiUher ; he, therefore, 
■ not urgently press his claims upon the crown ; till at last 
finding that those, whose sentiments he had imbibed, and 
whose cause, in common with the cause of all the oppressed, 
he espoused, were harassed every where in England by spi- 
ritual courts, resolved to put himself at the head of as many 
as would go with him, and remove to this country ; of which 
he had obtained a grant from Charles II.'* 

*There were several acts passed about ihe middle of the seventeen -.h 
f fr.tury that v/ere oppressive to non-confcrmists. The Oxford actcf 1655 


The Province, or the lower part of it, had been ca'heci 
New Netherlands, and was begun to be planted by some 
Dutchmen and others. It is called Pennsylvania m the orig- 
'nal Patent, bearing date March 4th, IGbl. It contained all 
that tract of land in America, with all the Islands belonging 
to it, from the beginning of the 40th to the 43d degree ci 
north latitude, whose eastern bounds, from twelve miles above 
New Castle, otherwise Delaware town, run all along upon 
the side of the Delaware river — these bounds and exte!>t were 
set down m the original grant; hut i\Ir. Penn having after- 
wards obtained part of JS'ova Belgia from the Duke of York, 
iX was added to the country given in the first grant, so thr.t- 
it extends now to the oSth degree and 5-5 minutes north lat- 

Soon after Penn had obtained a charter, he made sale? to 
adventurers, called first settlers, who embarked the same year, 
and arrived in America, in Upland, now Chester, December 
11, 16S1. Penn, with many of his oppressed friends, sailed 
next year, landed at New Castle, October 27, 1G^"2. 

Penn, who was wholly devoted to the best interests cf his 
■:olony, did all that lay in his power to secure the continued 
friendship of the aborigines, or Indians, to whom, of r'ght, 
belongred the soil — " the woods and the streams" — though, 
siCCordinsT to the custom of conquest, and in conformity to the 
practices of the whites of Europe, a contrary r.nncipie had 
generally, if not universally obtained ; and, in conformity to 
that princij)le, and by virtue of his charter, Penn mi^'ht le- 
gally have claimed an indisputabic, or an undoubted right to 
the soil granted him by Charles II.; but he "v%-as intiuenccil 
uy a purer morality, and sounder policy, than that prevai'irg 
principle which actuated the more sordid. His religious prin- 
ciples did not permit him to wrest the soil of Pennsylvania 
by force from the people to whom God and nature gave it, 

tanished non-conformins ministers five miles fro-n nny crrpcrate it wn 
sending members to Parliamenl, and prchibited the:n '"rem keeprg i r 
:eachin{r schools. The Test Act of the same year wa<: «:;!1 more se- 
vere. The dreadful consequences of this intolerant spirit ':^"as, uiat 
TiCt less than from six to ei^ht thousand died in prison in "he reisn ct 
Charles II. It is said that Mr. Jeremiah \Vhite had carefully c.olIec;pd 
a asi of those who had suffered between Charles II. and the revoii?t:cr., 
•which amounted to sixty thousand. — De Lauiu^s Plia, .'^•-.. 

* See Emanuel Bowman's Geography, vol.2, p. G55; printed at 
London, 1747— Bowman was Geographer to hiS Majes'y, King li 


nov to establish his title in blood; but under the shade of the 
lofty trees of the forest, his right was fixed by treaties with 
the natives, and sanctified, as it were, by smoking from the 
calumet of peace."* 

The enlightened founder oi Pennsylvania, was governed, 
m his intercourse with the Indians, " by immutable principles 
of justice, which every, whercj and for all purposes, must be 
regarded as fundamental, if human exertions are to be crown- 
ed with noble and permanent results." In the constitution 
of this colony it was provided, that " no man shall, by any 
ways or means, in w^ord or deed^ affront or wrong an Indian, 
but he shall incur the same penaliy of the law as if he had 
committed it against his Jellow planter, and if any Indian 
shall abuse, in word or deed, any planter of the province, he 
shall not be his own judge upon the Indian, but he shall make 
his complaint to the governor, or some inferior magistrate 
near him, who shall, to the utmost of his power, take care 
with thinking of the said Indian, that ali reasonable satisfac- 
tion be made to the injured planter. All differences between 
the planters and the natives shall be ended by twelve men ; 
that is, six plmiters and six natives ; that so we may live 
friendly together as much as in us lieth, preventing all occa- 
sions of heart-burnings and mischiefs — the Indians shall have 
Uberty to do all things relative to the improvement of their 
tiround, and providing sustenance for their families, that any 
nf their planters shall enjoy." 

Prior to Penn's arrival, he had instructed William Mark- 
ham, the deputy Governor, who arrived in Pennsylvania in 
16S1, to hold treaties with the Indians, to procure their lands 
peaceably. Markham, a short time previous to Penn's arri- 
val, held such a treaty, July 15, 1682, for some lands on the 
Delaware river. Penn held similar treaties ; and before his 
return to England, in 1684, adopted measures " to purchase 
the lands on the Susquehanna from the Five Nations, who 
pretended a right to thera, having conquered the people for- 
merly settled there. The Five Nations resided principally 
m New York ; and Penn's time being too much engrossed to 
visit thera personally, he engaged Thomas Dongan, Gov. of 
New York, to purchase from the Indians, " all that tract of 
land lying on both sides of the river Susquehanna, and the 

• Smith's Laws of Pa., ii., 105. 


lakes adjacent in or near the province of Pennsylvania.' 
Dongan affected a purchase, and conveyed the same to Wil- 
liam Penn, January 13, 1696, " in consideration of one hun- 
dred pounds sterling."* 

It was Penn's object to secure the river through the whole 
extent of the province ; and subsequent transactions with the 
Indians show how careful lie was to have this purchase well 

" September 13, 1700 ; Widagh and jlndaggy-junkquagh, 
Kings or Sacliems of the Susquehanna Indians, and of the 
river under that name, and lands lying on both sides thereof^ 
Deed to W. Penn for all the said river Susquehannagh, and 
all the islands therein, and all the lands situate, lying and 
being upon both sides of the said river, and next adjoining 
the same, to the utmost confines of the lands ichich are, or 
formerly ivere, the right of the people or nation called the 
Susquehannagh Indians, or hy ivhat name soever they ivcrc 
val led, us fully and amply as we or any of our ancestors, have, 
could, might or ought to have had, held or enjoyetl, and also 
confirm the bargain and sale of the said lands, made unto 
Col. Thomas Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and formerly 
Governor of New York, ivhosc deed of sale to said Governor 
Penn we have seen."t 

The sale to William Penn from the Five Nations was thus 
well confirmed ; The Conestoga Indians, however, would not 
recognize the validity of this sale, believing that the Five 
Nations had no proper authority to transfer their possessions, 
to secure the lands conveyed to him by Dongan. Penn en- 
tered into articles of agreement, shortly after his second visit 
to Pennsylvania, with the Susquehanna, Potomac and Con- 
estoga Indians. The agreement is dated April 23, 1701. 
In this agreement the Indians ratified and conliirmed Gover- 
nor Dongan's deed of January, 1696, and the deed by Widagh 
and Andaggy-jiinkquagh, of September 13, 1700. t 

Notwithstanding all these sales and transfers, the lands 
on the west side of the Susquehanna were still claimed by 
the Indians ; for the words in the deed of Sept. 13, 1700, 
" next adjoi7iing the same,'" were considered inconsistent 
with an extensive w^estern purchase ; and the Indians of the 

*Smith's Laws, Pa., ii., 111. 
fBookF. vol.viii., p. 242. 
^Smith's Laws, Pa., ii., 112. 


Five Nations still continued to claim a right to the river and 
the adjoining- lands. The sachems or chiefs, with all the 
others of the Five Nations, met in the summer of 1736, at 
a great council held in the country of the Onondagoes, in 
the State of New York ; and as the old claims had not as 
yet been adjusted, they resolved, that an end should be put 
to all disputes connected with it. They accordingly ap- 
pointed their sachems or chiefs with plenary powers to repair 
to Philadelphia, and there among other things, settle and 
adjust all demands and claims, connected with the Susque- 
lianna and the adjoining lands. On their arrival at Phila- 
deljjhia, they renewed old treaties of friendship, and on the 
ilth of October, 1736, made a deed to John Penn, Thomas 
Penn, and Richard Penn, their heirs, successors and assigns. 
The deed was signed by twenty-three Indian chiefs of the 
Onondaga, Seneca, Oneida, and Tuscarora nations, granted 
the Penn's " all the said river Susquehanna, with the lands 
lying on both sides thereof, to extend eastward as far as the 
heads of the branches or springs which run into the said Sus- 
quehanna, and all the. lands lying on the west side of the said- 
river to the settins: of the sun, and to extend fr6m the mouth 
of the said river, norlhv\'ard, up the same to the hills or moun- 
tains, called in the language of said nations, Tayamentasachta, 
and by the Delaware Indians the Kekachtannin hills." Thus 
were the claims of the Indians upon the landsof this part of 
Pennsylvania relinquished to the proprietors ; nevertheless 
ciurveys had been authorized to be made, and had actually 
oeen made west of the Susquehanna prior to 1736, by both 
the Governor of Maryland and the Governor of Pennsylvania.. 

The last recited deed comprised nearly (besides much more 
territory) all that lay within the limits of the counties, of 
which a history is here given, except that portion north of 
the Kittatinny, or Blue Mountain, constituting the northern 
part of Dauphin, and the whole of Perry, Bedford, &c. That 
portion in Dauphin, north of the Kittatinny mountain was 
purchased, including a larger tract of country, in 1749 ; the 
deeds were executed on the 22d day of August, and may be 
found at large in Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania. That por- 
tion within Perry, and some contiguous counties west of the 
Susquehanna, and north of Perry, was purchased in 1754 — 
the ileed was executed at Albany, July 6th. 

The deed of August 3"2d^ 1749, is .as follows • 


We, Canasatago* Sataganachly, Kanalshyiacayon and 
Canec/nvadeeron, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, 
called Onontagers, CayanocJcea, Kanatsany-Jlgash Tass, 
Caruchianachaqui, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, 
called the Sinickers. Peter Ontachsax and Christian Di- 
aryhogon, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, called the 
Mohocks : Saristagnoah, Watshatuhon and Anuchnaxqua-y 
sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, called the Oneydera. 
Taivis-Tawis, Kaclnioaransehu, und Takachquontas, sachems 
or chiefs of the Indian nation, called Cayiukers. Tyierox, 
Balichwanonach-shy, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, 
called the Tuscororow, lachnechdorus, Sagogvkhiathon, and 
Cachnaora-katack-kc, sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, 
called the Shojiiokon Indians. JVutimus and QualpagJuich, 
sachems or chiefs of the Indian nation, called the Ddaicares: 
and Bachsinosa, sachem or chief of the Indian nation, called 
the Shawanese, in consideration of £500, grant, sell, SiC, 
ail that tract or parcel of land lying and being within the 
following limits and bounds, and thus described — 

Ik^ginning at the hills or mountains called in the language 
oi [he Five Nation Indians Tyanuntasachta, or Endless Hills. 

I '* Cnnaaatago soon afterwards died as appears from the following: 
Bethlehem, in Bucks county, ISeptember 30th 1750. 


By these few lines I let yon know that I nm safely returned on my 
journey from Onondago to this place last night, and hope to find my 
family iu perfect health by to-morrow. I wish I could inform you by 
these lines of a great deal of agreeable news, but I cannot; our friend 
■''onn-^a'aio was buried the day before I came to Onondago and i^olivn- 
ivanan'ithj our other good friend died sometime before. 

He that is at the head of alfairs now is a professed Roman Catholic, 
and altogether devoted to the French. The French priests have made 
ii hundred converts of the Onovdagos, that is to say, men, women and 
children, and they are all well clothed, and walk in the finest clothes, 
dressed with silver and gold ; and I believe that -the English interest 
among the Six Nations can be of no consideration any more ; the In- 
dians speak with contempt of the JSew Yorkers and Albany people, 
and much the same of the rest of the English colonies. 

I conclude and desire you will mention my humble respects to his 
Honor, the Governor. 

I am, Sir, your ^ery obedient servant, 

CoxnAu Weiseu. 

To Richard Peters, 

P. S. Within a few days I will send you a copy of my journal when 
you will see my proceedings. 

Prov. Rcc. M. p. 82. 


and by the Delaware Indians Kekachiany Hills, on fhe east 
side of the river Susquehanna, being in the northwest line or 
boundary of the tract of land formerly purchased by the said 
proprietaries from tbe said Indian nations, by their deed of 
the 11th of October, 17-36 ; and from thence running up the 
said river by the several courses thereof to the first of the 
nearest mountains to the north side or znouth of the creek- 
called in the language of the said Five Mation Indians Can- 
ta2n/(!\ and in the iansuag-e of the Delaware Indians Masho- 
nioy, and from thence extending by a dn-ect or straight line 
to be run from the said mountain on the north side of said 
creek to the main branch of Delaware river at the north side 
)f the creek called Lcchau'-ochsein, and from thence across 
Lechaivachsein creek aforesaid down the river Delaware by 
'be several courses tbereof to the Kekachtany Hills aforesaid; 
and from thence by the. range of said hills to the place of be- 
ginning, as more fulK- appeal's by a map annexed ; and also 
•ill the parts of the rivej.s Susquehanna and Delaware from 
shore to shore which ai-e opj)osite said lands, and all the Isl- 
ands in said rivers. &c. — Book H, voL 2. p. 204; recorded 
May 6, 1752. 

The deed executed at Albany. July 6, 1754, is as follows ; 

Henry Peters, Abraham iVteis, lilandt, Johannes Satfy- 
howano, Johannes Kanadakayon, Abraham Sastagrhedohj, 
sachems or chiefs of (he Mohawk nation. Aneeghnaxqua 
Taraghoriis, Tohaghdanhquyserry, alias Kachneghdackon, 
sachems or chiefs of the Oneydo nation, Otsinughyada. 
alias Blunt, in behalf of himself and <all the sachems and chiefs 
•;jfthe OnondagT nation. Scanuraty, Tannaghdorus, To- 
kaaiyon, Kagliraiiodon, sachems or chiefs of the Cayuga na- 
tion. Kahichdonon, aliiis (iroote Younge, Takeghsatu, Ti- 
yonenkokaraw, sachems or chiefs of the Seneca nation. 
Suntrughwackon, SagochsidocLagon, Tohashuwangarus Or- 
ontakayon, alias John Nixon, Tistoaghton, sachems or chiefs 
of the Tusc;arora nation in consideration of £400 lawful mo- 
ney of N. Y., grant, &.c , to Thomas and Richard Penn, all 
the lands lying within the said province of Pennsylvania, 
bounded and limited as lollows, namely, beginning at the 
Kittochtinny or Blue Hills, on (he west branch of the Sus- 
quehanna river, and thence by the said, a mile above the 
mouth of a certain creek called Kayarondinhagh ; thence 
northwest and by west as far as the province of Pennsylva- 


ma extends to its western lines or boundaries ; thence along 
the said western line to the south line or boundary to the 
south side of the said Kittochtinny hills ; thence by the south 
side of said hills, to the place of beginning — Recorded in 
Book H, vol. 5, p. 392, Feb. 3d, 17o5. 

Another deed was executed at Easton, October 22, See 
Smithes Laws ii. p. 121 & 122. The last purchase of the 
proprietaries from the Indians, was made at Fort Stanwix,* 
November 0, 176S. The deed is as follows : 

We Tyanhasare, alias Abraham sachem, or chief of thf. 
Indian nation called the Mohocks ; Senughsis — oftheOn- 
eydas ; Chenughiata — of the Onondagas ; Gaustarax — ot 
the Senecas ; Sequariscra — of the Tuscaroras ; Tagaaia — 
of the Cayugas, in general council of the Six Nations, an(3 
their confederates and dependant tribes, and his Majesty's 
middle colonies, send greeting, <Scc. 

In consideration of ten thousand dollars, they grant to 
Thomas Pom and Richard Penn, all that part of the province 
jf Pennsylvania, not heretofore purchased of the Indians, 
within the said general boundary line, and beginning in the 
s-iid boundary line, on the east side of the east branch of the 
nver Susquehanna, at a place called Owegy, and running 
with the said boundary line, down the said branch on the 
east side thereof till it comes opposite the mouth of a creek 
called by the Indians Jluvmdac [Tawandee), and across the 
river and up the said creek on the south sine thereof, and 
along the range of hills called Burnett's hills by the English 

and by the Indians f on the north side of them, to the 

bead of a creek which runs into the west branch of the Sus- 
quehanna, then crossing the said river, and running up the 
same on the south side thereof, the several courses thereof 
to the forks of the same river v/hich lies nearest to a place 

* Fori Stawfix, in Rome N. Y. This fort was built in 175S, by the 
English at ihe enormous expense of?25G,400. During the Revolu- 
tionary war, Fort SdiKykr was built IVcm the ruins of Stamoix: Its 
ruins are now to be seen near the village of Rome, Oneido county, be- 
tween the waters of the Mohawk and Wood creek — Compiler. 

\Xi the treaty of Fort Stanwix in October, 17S4, the Pennsylvania 
commissioners were instructed to enquire v/hat creek was meant by 
Tiadai^hton, and also the name Burnett's hills, which was left blank m 
the deed of 1763. The Indians told them Ttada^htan is the same we 
call Pine creek, being the largest emptying into the west branch of Sus- 
quehanna. As to Burnet's hills, they called them the L»n:i Mountaim. 
at\d know thetn by no ( ihvr name— Smith's Laws Pa. ii. p. 123, 


on the river Ohio, (Allegheny) called Kittanning, and from 
the said fork by a straight line to Kittanning aforesaid, and 
then down the said Ohio (Allegheny and Ohio) by the sev- 
eral courses thereof to where the western bounds of the said 
province of Pennsylvania crosses the same river, and then 
with the said western bounds to the south boundary thereof, 
and with the south boundary aforesaid to the east side of the 
Allegheny hills on the east side of them to the west Hne of 
a tract of land purchased by the said proprietors from the 
SiK Nations, and confirmed October 23(1 llOS, and then v.-ith 
the northern bounds of that tract to the river Susquehanna, 
and crossing the river Susquehanna to the northern bound- 
ary line of another tract of land purchased of the Indians 
by deed (August 22d 1749) and then with that northern 
line to the river Delaware at the north side of the mouth of 
a creek called Lechawachsein, then of the said river Dela- 
^vare on the west side thereof to the intersection of it, by an 
east line to be ilrawn from Owegy aforesaid to the said river 
Delaware, and then with that east line to the beginning at 
Owegy aforesaid. This covered all the territory of which 
a history is attempted in this Compilation. 

The whites had, in several instances, encroached upon the 
rights of the Indians by settling on their lands before those 
were purchased, which occasioned much complaint on the 
j)art of the Indians. The intruders were, however, removed 
by torce and arms,* others in the neighboihood of Fort Au- 
gusta, were noticed by proclamation to remove immediatelv.i 

So much was Penn concerned to have every cause settled 
that might give rise to disputes touching his own rights, and 
of his colonists, that after transacting some business in Gen- 
eral Assembly, he hastened to JVIaryland, to see Lord Balti- 
more, who had set up claims, arising from indistinctness of 

*See Appendix A. Richard Peter's Report to the Governor and 

-And whereas it has been reported that a certain FrcJcrick Stump, a 
German, settled beyond the Indian purchase, near Fort Augusta, haa 
my warrant or authority for making such settlement ; I do hereby de- 
clare, that the said report is utterly false and groundless ; and that 
neither the said Stmnp, nor any other person, ever had the least en- 
couragement from me to settle on lands unpurchased of the Indians , 
but, that, on the contrary, I have constantly denied every application 
of the kind. 

/ JoHs Pes.v. 

Phil. Sept. 23, 17C6. 


s^rant, touclilng the boundary line bet^voen the province of 
Alary h\n(i ami Pennsylvania.' A failure, however, of adjust- 
niii- the ditliculties at this time, caused the border settlers 
nuich. disquietude for a period oi neaily eighty years. 

Penn on his arrival, remained only one year and ten months 
in the Province ; during that time he caused the cit\ ol Phil- 
adelphia to be laid out" and three counties, namely, Phila- 
delphia, Bucks and Chester, to be erected in Pennsylvania. 
The organization of these counties was completetl by the 
appointment of sherilis and oilier olHcers. Before Penn sail- 
ed for Europe, August 16, lOSl, there had been about thiee 
thousand inhabitants in Pennsylvania. 

In 1691', William Pcnu and his family once more visited 
the province, ami remained till November 1st, 1701, when 
he sailed for England, never to return again. In 171:2 he 
was seizeil l>y apoplectic fits, which so atilicted his mind as 
to render him unlit for business for the last six years of his 
lite. He died July 3t), 171S, at Rushcomb, near Twyford, 
m Buckinghamshire, England, aged about seventy-four years. 

From tiie time Penn lii'st arrived, the inllux ot immigrcints 
was constantly on the increase. English, Welsh, Germans, 
Irish, French, and olhers sought a home in the new pi-ovince. 
Settlements were gra(hially extended north, northwest, and 
west from Philadelphia, towards the Susquehanna livtr — 
many settled in the midsl of the Imlians. Among otheis, as 
pioneer settlers, a consitlerable ilistance from Philadeljihia, 
were Vincent Caldwcii, Thomas ^^'iekersham, Joel liaiiey, 
Thomas Hope <ind Guyan IMiller. Quakers, who settled in 
Kcnnet, Chester county. 1706 or 7. Prior to that, however, 
some adventurers had been among the Indians at Conestoga. 
Of this number was one Lewis iSliehelle, who had been ser-i 
out, in the vear 170o or 4, by individuals from the Canton 
of Bern, in Switzerland, to -search for vacant lands in Per;n- 
s^lvania, Virginia and Carolina." About the same tii;:c 
there were some Iiuliau traders among the traders on tlit 
Susquehanna, viz : Joseph Jessop, James Lc Tort, Peter 
BazaUon, Martin Chaitier, Nicole Goden, and others — all 
Frenchmen. Lc Tort afterwards (H'^O) fixed his cabin at 

The first permanent aiul extensive settlement made near 

* For a fuller account of this adventure, see His. Lan. co., pp. 53. 5.5. 


the Susquehanna, was commenced by some Swiss immigrants 
— they were persecuted Mennonites, who had fled from the 
Cantons oi Zurich, Bern, Schaifhausen, in Switzerland, to 
Alsace, above Strasburg, where they had remained some 
time before they immigrated to America, in 1707 or 170S, 
and settled in the western jiart of Chester, now Lancaster 
county, near Pequea creek, within the present limits of West 
Lampeter township, where they purchased ten thousand acres 
ot land. 

These settled in the midst of Mine oe, Concstoga, Pequea 
and Shawanese Lidians, from whom they had nothing to fear. 
They mingled with them in fisliing and hunting. 

In 170si or 9, some French Huguenots sailed for America : 
arrived at New York in August, 1709 — after spending a 
year or two at Esopus, in that State, some of them settled 
in 1712, on Pequea creek, near Paradise — these were the 
Ferees, Le Fever's, Dubois and others. Shortly after these, 
settlements were made in various parts, within the present 
Imiits of Lancaster county, by English, Swiss, Germans, Scotcli 
and Irish, principally immigrants — See Articles German, i\m\ 

Passing, it might be remarked, that the Huguenots were 
numerous in the colonies at that time and at a later period. 
Oppression brought them to this country: those who escaped 
from the persecutions of the Roman Catholics, after the re- 
vocation of the Edict of Nantes, sought refuge in all the 
Protestant countries of Europe, at the Cape of Good Hope, 
and in America — Some settled in Massachusetts ; others in 
New York ; but South Carolina became the chief resort ot 
the Huguenots. 

Those who first came to Massachusetts arrived there prior 
to 1662. As early as 1666, the Legislature of Maryland 
passed an act for the naturalization of Huguenots. Virginia 
passed a like act in 1671 ; and the Carolinas in 1696, and 
New York in 1703. Though the last named State had be- 
come an asylum for the Huguenots as early as 1656. 

In 1679, Charles II. sent, at his own expense, in two 
ships, a company of Huguenots to South Carolina, in order 
that they might thre cultivate the vine, &c. In 1690, Wil- 
liam HI. sent a large colony of them to Virginia, in addition 
to which, that colony received three hundred families in 169'.). 
In 1752, a large body of them auived and settled in South 


Before 1720, settlements had been extended northward, 
beyond the Chickasalunga creek. Donegal township, Lai;- 
acster county, which was organized in 1722, had been prir.- 
cipally settletl by Irish, or Scotch immigrants. 

Settlements were now made northward, and along the 
Susquehanna river. John Harris, a native of Yorkshire, 
Engiaiid, had made an attempt, prior to 1725, to settle near 
the mouth of Conoy creek, not far from the present site of 
Bainbridge; but it seems he preferred to settle higher up the 
Susquehanna, near an Indian village called Pcixtan, at or 
near the present site of Harrisburg. Harris was in a few 
years followed by others, principally emigrants direct from 
the north of Ireland, and some from Donegal township. 

At this time settlements were also made on the west side 
of the Susquehanna, within the present limits of York coun- 
ty, by Germans; and some English, intruders from Mary- 
land, and some Irish on Marsh creek. Samuel Elunston, 
airent for the proprietors, had received a commission dated 
January 11, 1733-34. 

The settlements having become considerably extended, and 
the population augmented by an influx of a mixed popula- 
tion — immigrants fi-om abroad, and natives of the province, 
the inhabitants of the upper parts of Chester county deemed 
It necessary as early as 172i', to avoid inconveniences aris- 
ing daily from the vrant of "justice at every man's door," to 
['/etition the proper authorities to erect, and establish a new 
county — a county out of the u]:iper parts of Chester, was 
erected in 1729, in a separate county, called " Lancaster 
county." Lancaster then, and till 1749, embraced York. 
Cumberland, part of Ijcrks, and all the contiguous counties 
— Dauphin was a })art of Lancaster county till March 4th, 
1785. Cumberland was erected in 1750, and then embraced 
all the territory west of the Susquehanna, except what is 
now v.ithin the limits of York and Adams; consequently, all 
the country now within the counties of which a history is at- 
tempted, except Columbia and part of Northumberland, 
which when first erected was constituted of part of Lancas- 
ter, Cumberland, I3erks, Koithampton & Bedford. Columbia 
was taken from Northumberland. 

The tide of emigration was still westward. Some Irish 
and Scotch adventurer's crossed the Susqueh.anna at Peixtan, 
Peshtank, or Paxton, and commenced settlements about the 

eaely settlements, <Stc. 47 

years 1730-31, iii the Kittochtinny Valley, or " North Val- 
ley," west of the Susquehanna, at Falling Springs and other 
places, till they extended from the "Long, Crooked River"" 
to the Maryland Province, about the year 1736. Several 
hundred names of the first settlers in this valley will be 
given when speaking of the several counties. Passing, 
it might be remarked, that all the earliest settlements 
nnde in Lancaster, York and Cumberland, were commenced 
when the Indians were still numerous: when they, and the 
v>dnte settlers chased, in common, the deer, the bear, and 
other game, and angled in the same stream teeming with the 
finny race — when they greeted each other with the endear- 
ing appellation, " brothers." When the young Indian and 
white lad cheerily tried their skill as wrestlers and arcliers : 
each striving to gain the mastery, without any grudge to- 
vs-ard each other. 

After 1745 settlements were extended up the west side 
of Siisquehannah, by the more adventurous, as far as M:.- 
hahany, or Penn's creek. Among these, Jacob Le Roy, 
or King, George Auchmudy, Abraham Sourkill, George 
Snabble, George Giiwell, John McCahon, Edmund JMai- 
thews, John Young, JNIark Curry, William Doran, Jolm 
Simm.ons, George Aberheart, Daniel Braugh, Gotfried 
Fryer, Dennis JMucklehenny, George Linn, and others. 

Westward, along the Juniata and Tuscarora valley, 
were Hagg, Bingham, Grey, Scott, Grimes, Patterson, 
Casner, Wilson, Sterret, Law, Kepler. About LewistoVvH], 
some from Conococlieague, settled there. Among the most 
conspicuous, was Col. Buchanan. In Kishicoquillas val- 
ley, .Millikens, 'Browns, "McClays, McNitts, and in the 
southwest of Mifflin coujity, were the Brattons, Rosses, 
Hollidays, Junkinses, Wilsons, Stackpoles — these settled 
here at 1765 or 1770. Stil! higher up the Juniata were 
the Moores, Hollidays, and on the Raystown branch, the 
Martins, Morrisons, Neffs, and others. On the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna, and through that region, pij- 
or to the Revolution, or immediately thereafter — among 
these were Fleming, M'Cormic, Reed, Long, Dunn, Hewes, 
Hamilton, Jones, CovejiUovcT:, Saltzburn, Manning, Ster- i- 
rot. Hall, Horn, Caldwell and others. Passing, it may be 

* According to Heckewelder, Susquehanna, is derived from the In- 
dian word, Sa-os-que-ha-an-unk ; meaning, "Long-crooked-River." 


here remarked that the valley of the West Branch had 
been occasionally visited, eighty years ago, by Scotch-lr- 
;sh rangers of the Kittatinny valley. Their excursions 
extended as far up at least as Big Island. 

Passing by numerous other cases, of the Indian's friend- 
ship towards the hrst settlers, one is only given. Madame 
Feree, her sons and a son-in-law, left Europe in 1708, ar- 
rived at New York 1709, came to Pennsylvania about 1711 
or 1712* and commenced a settlement on the Pequea, Ches- 
ter county, (now Lancaster). They were Huguenots — "It 
was on the evening of a Summer's day when the Huguenots 
reached the verge of a hill commanding a view of the Valley 
of the Pequea ; it was a woodland scene, a forest inhabited 
by wild beasts, for no indication of civilized man was very 
near; scattered along the Pequea, amidst tlie dark green 
hazel, could be discovered the Indian wigwams, the smoke 
issuing therefrom in its spiral form : no sound was heard 
but the songs of the birds : in silence they contemplated the 
beautiful prospect which nature presented to their view. 
Suddenly a number of Indians darted from the woods — the 
females shrieked — when an Indian advanced, and in broken 
English said to Madame Feree, "Indian no harm white — 
white good to Indian — go to Beaver^ — our chief come to 
Beaver." Few were the words of the Indian. They went 
with him to Beaver's cabin; and Beaver, with the humanity 
that distinguished the Indian of that period, gave up to the 
immigrants his wigwam. Next day he introduced them to 
Tawana, who lived on the great flats of Pequea. 

Having thus briefly traced the early and progressive set- 
tlements of Pennsylvania, before entering upon the Jocal 
history of the several counties, a succinct sketch of the first 
settlers, namely, German and Irish, will be given. 

'Some Swiss Mennonites had commenced a settlement shortly be- 
fore, six or eight miles below, on the same stream. — His., p. 74. 



General character of Germans — First immigrants and settlers — Ger- 
mantown settled — Frankford land company — Immigrants of 1708 
and 1709 — Their sufferings in England — Dickinson's remarks con- 
cerning them — Settlements in Tulpehocken — Redemption servants — 
Numerous immigrants — Settlements on the west side of the Susque- 
hanna — Ncidacndcr deceive many — Great sufferings experienced by 
many — C, Sauer's representation of their condition — Society formed 
to relieve German sufferers — Muhlenberg's letter, maltreatment, &c. 
— Political influence'of the Germans — Number of Germans in Penn- 
sylvania in 1755 — Catholic Germans — Scheme to educate the Ger- 

The Gcrnians of Pennsylvania, a hardy, frugal, and in- 
dustrious people, who have preserved, in a great measure, 
their manners and language, inimigrated into this Pro- 
vince, for conscience sake, and to improve bolli their spi- 
ritual and temporal condition. Perhaps there is no people 
who were more frequently the subject of remark in the 
early history of Pennsylvania, and during the last centu- 
ry, than the Germans, whose numerous descendants are 
to be found not only in this State, but in nearly every 
western and southwestern State of the Union. 

Though more than twenty-five thousand names of Ger- 
man immigrants are recorded in the Provincial Records 
from, and after 1725, few of those are recorded, who ar- 
rived in Pennsylvania prior to 1700. Among the first 
whose name has been liandcd down,is that of Henry Fry, 
who arrived two years before William Penn ; and one 
Platenbach, who came a few years later. 

In 1682 some Germans arrived, and commenced a set- 
tlement called Germantown ; among these were Pastorius. 
Hartsfelder, Schietz, Spehagel, Vandewalle, Uberfeld, 
Strauss, Lorentz, Tellner, Strepers,Lipman,Renkes, Arets, 
Isaacs. About tlie year 1GS4 or '85 a company, consist- 



ing at first of ten persons, was formed in Germany, called 
the Frankford Land Company, on the Mayne ; their arti- 
cles were executed in that city on the 24th of November, 
1686. They seem to have been men of note by the use 
of each, of his separate seal. Their names were G. Van 
Mastrick, Thomas V. Wylick, John Le Bran, F. Dan. 
Pastorius, John J. Schuetz. Daniel Behagel, Jacobus Van 
Dewaller, John W. Peterson, Johannes Kimber, Balthasur 
Jowest. They bought 25,000 acres of land from Penn. 
The Germantown patent for 5350, and the INIanatauney 
patent for 22,377 acres. F. D. Pastorius was appointed 
the attorney for the company, and after his resignation, 
Dan. Faulkner was, in 1708, made attorney. 

Those who left their Vaterland after 1700, endured man\ 
hardships on their way to their future, new home ; some 
suffered much before, while others, after their arrival here. 
Passing over a period of twenty years, from 1680 to 1700, 
they suffered comparatively Uttle more than was the com- 
mon lot of all the colonists of that period ; but from 1700 
to 1720, the Palatines, so called, because they principally 
came from Palatinate, whither many had been forced to 
flee from their homes in other parts of Europe, endured 
many privations before they reached the western continent. 

In 1706 the following named Germans presented a pe- 
tition to the council, aslving the privileges ofcitizens. They 
set forth that by tlie encouragement of the Proprietary, 
William Penn, they had transported themselves into this 
province, and by their industry had changed the unculti- 
vated lands they had purchased, into good settlements, and 
for twenty-two years past had behaved themselves as liege 
and loyal subjects of England, that above sixty of the pe- 
titioners at one tnne, viz: the 7th of the 3d month, 1691, 
had promised, in open court, allegiance to King William 
and Queen Mary, and fidelity to the proprietary. — Proi\ 
Rec. a. 250. 

The petitions were naturalized Sept. 29, 1709. Ibid, 514. 

Ffrancis Pastorius, John Javert, Caspar Hoodt, Dennis 
Kunrads and his three sons, Conrad, Mattlhs and John : 
Dirk Keyserand his son Peter; John Lurhen, Wm. Stre- 
pers,/ Abraham Tunnis, Lenhart Arrets, Reiner Tysen, 
Jno. Lenson, Isaac Dilbeck and his son Jacobus ; John 
Deeden, Cornelius Siorts, Henry Sellen, Walter Simons, 


Dirk Jansen, jr. Richard Vanderwerf and his son Roclofs ; 
John Strepers, sen. Peter Shoemaker, Jacob Shoemaker, 
George Shoemaker, Isaac Shoemaker, Matthis Van Beb- 
bor, Cornelius Vangergach, Peter Clever, George Gatt- 
schik, Paul Engeil and h ja^n Jacob ; Hans Neus Reiner, 
V'andersluys and his sonAdrian ; Jacob Gaetshalck, Van- 
der Heggen andhisson Gaetshalck Vander Heggen: Cas- 
per Kleinhoof, Henry Buchaltz, tferman Tuyman,Paul 
Khimpgcs and his son John ; John Neus and his sons Mat- 
this and Cornelius; Clans Ruttingheysen, Caspar Stalls, 
Henry Tubben, Wm. Hendricks and his sons Hendrick 
and Lawrence ; Henry Hessleberry, Johannes Rebanstock, 
Peter Verbymen, John Henry Kersten, John Radwitzer, 
John Cunrads, sen. John Gorgaes, Sonwes Bartells and 
his son Henry; Jno. Krey and his son William; Cunrad 
Jansen, Claus Jansen and his sons John and William ; 
Evert in Hoftee and his sons Gerhard, Herman, Peter ; 
Peter Jansen, John Smith, Thos. Eclilewich, Johannes 
SchoU, Peter Scholl, Gabriel Senter, William Puts, Matthis 
Tysen and Johannes Bleikors. - 

In 1708 and 1709 upwards often thousand, and many 
of them very poor, arrived in England, and were there 
for some time in a starving, miserable, sickly condition, 
lodged in warehouses; who had no subsistence but what 
they could get b^?' their wives begging for them in the 
streets till some sort of provision was made for them by 
Queen Anne; and then some were shipped to Ireland, 
others to America. In the month of August, 1709, pur- 
suant to an address to her Majesty, Queen Anne, from the 
Lord Lieutenant and Council in Ireland, desiring as many 
as her Majesty should think fit to send thither, three thou- 
sand were sent to Ireland; many of whom returned again 
to England, on account of the hard usage they received 
from the Commissary, wiio did not pay them their sub- 
sistence.* In the summer of 1710, several thousand Pal- 
alines, who had been maintained at the Queen's expense 
ni England, and for some time afterAvards in America, 
were shipped to New York; some of whom, afterwards, 
came to Pennsylvania. 

While investigating the history of the Germans, especi- 

* Journal, House of Commons, England, vol. zvi. 594-98. 


ally enquiring into the sufferings of those who lived for 
some time upon the bounty of Queen Anne, I find that 
the whole charge, , occasioned by the Palatines, to the 
Queen, for a space of two years, is £135,775 and 18 shil- 
lings. — Finch's Report to the House of Commons, England, 
April 14, 1711. 

Hundreds of those, transported and sustained for some 
time by Queen Anne, were gratuitously furnished with 
religious and useful books, before their departure, by the 
Rev. Anton Wilhelm Boehm, Court Chaplain of St. James. 
The principal book was *' Arndt's Wahres Christen! hum." 
Among tliese German emigrants Avcre Mennonitcs, Dunk- 
ards, German Reformed, and Lutherans. Their number 
was so great, as to draw tlie remarks from James Logan, 
Secretary of the province of Pennsylvania, in 1717 — " VVe 
have," said he, " of late, a great number of Palatines 
poured in upon us without any recommendation or notice, 
which gives the country some uneasinesss, for foreigners 
do not so well among us as our own English people." 

Those who arrived between 1700 and 1720, settled in 
the lower parts of Montgomery, ]3ucks, Berks and Lan- 
caster county. Several German famihes settled within the 
present limits of the last named county, between 1708 and 
1711 — the number was considerable before 171S. 

In 1719, Jonathan Dickinson remarks, " We are daily 
cxpeecting ships from London which bring over Palatines, 
in number about six or seven thousand. VVe had a parcel 
who came out about five years ago, who purchased land 
about 60 miles west of Philadelphia, and prove quiet and 
mdustrious.* Some few came from Ireland lately, and 
more are expected thence. 

From 1720 to 1730, several thousands landed at Phila- 
delphia, and others came by land from the province of 
New York; the latter settled in Tulpehocken. These left 
New York, because they had been illy treated by the au- 
thorities of that province. The influx was so great as to 
cause some alarm. It was feared by some, that the num- 
bers from Germ?iny, at the rate they were coming in about 
1725 and 1727, will soon, as Jonatlian Dickinson expressed 
himself at the time, produce a German colony here, and 
perhaps such an one as Britain once received from Saxony 
* Pequea Settlement, Lancaster county^ 


in the fifth century. He even states as among the appre- 
hended schemes of Sir William Keith, (who, it is said, 
favored the Germans for purposes of strengthening his 
political influence) the former Governor, that he, Harland 
and Gould, have had sinister projects of forming an indepen- 
dent province in the west, to the westward of the Germans, 
towards the Ohio — probably west of the mountains, and to be 
.supplied by his friends among the Palatines, &c. To arrest 
jn some degree the influx of Germans, the Assembly assessed 
a tax of twenty shillings a head on newly arrived servants ; 
for as early as 1722 there were a number of Palatine servants 
or Rederaptioners, who were sold to serve for a term of three 
or four years, at £10 each, to pay their freight. 

English, Welsh, Scotch, and Irish, who were unable to 
defray the expenses of crossing the Atlantic, were sold as 
servants. In 1729 there arrived in New Castle government, 
says the Gazette, forty-five hundred persons, chiefly from 
Ireland ; and at Philadelphia, in one year, two hundred and 
sixty-seven English and Welsh, forty-three Scotch — all ser- 

In 1727 six vessels arrived at Philadelphia with Germans: 
three in 1728 ; three in 1729 and three in 1730. 

From 1730 to 1740 about sixty-five vessels, well filled 
with Germans, arrived at Philadelphia, bringing with them 
ministers of the gospel and schoolmasters, to instruct their 
children. A large number of these remained in Philadelphia, 
others went seventy to eighty miles from Philadelphia — some 
settled in the neighborhood of Lebanon, others west of the 
Susquehanna, in York county. 

Some of the Germans who had settled on the west side of 
the Susquehanna, were constantly annoyed by one Cressap. 
a Maryland intruder- In 1736, Cressap publicly declared, 
that in the winter next coming, when the ice was on the ri- 
ver, a great number of armed men would come up from Ma- 
ryland, and be in the woods, near the German inhabitants, 
and that he, wirh ten armed men, would go from house to 
house, and take the masters of the families prisoners, and 
when they had as inany as they could manage, they would 
earry them to the armed forces in the woods, and return 
again till he had all taken who would not submit to Marj- 
knd. Several of the Germans were subsequently abducted, 



others were constantly harassed ; in many instances driven 
from their farms. 

From 1740 to 1755 upwards of one hundred vessels ar- 
rived with Germans; in some ot them, though small, there 
were between five and six hundred passengers. In the sum- 
mer and autumn of 1749, not less than twenty vessels, with 
German passengers, to the number of twelve thousand, ar- 

Omitting the names of the vessels, the arrivals are given 
from August 24th 1749, to November 9, Aug. 24th, 240 
passengers; Aug. 30lh 500 ; Sept. 2d 340 ; 9th 400; 11th' 
299 : 14th 333 ; 15th 930 ; 19th 372 ; 25th 240 ; 2(3th 840; 
27th 206 ; 28th 242 ; Oct. 2d 249 ; 7th 450 : 10th 250 ; 
17th 480 ; Nov. 9th 77. _ 

November 22, 1749 — a petition from sundry inhabitants 
of the city of Philadelphia, was presented to the House and 
read, setting forth what has been the frequent practice of 
the merchants concerned in the importation of Germans and 
other foreigners into the province, for the sake of lucre, to 
receive into their vessels a much greater number than could 
be fitly accommodated ; whereby ejndemic diseases have been 
produced amongst them, and a great mortality hath ensued, 
to the loss of some hundreds in one vessel, and the great af- 
fliction of their surviving relations, some of which have been 
obliged by their own labor, to defray the freight, or passage 
money, of the dead ; that sundry other inconveniences have 
arisen to these ])Oor strangers, from this practice, and partic- 
idarly their being obHged to leave their chests, clothes, and 
other furniture behind them, to their perplexity afterwards, 
if not entire loss of them : that besides the injury done to the 
Germans by this iniquitous and infamous prnctice, the inhab- 
itants become greatly endangered by the importaiion of mor- 
tal distempers, which are found by sorrowful experience to 
be easily propagated in this climate ; that the want of suit- 
able buildings and other conveniences, for the comfortable 
reception and acconimodation of such distempered strangers, 
has probably forwarded, and perhaps occasioned the death 
of many, as it has made it difficult and almost impossible to 
procure faithful persons to take the necessary care of them ; 
by wliich neglect the sick have hven induced to leave places 
appointed for them, and to wander from one place to another, 
to the manifest danger of the inhabitants, by spreading the 


distempers they were infected with, over this and the neigh- 
boring provinces ; and praying, that the House would take 
the premises into consideration, and make provision for the 
[)revention of such practices, the rehef of those strangers, and 
the safety of the inhabitants, as to their wisdom shaJI seem 
meet. — [Votes Assem. iv, 121. 

Thousands of those who immigrated to Pennsylvania be- 
tween 1740 and 17-55, lamentetl bitterly that they had for- 
saken their "Vaterland" for the new world. It was a sad 
exchange I There was within this period a certain class of 
Germans, who had resided some time in Pennsylvania, well 
known by the name of J\'eulaender, who lived at the expense, 
pains and sulferings of the more ci-edulous abroad. They 
made it their business to go to Germany, and there, by mis- 
representations and the grossest fraudulent practices, pre- 
vailed on then- countrymen to dispose of, nay, in many in- 
stances to sacrifice their property, abandon theii'comfoitable 
firesitles, schools and churches, and come to the New VVor!d, 
which these Neulaender never failed to represent as a per- 
fect paradise, where the mountains were solid masses of gold, 
and fountains gushed milk and honey. Thus they did not 
only prevail upon persons of wealth, but upon those in mod- 
erate circumstances ; and those generally ran short of means 
after paying their debts before leaving, " to come over" to 
better their coniHtion ; in four instances out of five, their 
condition was rendered none the better, but made infmitely 
worse; for those who had not wherewith to pay their }>as- 
sage — and of this class there were not a few — were, on their 
arrival, sold for a series of years, as servants, to pay the ex- 
pense of their passage. Those disposed of, were termed 
iledemptioneis, or Palatine servants. 

Christopher Sauers, of Gerraantown, who for many years 
printed a German jiaper, in which he spoke freely of the re- 
ligious and civil liljerty, and prosperity of the province of 
Pennsylvania ; and, as he believed, many Germans had been 
thereby induced to come over; but seeing their miserable 
condition, felt constrained to address Gov. Denny to use his 
influence in their behalf. In a letter, dated Germantown, 
March 15, 1755, says, "It is thirty years since I came to 
this Province, from a country where we had no liberty of con- 
science — when I came to this Province, I wrote largely to 
my friends and acquaintances of the civil and religious Uber- 


ty, privileges, &c. ; my letters were printed and reprinted, 
whereby thousands were provoked to come to this Province, 
and they desired their Iriends to come. Some years ago the 
price was five pistoles freight, and the merchants crowded 
with passengers, finding the carrying of them more profita- 
ble than merchandise. But the love of gain caused that 
Stedraan lodged the poor passengers like herrings, and as too 
many had not room between the decks, many were kept 
u|)on deck — sailing to the southward, and these unaccustom- 
ed to the climate; and for want of water and room, took 
sick and died very fast, so that in less than one year, two 
thousand were buried in the seas and Philadelphia. Stedman, 
at that time, bought a license in Holland, that no captain 
or merchant coulil load any as long as he had not two thou- 
sand. This murdering trade made my heart ache, especially 
when I heard that there was more profit by their deaths than 
carrying them alive. I thought my provoking letters were 
parllv the cause of so many deaths. I wrote a letter to the 
Ma'Tistrate at Amsterdam, and immediately the monopoly 
was taken from John Stcdman. Our Legislature was also 
petitioned, and a law was passed, and good as it is, never 
was executed. Mr. SpafFort, an old, poor captain, was made 
overseer of the vessels loaded with passengers, whose salary 
amounted to from $200 to $300 a year, for concealing that 
the people had but twelve inches space, and not half bread 
nor water. Spaffort died — the Assembly chose Mr. Trotter, 
who let every ship slip, although a great many people had 
no room at all, except in the Long Boat, where every man 
perished. Among other grievances the poor Germans suffer, 
is one, viz : that when the ignorant Germans agree fairly 
with merchants at Holland for seven pistoles and a half, 
when they come to Philadelphia, the merchants make theni 
pay whatever they please, and take at least nine pistoles. 
The poor people on board are prisoners ; they must not go 
ashore or have their chests delivered, except they pay what 
they owe not; and when they go into the country, they cod> 
plainly loudly there, that no justice is to be had for poor 
strano-ers — they show their agreements, in which it is fairly 
mentioned, that they are to pay seven pistoles and a halt Ir* 
Isaac and Zachary Hope, at Rotterdam, or their order, at 
Philadelphia, &c. — and this is much practiced, the country 
IS wronged £2000 or £3000 a year. It was much desired. 


that a law might be passed that a Commissioner might be 
appointed to inspect, on the arrival of vessels with passen- 
gers, their agreements, and judge if Ih pistoles makes not 
seven and a half. Some asked, "Is there no remedy?" They 
were answered, "The law is, what is above forty shillings 
must be decided at Court ; and each must make his own 
cause appear good and stand a triah A poor comfort in- 
deed I Two or three thousand wronged persons to depend 
upon the discretion of the merchants. They are anxious to 
come on shore to satisfy hunger — they pay what is demand- 
ed — some are sighing, some cursing; some believe their case 
diifers little l>om such as fall into the hands of a highway- 
man, who presents a pistol and demands according to his' 
own terms. They also complain that the captains often hurry 
them away without any agreement, or the agreement is not 
signed; or, if a fair agreement is written, signed and sealed, 
it will not be performed, and they must pay whatever is de- 
manded. And when their chests are put into stores, and by 
the time they have procured money from their friends to pay 
for what they agieed, and more too, and demand their chests, 
they find them opened and plundered of their contents; or 
sometimes the chests are not to be found for which they had 

In another letter to the Governor, dated Germantown, 
May 12, 175o, C. Sauers sa}s, " The merchants and impor- 
ters fdled the vessels with passengers, and as much merchan- 
dise as they thought fit, and left the passengers' chests be- 
hind — sometimes they loaded vessels with the Palatine's 
chests only. The poor peo])le depended upon their chests, 
in which they had some provisions, such as they were used 
to, viz : dried apples, pears, plums, mustard, medicines, vin- 
egar, brandy, gammons, butter, clothing, such as shirts and 
other necessary linens, and some of them had money and 
wliat they brought with them, and when their chests were 
left behind, or shipped in other vessels, they suffered for 
want of food — and when there was not a sufficiency of pro- 
vision laid in for passengers, they famished and died — when 
they arrived alive, they had no money to buy bread, or any 
thing to sell of their spare clothes — neither had they clothes 
so as to change linens, &c. ; they were not able to keep 
themselves clean, and free of vermin. 

If they were taken into houses, and trusting on their ef- 


fccts and money, when they come, these effects and moneys 
were either left behind, or their chests were either plunder- 
ed by the sailors on the vessels, or if the vessels arrived be- 
fore the sailors broke open the chests, they were searched 
by the merchant's boys, and their best effects, all taken — 
and there was no remedy for all this. And this last men- 
tioned practice, that their chests were broken open and effects 
stolen, has not only been common these 25, 20, 10, 5 years, 
but it is a common custom, and the complaints are daily. 

1 was ordered to print advertisements, at the request 
of those vv'ho lost their chests by leaving them behind them 
against their will, or were opened and plundered at sea when 
they were sent after them, in other vessels, or were broken 
open and plundered in the stores at Philadelphia. If these 
cliests had been sold at half their value, it would amount to 
a large sum. — Your Honor would be astonished to hear the 
complaints of more than 2000 to 3000 people." 

The Rev. Muhlenburg says, speaking of Redemptioners . 

Denn wenn die Teutschen von den Schiffen hier ankommen 
so muessen diejenigen, welchedie Fracht nichtaus ihren eig- 
nen Mitteln bezahk-n koennen, sich mit ihren Familien 
tjleichsam verkaufen, da sie denn so lange dienen muessen 
bis sie ihre Fjacbt abverdient haben ; solche werden servants 
oder Knechtc genannt. Wenn denn dieselben ihre Fracht be- 
zahlt utid noch etwas verdient haben, so ziehen sie nach und 
nach ins Land hinauf, und kaiifen was eigenes. 

On anotJK r occasion, he says : 

Weil viele von den nach Pennsylvanien eilenden Teutschen 
ihre Fracht zu bezahlen nicht im Stande sind, so werden sie, 
zu deren Verguetung, auf einige Jahre an die reichsten Ein- 
wohner als leibeigene Knechte verkauft. Es kommen solcher 
z:ijr Verlassung ihres Vatcrlandes verfuehrten, und dadurch 
oefters in leiblichesund geistlichesElend gestuertzten Teut- 
schen Leute von Zeit zu Zeit noch immer sehr viele in Penn- 
sylvanien an. Im Herbst 1749 sind 25 schifTe vol I Teut- 
schen neucn Colonisten nach und nach vor Philadelphia ein- 
gelaufen und ausser denen, die der Tod unterwegs aufgeric- 
ben, haben sich darauf 7049 Personen befunden. Es ist 
ieicht zu erachten, da dir Begierde, das Vaterland mit der 
neuen Welt zu verwechseln, schon so viele Jahre her unter 
denen niemals wenigcr, als mit den gegenwaertigen Umstaen- 
iien,vergnuegten Teutschen herrschet,das Land bereits ueber- 


liuessig mit Lenten besetzt sey. Und so ists. Es wimmelt 
von Leuten, so class auch die Lebensmitterl theurer wer- 
der. Eben dieses aber ist Ursaeh, warura die in dieses Land 
koraearden nicht so viele Vortheile geniesinsen koennen, als 
die ersten genossen haben. 

To alleviate the sufferings of these strangers, a society 
was formed among the more wealthy and benevolent ; but 
their means were not adequate to the wants of suffering thou- 

Their sufferings were conhned to the period mentioned, as 
may be seen from the following letter from Dr. Muhlen- 

'' Januar 7ten, 1768. 

" Im vergangenen Spaetjahr, sind wieder fuenf bis sechs 
Schiffe vol! mit Teutschea Emigranten vor Philadelphia an- 
gekommen, davon noch ein grosser Theil auf dem VVasser 
liegen, weil nicht allein ihre Frachten sehr hoch gestiegen, 
sondern auch ein allgemeiner Geldmangel vorwaltet, so dass 
sie nicht wie in vorigen Zeiten, verkauft werden koennen, 
und, so zu sagen, in ihrem Elend unkommen muessen. Die 
mit solchera Menschenhandel interessirte Herren wollen 
das Gell fuer ihre Fracht haben. Wenn aber keine Kaeufer 
sind, so behalten sie ihre VVaare, und lassen sie lieber ver- 
derben, als dass sie solche verschenken soUen. Es ist ein 
orrosser Jammer, wenn man seine arme betron-ene Mitcie- 
schoepfe so im Elend siehet, und nicht helfen kann." 

The Palatine Redemption servants were sold for, from 
from two to five years. Many of them often serving out 
their time faithfuliy, became, by frugality and industry, some 
of the most wealthy and influential citizens of the State. 

" In later tunes, say about the year 1753 to 17o6, the 
Germans having become numerous, and therefore powerful 
as make- weights in the political balance, were much noticed 
in the publications of the day. They were at that period 
of time, in general, very hearty co-operators with the Qua- 
kers or Frienils, then in considerable rule in the Assembly. 
A MSS. pamphlet in the Franklin Library at Philadelphia, 
supposed to have been written by Samuel Wharton, in 17o5, 
shows his ideas of the passing events, saying, that the party 
on the side of the Friends derived much of their iniluence 
over the Germans, through the aid of C. Sauers, who pub- 
lished a German paper in Germantown, from the time of 1729, 

60 THE Germans/ 

and which, being much read by that people, influenced them 
to the side of the Friends, and hostiJe to the Governor and 
council. Through this means, says he, they have persuaded 
them tljat there was a design to enslave them ; to enforce 
their young men, by a conteuiplaled militia law, to become 
soldiers, and to load them down wiih taxes, &c. From such 
causes, he adds, have they come down in shoals to vote, (of 
course, many from Northampton,) and carrying all before 
them. To this I may, says Watson, add, that 1 have heard 
from the Norris family, that their ancestors in the Assembly 
were warmly patronized by theGermans,in union with Friends. 
His alarms at this German influence at the polls, and his pro- 
posed remedies for the then dreaded evils, as they show the 
prevalent feelings of his associates in politics, may serve to 
amuse the present generation. He says the best effects of 
these successes of the Germans will probably be felt through 
many generations I Instead of a peaceable; industrious pec- 
ple, as before, they are now insolent, sullen, and turbulent; 
in some counties threatening even the lives of all those who 
opposed their views, because they are taught to regard gov- 
ernment and slavery as one and the same thing. All who 
are not of their party, they call " Governor's men," and them- 
selves, they deem strong enough to make the country their 
own ! Imleed, they come in, in such force, say upwards of 
oOOO in the last year, I see not but they may soon be able 
to give us law and language too, or else, by joining the 
French, eject all the English. That this may be the case, 
is too much to be feared, for almost to a man they refused to 
bear arms in the lime of the late war, and they say, it is 
all one to them which king gets the country, as their estates 
will be equally secure. Indeed it is clear that the French 
have turned their hopes upon this great body of Germans. 
They hope to allure them, by grants of Ohio lands. To this 
end, they send their Jesuitical emissaries among them, to 
persuade them over to the Popish religion. In concert with 
this, the French for so many years have encroached on our 
province, and are now so near their scheme as to be within 
two days' march of some of our back settlements" — alluding 
of course to the state of the western wilds, overrun by French 
and Indians, just before the arrival of Braddock's forces in 
Virginia, in 1755. 

The writer (Wharton) imputes their wrong bias in gene- 


rai to their "stubborn genius and ignorance," which he pro- 
poses to soften by education — a scheme still suggested as ne- 
cessary to give the general mass of the inland country Ger- 
mans right views of public individual interests. To this end, 
he proposes that faithful Protestant ministers and schoolmas- 
ters should be supported among them. That their children 
should be taught the English tongue: the government in the 
m2an time should suspend their right of voting for members 
of Assembly; and to incline them the sooner to become En- 
glish in education and feeling, we should compel them to 
lUdke all bonds and other legal writings in English, and no 
newspaper or almanac be circulate 1 among them, also ac- 
companied by the English thereof. [See close of this Chap- 

Finally, the writer concludes, that "without some such 
measure, I see nothing to prevent this Province falling into 
the hands of the French." A scheme to' educate the Ger- 
mans, as alluded to, was started in 1755, and carried on for 
several years. 

The number of Germans about the year 1755, was not 
short of sixty or seventy thousand in Pennsylvania; nearly 
all of them Protestants; whereof, according to the Rev. 
Schlotter's statement, at the time, there were thirty thous- 
and German Reformed — the Lutherans were more numerous. 
Besides these, there were other Germans, viz : Mennonites, 
German Baptists, (Dunkards,) Moravians, some few German 
Quakers, Seventh-day Baptists, Catholics, and Schwenkfeld- 

Muhlenberg says : 

" Herr Schlatter rechnet die Anzahl der Reformirien 
Teutschen in Pensylvanien auf 30,000 — Ilerr Schlattei- 
glaubt, dass die Reformirten nur den dritten Theil der Teut- 
schen in Pensylvanien ausmacheu." 

The number of German Catholics did not exceed (17-35) 
seven hundred. In the autumn of 17o4, one hundred and 
fifty-eight Catholics arrived at Philadeli)hia. 

The number of Catholics in ]7-37, beginning from twelve 
years of age, including German, English and Irish, about 
1400, according to a statement by Mr. Warden, April 29. 
1757. There were tlieii in and about Piiiladeiphia and 
in Chester county, under the care of the Rev. Robert Har- 
ding, 90 males and 100 females, all Irish and English. In 



Philadelphia city and county, Berks and Northampton, 
under the care of Theodore Schneider, 2S2 males and 248 
females, all Germans ; in Berks and Chestet, 92, whereof 
15 were Irish. In Lancaster, Berks, Chester and Cum- 
berland, under the care of Ferdinand Farmer, 394, where- 
of 97 were Irish. In York county, under the care of Ma- 
thias Manners, 54 German males, 63 females ; 35 Irish 
males, and 38 females, 

Jfote. The Germans immigrated into the North American 
colonies, at an early period. At the close of the xvii. and 
beginning of the xviii. century the influx of Germans was 
great. As we have already seen, a respectable number 
arrived a year or two after William Penn first landed in 
this country. A number of them settled in the State of 
New York between 1709 and 1714. In 1709 above 600 
Germans arrived, and settled in North Carolina. From 
1730 to 1750, many Germans settled in South Carolina 
In 1733 a large number settled in Georgia. A band of 
them was led to Georgia by Colonel Oglethorpe. In 1735 
there was a German settlement formed at Spottsylvania, 
Virginia. In 1739, a respectable number of them settled 
at Waldoborough, in the state of Maine ; who numbered 
in the course of thirteen years about 1500 souls. The 
greatest immigration was however to Pennsylvania. The 
descendants of the Germans in Pennsylvania were esti- 
mated in 1772, to exceed 75,000 souls. At present, the 
descendants of German settlers are very numerous in 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, New 
York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Wiscon- 
sin, Iowa. They are the most numerous of all the immi- 
grants to America that are not of Britisli stock — including 
those who immigrated with the present century and their 
descendants, their number is not short of five millions. 
For a fuller account of the Germans, the reader is referred 
to a forthcoming work, entitled " The Germans in Ameri- 
ca, and their influence upon national character, &c, 

" A brief history of the rise and progress of the charit- 
able society, carrying on by a society of noblemen and gen- 
tlemen in London, for the relief and instruction of poor 
Germans and their descendants, settled in Pennsylvania, 
&c., published for the information of those whom it may 
concern, by James Hamilton, William Allen, Richard Pe- 


ters, Benjamin Franklin, and Conrad Weiser, Esquires, 
and the Rev. William Smith, Trustees General, appointed 
for the management of the said charitable scheme. 

"For several years past, the small number of Reformed 
Protestant ministers, settled among the German emigrants 
in Pennsylvania, and finding the harvest great, but the 
laborers few, have been deeply affected with a true chris- 
tian concern, for the welfare of their distressed countrymen, 
and the salvation of their precious souls. In consequence 
of this, they have from time to time, in the most solemn 
and moving manner, entreated the churches of Holland, 
to commiserate their unhappy fellow christians, who 
mourn under the deepest aliiietion, being settled in a re- 
mote corner of the world, where the light of the gospel has 
but lately reached, and where they are very much destitute 
of the means of knowledge and salvation. 

"* The churches of Holland, being accordingly moved 
with friendly compassion, did from time to time, contribute 
to the support of religion in these remote parts. But in 
the year 1751, a very moving representation of their state 
iiaving been made by a person, whose unwearied labors 
for the benefit of his dear countrymen, have been for some 
years conspicuous, the states of Holland and West Fris- 
iand, granted 3,000 gilders per annum, for five years from 
hat time, to be applied towards the instruction of the said 
Germans and their children, in Pennsylvania. A consid- 
erable sum was also collected in the city of Amsterdam, 
and elsewhere, and upon a motion made by the same zeal- 
ous person, the Kev. Mr. Thomson* was commissioned 
by the Synod of Holland, and Classis of Amsterdam, to 
solicit the friendly assistance of the churches of England 
and Scotland. 

'•When Mr. Thomson arrived in Great Britain, he found 
the readiest encouragement among persons of the first rank, 
both in church and state. In this peculiar glory of the 
British government, equally to consult the happiness of all 
who live under it, however remote, wherever born, or of 
whatsoever denomination, wicked and inhuman tyrants, 
whose ambition is to rule over slaves, find it their interest 

* Mr. T. is a minister of one of the English churches in Amsterdam, 
and a member of one of said Synod and Classis. . 


to keep the people ignorant. But, in a virtuous and free 
government, like that of Great Britain, the case is far oth- 
erwise. By its very nature and spirit, it desires every 
member of die community enhghtcned with useful know- 
ledge, and especially the laiowledge of tlie blessed gospel, 
which contains the best and most powerful motives for 
making good subjects, as well as good men. Considered 
in this light, Mr. Thomson's design could not fail to be 
encouraged in our mother country, since it was evidently 
calculated to save a multitude of most industrious people 
from the gloom of ignorance, and qualify them for the en- 
joyment of all those privileges, to which it is now their 
good fortune to be admitted, in common with the happy 
subjects of a free Protestant government. 

'" Mr. Thomson having thus made liis business known 
ni England, and prepared the way for encoiu'agement 
there, he, in the meantime, went down to Scotland ; and, 
himself being known in that country, he represented the 
case to the General Assembly of the church, then sitting 
al Edinburg, upon which a national collection was made, 
amounting to upwards of £1,200 sterling. Such an in- 
stance of generosity, is one out of many, to show how rea- 
dy that church has always been to contribute towards the 
advancement of Truth, Virtue and Freedom. 

'•' Mr. Thomson, upon his return from Scotland, found 
that his pastoral duty called him back to Holland. He 
saw, likewise, that it would be absolutely necessary to 
have some person in London, not only to manage the mo- 
neys already collected, but also to solicit and receive the 
contributions of the rich and the benevolent in England, 
where nothing had yet been collected, and where mucli 
might be hoped for. With this view, he begged a certain 
number of noblemen'' and gentlemen of the first rank, to 

" The first members^ of this society were as follows, though we be- 
lieve several are added this winter, (1775) whose names have not yet 
been transmitted to us: 

The Right Hon. Earl of Shaftesbury, Earl of Morton, Earl of Finla- 
ter, and Lord Willoughby, of Parhani. Sir Luke Schaub, and Sir Josh- 
ua Van Neck, Baronets. Mr. Commissioner Vernon, Mr. Chilly, and 
Mr. Fluddyer, Aldermen of London. John Bance, Robert Furguson. 
and Nath. Paice,Esqs. of London. Rev. Benjamin Avory,L. L. D. Rev, 
Thomas Birch, D. D. Rev. Caspar Wetstein, Rev. Mr. David Thomson 
and Rev. Samuel Chandler, Secretary. 


take the management of the design upon themselves, col- 

*' This proposal was readily agreed to by those noble and 
worthy persons. They were truly concerned to find that 
there were any of their fellow subjects, in any part of the 
British dominions, not fully provided with the means of 
knowledge and salvation. They considered it a matter of 
the greatest importance to the cause of Christianity, in ge- 
neral, and the protestant interest in particular, not to ne- 
glect such a vast body of useful people, situated in a dark 
ind barren region, with almost none to instruct them, or 
dieir helpless children, who are coming forward in tlie 
world in multitudes, and exposed an easy prey to the to- 
tal ignorance of their savage neighbors on the one hand, 
and the corruption of our Jesuitical enemies, on whom they 
border, on the other hand ; and of whom there are alway.v, 
perhaps, too many mixed among tliem. Moved by these 
interesting considerations,the said noblemen and gentlemen, 
with a consideration peculiar to great and generous souls, 
did accordingly take the good design into their immediate 
protection, and formed themselves into a society for the 
effectual management of it, 

"The first thing said society did, was to agree to a libe- 
ral subscription among themselves; and, upon laying the 
case before the King, His Majesty, like a true father of liis 
people, granted £1000 towards it. Her Royal Highness, 
the Princess Dowa'ger of Wales, granted £lOO; and tha 
honorable proprietors of this province, willing to concur 
'.n every design for the ease and welfare of their people, 
generously engaged to give a considerable sum yearly for 
promoting the most essential part of the undertaking. FroH": 
such a fair beginning, and from some hopes they reasona- 
bly entertain of a more public nature, the honorable soci- 
^^ty doubt not of their being able to complete such a fuco 
as may effectually answer their pious design, in time com- 
ing. In the n.eaniime they have come to the followhi^ 
general resolutions, with regard to the management of the 
whole : 

" I. To assist the people in the encouragement of pious 
and industrious protestant ministers that are, or shall be 
regularly ordained and settled among the said Germans, 
or their descendants, in America; beginning first in Penu- 


sylvania, where the want of ministers is greatest, and pro- 
ceeding to the neighboring British colonies, as they shall 
be enabled by an increase of their funds. 

" II. To establish some charitable schools for the pious 
education of German youths of all denominations, as well 
as those English youths who may reside among them. 
Now, as a religious education of ^^outh, while the tender 
mind is yet open to every impression, is the most effectual 
means of making a people wise, virtuous and happy, the 
honorable society have declared that they have this part 
of their design, in a particular manner, at heart; it being 
chiefly from the care that shall be taken of the rising gen- 
eration, that they expect the success of their whole under- 

" III. The said honorable society, considering that they 
reside at too great a distance, either to know what minis- 
ters deserve their encouragement, or wiiat places are most 
convenient to fix the schools in — and as they would nei- 
thcir bestow their bounty on any who do not deserve it : 
therefore they have devolved the general execution of the 
whole upon us, under the name of " Trustees General," for 
the management of their charity among the German erai- 
grans in America. And as our residence is in this province, 
where the chief body is settled, under whom we may ac- 
quaint them with the circumstances of the people, the gener- 
ous society hope that we cannot be imposed upon, or 
deceived, in the direction or application ol their excellent 

"IV. And lastly, considering that our engagements in 
other matters, would not permit us personally to consult with 
the people in the country, nor to visit the schools as often as 
it might be necessary for their success, the Iionorable society 
have, out of their true fatherly care, appointed the Rev. Mr. 
Schlatter, to act under our direction, as Visitor or Supervi- 
sor of the schools, knowing that he has already taken incre- 
dible pains in this whole affair, and being acquainted with 
the people in all parts of the country, can converse with 
them on the spot, and bring us the best advices from time 
to time, concerning the measures lit to be taken. 

'' This is a brief history of the rise and progress of this 
noble charity, till it was committed to our management, un- 
der which we hope it shall be so conducted, as fully to an- 


swer the expectation of the worthy society, and give all rea- 
sonable satisfaction to the parties for whose benefit it is 
intended. We shall spare no pains to inform ourselves of 
the wants and circumstances of the people ; as will appear 
by the following plan which we have concerted for the gen- 
eral examination of our trust, leaving room to alter or amend 
it, as circumstances shall require, and time discover defects 
in it. 

" With regard to that part of the society's design which 
proposes the encouragement of pious protestant ministers, we 
shall impartially proportion the monies set apart for this pur- 
pose according to the instruction of the said society; as soon 
as such ministers shall put it in our power so to do, by mak- 
ing their labors and circumstances known to us, either by 
their own personal application, or by means of Mr. Schlat- 
ter, or any other creditable person. 

'•' As to the important article of cstabhshing schools, the 
following general plan is proposed which may, be from time 
to time improved or perfected. 

" 1st' It is intended that every school to be opened upon 
this charity, shall be equally to the benefit of protcstani 
youth of all denominations ; and therefore the education will 
be in such things as are generally useful to advance industry 
and true godliness. The youth will be instructed in both the 
English and German languages ; likewise in writing, keep- 
ing of common accounts, singing ol Psalms, and the true 
principles of the holy protestant religion, in the same man- 
ner as the fathers of those Germans were instructed, at th( 
schools in those countries from which they came. 

"2dly. As it may be of great service to religion and in- 
dustry, to have some schools for girls, also, we shall use our 
endeavors with the honorable society, and have some few 
school mistresses encouraged, to teach reading and the use of 
the needle. And though this was no part of the original 
design, yet as the society have nothing but the general good 
of all at heart, we doubt not they will extend their benefac- 
tion for this charitable purpose also. 

" 3dly. That all may be induced, in their early youth, to 
seek the knowledge and love of God, in that manner which 
is most agreeable to their own consciences, the children of all 
protestant denominations, English and Dutch, (German) shall 
be instructed in catechism of sound doctrine, which is appro- 


ved of and used by their own parents and ministers. All un- 
reasonable sort of compulsion and partiality is directly oppo- 
site to the design and spirit of this charity, which is gener- 
ously undertaken to promote useful knowledge, true religion, 
public peace, and Christian love, among all ranks and deno- 

4thly. For the use of schools, the several catechisms that 
are now taught among the Calvinists, Lutherans, aud other 
protestant denominations, will be printed in English & Dutch. 
(German) and distributed among the poor, together with 
some other good books, at the expense of the society. 

" othly. In order that all parents may be certain of hav- 
ing justice done to their children, the immediate care and 
inspection of every school will be committed to a certain 
number of sober and respectable persons, living near the 
place where such school shall be fixed. These persons will 
be denominated Assistant or Deputy Trustees ; and it will 
be their business, monthly or quarterly, to visit that particu- 
lar school for wdiich they are appointed, and see that both 
master and scholars do their duty. It will also be their busi- 
ness to send an account of the state and progress of the 
schools, at every such visitation, to us as Trustees General 
These accounts we shall transmit from Philadelphia to the 
society in London ; and the society will from time to time, 
be enabled, by these means, to lay the state of the whole 
school before the public ; and thus charitable and well dispo- 
sed people, both in Great Britain and Holland, seeing the 
^Tood use that has been made of their former contributions, 
will be inclined to give still more and more for so glorious 
and benevolent an undertaking. 

" This method cannot fail to be of great advantage to the 
schods, since the Deputy Trustees, being part of the very 
people for whom the work is undertaken, and having their 
own children at the same schools, they must have an interest 
m the reputation of them, and do all in their power to ad- 
vance good education in them. Besides this, being always 
near at hand, they can advise and encourage the master 
and help him over any diificulties he may meet with. 

" But, Gtlily. As the keeping up a spirit of emulation 
among the youth is the life of schools, therefore, that we 
may leave as little room as possible for that remissness, which 
.sometimes hurts charities of this nature, we shall, as far as 


our situation will permit, have a personal regard to the exe- 
cution of the whole. As the Assistant Trustees raay often 
want our advice in removing difliculties and making new 
reofulations, we shall so contrive it, that Mr. Schlatter shall 
be present at their quarterly meetings, to consult wiili tliem, 
and concert the proper measures to be taken. Besides this, 
we shall have one general visitation of the schools every 
year, at which one or more of us shall endeavor to be pres- 
ent. On these occasions, such regulations shall be made, 
as may be wanted ; and careful inquiry will be made wheth- 
er any parents think themselves injured by any unjust exclu- 
sion of their children from an equal benefit of the common 
charity, or by the partiality of the masters or otherwise. — 
At such visitations, books will be given as rewards and en- 
couragement to the diligent and deserving scholars. The, 
masters will likewise have proper marks of esteem shown 
them in proportion to their fidelity and industry in the dis- 
charge of their office. 

" 7thly. With regard to the number of schools to be open- 
ed, that will depend partly on the encouragement given by 
the people themselves, and partly on the increase of the so- 
ciety's funds. A considerable number of places are propos- 
ed to fix schools in; but none are yet absolutely determined 
upon, but New Hanover, New Providence, and Reading* — 
These places were first fixed upon because the people of all 
persuasions, Lutherans, Calvinists, and other protestants, 
moved with a pious and fatherly concern for the illiterate 
state of their helpless children, did, with true Christain har- 
mony, present their petitions, praying that their numerous 
children of all denomiinations in these parts, might be made 
the common object of the intended charity. And for this 
benevolent purpose, they did further agree to offer school 
houses in which their children might be instrustetl together, 
as dear fellow Christians, redeemed by the same Lord and 
Savior, and travelling to the same heavenly country, through 

* Since the original publication, petitions have been sent to the 
Trustees General, from Upper Sol Tort, Irom Vincent township in Ches- 
ter countj'. from the borough of" Lancaster, from Tulpehocken, and se- 
veral other places, all of which will be considered as soon as possi- 
ble. Feb. 25, 1755. — [Penna. Ga2ette. 

Note : Schools were also established in 17.56, besides the place* 
mentioned, at Lancaster, York, Kaston, and several other places, 


this valley of tears, notwithstanding they may sometimes 
take roads a little different in points of smaller moment. 

" This striking example of unanimity and good agreement 
among all denominations, we hope, will be imitated by those 
who shall afterwards apply to us for fixing schools among 
them ; since it is only upon the aforesaid generous plan for 
the common benefit of all, that we find ouiselves empowered 
to instituie such schools. But while petitions are agreeable 
to this, our plan, as now explained, they will not be over- 
looked, aslong as the funds continue. And if the petition- 
ers shall recommend school masters, as was the case at New 
Hanover, New Providence, and Reading, such school mas- 
ters will have the preference, provided they are men of sufh- 
cient probity and knowledge, agreeable to all parties, and 
acquaintet! with both the English and Dutch (German) lan- 
guages, or willing to learn either of these languages which 
they may not then be perfectly acquainted with. 

" These are essential qualifications; and unless the gener- 
ous society had made provision for teaching English as well 
as Dutch, (German) it would not have answered their be- 
nevolent design, which is to qualify the Germans for all the 
advantages of native English subjects. But this could not 
have been done, without giving them an opportunity of learn- 
ing English, by speaking of which they may expect to rise to 
places of profit and honor in the country. They will likewise 
be thereby enabled to buy or sell to the greater advantage in 
our markets, to understand their own causes in courts of jus- 
tice, where pleadings are in English, to know what is doing 
in the country around them, and, in a word, to judge and act 
entirely for themselves, without being obliged to take things 
upon the word of others, whose interest it may be to deceive 
and mislead them. 

" We have only further to add, that having thus publish- 
ed, in our names, a true and faithful account of the rise and 
progress of this excellent charity, down to the present time, 
we hope it will candidly be received as such, and prevent 
many wrong conjectures and insinuations, that might other- 
wise have been made, if we had not given this genuine and 
necessary information concerning it. From the foregoing 
plan, it plainly appears, that as the chief management is in 
the people themselves, it must be entirely their own faults, 
if these schools do not become the greatest blessing to many 


generations, that ever was proposed in this couutry. Such, 
and so benevolent are the designs of the new society ! 

"And surely, now, we may be permitted in their name, to 
address you, countrymen and fellow Christians, for whose 
benefit the great work is undertaken ! We cannot but en- 
treat you to consider, of what importance such a scheme 
must be to you, and your children after you. We are unwil- 
ling to believe that there are any persons, who do not hear- 
tily wish success to a design so pious .lud benevolent. Eut, 
if, unhappily for themselves, there should be any such among 
us, we are bound in charity to suppose they have never yet 
reflected that, whilst they indulge such wishes, they are in 
fact acting a part, plainly repugnant to the interests of lib- 
erty, true religion, and even of human nature. 

" Mankind in general are, perhaps, scarcely raised more, 
by their nature, above the brutes, than a man well instructed 
above the man of no knowledge or education; and whoever 
strives to keep a people in ignorance, must certainly harbor 
notions or designs that are unfavorable, either to their civil 
or religious liberty. For whilst a people are incapable of 
knowing their own interests,' or judging for themselves, they 
cannot be governed by free principles, or by their own choice; 
and though they should not be immediate slaves of the gov- 
ernment under which they live, yet they must be slaves or 
dupes to those whose councils they are obliged to have re- 
course to, and follow blindly on all occasions, which is the 
most dishonorable species of slavery. 

" But on the other hand, a design for instructing a people, 
and adorning the minds of the children with useful knowl- 
edge, can carry nothing in it but what is friendly to liberty, 
auspicious to all the most sacred interests of mankind. 

*' Were it otherwise, why are so many of the greatest and 
best men, both of the British and German nations, engaged 
in the undertaking ? Why have they, as it were, stooped 
from their high spheres, and even condescended to beg from 
house to house, in order to promote it I Is not all this done 
with the glorious intention of relieving from distressful igno- 
rance that was like to fall upon you? Is it not done with 
a view to call you up to all the advantages of free and en- 
lightened subjects, capable of thinking and acting for your- 
self? And shall they call you in vain? God forbid I If 
by any infatuation, you should neglect the means of knowl- 


edge ami eternal happiness, now offered you, think seriously 
what must be the consequence. You will be accountable in 
the sight of Almighty God, not only tor your own sad neg- 
ligence, but for all that misery and slavery, which you may 
thereby entail upon your hapless offspring to the latest gen- 
erations. Your very names will be held in abhorrence by 
your own children, if, for the want of instruction, their priv- 
ileges should either be abridged here, or they should fall a 
prey to the error and slavery of our restless enemies. 

" But on the contrary, if proper instructions are begun 
now, and constantly carried on among you, no design can 
ever be hatched against your religion or liberties, but what 
you shall quickly be able to discover and defeat. All the 
arts of your enemies will be of no avail to sever you from 
your true interests, as men and as protestants. You shall 
know how to make the true use of all your noble privileges, 
and instead of moving in a dry and barren land, where no 
water is, you and your posterity shall flourish from age to 
age, in all that is valuable in human life. A barren region 
shall be turned into a fruitful country, and a thirsty land into 
pools of water. The wildei'ness and solitary place shall be 
glad through you, and the desert shall rejoice and blossom 
as the rose. — Isa. 3o." 

The society under whose directions the schools were ccai- 
ducted, established as early as 17r5o, a press for the German 
language. School books and religious tracts in the German 
language were i)rinted at this press; and, in order to convey, 
with the greater facihty, political and other information to 
the German citizens, a newspaper was published at this es- 
tablishment. The Revd. Wilhain Smith, D. D. provost of 
the college at Philadelphia, was agent for the English socie- 
ty, and had the direction of the pi ess, and of the newspaper. 

Several German papers had been published in Pennsylva- 
nia, prior to the one spolcen of. In 1739, C. Sauer, com- 
menced one — issued it at first once a quarter, then monthly: 
after 1744, weekly. It was published at Gerniantown. Jo- 
seph Crellius commenced a weekly paper in Philadelphia, 
1743. Another, it would appear from the Pennsylvania Ga- 
zette, was started in 17-51, in English and German. The ed- 
itor was, it is supposed, Gotthan Armbruster. 



Time of their first immigration — Settle first near the boundary line be- 
tween Maryland and Pennsylvania— James Logan's statement con- 
cerning them — First settlers in Donegal— In Peshtank — Richard 
Peters complains of them — They oppose a survey in Adams coun:y 
— Settle west of the Susquehanna, in Cumberland county — Disagree- 
ment between the Irish and Germans, at Lancaster and York — Im- 
migration of, to Cumberland county, encouraged — Settle on the Ja- 
niata, &c.— Lord's prayer in Irish — General settlements. 

According to Mr. Watson's statement, Irish immigrani"? 
did not begin to come to Pennsylvania as soon as the Ger- 
mans. It appears few, if any, arrived in the Province, prior 
to 1719. Those that (Ud then arrive, came principally from 
the north of Ireland. 

Irish or Scotch Irish. The name was used to tJesignate 
a numerous and honorable people, who immigrated to the 
Province of Pennsylvania at an early date. Whence this 
tertn is derived, the following historical notice, will serve to 
explain. Daring the reign of Charles I., in the year 1611, 
October 27, the massacre of the Irish Protestants occin'red, 
in Ireland, where, in a few days, fifty thousand were inhuma: - 
ly, without regard to sex, age or quality, butchered ; and 
many fled to the North of Scotland, from which country th'* 
North of Ireland had been colonized by Protestants. 

An act was passed by Parliament, (the act of uniformity) 
1662, requiring all ministers and churches rigidly to conform 
to the rites of the established church, which occasioned two 
thousand ministers (calle<l Non-coniormists) to dissent and 
abandon their pulpits. This act affected Scotland with equal 
severity. In 1691, the Toleration act was passed, under 
which the dissenters enjoyed greater privileges ; but, in the 
reign of Queen Ann, (1704 — 1714) the Schism Bill, which 
had actually obtained the royal assent, alarmed the dissenters 



much — the provisions ot that bill were, that dissenters were 
not to be suffered to educate their own children, but required 
them to be put into the hands of Conformists, and which for- 
bade all tutors and school masters being present at any con- 
venticle or disserting plan of w'orship. 

These difficulties and the unsettled state of affairs in Eu- 
rope, drove many of the more quiet citizens from their native 
home, and of this number were those, and descendants of 
those who had fled from the north of Ireland to Scotland^ 
as well as genuine Scotch. 

Such as came first, generally settled near or about the dis- 
puted line between Maryland and Pennsylvania, if we ex- 
cept those who settled m Donegal township, Lancaster coun- 
ty, and those of Craig's and Martin's settlements in North- 
ampton county. 

James Logan, writing of them to the Proprietaries, in 
1724, says, they have generally taken up the southern lands, 
(meaning in Lancaster, towards the Maryland line,) and as 
they rarely approached him to propose to purchase, he calls 
them bold and indigent strangers, saying as their excuse, 
when challenged for titles, that we had solicited for colonists, 
and they had come accoidingly. They were, however, un- 
derstood' to be a tolerated class, exempt from rents by an or- 
dinance of 1720, in consideration of their being a frontier 
people, forming a kind of cordon of defence, if needful. They 
were soon called bad neighbors, by the Indians, treating 
them disdainfully, and finally were the same race who com- 
mitted the outrages, called Paxtang Massacre. The general 
ideas are found in the Logan MSS. collection. Some of the 
data are as follows : 

" In 1725, James Logan states, that there are so many a? 
one hundred thousand acres of land, possessed by persons, 
(including Germans,) who resolutely set down and improved 
it without having any right to it, and he is much at a loss to 
determine how to dispossess them. 

" In New Castle government there arrived last year (1728) 
says the Gazette of 1729, forty-five hundred persons, chiefly 
from Ireland. 

" In 1729, Logan expresses himself glad to find that the 
Parliament is about to take measures to prevent the too free 
emigration to this country. In the meantime the Assembly 
had laid a restraining tax of twenty shillings a head for eve- 


jy servant arriving; but even this was evaded in the case of 
the arrival of a ship from Dublin, with one hundred Catholics 
and convicts, by landing them at Burlington. It looks, says 
he, as if Ireland is to send all her inhabitants hither, for last 
week, not less than six ships arrived, and every day two or 
three arrive also. The common fear is, that if they continue 
to' come, they will make themselves proprietors of the pro- 
vince. It is strange, says he, that they thus crowd where 
they are *ot wanted. But besides these, convicts are impor- 
ted hilhei.* The Indians themselves are alarmed at the 
swarms of strangers, and we are afraid of a breach between 
them — for the Irish are very rough to them." 

""In 17'j0, he writes and complains of the Scotch Irish, 
in an audacious and disorderly manner, possessing themselves 
ol the 'whole of Conestoga manor, of fifteen thousand acres, 
being the best land in the country. In doing this by force, 
they alleged that it was against the laws of God and nature, 
that so much land shoukl be idle, while so many Christians 
wanted it to labor on, and to raise their bread, &c. The 
Paxtang boys were great sticklers for religion and scripture 
quotations against " the heathen." They were, however, 
(Hspossessed by the Siieriff and his posse, and their cabins, 
to the number of thirty, were burnt. This necessary vio- 
lence was, perhaps, remembered wiih indignation; for only 
twenty-five ;years afterwards, the Paxtang massacre began 
by killing the Christian unoffending Indians found in Coiies- 
toga. The Irish were generally settled at Donegal." 

From Donegal, the settleaenfs by the Irish and Scotch 
were extended into Paxton, Derry, Londonderry and Hano- 
ver townships, Lancaster county, (now Dauphin, and part 
of Lebanon) Paxton (Peshtank) and Derry townships were 
organized prior to 1730. 

Mr- Logan, says Watson, writes in another letter, "I must 
own, from my own experience in the Land OfEce, that the 
settlement of five families from Ireland gives me more trouble 
than fifty of any other people, iiefoie we were broke in 
upon, ancient Friends and first settlers lived happily, but now 
the case is quite altered, by strangers and debauched morals, 
&c. All this seems like hard measure dealt upon those spe- 

• Au^uslus Gun, of Cork, advertise! in the Philadelphia papers, 
that he had power from the Mayor of Cork, for many years, to procure 
>ef/ams for America — 1741, 


cimens of " the land of generous natures," but we may be 
excused for letting him speak out, who was himself from the 
Emerald Isle, where he had of course seen a better race. 

" Logan's successor, Richard Peters, Esq. as Secretary to 
the Proprietaries, falls into a similar dissatisfaction with thtro; 
for in his letter to the ])roprietaries, of 1743, he says, he went 
to Marsh creek (Adams county, — then Lancaster) to warn 
off and dispossess the squatters, and to measure the Manor 

"On that occasion, the people there, to about the number 
of seventy, assembled and forbade thtm to proceed, and on 
their persisting, broke the cliain and ccmpelki! thtm toretiie. 
He had with him a sheriff" and a magistrate. They were af- 
terwards indicted — became subdued, and made their engage- 
ment for leases. lu most cases the leases weie so easy, that 
they were enabled to buy the lands ere they expired." 

Settlements were commenced in Cumberland, (then Lan- 
caster) by the descendants of Lish and Scotch immigrants, 
and some recently from the Emerald L^le, and Highlands of 
Scotia, and some few English, about 17o0 and 1731. After 
1736, when Pennsborough and Ho])ewell townships had been ' 
erected, the influx of emigrants fj ora Europe, and frcm Lan- 
caster county, into Kittochtinny valley, west of the Susque- 
hanna, increased rapidly; for in 174b, the number of taxa- 
blcs in this valley (Cumberland and Franklin counties) was 
about eight bundled ; of whom there were not fifty Germans 
— those few were in the Conococheague settlement. 

Shortly after Cumberland county had been erected (1750) 
the proprietaries, " in consequence of the frequent disturban- 
ces between the governor and Irish settlers, gave orders to 
their agents to sell no land either in York and Lancaster 
counties to the Irish; and also to make advantageous offers 
of removal to the Irish settlers (as the mingling of the two 
nations in Lancaster and York had produced serious riots at 
elections) in Paxton and Swatara, and Donegal townships, 
to remove to Cumberland county, which offers being liberal, 
were accepted by many. 

We soon find the more intrepid as pioneer settlers in Hun- 
tingdon, Juniata, Mifflin, and farther west and northwest, as 
will appear from the sequel. 

As early as 1732, there was a violent contest between An- 
drew Galbraith and John Wright, both candidates for the 


Assembly^ Wright was an English Quaker, Galbraith an 
Irishman ; but in 1743, the Irish strove more effectually for 
ascendancy at the polls. This year an election was held to 
supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Thomas Lin- 
sey. The Irish compelled the sheriff to receive such tickets 
as they approved, and make a return accordingly. 

The matter was afterwards investigated, and the following 
resolutions were adopted by the Assembly — 

Resolved, That the sheriff having assumed upon himself 
the power of being sole judge at the late election, exclusive 
of the inspectors chosen by the farmers of the said county of 
Lancaster, is illegal, unwarrantable and an infringement of 
the liberties of the people of the Province ; that it gave just 
cause for discontentment to the inhabitants of said county; 
that if any disturbances followed thereupon, it is justly im- 
puted to his own misconduct. 

Resolved, that the Sheriff of Lancaster county be admon- 
ished by the speaker. The sheriff attended, and being a(!- 
monished, promised he would take care and keep the law in 
future. He also altered the return, as Samuel Blunston was 
entitled to take his seat. 

In 1749 an election was held at York. There were two 
prominent candidates for sheriff, Hans Hamilion, from Marsh 
creek, (Adams county) the Irish candidate ; Richard M'Al- 
lister, the favorite of the Dutch. The Germans, as they are 
wont, without much ado, worked well for their candidate, 
evidently gaining on their competitors; this vexed the ireful 
friends of Hamilton. Two or three stout, blustering Hiber- 
nians — boxers, as they were called — took possession of t-he 
place, " where to poll;" determined that none but their candi- 
dates' friends should vote. A stout German, equally deter- 
nnned to enjoy, what he considered his rights, without yield- 
ing any the least, stepped up to vote — tripped up the heels of 
one of the swaggering Irishmenj which eventuated in an af- 
tray. The standing saplings, near at hand, were soon torn 
down, and sticks cut, which were used as defensive and offen- 
sive weapons. Blows were promiscuously dealt out — the Irish 
were routed — dri'/en beyond Codorus creek ; and at the risk 
jf bloody heads, dared not to appear, all day, east of the Co- 
ijorus. The Germans voted, and elected M'Allister, by ar. 
overwhelming majority. But, in this instance, Gov. James 
Hamilton disregarded the expressed will of the majority o!" 


voters, and commissioned Hans Hamilton for one year. Illy 
considered policy, as the sequel proved. 

At the second election held at York, Oct. 1750, for repre- 
sentatives, a large party of Germans drove the Irish from the 
polls. It was set forth in a petition to the Assembly, touch- 
ing this affray, that Hans Hamilton did not open the election 
till two o'clock in the afternoon, which caused not a little 
uneasiness among the people. That the Marsh creek people 
gathered about the election house to give in their tickets and 
would not suffer the Dutch people and others to come near 
the house, but did all they could to keep tht ra off with clubs, 
so that the Germans were obliged to do the best they could, 
or. else go home without voting ; and being the most in 
number they drove the people from the house, and when 
they had done so, they came in a peaceable manner to give 
in their votes; but when the sheriff saw his party was 
mastered, he locked up the box, and would not sutler the 
inspectors to take any more tickets, which made the Dutch 
ptrople angry, and they strove to break into the house- — and 
then the sober people desired the sheriff to continue the 
election ; but he would not, and went away out of the 
back window, several of the inspectors going with him — and 
then the freeholders desired the coroner to carry on the elec- 
tion — which having done caiefully and justly; and, after- 
wards, the sheriff was asked to come and see the votes read, 
and an account taken of them, but he refused, &.c. 

The whole matter was investigated — the sheriff was called 
before the Assembly, politely aihuonished by the speaker 
and advised to preserve better order in future. 

Though the Germans occupy the greater portion of the 
farms, first sctled by the Iiish, in Dauphin and Cumberland 
counties, there are still a respectable number of the descen- 
dants of this generous and hospitfible people, occupying the 
homestead of their ancestors. Unlike the German, the de- 
scendants of the Irish, no longer s]5eak the language of th-eir 
vi^Iorous fathers. 

The following is the Lord's piayer in Irish, copied from 
Gr, Daniel's edition of an Irish ])il)le, printed 3602. 

Air nathir ataigh air nin. Nnhz fat hanimli. Tighuh da 
riathiate. Deantur da hoilamhuoil Air ninjh agis air thal- 
ambi. Air naran laidthnil tabhair dhuin a niomb. Agis 
math duin dairf hiacl)a ammnil. Agis mathum vid dar feu- 
tliunuim. Agis na trilaie astoch sin anau sen. Ac sar sina 
oie. — Amen. 


JS'ote. Eraigrants fiom Scotland and Ireland, settled at an 
early period in the New England, Middle and Southern 
States- Previous to 1640, a large body from Scotland and 
Ireland settled in the eastern states. Between 400 and 500 
emigrants from Scotland, alone, arrived in New York in 
1737; and twenty years later, Scotch and Irish colonists 
established themselves in Ulster county; also at Orange and 
Albany, N. York. As early as 1680, some Scotch and Irish 
settled in New Jersey. But it was to Pennsylvania that the 
largest emigration of Scotch and Irish, particularly the lat- 
ter, though at a later })eriod, took place. From Pennsylva- 
nia, many of the Scotch Irish went into the western parts of 
Maryland, the central portions of Virginia, and the western 
counties of North Carolina. A thousand left the northern 
and middle colonies, for North Carolina, in 1764, where their 
descendants now constitute a dense homogeneous population. 
I'ive or six hundred Scotch settled near Fayetleville, North 
Carolina, in 1749, and there was a second arrival from \h.e 
same country in 1754. In 1684, a small colony of persecu- 
ted Scotch .settled under Lord Cardross in South Carolina. 
In 1737, multitudes of husbands and laborers, from Ireland, 
embarked for .South Carolina; and within three years, before 
1773, no less than 1600 hundred eraigrants from the north 
of Ireland settled there. Georgia, too, was partly colonized 
by Scotch and Irish, who emigrated south from Pennsylva- 
nia (from Lancaster and Cumberland counties) across Mary- 
land, Virginia and North Carolina, besides receiving no small 
proportion of its first settlers, directly from Scotland. The 
descendants of these two classes, are settled in various parts 
of the middle, southern and western slates. Previous to the 
revolution of '76, the immigration of them was not only ex- 
tensive, but of a better sort; especially when contrasted with 
those who, for the last 25 or 30 years, have arrived in tVvn 



}r»hn Armstrong, James Smith and Woodward Arnold killed by Muse' 
meelin, in 1744 — Alexander Armstrong's letter to Ailumoppies and 
Shicalemy — Search made for the bodies of the deceased ; found and 
buried them — Weiser's letter — Provincial council held— Conrad 
Weiicr makes a demand for the murderer at Shamokin— Weiser's 
transactions, &c. at Shamokin — Shicalemy's statement touching the 
murder of Armstrong. 

The principal, of the numerous murders committed by the 
indians upon the whites, within the limits then embraced by 
the upper part of Lancaster county, and of Cumberland, 
tbrms the subject of several chapters of this part of this com- 

i As settlements became somewhat extended, the white 
people, especially Indian traders came in closer contact with 
the Indians ; and despite of the eiforts of the government 
serious conflicts ensued, and, in some instances, blood was 
shed. This was, however, owino; as much to the imprudence 
o{' the whites as to the temerity of the Indians. 

Sometime in the year 1744, .John Armstrong, a Trader, 
among the Indians, w-est of the Susquehanna,'with two ot 
his servants or men, namely, James Smith and Woodworih 
Arnold, was murdered by an Indian of the Delaware tribe, 
named Musemcelin, on the Juniata river. Seven wiiite roei 
and five Indians went in search of the bodies of those mur- 
dered ; after some search, found and buried them. The 
murderer was afterwards apprehended, and delivered up by 
his own nation, and imprisoned at Lancaster, whence he was" 
removed to Philadelphia, lest he should escape, or his trial 
ant! execution prodnce an unfavorable impression on his coun- 
trymen about to assemble, for a conference with the w'hites; 
at Lancaster. The Governor directed or required that the 
property of Armstrong should be returned to his faraily. He 

K^DIAN MASSACRES IN 1744. 81 invited a deputation to attend the trial oi Musemeelin, 
und his execution, if found guilty. 

Alexander Armstrong, of Lancaster county, a brother of 
the deceased, addressed a letter to Allumoppies, King ot^tlie 
Delawares, at Shamokin, touching the death of liis brother, 
■And some threats maile by some Delaware Indians upon his 

Apkil 25, 1744. 

To Allumoppies, King of the Delawares : Great Sir, as 
a parcel of your men have murdered my brother, and two of 
his men, I wrote you, knowing you to be a king of justice, 
that you will send us in all the murderers and the men that 
were with them. As I looked for the corpse of my murder- 
ed brother ; for that reason your men threaten my life ; and 
i cannot leave my house. Now as we have no inclination 
or mind to go to war with you, our fi lends; as a friend, i 
desire that you will keep your men from doing me harm, and 
also to send the murderers and their companions. 

I expect an answer ; and am your much hurt friend and 

Alkxander Armstrong. 

April the 25th, 1744. 
To Sicaiaraus, the King's Great Councellor. 
My Great Friend : 
1 write to you, as you are a man that I hope will do your 
friends good. Now my brother is murdered, and his men, 
by the Delawares. I desire that you will send us all the 
murderers, and the men that joined with them ; and as we 
do not want to fall out, or quarrel with you, without you 
make us do it. 

1 desire that you will endeavor to send us all your men 
that are guilty of the murder, and the men that joined with 

r am your hurt friend and brother, 

Alexander Armstrong. 

N. li. We have .sent John Mushamelon to jail, and he 
sity.s that Nishalenordy's son killed Smith, and he is not 
willing to die till the rest are brought in to him. 

A party of men had made search for, and found the bodies 


of the raurdtred, as appears from Armstrong's letter above, 
5nd the following deposition : 

Paxton, April 19, 1744. 

The deposition of the subscribers testiheth and saith, that 
the subscribers having a suspicion that John Armstrong, tra- 
der, together with his men, James Smith and Woodward Ar- 
nold, were murdered by the Indians. They met at the house 
of Joseph Cliambers, in Paxton,* and there consulted to go 
to Shamokin, to consult with the Delaware King and Shick- 
calimy, and there council what they should do concerning 
the ailair, whereupon the King and Council ordered eight of 
their men to go with the deponents to the house of James 
Berry, in order to go in quest of the murdered persons, but 
that night they came to the said Berry's house, three of the 
eight Indians ran away, and the next morning these depon- 
ents, with the five IncUans that remained, set out on their 
journey peaceably, to the last supposed sleeping place of the 
deceased, and upon their arrival these deponents dispersed 
themselves in order to find out the corpse of the deceased, 
and one of the deponents, named James Berry, a small dis- 
tance from the aforesaid sleeping place, came to a white oak 
tree, which had three notches on it, and close by said tree 
he found a shoukier bone, which the deponent does suppose 
to be John Armstrong's, and that he himself was eating by 
the IntUans, which he carried to the aforesaid sleeping place 
and showed it to his companions, one of whom lianded it to 
the said five Indians to know what bone it was, and they, 
utter passing dilFerent sentiments upon it, handed it to a Del- 
aware Indian, who was suspected by the deponents, and they 
testify and say, that as soon as the Indian took the bone in 
his hand, his nose gushed out with blood, and directly hand- 
ed it to another. From whence these deponents steered along a 
path about three or iour miles to the narrows of Juniata, where 
they suspected the murder to have been committed, anil where 
the Allegheny road crosses the creek, these deponents sat 
down in order to consult on what measures to take to pro- 
ceed on a discovery. Whereupon most of the white men, 
these deponents, crossed the creek again, and went down the 

* ,Mr. McCallister's, or formerly Fort Hunter. 


creek, and crossed into an island, where these deponents had 
intelligence the corpse had been thrown ; and there they met 
the rest of the white men and Indians, who were in company, 
and there consulted to go further down the creek in quest of 
the corpse, and these deponents further say, they ordered the 
Indians to go down the creek on the other side, but they all 
followed these deponents, at a small distance, except one 
Indian, who crossed the creek again; and soon after, these 
deponents seen some Bald eagles and other fowls, suspected 
the corpse to be thereabouts ; and then lost sight of the In- 
dians, and immediately found one of the corpse, which these 
deponents say, was the corpse of James Smith, one of said 
Armstrong's men; and directly upon finding the corpse, these 
deponents heard three shots of guns, which they had great 
reason to think were the Indians, their companions, who had 
deserted from them; and in order to let them know that they 
had found the corpse, these deponents fired three guns, but 
to no purpose, for they never saw the Indians any more. And 
about a quarter of a mile down the creek, they saw more 
Bald eagles, whereupon they made down towards~the place, 
where they found another corpse (being the corpse of Wood- 
woith Arnold, the other servant of said Armstrong) lying on 
a rock, and then went to the former sleeping place, where 
they had appointed to meet the Indians; but saw no Indians^ 
only that the Indians had been there and cooked some vic- 
tuals for themselves, and had gone off. 

And that night, the deponents further say, they had great 
reason to suspect that the Indians were then thereabouts, 
and intended to do them some dama«;e ; for a doo- these de- 
ponents had with them, barkeil that niglit, which was re- 
markable, for the said dog bad not barked all the time they 
were out, till that night, nor ever since, which occasioned 
these deponents to stand upon their guard behind the trees, 
w^ith their guns cocked that night. Next morning these de- 
ponents went back to the corpses which they found to be 
barbarously and inhumanly murdered, by very gashed, deep 
cuts on their hands with a tomahawk or such like weapon- 
which had sunk into their sculls and brains ; and in one of 
the corpses there appeared a hole in his scull near the cut. 
which was supposed to be with a tomahawk, which hole, 
these deponents do believe to be a bullet hole. And these 
deponents, after taking a particular view of the corpses, as 


their melancholy condition would admit, they buried !hcn. 
as decently as their circumstances would allow, and returned 
home to Paxton, the Allegheny road to John Harris', think- 
ing it dangerous to return the same way they went. And 
further these deponents say not. 

These same deponents being legally qualified, before me, 
James Armstrong, one of his Majesty's justices of the peact 
for the county of Lancaster, have hereunto set their hands 
in testimony thereof. 

James Akmstrong. 

Alexander Armstrong, Thomas M'Kee, Francis Elli?. 
John Florster, William Easkins-, James Berry, John Watt, 
Jame^ Armstrong, David Denny. 

The atrociiy of this murder was so aggravating, that a 
Provincial Council was held, and it was resolved that Con- 
rad Weiser, the Provincial interpreter and Indian agent, 
should be sent to Shamokin, to make demands, in the navoe 
of the governor, for some others concerned in the murder- 

The following extracts give a detailed account of all l\w 
circumstances ; 

Tiilpehocken, April 20, 1744. 

Sir, Here I send the copy of my transaction at Onontago la^t 
year. By oveilooking the same again, T find it is just soii« 
Iput thingsdown in Onontago, partly from for my own memc- 
randums and satisfaction. I should have made it shorter before 
I laid it before the governor. There are several things men- 
tioned which are only ceremonies and mere trifling to a Eu- 
ropean idea; but the Indians always observe such things. 

Just now I heard that Ollumapics and Shickelamy had 
sent a Delaware Indian to prison for having killed an Indian 
trader. John Harris's wife told my son so, who rame from 
there just now. I think it happened well I was not at hoinft 
when the aforesaid chiefs sent for me ; they would perhaps 
have loaded me with a commission to settle the thing with 
the government ; but now the burthen remained npen their 
shoulder and had no other way to unload it, than to deliver 
up the transgressor. 

The particulars I have not ; only as it has been saui, for 
some time ago that John Armstrong was killed ; of which I 


heard before I came to Philadelphia the last time I patiently 
expected Shickelamy, with news of the Six Nations. I think 
if nothing happened to prevent their coming, they would have 
sent before now to let us know. 

I remain with my humble respects, 

Sir, your very obliged, 

Conrad Weiser. 

P. S. April 2Sth. List night I received yours of the 
26th, with the Governor's commands: I am always willing 
to comply with his Honor's command ; but could have wish- 
ed they might have bjen delayed till after Court, where my 
presence, by rainy, is required, on somo particular occasions;, as the demand is pressing, and cannot be delayed, I am 
preparing to set out to-morrow morning for Shamokin. I 
will use the best of my endeavors to have the governor's and 
council's requests answered to satisfaction, by delivering up 
the two Indians and the goods. 

I wish you hid sent me a belt of wampum : on such occa- 
sions it is customary to use black wampum, or at least half. 
I hope I shall be able to get some of Shickelamy to make 
use of to the Delawares. 

I am afraid the two Indians have made their escape far 
enough before now. I desire the favor of you to write a few 
lines to me, against my return from Shamokin, to let mo 
know whether my presence in Philadelphia, is expected, or 
whether I can send down in writing the accounts of my suc- 
cess ; if it should happen that the Indian could be got to be 
delivered to me- 

Farewell, I am, 

Sir, yours, 

C. W. 

Upon a second thought, I intend to come to Philadelphia, 
God willing, as soon as I return from Shamokin ; because, I 
understand Mr. Colloway wants to see me. 

At a council, April 25, 1744 — " The Governor, George 
Thomas, laid before the Board a letter, dated April 22nd, 
1744, from Mr. Cookson, at Lancaster, purporting that John 
Armstrong, an Indian trader, with his two servants. Wood- 
worth Arnold and James Smith, had been murdered at Ju- 



niata, by three Dela wares, and that John Musemeelin and 
Johnson of Neshalleeny, two of the Indians concerned in the 
murder, had been seized by the order of Shickcalaray, and 
the other Indian chiefs at Shamokin, and sent under a guard 
of Indians to be dehvered up to justice ; that one was actu- 
ally delivered up in jail at Lancaster ; but the other had 
made his escape from the persons to whose care he was cono- 

His honor then sent to the Chief Justice to consult him 
about the steps proper to be taken to bring the Indian to his 
trial, but as he was absent at a Court of Oyer and Terminer 
in Bucks county, it was the opinion of the Board that the 
Indian, Musemeelin, should be immediately removed to Phi- 
ladelphia jail, and that Conrad Weiser should be immediately 
despatched to the chiefs of the Delaware Indians at Shamo- 
kin to make a peremptory demand in his honor's name of the 
other murderers concerned, and that Shickcalamy and the 
other Indians there do order immediate search to be made for 
the goods of v»-hich the deceased was robbed, in order to 
their being put into the hands of his creditors, or the support 
of his family. And at the same time to inform them that the 
chiefs of the Indians which shall meet at Lancaster on the 
treaty with our neighboring governments, will be desired to 
depute some of their number to be present at the trial and at 
the execution of sucli as shall be found guilty. 

Conrad Weiser was accordingly sent to Shamokin. He 
writes, in his Journal, Shamokin, May 2d, 1744: This day 
I delivered the Governor's message to Allumoppies, the Del- 
aware chief, and the rest of the Delaware Indians, in the 
presence of Shickcalamy and a few more of the Six Na- 
tions. The purport of which was, that I was sent express 
by the Governor and Council to demand those that had been 
concerned with Musemeelin in murdering John Armstrong, 
Woodworth and James Smith; that their bodies might be 
searched for, and decently buried ; that the goods be like- 
wise found and restored without fraud. It was delivered 
them by me in the Mohawk language, and interpreted into 
Delaware by Andrew, INIadame Montour's son. 

In the afternoon Allumoppies, in the presence of the afore- 
said Indians, made the following answers : 
Brother, the Governor : 

It is true that we, the Delaware Indians, by the inves- 


tigation of the evil spirit, have murdered Jas. Armstrong 
and his men ; we have transgressed, and we are ashamed 
to look up. We have taken the murderer and delivered 
him to the relations of the deceased, to be dealt with ac- 
cording to his works. 

Brother, the Governor : 

Your demand for the guard is very just ; we have gatli- 
ered some of them ; we will do the utmost of what vv'e 
can to find them all. We do not doubt but we can find 
out the most part, and whatever is wanting, we will make 
up with skins, which is what the guard are sent for to the 

Brother, the Governor : 

The dead bodies are buried. It is certain that Jolm 
Armstrong was buried by the murderer, and the other two 
by those that searched for them. Our hearts are in mourn- 
ing, and wc are in a dismal condition, and cannot say any 
thing at present. 

Then Shickcalamy, with the rest of the Indians of the 
Six Nations then present, said : 
Brother, the Governor: 

We have heeu all misinformed on both sides about the 
luihappy accident. Museraeelin has certainly murdered 
the three white men himself, and upon his bare accusation 
of Neshaleeny's son, was seized and made a prisoner. Our 
cousins, the Delaware Indians, being then drunk, in par- 
ticular Allumoppies, never examined things, but made an 
innocent person prisoner, which gave a great deal of dis- 
turbance amongst us. However, the two prisoners were 
sent, and by the way, in going down the river, they stop- 
})ed at the house of James Berry ; James told the young 
]nan, '•' I am sorry to see you in such a condition, I have 
known you from a boy, and always loved you.'^ Then 
the young man seem.ed to be very much struck to the 
heart, and said, " I have said nothing yet, but I will tell 
all, let all the Indians come up, and the white people also, 
they shall hear it." And then told Musemeelin, in the 
presence of the people : Now I am going to die for your 
wickedness ; you have killed all the three white men, I 
never did intend to kill any of them. The Musemeelin in 
anger, said : It is true, I have killed them ; I am a man, 
you are a coward ; it is a great satisfaction to me to have 


killed them ; I will die for joy for having killed a great 
rogue and his companions. Upon which the young mau 
was set at liberty by the Indians. 

We desire therefore our brother, the Governor, will not 
insist to have either of the two young men in prison, or 
condemned to die ; it is not with Indians as with white 
people, to put people in prison on suspicion or trifles. In- 
dians must first be found guilty of a cause, then judgment 
is given and immediately executed. We will give you 
faithfully all the particulars ; and at the ensuing treaty en- 
tirely satisfy you ; in the meantime, we desire that good 
friendship and harmony continue; and that we may live 
long together, is the hearty desire of your brethren, the 
Indians of the United Six Nations present at Shamokin. 

The following is what Shickcalamy declared to be the 
truth of the story concerning the murder of John Arm- 
strong, Woodworth Arnold and James Smith, from the 
beginnhig to the end, to wit : 

That Musemeelin owing some skins to John Armstrong, 
the said Armstrong seized a horse of the said Musemeelin 
and a rifled gun ; the gun was taken by James Smith, de- 
ceased. Sometime last winter Musemeelin met Armstrong 
on the river Juniata, and paid all but twenty shillings, for 
which he offered a neck-belt in pawn to Armstrong, and 
demanded his horse, and James Armstrong refused it, and 
would not deliver up the horse, but enlarged the debt, as 
his usual custom was, and after some quarrel, the Indian 
went away in great anger, without his horse, to his hunt- 
ing cabin. Sometime after this, Armstrong, with his two 
companions, on their way to Ohio, passed by the said Mu- 
semeelin's hunting cabin; his wife, only being at home, de- 
manded the horse of Armstrong, because he was her pro- 
jicr goods, but did not get him. Armstrong had by this 
time sold or lent the horse to James Berry ; after Muse- 
meelin came from hunting, his wife told him that Arm- 
strong wis gone by, and that she had demanded the horse 
of him, but did not get him — and, as is thought, pressed 
l>im to pursue and take revenge of Armstrong. The third 
day in the morning, after James Armstrong was gone by, 
Musemeelin said to the two young men that hunted with 
him, come let us go towards the Great Hills to hunt bears; 
a-'^cordingly they went all three in company; after they had 


gone a good way, Musemeelin, who was foremost, was 
told by the two young men that they were out of their 
course. Come you along, said MusemeeUn, and they ac- 
cordingly followed him till they came to the path that leads 
to the Ohio. Then Musemeelin told tliem he had a good 
mind to go and fetch nis horse back from Armstrong, and 
desired the two young men to come along ; accordingly 
they went. It was then almost night, and they travelled 
till next morning. Musemeelin said, nov/ they are not far 
off. We will make ourselves black, then they will be 
t'rightened, and will deliver up the horse immediately; and 
i will tell Jack, that if he don't give me the horse, 1 will 
kill him; and when he said so, he laughed. The young men 
thought he joked, as he used to do. They did not blacken 
themselves, but he did. When the sun was above the trees 
or about an hour high, they all came to the fire, where they 
found James Smith sitting, and they also sat down. Mu- 
semeelin asked where Jack was ? Smith told him that he 
was gone to clear the road a little. Musemeelin said he 
wanted to speak with him, and went that way, and after 
he had gone a little distance from the fire, he said some- 
thing, and looked back laughing, but he having a thick 
throat, and his speech being very bad, and their talking 
with Smith, hindered them from understanding what he said, 
they did not mind it. They being hungry, Smith told them 
to kill some turtles, of which there were plenty, and we would 
make some bread, by and 1)7, and they would all eat toge- 
ther. While they were talking, they heard a gun go off not 
tar off, at which time Woodworth Arnold was killed, as they 
learned afterwards. Soon after, Musemeelin came back and 
said, why did you not kill that white man, accoriling as I bid 
you ? I have laid the other two down. At this they were 
surprised ; and one of the young men, commonly called Jim- 
my, ran away to the river side. Musemeelin said to the 
other, how will you do to kill Catawbas, if you cannot kill 
white men ? You cowards ; I'll show you how you must 
do ; and then taking up the English axe that lay there, he 
struck it three times into Smith's head before he died. Smith 
never stirred. Then he told the young Indian to call the 
other, but he was so terrified he could not call. Musemeelin 
then went and fetched him, and said that two of the white 
men were killed, he must now go and kill the third ; then 


each of them would have killed one. But neither of them 
dare venture to talk any thing about it. Then he pressed 
them to go along with him — he went foremost ; then one of 
the young men told the other, as they went along, my friend 
don't you kill any of the white people, let him do what he 
will ; I have not killed Smith, he has done it himself, wc 
have no need to do such a barbarous thing. Musemeelin be- 
ing being then a good way before them, in a hurry, they 
soon saw John Armstrong, sitting upon an old log. Muse- 
meelin spoke to him and said, where is my horse? Armstrong 
made answer and said, he will come by and by ; you shall 
have him. I want him now, said Musemeelin. Armstrong 
answered, you shall have him. Come, let us go to that fire 
— which was at some' distance from the place where Arm- 
strong sat — and let us talk and smoke together. (lO along, 
then, said Musemeelin. I am coming, said Armstrong, do you 
go before ; Musemeelin, do you go foremost. Armstrong 
looked then like a dead man, and went towards the fire, and 
was immediately shot in his back by Musemeelin, and fell. 
IViusemeelin then took his hatchet and struck it into Aim- 
strong's head, and said, give me my horse, I tell you. By 
this time or.c of the young men had fled again that had gone 
away belore, but he returned in a short time. Musemeelin 
then told ihe young men they must not ofiier to discover or 
tell a word about what had been done, for their lives ; but 
they must help him to bury Jack, and the other two were to 
be thrown into the river. After that was done, Musemeelin 
ordered them to load the horses and follow towards the hill, 
where they intended to hide the goods; accordingly they did, 
and as they were going, Musemeelin told them that as there 
were a great many Imlians hunting about that place, if they 
should happen to meet with any, they must be killed to pre- 
vent betraying them. As they went along, Musemeelin go- 
ing before, the two young men agreed to run away as soon 
as they could meet with any Indians, and not to hurt any 
body. They came to the desired place, the horses were un- 
loaded, and Musemeelin opened the bundles, and olTered the 
two young men each, a parcel of goods. They told him that 
as they had already sold their skins, and every body knew 
they had nothing, they would certainly be charged with a 
black action, were they to bring any goods to the town, and 
therefore would not accept of any, but promised nevertheless 


not to betray him. Now, says Musemeelin, I know what 
you were talking about when you staid so far behind. 

The two young men being in great danger of losing their 
lives — of which they had been rnuch afraid all that day — 
accepted of what he ofTered to them, and the rest of the 
goods they put in a heap, and covered Ihem from the rain, 
and then went to their hunting cabin, Musemeelin unexpec- 
tedly finding two or three more Indians there, laid down his 
goods, and said he had killed Jack Armstrong and taken pay 
lor his horse, and should any of them discover it, tliat person 
he would likewise kill ; but otherwise they might all take a 
part of the goods. The young man, called Jimmy, went to 
Shamokin, after Musemeelin was gone to bury the goods, 
with three more Indians, with whom he had prevailed ; one 
of them was Neshaleeny's son, whom he had ordered to kill 
James Smith, but these Indians would not have any of the 
goods. Sometime after the young Indian had been in Sha- 
mokin, it v/as whispered about that some of the Delaware 
Indians had killed Armstrong and his men. A drunken 
Indian came to one of the Tudolous houses at night and told 
the man of the house that he could tell him a piece of bad 
news. What is that 1 said the other. The drunken man 
said, some of our Delaware Indians have killed Armstrong 
and his men, which, if our chiefs should not resent, and take 
them up, I will kill them myself, to prevent a disturbance 
betvreen us and the white people, our brother. Next morn- 
mg, Shickcalamy and some other Indians of the Delawares, 
%vere called to assist Allumoppies in Council. When Shick- 
calamy and Allumoppies got one of the Tudolous Indians to 
write a letter to me, to desire me to come to Shamokin in all 
haste, that the Indians were very much dissatisfied in mind. 
This letter was brought to my house by four Delaware In- 
dians, sent express ; but I was then in Philadelphia, anti 
when I came home and found all particulars mentioned in 
this letter, and that none of the Indians of the Six Nations 
had been down, I did not care to meddle with Delaware In- 
dian alfairs, and staid at home till I received the governor's 
orders to go, which was about two weeks after. Allumoppies 
was advised by his Council to employ a cojxjurw, or as they 
call it, to find out the murderer ; accordingly, he did, and the 
Indians met, the Seer being busy all night, told them in the 
morning to examine such and such an one, that was present, 


when Armstrong ^vas killed, naniing the two young men : 
Museraeelin was present. Accordingly, Allumoppies, Quith- 
eyquent, and Thomas Green, an Indian, went to him that 
had fled first and examined him ; he told the whole story very 
ircely; then they went to the other, but he would not say a 
word, and went away and left him. The three Indians re- 
turned to Shickcalamy and informed them of what discovery 
they liad made. When it was agreed to secure the murder- 
ers, and deliver them up to the white people. Then a great 
noise arose among the Delaware Indians, and some were 
afraid of their lives and went into the woods ; not one cared 
to meddle with Musemeelin, and the other that could not be 
prevailed oa to discover any thing, because of the resent- 
ment of their families ; but they being pressed by Shickcala- 
my 's son to secure the murderers, otlierwise they would be 
cut oil from the chain of friendshi}). Four or five of the De- 
lawares made IMusemeelin and the other young man prison- 
ers, and tied them both. They lay twenty-four hours, and 
none would venture to conduct them down, because of the 
great division among the Delaware Indians ; and Allumop- 
pies, in danger of being killed, fled to Shickcalamy and beg- 
ged his protection. At last Shickalamy's son. Jack, went to 
to the Delawares, most of them being drunk, as they had 
been for several days, and told them to deliver the prisoners 
to Alexander Armstrong, and they were afraid to do it; they 
might separate their heads from their bodies, and lay them in 
the canoe, and carry them to Alexander to roast and eat 
them, that would satisfy his revenge, as he wants to cat In- 
dians. They prevailed with the said Jack to assist them; 
and accordingly he and his brother, and some of the Dela- 
wares, went with two canoes and canied them otf. 

Conrad Weiser, in a letter to a friend, dated Heidelberg, 
1746, adverts to an interesting incident which occurred at 
the conclusion of this interview at Shamokin. He says, "two 
years ago I was sent by the Governor to Shamokin, on ac- 
count of the unhappy death of John Armstrong, the Indian 
trader, (1774.) After I had performed my errand, there was 
a feast prepared, to which the Governor's messengers were 
mvited. There were about one hundred persons present, U 
whom, after we had in great silence, devoured a fat bear, the 
eldest of the chiefs made a speech, in which he said : "That,, 
by a great misfortune, three of the brethren, the white men. 


had been killed by an Indian ; that nevertheless, the sun was 
not set, (meaning there was no war,) it had only been some- 
what darkened by a small cloud, which was now done away; 
he that had done evil was like to be punished, and the lancl 
remain in peace; therefore he exhorted his people to thank- 
fulness to God,- and therefore he began to sing with an aw- 
ful solemnity, but without expressing any words ; the others 
accompanied him with great earnestness of fervor, spoke 
these words : " Thanks, thanks be to thee, thou great Lord 
of the world, m that thou hast again caused the sun to shine, 
and hast dispersed the dark cloud — the Indians are thine." 



Abductions in 1753; viz: of Evans, Devo}', Nicholson, Magenty, Burns, 
Hutchinson of Cumberland count}- — Frontier inhabitants fear the 
Indians, and petition Ciovernor Hamilton, from Cumberland & Lan- 
caster counties — Governor Hamilton urges the Assembly to afford 
the frontier settlers aid — The government solicilous to retain the 
friendship and aid of the Indians — Wcisersent to Aughwick — Israel^ 
an Indian of the Six Nations, killed Joseph Cample in Cumberland 
(Franklin) county — Croghan's letter touching this murder, &c. 

Though we find only occasionally a murder committed 
upon the uhites by the Indians, before Braddock's defeat, 
nevertheless the number of abductions \vas considerable be- 
fore that time. Among others, inhabitants of Cumberland 
county, that were taken captive, were John Evans, Henry 
Devoy, Owen Kicholson, Alexander Magenty, Patrick Burns, 
and George Hutchinson, all of whom returned again to Cum- 
berland — these were captured in 1752, '53, and '54 ; and 
some of them endnred great hardships. ' 

A number of French Indians, headed by a Frenchman, 
took George Henry, John Evans, James Devoy and Owen 
Nicholson, prior to 1753. They were carried to Quebec, 
and from thence sent to Rochelle, in France, where they 
were released by the English ambassador, and by him sent 
to London ; from there they got a passage to Philadelphia ; 
and on presenting a petition to the Assembly, May 22, 1753, 
and the House havitig considered the petitioners unhappy 
case were granted them as much money as bore their expen- 
ses to Cumberland county, their place of residence. Sixtee)- 
pounds were allowed them. 

While one Alexander Magenty was trading with the Cut- 
tawa Indians, who were in alliance with the Crown of Great 
Britain, and on returning home, he was taken prisoner, Jan- 
iiary 26, 1753, by a party of French Indians of the Cagna- 


waga Nation, near the river Kantucqui, a western branch of 
the Ohio. The Indians beat and abused Magenty in the 
most barbarous and cruel manner, then sent him to Montreal. 
From that place the prisoner wrote a letter to the Mayor of 
Albany, requesting him to obtain his release, which was ul- 
timately effected, by paying a considerable sum of money to 
the Indians who had taken him. Magenty returned to Phil- 
adelphia in the autumn of 1753, destitute of clothes and other 
necessaries ; the Assembly granted him six pounds, to bear 
his expenses to Cumberland county, the place of his resi- 

In November, 1755, the Assembly granted ten pounds to 
Patrick Burns and George Hutchinson, who had been taken 
prisoners by the Indians, and made their escape, to furnish 
them necessaries in their distressed circumstances, to return 
from Philadelphia to Cumberland county, their place of res- 
idence. — [Votes of Assembly, vol. iv. 

A strict amity had existed between the Indians and the 
inhabitants of Pennsylvania, with occasional personal or in- 
dividual disputes, for a space of about seventy years ; but 
now, 1753 and '54, a ditferent spirit manifested itself in the 
conduct of some of the Indians in the northwestern parts of 
the State, and along the frontier settlements of the province 
— they joined with the French against the English, and made 
havoc of their former friends, the English ; many of whom, 
at the instigation of their new allies, the French, they mur- 
dered most cruelly, as will be apparent from the following 
detailed accounts of the massacres. A dark cloud obscured 
the hitherto existing friendly relations, and consternation 
seized hold of those who seemed to have nothing to fear 
from the aborigines. A panic spread through the frontier 

The inhabitants of Cumberland now began to fear greatly 
that the enemy, who had recently made incursions into Vir- 
ginia would, before long, fi\ll upon them too, and they peti- 
tioned Governor Hamilton to aid them in their critical condi- 
tion. The inhabitants of the upper part of Lancaster (now 
Dauphin) county, sent a similar petition to the Governor and 
council — as follows : — 

The humble petition of the inhabitants of the townships of 
Paxton, Derry and Hanover, Lancaster county, humbly 
sheweth that your petitioners being settled on and near the 


river Susquehanna, apprehend themselves in great danger 
from the French and French Indians, as it is in their poT\-er 
several times in the year to transport themselves with am- 
munition, artillery, and every necessary, down the said river 
— and their conduct of late to the neighboring Provinces, in- 
creases our dread of a speedy visit from them, as we are as 
near and convenient as the Provinces attacked, and are les? 
capable of defending ourselves, as we are unprovided with 
arms and ammimition, and unable to purchase them. A great 
number are warm and active in these parts for the defence of 
themselves and counti'y, were they enabled so to do, (al- 
though aot such a number as w'ould be able to withstand the 
enemy) we, your petitioners, therefore humbly pray that 
your Honor Vv-ould take our distressed condition into consid- 
eration, and make such provision for us as may prevent our- 
selves and families from being destroyed and ruined by such 
a cruel enemy; and your petitioners, as in duty, will ever 
pray. — July 22, l7o4. 

Fear, ever of a contagious nature, seized hold of those 
more remotely settled from the frontier. The inhabitants of 
Donegal township, Lancaster county, also felt that they, as 
well as their fellow inhabitants, were in great danger of be- 
ing murdered by the savages and their French allies; in view 
of the impending dangers, joined in petitioning tlie Governor 
to take their distresscxl condition into consideration. 

The Governor, on maturely considering the condition of 
the frontier settlers, sent a message to the Assembly, then 
in session, urging in strong terms that immediate aid should 
be afforded the petitioners. In his message (August, 1754) 
he says, "The people of Cumberland and the upper parts of 
Lancaster county, are so apprehensive of danger, at this crit- 
ical juncture, from the nearness of French, and savages un- 
der their influence, that the principal inhabitants have, in 
the most earnest manner, petitioned me to provide for their 
protection ; representing withal, that a great number would 
be warm and active in defence of themselves and their coun- 
try, were they enabled so to be, by being supplied with arms 
and ammunition, which many of them are nnable to purchase 
at their own private expense. The substance of three several 
petitions, which I shall likewise order to be laid before you, 
appears to me, gentlemen, to be of the greatest importance, 
and well worthy of your most serious attention. You may 


be assured, that nothing which depends on me shall be 
wanting towards affording them the protection they de- 
sire ; but you cannot at the same time but be sensible how 
little it is in my power to answer their expectations with- 
out the aid of your House. It becomes then my indispeii- 
sable duty, and I cannot on any account whatever excuse 
myself from pressing you to turn your thoughts on the de- 
fenceless state of Ihe Province in general, as well as of oui 
back inhabitants in particular ; and to provide such means 
for the security of the whole, as shall be thought at once 
both reasonable and effectual to the ends proposed; sn 
which, as in every other matter, consistent with my honoi. 
and the trust reposed in me, I promise you ray hearty con- 
currence. — [Votes of Assembly, iv. 319, Aug. 1754. 

These abductions were mere preludes of more sanguin- 
ary sequences. Many of the Indians heretofore known as 
" friendly Indians" became disaffected, and favored the 
French interests in the west — ready to aid the French in 
ilieir schemes. The government of the Province of Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia, were anxious to not only have the 
continued friendship of those who still professed to be 
friendly, but, if possible, to regain the friendship of the dis- 
affected ; for that purpose Conrad VVeiser was sent, in the> 
•uonth of September, 1754, to Aughwick, where George 
Croghan, the Indian agent, had quite a number of differ- 
ent tribes under his care. Notwithstanding that Mr. Wei- 
ser, as the agent of the government, did all in his power, 
aided by liberal donations of money, to secure the friendly 
assistance of the Indians, murders were committed by some 
unknown Indian, For a few days after Mr. Weiser had 
"left Croghan, an Indian of the Six Nations, named Israel, 
ficnetrated into the frontier settlements, and killed an In- 
ciian trader, Joseph Cample, at the house of Anthony 
Thompson, near Parnall's Knob, Cumberland county (now 
Franldin,) as the following letter shows: 

Aughwick, September 27th, 1754. 
May it please your Honor: 

Since Mr. Weiser left this, an Indian of the Six Nations, 
named Israel, killed one Joseph Cample, an Indian trader, 
at the house of one Anthony Thompson, at the foot of the 
Tuscarora valley, near Parnall's Knob. As soon as 1 



heard it, I went down to Thompson's and took several oi 
the chiefs of the Indians with me, when I met William 
Maxwell, Esq. The Indian made his escape before I got 
there. 1 took the qualification of the persons who were 
present at the murder, and delivered them to Mr. Max- 
weh to be sent to your Honor, with the speech made by 
the chiefs of the Indians on that occasion, which, I suppose 
your Honor has received. 

I have heard many accounts from Ohio since Mr. Wej- 
ser left this, all of wliich agree that the French have re- 
ceived a reinforcement of men and provision from Canada^ 
to the fort. An Indian returned yesterday to this place, 
whom I had sent to the fort for intelligence ; he confirms 
the above accounts, and further says, there were about 
sixty French Indians liad come while he staid there, and 
that they expected better than two hundred more every 
day; he says that tbe French design to send those Indians 
with some French, in several parties, to annoy the back 
settlements, which the French say will put a stop to any 
English forces marching out this fall to attack them. This 
Indian likewise says that the French will do their endea- 
vor to have the Half-King, Scarrayooday, Capt. Montour 
and myself, killed this fall. This Indian, I think is to be be- 
lieved, if there can be any credit given to what an Indian 
says. He presses mc strongly to leave this place, and not 
live in any of the back parts. The scheme of sending seve- 
ral parties to annoy the back settlements seems so much like 
French policy, that I can't help thinking it true. 

I hear from Colonel Innes that there certainly have been 
some French Indians at the Camp at Wills' creek, and fired 
on the sentry in the dead of the night. If the French prose- 
cute this scheme, I don't know what will become of the back 
parts of Cumberland county, which is much exposed. The 
back parts of Virginia and Maryland are covered by the 
English camp, so that most of the inhabitants are safe. 

I would have written to your Honor before now, on this 
head, I only waited the return of this Indian messenger, 
whose account I really think is to be depended on. The In- 
dians here seem very uneasy at their long stay, as they have 
heard nothing from the Governor of Vii'ginia, nor of your 
Honor since Mr. Weiser went away ; nor do they see the 
English making any preparations to attack the French, which 


seems to give them a great deal of concern. I believe seve- 
ral of the Indians ^vi]l soon go to the Six Nation country; 
and then I suppose the rest will be obliged to fall in with 
the French. If this happens, then all the back settlements 
will be left to the mercy of an outrageous enemy. 

I beg your Honor's pardon for mentioning the consequen- 
ces which most certainly attend the slow motion of the Eng- 
lish government, as they are well known to your Honor; 
and that I am sensible your Honor had done all in your 
power for the security of those parts. I hope as soon as his 
Honor, Governor Morris, is arrived, I shall hear what is to 
be done with those Indians. I assure your Honor it will not 
be in my power to keep them together much longer. 
i am your Honor's most humble 
and most obedient servants 

Geo. Crogkan 

Aughwick. Old Town. 



Ardent hostilities between the French and English— Braddock's defeat 
encourages the French and their Indian allies — Frontier settlers 
again petition government for protection — Plans for defence of tht; 
Frontiers — Governor Morris's language in relation to Braddock'-s 
■leteat — Twenty-five persons carried off at Penn's creek; buildings 
burnt ; several persons killed and scalped, viz : Jacques Le Roy, or 
Jacob King and others — Four men killed by the Indians, who weix- 
i-eturning from Shamokin to Harris's ferry — Extensive settlements 
ieserted — Harris's letters touching the above massacre — Weiser's 
ii?tters — Harris's letter — Anecdote from Heckewelder's narrative* — 
Frontier settlers abandon their homes — Harris's letter — Bingham'.s 
nrt in Tuscarora valley destroyed — Fort Granville taken, &c. &c.— 
Hamilton's letters, SiC. — Col. Armstrong's letter — Numerous ma^sa- 
rres in several places — hi southwestern part of Huntingdon county 
In Woodcock Taliey. (SfC.—Settlers killed at J^innemahoning, &c. in 

' 1778 

«^-Iouils of portentous indication were fast gathering, and 
-•xcited great alarm; for actual hostilities between tlit- 
French, aided dy their Indian allies, and the English in Ame- 
rica, had commenced. Reinforcements, by both parties, U) 
strike the decisive blow, most fatally, were effected- The cri- 
sis v/as an eventful one. The inhabitants of the Irontiers 
were all in a panic; the Indians, true to their character, when 
enemies, struck whenever an opportunity presented itself — 
iieither sex nor age was spared. 

The French, and their Indian allies, encouraged by their 
success, pushed their incursions into the interior parts of tlw; 
frontier settlements, — into York, Cumberland, Lancaster. 
Berks and Northampton counties. These counties were 
scenes of murder, burning of houses, &c., for a period of 


about 10 years. The apprehensions of those who feared the 
direful consequences of Braddock's defeat, were sadly re- 

The massacres which followed this defeat were horrible 
beyond description. Shiiigas and Captain Jacobs were sup- 
posed to have been the principal instigators of them, and a 
reward of seven hundred dollars was offered for their heads. 
It was at this period, that the dead bodies of some of the 
murdered and mangled were sent from the frontiers to Phila- 
delphia, and hauled about the streets, to inflame the people 
against the Indians, and also against the Quakers, to whose 
mild forbearance was attributed a laxity in sending out troops. 
The mob surrounded the House of Assembly, having placed 
the dead bodies at its entrance, and demanded immediate suc- 
cor. At this time the above reward was offered, — [Drake's 

King Shingas, as he was called by the whites, (who is 
noticed in the preceding paragraph,) but whose proper name 
was Shingask, which is interpreted Bogmeadow, was the 
greatest Delaware warrior at that time. Heckewelder, who 
knew him personally, says. Were his war exploits all on re- 
cord, they would form, an interesting document, though a 
shocking one. Conococheague, Big Cove, Shearman's val- 
ley, and other settlements along the frontier, felt his strong 
arm sufficiently, that he was a " bloody warrior" — cruel his 
treatment, relentless his fury. His person was small, but in 
point of courage and activity, savage ])rowess, he was said 
to have never been exceeded by any one. In 1753, when 
Washington was on his expedition to the French on the Ohio 
(Allegheny), Shingas had his house at Kittaning — where 
Pittsburg now stands. 

The inhabitants, as they had done the previous years, 
again renewed their petitions to government, and also united 
to resist, if possible, the French and their savage allies. 

Plans were now devised for the defence of the frontiers. 
The following was one, which the compiler copied from the 
original, found among some letters and papers in the Secre- 
tary's Office at Harrisburg. The paper is without date. It 
is headed "A plan for the defence of the Frontier of Cum- 
berland county, from Philip Davies' io Shippensburg. 

Let one company cover from Philip Davies to John Wad- 
del'sc And as John McDowell's mill is at the most impor- 



Trinl pass, most exposed to danger, has a fort already made 
about it, and there provisions may be most easily had ; for 
these reasons let the chief quarters be there. Let five men 
be constantly at Philip Davies', William Marshall's and Tho- 
dle's, who shall be relieved every day by the patrolling 
guards. Let ten men be sent early every morning from the 
»:hiet quarters to Thomas Waddle's, and ten return from 
thence in the evening. Likewise ten men sent from Ihe chief 
quarters to the other extremity daily, to go by William Mar- 
shall's to Philip Davies', and return the same way in the 
afternoon. By this plan the whole bounds will be patrolled 
twice every day — a watch will be constantly kept at four 
most important places, and there will be every night forty- 
five men, at the chief quarters, ready for any exigency. 

Another company may cover as much more of the Fron- 
tier, beginning where the first ends, and reach towards, and 
l)ack of Shippensburg, by fixing a chiel quarter in some con- 
venient place, about the middle of said bounds, and from 
thence patrolling the ground twice a day, and keej:)ing watch- 
es at the most proper places as above; one of which watches 
may be constantly at Mr. Armstrong's, and another at a 
proper place, at the other extremity. 

This jilan supposes each of the companies to consist of GO 
men m ail, as fewer cannot so patrol, keep watch, and have 
any torce together to answer such exigencies as may occur. 
These may be furnished by deducting seventeen out of each 
ot the four Forts back of our frontier : tliis leaves sixty in 
eftcii Fort, and makes up a new company of sixty men, and 
eight to be added to Captain Potter's company. 

Governor Robert Morris, in his message of July 24, 1755, 
to the Assembly, has the folloM-ing language in relation to 
Braddock's defeat : — " This unfortunate and unexpected 
change in our affairs deeply aflect every one of his majesty's 
coiomes, but none of them in so sensible a manner as this 
province, while having no militia, is thereby left exposed to 
the cruel iiieursion of the French and barbarous Indians, who 
deli'-T^ht in shed(hng human blood, and who make no distinc- 
tion as to age or sex — as to those that are armed against 
them, or such as they can surprise m their peaceful habita- 
tions — are all alike the objects of their cruelty — slaughter- 
ing the tender infant, and fiightened mother, with equal joy 
,mi fierceness. To such enemies, spurred by the native cru» 


Hlty of their tempers, encouraged by their late success, and 
having now no array to fear, are the inhabitants of this pro- 
vince exposed ; and by such must we now expect to be over- 
run, if we do not immediately prepare for our own defence ; 
nor ought we to content ourselves with this, but resolve to 
drive to, and confine the French to their own just limits.— 
[ Votes of Assembly. 

Scarce three months after this disastrous defeat, we find 
The barbarous savages engaged in murdering the whites and 
setting fire to their houses, on the west side of Susquehanna, 
in Cumberland county, now Union; for, on the fifteenth of 
(-ktober, lloo, a party of Indians fell upon the inhabitants 
on Mahahany (or Penn's) creek, that runs into the river Sus- 
quehannah, about five miles lower than the Great Fork made 
by the juncture of the tv.-o main branches of the Susquehan- 
nah, killed and carried off about twenty-five persons, and 
Ijurnt and destroyed their buildings and improvements, and 
the whole settlement was deserted. 

The inhabitants on Penn's creek sent in the following peti- 
tion to Governor Morris : — 

•' We, the subscribers, near the mouth of Penn's creek, on 
the west side of the Susquehanna, humbly show, that on or 
about the 16th October, 1700, the enemy came down upon 
said creek, killed, scalped, and carried away all the men, 
women and children, amounting to twenty-five in number, 
and wounded one man, who fortunately made his escape and 
brought us the news, whereupon the subscribers went out 
and buried the dead, whom v/e found most barbarously mur- 
dered and scalped. 

" We found but thirteen, who were men and elderly wo- 
men. The children, we suppose to be carried away, pris- 
oners. The house where v:e suppose they finished their mur- 
kier, we found burnt up; the man of it, named Jacob King, 
-t Swisser, lying just by it. He lay on his back, barbarously 
burnt, and two tomahawks sticking in his forehead ; one of 
those marked newly with W. D. We have sent them to 
your Honor. The terror of which, has driven away almost 
all the back inhabitants, except the subscribers, with a ftv.' 
more, who are v.dlling to stay and defend the land ; but as 
we are not at all able to defend it for the want of guns and 
ammunition, and few in numbers, so that without assistance^ 


we uiust liee, and leave the country to the mercy of tlie 

\N e, therefore, desire it, that your Honor would take the 
si^.rae into consideration, and order some speedy relief for the 
safety of these back settlements, and be pleased to give us 
speedy orders what to do. 

George Gliwell, George Achmudy, John McCahon, Abra- 
ham Souerkili. Edmund Matthews, Mark Curry, William 
Doran, Dennis Mucklehenny, John Young, John Simmons, 
George Snabble, George Aberheart, Daniel Braugh, George 
Lynn, and Gotfried Fryer. — [Prov. Records. 

Jacob King alias Jacob Le Roy, mentioned in the above 
petition, had only lately arrived in the country. At the time 
he was murdered, his daughter, Anne Mary Le Roy, and 
some others, were made prisoners, and taken to Kittaning, 
where she was kept a captive for about four years. She ar- 
rived at Philadelphia, May 6th, 1759. A narrative of her 
abduction and captivity, and that of Barbara Leininger, was 
published by Peter Miller, in 1759. — [Sauer's Zeitung. 

On the 23d of October, 1755, forty-six of the inhabitants 
on Susquehanna, about Harris' Ferry, went to Shamokin, to 
enquire of the Indians there, who they were that had so cru- 
elly fallen upon and ruined the settlement on Mahahony 
creek ; on their return from Shamokin, they were fired upon 
by some Indians who lay in ambush, and four were killed, 
four drowned, and the rest put to flight: on which, all the 
settlements between Shamokin and Hunter's mill (formerly 
Chambers') for the space of fifty miles, were deseited. — 
[Prov. Records. 

The following letters from John Harris, and other gentle- 
men, give all the particulars, touching the above : 

Paxton, October 20, 1755. 
May it please your Honor — 

I was informed, last night, by a person that came down 
our river, that there was a Dutch (German) woman, who 
made her escape to George Gabriel's, and informs us, that 
last Friday evening, on her way home from this settlement, 
on Mahahony, or Penn's creek, where her family lived, she 
called at a neighbor's house, and saw two persons lying by 
the door of said house, murdered and scalped ; ajid there 


were some Dutch (German) families that lived near their 
places, immediately left, not thinking it safe to stay any lon- 
ger. It is the opinion of the people up the river, that the 
families on Penn's creek being scattered, that but few in 
number are killed or carried off, except the above said wo- 
man, the certainty of which will soon be known, as there 
are some men gone out to bury the dead. 

By report, this evening, I was likewise informed by the 
belt of wampum, and these Indians here, there were seen, 
near Shamokin, about six days ago, two French Indians of 
the Canawago tribe. I, a little doubted the truth of the re- 
})ort at first ; but the Indians have seemed so afraid, that they 
despatched messengers, immediately, to the mountains, above 
my house, to bring in some of their women that were gath- 
ering chestnuts, for tear of their being killed. 

By a person just arrived down our river, brought informa- 
tion of two men being murdered within five miles of George 
Gabriel's, four women carried off, and there is one man woun- 
ded in three places, who escaped to Gabriel's, and it is ima- 
gined that all the inhabitants on Penn's creek and Little 
Mahahony, are killed or carried off, as most of them live 
much higher up where the first murder was discovered. The 
Indian warriors here send you these two 'strings of white 
wampum, and the women the black one, both requesting that 
you would lay by all your council pipes, immediately, and 
open all your eyes and ears, and view your slain people in 
this land, and to put a stop to it immediately, and come to 
this place to our assistance without any delay ; and the belt 
of wampum particularly mentions that the proprietors and 
your Honor would immediately act in defence of their coun- 
try, as the old chain of friendship now is broken by several 
nations of Indians, and it seems to be such as they never ex- 
pected to see or hear of. Any delay on our acting vigor- 
ously now at this time, would be the loss of all Indian inte- 
rest, and perhaps our ruin in these parts. 
I am your Honor's 

Most obedient servant, 

John Harris. 

P. S. I shall endeavor to get a number of my neighbors 
to go out as far as the murder has been committed ; and per- 
haps to Shamokin, to know the minds of the Indians, and 


their opinions of these times, and to get what intelligence I 
can from them, and to encourage some of their young men 
to scout about, back of the frontiers, to give us notice of the 
enemy's approach, if possible, at any lime hereafter. I hear- 
tily wish your Honor and the Assembly, would please to 
agree on some method at this time towards protecting this 
province, as this part of it seems actually in danger now; for 
should but a company of Indians come and murder, but a few 
families hereabouts, which is daily expected, the situation 
we are in would oblige numbers to abandon their plantations, 
and our cattle and provisions, which we have a plenty of, 
must then fall a prey to the enemy. 

Our Indians here seem much discouraged at the large num- 
ber of families passing here, every day, on account of the 
late murders on the Potomack, and will be much more so, if 
it should hap})en to be our case. There were two Indian 
women set out from here two days ago, for the Ohio, to bring 
some of their relations (as they say) down here ; and should 
the French, or their Indians hear by them, as they will be 
enquiring for news, the effect that their late murders has had 
among our inhabitajits, it will be a matter of encouragement 
to them. 

I conclude, your Honor's 

Most obedient and most 
Humble servant, 

John Harri:-. 

Paxton, October 2S, 17^5. 
May it ])lease your Honor (Gov. Morris.) 

This is to acquaint you, that on the 24th of October, I 
arrived at Shamokin, in order to protect our frontiers up that 
way, till they might make their escape from their cruel ene- 
mies, and learn the best intelligence 1 could. 

The Indians on the west branch of the Susquehanna, cer- 
tainly killed our inhabitajits on Penn's creek ; and there are 
a hatchet and two English scalps sent by them up the north 
branch, to desire them to strike with them, if they are men. 

The Indians are all asticmbling themselves at Shamokin, 
to counsel ; a large body of them was there four days ago. I 
cannot learn their intentions ; but seems Andrew Montour 
and Mona-ca-too-tha are to bring down the news from them. 
There is not a sufficient number of them to oppose the ene- 


my ; and, perhaps, they will join the enemy against us. Theie 
is no dependance on Indians ; and we are in imminent dan- 

I got certain information from Andrew Montour and oth- 
ers, that there is a body of French with fifteen hundred In- 
dians coming upon us, Picks, Ottaways, Orandox, Delawares, 
Shawanese, and a number of the Six Nations; and are now, 
not many days march from this Province and Virginia, which 
are appointed to be attacked; at the same time, some of the 
Shamokin Indians seem friendly, and others appear like ene- 

Montour knew, many days ago, of the enemy being on 
their march against us, before he inlormed ; for which I said 
as much to him, as I thought prudent, considering the place 
I was in. 

On the 25th inst., on my return with about lorty more, we 
were attacked by about twenty or thirty Indians — received 
their fire, and about lifteen of our men and myself took to 
the trees, attacked the villains, killed four of them on the 
spot, and lost but three more — retreating about half a mile 
through woods, and crossing the Susquehanna, one of whom 
was shot off an horse riding behind myself, through the riv- 
er. My horse was wounded, and failing in the river, I was 
obliged to quit him and swim part of the way. 

Four or five of our men were drowned, crossing the river, 
I hope our journey, though with fatigue and loss of substance, 
and some of our lives, will be of service to our country, by 
discovering our enemy, who will be our ruin, if not timely 

I just now received information that there was a French 
officer, supposed captain, with a party of Shaw^anese, Dela- 
wares, &c., within six miles of Shamokin, ten days ago; and 
no doubt intends to take possession of it, which will be a 
dreadful consequence to us, if suQered. Therefore, I thought 
proper to despatch this message to inform your Honor. The 
Indians here I hope, your Honor, will be pleased to cause 
them to remove to some place, as I do not like their compa- 
ny; and as the men of those here were not against us, yet 
did them no harm, or else I would have them all cut olf. 
15elt (Indian so called) promised, at Shamokin, to send out 
spies to view the enemy, and upon hearing of our skirmishes, 
Old Belt was in a rage— gathered up thirty Indians immedi- 


ately, and went in pursuit of the enemy, as I am this day 

I expect Montour and Mona-ca-thoo-tha down here this 
week, with the determination of their Shamokin council. The 
inhabitants are abandoning their plantations, and we are in 
a dreadful situation. 

I am, &c, 

John Harris. 

P. S. The night ensuing our attack, the Indians burnt all 
George Gabriel's houses — danced around them. 

Heidelberg, Nov. the 2d, at night, 1750. 

Honored Sir : 

I am going out early next morning with a company of 
men — how many I cannot tell, as yet — to bring away the 
lew, and dispersed families, on the north side of Kittatinny 
hills, yet alive : they cry aloud for assistance, and shall give 
it my opinion to-morrow, in a public meeting of the town- 
ships of Heidelberg and Tulpehocken ; — but the few that are 
alive, and remaining there, (the greater part has come away) 
r^hall be forwarded to the south side of the hills ; and we will 
>:onvey them to this side. I don't go over the hills myself; 
i will see the men so fdv as the hills, and give such advice 
as 1 am able to do. There can be no force used ; we are 
eontiually alarmed ; and last night I received the account 
irora Andrew Montour that Belt, Scarrooyady, and others, 
wanted me to come up with my men to John Harris' Ferry, 
aud to consult with them. I sent an account for my not 
coming, with ray son, Sammy, who set off by break of day, 
this morning, with an hivitation to the Indians to comedown 
to my house for consultation. The same message I had ven- 
tured to send by George Gabriel, I sent by Sammy, a copy 
01 which, I sent by George Gabriel, is here inclosed. Whtn 
1 received the letter from Harris's Feny, signed by several, 
among whom were Mr. James Galbieath and j\lr. Allison- 
it was late in the night. I dispatched a messenger after 
George, and he came back this morning ; here inclosed, as 
Slid before, is his errand. I hope to see my son back again 
to-morrow night with intelligence ; that is one reason why I 
can't go over the hills. My son, Peter, came up this even- 
ing, fjom Reading, at the head of about fifteen men, in order 


to accompany me over the hills. I shall let him go with the 
rest. Had we but good regulations, with God's help we 
could stand at our places oi abode ; but if the people fail, 
which I am afraid they will, because only some go, other's 
won't. Some plead religion, and a great many are cowards. 
I shall think of my, and my fomily's preservation, and quit 
my place. I can get .none to stand by me, to defend my own 
house. I hope you will excuse this — I have no clerk now, 
and had no sleep for several days and nights. 
I am, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 

I, and Thomas Foster, Esq., Mrs. Harris, and Mr. Mc- 
Kee, with upwards of forty men, went up, the 2nd inst. (Oc- 
tober, 1755) to Captain McKee, at New Providence, in or- 
der to bury the dead, lately murdered on Mahahany creek ; 
but understanding the corpse were buried, we then determin- 
ed to return immediately home. But being urged by John 
Sekalamy, and the Old Belt, to go up to see the Indians at 
Shamokin, and know their minds, we went on the 24th, and 
staid all night — and in the night I heard some Delawares 
talking — about twelve iti number — to this purpose : " What 
are the English come here for ?" Says another : " To kill us 
I suppose; can we then send off some of our nimble young 
men to give our friends notice, that can soon be here?" They 
soon after sang the war song, and four Indians went off, in 
two canoes, well armed — the one canoe went down the river, 
and the other across. 

On the morning of the 25th, we took our leave of the In- 
dians, and set off homewards, and were advised to go down 
the east side of the river, but fearing that a snare might be 
laid on that side, we marched off peaceably, on the west side, 
having behaved in the most civil and friendly manner towards 
them while with themj and when we came to the mouth of 
the Mahahany creek, x'Jfe were fired on by a good number of 
Indians that lay among the bushes; on which, we were obli- 
ged to retreat, with the loss of several men ; the particular 
number I cannot exactly mention ; but I am positive that I 
saw four fall, and one struck with a tomahawk on the head, 
in his flight across the river. As I understand the Delaware 
tongue, I heard several of the Indians that were engaged 



against us, speak a good many words in that tongue, during 
the action. 

Adam Terrance. 

The above declaration was attested by the author's vol- 
untary qualification, no magistrate being present — at Paxton, 
this 26th October, 1755, before us : 

John Elder, Thomas Mc Arthur, Michael Graham, Alex. 
McClure, Michael Teass, William Harris, Thomas Black, 
Samuel Lenes, Samuel Pearson, William McClure. 

N. B. Of all our people that were in the action, there are 
but nine that have yet returned. 

Reading, October 22, 1755. 
Honored Sir : 

I take this opportunity to inform you that I received news 
from Shamokin, and that six families have been murdered on 
John Penn's creek, on the west side of the Susquehannah ; 
about lour miles Irom the river, several people have been 
been found scalped, and twenty-eight or more missing. The 
people are in great consternation, and are coming down, leav- 
mg their plantations and corn behind them. Two of my soni 
are gone up to help down one of their cousins with his fan;- 

1 hear of more that will defend themselves ; but Georg* 

Gabriel the people down here seem to be for ourselves. 

and says : The Indians will never come this side the Susque 
hanna river ; but I fear they will, since they meet with m> 
opposition any where. I do not doubt your Honor has heard 
of this melancholy affair before now, by the way of Lancas- 
ter, perhaps more particularly; yet, I thought it my duty t: 
inform you of it ; and when my sons' come back, I wj; 
write again, if they bring any thing particular. 

I have heard nothing of the Indians that have gone up t( 
hght against the French on the Oh^*; their going, I fear 
has been occasion of this murder. I have nothing more t( 
add, but am, Honored sir. 

Your very humble servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 


Bethlehem, Nov. 2, 1755. 

Mr. Christian Seidel and Mr. David Zeisberger, being ex- 
amined on their solemn affirmation, before me, Timothy 
Horsefield, one of his Majesty's justice of the peace for the 
county of Northampton, at their return from their journey to 
the Susquehanna, affirmed as follows : 

Q. When came you to the Susquehanna ? 

A. The twenty-sixth of October last. 

•Q. What places were you at there ? 

A. Waioming, the Shawanos Town, and at Lechaweke, 
the Minesiiik Town. 

Q. What stay did you make there ? 

A. Six daySo 

Q. What was your proper business there ? 

A . Being invited by the Indians, we went there to preach 
the gospel, which we did twice at Lechaweke. 

Q. What knowledge have you of the disturbances which 
lately happened in those parts? 

A. All we know is, what the Shawonas chief, named 
Packstanos told us, viz : that he and some other chiefs of 
the Indians being on the Susquehanna, were called down by 
the Shamokin Indians, and accordingly they went, and Sat- 
urday the 25th of last month, as they sat together in consul- 
tation, then came forty-nine white people to them, and told 
them the Fi-ench Indians were near on the other side of the 
ri\er — the Indians advised them to stay on that side and not 
to go over the river : but they would needs go over ; and hav- 
ing crossed over, about six miles below Shamokin, near George 
Gabriel's, they were attacked by some Indians; and, that 
the aforesaid chief, with others, and some of his young men, 
went the next day over, and going down the river, they came 
to the place v,-here the engagement had been the day before; 
where they found three white men had been killed ; and, a 
little further, on the river side, they found another dead; not 
shot, but supposed to have been drowned trying to escape ; 
at some distance further they found a suit of women's clothes, 
with a pair of new shoes lying near the river, which they 
thoucrht must have belonged to some one who endeavored to 

scape by crossing the river. They then followed the track 
turther into the woods, where the said chie^ espied a sapling 
cut down, and near by a grub twisted : then he called to 
the company, and said, These marks betokened something : 


and upon search they found a parcel of leaves raked togeth- 
er, upon removing which, they found a fresh grave, in which 
lay an Indian, who had been shot, and well dressed ; by the 
hairs of his head being pulled out, except a tuft on his crowr, 
they discovered him to be a French Mohawk Indian — they 
stripped and scalped him. 

They also found a glove, all bloody, lying by a tree, which 
had been very much shot, which they imagined to have be- 
longed to Thomas McKee, an Indian trader. Then they 
next went to George Gabriel's plantation, where they saw 
Indian tracks on the plowed ground — and that his corn was 
burnt, hut what was become of him and his family, they 
knew not. 

Q. What situation did you find the Indians in ? 

A. They are in great favor of the French Indians, and are 
also much concerned, but the white people should think that 
they had a hand in the late disturbance, viz : the Indians at 
VVayoming. At Lechaweke they were entirely ignorant of 
the w^hole affair ; for as we came there, they were all toge- 
ther at their thanksgiving harvest feast. As far as we could 
observe, they are all well affected towards the English. And 
the aforementioned chief fully intends to come here to Beth- 
lehem on a visit shortly. 

Q. What do you know of the disturbance said to have 
happened lately in the neighborhood of Gnodenhuetten ? 

A, When we came to Gnodenhuetten yesterday, the first 
inst., we found all in peace and quietness ; but as w'e came 
to-day through the Gap, wc found above a hundred people 
in a great fight, who told us that George Custard was raur- 
dereu. We made answer, that he was alive that night, and 
was seen and spoken with by two of our people from Knod- 
enhuetten ; viz: Schweigart and Presser — Presser being theH 
in company with us. And further we know not. 
Taken before me, 

Tim. Horsefield. 

Bethlehem, Novem. 2d, 175-5. 

Note. — Heckewelder, in his Historical Account of the 
Indians, when speaking of the Indians' manner of suiprising 
their enemies,, relates a striking anecdote, by way of exem- 
plification, of the Indians' sagacity, as well as veracity; the 
subject of which, has some relation to massacre, mentioned 


In the beginning, says he, of the summer of the year 1755, 
a most atrocious and shocking murder was unexpectedly com- - 
mitted by a party of Indians, on fourteen white settlers, 
within five or six miles of Shamokin. The surviving wiiites, 
in their rage, detemiined to take their revenge by murdering 
a Delaware Indian, who happened to be in those parts, and 
was far from thinking himself in danger. He was a great 
iriend to the whites, was loved and esteemed by them, and 
in testimony of their regard, had received from them the 
name of Luke Holland, by which he v/as generally known. 
This Indian, satisfied that his nature was incapable of com- 
mitting such a foul murder in a time of profound peace, told 
the enraged settlers that he was sure that the Delawares 
were not in any manner concerned in it, and that it was the 
act of some wicked Mingoes or Iroquois, whose custom it was 
to involve other nations in wars with each other by clandes- 
tinely committing murders, so that they might be laid to the 
charge of others than themselves. But all his representations 
were vain ; he could not convince exasperated men, whose 
minds were fully bent upon revenge. At last, he offered 
that if they would give him a party to accompany him, he 
would go with them in quest of the mur<lerers, and was sure 
lie could discover them by the prints of their feet and other 
marks well known to him, by which he would convince them 
that the real perpetrators of the crime belonged to the Six 
Nations. His proposal was accepted ; he marched at the 
head of a party of whites and led them into the tracks. They 
soon found themselves in the most rocky parts of the moun- 
tain, where not one of those who accompanied him was able 
to discover a single track, nor would they believe that ever 
a man had trodden on this ground, as they had to jump over 
a number of crevices between the rocks, and in some instan- 
ces to crawl over them. Now they began to believe that 
the Indian had led them across those rugged mountains in 
order to give the enemy time to escape, and threatened him 
with instant death the moment they should be fully convinced 
of the fraud. The Indian, true to his promise, would take 
pains to make them perceive that an enemy had passed along 
the places through Vvdiich he w'as leading them ; here he 
would show them that the moss on the rock had been trod- 
den down by the weight of a human foot , then that it had 
been torn and dragfged forward from its place ; further, he 



would point out to them that pebbles or small stones on the 
rocks had been removed from their beds by the foot hitting 
against them, that dry sticks by being trodden upon were 
broken, and even that in a particular place, an Indian's blank- 
et had dragged over the rocks, and removed or loosened the 
leaves lying there, so that they lay no more flat, as in other 
places ; 'all which the Indian could perceive as he walked 
along, without ever stopping. — At last arriving at the foot 
of the mountain on soft ground, wlure the tracks were deep, 
he found out the enemy were eight in number, and from the 
ireshness of the foot prints, he concluded that they must be 
encamped at no great distance. This proved to be the ex- 
act truth ; for, after gaining the eminence on the other side 
of the valley, the Indians were seen encamped, some having 
already Iain down to sleep, while others were drawing off 
tiieir leggings for the same purpose, and the scalps they had 
taken were hanged up to dry. " See I" said Luke Holland 
to his astonished companions, " there is the enemy I not of 
any nation, but Mingoes, as I truly tell you. They are in 
our power ; in less than half an hour they will all be fast 
asleep. We need not fire a gun, but go up and tomahawk 
them. We are nearly two to one and need apprehend no 
danc^er. Come on, and you will now have your full revenge I" 
But the whites, overcome with fear, did not choose to follow 
the Indian's advice, and urged him to take them back by the 
nearest and best way, which he did, and when they arrived 
at home late at night, they reported the number of the Iro- 
quois to have been so gieat, that they durst not venture to 
attack them. 

" This account, says Heckewelder, is faithfully given as I 
received it from Luke Holland himself, and took it down in 
writing at the time."— [Heckewelder's His. Ace. of Ind, 
Nations ; p. 168-70. 

The near approach of the enemy threw all, in the outer 
settlements, into consternation. Their only safety was to 
flee and leave all to the enemy. They had in vain looked, 
lor some time, for effectual relief from Government. Houses 
that had been occupied ; barns that had been filled with the 
fi'uits of a rich and plenteous harvest ; and newly sowed 
fields, and standing corn ; and some cattle, were all aban- 
doned, by the hardy and industrious frontier settlers, expect- 
ing as they did, daily the enemy upon them. They were- 


constantly in fear of being cut off. Even John Harris and 
his family were threatened with death, as stated by Mr. 
Harris himself in the following letter : 

Paxton, October 29, 1755. 
Edward Shippen, Esq- 

Sir : We expect the enemy upon us every day, and the 
inhabitants are abandoning their plantations, being greatly- 
discouraged at the approach of such a number of cruel sav- 
ages, and no present sign of assistance. I had a certain ac- 
count of fifteen hundred French and Indians being on their 
march against us and Virginia, and now close upon our bor- 
ders ; their scouts scalping our families on our frontiers daily. 
Andrew Montour and others at Shamokin, desired me to 
take care, that there was a party of forty Indians out many 
days, and intended to burn my house and destroy myself and 
family. I have this day cut loop holes in my house, and am 
determined to hold out to the last extremity if I can get some 
men to stand by me. 13 ut few can be had at present, as 
every one is in fear of his own family being cut off every 
hour. — Great part of the Susquehanna Indians are no doubt 
actually in the French interest, and I am informed that a 
French officer is expected at Shamokin this week with a 
party of Delawares and Shawanese, no doubt to take pos- 
session of our river. We should raise men immediately to 
build a fort up the river to take possession, and to induce 
some Indians to join us. We ought also to insist on the In- 
dians to declare for or against us, and as soon as we are pre- 
pared for them, we should bid up the scalps, and keep our 
woods full of our people upon the scout, else they Mill ruin 
our province ; for they are a drea Iful enerny. I have sent 
out two Indian spies to Shamokin ; they are Mohawks. 
Sir, yours iS^c, 

John Harris, 

In the latter part of October 1755, the enemy again ap- 
peared in the neighborhood of Shamokin; and in November 
they committed several murders upon the whites under cir- 
cumstances of cruelty and barbarity. Not only those on the 
immediate frontier settlers, but those residing towards the 
mterior were kept in constant al.irm, as will be seen from 
an address or appeal to the inhabitants of the Province. 


Pdxton, Oct. 31, 175-3. From John Harris' at 12, P. M, 

To all his majesty's subjects in the Province of Pennsyi- 
%-ania, or elsewhere: Whereas, Andrew Montour, Belt of 
Wampum, two Mohawks, and other Indians came down this 
day from Shamokin, who say the whole body of Indians or 
the greatest part of them in the Fiench interest, is actually 
■^ncamperlon this side George Gabriel's, near Susquehanna ; 
and that we may expect an attack in three days at farthest ; 
and a French fort to be begun at Shamokin in ten days hence- 
Tbo' this be the Indian report ; we the subscribers, do give 
It as our advice to repair immediately to the frontiers with 
ail our forces to intercept thtir passage into our country, and 
to be prepared in the best manner possible for the worst 

Witness our hands. 

James Galbreath, John Allison, Barney Hughes, Robert 
Wallace, John Harris, James Pollock, James Andersor;, 
Williara Work, Patrick Henry. 

P. S, They positively affirm that the above named Indians 
discovered a party of the enemy at Thos. INIcKee's upper 
ulace on the 30th of October last. 

Mona-ca-too-tha, the Beit, and other Indians, here insist 
upon Mr. Weiser's coming immediately to John Harris' with, 
his men, and to council with the Indians. 

Before mc, James Galbreath. 

On tiie 20 Feb. 1756, says Gordon, Captain Patterson 
with a scouting party, fell in with some Indians at Middle 
creek, in Cumberland county (L'nion) one of whom they 
scalped and put the others to flight, having one oi his own 
men wounded. He reported the woods, ffom the Juniata to 
Shamokin, to be fdled with Indians, seeking plunder and 
scalps, and burning all the houses, and destroying the grain 
in that vicinity. 

The Indian whom they scalped was probably Shecalemy's 
sister's son, as will appear from the following letter from 
Thomas McKee, dated " Fort at Hunter's mill, (six or seven 
miles above Harrisburg,) April 5, 1756," and addressed to 
Ed. Shippen, Esq., at Lancaster. 

1 desire to let you know that John Shecalemy, Indian, is 


come here in the afternoon, and gives rne an account that 
there is great confusion amongst the Indians up the North 
Branch of Susquehanna ; the 13ehiwares are movin<T all from 
thence to Ohio, and want to persuade the Shanoies along 
with them, but they decline going with them that course 
as they still incline to join with us. The Shanoies are goir.g 
up to the town called Teaoga (Diahoga) where there is a 
body of the Six Nations, and there they intend to remain. 
He has brought two more men, some women and some child- 
ren along with him, and says that he intends to live and die 
with us, and insist upon my conducting him down to where 
his sister and children are at Canestogo, and I am loath to 
leave ray post as his Honor was offended at the last time I 
did, but can't help it. He desires me to acquaint you that 
his sister's son was killed at Penn's creek in the scrimage 
with Capt. Patterson. This with due respect from yours, &.c. 

February 1756, a party of Indians from Shamokin came 
to Juniata. They first came to Hugh Mitcheltrees, being 
on the river, who had gone to Carlisle, and had got a young 
man, named Edward Nicholass to stay with his wife until he 
would return — the Indians killed them both. The same 
party of Indians went up the river where the liukens now 
live — William Wilcox lived on the opposite side of the river, 
whose w-ife and eldest son had come over the river on some 
business — the Indians came while they were there and killed 
old Edward Nicholass and his wife, and took Joseph, Thomas 
and Catharine Nicholass, .lohn Wilcox, James Armstrong's 
wife and two children prisoners. 

Some time in June. Fort Bighim, in Tascarora valley, 
about twelve miles from Milllin, was destroyed by the In- 
dians. A number were carri*;d off and some killed. Geo. 
Woods, Nathaniel Bighain, Robert Taylo"-, his wife, and 
one child, and John McDonncl were missing. Some of 
these, it was supposed, were burnt, as a number of bones 
were found. Susan Giles was found dead and scalped ; 
Alexander McAllister and his wife, James Adams, Jano 
Cochran, and two children were missed. McAllister's 
house had been burnt, and a number of cattle and horses 
had been driven off. The enemy was supposed to be nu- 
merous, as they did eat and carry off a great deal of beef 
thoy l;ad killed. — Pa. Gazette. 


George Woods was the father-in-law of James Ros.>. 
who ran for Governor, and resided some fifteen years ago 
m liedibrd. 

Hanca, or John Gray, afterwards joined a volunteer 
company, and went against the Indians in Kittaning, with 
the hopes of finding his wife and child. Shortly after the 
Kittaning expedition, he died in Bucks county. 

Francis Innis remained a prisoner or captive, till the In- 
'lian treat}'. 

It api)ears from the follovv'ingconnntnhcations that Fore 
Granville was erected at the close of 1755. or in the spring 
of 175»;. 

Sir — You arc desired to proceed to Cumhcrland county, 
and \\x on proper places for erecting three stockades, viz : 
One bad: of Patterson's, one upon "' Kishecoquillas," and 
one near Sideling Hill ; eachofihem fifty feet s(|uare, with 
a bjoclv-house on two of tlie corners, and a harracks with- 
in, capable of lodging fifty men. Vou are also desired to 
agree with some pr.>per person, or persons, to oversee the 
workmen at each place, who shall be allowed such wages 
as you sliall agree to give, not exceeding one dollar per 
day; and the workmen shall be allowed at the rate of six 
dollars per month, iiiid their provisions, till the v.-orlc is 

]'>. Franklix, 
Jos. Fox, 
Jos. IIt-ghs, 
Evan MoiiGAx. 
To Capt. Geo. Croghan, 
Phiiadeliihia, Dec. 17, 1755. 

Carlisle, Apiil -Uh, :2 o'clock, 1756. 
j)e;ir ,Na" : 

I arrived at this place at 12, wheic I i'omu] fiesli alarms 
fioni the frontiers, viz : On the 29th March, Pomfrett Cas- 
tle was fired on by a party of Indians, who toolc one Hugh 
Mitcholtree ])risoner, and they are very scarce of provis- 
ions and ammunition. 

From Fort Granville, 31st of March, there was a party 
of Indians, four in number, within one mile of the fort, 
which fort is so badlv stored with ammunition. not having 

. INDIAN MASSACRES IN 17-55. 1 19 

three rounds per man, they thought it not prudent to ven- 
ture after them. I am further informed there were two 
parties of Indians seen within one mile of Shippensburg 
town, but dont hear of any mischief done yet. I think it 
highly necessary, and shall, if possible, get an escort at 
Adam Hoops' to go the rounds with me, as I am very 
sensible that a great part of the soldiers have left their 
posts and come to the inhabitants, particularly from Fort 
Granville. If I hear no more of them, I shall proceed, 
whether I get an escort or not, and if I get certain intelli- 
gence of their being abroad, I will wait till the charge I 
have made on me can be conducted with safety. 

The above account is matter of fact, and may be de- 
pended on. 

I am, dear sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

Elisha Saltab. 

P. S. All their cry is, money and ammunition. 

The place where Fort Granville had been erected, v/as 
called " Old Town," on the left bank of the Juniata river, 
near Lewistown, Mifflin county, where a company of en- 
listed soldiers were kept, under the command of Lieuten- 
ant Armstrong. The position of the fort was the most fa- 
vorable. The Indians who had been lurking about there 
tor some time, and knowing that Armstrong's men were 
few in number, sixty of them appeared, July 22, before 
the fort, and challenged the garrison to combat ; but this 
was declined by the commander, in consequence of the 
weakness of his force. The Indians fired at and wounded 
one man belonging to the fort, who had been a short way 
from it — yet, he got in safe ; after which they divided 
themselves into small parties, one of which attacked the 
))lantation of one Baskins, near Juniata, whom they mur- 
dered, burnt his house and carried off his wife and chil- 
dren ; and another made -Hugh Carroll and his family 

On the 30th of July, Captain Ward left the fort with all 
his men, except twenty-four under the command of Lieut, 
Armstrong, to guard some reapers in Shearman's valley. 
Soon after the Captain's departure, the fort was attacked 
by about one hundred Indians and French, who having 


nssailed it in vain during the afternoon and night of that 
day, took to the Juniata creek, and, protected by its bank, 
attained a deep ravine, by which they were enabled to ap- 
proach, without fear of injury, to within ten or twelve yards 
oi the fort, to which they succeeded in setting it on lire. 
Through a hole thus made they killed the Lieutenant and 
private, and wounded three others while endeavoring to ex- 
tinguish the fire. 

The enemy then offering quarters to the besieged, if they 
w'ould surrender, one Turner immediately opened the gate to 
them. They took prisoners, twenty-two soldiers, three wo- 
men, and seven children, whom they loaded with burdens 
and drove them off. The fort was burnt by Captain Jacobs, 
pursuant to the order of the French commander. When the 
Indians reached Kittaning, they put Turner to death with 
the most horrid toitures. They tied him to a post, danced 
around him, made a great fire, and having heated gun-barrels 
red-hot, ran them through his body. Having tormented 
him for three hours, they scalped him alive, and at last held 
up a boy with a hatchet in his hand, to give him the finish- 
ing stroke. 

The following casts some additional light on this : 


The first day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1757. 
before me John Armstrong, Esq., one of his Majesty's 
Justice of the Peace, for the county of Cumberland afore- 
said, came John Hogan, late a soldier belonging to Capt. 
Edward Ward's company of foot, in the pay of the pro- 
vince of Pennsylvania, and upon his solemn oath, did de- 
pose and declare, that on or about the first day of August 
last past, (1756,) he, this deponent, with several others, 
was taken prisoner at Fort Granville, by a party of French 
and Indians — consisting of one hundred Indians and fifty 
French — who took this deponent, and the rest of the pris- 
oners, to the Kittaning, where they continued about three 
hours, in which time John Turner, one of the prisoners, 
was then burnt. That they were then taken down the 
river to Fort Du Quesne, wliere they staid but a few 
hours — the French and Indians not agreeing — they the>-n 
proceeded to Logstown, wiiere this deponent mostly con- 


linued until he made his escape, which was about nine 
weeks ago. And this deponent further saith, that during 
the time of his captivity, he was several times at Fort Du 
Quesne, and was fully satisfied that the garrison consisted 
of about three hundred French, had six guns, five or six 
pounders mounted, and seven swivels. That there were no 
Indians in the Fort ; but at about two miles distant from the 
Fort, was an Indian town wherein were about fifty or sixty 
of the natives. Twenty whereof were able to bear arms. 
That the walls of the bastions of said Fort were about four- 
teen feet thick. The curtain about four or five feet thick, 
except that next the river which is built as a common stock- 
ade, that bat ween the two bastions in the Pennsylvania side 
there is a ditch about six feet wide, and about seven or eight 
feet deep. That about four days before this deponent made 
his escape, there were twenty battoes arrived at Fort Du 
Quesne for Canada loaded with ammunition and provisions, 
and that it was reported that they also expected a large re- 
inforcemsnt of French and Indians from Canada and Missis- 
sippi, and that they would then endeavor to cut off the back 
inhabitants ; and also said that if the English did not go out 
this sum ner they would come to them. And this deponent 
further saith that the Indians having sold a prisoner to the 
French, received a nine gallon keg of brandy. This depo- 
nent and George Hiiy, another prisoner, thought that would 
be a good tim'^ for them to escape as it was customary for 
the Indians on such occasions to make a frolic and get drunk, 
whereupon they set off and brought Martin Borrowefly, 
another prisoner along with them, and arrived at the South 
Branch of the Potomac in three week's from the time of their 

Sworn at Carlisle the 1st of June I7u7, 

John Armstrong. 

Before leaving Fort Granville, they posted up a paper, 
which was afterwards found there, and was sent to the Gov- 
ernor and council ; and has sine been carefully kept among 
other papers and letters in the Secretary's office. The fol- 
lowing is a literal tramcript of the original, copied by the 
writer in December, 1344. 



The paper appears to be a mere fragment of a letter. It 
is incoherent — has many omissions, which are not easily sup- 
pUed, without knowing the particular circumstances under 
which it was written. 

II nece poin duxe peu ne pase pas que Jamay je nous Re- 
garde de bon Coeur Et nespercc jamay auqueune grase de 
mapare Car jene auqueune an vie de vous voyr apre le Chag- 
rien que vous mave Causez ain si Char Cher alheur pour 
raoy nefaitte poin defou non plus sur un in Conseten qui ne 
panse Cason pie sir Croye raoy Char Che fore tune allieurs 
pour moy je ri ne panse arien moy Case la il nez rien qui 
puise me De tou ne de nest santi man adie bon soir el nes pa 
tar je par de mein vous mouve toujours dixetros vous il nes 
pa Convenable que vous Restier isci Cela ne vous Convenien 
pas Cinon je prandre plu vous prandre des Mesure pour y 
me ditour ner plu je serai rustique ne panse pa que serve de- 
vous percequittee vous panserie malle Car je sivous voulle 
netre poin tenu retire vousdemoy Car jene sourois re sis ter, 
^ ^ Vostre Servette 

, . Pinella Ciere 

The following is also copied from the same paper of the 
original. It is an interlineal, rotho graphical correction of 
the original spelling. 

It nest point d'aussi pen. Ne passer pas que jamais je 
vous. Regarderai <\{in bon coeur it n'esperez jamais ancune 
grace de ma parte car je nai ancune envie de vous voir apres 
le chagren que vous m'avez cause ainsi chercher aillieurs 
pOur moi ne faitez point de Fou non plus sur un Inconstant 
qui ne pense qua son plaisir croyer moy chercher Fortune 
aillieurs pour raoy je ris ne pense a rien moy qua cek il nest 
rien qui puisse me detourner de unest sentiment adieu bon 
soer il nest pas tard je pars Demain vous monvez toujours 
(ja) dis retirez vous il nest pas convenable que vous Rcstioz 
ici cela ne vous convenient pas sinon je prendrai plus vous 
prendroz des mesures pour y me ditourner plus je sui Rus- 
tique ne pensor pas que sur se de vous perse cater vous pen- 
serier raal ear je se vous vonlez netre point tenu retiroz vous 
de raoy car je ne sourois resister. 

Vostre Serviteur. 


A professor of Modern Languages, to whom I showed 
this curious morceau, and, who, after examining it closely, 
tnade, in writing the following reply. 

" As the upper part of the letter has been cut off, no sense 
can be gathered from the first five words, which are the con- 
clusion of a sentence ; nor, for the same reason, is the relation 
between the first and second pages altogether apparent. 

Interlinear Interpretation Revised, J. R. 

11 nest point dausse peu (1) 

Ne palsez pas que jamais je vous Rcgarde de bon coeur 
et n'espereg aucune grace de ma parte car (2) je n'ai aucune 
cnrie de vous voir apres le chagrin que vous m'avez cause 
ainse chercheg aiJlieurs pour moi ne faitez (3) point de fou non 
plus sur un inconstant qui ne pense qu'a son plaiser Tojez 
moi chercher fortune aillieurs pour moi je ne ris ne pense (4) a 
rien moi qu'a cela il n'est rien qui puisse me detourne de (5) 
sentiment 6) adieu bon soir il n'est pas tard je pars demain vous 
mouvez (7) toujours je dis (8) retirey vous il n'est pas convena- 
ble que vous restiez ici ala ne vous convient pas si non je pren 
drai plus vous prendrez dcs mesurcs pour y one detourner 
plus je serai (9) Rustique ne pensez pas que sur (10) ce de vous 
peisecuter vous penseriez mal car je si vous vouley n'etre 
point tenu retirez vous de moi car je nesaurais resister. 

(1) Perhaps d'ici pres or de si pres (2) Part (3) faites 

(4) je ne })ense (5) mes, oramitted (6) sentiments (7) m'avez 

(5) dit without je (9) suis (10) cesse (a) fond. 

The 2nd Correction punctuated. 

il n'est point d'aussi pres (pen) 

Ae passey pas, que jamais je vous regarde ae- bon coeur, 
et n'erperez jamais aucune grace de ma part, car je n'ai au- 
cune envee de vous voir, apres le chagrin que vous m'avez 
cause. Ainsi cherchez aillieurs. Pour moi ne failer point 
de fond non plus eur un inconstant, qui ne pense qu a'son 
plaiser. Croyez moi cherchez fortune aillieurs. Pour moi 
je ne pense a'nier moi qua ala, il n'est rien qui puisse me 
detourne de mes sentimentss. Adieu, bon soir ; il n'est pas 
tard je pars demain. 

vous m'avez toujours dit. Retirez vous ; il n'est 

pas convenable que vous restkz ici ; cela ne vous conyient 


pas ; sinon je prendrai plus vous prendrez des mesures pour 
y me detourne. Plus je suis rustique ne plense;^ pas que je 
cessse de vous persecuter vous penseriez mal car je (si vous 
vouloz n'etre point tenu, reterez vous de moi) car je ne 
saurais resisler 

Vostre Serviteur 

Pinella Ciere 

The concluding words of the sentence in the part cut 

A Literal Translation. I. B. 

Do not call on me, for never do I look upon you with 
pleasure, and never hope for any favor fiom me, ior I have 
no desire to see you, after the trouble you have caused me. 
Seek elsewhere. As for me,, no longer rely on one incon- 
stant, W'ho thinks only of his pleasuie. lielieve me, seek 
lortune elsewhere. For my part, I think only of this, there 
is nothing which can divert me from my sentiments. Adieu, 
good evening, it is not late. I set out to-morrow. * * 
vou have always told me. (1) Go away, it is not expedient 
that you should remain here. It is not proper for you, else 
the more 1 shall take the more you lake ihtm to divert me 
from it. Although I am simple, think not Ihat I shall cease 
to persecute you ; you will think erroneously ; for I (if you 
wish not to be distanced, go away fjcm me) could not (2) 

Your Servant 
Pinella Ciere. 

y^l) The conclusion of a sentence above. 
(2) I should not be able to resist. 

August the 18th, 1750. 
To Hance Hamilton : 

I have sent express to you with the French letter, and 
one from Lieutenant Thompson, and a copy of that I have 
sent per Captain Hamilton and Ensign Scott, and the remain- 
der I will send by Potter and Steel's men. Lieutenant Hol- 
iday sent to me last night for blankets, and says that his 
men are all going to leave him for want of the same, as the 


inhabitants have all left the fort. Capt. Potter has forty- 
&even men ; and how many Captain Steel has I cannot tell ; 
I believe about thirty or upwards. 

If you have any blankets send them by the bearer. I be- 
lieve I will make up near twenty strays, and the remanider 
I sent by Potter and Steel's men, which I hope you will re- 
ceive at your arrival there. 

I have nothing more, that I remember, but my compliment s 
to Mrs. Armstrong, and ray earnest desire of yonr welflire 
and success. 

1 am, with much esteem, 

your most humble servant, 

Adam Hoops. 

N. B. I have got 39 pair of horse shoes, and 15 pair 
which are piit on the horses. 

Since I wrote, the Courier (carrier) has come to me to 
let me know that near John Lindsay's, five or six Indians 
were seen, and that one was shot down at the Grindstone 
Hill : and he says that they cannot carry out the flour 
which they had agreed for with them ; there are not five 
iamilies in all those .parts, but what are now fied : the set- 
tlement is full of Indians, and aie seen in manv places 

A. H^ 

Wednesday Morning, 5 o'clock, August 19. 1756. 
Dear Sir — 

I have last night received a letter by express from my 
Lieutenant which I have enclosed, with the original of the 
French letter, left at Fort Granville (near Lewistown, Mil- 
liin county). We are all scarce of powder and lead at our 
forts. I am obliged to get a little from Mr. Hoops, and t;* 
give my receipt as for the expedition. 

There is a party of Captain Mercer's company here ; and 
on our receiving this letter we marched directly, taking with 
us twelve beef cattle, and the packhorses which belong to 
the two forts. The rest are to be brought up by Captain 
Potter's and Steel's men. 

Sir, there were five of my men who were free, about tiif 
7th of July, and they continued in the service, until the) 
heard of Fort Granville being taken (and not be qualiEed 



they went off) as it is reported for want of ammunition ; 
and we being so scarce, tliey openly refused to serve longer 
under such circumstances. 

Sir, I am your affectionate, 

humble servant, 

Hance Hamilton, 
To Col. John Armstrong, 
at Carlisle. 

Shortly after Fort Granville had been destroyed, Colonel 
Armstrong entered upon what is well knoMn as the Kittaning 
expedition. He advanced Mith three hundred men, till he 
reached the Eeaver Dams, near Frankstown, where he was 
ijoined by an advanced }iai (y, on iSept. '2. On the 7th in the 
evening he reached Kittaning, and routed the enen y. (Par- 
ticulais ol the expedition will be noticed in the sequel.) 

Letter from Col. Aimstrong io the Hon. R, H. Morris, 
Esq. late Governor. 

Carlisle, 20th August, 1750. 

May it please your Honor — 

To-morrow, God willing, the men march from McDowell's 
for Fort Shirely, and this afternoon some ])art of my own 
company, with the provisions here, set out for Sheaimen's 
valley, there to halt till the residue come up. I'his night 
I expected to have been at Fort Shirely, but am much dis- 
appointed in getting in the strays, for collecting whereof we 
ihall not wait longer than this day. Hunter has got about 
half a score, and commissary Hoops about a dozen. The 
commissioners (for which your Honor will please to make 
them my sincere comjiliments) have sent eAcrything necessary 
except the canteens wrote for by ^Ir. Buchanan, which 1 
am persuaded they have forgot, and which we must supply 
by tin quarts. They were probably right in keeping back 
the tents, as they might have proven an incumbrance, and 
there is not one shilling laid out on this occasion that does 
not give me sensible uneasiness, but through the want of ex- 
perience, and fewness of our numbers, the good end proposed 
should fail of being obtained. 

I am not yet determined whether to wait twenty-four hours 
longer on the answer of a letter sent to Colonel Clapham 


ior the inielligence of John Cox, who has been sometime 
with, and now made his escape from the Indians, which I 
think would be very material, and which, if waited for until 
to-morrow, or Sunday night, will make it Tuesday before 
we can reach Fort Shirely. I dare not venture any thing 
of consequence now with a single messenger, so many Indians 
being in the woods. 

The harvest season, with the two attacks on Fort Gran- 
ville (Lewistown) has left us bare of ammunition, that I shall 
be obliged to apply to the stores here ior some quantity, for 
the expedition. The Captains, Hamilton and Mercer, hav- 
ing broken open tlie part I sent to McDowell's for Fort 
Shirely, and given them receipts as for the expedition, though 
f know it for the particular defence of these two posts; nor 
will it be in my power to prevail vrith double the number of 
men, and a double quantity of ammunition to keep a Fort 
that would have done it before the taking of Fort Granvide. 
r hope the first opportunity of conveying ammunition to this 
town will be taken. For farther proofs of the numbers of 
Indians among us and waste of this country, I shall enclose 
your Honor some letters lately received. 

Since the escape of the Dutchman, whose deposition I sent 
your Honor, is also escaped a certain Peter Walker taken 
from Granville, and saith, that of the enemy no less than one 
hundred and twenty returned all in health, except one French- 
man shot through the shoulder by Lieutenant Armstrong a 
little before his death, as the Frenchman was erectino- his 
body oiit of the hollow to see through the pine knots on the 
lire made against the Fort ; and of this number there were 
about a dozen of French, who had for their interpreter one 
McDowell, a Scotchman. This McDowell told Walker 
they designed very soon to attack Fort Shirely, with four 
iiundred men. Captain .Jacobs said he could take any Fort 
that would catch fire, and would make peace with the Eng- 
lish when they had learned him to make gunpowder. Mc- 
Dowell told Walker they had tv/o Indians killed in the en- 
gagement, but the Captains, Armstrong and Ward, whom 1 
ordered on their march to Fort Shirely to examine every 
thing at Granville, and send a li.-t of whom remained among 
the ruins, assure me they found some parts of eight of the 
enemy burnt in two difl'erent places, the joints of them being 
scarcely "separated, and parts of their shirts /bund, through 

128 INDIAN MA9SACR£S IN 1755. 

which there were bullet holes. To secrete these from our 
prisoners was doubtless the reason why the Frencli officer 
marched our people some distance irom the Fort before they 
gave orders to burn the barracks, &c. Walker says that 
some of the Germans flagged very much on the second day, 
and that the Lieutenant behaved with the greatest bravery 
to the last, despising all the terrors and threats of the enemy, 
■whereby they often urged him to surrender, though he had 
been near two days without water, but a little ammunition 
left, the fort on fire, and the enemy situated within twelve 
or fourteen yards of the fort, under the natural bank, he wa? 
as far from yielding as when at first attacked ; a Frenchman 
in our service fearful of being burnt, asked leave of the Lieu- 
tenant to treat with his countrymen, in the French language: 
the Lieutenant answered, " The first word of French you 
speak in this engagement, Fll blow your brains out," telling 
his men to hold out bravely, for the flame was fiiUing and he 
would soon have it extinguished, but soon after received the 
fatal ball. 

Tlie Fiench officer refused the soldiers the libeity of in- 
terring his corpse, though it was to be done in an instant 
when they raised the clay to quench the fire. 

One Brandon, a soldier who had been shot through the 
knee, on the approach of the enemy, called out, "I am a 
Roman Catholic, and will go with you," but the Indians re- 
gardless of his faith, observing he could not march, soon ct- 
spatched him with a tomahawk. 

As Fort Shirely is not easily defended, and their water 
rnav be taken possession of by the enemy, it running at the 
loot of a high bank eastward of the fort, and no well dug, i 
am of opinion, from its remote situation, that it cannot serve 
the country in the present circumstances, and if attacked, 1 
doubt will be taken if not strongly garrisoned, but (extremi- 
ties excepted) I cannot evacuate this without your Honor's 

Lyttleton, Shippensburg and Carlisle (the two last not firi- 
ished) are the only forts now built that will, in my opinion, 
be serviceable to the public. McDowell's, or thereabouts, 
is a necessary post, but the present fort not defencible. The 
duties of the harvest have not admitted me to finish Carlisle 
Fort with the soldiers, it should be done, and a barracks 
erected within the fort, otherwise the soldiers cannot be s<rf> 


well governed, and may be absent or without the gates, at a 
time of the greatest necessity. 

I am honored sir, 

your Honor's most obedient 
and humble servant, 

John Armstrong. 

The distress of the frontier settlers had nearly reached 
its acme. An attempt to depict their suffeiings, alarms, and 
tears, would prove a failure. In the fall of 1755, the coun- 
try west of the Susquehanna possessed tJiree thousmid men 
lit to bear arms ; and in August 1756, exclusive of the Pro- 
vincial forces, there were not one hundred ; fear having dri- 
ven the greater part from their homes into the interior of 
the province. — Gordon^',' Pa. 430. 

Governor Morris, in his message to the Assembly, August 
JG, 1756, says, " The people to the west of the Susquehan- 
na, distressed by the frequent incursions of the enensy, and 
weakened by their great losses, are moving into the interior 
parts of the Province, and I am fearful that the whole coun- 
ty will be evacuated, if timely and vigorous measures are 
not taken to prevent it." — Votes of Assembly. 

The few who had not fled petitioned the Governor, Coun- 
cil and iVssembly, for aid to protect them against the ravages 
of a restless, barbarous and merciless enemy. Their several 
petitions are given below. 

To the Honorable Robert Hunter Morris, Esq., Lieut. Gov. 
of Province of Pennsylvania. 
The address of part of the remaining inhabitants of Cum- 
berland county, most humbly showeth, that the French and 
their savage allies have from time to time made several in- 
cursions into this county, have in the most inhuman and bar- 
barous manner murdered great numbers of our people and 
carried others into captivity, and being greatly emboldened 
l)y a series of success, not only attem{)ted, but also took Fort 
Granville on the UOth July last, then commanded by the late 
Lieutenant Edward Armstrong, and carried off the greatest 
part of the garrison, prisoners, from whom doubtless the 
enemy will be informed of the weakness of this frontier, and 
how incapable we are of defending ourselves against their 
incursions, which will be a great inducement for them to re- 
double their attacks, and in all probability force the remain- 


ing inhabitants of this county to evacuate it. Great numbers 
of the inhubitants are already fled, and others preparing to 
go off; finding that it is not in the power of the troops in 
pay of the government (were we certain of their being con- 
tinued) to prevent the ravages of our restless, barbarous and 
merciless enemy. It is therefore greatly to be doubted that 
(without a further protection) the inhabitants of this county 
will shortly endeavor to save themselves and their effects, 
by flight, which must consequently be productive of consid- 
erable inconveniencies to his Majesty's interest in general, 
and to the welfare of the people of this Province in particular. 
Your petitioners being fully convinced of your Honor's 
concern for a strict attacliment to his Majesty's interest, 
have presumed to request that your Honor would be pleased 
to take our case into consideration, and, if agreeable to your 
Honor's judgment, to make application to his Excellency, 
General Loudon, that part of the troops now raising for his 
Excellency's regiment maybe sent to, and for some time, 
continued in some of the most important and advantageous 
posts in this county, by whose assistance we may be enabled 
to continue a frontier if possible, and thereby induce theie- 
maining inhabitants, to secure, at least, a part of the immense 
quantity of grain which now lies exposed to the enemy and 
snbject to be destroyed or taken away by them ; and also 
enable the Provincial troops to make incuisions into the 
enemy's country, which would contribute greatly to the safe- 
ty and satisfaction of your Honor's petitioners — And your 
petitioners, as in duty bound shall ever pray, &.c. 

Francis West, John Welsh, James Dickson, Robert Erwin, 
Samuel Smith, Wm. Buchanan, Daniel V^ illiams, John Mont- 
gomery, Thos. Barker, John Lindsay, Jas. Lindsay, Thos. 
Uiie, Jas. Buchanan, Wm. Spear, Jas. Polock, And. Mcln- 
tyre, Robert Gibson, Garret McDaniel, Arthur Foster, Jas. 
Brandon, John Houston, Patrick McCollom, James Reed, 
Thos. Lockertt, And. Dalton, John Irwin, \^ m. Blyth, 
Robt. Miller, Wm. Miller, Jas. Ycung, Jno. Davis, John 
Mitchell, John Pattison, Samuel Stevens, John Fox, Chas. 
Pattison, John F'-^ter, Wm. McCaskry, And. Calhoun, Jas. 
Stackpole, Wm. Sebbc. Jas. Robb, Samuel Anderson, Rob- 
t^rt Robb, Samuel Hunter, A. Forster, Nath. Smyth. 

Read in council August 21, 1756 


Not only was the country west of the Susquehanna left 
nearly desolate and deserted, but also on the east side of the 
river, numerous murders were committed, and plantations 
abandoned. When imagination fails to conceive the peril 
and distress of the settlers of Paxton, Hanover, Derry, and 
other townships, then in Lancaster (now Dauphin and Leb- 
anon counties) vain would it be to attempt to portray the 
scenes of horror. Some idea, hawever, may be formed of 
their condition from the subjoined letters : 

Derry Township, 9th Aug. 17-56, 
Dear Sir : 

There is nothing but bad news every day. Last week 
there were two soldiers killed and one wounded about two 
miles from Manady fort ; and two of the guards that escort- 
ed the batteaux were killed ; and we may expect nothing 
else daily, if no stop be put to these savages. We shall all 
be broken in upon in these parts — the people are going off 
daily, leaving almost their all behind them; and as for ray 
part, I think a little time will lay the country waste by flight, 
so that the enemy will have nothing to do but take what \vc 
have worked for. 

Sir, your most 

Humble servant, 

James Galbreath, 
Ed. shippen, Esq. 

Derry Township, 10th Aug. 175(5. 
Honored Sir : 

There is nothing here almost every day but murder com- 
mitted by the Indians in some part or other. About five 
miles above me, at Manady gap, there were two of the Prov- 
ince soldiers killed, one wounded. There were but three 
Indians, and they came in among ten of our men and com- 
mitted the murder, and went off safe. The name or sight 
of an Indian makes almost all, in these parts, tremble — their 
barbarity is so cruel where they are mits'^ers ; for by all ap- 
pearances, the devil communicates, God permits, and the 
French pay, and by that the back parts, by all appearances, 
will be laid waste by flight with those who are gone and 
going, more especially Cumberland county. 


Pardon my freedom in this, wherein I have done amiss. 
Sir, your most 

Humble servant, 

James Galbreath. 

P. S. I am in want of pistols. 

The above is fully corroborated by the following : 

Hanover Aug. 7, 1756. 

To Edward Shippen, Esq. 

Sir : Yesterday, Jacob Ellis, a soldier of Captain Smith's, 
at Brown's about two miles and a half over the first moun- 
tain, just within the gap, having some wheat growing at that 
place, prevailed with his officers for some of the men, to help 
him to cut some of the grain ; accordingly ten of them went, 
set guards, and fell to work ; at about ten o'clock, they had 
reapt down, and went to the head to begin again, and before 
they had all well begun, three Indians having crept up to 
the fence just behind them, fired upon them and killed the 
corporal, and another who was standing wiih a gun in one 
hand and a bottle in the other was wounded — his left arm 
is broken in two places; so that his gun fell, he being a lit- 
tle more down the field than the rest ; those who were reap- 
ing had their fire arms about halfway down the field, stand- 
ing at a large tree ; as soon as the Indians had fired and 
without loading their guns, leaped over the fence right in 
amongst the reapers — one of them had left his gun behind 
on the outside of the field — they all ran promiscuously, while 
the Indians were making a terrible halloo, and looked more 
like the devil thaif* Indians. The soldiers made for their 
fire arms, and as three ot them stood behind the tree with 
their arms, the Indian that came wanting his gun, came with- 
in a few yards of them, and took up the wounded soldier's 
gun, and would have killed another, had not one who per- 
ceived him, fired at him, so that he dropped the gun. The 
Indians fled, and in going off, two soldiers standing about a 
rod apart, an Indian ran through between them, they both 
fired at him, yet he escaped ; when the Indians were over 
the fence, a soldier fired at one of them ; upon which he 
stopped a little — the three Indians escaped. Immediately 
after leaving the field, they fired one gun, and gave a liallou. 
The soldiers hid the one that was killed, went home to the 


fort, found James Brown, who lives in the fort, and one of 
the soldiers, missing. 

The Lieutenant, accompanied by some more, went out 
and brought in the dead man ; but still Brown was miss- 
ing. Notice was given on that night, I went up next 
mornhig with some hands — Captain Smith had sent up 
more men from tlie other fort ; these went out next morn- 
ing, against I got there word was come in that they had 
found .fames Brown, killed and scalped, I went over with 
them to bring him home ; he was killed with the last shot, 
about twenty rods from the field — his gun, iiis shoes and 
jacket carried off The soldiers who found him, said that 
they tracked the three Indians to tlie second mountain, 
and they found one of the Indian's guns a short distance 
from Brown's corpse, as it had been not worth much. 
Tiiey showed me the place where the Indians fired through 
the fence ; and it was just eleven yards from the place 
where the dead man lay. The rising ground, above the 
field, was clear of standing timber and the grubs low, so 
that they had kept a look out. 

The above account, you may depend upon. We have 
almost lost all hopes of every thing, but to move off and 
lose our crops that we have cut with so much difficulty. 
I am your 

Honor's servant, 

Adam Reed. 

John Harris, in the following letter, addressed to Richard 
Peters, Secretary to the Provincial Council, mentions the 
state of affairs on the frontiers. — 

Paxton, Nov. 5th 1756. 
Sir : Here is at my fort two prisoners that came from 
Shamokin about one month ago, be pleased to inform his 
Honor, our governor, that direction may be given how they 
are to be disposed of. They have been this long time con- 
lined. I hope that his Honor will be pleased to continue 
some men during these calamitous times in our frontiers — 
as this place and the conveniences here may be of service 
if defended. We had a town meeting since the murder 
committed in Hanover township, and have unanimously 
agreed to support twenty men in our own township at the 



mountain, there to range and keep guard or watch day 
and night for one month, commencing from the 3d of this 
inst ', when it is hoped we shall he relieved by a strict 
militia law that will oblige us all to do our duty. 

Paxton township has kept up a strong guard at our 
mountain near these twelve months past which has been 
expensive and fatiguing ; but it is much better for us to do 
so than to move off our families and effects, and ruin our- 
selves whether the enemy comes or not. We have heard 
bad accounts from Concgojego; but if Lord Loudon is vic- 
torious, it is to be hoped that a proper spirit will prevail 
among us in America, I conclude. 

Sir, your most obt. and humble servant, 

John Harris. 

- Stimulated, and abetted by the Frencli, both Shawanese 
and Delaware Indians kept up their hostilities till 1757, 
when negotiations for peace commenced with Teedi/uscung, 
the chief of the Delaware and Sluuvanese tribes, on the 
Susquehanna, when their fury abated somewhat. But 
the French and Western Indians still roamed in small par- 
ties over the country, conmiitling many sanguinary mur- 
ders, and taking captives all whom they could surprise. 
The frontier settlers were kept in continual alarm. 

After the treaty of 1758 with the Indians, at Easton, 
peace and friendship had been established between the 
English and Indians ; all fear ol" Indian barbarities van- 
ished, and the minds of the people had been at rest for 
some time; but the French war still continued, and cruel 
murders were occasionally committed upon the frontier 
settlers, by the Indians, till near the close of the war be- 
tween the English and the French, in 17G2 — for there had 
been a secret confedcM-acy formed among the Shawanese. 
the tribes on the Ohio and its tributary waters, and about 
Detroit, to attack simultaneously, all the English posts 
and settlements on the frontiers. Their plan was deliber- 
ately and skilfully projected. The border settlements 
were to be invaded during harvest ; the men, corn, and 
cattle to be destroyed, and the outposts to be reduced by 
famine, by cutting oif their supplies — Pursuant to this 
plan, the Indians fell suddenly upon the traders, whom 
they had invited among them ; murdered many, and plun- 


dered tbe effects of a great number to an immense value. 
The frontiers of Pennsylvania, &c., were overrun by scalp- 
ing parties, marking in their hostile incursions, the way 
with blood and devastation. 

The upper part of Cumberland was overrun by the sav- 
ages, in 1763, who set fire to houses, barns, corn, hay and 
every thing that was combustible ; the inhabitants were 
surprised and murdered with the utmost cruelty and bar- 
barity. Those who could, escaped — some to Bedford. 
Avhere Captain Ourry commanded a garrison at the same 
time, some went to Sh'ppensburg, others to Carlisle, where 
houses and stables were crowded. 

The refugees, who had resorted to Carlisle, &c., were 
relieved, in part, in their distressses, by the munificenct- 
of the Episcopal churches of Philadelphia, as appears from 
tlie following : 

'■ July 2G, 1763, the rector, (Richard Peters) representing 
to the Vestry, that the back inhabitants of this province 
are reduced to great distress and necessity, by the present 
invasion, proposed that some method be considered for, 
collecting oharity for their relief, from the congregation 
of Christ Church and St. Peter's, (Philadelphia,) and i' 
was unanimously resolved, that a preamble to a subscrip- 
tion paper lor that purpose, be immediately drawn up, 
which was accordingly done. 

" At their next meeting, the church wardens reported 
to tlie Vestry, that they had carried about a subscription 
paper, and made a collection from the congregations ot 
Christ Church and St. Peter's, for the relief of the distress- 
ed frontier inhabitants, amounting to £662, 3s. The rec- 
tor and church wardens were appointed a committee to 
correspond with certain persons in Cumberland county, 
in order to ascertain the extent of the distress, that the 
above contributions might be judiciously distributed.'^ 

Some idea of the greatness of this calamity in the west- 
ern part of Pennsylvania, brought about by Indian hostili- 
ties, may be f )und from the following letter, addressed to 
the rector and wardens of Christ Church and St. Peter's : 

Carlisle, August 24, 1763. 
Gentlemen : 

We take the earliest opportunity of answering your let- 


ter on the 12th inst., in which yon in form us, that there iis 
at your disposal a sum of money to be distributed amongst 
the poor unluippy people on our tVonticrs, who iiave been 
obliged to fly their habitations, and take shelter in this 
town, Shippensburg, Liitlelown, IJcdibrd, &.c. We assure 
you, that we shall now, and all other times, be ready to 
give you as full and true information of every thing mate- 
rial relating to the sufferers of our irontiers, as we shall 
be able, and we shall also be ready to give our assistance 
in the distribution of such sums of money, as you shall 
think proper to send up, from time to time, for the relief 
of those in distress. We have taken pains to get the num- 
ber of the distressed, and upon strict inquiry, we find sev- 
en hundred and fifty families have abandoned their plan- 
tations, tlie greatest number of winch have lost llicir crops, 
some their stock and furniture, and besides, we are in- 
tbrnicd that there are about two hundred women and cliild- 
rcn coming down from Fort Pitt. We also find tliat the 
sums of money already sent up are almost expended, and 
tliat each family has not received twenty shillings upon an 
average; although the greatest care has been taken to 
distribute it to those who appeared the greatest ol)ject of 
distress. — The uidiappy sulferers are dispersed through 
every part of this county, and many have j)assed through 
into York. Their exact number we cannot possibly as- 
cerlam ; we can only inibrni you, tliat in this town and 
its neigliborhood, there are iipwards of two liundred fam- 
ilies, many of which are in the greatest exigence ; the 
small pox and fiux raging nuich among them; and from 
hence you may form a judgment of the numbers distressed 
through the other parts of this county, as well as at. York. 
The other sums being almostexpended, we conceived that 
innnediate relief should be sent up, that those poor people 
may be enabled to employ a physician for the recovery of 
the sick, as well as to jnirchase bread for their families : 
and this alone is what their ])resent necessities call for. 
We are, &c., 

William Thojmson, 
Itinerant missionary for the counties of York & Cumberland, 

Fkancis West, 
Thomas Donnellon, 
Wardens of the Episcopal Church, Carlisle. 


In consequence of ibis information, a large supply of 
tlour, rice, nindicino, and other necessaries, were immedi- 
ately forwarded for the relief of tlie sufferers. And to en- 
able those, who chose to return to their plantations, to de- 
fend themselves against future attacks of the Indians, the 
Vestry of Christ Clin rch and St. Peter's were of opinion 
that the refugees sliould bo furnished with two chests of 
arms, and half a barrel of povv^jer, four hundred pounds 
of lead, two hundred of swan shot, and one thousand 
flints. These were accordingly sent, with instructions to 
sell them to such prudent and good people as are iu'want 
of them, and will use them for their defence, for (he prices 
charged in the invoice. — Revd. U. Dorr's His. Ace. of 
Christ and St. Peter's Church, Phila. p. 139-142. 

About December, 1777, a number of families came into 
the fort i'rom the neighborhood of .Johnstown. Amongst 
them were Samuel Adams, one Thornton and Bridges. 
After the alarm had somewhat subsided, they agreed to 
return to their property. A party started vvitli pack-horses, 
reached the place, and not seeing any Indians, collected 
their property and commenced their return. After pro- 
ceeding some distance, a dog belonsring to one ofthe parly, 
sliowed signs of uneasiness, and ran back. Bridges and 
Thornton desired the others to wait whilst they would go 
back for him. Tliey went back, and had proceeded but 
two or three liundred yards, when a body of Indians, who 
had been lying in wait on each side of tlie way, but who 
had been afraid to fire on account of the number of the 
whites, suddenly rose up and took them prisoners. The 
others, not knowing what detained their companions, went 
back after them ; when they arrived hear the spot, the 
Indians fired on tliem, but without doing any injury. 
The whites instantly turned and fl( d, excepting Samuel 
Adamsj who took a tree and began to fight in the Indian 
^tyle. In a fmv minutes, iiowever, he was killed, but not 
without d<tiiig the same fearful service foi his adversary. 
Me and one ol' the Indians shot at, and killed each other, 
at the same moment. When the news reached the fort, a 
party volunteered to visit the ground. When they reach- 
ed it, although the snow had fallen ankle deep, they read- 
ilv found the bodies of Adams and tho Indian, the face of 



the latter having been covered by his companions with 
Adams' hunting shirt. 

A singular circumstance also occurred about that time 
in the neighborhood of the Allegheny mountain. A man 
named Wells, had made a very considerable improvement, 
and was esteemed rather wealthy for thai region. He, 
like others, had been forced with hislaraily from his house, 
and had gone for protection to the fort. In the fall of the 
year lie concluded to return to his place and dig his crop 
of potatoes. For that purpose betook with him six or 
seven men, an Irish servant girl to cook, and an old plough 
horse. After they had finished their job, they iDade pre- 
parations to return to the fort the next day. During the 
night. Wells dreamed that on liis way to his fumiiy he 
had been attacked and gored by a bull ; and so strong an 
impression did the dream make, that he mentioned it to 
his companions, and told them tliat he was sure some danger 
awaited them. He slept again and dreamed that lie was 
about to shoot a deer, and when cocking liis gun, the main- 
spring broke. In his dream he thought he heard distinctly 
the crack of the s})iing when it broke. He again awoke 
and his fears were confirmed ; and he imraediately m'ged his 
friends to rise and get ready to start. Direct!}' aiter he arose 
he went to his gun to examine it, and in corking it the main- 
spring snapped off. This circumstance alarmed them, and 
they soon had breakfast and were ready to leave. To pre- 
vent delay, the girl was put on the horse and startetl off, 
and as soon as it was light enough, the rest followed. Be- 
fore they had gone fiir, a young dog belonging to W\dls, 
manifested much alarm, and ran back to the house. Wells 
called him, but after going a short distance, he invariably 
ran back. 

Not wishing to leave him, as he was valuable, he went 
after him, but had gone only a short distance towards the 
house, when five Indians rose from behind a laige tree that 
had fallen, and approached him with extended hands. The 
men who were wiih him, fled instantly; and he would have 
followed, but the Indians were so close that he thought it 
useless. As they approached him, however, he fancied the 
looks of a very powerful Indian, who was nearest him, boded 
no good ; and being a swift runner, and tliinking ii " neck 
or nothing," at any rate determined. to attempt an escape. 
As the Indian approached, he threw at him his useless riife, 


and dashed off towards the woods, in the direction his com- 
panions had gone. Instead of firing, the Indians commenced 
a pursuit, for the purpose of making him a prisoner, but he 
outran them. After running some distance, and when they 
thought he would escape, they all stopped and fired at once, 
and every bullet struck him, but without doing him much in- 
jury or retarding his flight. Soon after this he saw where 
his companions concealed themselves ; and as he passed, he 
begged them to fire on the Indians and save him; but they 
were afraid, and kept quiet. He continued liis flight, and af- 
ter a short time overtook the giil with the horse. She quickly 
understood his danger and dismounted instantly, urging him 
to take her place, while she would save hersi If by conceal- 
ment. He mounted, but without a whip, and for M'ant of 
one could not get the old horse out of a trot. This delay 
brought the Indians upon him again directly, and as soon as 
they were near enough, they fired ; and this time with moie 
effect, as one of the balls struck him in the hi') and lodged in 
his groin. But this saved his life ; it frightened the horse 
into a gallop, and he escaped, although he suffered severely 
for several months afterwards. 

The Indians were afterwards pursued, and surprised at 
-their morning meal ; and when fired on, four of them were 
killed, but the other, though wounded, made his escape. 
Bridges, who was taken prisoner near Johnstown, when Ad- 
ams was murdered, saw him come to his people, and describes 
him as having been shot through the chest, with leaves stuf- 
fed in the bullet holes to stoj) the bleeding. 

In 1780, the inhabitants of Woodcock valley HuP.tingdon 
CO. were again surprised and a number of them killed, as 
stated in the subjoined letter. 

Cumberland county, August 7, 1780. 
To his Excellency Jose})!^ Reid, Esq. 

Sir ; — I receiveil the orders of council for the volunteers to 
be put in motion, in order to join the main army and for those 
classes of the militia to be in readiness — And was unfortunately- 
long coming to my hand. I have sent agreeable to said orders 
to put the volunteers into motion that were raised on the 
north side of the mountain; but unfortunately I have sent 
one company to the frontiers of Northumberland county, and 
the other to the frontiers of Bedford, which was in a very 


distressed situation: about three weeks ago, the Indians came 
on a scout, a Captain and twelve men in a place called VN ood- 
rock Valley, and not one of the party escaped ; they lay, I 
believe ten days without being- buiied ; I went with a party 
from this county and covered them the best way we could, 
which was a very disagreeable task. 

I am apt to think it will be a very ilistressing and disagree- 
able circumstance to the frontiers to have the volunteers taken 
from them. — My reason for sending them then as soon as they 
were ready, was to support and assist the inhabitants in sav- 
mg their harvest. I am airaid the njililia of this county will 
not turn out so well as 1 could wish ; but your excellency 
may dejx'ud upon it that every exertion in my power shall 
be used on the occasion, as I am fully convinced ot the neces- 
sity of our utmost etlorts this >eai in order to save the coun- 
tiy. This county is now very scarce of ammunition, and 1 
have not been able to find any trusty hand and wagon to 
send for, but expect one before long, when, 1 flatter myself, 
that council will supply us with a suilicient quantity of ])0W- 
der, lead and Hints. 

I doubt if the number required ot the militia, turn out, we 
will not be able to arm them in this county, as we have al- 
ready fuinished the volunteers out of what state arms were 
here, but we have got a few muskets, but they all want bay- 
onets. I am ha})py to inform you we have this year had a 
very plentiful harvest in this county, and appeal a nces of fine 
corn and plenty ?f fruit, and also a good disjiosition in a 
number of ihe people to receive ami give credit to the state 
money (if they could get it) but very little of it has ( ome to 
this part of the county yet. But if ready money "of any kind 
could be had there could be plenty of supj)li<'S purchased. 
There may dilliculty arise about procuring wagons, as 1 be- 
lieve there is no wagon-maker that acts for this county. 
I have the honor to be 

your Excellency's most obedient 

and humble servant, 

Abm. Smith. 

Late in the fail of 1777, some marauding Indians disturbed 
the frontier settlers on the head waters of the Susquehanna ; 
and all (he frontier settlements along the West Branch, and 
westward to the Allegheny river. Families were murdered 


or carried into captivity — dwellings reduced to ashes — crops 
destroyed — the settlers exposed to the most unheard of In- 
dian cruelties. None dared venture forth, without a loaded 
rifle as his constant companion ; for it was a time when they 
had reason to expect to meet a savage concealed in every hush 
and thicket — fire arms were carried to hoth Held and church ; 
and their lives were only secure by untiring and constant 
vigilance ; and even then, at an unwary hour, some fell vic- 
tims to the blood-thirsty Indian. lilockhouses were built 
along the West Branch, under the jnotection of which, the 
first settlers alone were in safety against the prowling, tawny 
foe. With all these necessary precautions, several persons 
were surprised, through this region of country, by the enemy. 
A man named Saltzburn, on the Sinnemahoning, and Dan 
Jones, at the mouth of the Tangascootac, were cruelly mur- 
dered late in 1777. 

" In the spring of 1778 Col- Hepburn, afterwards Judge 
Hepburn, was stationed with a small force at Fort Muncy 
at the mouth of VVallis' run, near which several murders 
had been committed. The Indians had killed Brown's and 
Benjamin's families, and had taken Cook and his wife pris- 
oners on Loyalsock cr. Col. Hunter of Fort Augusta, 
alarmed by these murders, sent orders to Fort Muncy that 
all the settlers in thai vicinity should evacuate, and take 
refuge at Sunbury. Col. Hepburn was ordered to pass on 
the orders to Antis' and Horn's forts above. To carry this 
message none would volunteer except Covenhoven and a 
young Yankee millwright, an apprentice to Andrew Culbert- 
son. Purposely avoiding all roads, they took their route 
along the top of Bald Eagle ridge until they reached Antis' 
gap, where they descended towards the fort at the head of 
Kippenose bottom. At the bottom of the hill they were 
startled by the report of a rifle near the fort, which had been 
fired by an Indian at a girl. The girl had just stooped to 
milk a cow — the harmless bullet passed through her clothes 
between her limbs and the ground. Milking cows in those 
days was dangerous woik. The Indians had just killed in 
the woods Abel Cady and Zephaniah Miller, and mortally 
wounded young Armstrong, who died that night. The mes- 
sengers delivered their orders that all persons should evacuate 
within a week, and they were also to send word up to Horn s 


"On his way up Covenhoven had staid all night with An- 
drew Armstrong, who then lived at the head of the long 
reacli, where Esq. Seward now lives Covenhoven warned 
hira to quit, hut he did not like to abandon his crops, and 
gave no heed to the warning. The Indians came upon him 
suddenly and took hira prisoner with his oldest child and 
Nancy Bunday : his wife, who was cnciente, concealed her- 
self under the bed and escaped. 

"Covenhoven hasteneil down to his own family, and hav- 
ing taken them safely to Sunbury, returned in a keel-boat to 
secure his household furniture. As he was rounding a point 
above Derrstown (now Lewisburg,) he met the whole con- 
voy from all the forts above ; such a sight he never saw in 
his life. Eoats, canoes, hog-troughs, rafts hastily made of 
dry sticks — every sort of floating article had been put in re- 
quisition, and were crowded with women, children, and 
' plunder' — there weie several hundred people in all. When- 
ever any obstruction occurred at a shoal or ripple, the women 
would leap out and put their shoulders, not indeed to the 
wheel, but to the flat boat or raft, and launch it again into 
deep water. The men of the settlement came down in sin- 
gle file on each side of the river to guard the women and 
children The whole convoy arrived safely at Snnbury, leav- 
ing the entire line of farms along the West Branch, to the 
ravages of the Indians. They destroyed Fort Muncy, but 
did not ))enetrate in any force near Sunbury; their attention 
having soon been diverted to the memorable descent upon 
^^ yoming. 

"After Covcnhov<n had got his bedding, i^c, in his boat, 
and was proceeding down the river, just below Fort Men- 
ninger, he saw a woman on she shore fleeing from an Indian. 
She jumped down tiie river bank and fell, perhaps wounded 
by his gun. The Indian'scalped her, but in his haste neglecteci 
to stiike her down. She survived the scalping, was picked 
up by the men from the fort, and lived near Warrior's run 
until about the year 1840. Her name was Mrs. Durham. 

" Shortly after the big runaway. Col. Broadhead was or- 
dered up with his forces of 100 or loO men to rebuild Fort 
Muncy, and guard the .settlers while gathering their crops. 
After performing the service he left Fort Pitt, and Col. Hart- 
ley with a battalion succeeded him. Capt. Spalding from 
Stroudsburg, also came down with a detachment by w^ay o: 


the Wyoming valley. Having built the barracks at Fort 
Muncy, they went up on an expedition to burn the Indian 
towns at Wyalusing, Sheshequin, and Tioga. This was just 
after the great battle at Wyoming, and before the British 
and Indians had hnished getting their plunder up the river. 
After burning the Indian towns, the detachment had a sharp 
skirmish with the Indians from Wyoming, on the left bank 
of the Susquehanna at the narrows north of the Wyalusing 
mountain. Mr. Covenhoven distinguished himself in that 
affair by his personal bravery. He was holding on by the 
roots of a tree on the steep precipice, when an Indian ap- 
proached him and called on him to surrender. Mr. C, in 
reply, presented his gun and shot the Indian through the 

To conclude this Chapter, the following notice of the well 
known Covenhoven is inserted. 

"About four miles below Jersey shore, a little south of the 
road to Williamsport, lives the venerable Robert Covenho- 
ven (commonly known as Mr. Crownover) at the advanced 
age of 8S. His venerable lady is still living with him, with 
her faculties bright and unimpaired. Mr. Covenhoven was 
born of Low Dutch parents in Monmouth co.. New Jersey. 
He was much employed during his youth as a hunter and 
axeman to the surveyors of laud in the valleys tributary to 
the North and West branches of the Susquehanna. The fa- 
miliarity thus acquired with all the paths of that vast wil- 
derness, rendered his services eminently useful as a scout and 
guide to the military parties of the revolution, which com- 
menced about the time of his arriving at manhood. It is un- 
necessary to say, that the graduate of such a school was 
fearless and intrepid — that he was skilful in the wiles of In- 
dian warfare — and that he possessed an iron constitution. 
With these qualifications, at tlie call of his country in 177G, 
he joined the campaigns under Gen. \N'ashington. He was 
at the battles of Trenton and Princeton. His younger bro- 
ther had also enlisted ; but his father took his place, and the 
general, with his characteristic kindness, permitted the boy 
10 return and protect his mother. In the spring of 1777 
H-obert returned to his home on the West Branch, where his 
services were more needed by the defenceless frontier, than 
on the seacoast. Mr. Covenhoven was one of those men 
who were always put forward when danger and hard work 


were to be encountered, but forgotten when honors and erne-' 
luments were to be distributed. Nevertheless, he cheerfully 
sought the post of danger, and never shrunk from duty, al- 
though it might be in an humble station. Few men have 
passed through more hair-breadth escapes; few have encoun- 
tered more personal perils in deadly encounters with savages 
than Mr. C. Mis services at the big runaioay have been 
mentioned above; he was eminently useful in obtaining in- 
telligence at Fort Freeland, the day before its capture ; he 
was the guide to Col. Hartley's expedition up the North 
Branch after the battle of Wyoming ; and he was in several 
bloody skirmishes with Indians on Loyalsock and Pine creeks. 
On one occasion, (I think it was after the return of Col. 
Hepburn to Fort Muncy,) a detachment was started out 
under the command of Capt. Berry, to recover some horses 
stolen by the Indians, rej)orted to be up on Loyalsock. 
Covenhoven for some reason was sent out to advise Berry to 
return, but the latter would not acknowledge the colonel's 
authority, and persisted in going forward. Several of Co- 
venhoven's brothers, ami his uncle Wyckolf, were in IJerry's 
detachment, and a friendly Indian by the name of Capt. 
Sharpshins. As so many of his own family were in this ex- 
pedition, Robert Covenhoven determined to go along as a 
guide ; but he could not persuade Herry to keep the woods, 
and before long they found themselves ambuscaded. A 
bloody struggle commenced, in which a brother of Mr. C. 
W'as killed, another brother was taken prisoner, with several 
of his cousins, and his uncle Wyckoff. The latter had been 
previously bald, but strangely enough, after the hardships of 
imprisonment, he returned with a fine head of hair. Robert 
Covenhoven, after hard fighting, was chased some distance 
along the bank of the creek, dodging up and down the bank 
alternately that his pursuer might get no aim at him. He 
escaped and returned to the fort. Brave as he was, the old 
man speaks of the fluttering of his heart often during this 
chase. The skirmish occurred on Loyalsock, just above 
Scott's, one mile above the biidge. The old man tells a 
queer story about his " surroimding,^' in company with 
Rob't King, a pai ty of Indians and refugees who were work- 
ing a loaded boat up the N. Branch from the depredations 
of Wyoming. The party in the boat greatly outnumbered 
them, but the prize was too tempting to be resisted. King, 


remaining in the bushes, kept up a prodigious hullaboloo, 
whooping and shouting to his imaginary comrades to come 
on. Covenhoven rushed out with gun in hand, and ordered 
the fellows in the boat to surrender, which they did, and per- 
mitted themselves to be secured. King made his appearance, 
and the two, forcing the prisoners by threats to assist them, 
arrived with their prize at Wyoming — where, says Mr. Co- 
venhoven, the officers and soldiers of the continental army 
cheated the poor provincials out of their share of the plunder. 




Northumberland County erected— Streams— Gec'ogical features of the 
County — Census of 1840 — Public Improvements —Towns : Sunbury ; 
early incidents at, &c— Northumberland, Milton, McEwensville, 
Watson sburg, Fort Freeland, Pottsgrove, Sodom, Sffyderstown, Dal- 
matia, Shamokin, Popular Education. 

Northumberland county was erected March 12, 177 2j 
out of Lancaster, Cumberland, Berks, No/thampton and 

§ I. That all and singular the lands lying and being with- 
in the boundaries following, that is to say, beginning at the 
mouth of Mahonlongo creek, on the west side of the river 
Susquehanna, thence up the south sido of said creek, by the 
several courses thereof, to the head of Robert Metccr^s spring; 
thence west by north to the top of Tusssy^s mountain ; thence 
south westerly, aloJig the summit of the mountain to Little 
Juniata ; thence up tiie north-easterly side of tlic main branch 
o^ Little Juniata, to the head thereof: thence north to the 
line of Berks county ; thence east along the said line, to the 
extremity of the Province ; thence east along the northern 
boundary, to that part thereof of the Great Siuamp ; thence 
south to the most northern part of the Swamp atoresaid ; 
thence with a straight line to the head of the L^Jiigh, or 
Middle Creek ; thence down the said creek so far, that a 
line run west south-west will strike the forks of Mahontongo 
creek where Pine creek falls into the same, at the place call- 
ed the Spread Eagle, on the east side of the Susquehanna ; 
thence down the southerly side of said creek to the river 
aforesaid ; thence down and across the river to the place of 

§ V. Directs that courts be held at Fort Augusta until a 
court house shall be built. 

i^ VI. That William Maclay, Samuel Hunter, John Lou- 
don, Joseph Wallis and Robert Moody, or any three of them, 


to purchase and take assurance a piece of land in some con- 
venient place in the county, to be approved by the governor, 
to erect a court house and prison on. 

§ XIV. Appoints Joshua Elden, James Patten, Jesse Lu- 
kens and WilJiam, or any two, to run, mark out and distin- 
guish the boundary lines between Lancaster, Cumberland, 
Berks, Northampton, Bedford and Northumberland counties. 

^Vith its original boundary Northumberland extended to 
the north boundaries of the province ; its very ample limits 
have since been successfully reduced by the erection of Sep- 
tember 25, 1786 ; Mifflin, September 19, 1789 ; Lycomn)g, 
April 13, 1795 ; Centre, February VS, 1800 ; Columbia and 
Union, Maich 22, 1813. It is ot an irregular shape, and is 
bounded on the north by Lycoming ; north cast and east by 
Columbia ; southeast by Schuylkill ; south by Dauphin coun- 
ty, and west by the Susquehanna river and West Branch 
which separate it from Union. Its greatest length is 35 
miles: breadth 13; area in square miles 457, containing 
292,480 acres of land. Population in 1790, 17,161 ; m 
1800, (Lycoming off,) 27,796 ; in 1810 (part of Centre off) 
36,327; in 1820, (Columbia and Union off) 15,424; in 
1830, 18,133 ; in 1840, 20,027. The aggregate amount of 
property taxable in 18 15, was $4,035,605. The population 
of the several townships in 1840 was as follows: 

Augusta 2,409 ; Shamokin 1,983; Rush 1,022 ; Turbut 
3,872; Chillisquaque 1,399; Point 746; Little Mahonoy; 
213; Upper Mahonoy 1,131; Lower Mahonoy 1,199 
Cool,919; Jackson 1,584. Boroughs, viz: Sunbury 1,608: 
Milton ],508; Northumberland 928. [See the table in the 
opposite P'ge.] 

Thiscounty lies, like the others, with a great central tran- 
sition lim.estone formation and like them is mountainous, es- 
pecially the sotithern part ; the middle portion is hilly, and 
the northern portion along the West Branch, is more level. 
The principal mountains are Lime, Mahonoy and Little, the 
Shamokin hills and Montour Ridge and Muncy hills. 

Lime mountain in the south part of the County, is a re- 
markable, straight range of hills which extend from the Sus- 
quehanna river, about seventeen miles, to the east boundary 
of the county. The Mahonoy is a large and wide range of 
hills, extending from the Susquehanna river about eight miles 
below Sunbury, in u north eastern direction, through thft 


southern part of this, and Columbia counties into Luzerne. 
Little mountain rises in this county. The Shamokin Hills 
run east and west across the county, north of the Shamokin 
creek: Montour's ridge, is a mountain range extending across 
the county and forms in part the boundary between this and 
Columbia county, and extending about twelve miles from the 
west to the North Branch of the Susquehanna. The Muncy 
Hills form the north boundary. 


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The county has an abundant supply of water. Its prin- 
cipal streams are the North Branch, West Branch of the 
Susquehanna, Mahantango, Mahonoy, Great and Little Sha- 
mokin, Chilhsquaque, Limestone, Warrior creek, with others 
of less importance, such as Big Roaring, Little Roaring, 
Schwaben, Coal creeks and smaller tributaries, or runs, viz : 
Gravel, Lodgis' run and others. 

The West Branch as the main stream of the Susquehanna 
\vas the western boundary of the county for a distance of 
about forty miles. The North Branch flows about ten miles 
across the centre, and then unites with the West Branch at 
Northumberland, then united roll majestically southward, 
till they reach Chesapeak Bay and unite with the thousand 
of ocean streams, to return their waters to the great reser- 
voir of equatic fluid. Mahantango creek rises in Schuylkill 
county, flows in a south western direction, forming the boun- 
dary line between Dauphin and Northumberland for about 
12 miles and falls in the Susquehanna. Mahonoy rises in 
Schuylkill co. and flows south westward through the south- 
ern part of the county. Great and Little Shamokin — the 
former rises in Shamokin township flows a north west course 
by Snyderstown and empties into the Susquehanna about 
two miles below Sunbury. It receives, in its course, the 
Little Shamokin, nearly opposite Sunbury. Chillisquaque 
creek rises in the Muncy Hills, on the border of Lycoming 
and Columbia waters, flows a south western direction, 
through this county into the Susquehanna, on the north side 
of Montour's ridge. 

The mountains, hills, streams and valleys, all taken toge- 
ther, present a highly beautiful, varied and picturesque sce- 
nery. It is, says Trego, a pleasant region in which to spend 
the summer months. The view from the hills around the 
town of Northumberland, embraces more pleasing objects 
than are usually met with in a single prospect. Mountains, 
hills, farms, towns, canals and rivers are blended in one wide 
and harmonious landscape, over which the eye may rove for 
hours and still discover new beauties. As additional attrac- 
tions may be mentioned, pure and wholesome water, a cool 
and refreshing atmosphere, and a climate remarkable for its 
salubrity, except in the low grounds along the river, where 
bilious complaints sometimes occur in the autumnal months. 
The geological features of the county are alike various and 


interesting ; and are geographically and briefly described by 
Mr. Trego. " South of the olive slate of the Muncy Hills, 
the country to the north base of Montour's ridge is occupi- 
ed by limestone, and red and various colored slates and shales, 
having a rich soil, and being the most productive agricultu- 
ral part of the county. In Montour's ridge is a hard gray 
and reddish sandstone, overlaid by greenish and red slates 
and slates with their thin strata of limestone and the valua- 
ble band of fossiliferous iron ore. This formation is found 
on both sides of the ridge, and sometimes saddles over its top. 
Overlying the red shale is a belt of limestone extending also 
on both sides of the ridge ; that on the south side appearing 
near the West Branch, about four miles above the town of 
Northumberland, and extending towards the North Branch 
below Danville. South of this are hills containing olive 
slate and gray sandstone, which extend over the country 
above Northumberland, southward and southeastward to the 
range called Shamokin Hills, and also in and beyond the val- 
ley of Shamokin creek. These rocks are overlaid by a nar- 
row belt of red shale and sandstone, of the most superior 
formation, extending over the high grounds from the " Blue 
Hill" at Northumberland, eastward to Roaring creek. An- 
other range of this red shale and sandstone is also seen ex- 
tending from the Susquehanna along the north side of the 
Little mountain to the valley of Roaring creek. The lower 
beds of the olive slate series are finely exposed in the cliffs 
along the east side of the river below Sunbury, where some 
of the strata aie sufficiently calcareous to be used for burn- 
ing lime. In the interstices of this limestone is found an ore 
containing sulphuret of lead and silicate of zinc; but it is 
doubtful whether its quantity or quality is sufficient to ren- 
der it an object of much consequence. Other layers of this 
formation appear to be adapted to the manufacture of hy- 
draulic cement, and may be seen abundantly along the shore 
of ihe river nearly opposite Selinsgrove-. At Georgetown or 
Dalraatia, on the Susquehanna, in the southern part of the 
county, an axis of elevation brings up a limestone to the sur- 
face ; this however extends but a short distance east of the 
river, being overlaid and surmounted by the older slate, and 
the red shale and sandstone, which occupy the region be- 
tween the Line mountain on the north and the Mahantango 
on the south. In the Line and Little mountains, which unite 


in a bold knob on the Susquehanna above the mouth of the 
Mahanoy creek, we have a hard compact sandstone which, 
though it sometimes contains tliin layers of black carbonace-' 
ous matter, is yet several hundred feet below the coal mea- 
sures. Enclosed by these mountains, and extending along 
the valley of Mahanoy creek, between Line and Mahanoy 
mountains, and along Little Mahanoy creek between the 
Little and Big mountains, is red shale, which overlies the 
sandstone last mentioned ; all these rocks dipping towards 
the middle of the basin and passing beneath the coal. The 
coarse conglomerate next below the coal series, appears in 
the Mahanoy and Big mountains, which unite on the west 
between the Great and Little Mahanoy creeks, enclosing 
the western point of Shamokin and Mahanoy coal field. 

Miniiig operations in this region are principally confined 
to the vicinity of the new town of Shifmokin, at the eastern 
termination of the railroad from Sunbury, which aflbrds a 
ready means of transporting the coal to the river. Here in 
the gaj) by which the Shamokin creek passes through the 
Big mountain, 5 or 6 beds of coal, from 3 to 9 feet thick, 
have been opened on both sides of the creek, and farther up 
the stream, in thesmalk^r hills along its banks, are numerous 
other beds, a number of which are productively v^■orked. On 
Coal creek, between one and two miles east of the railroad, 
is an enormous deposit of this valuable article, contained in 
a bed not yet completely exposed, but which ajipears to be 
about sixty I'eet thick. 

According to the census of 1840, there wci'e 12,130 tons 
of coal raised, employed 46 liands, capita] ?{i<lo,0()0. Horses 
and mules in tlie county 4,511, neat cattle ll,6:2o, sheep 
17,409, swine 1S,8G5, the value of poultry of all kinds $6,' 
233, bushels of wdieat laised <if>22 7,227, barley 5-38, oats 
160,190, rye 141,016, buckwheat o4,542, coni 165,799, 
pounds of wool 26,019, hops 591, wax 258, bushels of po- 
tatoes 1.15,985, totiS of hay 9,926, flax 15 tons, pounds of 
tobacco gathered 27,303, cords of wood sold 2,736. Vahe 
of the products of the dairy $20,538, value of the products 
of th(,' orchard $8,130, value of family or home made goods 
:*^14,213. Fifty-three retail dry goods and other stores, 
with a capital of $199,800; three lumber yards. Value of 
machinery manufactured $3,500, employed three hands. Va- 
lue of bricks and lime manufactured $12,500, employed 39 


hands, capital ^0,115. Value of hats and caps manufac- 
tured $6,900, thirteen persons employed, capital $2,825. 
Seventeen tanneries tanned 8,0 JO sides of sole leather, and 
3,790 of upper, and employed 28 hands, capital $24,300 — 
all other manufactories of leather, saddleries, &c., 23, with 
a capital of $10,405; value of manufactured articles $29,414. 
Fourteen distilleries produced 101,256 gallons, one brewery 
produced 11,520 gallons of beer, 22 men employed in man- 
ufacturing distilled and fermented liquors, capital invested 
$19,350. Three printing offices, employed 8 hands, capital 
$4,509. Two rope-walks, value produced $2,500; employ- 
ed 4 men, capital invested $650. Value of the manufactures 
of wagon and carriages $15,200, employed 35 men, capital 
$6,850. Grist mills 29, saw mills 28, one oil mill, value of 
manufactures of mills $144,625, employed 77 men, capital 
$118,350. Value of furniture manuiactured $4,400, thir- 
teen hands employed, capital $2,150. Total amount of ca- 
pital invested in manufactures $223,660 00. Aggregate 
value of all kinds of property taxable in 1844, $4,035,- 
605 00. 

Public Imj^rovements. — The public improvements in this 
county are the North and West Branches of the Pennsylva- 
nia canal. These two Branches unite at Northumberland, 
and pass down the Susquehanna on the right bank of it. 

The w'estern portion of the Pottsville and Danville rail 
road, of which about twenty miles are completed from Sun- 
bury to the coal mines at Shamokin. Thei e is a dam across 
the Susquehanna called the Shamokin dam, seven hundred 
and eighty feet long, constructed by the state for the purpose 
of supplying water to the Susquehanna division of the canal. 

There is also a turnpike road from Northumberland by 
way of Sunbury, Pottsville and Heading to Philadelphia. 

SuNBURY, the seat of justice, is beautifully situated on a 
level plain on the east side of the Susquehanna, above the 
mouth of the Shamokin creek, and two miles below the town 
of Northumberland. It has been described by a visiter, as 
a beautiful site — near the town, above and below, are ranges 
of high hills, affording a magnificent prospect of the scenery 
of the valley ; in front of the town Susquehanna, backed up 
by the Shamokin dam, spreads out into a basin nearly a mile 


wide, which receives the united streams of the North and 
West Branches. 

One of the hills called Mount Pleasant, I ascended this 
morning just as the sun w^as rising — The scene was enchant- 
ing — at my feet as it were, lay the borough in quiet repose, 
embowered in shade and foliage, and surrounded on three 
sides witli rich fields, ])astures and herds. In front of the 
town was the river, which being raised by the Shamokin dam, 
looked like an immense mirror, or a glassy lake, more than 
like a river. On the opposite side of the river, the land rose 
abruptly into a craggy mountain : looking further up the 
stream, I saw two branches gradually approach each other, 
till they met and mingled their waters. Over each of these 
were long bridges leading to and from the village of North- 
umberland, back of which and between the two branches, 
the country rose gradually from the plain, till it became al- 
most mountainous, yet covered to the very tops with fields, 
pastures, flocks and herds. Turning again to the left, and 
looking down the Susquehanna, asort of vista was presented, 
bounded on each side with romantic hills, and finally appear- 
ing to end in the blue top of the mountains. Never have I 
beheld a more varied or beautiful landscape than was here 

Sunbury is an old town, it was laid out by the Surveyor 
General, John Lukens, 1772. The streets cross each other 
at right angles, and are wide enough for cleanliness, comfort 
and beauty. It contains about two hundred and fifty dwell- 
ings, a court house, jail, market house, Lutheran, German 
Reformed, Presbyterian, Episcopal, Baptist and Methodist 

A number of the Wyoming intruders were incarcerated 
in the jail, as will be seen by the following — 

IVom Col. Franklin's Journal, August 19, 1784. 

Forty-two others were bound together with ropes, in a 
team, and sent under a military guard to Sunbury goal. 
The sheriff of the county proposed to take charge of the 
whole that were to be sent to Sunbury, before they left Wy- 
oming, and to be accountable for them all, but could not be 
permitted. In a word, during the confinement of the pris- 
oners at Wyoming, they were treated in a most cruel and 


barbarous manner — suffered with hunger — and suffocated in 
a nauseous prison, for the want of fresh air ; and insulted by 
a banditti of ruffians — the prisoners were not even suffered 
to go out of their house to perform their most necessary oc* 
casions for the case of nature, for the term of nine days. 

It is a place of considerable business. The soil of the 
surrounding country is rich and productive. Should the rail 
road to Pottsville be finished it will become a place of im- 
portance, especially in shipments of coal &c, 

A bridge about a mile above town connects it with North- 
umberland. It was built by a joint stock company in 1814. 
It is in two parts separated by the Shamokin Island and 
cost ^90,000, of which the state subscribed $50,000. 

The population of 1840, was 1,10S, of these there were — 

White Males, under 5, 86; 5 and under 10, 80; lO 
and under 15, 70 ; 15 and under 20, 60 ; 20 and under 30, 
85 ; 30 and under 40, 56 ; 40 and under 50, 43 ; 50 and 

under 60, 27 ; 60 and under 70, 9 ; 70 and under 80, 8. 

White Females, under 5, 102 ; 5 and under 10, 69 ; 
10 and under 15, 65 ; 15 and under 20, 63 ; 20 and under 
80, 106 ; 30 and under 40, 64 ; 40 and under 50, 49 ; 50 
and under 60, 26 ; 60 and under 70, 12 ; 70 and under SO, 
16; 80 and under 90, 1. 

ColoPvED Males, 7 ; Colored Females, 2. 

Of these 42 were engaged in agriculture, 16 in commerce, 
150 in manufactures and trades, 11 in navigation ; 22 in 
land professions. It contained nine stores, three tanneries, 
one distillery, one pottery, one printing office ; four schools, 
257 scholars. 

In the autumn of 1786, this place suffered some loss in 
consequence of a great freshet. The following, dipt from an 
old paper published at Carlisle, gives some account of the 
high water, &c. 

Carlisle, October 18, 1786. 

The accounts from all parts of this and the neighbouring 
counties of the effects of the late heavy rains are as innumer- 
able as they are distressing to our suffering brethren ; — every 


hour furnishes us with lamentable tales of having mills of dif- 
ferent kinds, forges and other works carried away or mate- 
rially injured ; almost every farmer's dwelHng on the borders 
of the Susquehanna and the surrounding waters, are in the 
catalogue of sufferers, by their loss of horses, cows, hay, and 
other effects of industry in a greater or less degree. 

By the last accounts from Northumberland town, in North- 
umberland county, we are informed of the great destruction 
occasioned by the rain, on Thursday and Friday, the fifth 
and sixth instant. The storm grew violent on Thursday, 
some hours before day, accompanied with heavy blasts of 
wind, and rained more heavily and incessantly than has been 
known by the oldest on the banks of Susquehannah. In the 
course of Thurschiy night the river forced itself over its banks, 
carrying everything down before it. No person can imagine 
the situation of many of our fellow creatures who were sur- 
rounded in their beds by an irresistible flood, and threatened 
with the extremest danger. The only loss we are yet able 
to ascertain, is that of a man and his wife, and one son, a 
little below Fishing creek, their daughter, a girl about 17 
years old, terrified at the approach of danger, fled to the hills 
with three young children, and escaped the fate of her un- 
happy parents and her brother : another old man of the name 
of Campbell also perished in the same neighborhood. The 
waters rose with the greatest rapidity all Friday, making in 
the fore-part of the day, nearly twelve inches perpendicular 
in the space of an hour — the rain continued, but not with 
the same violence. The situation of the town ofSunbury 
was truly alarming, its situation, an island occasioned by a 
gut from the main branch, emptying into Shamokin creek 
below the town, rendered an escape impossible. — In the low- 
er part of the town, the water was up to the first story of 
many of the houses, so that the inhabitants were obliged to 
land with their canoes on their stairs, or at the upper win- 
dow — a few acres in the middle of the town, on which were 
three or four houses, being situated higher than the rest, 
shewed above the water. Had not good Providence stayed 
the rise of the waters, we perhaps might have given the 
melancholy information of the loss of the records of the 
county, which would have created the utmost confusion ; 
the recorder, and register especially was obliged to leave his 
house. The loss of the town of Northumberland isinconsid- 


erable, save an unfinished ferry-house at the point of the 
confluence of the two rivers, the situation of that town at 
the foot of Montour's |hill being too high for floods ever to 
reach. The sufferings of the farmers on the creeks and 
rivers are very great, having lost much of their grain. We 
have not yet heard from Wyoming, but suppose the floods 
have occasioned much (himage there. 

The numerous incidents and events that transpired, at an 
early day, are interesting. Some of them are given in the 
Appendix {See C. Shamokin) — Some are presented in this 
connection, in their " original freshness," as related by those 
engaged in the conflicts of the day. 

Shamokin^ Fort Augusta, or Sunhury., 

On the left bank of the Susquehanna, below the north 
branch of Susquehanna, was a place of some notoriety in the 
early history of the Province of Pennsylvania. It was not 
only used as a convenient tarrying place of the Six Nations 
for their war parties against the southern Indians ; but as a 
Moravian missionary station, and where Fort Augusta was 
erected, and garrisoned during the French and Indian war. 
Several important conferences were held here with the In- 
dians by Conrad Weiser and others. 

As early as 1742, Count Zinzendorff accompanied by 
Conrad Weiser, Esq., Br. Martin Mack and his wife, and 
the two Indians, Joshua and David, after a tedious journey 
through the wilderness, arrived at Shamokin. Shikeliimus 
stepped out and gave them a hearty welcome. " A savage 
presented the Count with a fine melon, for which the latter 
gave him his fur cap." The Count announced himself as a 
messenger of the living God, come to preach grace ami mer- 
cy. Shikeliimus said he was glad to receive such a messen- 
ger, and promised to forward his designs. One day, when 
the Brethren were about going to prayers, and the Indians, 
then at a feast, were making a piodigious noise, with drums 
and singing, the Count sent word to Shikeliimus, who order- 
ed silence immediately. 

The Count, with a part of his company, forded the Sus- 
quehanna, and went to Ostonwackin, on the West Branch. 
This place was then inhabited, not only by Indians of differ- 
ent tribes, but by Europeans, who had adopted the Indian 



manner of life. Among the latter was a French-woman , 
Madame Montour, who bad mairied an Indian warrior, (Car- 
ondowana, alias Robert Hunter ;) hut lost him in a war 
against the Catawbas. She kindly entertained the Count 
for two days. The Count went soon after to Wyoming.* 
Loskiel, P. ii. p. 30-32. 

The Revd. D. Brainerd visited Shamokin in 1745 and 46. 
In his Journal, p. 176, he says : " In the beginning of Oc- 
tober last (1744) with the advice and direction of the cor- 
respondents for the Indian mission, I undertook a journey to 
Susquehannah. And after three days tedious t/avel, two of 
them through the wilderness almost impassable, by reason of 
mountains and rocks, and two nights lodging in the open 
wilderness, I came to an Indian settlement on the side of the 
Susquehanna river, called Opeholhamping : where were 
twelve Indian houses, and, as nigh as I could learn, about 
seventy souls, old and young, belonging to them. 

Here also, soon after my arrival, I visited the King, ad- 
dressing him with expressions of kindness; and altera few 
words of friendship, informed him of my design to teach them 
the knowledge of Christianity. He hesitated not long before 
he tolil me, that he was willing to hear. I then preached ; 
and continued there several days, preaching every day, as 
long as the Indians were at home. And they, in order to 
hear me, deferred the design of their general hunting, which 
they were just then entering upon, for the space of three or 
four days. 

The men, I think universally except one attended my 
preaching. Only the women, supposing the affair we were 
upon was of a public nature, belonging only to the men, 
and not what every individual person should concern him- 
self with, could not readily be persuaded to come and hear; 

Tort Augusta stands at about forty yards distance from the river on 
a bank twenty-four feet from the surface of the water. The side which 
fronts the river is a strong pallisade, the bases of the logs being suiik 
four feet into the earth, the lops hollowed and spiked into strong rib- 
bond which run transversiy and are morticed into several logs at 
twelve feet distance from each other, which are larger and higher than 
the rest, the joints between each pallisade with five logs well fitted on 
the inside and supported by the platform — the other three sides arc- 
composed ot logs laid horizontally neatly dovetailed and trunnelled 
down, they are squared, some of (the lower end three feet diameter, 
the least from two feet and a half to eighteen inches diameter, and are 
mostly Whiteoak. 


but, after much pains used with them for that purpose, some 
few ventured to come, and stand at a distance. 

When I had preached to the Indians several times, some 
of them very frankly proposed what they had to object 
against Christianity ; and so gave me a fair opportunity for 
using my best endeavors to remove from their minds those 
scruples and jealousies they labored under : and when I had 
endeavored to answer their objections, some appeared much 
satisfied. I then asked the King, if he was willing I should 
visit and preach to them again, if I should live to the next 
spring ? He replied, he should be heartily willing for his 
own part, and added, he wished the young people would 
learn &c. I then put the question to the rest ; some answer- 
ed that he would be very glad, and none manifested any dis- 
like to it. 

There were sundry other things in their behavior, which 
appeared vdth a comfortable and encouraging aspect ; that, 
upon the whole, I could not but rejoice I had taken that 
journey among them, although it was attended with many 
difficulties and hardships, . The method I used with them, 
and the instruments I gave tiiem, I am persuaded were means, 
in some measure, to remove their heathenish jealousies and 
prejudices against Christianity ; and I could not but hope, 
the God of all grace was preparing their minds to receive 
the " Truth as it is in Jesus." If this may be the happy 
consequence, I shall not only rejoice in my past labours and 
fatigues ; but shall, I trust also " be willing to spend and 
be spent," if I may thereby be instrumenial to turn them 
from darkness to liglit, and from the power of God. 

I shall now only add a word or two respecting the diffi- 
culties that attend the Christianizing these poor pagans. 

In the first place, their minds are filled with prejudices 
against Christianity, on account of the vicious and unchristian 
behavior of some that are called christians. These not only 
set before them the worst examples ; but some of them take 
pains, expressly in words, to dissuade them from becoming 
christians ; foreseeing, that if those should be converted to 
God, " the hope of their unlawful gain," would thereby be 

Again, these poor heathens are extremely attached to the 
customs, traditions, and fabulous notions of their fathers, 
And this oije seems to be the foundation of all their notions. 


viz : that "it was not the same God made them, who made 
the white people " but another, who commanded them to live 
by hunting, &c., and not to conform to the customs of the 
white people. Hence, when they are desired to become 
christians, they frequently reply, that " they will live as 
their fathers lixe^, and go to their fathers when they die." 
And, if the miracles of Christ and his apostles be mentioned, 
to prove the truth of Christinnily, they also mention sundry 
miracles, which their fathers have told them were anciently 
wrought among the Indians, and which Satan makes them 
believe were so. They are much attached to idolatry ; fre- 
quently making feasts, which they eat in honor to some 
unknown beings, who they suppose, speak to them in dreams; 
promising them success in hunting, and other affairs, in case 
they will sacrifice to them. They oftentimes also offer their 
sacrifices to the spirits of the dead ; who, they suppose, stand 
in need of favours from the living, and yet are in such a state 
as that they can well reward all the offices of kindness that 
are shown them. And they impute all their calamities to 
the neglect of these sacrifices. 

Furthermore, they are much awed by those among them- 
selves, who are called j)OW-u'ou's, who are supposed to have 
a power of enchanting, or jioisoning them to death, or at 
least in a very distressing manner. And they apprehend it 
would be their sad fate to be thus enchanted, in case they 
should become Christians. 

Lastly, the manner of their living is likewise a great dis- 
advantaofc to the design of their beinp- christianized. They 
are almost continually rovmg from place to place ; and it is 
but rare, that an opportunity can be had with some of them 
for their instruction. There is scarce any time of the year, 
wherein the men can be found generally at home, except 
about six weeks before, and in the season of planting their 
corn, and about two months in the latter part of the summer, 
from the time they begin to roast their corn, until it is fit 
to gather in." — [Memoirs of Brainerd. 

The Six Nations were very desirous of having a black- 
smith there, to save them the trouble of long journeys to 
Tulpehocken, or to Philadelphia. The governor of Penn- 
sylvania granted the request, on condition that he should 
remain no longer than while the Indians continued friendly 


to the English. The blacksmith, Anthony Schmidt, was 
from the Moravian mission at Eelhlehem^ and this opened 
the way for the establishment of a mission at Sharaokin, 
which was done in the spring of 1747, by Br. Mack, who, 
with his wife, had previously visited the place. John Hao-in 
and Joseph Powel, of the mission, had built a house there. 
Bishop Camerhotr, and the pious Zeis'berger, visited there in 
1748. The brethren speak of going to 'Long Island, and 
Great Island, on the West Branch, above Osionwudcin :'■ 
and in 17o5 " Brother Grube went to West Branch, and to 
Quenlshachshachki, where some baptized Indians lived." 

Shikellimus died in 1749. Loskiel thus describes his ciia- 
racter : — 

Being the first magistrate and head chief of all the Iro- 
quois living on the banks or the Susquehanna, as far as Onon- 
daga, he thought it incumbent upon him to be very circum- 
spect in his dealings with the white p -ople. He mistrusted 
the Brethren at first, but upon discovering their sincerity, 
became their firm and real friend. Being much engaged In 
political affairs, he had learned the art of conceahng his sen- 
timents ; and theretore never contradicted those who endea- 
vored to prejudice his mind against the missionaries, thouo-h 
he always suspected their motives. In the last years of his 
life he became less reserved, and received those brethren who 
came to Shamokiii into his house. He assisted them in build- 
ing, and defended them against the insults of the drunken 
Indians ; being himself never addicted to drinking, because-, 
as he expressed it, he never wished to become a fool. He 
had built his house upon pillars for safety, in which he al- 
ways shut himself up when any drunken frolic was going in 
in the village. In this house Bishop Johannes Von Watte- 
ville and his company visited and preached the gospel tohim» 
It was then that the Lord opened his heart: he listened with 
great attention; and at last, with tears, respected the doc- 
trine of a crucified Jesus, an^l r-^ceived it in faith During 
his visit in Bethlehem, a renuakable change took place in 
his heart, v riich he could not conceal. He found comfort, 
peace, and joy, by faith in his Redeemer, and the Brethren 
considered him as a candidate for baptism ; but hearing that 
he led already been baptized, by a Iloman Catholic priest, 
in Canada, they only endeavored to impress his mind with a 



proper idea of this sacramental ordinance, upon which he 
destroyed a small idol, which he wore about his neck. After 
his return to Shamokin, the grace of God bestowed upon him 
was truly manifest, and his behavior was remarkably peace- 
able and contented. In this state of mind he was taken ill, 
was attended by Br. David Zeisberger, and in his presence 
fell happily asleep in the Lord, in full assurance of obtaining 
eternal life through the merits of Jesus Chrisl;. 

"After the defeat of Braddock, in 1755, the whole wil- 
derness from Juniata to Shamokin was filled with parties of 
hostile Indians, murdering, scalping, and burning. These 
alarms broke up the mission at Shamokin, and the Brethren 
fled to Bethlehem. In October of that year fourteen per- 
sons were killed by the savages in the Penn's creek settle- 
ment, and their bodies were horribly mangled. A party of 
46 persons, led by John Harris, came up to bury the dead, 
and afterwards came to Shamokin, where they were received 
civilly but coldly, and remained all night. Andrew Montour, 
the Indian interpreter, warned them against returning by a 
certain road. They disregarded his advice, and were attack- 
ed by a party of Delawares in ambush at Mahanoy creek. 
Four of Harris's party were killed, four were drowned in 
crossing the Susquehanna, and the others barely escaped. 
Previous to this, on the 18th October, a party of Indians 
had attacked the inhabitants at Mahanoy creek, carried off 
25 persons, and burnt and destroyed their buildings and im- 
provements. There were rumors that the French had in- 
tended to build a Fort at Shamokin ; but in January, 1756, 
the Indians had entirely abandoned their village and gone up 
the Susquehanna and to the Ohio. The provincial govern- 
ment in April erected Fort Augusta at Shamokin. 

While Col, Cla])ham was at Fort Halifax, he received 
the following orders to proceed to erect a fort at Shamokin. 

Orders and hish'uclio?is to Col- W. Claphain. 

1 . With these instructions you will receive a number of 
blank commissions under my hand and seal, for subaltern of- 
ficers in your regiment, which you are hereby empowered to 
fill up, with the names of such men as you judge most fit for 
the service, having regard to the meiit and services of those 
already employed ; taking care that they be of the Protestant 


religion, nnd we]] affected to his Majesty's government, as 
your name is inserted in tlie General Dedimus for tliis Pro- 
vince, under the Great Sea], or cause Major Burd to do it. 

2. Herewith you Mill also receive two plans of Forts; the 
one a Pentagon, the other a square, with one Ravelin to pro- 
tect the curtain where the gate is, with a ditch covered way 
and glacis ; but as it is impossible to give any explicit direc- 
tions tn the particular form of a fort without viewing and 
considering the ground on which it is to stand, I must leave 
it to you to build it in such form as will best answer for its 
own defence, the command of the river, and of the country in 
its neighborhood; and the plans herewith will serve to show 
the proportion that the dilferent parts of the woiks should 
bear to each other. 

o. As to the place upon which this fort is to be erected, 
that must be in a great measure left to your judgment; but 
it is necessary to inform you it must be on the east side of 
the Susquehanna ; the lands on the west, at the Forks, be- 
tween the branches, not being })urchased from the Indians ; 
besides it would be impossible to relieve and support a gar- 
rison on that side in the winter time: from all the information 
I have been able to collect, the land on tiie south side of the 
east branch, opposite to the mid.dle of the island, is the high- 
est of any of the lowland thereabout, and the best ])lace for 
a foit. The guns you have with you will form a rampart of 
a moderate height, commanding the main river. But as this 
information comes from persons not acquainted with the na- 
ture of such things, I am fearful they are not much to be 
depended on, and your own judgment must therefore direct 

4. When you have completed the fort, you will cause the 
ground to be cleared about it, to a convenient distance, and 
openings to be made to the river, and you will erect such 
buildings within the fort, and [)lace there in such a manner 
as you shall judge best. 

G. Without the fort, at a convenient distance, under the 
command of the guns, it will be necessary to build some log 
houses for Indians, that they may have places to lodge in, 
without being in the tort, wheie ninnbers of them, however 
friendly, should not be admitted, but in a formal manner, and 
the guard turned out ; this will be esteemed a compliment by 
our friends, and if eneuiies should at any time be concealed 


under that name, it will give them proper notions of our vi- 
gilance, and prevent them from attempting to surprise it. 

6. In your march up the river you will take care not to be 
surprised, and always to have your forces in such a disposi- 
tion that you may retreat with salety. 

7. You will make the best observations you can of the ri- 
ver and the most difficult passes you meet with in your way 
as well by land as water, which you Mill note upon the map 
I gave you, that it may be therel)y amended, and furnish me 
with your opinion of the best manner of removing or sur- 
mounting those chlHculties. 

8. If you should be opposed in your march, or gain any in- 
telligence of the approach of an enemy, for that or any other 
purpose, you will inform me by express of such intelligence 
or opposition, the situation you are in, and every thing else 
material, that I may send you proper assistance, ami be pre- 
pared for any thing that may hap})en, and in the meantime 
you are to use your best endeavors to oppose the enemy ami- 
to secure yourself. 

9. As soon as }oii are in possession of the ground at Sha- 
mokin, you will secure yourself a breastwork in the best 
manner you can, so that your men may work in safety, and 
you will inform me of your arrival there, and let me know 
what you will have occasion for, that I may apply to the 
commissioners to supply it. 

10. You will order the company and others in whose 
hands you may trust any of the i)iib!ic provisions, or stores, 
to be careful and exact in tlie distribution thereof, and to 
keep exact accounts of ever) liiiug committed to their care. 

11. Having suspected hostilities against the Delaware In- 
dians on the east side of the Northeast Branch of Susque- 
hanna, in order to enter into a treaty with them, I sentl you 
herewith a Proclamation lor that purpose to which you will 
contorm, and any friendly Indians that may join you in your 
march or at Shamokin, you will treat with kindness and su] - 
ply them out of the Province stores with such things as they 
want and you are able to spare. 

12. Having sent the Indians, New Castle and Jagree, again 
to the town of Diahoga, accompanied with some of the Jer- 
sey Delawares, all our fiiends who may, and probably will 
return by the Susquehanna, you will, in about a fortnight 
after this, cause a look out to be kept for them, and if they 


return that way, you will receive and assist them in their 
journey. Their signal will be a red flag with " union" in 
the corner, or if that should be lost, they will carry " green 
boughs" or " Club'd muskets," will appear open and erect, 
and not approach you in the night. 

R. II. Morris. 

Given under my hand and seal at Arms, Philadelphia, this 
1.2th day of June, 1756. 

Camp, at Armstrong's, June 20, 1750. 
To Gov. Morris : 

Sir — I received your Honor's of the 12th inst., together 
with your Honor's instructions, your Honor's answer to the 
Indian Sachem, six blank commissions, and two plans ot for- 
tification. Your instructions I shall obey with the utmost 
pleasure and punctuality. Your answer I delivered with 
due solemnity. In filling up the commissions I shall be par- 
ticularly careful to regard your Honor's directions; when 
arrived at the ground I shall conform as near as possible to 
the plans, and hope I shall find no difficulty in the execution 
which industry and application may not surmount, and sliall 
rely on your Honor for the supplies necessary during that 
time. The progress already made in this Fort renders it im- 
practicable for me to comply with the commissioners desire 
to contract it, at which I am more surprised, as I expected 
every day orders to enlarge it, it being as yet, in my opinion, 
too small. I shall leave an officer and thiity men, with or- 
ders to finish it when I march from hence, which will be 
with all possible expedition after the arrival of the blankets, 
the rum and the money for j/ayment of 13attoe-men, for want 
of wliich, I am obliged to detain them here in idleness, not 
thinking it prudent to trust them on another trip, for fear of 
their desertion, which may totally impede the service. I 
could wish the commissioners would invent some expedient to 
pay these men without money, or at least without the dan- 
ger of trusting me with their money, the charge of which I 
am not ambitious of, or the much envied honor and trouble 
of expending it — this far is certain, that without such expe- 
dient, or the money, we cannot stir. 

] have, pursuant to your Honor's command, sent dow^n two 
Indian Sachems properly escorted, and committed partio 


iarly to the care of Mr. Shippen, and hope his coming will 
fully answer the ends proposed by your Honor and your 
council. I have found Capt. McKee extremely useful, and 
have sent him also, at the Sachem's particular request. 

The carpenters are still employed in building Hattoes and 
carriages for the canoes, and every body seems disposed 
cheerfully to contribute their services towards the public 
good, if there ever was any prospect or assurance of being 
paid for it. From your Honor's character of Capt. Busse, I 
am extremely sorry the Commissioners have not thought pro- 
per to comply with your Honor's proposal. I assure my- 
self, your Honor, will omit no opportunity of extricating me 
from embarrassments arising from the want of money, both 
for the Battoe men and the soldiers; twenty-six of whom 
being Dutch (German) are now in confinement for mutiny on 
that very account. I am with all respect, your Honor's 
obedient humble servant. 


Edward Shippen, of Lancaster, makes mention of this 
place, in a letter dated April 17, 1756 ; and Fort Augusta, 
at Shamokin. 

Lancaster, April 19, 1756. 
Hun. Gov. Mortis: 

I have been at Captain McKec's Fort, where 1 found 10 
Indians, men, women and children ; o of the women l)ing 
very ill in bed. The Captain tells me that Johnny Shekalli- 
my is greatly (Hssatisfied with being there ; and has several 
times been much out of temper, which he would hope was 
owing to nothing but the sickness of the Indians, and to their 
being insulted by the fearful ignorant people who have some- 
times told Shekallimy to his face, that they had a good mind 
to scalj) him. Shekallimy let me know that he wished the 
Indians would be moved down to Barney Hughes', where 
Capt. McKee's woman and children live; and afterwards, if 
the Governor thought proper, he would go to Wyoming, and 
endeavor to bring down Buckshenoath, a great man, a Shaw- 
anese Caj)tain, who would have come with him, but the Del- 
awares would not permit it ; he says, that at the council of 
Wyoming, whither your Honor sent Silver Heels and the 
Bt'lt, to know why the Indians struck their brethren, the 


English; this Shawanese Captain observed, that it was not 
more than one night and a half (meaning a year and a half) 
since he had taken the Governor by the hand, and heard 
every thing that he said, which was very kind and loving, 
and why should he forget him so soon? That he was then 
sitting between the Six Nations, and the Governor, takes 
one in each hand. — That council consisted of Shawanese, 
Chickasaws, Mohickans, and some of the Six Nations, and 
Shekallimy was appointed to give the answer, 'who spoke 
and said: You, our young brothers, the Shawanese it may 
be, know the reason of striking the English, as you are al- 
ways in council with the Delawares. No, answered the 
Shawanese, directing their discourse to the Six Nations, 
saying : Old brothers, we cannot tell why the hatchet was 
taken up against the English, but you know the reason of 
it, who were always with them at Gen. Braddock's battle. 

ShekalHmy says there are about 400 Indian warriors at 
Tiaogo of the Six Nations, Dehiwares, Munsees and Shaw- 
anese, and about 40 more at Wyoming, viz : ten Mohickans, 
ten Mingoes, and 20 Shawanese ; he says if we attempt to 
go up to Shamokin to build a fort, we may expect to be at- 
tacked by a body of oOO Indians in our march. 

According to your Honor's instructions to Mr. Burd, 1 
have prevailed with Shekallimy to stay where he is till we 
can hear again from your Honor. I pity the sick Indians 
much, because there is neither sheep, calves or poultry to be 
got in that part of the country, and tho' game is very plen- 
ty, yet the Indians dare not venture out of the Fort for fear 
of being murdered ; and the Captain informs me that the 
garrison has been but poorly served ; the provisions having 
been very ordinary ; but they are now a little better used ; 
yet he would fain believe, the persons employed about them 
did their best ; he finds that one pound of Burlington pork 
Avill go as far as two pounds made in that country. 

John Harris has built an excellent stoccade around his 
house, which is the only place of security that way, lor the 
provisions for the army, he having much good cellar room, 
and as he has but six or seven men to guard it, if the gov- 
ernment would order six men more there to strengthen it, it 
v/ould in my opinion, be of great use to the cause, even 
were no provision to be stored there at all, though there is 
no room for any scarce in Capt. McKee's fort : Hunter's 


house indeed would answer such a purpose were it stoc- 
caded, but as it is quite naked, and stands five or six hun- 
dred feet from the Fort, the enemy may surround it in the 
night and Ivill the people, and set the roof on lire in three 
or four places at once ; and if the sentry should discern 
the fire as soon as it begins to blaze, it might be too diffi- 
cult a task for them to quench it without buckets or pails. 
I speak with submission; but this stoccade at Harris' ought 
by all means to be supported, for if for want of this small 
addition of men above mentioned, the Indians should de- 
stroy it, the consecjuence would be the most of the inhab- 
itants within twenty miles of his house would immediately 
leave tlieir plantations. The enemy can com« over the 
hills, at five miles distance from McKee's fort. But not- 
withstanding all I have said on this head, I am convinced 
that the number of stoccades set up and down the country 
do more hurt than good. 

Ey the best intelligence I can get, it will be best for 
Colonel Clapham to march his regiment on the west side 
of Sus(|uehanna, after first marching 8 or 9 miles on this 
side ; tiie only dilliculty will be in crossing the river. I 
know there are several bad passes, as far as Capt. ■NIcKee's 
plantation where I have been ; it is but twenty-live miles 
from Hunter's mill. 

I ought to have accpiainted your Honor before, that I 
have cautioned Capt. McKee against suffering any body 
to abuse the Indians for the future ; and by all means ad- 
vised iiim to keep a strict watch over the young French- 
man whom he has under his care. 

Inclosed is a letter from Mr. Harris, and also a memor- 
andum. At the request of a poor neighbor of his, v/hb 
has but one hand to work with for his living, I send an 
account of some losses which he assures me he has sus- 
tained by the Indians, whom JNIr. Harris maintained at the 
charge of the government. 

Please pardon my prolixity, and permit me to say, that 
I am, your Honor's &.c. 

EiMVARi) Shippen. 

In 1719, Conrad Weiser, on his way to Shamokin v.-itli 
a messenger from the government to the Indians ther^ 
met the sons of Shickalimy at the Trading House of Thomas 


McKee and delivered them the messages there ; because 
he had been informed that all the Indians were absent 
from Shamokin. — In a letter addressed to Richard Peters 
he mentions these facts: 

Sir — By these lines I let you know that I returned from 
Shamokin on the ISth inst. I happened to meet the eldest 
and the youngest son of Shickelimy at the Trading house 
of Thomas McKee, about twenty miles this side Shamokin, 
by whom I was informed that all the Indians had left Stia- 
mokin for this present time, for want of provisions ; so i 
thought best to dehver my message there to the sons of 
Shickelimy. There were also present three more of the 
Six Nations Indians ; one of them was Toyanogow, a 
noted man among the Cayukers. All what I had to tlo 
was to let the children and grand-children of our deceased 
friend Shickelimy know that the governor of Pennsylvania 
and his council condoled with them, for the death of their 
father ; which I did accordingly, and gave them a small 
present, in order to wipe off their tears, according to the 
custom of the Indians. The present consisted of six stroud 
match coats, seven shirts, with a string of wampum to 
Taghnegdoarus, Shickelimy's eldest son, and desired him 
to take upon him the care of a chief, in the stead of his 
deceased father, and to be our true correspondent, until 
there should be a meeting between the governor of Penn- 
sylvania and some of the Six Nation chiefs, and then he 
should be recommended by the governor, to the Six Na- 
tion chiefs, and continued if he would follow the footsteps 
of his father. He accepted thereof, and I sent a string of 
wampum by Toganogan (who was then setting out for 
Caynikgno) to Onondago to let the council of the Six Na- 
tions know of Shikelimy's death, and my transaction, by 
order of the governor. There was a necessity for my so 

The Indians are very uneasy about the white people 
settling beyond the Endless mountains, on Joniady, (Ju- 
niata) on Sherman's creek and elsewhere. Tiicy tell me 
that about thirt}'' families are settled upon the Indian lands 
this Spring, and daily more go to settle thereon. Some 
have settled almost to the head of Joniady river, along the 
Path that leads to Ohio. The Indians say that (and that 



with truth) that country is their only hunting ground foT 
deer, because farther to the north, there was nothing but 
spruce woods and the ground with Kalmia bushes (laurel) 
not a single deer could be found or killed there. They 
asked very seriously whether their brother Onas had given 
the people leave to settle there. I informed them of the 
contrary, and told them that I believed some of the Indi- 
ans from Ohio, that were down \u.^it summer, had given 
liberty (with what right T could not tell) to settle. I told 
them of what passed on the Tuscarora Path last summer, 
when the sheriff and three magistrates were sent to turn 
off the people there settled ; and, that I then perceived chat 
the people were fevorcd by some of the Indians above 
mentioned ; by which means the orders of the governor 
came to no effect. So far they were content, and said the 
thing must be as it is, till the Six Nation chiefs would be 
down, and converse with the Governor of Pennsylvania, 
about the affair. 

I have nothing else to add ; but remain, sir, your very 

Conrad Weiser. 

Heidelberg, April 22, 1749. 

The provincial government erected a fort at Shamokni 
in 1756, called Fort Augusta, and was garrisoned during 
the French and Indian war. James Young, commissary 
general, visited this place in July, 1756, and speaks with 
much doubt of the success of building a Fort at that im- 
portant place under the easiness of the officers and men 
that prevailed. A fort, however, was erected, and in 1756, 
'57, and at a later period several companies were stationed 
here, as will appear from the following letters. 

Carlisle, July IS, 175G. 
To the Hon. Gov. Morris : 

Sir — I did myself the honor to write to you on my ar- 
rival at Shamokin. I staid there four days, in v/hich time 
I was greatly perplexed to know how to act, there being 
a general dissatisfaction among the officers concerning my 
instructions from the commissioners to pay them, for there- 
in I am commanded to pay Lieut's 5s. 6d. and the Ensigns 
4s. per day, %vhercas they expected 7s. 6d. and 5s. 6d. I 


am likewise ordered to pay 384 private men and 16 ser- 
geants. I find seven more in the camp besides Ensign 
Meyers, with 20 men at McKee's store ; Ensign John- 
ston with 23 men at Hunter's mill ; and a Sergeant witli 
13 men at Harris's, all ordered there by Col. Claphara, 
and above his number of 400 ; I therefore did not pay, 
neither could muster them, the certificates of enlistment 
being disposed among the olficers. At Sliamokin the 
people are extremely uneasy for their pay. The Colonel 
is highly displeased I had not orders to pay him for his 
Captain's commission, likewise that I brought him no 
money to pay the Battoe men ; he talks loudly of his ill 
usage, and threatens to leave the service ; that he will 
go and join the Six Nations, whether they side with the 
English or French. This I thought my duty to accpiaint 
you with. I was informed that he is to charge the Pro- 
X'ince with 116 Battoe men at 2s. 6d. per day: at the same 
time, I was credibly informed that the greater part of them 
are soldiers in his regiment, and are now daily employed 
in the Battoes, and are very capable to work them. 

The officers in general eeem not at all pleased under their 
colonel's command : all of them, but three or four, have been 
confined by him, and continued so during his pleasure, and 
released without trial by the same authority. 

I am sorry to say, I much doubt the success of building a 
fort at that important place, Shamokin, under the present un- 
easiness of the officers and men. I was ordered by the com- 
missioners to pay all the men up to the 1st of July, deducting 
half their pay for their clothing ; but the captain refused to 
receive it on such terras, and presented me a paper, setting 
foi-th their reasons, of which I sent you a copy. I being ap- 
prehensive of a general desertion, and considering that the 
Province had the same security for the clothing, complied 
with their demands, and thereby have broken my orders 
from the commissioners. I shall be extiemely sorry if I am 
blamed for so doirjg ; for nothing but the good of the service 
(and so I judged it to be) would have induced me to act con- 
trary to my instructions. The subalteins would not grant 
me receipts for their full pay, but in part. If I have done 
wrong, I beg your pardon, and that you will continue that 
friendship to me, I have already so largely experienced, and 
shall ever gratefully acknowledge. 


Capt. Loyd was to set out soon after me for Philadelphia, 
to lay their grievances before your Honor, 

I left Shamokin early on Friday morning in a battoe; we 
rowed her down to Harris's before night, with four oars. 
There is but one fall above those you saw, not so bad as 
those at Hunter's; it is about 4 miles irora Fort Halifax. I 
came here yesterday noon, hoping to find money sent by the 
commissioners, to pay the forces on this side the river, as 
they promised ; but as yet none is come, neither is Colonel 
Armstrong come, and I find but 16 of his men here, the rest 
are gone to Shearman's valley, to protect the farmers at 
their harvest ; so when the money comes, I shall be at a loss 
for an escort. I am informed that a number of men at the 
Forts, whose time of three months is expired, agreeable to 
their enlistments, have left their posts, and expect their pay 
when I go there, this may be of bad consequence, and I hear- 
tily wish there were none enlisted for less than twelve months. 
1 am persuaded the officers would find men enough for that 

I am with great respect, sir, 
Your most obedient and humble servant, 

James Young. 

The following instructions from Colonel Clapham to Capt. 
Hambright, commander of a detachment from Col. Clapham's 
regiment, given at Fort Augusta, November 4, 1756, are 
given, as it is believed they will be read with interest. 

Sir — You are to march with a party of two sergeants, 2 
corporals, and 38 private men under your command, to at- 
tack, burn and destroy an Indian town or towns, with their 
inhabitants on the West Branch of the Susquehanna, to 
which Monsieur Montour will conduct you, whose advice 
you are directed to pursue. In every case you are to attack 
the town agreeable to the plan and disposition herewith giv- 
en you, observing to intermix the men with bayonets equally 
among the three parties in the attnck ; and if any Indians 
are found there, you are to kill, scalp and captivate as many 
as you can ; and if no Indians are there, you are to endeavor 
to act in such a manner and with such caution, as to prevent 
the discovery of your having been there, by any party that 
may shortly arrive after you, for which reason you are strict- 


Jy forbidden to burn, take away, destroy or rneddle with any 
thing found at such places ; and immediately despatch Mon- 
sieur Montour, with one or two more to me, with intelli- 
gence. When you come near a place of action, you are to 
detach Monsieur Montour with as many men as he shall 
judge necessary to reconnoitre the parts, and to wait in con- 
cealment in the meantime with your whole party till his re- 
turn ; then to form your measures accordingly. After hav- 
ing burnt and destroyed the town, you are in your retreat to 
post an officer and 15 men in ambush, close by the wood side, 
at the most convenient pdace for such purpose which may of- 
fer, at about 12 miles distance from the place of action, who 
are to surprise and cut off any party who may attempt to 
pursue, or happen to be engaged in hunting thereabouts, and 
at the same time, secure the retreat of your main body. 

It is very probable on these moonlight nights you will find 
them engaged in dancing, in which case, embrace that oppor- 
tunity by all means, of attacking them, which you are not 
to attempt at a greater distance than 20 or 2o yards ; and 
be particularly careful to prevent the escape of women and 
children, whose lives, humanity will direct to preserve as 
much as possible. If it does not happen that you find them 
dancing, the attack is to be made in the morning, just at such 
a season w'hen you have light enough to execute it, in which 
attempt your party is to znarch to the several houses, and 
bursting open the doors, to rush in at once. Let the signal 
tor the general attack, be the discharge of one firelock, in 
the centre division. 

If there are no Indians at the several towns, you are, in 
such a case, to proceed with the utmost caution and vigi- 
lance, to the road which leads to Fort Du Quesne, there to 
lie in ambush, and to intercept their march to, or from the 
English settlements ; and there to remain, with that design, 
till the want of provisions obliges you to return. 

I wish you all imaginable success, of which, the opinion I 
have of yourself, the party and officers under your commandj 
leaves me no room to write. 

I am sir. &c« 

William Clapham. 

P. S. You will not omit to post the sergeant with a part/ 
on the opposite side of the river during the attack, according 



to direction, to prevent the enemy from escaping that wny, 
and reserve one half of your lorce. 

From the following, furnished by John Carson, a great- 
I'-randson of the writer ot the letter, it appears that John 
Carson was sent by the Governor, in the year of 1757, to 
open a trade with the Indians at Fort Augusta, 

Fort Augusta, December 17th, 1757. 
May it please your Honor ; 

I be^T leave to acquaint your Honor that I arrived at 
Fort Auousta on the oOth oi November, and on the Sth cur- 
rent opened a trade with the Indians, the store not being fit 
to receive the goods sooner, and 1 have disposed of some of 
the iToods and received a small parcel of skins, the amount 
ot w^hich I now enclose for your Honor's perusal. Accord- 
ing^ to the best of my judgment I have calculated the prices 
of"the o-oods that the prohts may defray the charges of the 
Trade. I have not been able to put an equal profit on all 
the ooods, the Indians having heretofore had stroud blankets 
and match coats at a very low rate, therefore I have charg- 
ed the other o-oods something higher. If it appears to your 
Honor that Thave overcharged any of the goods, or sold at 
too low a rate, please to favor me with your sentiments for 
my future direction, and I shall act agreeably thereto, 
I am your Honor's most humble servant, 

JcHX Carson. 

The following letters, written at Fort Augusta, are here 
introduced in connection with the preceding, as having rela- 
tion to the same subject, and containing some important fact*^. 

Fort Augusta, July 1st, 175S, 
May it please your Honor: 

Your favor o( the 21st past, was delivered me by Mr. 
Holland, agent for the Indian atlairs, who arrived here last 
AVednesday evening, and observe what your Honor says 
wi'.h respect to supplying such Indians as Tedyuscung shall 
direct with provisions, Indian corn, powder and lead, and 
conformins; to the ordeis you gave to the commandant otii- 


cer respecting the frienrJly Indians that came to trade with 
provisions, all which I shall punctually observe. 

Capt. Trump has received no orders from Col. Bouquet or 
any other person concerning a flag to be used by our friend- 
ly Indians or our own people ; neither have any such flags 
been sent here. Agreeable to your Honor's orders, I wrote 
down to George Allen, master of the batteaux, by a man 
that went down yesterday morning, and acquainted him that 
you had ordered me to take all the batteaux men into the 
service again, and that they were to be paid by the general, 
and ordered hirn immediately to set about collecting them 
together; but I understand as soon as they were discharged, 
a great many of them engaged with Sir John St. Clair to go 
upon the expedition, some as horse drivers, and others with 
wagons, &.C. 

I'do not doubt but Capt. Allen will pick up a sufficient 
number /jf them. It is not every man that is fit ior that ser- 
vice : they ought to be well acquainted with the river pole- 
ing. I unrlerstand Croston is expected this night at Harris's 
with a drove of cattle; a party goes down from here to-mor- 
row to escort them and the batteaux up; if the latter should 
be reatly and not wanted below to ferry over troops, &c — if 
that should be the case, I have desired Capt. Allen to get as 
manv of them as can be spared, to bring up the cannon, pow- 
der, ball, and sundry other necessaries, which are much want- 
ed here, and have lain there a long while. When I was com- 
ing up, I asked Sir Allen McClain, who was then at Harris's, 
if he could not spare four of the batteaux to bring up some 
necessaries that were much wanted at Fort Augusta, he said, 
by lio means, as there were troops, baggage, kc, coming 
daily, and that they must not be detained. If the batteaux 
can't come up at present, the party is ordered immediately to 
escort up the bullocks, as so many men cannot be spared long 
from this weak garrison. 

We have now about two hundred men here ; seventy of 
tiiem came up with me, and are part of Captain Eastburn's 
and Capt. Jackson's companies; thirty of their men were left 
at Hunter's fort, and what were here before we came — one 
hundred and twenty odd are the callings of the whole battal- 
ion, and several of them sick and lame ; so that we have but 
a very weak garrison. 

Your Honor has doubtless heard of the French building a 


fort upon the West Branch of this river, at a place called 
Shingelaclamoos. And by a letter Capt. Trump has receiv- 
ed from Col. Burd, wherein he acquainted him that from the 
intelligence he has had, he has great reason to believe the 
French intend to attack this Fort. I desired Capt. Young 
to acquaint your Honor that there was neither surgeon nor 
doctor here; since which he informs me there is one ap])oint- 
ed for us : I hope he will be here soon, as several of our 
men are sufTerino; for want of one. I believe Doctor Morgan 
left us but few drugs, as the shop looks very thm. 

Agreeable to your Honor's orders by Mr. Peters, con- 
cerning a flag that Teydyuscung took from Bille Sock, I 
enquired of Capt. Trump, whether he knew how he came 
by it; he said lie did not; that he came here with his 
brother and a Mohawk Indian man and a squaw on the 
26th of May, and brought witli him cags of rum which he 
said he got "from the inhabitants; but would not say from 
whom; he went away the ne.xt day and said he was go 
ing to Tyahogah to see his friends and sell his rum; that 
he should return here in the fall to hunt — that is all the 
conversation passed between (^a])t. Trump and him ; but 
upon inquh-ing of Liout. Broadhead, if ho now any thing 
about it, he informed me, that he was down at Hunter's 
fort and saw Indian Jegra have such a llag as Mr. Peters,- 
in his letter to me, describes, and he thinks the word 
'•'union'' was written with ink in the middle of it; and 
Capt. Patterson, the commander of the fort, informed him 
he gave them to Jegra; Bill Sock, his brother, and another 
Indian were there at that time and they all that evening 
went away, and the next morning Jegra leturned to the 
fort, beaten in a most cruel manner, of which he died the 
next day. Lieut. Broadhead saw no more of the flag. — 
Your Honor's most obedient humble servant. 

Peteu Bard. 

P. S. Just as I had flnished my letter, nine Indians 
came here in two canoes from Wyoming, for Indian corn 
— there is none yet come up — tliey desire to have some 
flour for the present : wiiich shall we give them? 

To Hon. Wm. Denny, Esq. 

For additional particulars, see Appendix, C. 

I .■ ' ' 


Paxton, July 26, 1779. 
To Timothy Matlock, Esq. 

I am just returned from Sunbury. The \vhGle of the 
troops have left the place a week ago, and I am satisfied 
that General Sullivan will move forward with the expedition 
this very day. A more happy incident could not have hap- 
pened than the rise of the Susquehanna, at this critical and 
unexpected time ; notwithstanding some unlucky delays, rny 
hopes are now high, with respect to the northern exjjedition. 
I must, however, leave this pleasing expectation, and say a 
word or two of the deplorable situation of Northumberland 
county — stript of the whole standing army, and without a 
single man, save the militia of the county and 14 men under 
the command of Capt. Kemplin, and almost every young man 
on the frontier engaged in the Boat Service ;■— they sufier 
more than ever from the savage depredations of an horrid 
enemy; every thing above Muncy Hill is abandoned ; a large 
body of above 40 savages had pen(4rated as far as Freeland's 
Mills ; Freeland and sundry others have fallen victims to 
them. They were still hovering about the settlement when 
I came away. In short, nothing seems wanting on their 
part but a proper degree of spirit (and upon some occasions 
they have manifested enough of it) for to make one bold push 
for Sunbury, and destroy the magazine which is now collect- 
ing there for the support of the army. I have spoken to 
Col. Hunter for a guard for the magazine, but in vain. He 
is not able to protect the flying inhabitants. 

The stores at Sunbury are deposited in my dwelling house, 
which is large and conveniently situated for defence and the 
reception and delivery of stores : the back part of it was 
stoccaded last year by Col. Hartk) — ^^a small expense would 
complete the stoccade, and mount a few swivels (several of 
which lie there dismounted). This, and a very small guard 
of militia from Lancaster county, would render the magazine 

Now, my dear sir, let me not receive for an answer, "This 
or much oi this, is the business of the Board of War, or 
ought to engage the attention of Congress." It is an object 
of consequence ; between three and four hundred barrels of 
flour, sixty odd barrels of pork, and a large quantity of li- 
quors are novv' forwarding, and at this place to be forwarded 
to Sunbury. 


It is expected that the march of our army ^vi]l recall the 
savages to their own coimtry. Were they leit to their own 
natural feelings there is little room to doubt this Avould be 
the case; but at present they are directed by British coun- 
sels, and in many of their expeditions commanded by Jjritish 
ofHceis; a dili'erent line o^ conduct may therefore be ex- 

I will stay at this place until 1 hear from you ; and what- 
ever is to be done at Sunbiuy, for the defence of the maga- 
zine, I am ready to engage in. 1 wish not io complain ol 
any one, nor would be understood so; 1 however know the 
wretched sloihfulness of many who are engaged in the pub- 
lic departments, and would rather do ;; jiiece of business my- 
self, than have the trouble of calling on them. 

My present api)lieation, however, caimot be eonsidere<l 
cither as impeVtinent or extra-olVicial, as I have had the 
charge of the magazine at Sunbury for some time past. 
1 am, sir, with great respect, 
Your most ©bedient 

and humble servant, 

Wm. Maclay. 

Sunbury, July 28, 1779. 
To Col. Joshua Elon- Sub-Lieut. 
Dear Sir : 

At the particular re(|uest of Col. Hunter, I inform you 
that Freeland's Fort, the most advanced post on the fron- 
tiers of the West Branch, had on Monday last three of the 
garrison killed and scalped (one only shol) within 50 yards 
of the Fort, and twt) made prisoners; the number of Indians 
appeared to be upwards of '30, in the open view of the gar- 
rison. Relief was sent in immediately frc'm Boon's Fort and 
the two towns, and additional force was left behind to their 
assistance, notwithstanding which, they attacked them this 
morning, and by intelligence received fiom ])ersonsof ci'cdit, 
sent out as spies, they liad surrounded the Fort, were walk- 
ing carelessly around them, and the gates were thrown open. 
This account arrived by Express from Major Smith, at \2 
o'clock, since when Mr. Frigg, sent by Capt- Nelson, in- 
forms, tlie other spies had seen the Forts and barns in ashes, 
the mill still standing, and the Indians appeared very numer- 


ousj among whom were some Red-coats, supposed to be reg- 
ulars — that 34 men liad turned out from Boon's fort to re- 
lieve Freeland fort, of whom there is not the least inteDi- 

The garrison of Freeland fort consisted of 32 men, 14 ot 
whom were nine months men, and had in it upwards of 40 
vv'omen and children. The situation of this country i- truly 
alarming and deplorable to the last degree. 

The continental garrisons, formerly posted here, are ail 
drawn off, except a sergeant's guard ; and by accounts re- 
ceived very late last night fi om Wioming, tljey need not 
expect any protection from Gen. Sullivan — " he seems quite 
regardless of the melancholy situation of those unhappv peo- 
ple." If any relief can possibly be afforded, it should be 
given instantly, otherwise the town of Northumberland and 
Sunbury must be the barriers. 

I am, in great esteem, 

Your very hu.nble servant. 

Francis Alliso>-, jr. 

ArUcles of capitulation entered into between Captain John 
McDonald, on his Majesty's part, and John Little on that 
of the Congress ; 

Article 1 st. The men in the garrison to march out and 
ground their arms on the green, in front ol the fort, which is 
to be taken in possession of, immediately, by his Majesty'^? 

Agreed to. 

2dly. All men bearing arms are to surrender themselves 
prisoners of war, and to be sent to Niagara. 
Agreed to. 

3(J. The women and children not to be stript of their 
clothing, nor molested by the Indians, and to be at liberty to 
move down the country where they please. 
Agreed to. 

John McDo.val, Capt. of Rang;ers. 
John Little. 

Those killed at Freeland Fort in Capt. Boon's party. 
Captain Boon, Jeremiah McGlaghglen, Nathaniel Smith; 


John Jones, Edwd. Costikan, Ezra Green, Samuel NeeJ; 
Mathw. McClintock, Hugh McGil], Andrew Woods, James 
Watt, John McChntock, Wm. McChing, James Miles, Hen- 
ry Gilfillen. 

Head Quarters, Wioming, July 38, 1779. 
Your letter, dated the 2Sth instant, I received this day, 
with the disagreeable intelligence of the loss of Fort Free- 
land. Your situation in consequence, must be unhappy. I 
feel for you, and could wish to assist you, but the good of 
the service will not admit of it. The object of this expedi- 
tion is of such a nature, and its consequences so extensive, to 
turn the course of this army would be unwise, unsafe, and 

Nothing can so effectually draw the Indians out of your 
county as carrying the war into theirs. To-morrow morn- 
ing I shall march with the whole army to Tioga, and must 
have you to call upon the council of your State for such as- 
sistance as may serve to relieve you from your present per- 
ilous situation. As Pennsylvania has neglected to furnish 
me with troops, promised for this expedition, she certainly 
will be enabled to defend her frontiers without much incon- 

I am, sir, 
Your most obedient and humble servant, 

Jno. Sullivan. 
Col. Samuel Hunter. 

The above is a copy of a letter to Col. Hunter, in answer 
to one of the 28th, but nothing would be done. Indeed the 
General seems to have had it in view from his first arrival at 
Wioming, to have the county reduced to what it now is. It 
appears, however, in several instances, he is no friend to this 
State. The evacuation of Fort Wallace, and drawing all 
the men from the frontier, five or six weeks before he march- 
ed, in my opinion, speaks very plain — the people of this 
county are petitioning in very strong terras, and will request 
a hearing against the General. 

I am, sir. 

Yours, &c. 

Mathw. Smith. 


Sunbury, 28th July, 1779. 
To Col. Matlnv. Smith. 
Dear Sir : 
This day about 12 o'clock, ark express arrived from 
Capt. Boon's mill, informing us that Freeland's Fort wa« 
>airrounded by a party of Indians, and immediately after 
another express came, informing that it was burned, and 
all the garrison either killed or taken prisoners. The party 
that went from Boons saw a number of Indians and son*e 
Red-coats walking around the Fort, (or where it had been) 
— after that there was a firing heard off towards Chilis- 
quake, which makes us believe that the savages are nu- 
merous, and parties are going off from this town and Nor- 
thumberland, to the relief of the garrison at Boon's, a» 
tltere is a number of women and children. There wert- 
:Lt Freeland's Fort, 50 women and children, and about 30 
Jiien, and God knows what has become of them. By this 
you may know our distressed situation at this present 
time. General Sullivan would send us no assistance, and 
our neighboring counties have lost the virtue they once 
possessed of, or otherwise we would have had some relief 
before this time. This I write in a confused manner, as I 
am just marching off up the West Branch with the party 
■ve have collected. 

I am, dear sir, 

Your humble servant, 

Samuel Hunter. 

N. B. Rouse the inhabitants there, (at Paxton) or we 
are all ruined here. S, H. 

Sunbury, July 29, 1779. 
To Col. Joshua Elder. 
Sir : 
Sinoc mine of the 2Sth, we have received particular in- 
structions from Fort Freeland, by women who had been 
m the Fort. They say the garrison surrendered, after 
making a nobla but short resistance ; after being thrice 
summoned ; they capitulated in form ; the copy of it ha« 
not yet come to hand. Of the garrison four were killed, 
and 13 scalps were brought into the Fort in a pocket 
handkerchief; amongst whom were Capt. Boon's aad 



Dougherty's, supposed to belong to the party from Boon"s 
Fort which attacked the British, Indians, kc. &c., even got 
in among them the people who were prisoners with them ; 
but were obhged to fly on account of superiority of num- 
bers — 13 or 14 of the party have come in. The women 
of Fort Freeland estimate the number of the enemy at be- 
tween 3 and 4 hundred, one third of whom are regular 

Boon's Fort is evacuated and Northumberland town is 
already the frontier. Hurry, if possible, all the assistance, 
with utmost haste, or else -the consequence on our side will 
be dreadful. 

I am, yours, &c. 

Francis Allison, jr. 

The commanding officer is said to be a Captain McDon- 
ald; he intimated to the women that a party was still in the 

Sunbury, 29th July, 1797. '^ 

To William Maclay, per William Harris' express, Paxton. 

Dear Sir : 

Yesterday morning early, there was a party of Indians 
and regular troops attacked Fort Freeland ; the firing was 
heard at Boon's place, when a party of 30 men turned out 
under the command of Capt. Boon ; but before he arrived at 
Fort Freeland the garrison had surrendered, and the British 
troops were paraded round the prisoners, and the fort and 
houses adjacent set on fire. Capt. Boon and his party fired 
briskly on the enemy, but were soon surrounded by a large 
party of Indians — there were 13 killed of our people, and 
Capt. Boon himself among the slain. The regular officer 
that commanded was the name of McDonald ; he let the 
women and children go, after having them a considerable 
time in custody. The town of Northumberland was the fron- 
tier last night, and I am afraid Sunbury will be this night. 
Is there any possibihty of getting some assistance from your 
county, if it was but to meet the poor women and children 
on their road down the country. You may easily form an 
idea of our distress, by what you saw last year ; but this is 
a great deal worse ; as there is no relief from any quarter. 


There were about three hundred of the enemy, and the one- 
third of them were white men, as the prisoners inform us 
that made their escape. 

I am, dear sir, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 
Samuel Hunter. 

P. S. Please to write Council, by express, on the receipt 
of this, as it may be depended upon, and do all you can for 
your poor, distressed country. S. H. 

Paxtang, July 31, 7 o'clock, A. M. 1779. 

Joseph Reed, Esq., Pres of Pa. 

Sir : 

I take the opportunity of conveying a few lines by the 
bearer, John Gillcriest, Esq. (a member of the honorable 
House of Assembly) who, I think, was pitched upon, think- 
ing he might have more influence with council, than another, 
that might as quickly deliver the despatches : for my part, I 
think the distresses of Northumberland county people equal, 
i^ not superior to any thing that has happened to any part of 
the continent, since the commencement of the present war. 
You will see the late accounts, in some measure, by the let- 
ters inclosed, by Mr. Maclay. I believe only in some mea- 
sure, as the accounts are almost every minute arriving by 
people who have escaped the enemy, that, if true, are indeed 
alarming. The accounts this moment is, that the town of 
Northumberland is evacuated ; if so, then Sunbury will soon 
follow the example — and the same frontier will be where it 
was 20 years past. 

This day the township of Paxtang met to appoint a com- 
mittee to act in conjunction with other parts of the State: as 
soon as the letters came to hand, Messrs. Elder, McCIay, 
and myself, attended, had the v.hole matter laid before the 
people, that was no inconsiderable number ; and proposed a 
scheme for volunteers to turn out immediately for the relief 
of the distressed people. We have fixed Sunday morning, 
G o'clock, to march ; when, I doubt not, at least 50 men will 
go that way, as the distress was so great. Every thing has 
been done to encourage, but no promise of reward absolutely 


I know the difficulty in getting the militia out. This rne- 
(hod in the mean time, in hopes to stop the progress of the 
enemy, if the volunteers can be allowed wages, or even their 
^expenses, it will be acceptable ; if it cannot be done, a few 
lines from your excellency, or your excellency and council, 
will be truly acceptable to me ; and I will make the best use 
of it in my power. As I assure you, I liave made every 
proposal in my power, and perhaps more. But as the great- 
est number were going from this battalion, are officers, I 
iiope to make the matter more easy than if they were gener- 
ally {)rivates. If you write by the bearer, direct to iSIorth- 
umberiand county, as I shall be there two or three weeks, it 
the county is not entirely broken up. 
I am, dear sir, with esteem, 

Your most obedient and humble servant, 

Mathw. 8mith. 

Sunbury, August Sd, 1779. 
To Joseph Reed, Esq. President. 
Sir • 

I have arrived at Sunbury with GO Paxtang boys ; the 
nei^hboring townships turnout a number of volunteers. Cum- 
berland county will give a considerable assistance. To-moi- 
row, at 12 o'clock, is fixed for the time of march ; provi.'r^ioii 
is scarce; but we intend to follow the savages: we hope t( 
ronie at them, as the number of cattle is great they have ta- 
ken from the country, and must make a slow progress on 
. !ieir return home. I hope to see them on their return, ami 
'fiiuht not if we do, to give a good account.. 

I inclose a co])yof the capitulation of Fort Fieeland. The 
('aj)tain, McDonald of the Rangers, was formerly a sergeant 
m Col. Montgomery's regiment of Highlanders : his human- 
ity has a])peared in this one instance — perhaps the first in* 
ibis war: 52 women and children came safe to this place, 
being the number taken. Four old men were also admitted 
to come liack — the enemy supposed them not fit to marcli to 

Inclosed is a list of the number of Captain Boon's party 
killed — also the names of persons belonging to the garrison. 
This account I believe is the fact, as the party out yesterday 
have buried the dead — gave me the list. The distress of the 


people here is great ; you may have some conception ; but it 
can scarcely be told. The town now composes Northumber- 
land county. The enemy have hmnt every where you have 
been, houses, barns, rye, wheat in the fields, stacks of hay, 
&c., (Sec, is all consumed. Such devastation I have never 
yet seen, I write this in haste, and 

Am, sir, your most obedient 
and humble servant, 

Mathew SmjtHo 


Nearly opposite Sunbury, built on tl\e point of land between 
the North and West Branches of the Susquehanna, at their 
junction. The town was laid out about the year 1775, by 
Reuben Haynes, originally from Philadelphia. At first its 
progress was slow, as all the inhabitants during the revolu- 
tion w^ere obliged to escape being murdered by a cruel enemy, 
to llee and seek refuge at Fort Augusta. It was not till 
17S4 or '85, that Northumberland was again re-occupied ; 
and in 10 or 12 years afterwards it numbeied nearly 100 
houses ; at present it contains about 160. The town was 
incorporated as a borough April 14, 1828. It contains four 
churches — Old New School Presbyterian, German Re- 
formed, and Methodist — an academy, a u..;rket house, a bank, 
rt town house of brick, and in 1840 contained 6 stores, seve- 
ral taverns, o scholars, 190 scholars, and a number of me-- 
chanics shops. 

Its locality is inviting to the recluse. The country ex- 
pands behind ihe town in a semi-circular form, rising in gen- 
tle svv-ells towards Montour's ridge, v.hich crosses between 
'.he two rivers at a distance of about 3 miles. Opposite the 
town, in the North Rranch, is a long and beautiful island, 
called Lyon's Island. Two splendid bridges connect this 
island with the main land on either shore. Another splendid 
bridge, which also answers as a tov/ing path, crosses the 
West Branch at its mouth. At the southern end of this 
latter bridge, rises the high and precipitous sandstone of 
" Blue Hill," from which a magnificent prospect is enjoyed 
of the valleys of both rivers." The town is well laid out. 



with spacious streets, and to those who love quiet, is a plea-. 
spirit spot to reside. 

At the time Fort Freeland was captured, a party went 
from Northumberland to succor the garrison at Fort Free- 
land, and were brought to action with a superior force, wheii 
Captain Hawkins and Boon, and 14 men were killed and 
scalped. The enemy then advanced towards Northumber- 
land, with the addition of 100 men, whom they kept in re- 
serve, creating great alarm at Fort Augusta. 

Some years after the war, Capt. McDonald, having busi- 
ness witli the American government, on his way from Cana- 
da ventured, from pride or curiosity, to visit the ground of 
oi his victory, and tarried part of a night at Northumberland. 
Alarmed at certain movements, indicating hostility, he hhed 
.1 servant to take him down the stream in' a canoe, before 
davlight should expose him to his (as he had reason to sup- 
pose) excited enemies. His horse, after remaining nearly a 
year with the innkeeper, unclaimed, was sold for keeping — 
[Miner's His. ^Vyomi^g. 

'' Dr. .loseph Priestley, the distinguished philosopher anci 
f'iieoloo-ian, spent the latter years of his life in Northumber- 
iand. The large mansion erected by him is still standing in 
a lovely, shaded spot, a little apart from the village, and is 
in the occupation of his family. His sons had purchased a 
large Iract of land here with the view of making it the asy- 
jum of English di.ssenters, and other intelligent emigrants from 
Europe. Many Englishmen, friends of Dr. Priestly, remov- 
eJ here about the same time, among whom was Dr. Thomas 
('ooper, who subsequently removed to the southern state?. 
where he became distinguished as a politician, philosopher, 
and professor of political economy. Mr. Russell was another 
Englishman who resided here, and purchased, in connection 
with the land .speculators at Philadelphia,large tracts of land 
in Bradford, Susquehanna and Luzerne counties. 

•' Dr. Joseph Priestly was born at Fieldhead, near Leeds, 
m England, in March, 1773. His father was a clothier ot 
the Calvinistic persuasion, in which he was also hiirseh 
brought up. After he had attained a respectable degree of 
classical acquirement, he was finally placed at the dissenters' 
academy at Daventry, with a view to the ministry. He spent 
;J years' at this school, where he became acquainted with the 


writings of Dr. Hartley, and was gradually led into a par- 
tiality for the Arian hypothesis. He became minister oi 
Needham market, in SufToIk, but falling under the suspicion 
of Arianisra, he left there and took charge of a congregation 
at Nantwich, to which he joined a school. In 1761 he was 
appointed tutor in the languages at Warrington academy. 
Here he published his essay on government, and several other 
useful works on education and history. His History of Elec- 
Iricity, published in 1767, procured him an admission into 
the Royal Society; he had previously obtained the title of 
doctor of laws from the University of Edinburgh. In the 
same year he took charge of a church at Leeds, where his 
opinions became decidedly Socinian. Here his attention wa> 
first drawn to the properties of fixed air, and he also com- 
posed his work on Vision, Light, and Colors. In 1773 he 
went to live with the Marquis of Landsdowne, as librarian, 
or literary companion. He travelled over Europe with this 
nobleman, and also occupied himself with scientific pursuits. 
Ill 1773 he furnished a paper in the Phi]o.sophical Transac- 
tions, on the different kinds of air, which obtained for him a 
gold medal. This was followed by three volumes, the pub- 
hcation of which forms an era in the history of eeriform fluids. 
He published several metaphysical works, and an edition of 
Hartley's Ob.servations on Man, to which he annexed a di>- 
sertation savoring strongly of Materialism. This doctrine 
he still more forcibly supported in his Disquisitions on Matter 
and Spirit, in 1777. These works resulted in a dissolution 
of the connection between himself and his patron, and he 
took charge of a dissenting congregation at Birmingham. At 
length, w^hen several of his friends at Birmingham were cel- 
ebraiing the destruction of the Bastile, a mob assembled and 
set fire to the dissenting meeting-houses and to several dis- 
senters' houses, among which was that of Dr. Priestley, al- 
though he was not present at the celebration.* He lost his 
valuable library and apparatus, and althougli he obtained a 
legal compensation, it fell far short of his loss. On quitting 
Birmingham he succeeded his friend Dr. Piice as lecturer in 
the dissenting college at Hackney, where he remained some 
tune in the cultivation of scientific pursuits, until he was goa- 
ded, by party enmity to seek an asylum in the United States. 

• See .Appendix G, for detailed account of this riot, &c. 


His sons had already preceded him, ar^d taken up or purcha- 
sed a large body of land near Northumberland, where the 
doctor arrived and fixed his residence in 1794. Here he ded- 
icated himself for 10 years to his accustomed pursuits, until 
his death on the 6th Feb. 1804, in his 71st year. 

" Doct. Priestley was an ardent controversialist, chiefly in 
consequence of extreme simplicity and openness of character; 
but no man felt less animosity towards his opponents, and 
many, who entertained the strongest antipathy to his opin- 
ions, were converted into friends by his urbanity in personal 
intercourse. As a man of science, lie stands high in the walk 
of invention and discovery : he t!>.-oovered the existence of 
oxygen gas, and other aeriform flUiiJs. As a theologian, he 
followed his own convictions wherever they led him, and 
passed Uirough all changes, from Calvinism to a Unitarian 
or Sociiiian system, in some measure his own ; but to the last 
remained a zealous opposer cf infidelity. In his family he 
ever maintained the worship of God. His works amount to 
about 70 volumes, or tracts ; and embrace essays on history, 
politics, divinity, (practical and controversial,) metaphysics, 
and natural philosophy. His Life, edited by his son, was 
published in 1806. The memoirs are written by the doctor 
himself, down to the year 1795, 


Is a flourishing borough, on the left bank of the Vv^est Branch 
of the Susquehanna river, at the mouth of Limestone Run, 
12 miles above Northumberland. It was started as a town 
about the year 1794 or '95. Being situated on the canal, 
surrounded by a fertile and highly productive region, and 
also the seat of consid rable manufacturing ep^ablishmcnts, 
and of much importance. In 1840 it contained 3 churches — 
a Presbyterian, Associate Reformed, and German Reformed; 
in addition to these, it now also contains a lUiptist and Epis- 
copalian — an academy, 13 stores, £ grist mills, 1 saw mill, 
1 tannery, 4 disti'lerics, several foundries, 1 brewery, 1 pot- 
tery, 2 printing offices, 4 schools. Population in 1830,1,279; 
in 1840, 1,508. The town was incorporated February 26, 
1816. There is a stone bridge across Limestone Run, and 


i frame bridge across the West Branch, which extends to 
tlie Union county side. 


Named after Alexander McEwen, is a flourishing little town, 
grown up within the last 20 years, about 3 miles north ot 
-Milton, on the road to Williamsport. It contains about 2o 
or 30 houses, several stores and taverns, and a number ot 
mechanics' shops. 


Pour miles above Milton, a short distance above Warrior's 
Run, on the left bank of the West Branch of the Susque- 
hanna ; it contains about 30 dwellings, several stores and 
taverns— and one or two mills on Warrior's Run, near the 


Or Freeland Fort, was situated on Warrior's run, which was 
destroyed by the enemy in July, 1779. 


A post village, near the Chilisquaque creek, five miles north- 
east of Milton, and eight miles northwest of Sunbury, con- 
tains 15 or 18 houses, a store and tavern. 


A post village, on Chilisquaque creek, seven miles north of 
Sunbury. It contains twelve or fifteen houses, a store and 



A post village of Shamokin township, on the Sharaokin cik. 
8 miles southeast of Sunbury — contains between 50 and 60 
dwellings ; a store and tavern ; also a German Reformed &. 
Baptist Clmrch. It is on the turnpike and railroad. 


A hamlet of Turbut township, about six miles northeast of 


Or Georgetown, is on the left bank of the Susquehanna riv- 
er, 15 miles south of Sunbury. It contains about 80 dwell- 
ings, several taverns and stores. 


At the eastern termination of the railroad, 19 miles from 
Sunbury, surrounded by coalmines. It has sprung up w'ith- 
in the last 11 or 12 years. It is a coal creation. 

The Shamokin Coal and Iron Company own large tracts 
of Coal lands near Shamokin. This company was incorpor- 
ated in lSo6, and was fully organized in 18o9 ; and in 1840 
they got a charter, under the general act for the manufacture 
of iron, proceeded to erect a furnace, which was soon in suc- 
cessful operation, making iron of the first quality, from ore 
procured at Montour's Ridge. Anthracite coal is used in 
smelting ore. Large quantities of iron and coal are trans- 
ported from this place to the Baltimore market. 

Popular education is only partially encouraged. In some 
portions of the county it is much neglected, ami where it 
does receive some attention, schools are not so conducted as 
to impart the greatest benefit to the rising generation. The 
townships of South Coal, Jackson, Little Mahahany, Lower 
Mahanoy and Upper Mahanoy, have not adopted the com- 


mon school system as yet ; of fifteen school districts only 
eight have reported 59 schools in operation, which were 
open five months ; engaged 51 male and 26 female teachers ; 
the former receiving $18,90 per month ; the latter $10,11. 
In these schools 1,931 males and l,423femalesweie taught. 
A district tax raised of $3,083,32 ; state appropriation 
$2,691,00. Cost of instruction $4,122,86 ; fuel and con- 
tiguous $614,17. Cost of school houses $1,987,55. 

In several of the larger towns schools of advanced stand- 
ing are opened. There are academies at Milton, Northum- 
berland and Sunbury, and at the latter place is a Female 
Seminary, pretty hberally patronized. 


Huntingdon County. 

Huntingdon county erected — Streams of the county — Geological fea- 
tures — Census of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns — Hunting- 
don, Holidaysburg, Gaysport, Frankstown, Newry, Wiliiamsburi:, 
Alexandria, McConnellsburg, Ennisvillc, Antestown, Davidsburg, 
Yellow Spring, Graysville or Graysport, Smithfield, Warrior?, Mark 
Town, Petersburg, Water Street, Birmingham, Sliirleysburg, Orbisi- 
lua, &c. — Education. 

Huntingdon county, formerly included by Bedford was 
t i,tablished by separating it from Bedford by an act of the 
legislature, September 20, 1787 ; said provided " That all 
and singular the lands lying within the bounds _and limits, 
hereuiafter described, should be erected into a separate coun- 
ty by the name of Huntingdon; namely, beginning in the 
line of Bedtord and Franklin counties where the new state 
road, (by some called Skinncr^s road) leading from Shippeiis- 
burg to Littleton crosses the Tuscarora mountain ; thence in 
H Straight course or line to the Gap in the Shade mountain, 
where the road formerly called Pott's road crossed the same, 
about 2 miles north of Littleton; thence by a straight line to 
the Old Gap, hi Sideling Hill, where Sideling Hill creek- 
crosses the mountain ; thence in a straight line by the nor- 
therly side of Sebastian Shoub's mill, or Raystown branch 
uf Juniata; thence on a straight line to the Elk Gap, in 
Tussey's mountain ; computed to be about 19 miles abovr, 
or southwesterly of the town of Huntingdon, (formerly call- 
ed tlie Standing Stone) and from the said Elk Gap, in u 
•straight Une to the Gap of Jacob Stevens' mill, a little be- 
low were Woolery's mill formerly stood, in Morrison's covt; 
thence in a straight line by the southeily side ot Blair's mill, 
at the foot of the Allegheny mountain; thence across the. 
said mountain, in a straight line to, and along the ridges (U- 
viding the waters of Conemaugh from the waters of Clear- 
field and Chest creeks, to the line of Westmoreland county; 


thence by the same to the old purchase Hne, which was run 
from Kittaning to the West Branch of Susquehanna river ; 
and along said line to I he said West Branch, and down the 
same to the mouth of Moshannon creek, and along the re- 
maining lines or boundaries which divide the county of Bed- 
ford from Northumberland, Cumberland and Franklin, to the 
place of beginning. 

The following gentlemen were appointed Trustees for the 
county, viz : Benjamin Elliot, Thomas Duncan Smith, Lud- 
wig Sell, George Ashman and William McElvey to take as- 
surances of a certain spot of ground in Huntingdon county, 
thereon to erect a court house and prison for the accommo- 
dation of the public service of the county. 

After Mifflin county had been erected (1789) out of parts 
of Cumberland and Northumberland, some differences of opi- 
nion arose touching the boundary line between Huntingdon 
and Mifflin, producing some excitement — to be noticed in 
the sequel — commissioners were appointed by an act passed 
April 1st, 1791, for running the boundaries between Hun- 
tingdon and Mifflin — described as follows: Beginning where 
the province line crosses the Tuscarora mountain, and run- 
ning along the summit of the mountain to the Gap, near the 
head of Path Valley; thence with a north line to ihe Juni- 
ata ; and the said line, from the said Gap to the Juniata, to 
be the line between Huntingdon antl Mitilin, on the south 
>ide of the Juniata. 

In September, 1791, other commissioners were appointed, 
and again March 29, 1792, an act was passed, directing 
some alterations to be made in the boundary, viz : " That a 
straight line, beginning in the middle of the Water Gap in 
the Tuscarora mountain ; and from thence to the river Ju- 
niata, in such direction astoiiicliule Joseph Galloway's farm, 
within Huntingdon county, at the mouth of Galloway's run, 
shall be the line between Huntingdon and Mifflin. And by 
an act of March 29, 1798, other commissioners were appoin- 
ted to run the lines between Bedford and Huntingdon, ac- 
tording to the following boundaries : Beginning at the Old 
(jrap at Sideling Hill, where Sideling Hill creek crosses the 
same, thence in a straight line, by the northerly side of Se- 
bastian Shoup's mill, on the Ra\stown liranch of Juniata, 
thence in a straight line to the Elk Gap in Tussey's Moun- 
tain ; and between Huntingdon and Somerset, beginning on 



that part of the line between the counties of Bedford and 
Huntingdon, near the southerly side of Blair's Mills, at the 
foot of the Allegheny Mountain ; thence across the said 
Mountain, in a straight line, to and along the ridges divid- 
ing the waters of Conemaugh, from the waters of Clearfield 
and Chest creeks, to the line of Westmoreland county; thence 
bv the same to the old purchase line, which was run Irom 
the Kittaning to the West Branch of the Susquehanna. 

The extended limits of the county were reduced by erect- 
mg Centre, Feb. 13, 1800 — formed from Mifflin, Northum- 
berland, Lycoming and Huntingdon, and by erecting Cam- 
bria county, INIarch 26, 1S04, which was formed from Hun- 
ting and Somerset, so that its present length is about thirty- 
eight miles, and breadth thirty-one, with an area of about 
l,18o square miles, containing 758,400 acres of land. Pop- 
ulation in 1790, 7,068; in 1800, 13,008; in 1810, 14,778; 
m 1820, 20,142 ; in 1830, 27,145 ; in 1840, 35,484. 

The aggregate amount of property taxable in 1845, was 
§8,168,226 00. 

The population of the several townships in 1840, was as 
ibllows : 

Allegheny 2,225; Antis 5,154; Barre 2,225; Dublin 
622 ; Franklin 1,376 ; Frankstown 1,499 ; Hopewell 1,238; 
Henderson 1,555 ; Morris 1,516 ; Porter 879 ; Shirley 1,- 
174; Springfield 984; Fell 911; Tyrone 1,226; Union 
S17; Warrior Mark 1,689 ; West 1,629; Woodberry 2,- 
102; Walker 1,055; Todd 780; Cromwell 1,140; Blair 

The population of the boroughs, were as follows : 

Huntingdon 1,154; Alexandria 574; Petersburg 196; 
Holidaysburg 1,896 ; Shirleysburg 247 ; Williamsburg 637; 
Birmingham 235 ; Frankstown 357. 

See Table on following page. 

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The county is now bounded on the north by Centre, east 
by Mifflin and Juniata ; southeast by Franklin, southwest by 
Bedford, and west by Canibria ; lying entirely within the 
great central mountainous district ; and its features, as one 
of days past expressed himself, " rough and strong," like the 
features of its pioneer settlers. The traveller cannot but be 
struck with the grandeur of the scenery. It is truly a moun- 
tanic region of the Keystone State ; for this part of Penn- 
sylvania, comprising Huntingdon and adjacent counties, is 
composed of long and parallel ranges ot lofty rupic eleva- 
tions, separated, or " grandly serrated" by deep and narrow 

Entering the county from the southeast, and continuing a 
northwestern direction, you pass Tuscarora mountain, the 
line of strong demarcation between Franklin and Hunting- 
don, then the shade and Black log extending southward 
from Juniata ; then Jack's Mountain, a branch of which, 
called Stone Mountain, folds round on the west of Kishico- 
quillas valley; the Sideling Hill and Terrace Mountain, en- 
closing Trough creek valley, from which rises the amorphous 
and rugged Broad Top, who, as poets would have, like a 
mighty Colossus, lifting his platonic shoulders, surmounted 
by a huge head, with eyes proportionate, watching over the 
two counties, in each of which he has placed a foot immova- 
bly planted — his monstrous head, in unison with his sombre 
aspect, blacked by the smut of countless coal beds — and like 
a miser, concealing a treasure not of his own begetting. 

Next, west of the borough of Huntingdon, is Wariior 
Ridge, and then Tussey's, Lock, Canoe, Brush, Bald Ea- 
gle, and then old Allegheny, as firm as his proud Broad Top. 
Besides these named, there are minor elevations or moun- 
tains in this county, such as Allegripus, Drakes Hill, Dock 
Mountain, Rocky Ridge. These Mountains, as already said, 
are separated by valleys; the principal of which are Augh- 
wick. Sinking, Woodcock, Canoe, Scotch, Tuscarora, Trough 
creek. Hares, Plank Cabbin, and others. 

The county is well watered, though it has no large rivers. 
The Juniata, with Raystown Branch, Aughwick, and nu- 
merous minor streams, such as Black-log, Clover, Piney, 
West Branch of Little Juniata, Beaver Dam, Standing Stone, 
Shaver's, Shade, Canoe, Three Springs, Tuscarora, Vine- 
yard creek, with a number of runs, such as Warrior, Spruce, 
and others. 


Warm Sprt7ig is a place of considerable resort, during the 
waterinof season. 

Sinking Run, given name to sinking valley,' is a consid- 
erable stream. It rises in the southern boundary of Tyrone 
township, and flows north a few miles to sink into the earth, 
as do also sorae smaller streams of the same valley. During 
the revolutionary war this valley became remarkable on ac- 
count of the lead mines wliich were wrought here, under the 
auspices of the state. The following description of this val- 
ley, and of the mining operations once carried on in it, we 
are assured meiits full credit. In the prosecution of the min* 
ing scheme, some miners from Europe were employed ; a 
large log fort was erected for their protection, and consider- 
able quantities of valuable ore were obtained. Several reg- 
ular shafts were sunk to a considerable depth. Lead enough 
was made to give a favorable idea of the value ot the mines. 
The work, however, was abandoned on account of the dan- 
gers from Indian incursions, and the disqualification of Eu- 
ropean nature for a forest life. Iron ore is also found in the 
valley of every species, and in the greatest abundance. The 
surroundmg hills abound with white flint, and from their ab- 
rubt forms and thick covering of pines, have a very sombre 

"Among the swalioivs which absorb several of the laro-- 
est streams of the valley, and after conveying them for sev- 
eral miles under the ground, return them to the sutface, that 
called the Arch spring is the most remarkable. It is a deep 
hollow in the limestone rock, about 30 feet in width, with a 

* The following incident, though given here in the form of a foot- 
note, is worthy of a place here. The incident occured in 1763. 

Mr. Porter, residing in Sinking valley, having gone to Mill, and left, 
Mrs. Porter alone, while in this situation she espied an Indian coming 
towards the house. Mr. Porter being a militia captain, had a sword 
and rifle in th'i house, his wife with j^reat intrepidity took the sword, 
and having Sv't the door about half open, waited behind it until the In- 
dian entered, vvhen she split his head with the sword, another entered 
and met ih° .same fate : the third seeing the fate of his companions, 
did not a;t apt to enter. She then took the gun and went up stairs 
with the ectafion of-having an opportunity of shooting him from 
fhencc, as there was port-ho'es for the purpose; but he came in and 
!ollowed I T up stairs, where she shot him dead. She then came down, 
and fled wiiii all possible haste, and met her husband coming; they 
immediateiy rode to a place of security. The next morning a party ot 
men went to the place of action, and found that there had been othe- 
Jndiany there, who had burnt the house and barn, 



rude arch of stone hanging over it, forming a passage for th« 
water, which gushes forth with some violence and in such 
quantity as to form a fine stream, which after a short course 
buries itself again in the bosom of the earth. Many pits 
nearly 300 feet deep open into this subterraneous river, at 
the bottom of which the water appears ol the color of ink, 
though as pure as that which sparkles from the rocky foun- 

" The stream again emerges to day and runs along the 
surface for a few rods among rocky hills, when it enters the 
mouth of a large cave, whose ajierture is sufficient to admit 
a sloop with her sails spread. Within, the cave is about 20 
feet high declining somewhat as it proceeds, along which 
runs a ledge of loose rocks, affording a tolerable safe pas- 
sage. In the middle of the cave the bodies and branches of 
trees are seen lodgeci quite up to the roof, whence it may be- 
inferred that the water swells to the very top during fresh- 
ets, when the surrounding mountains pour into this channel 
the clouds which break on their sides, and marks on the ex- 
ternal sides of the cave show that the waters escape thence 
into the lower country. Having continued about 400 yards 
into the hill, the cave widens at a sudden turn, which pre- 
vents discovery until you are within it, into a spacious sa- 
loon, at the bottom of which is a precipitous fall, and a vor- 
tex of amazing force, by which laige pieces of timber are 
immediately absorbed, and cariied out of sight. The water 
boils up with great violence when such substances are thrown 
into it, but it soon after subsides. The stream is supposed 
to continue its subterraneous course for several miles beneath 
the Brush and Canoe mountains, and to reappear by two 
brajiches in Canoe valley, and to fall into the Frankstown 
branch of the Susquehanna at the point where it breaks 
through Tussey's mountain." 

The soil is no less diversified than the surface ot the coun- 
ty. From the best of limestone to the most ordinary gravel 
is to be found in this county ; much of it is ada{)ted to agri- 
cultural purposes. Its mineral wealth, however, will ever 
surpass its agricultural products in value. 

" Its geological features, as we have seen, are of the most 
varied kind and interesting character. It contains all the 
old secondary rock formations, from the lower limestone uj) 


to the carboriferous series, in regular succession ; but so in- 
tricately involved by multiplied lines of elevation and depres- 
sion, and such numerous foldings and windings, that a minute 
and detailed description shall not be here attempted. The 
local positions of the principal lormations only will be no- 

"The blue limestone, lowest in the series, occurs in Kishi- 
coquillas Valley, Morrison's Cove, and Sinking Valley, hav- 
ing associated with it the cellular and stalactitic brown iron 
ore usually found in limestone districts. It commonly occurs 
in irregular layers in the ferruginous earth overlying the 
limestone, and appears to be subject to no regular or fixed 
law of deposition. It is extensively used tor the supply of 
furnaces in its neighborhood. 

"Around the borders of the valleys where this limestone 
occurs, and near the base of the mountain ridges inclosing 
them, is a belt of dark slate, which is next in order abo\e 
the limestone. The hard gray and reddish sandstone of the 
next formation are to be seen in Tuscarora, Shade, Black- 
Log, Jack's, Tussey's, Lock, Canoe and Brush mountains — 
iron ore is found connected with this sandstone at some pla- 
ces on Black-Log and Jack's mountains. Next is the se- 
ries of olive, yellowish and red shales, containing some thin 
bands of sandstone and limestone, with abundance of shells 
and other fossil remains in some of the strata. In this ff^- 
mation is included the valuable fossiliferous iron ore, from 
which a number of furnaces are supplied. The position oi 
the ore bands is usually indicated by a dirty white and yel- 
lowish sandstone, breakincr in rhomboidal frafjments, con- 
taming fossd impressions, and is below the thin limestone 
strata beneath the red shale. The rocks of this formation 
may be seen along the west side of the Tuscarora mountain, 
southeast of Shade, folding round on the south, passing west 
of Black-Log Mountain and spreading out in the valley be- 
tween this and Blue Ridge. It i.ext appears on the east 
side of Jack's Mountain, passing S)utli of its southern end, 
and ranging along the west side of the same ridge to the 
Juniata, whence it passes northward on the west of Stone 
Mountain, and then turns in a broad belt southwestward 
along the southeast of Tussey's Mountain, between that and 
Warrior lidge. It is also met with on the west of Canoe 
Mountain, passing around Scotch valley, and spreading out 


southward to Holidaysburg ; whence it ranges again to the 
north' along the w'est side of the Bahj Eagle or Muncy Moun- 
tain, east of Bald Eagle creek. The fossiliferous iron ore 
generally accompanies this formation, though the strata are 
frequently too thin to be productive. It is mined for the 
supply of Matilda furnace, cast of Jack's Mountain, near the 
.Juniata ; also east of Tussey's Mountain near the Little Ju- 
niata, and in several, other places. 

"Accompanying the last mentioned formation, and over- 
lying the red shale, is a belt of limestone, frequently contain- 
ing fossil impressions, in contact with which is the next suc- 
ceeding: member of the sei'ies, a coarse fossiliferous sandstone, 
generally form.inga range of sharp, irregular hills, and some- 
times risinor into a rido;e of considerable maornitude. These 
adjunct formations may be seen on both sides of Tuscarora 
valley, between Black-I>og Mountain and Aughwick creek, 
in the neighborhood of Shiileysburg : in Chestnut ridge east 

)f Jack's mountain, and then folding round its southein end 
and passing on the west of it in a direction across the Juni- 
ata, extending in Rocky ridge on the west of Stone Moun- 
tain to the head of Stone valley. From this, southwestward, 
•iie found fossiliferous sandstone in Warrior ridge, with the 
limestone along its northwest side. These formations again 

iccur on the west of Lock and Canoe Mountains, sweeping 
■'.rfiund Scotch valley, and appearing on the Juniata near 
i- rankstown. Hence they curve round south of Holidays- 
burg, passing in a northeast direction on the west of Brush 
'tnd Bald Eagle or Muncy Mountain. Iron ore is occasion- 
ally found in the lower portion of the fossiliferous sandstone, 
i.ear its contact with the limestone. It is mined near the 
Juniata, southeast of Newton Hamilton, in Chestnut ridge, 
near Chester furnace, west of Brush Mountain, in thentigL- 
borhood of Allegheny furnace and others. 

" Overlying the sandstone last mentioned, is a series of 
dark colored and olive slates, with b«nds of gray and green- 
ish sandstone, containing, among its lower beds, calcareous 
strata, which in some places yield a good hydraulic cement 
This formation may be seen on both sides of" the Tuscarora 
valley in the eastern part of the county, and in the valley 

)f Aughwick ceek, where it occupies a considerable breadth 
— thence folding southward round Jack's Mountain, it pass- 
es down Hare's valley to the Juniata, and crosses northward 



to the head of Stone valley. From this it ranges along the 
southeast side of Warrior ridg-e by the town of Huntingdon, 
and across the Juniata to the Bedford county line. Tlie same 
formation occupies the middle part of the basin east of Franks- 
town and south of Scotch valley. W'e must find it ranging 
in a broad belt from a litlle west of IJolidaysburg, nearly to 
the base of Allegheny Mountain, extending northeastward 
into Centre county, and southward into Jiedfonl. A valua- 
ble iron ore is sometimes found in the lower layers of this 
formation ; being mined for the su{)ply of Chester furnace, 
and at several other j)laces in the neighborhood of Aughwick 

The red shales and sandstone of the next overlying form- 
ation occupy the middle of that pait of 'J'uscaroia valley 
which is in Huntingdon county, and are seen along the east- 
cin base of Sideling Hill, crossing to the north of the Junia- 
la, below the town of Huntingdon, and then passing up the 
Raystown Branch, west of Terrace Mountain. The same 
rocks also a])j)ear along the base of Allegheny Mountain, 
and for some distance up the ascent. A hard coarse sand- 
stone succeeds, which is seen on Sideling Hill, in Terrace 
Mountain, and towards the summit of Allegheny. Overly- 
ing the last is a series of red and greenish soft orgillaceous 
shales, with some layers of sandstone, and containing, in its 
lower portion, a bed of gray and reddish silicious limestone, 
seldom of sullicient purity to be burned into lime- Tiie rocks 
of this formation occur in Trough creek valley, and encircle 
Broad Top Mountain. They are also seen well exposed in 
the Alleghany Mountain, on the ascent of Plane No. 7, of 
the Portage railroad. Iron ore is sometimes foumi near the 
contact of this formation with the underlying sandstone — it 
is mined near Hopewell and Trough creek furnaces. The 
coiiglomerate of sandstone imrnedititely below the coal, as 
well as some of the lower coal beds themselves, are found on 
Broad Top Mountain; but the limits of Huntingdon county 
do not extend far enough w'estward to include any consider- 
able })ortion of the coal measures on the Allegheny." — 

According to the census of IS 10, there were in this coun- 
ty 20 furnaces, producing l'S,'i-j-j tons of cast iron, 27 bloo- 
meries, forges and rolling millsj which produced 14,093 tons 


of bar iron ; in the manufacture of iron 89,367 tons of fuel 
were consumed, giving employment to 1,357 hands engaged 
in the iron works, inckiding raining operations ; employing a 
capita} of .^780,100. There were o8,o00 bushels of bitu- 
minous coal (lug, employing ten hands; capital rif>l,G90. 
There were in the county 9,219 horses and mules; neat cat- 
tle 2 !,747, sheep 2G,o98, swine 23,003 ; poultry of all kinds- 
estimated at ?!;S,038 ; wheat raised 521,810, barley 4,937, 
oats 548,959, rye 175,457, buckwheat 29,952, corn 345,- 
795, pounds of wool 40, 133, pounds of hops 1,375, pounds 
of wax 885, bushels of potatoes 141,046, tons of hay 22,- 
414, flax 5:^ tons; sugar made of maple 1,134 pounds, 29,- 
119 cords of wood sold ; the value of the products of the 
daily were valued at ^17,215, of the orchard 818,120, gal- 
lons of wine made 841, value of home made or family goods 
89,652 ; number of commercial warehouses 28, with a cap- 
ital of $144,600, retail dry good stores, groceries, &c. 119: 
with a capital of 8581,600; 13 lumber yards, employing 
213 hands ; value of machinery manufactured 3,800, 7 men 
men em.ployed ; value of various metals manufactured 88,100, 
employed 16 hands ; value of bricks and lime manufactured 
815,280, em])loyed 117 hands; capital invested in manufac- 
turing of machinery, various metals, &c., brick, lime, &c., 
87,169: 6 fulling mills, 9 woollen factories, value of manu- 
factored goods 813,790, and employed 55 hands, capital 
89,015 ; value of manufactured flax 85,338 ; 34 tanneries 
tanned 12,951 sides of sole leather, 8,344 upper leather, and 
employed 131 hands, capital 852,550 ; all other manufacto- 
ries of leather, saddleries, &c., 112, value of articles manu- 
jactured 853,000, capital invested 827,245 ; 15 distilleries 
produced 57,335 gallons, two breweries produced 35,600 
gallons of beer, distilleries and breweries employed 26 hands, 
capital invested 816,420 ; 7 potteries manufactured articles 
to tlie value of 83,800, employed 10 hands, and a capital 
of8i,5:]0; 4 printing ofhces, issued 4 weekly newspapers, 
and employed 14 hands, capital 84,600 ; the value of manu- 
facture of carriages and wagons 814,565, employed 53 hands 
and a capita! of ^'^6,7^)7; 4 flouring mills manufactured 10,- 
430 barrels, 65 grist mills, 182 saw mills, value of manufac- 
tures 8103,897, employed 262 hands, ca{)ital 8149,047 ; 51 
brick and stone houses built,-207 wooden, employed 863 
hands, value of constructing the buildinois 8163,275; value 


of all other manufactures $131,171, capital invested $52,- 
002. Total capital invested in manufactures 8331,427. The 
aggregate amount of personal and real estate subject to tax 
in 1844, was!if;8,168,226 00. 


The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania Canal, passes 
mostly along the banks of the Juniata, from the eastern limit 
of the county of Holidaysburg, a distance of nearly GOijiiles, 
where the Portage laikoad over the Allegheny mountain 
commences. These public works were finished about 12 
years ago, and since their completion, have completely changed 
the mode of carrying the surplus produce of the country and 
other articles of commerce. Arks and keel-bottomed boats, 
were then used in carrying the produce down the Juniata. 
River pilots then found profitable employment — now that 
occupation is not wanted, since these public facilities are at 
hand. Not only has the river men felt the change of busi- 
ness, but towns that once commanded a handsome share of 
business, find it diverted from them, and into a different 
course, where now new villages are sprung up, and are vic- 
ing w'ith each other. 

When the first Canal Boat was launched at Huntingdon, 
the citizens of that town and vicinity were much delighted, 
and created with them a new era in trade. 

" On last Saturday," says the Gazette of July lo, 1881, 
" hundreds of our citizens witnessed the launching of the 
' James Clarke,' a new and very handsome canal boat, into 
the basin at the w'est end of the borough — owned by Messrs. 
Williams & Miller. When safely launched into the basin, 
she was greeted by the hearty acclamations of those who wit- 
nessed the pleasing and interesting sight ! What I a Canal 
Boat launched in the vicinity of Huntingdon ! Had any one 
predicted an event of this kind, some years back, he, in all 
probability, would have been 'yclept a Wizard, or set down 
as beside himself. When the mail stage commenced running 
once a w^eek, from Philadelphia to this place, our older citi- 
zens considered it a marvellous affair. What will they say 
now : 

The northern turnpike road to Pittsburg enters the county 


through Jack's mountain, and keeping the direction of the 
river, but not following its valley, passes through this county 
and its principal towns, viz: Huntingdon, Petersburg, Alex- 
andria, Frankstown and Holidaysburg, and thence over the 
Juniata river at Huntingdon, Alexanchia and Holidaysburg, 
as well as over other large streams when crossed by main 


The seat of Justice, is situated on the left bank of the Juni- 
ata river, immediately above the mouth of Standing Stone 
creek ; by the name of which, this place was known nearly, 
if not more than one hundred years ago. Conrad Weisei-, 
Esq., Indian Agent and Provincial Interpreter, on his way 
to Logstown, 14 miles below the forks of the Muskingum & 
Allegheny, in 1748, notices Standing Stone, as will appear 
from the following extract from his Journal : 

"August 11th, 1748 — Set out from my house (Heidelberg 
township, Lancaster, now Berks county) and came to James 
Galbreath's that day, 30 miles. 

" 12th — Came to George Croghan's (Pennsboro township, 
Lancaster, now Cumberland county) — 15 miles. 

" loth — To Robert Dunning's, 20 miles. 

" 14th— To Tuscarora Path, 30 miles. 

" loth and 16th — Lay by on account of the men coming 
back sick, and some other affairs hindering us. 

"17th — Crossed the Tuscarora Hill, and came to the 
sleeping place called Black Log, 20 miles. 

" 18th — Had a great rain in the afternoon — came within 
two miles of the Standing Stone, 24 miles. 

" 19th — We travelled but 12 miles — were obliged to dry 
our things in the afternoon. 

"20th — Came to Frankstown, but saw no houses or cab- 
ins, &c. &c." 

The Stone Standing here, having been erected by the 
Aborigines, was, according to John Harris's statement, 14 
feet high and 6 inches square; on which, as tradition has it, 
that hieroglyphics were engraved, indicated to those who 


frequented the spot, the course which the party of hunters 
preceding them, had taken, their success in the chase, &c. 
It is said the original stone was destroyed, or concealed by 
the Indians, at the time of their expulsion by the whites. 
Fragments of the stone, erected in imitation of the " first 
Standing Stone," by the whites, are yet in the possession of 
some of the inhabitants, on which are inscribed the names of 
visiters, with date as early as 1760. 

The town was laid out a short time before the war of '76, 
by the Rev. William Smith, of the University of Pennsylva- 
nia, and named it in honor of the Countess of Huntingdon, 
in commemoration of her liberal donations made to Dr. Smith 
to aid the Pennsyylvania University. The town was inju- 
diciously laid out ; no street or avenue along the river, nar- 
row streets and no alleys. The town is built upon an ele- 
vated bank, sloping gently up from the river, and behind tbe 
town, rising into a hill, upon which, in a beautiful shaded 
cemetery, rest the remains of the departed. 

Mr. Day thus speaks of Huntingdon : 

" The town of Huntingdon was laid out a short time pre- 
vious to the revolutionary war by Rev. Dr. Wm. Smith, 
Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. The doctor had 
been over to England soliciting funds in aid of the Universi- 
ty. The countess of Huntingdon had been a munificient 
donor : and in return for her hberality he perpetuated her 
memory by giving her name to this town. The county in 
1787 took the same name. Previous to that time the place 
had been noted as the site of an ancient Indian village cal- 
led Standing Stone. A tall slim pillar ol stone — four inch- 
es thick by eight inches wide — had been erected here by the 
resident tribe many years since — perhaps as a sort of " £6e/i- 
czery It then stood at the lower end of the town, near the 
river bank. 

"The tribe regarded the stone with superstitious venera- 
tion, and a tradition is said to have existed among them, 
that if the stone should be taken away, the tribe would be 
dispersed ; but that so long as it should stand they would 
prosper. A hostile tribe once came up from the TusCrTo- 
ra valley, and carried it off during the absence of the war- 
riors ; but the latter fell upon them, recovered the stone, 
and replaced it. It is said that Dr. Barton, of Philadelphia, 



learned, in some of his researches, that Oneida meant Stand- 
ing Stone ; and that nation, while living in New York, is 
said to have had a tradition that their ancestors came origi- 
nally from the south. It is generally understood about Hun- 
tingdon that the original stone had been destroyed or taken 
away by the Indians, but that the whites erected a similar 
one, a part of which remains. It is certain that the whites 
removed it from its original position into the centre of the 
town. When Mr. McMurtrie came here in 1776-'77, it was 
about 8 feet high, and had on it the names of John Lukens, 
the surveyor-general, with the date of 1768 ; Charles Luk- 
ens, his assistant ; and Thomas Smith, brother of the founder 
of the town, and afterwards Judge of the Supreme Court. It 
stood thus for many years, until some fool, in a drunken fro- 
lic, demolished it. A part of it is now built into the wall of 
Dr. Henderson's house, and a part is in his office. It is ev- 
idently a stone from the bed of the creek, bearing marks of 
being worn by water. 

" The venerable Mr. McMurtrie, still living in the place, 
was one of the earliest settlers. He was a young man in 
Philadelphia at the time of the declaration of independence ; 
and his father, a prudent old Scotchman, immediately after 
that event, started his son into the interior, ostensibly to look 
after his wild lands ; but probably with a view to remove 
hnn from any tonptation to join the rebel army. 

" When Mr. McMurtrie came to this place in 1776 or 
'77, there were only five or six houses here, one of which 
was the tavern by Ludwig Sills. On his way up, he had 
stopped at the solitary tavern of old Mr. Buchanan, where 
Lewistown now is, and at another cabin at Waynesburg. 
The first settlers at Huntingdon, were his father-in-law, 
Benjamin Elliot, Abraham Haynes, Frank Cluggage, Mr. 
Ashbough, and Mr. Sills. The early settlers here were 
chiefly from Maryland, probably from the Potomac valley, 
near the mouth of Conococheague. People from the same 
quarter settled Wells' valley. One of the Brady's, the un- 
cle or father of the famous Capt. Samuel Brady, had previ- 
ously resided across the river, at or near the mouth of Crook- 
ed creek ; but he removed to the West Branch of Susque- 
hanna before the year 1776. For some years after the year 
1776, hostile Indians annoyed, and frequently murdered the 
unprotected settlers. There was a fort built during the re- 


volution just at the lower end of the main street. The town 
was once alarmed at the appearance of lurking Indians on 
the neighboring hills ; and within a day or two afterwards 
the unfortunate scout, from the Bedford gairison, was mur- 
dered near where Holidaysburg now stands." 

Viator, a traveller and correspondent of the Commercial 
Herald, visiting this place some twelve or fifteen years ago, 
says — " There is nothing there to interest the traveller, until 
you get nearer to Huntingdon, the county town, except an 
occasional peep at the river and canal, and some line moun- 
tain scenery. In approaching the town the prospect is pe- 
culiarly beautiful. At about half a mile distance, the road 
cut through a valuable quarry of solid rock, acquires an el- 
evation of some twenty or thirty feet above the Canal, from 
which it is separated by a railing placed on a nearly perpen- 
dicular wall. On rounding the hill, the aqueduct across the 
mouth of Stone creek — the town beyond, with its spires, 
gardens, and adjacent highly cultivated fields— the canal, ri- 
ver, and variegated " leafy world," on the surrounding hills 
burst at once on the enraptured vision ! The " Grave-yard 
Hill," within the limits of the borough, covered with half- 
grown forest trees, is (strange to tell) an admired and much 
frequented spot by the Lion. 

The population in 1840, was, 1,145. Of these were : 
White males — under 5 years, 78 ; 5 and under 10, 58 ; 

10 and under 15, 63 ; 15 and under 20, 74 ; 20 and under 
30, 113 ; 30 and under 40, 65 ; 40 and under 50, 35 ; 50 
and under 60, 22 ; 60 and under 70, 7 ; 70 and under SO, 

11 ; 80 and under 90, 1. 

White females — under 5, 77 ; 5 and under 10, 73 ; 10 
and under 15, 56 ; 15 and under 20, 53 ; 20 and under 30 
109 ; 30 and under 40, 54 ; 40 and under 50, 37 ; 50 and 
under 60, 26 ; 60 and under 70, 10 ; 70 and under 80, 4 ; 
90 and under 100, 3. 

Colored males — under 10, 16 ; 10 and under 20, 20 ; 
24 and under 36, 7 ; 36 and under 55, 6 ; 55 and under 
100, 3- 

CoLORED FEMALES — Under 10, 14; 10 and under 24,28; 
24 and under 36, 11 ; 36 and under 55, 7 ; 55 and under 

Of these, according to the census of 1840, 3 were engaged 
in agriculture, 20 in commerce, 96 in manufactures and 



trades, 8 in the navigation of canals, 23 in the learned pro- 
i'essions and engineers, 2 were deaf and dumb, 3 insane idi- 
ots at public charge, 5 primary and common schools, 187 
scholars ; 47 white persons, rising 20 years of age, who nei- 
ther read nor write. 

About 200 dwelliHgs, a brick court house, a stone jail, a 
bonk, an academy, 6 churches, a Presbyterian, German Re- 
formed, Associate Reformed, a Methodist, Catholic, and an 
African Methodist, 13 stores, 2 tanneries, 2 distilleries, 1 
brewery, 1 pottery, 2 printing olTices, 2 weekly newspapers. 

The Academy W'as incorporated by an act of 19lli March, 
1816, granting a donation to the institution of $2000. A 
public school of the county of Huntingdon, located in the 
borough, was incorporated by an act ol 19th Feb. 171)0; the 
second section of which speaks of "lands theiein granted," 
but no grant whatever is made, either in the ])iinted statute 
or in the original act, in the oflice of the secretary of the 

It is a place of considerable trade, notwithstanding tl at 
the public improvements have diverted business fr( m here, 
by affording facilities to otlier points. It is still the natural 
outlet and depot of the surplus j)roducts of Woodcock and 
Stone valleys. 

It has long been noted for the wealth, intelligence and 
hospitality, and amiable manners of its inhabitants. Within 
a few years considerable improvements have been made in 
the town. 

Contiguous to this is Smithfield, a small village across 
Juniata, opposite the borough. The Juniata is crossed here 
by a substantial bridge. 


At the head of canal navigation on Juniata river, near the 
eastern base of the Allegheny mountain, and 23 miles west 
of Huntingdon. From its site one has a commanding view 
of the surrounding mountain sceneiy. It is the ]a)gesl town 
in the county : the borough contains about 2,200 inhabit- 
ants, Snd including Gaysport, separated only by a branch of 
the Juniata, the population exceeds 3,000. This population 
is considerable, when it is borne in mind that in 1830 it was 


considered an obscure village, with about 70 inhabitants. 
Since the completion of the State improvements, the pro- 
gress of this town has been more rapid than that of any other 
between Pittsburg and Philadelphia. Its business operations 
is in a ratio with its population. Large quantities of iron 
and other produce are shipped liere, as well as the bituminous 
coal destined for an eastern market. " It is the centre of a 
fruitful country, now rapidly opening to cultivation, and 
teeming with abundant resources both mineral and vegetable. 
It is in the midst of an abundant iron region ; and bitumin- 
ous coal, obtained on the summit of the Allegheny descends 
by its own gravity to town." 

There are at this place a Presbyterian, Methodist, Luth- 
eran, Baptist, Catholic, and two African churches ; 5 j>ublic 
schools, and one classical school. There are several foun- 
dries and machine shops, a large steam fiour mill, a screw 
dock, and marine railway, 10 or 12 forwarding houses, with 
IG large warehouses. A Jai'ge basin, formed by the waters 
of Beaver-Dam Creek, for the accommodation of canal boats. 
More than 1200 railroad cars may be seen here at different 
times. The Portage railroad commences liere, crossing the 
Allegheny mountain by the summit at Blair's Gap, descends 
to the valley of the Conem.augh, down which it proceeds to 
Johnstown, and there meets the Western Division of the 
Pennsylvania Canal. On this road are 10 inclined planes, 
fiumbered from Johnstown eastward, and 11 " levels," or 
graded lines of the road, the inclination of which is gener- 
ally 10 to 1-5 feet to the mile, except that between Johns- 
town and the iJrst plane, where it is about 24 feet, and that 
between the eastern plane and Holidaysburg, where the 
maximum is 52 feet. 

The summit of Blair's Gap is 2,-]25 feet above the level 
of mean tide; the ascent from Holidaysburg to the summit 
is 1,171 feet in a distance of 10 miles, and the descent to 
.Johnstown 1,171 feet in a distance of 2G| miles. There are 
five inclined planes on each side of the summit ; the largest 
being No. 8, or the third one west of Holidaysburg, which 
IS 3,117 feet in length, with a rise of 307i feet ; and the 
shortest, No. 3, the third east of Johnstown, l,4fe0 feet in 
length, rising 130i feet. 

At the head of each inclined plane are two stationary en- 
^rines of about 35 horse power each, which move the endless 



rope to which the cars are attached. Four cars, each loaded 
with a burden of 7000 pounds, can be drawn at once, and 
as many let down at the same time ; this operation can be 
performed from 6 to 10 times in one hour. An ingenious 
contrivance, called a safety car, is attached to the rope be- 
low the cars, which stops them in case of accident to the 
rope or fastenings. But one of the stationary engines is used 
at a time; the other being provided to prevent delay fiom 
acciden^ts or repairs. On the short levels between the planes, 
horses are used for drawing the cars; but on the longer ones 
locomotives are preferred. 

A viaduct over the Conemaugh, about eight miles east of 
Johnstown, is much admired for its boldness and beauty of 
design and execution. It is a single arch of 80 feet span, 
at a height of 80 feet above the water of the stream. In 
order to pass through an abrupt ridge near the head of the 
first plane east of Johnstown, a tunnel has been constructed 
901 feet in length, 20 feet wide, and 19 feet high within the 
arc-h. The entrances have ornamental facades of cut stone, 
and the tunnel is arched with stone 150 feet from each end, 
beyond which the rock is sufficiently solid to form a loof. 
This road was opened for use in March, 1834 — Len2;th 36s 
miles ; cost f 1,783,176 00. 

The following interesting and novel account of Mountain 
Sailing will, it is believed, be read with interest. It is dated 
Hclidaysburg, Nov. 1834. 

On Monday last, the inhabitants of Holidaysburg were 
[permitted to witness a novelty, in the tide of emigration, 
which the completion of the grand chain of internal improve- 
ments, has caused to flow through this channel, and by which 
the Mississippi and Delaware have been made, as it were, to 
unite their waters. 

''A gentleman, by the name of Christman, from Lacka- 
wanna, a tributary of the North Branch of the Susquehanna, 
©mbarked with his family, in all, consisting of eleven persons, 
together with the necessary requisites for their comfort ; 
namely, beds, tables, chairs, stoves, cooking utensils, poultry, 
pigeons, etc. etc., on board a canal boat, 29 feet long, and 
7 feet wide. In this he proceeded down the North Branch 
of the Pennsylvania canal, to the junction of the Central 


Division, and up the latter to Holidaysburg. Here he in- 
tended to dispose of his boat, and proceed by way of the 
Portage Raihoad, and Western Division of the Canal, to 

Here, it was suggested to Mr. Christman, that it would 
be practicable to pass the boat, together with the family and 
cargo, over the traversing height of the Allegheny Moun- 
tain. A railroad car, calculated to bear the novel burden, 
was prepared, the boat was taken from its proper element, 
and placed on wheels, and at 12 o'clock the same day, the 
boat, together with the delighted family, began their pro- 
gress over the rugged Allegheny. It was pleasing to see 
the comfort and convenience, which the ingenuity of man 
has added to (he journey of the emigrant. The whole fam- 
ily were comfortably located in the cabin of the boat, which 
appeared to glide up the height of the mountain, unconsciou-s 
of the change. While some of the family were preparing 
the coming meal, others were lying on their downy pillows, 
occasionally roused by the hissing steam, at the head of the 
inclined plane. They were, however, not to be stopped by 
the hissing of the puffing auditory, but continued to ascend, 
and at night, safely rested on the summit of this proud em- 

" On the following morning, the boat and crew left the 
sunny summit of the Allegheny, and smoothly glided down 
her iron way to Johnstown, astonishing the inhabitants. On 
the same day she was safely deposited in her own element, 
in the basin at Johnstown, amidst the plaudits of the con- 
gregated citizens." 


Like its " kin-sister," is also of recent origin. Its founda- 
tion was laid in 1829, and bids fair to become a town of 
some importance — it may vie with Holidaysburg at a fu- 
ture day. 


Is a comparatively small village, on the turnpike road, three 
miles east of Holidaysburg, contains between 40 and 50 


dwellings. It is an incorporated borough, and contained 
in 1840, 357 inhabitants. Near it is a furnace. It con- 
tained at the last census, three stores, a saw mill, one tan- 
nery, and several taverns. Frankstown is mentioned in 
the Provincial Records more than 90 years ago; as the 
following extract from the Provincial Records will show : 

" Conrad Weiser, on his way to Logstown, 14 miles 
below the forks of the Allegheny and Monongahela, in 
1749, passed by here August 20. In his Journal of that 
date, he says, 'came to Frankstown, but saw no houses 
or cabins; here we overtook the goods, because four of 
George Croghan's hands fell sick.' " 

The following, from a work recently published, contains 
some particulars derived from a respectable citizen of Hol- 
idaysburg, gives some interesting incidents : 

Daniel Moore, and William Moore, two. brothers from 
Cumberland county, and Adam Holliday, from Franklin 
county, whose name has been perpetuated by the town, 
whose farm was situated near the town, just southwest of 
the rai'road bridge. 

They came here about the commencement of the revo- 
lutionary war, and endured to the fullest extent the priva- 
tions and sufferings incident to a wilderness still inhabited 
or haunted by the red men. Stockade forts were built to 
])rotect the inhabitants in case of invasion. Mr. Holliday 
however, on one occasion had not availed himself of the 
fort, and was engaged in the labors of the field, when the 
savages appeared suddenly. The family took to flight : 
Mr. H. jumping on a horse with his two young children. 
John and James. His elder son, Pat, and daughter, Janet, 
were killed while running from the enemy. '• Run, Janet, 
run !" said the old man. The cruel savage repeated his 
words in derision, as he sunk the deadly tomahawk into 
her brain. 

There was another fort in Sinking Valley, at the lead 
mine ; and William Moore, finding it necessary to go there 
for ammunition, started very early one morning, with a 
boy by the name of INI'Cartney. As he was ])assing a log 
by the side ot the road, with some brush behind it, a shot 
from an Indian in ambush caused him to jump several 
feet into the air ; and he started off into the bushes, in a 
direction opposite to that which he should naturally have 


taken — his brain being undoubtedly bewildered by the 
shot. The boy and the Indian at once jumped behind 
trees ; but the latter peeping out from his tree, which was 
not large, the boy availed himself of the chance to put a 
bullet into his buttock, wliich was exposed at the other 
side. The Indian ran, and dropped his belt and knife; and 
the road was found strewed with bunches of bloody leaves, 
with which he had attempted to stanch the wound. But 
the man himself Avas not found, though bones were after- 
wards found, supposed to be his. 

The boy returned and reported the recurrence, when 
Mr. Daniel Moore assembled a band of men to seek his 
brother, and if possible to drive off the savage. The poor 
man was found at Brush creek, nearly upright, leaning 
against a pile of driftwood. 

The depredations and murders of the Indians became 
so frequent, that the few and scattered colonists were com- 
pjelled to abandon the settlements, and retire below Jack's 
mountain, to Ferguson's valley, near Lewistown, where 
they remained five or six years ; and then returned again 
to their desolated homes, and settled in Scott's valley. 
Moore Joined them after the war, and among others Messrs. 
John Blair, and John Blair, jr., who gave name to Blair's 
gap, where the old Frankstown road used to cross the 
Allegheny mountain, and which is now surrounded by the 
proud monument of the enterprise of Pennsylvania — the 
Portage railroad. Mr. John Blair, Jr., was a most useful 
and intelligent citizen, and earned and deserved the char- 
acter of the Aristides of the county, A Mr. Henry also 
came about the same time. 

The first village here consisted only of half a dozen or 
a dozen houses, on the high ground along the Frankstown 
road. Old Frank was the Indian chief of this region, and 
had a town about two miles below Holidaysburg, called 
Frankstown, or Frank's Oldtown. It was on the flat, on 
the right bank of the Juniata, at the mouih of Oldtown 
run, near where the mill now is. From this place, in later 
days, the Frankstown road led over Blair's gap to the Co- 
nemaugh country, by which the commodities of the east 
and west were transported on pack-horses. What a con- 
trast presents itself now, at this same summit, between the 
iocomotive and the old pack-horse ! 


Burgoon's gap was about four miles north of Blair's, 
and through it, or rather through the Kittaning gap near 
It, led the old war-path through the north end of 
Cambria county to Kittaning. It was out upon this path 
that a band of tories, from the eastern parts of Huntingdon 
and Mitihn counties, went to escort the British and Indi- 
ans from Kittaning, to cut off the defenceless settlements 
of the frontier. They met the fate that traitors always 
deserve. On arriving near Kittanning, they sent forward 
messengers to announce their approach and their errand ; 
but as they had been for some time on short allowance, 
the whole body, on seeing the fort, were so elated at the 
prospect of better supplies, that they simultaneously rush- 
ed forward, and overtook their own messengers. The gar- 
rison, seeing the rajiid approach of such an armed force, 
took them for enemies, and welcomed them with a warm 
discharge of bullets, which killed many of their number. 
The rest lied, in the utmost consternation, on the route by 
which they had gone out. Their provisions had been ex- 
hausted on the way out, and the poor fugitives were com- 
pelled to recross the mountains, in a most famished condi- 
tion. Two of them contrived to crawl over the mountain, 
and arrived at an old deserted cabin, in Tuckahoe valley, 
where the inhabitants had happened to leave a small por- 
tion of corn meal and hog's fat. Forgetting every thing 
but their hunger, they carelessly stood their rifles against 
the house outside, and fell tooth and naii upon the meal, 
seated upon the hearth inside, where they had kindled a 
lire to cook it. Samuel INIoore and a comrade happened 
to be out hunting, when they approached the cabin, and 
espied the ritlcs leaning against (he house, Moore crept 
very cautiously up, secured the ritles, and then opening 
the door with his ritle in his hand, called on the poor 
starved tories to surrender; which of course they did. 
They Avere conducted into the fort at Holidaysburg. While 
going from the cabin to the fort, the tories could scarcely 
walk without being supported. One of them was disposed 
to be a little obstinate and impudent withal, when Moore's 
comrade, an immensely stout man, seized him, tied a rope 
round his neck, and throwing one end of the rope over 
the lintel of fhe fort-gate, swung upon it, and run the 
poor fellow into the air. INIoore, however, being of a cool- 


er as well as more merciful disposition, did not approve 
of this summary justice, and ran immediately and cut the 
rope, in time to save the fellow's life. — His. Col. Pa. 

About two miles west of Holidaysburg, on the turnpike 
road, is a flourishing village of recent origin, around ex- 
tensive iron works. 


A post town, on Poplar run, a tributary of Frankstowii 
branch of the Juniata river, about 24 miles west of Hun- 
tingdon borough ; four miles southwest from Holidays- 
burg. It contains between forty and fifty dwellings, 
several churches, stores, and a tavern. 



Is a post town and borough, on the right bank of the 
Juniata river, twelve miles northwest of Huntingdon bo- 
rough, and fourteen miles below Holidaysburg. The 
town was laid out in 1794 by Jacob Ake, a German, 
who owned the land. He leased, as was customary then, 
the lots on ground rent ; a circumstance that has here, as 
well as in other towns laid out, and lots improved on si- 
milar conditions, created some unpleasant feelings between 
the citizens and the proprietor. The town was iacorpor- 
ated February 19, 1S2S. 

Favored with a fine water power from a spring which 
issues from a limestone rock, near the town, sufficient to 
propel a flouring mill, woollen factory and saw^mill, and 
enjoying the trade of the large and fertile valley of Mor- 
rison's Cove, the place continued for some years to flour- 
ish ; but the completion of the canal has not contributed 
much to the prosperity of the borough, though the farmers 
have been benefited by it. The borough contains about 
one hundred dwellings. There are five churches in the 
place ; a Presbyterian, Lutheran, German Reformed, Me- 
thodist, and a Baptist. Population in 1840, 637. 



Is a neat post town and borough, on the turnpike road 
leading from the borough of Huntingdon to Ebensburg, 
and on the left bank of the Juniata, seven miles above 
Huntingdon, near the mouth of Little Juniata; it contains 
about seventy-five dwellings, chiefly brick and frame, a 
Presbyterian and Methodist church, seven stores, one 
brewery, one grist mill. It was incorporated as a borough 
April 11, 1827. It is quite a place for business. 


In Porter township, upon Vineyard creek, at the fort of 
Warrior Ridge, is a brisk little village, five miles south of 
Huntingdon borough, contains between fifteen and twenty 
dwellings, a tavern, store and a tan-yard ; population be- 
tween eighty and ninety. 


In Barre township, on Standing Stone creek, contains half 
a dozen of buildings, a store, tavern, and a Methodist 
Episcopal Church. 


The name of a Post Otfice, in Antes township. 


Is a village in Antes township, west of the Brush jNIoun- 
tain, on the left bank of the Little Juniata, about twenty 
miles north west of Huntingdon borough : it contains 
eight or more houses, a store, tavern, and tan-yard. 


A mineral spring in Canoe Valley : there is a post office 



In Morris township, opposite the mouth of Spruce run, con- 
tains eight or ten houses, and a store. 


On the Juniata, opposite Huntingdon — a small village. 


In Warrior Mark township, contains 18 or 20 dwellings, 
two stores and a tavern. 


A post town and borough, on the north side of the Franks- 
town branch of the Juniata, about six miles above Hunting- 
don borough, three miles east of Alexandria, at the mouth 
of Shaver's creek. It was incorporated April 7, 1830, and 
contains between 30 and 40 dwellings — several stores and 
a tavern. Juniata forge, whose iron has been in high repute 
ever since the forge has been in operation, is in this town. 


So called, from the circumstance of the road, in early days, 
passing through a gap in the mountain literally in a stream 
of water, is a brisk little village, cousisting of some ten or a 
dozen of buildings. It is two miles above Alexandria, on 
the turnpike road and Juniata river. There are valuable 
iron works in this region. 


A borough and post town, on a branch of Juniata river, 15 
miles northwest of Hunungdon borough, near the old lead 



mine, and in the midst of the Iron Works of Sinking Vallej, 
The town contained in 1824, only nine houses, and now con- 
tains between forty and fifty, and a church. It was incor- 
porated as a borough in 1827 or '8. There are seven mills 
in the neighborhood. In 1840 it contained six stores, and 
23o inhabitants. 

A gentleman, who visited the lead mines in 1882, says ; 
" The lead mines have been long since abandoned. The up- 
per lead mine, as it is called, on the lands now belonging to 
a German family by the nanae of Crissman, exhibits but the 
traces of former excavation, trilling indications of ore. The 
lower one, about a mile, in a direct distance from the Little 
Juniata, was w^orked, within my remembrance, under the su- 
perintendence of a Mr. Sinclair, a Scotch miner from the 
neighborhood of Carron iron w'orks. The mine then was 
owned by two gentlemen, named Musser and Wells. The 
former, I think, lived and died in Lancaster county. 

"Three shafts were sunk to a great depth on the side of a 
limestone hill, possibly a hundred yards. This was expen- 
sive. No furnace or other device for melting the ore was 
ever erected at this mine. Considerable quantities of the 

mineral still lies about the mouth of the pit. Mr. H , 

of Montgomery county, who had read much, and practised 
some raining — so far as to sink some thousands of dollars — 
visited this mine in 1821 , in company with another gentle- 
man and myself, and expressed an opmion, that the indica- 
tions W'ere favorable for a good vein of the mineral." 


A post town in Aughwick valley, near Aughw^ick creek, in 
the east part of the county, IG miles south of Huntingdon, 
contains between thirty and forty dwelHngs, several taverns 
and stores. Population about 275. 

In the early history of this county, a fort had been erect- 
ed here, or near this place, called Fort Shirley, as the fol- 
lowing account will exhibit: 

Between the date of that event and 1756, a place called 
Aughwick is frequently mentioned in the old provincial re- 
cords ; but whether a settlement of whites or Indians it does 
not distinctly appear. It was probably the same place where 


Fort Shirley was subsequently built, in Jan. 1756 — one oi 
the line of frontier posts. After the defeat of Gen. Brad- 
dock, in the summer of 1755, scalping parties of Indians 
roamed throughout the whole frontier, cutting off all the 
defenceless settlements. The following extracts, from Sar- 
geant's Abstracts of the Provincial Records, relate to this 
region : — 

1755. From Aughwick, Oct. 9. That 14 days before, 
160 were about leaving the Ohio to attack the frontiers. 
That the Indians meant to draw off all the Indians from out 
of Pennsylvania and from the Susquehanna, before they at- 
tacked the province. 

1755. Nov. 2. Accounts from C. Weiser and others, 
that the people of Aughwick and Juniata were all cut off. 

March 4. Conference with a number of Indians, one of 
whom had returned from his visit, in Dec. last, to the Indi- 
ans on the Susquehanna, and the Six Nations ; and those 
who lived at Aughwick before Braddock's defeat, and since 
at Harris's. 

1756. Aug. 2. Mr. Morris informed the governor and 
council, that he had concerted an expedition against Kittan- 
ning, to be conducted by Col. John Armstrong, who was to 
have under his command the companies under Capt. Hamil- 
ton, Capt. Mercer, Capt. Ward, and Capt. Potter ; and to 
engage what %-olunteers he could besides : that the affair 
was to be kept as secret as possible, and the officers and men 
ordered to march to Fort Shirley, and from thence to set out 
for the expedition. And he had given Col. Armstrong par- 
ticular instructions, which were entered in the orderly book; 
and in consequence of his orders, and agreeable to the plan 
concerted, Col. Armstrong had made the necessary prepara- 
tions, and has wrote to him a letter from Fort Shirley, stat- 
ing that he was on the point of setting out. Letter from 
Col. Armstrong, containing anaccount of the capture of Fort 
Granville by the French and Indians, and the garrison taken 
prisoners. That they designed very soon to attack Fort 
Shirley with 400 men. " Capt. Jacobs said he could take 
any fort that would catch fire, and would make peace with 
the English when they had learned him to make gunpow- 



Carlisle, 19th April, 1756. 
Honored Sir : 

The Commissary General of the musters, with your Hon- 
or's instructions to review and pay off the garrison at Fort 
Shirley, arrived in a very lucky time, when the greater part 
of our men were about to abandon the Fort, ibr want of pay. 
It was with great difficulty I could prevent their doing so, 
for three weeks before, that is ever since the time of enlist- 
ment had been expired. I am sorry to observe that numbers 
of our best men have declined the service, and reduced me 
to the necessity of recruiting anew, thro' diffidence with re- 
gard to their pay, and I have been obliged to engage that 
even such as left us when paid off, should have the same al- 
lowance as formerly for their overplus time, depending upon 
my being reimbursed, as without such engagement it was 
impossible to prevent the fort from falling into the enemy's 

I am now fdling up my company to sixty men, agreeable 
to your orders, and have drawn upon the Commissioners for 
,CoO, for this purpose. A garrison of 30 men are now at 
Fort Shirley, engaged to remain there till the first of May, 
by which time, I am in hopes of completing the company, 
and shall immediately thereupon repair thifher. It is to be 
feaued that our communication with the settlement will soon 
be out off, unless a greater force is ordered for the garrison. 
As your Honor is sensible that I can send no detachment to 
escort provisions, equal in force to parties of the enemy w;ho 
have lately made attempts upon our frontiers, and consider- 
ing how short of provisions we have hitherto been kept, the 
loss of our party upon this duty must reduce us to the last 

Mr. Hugh Crawford is upon the return of Lieutenant, and 
Mr, Thomas Smallman, who acted before as commissary in 
the Fort, is ensign to my company. It will be a particular 
obligation laid upon me to have an exchange of James Hays 
for Lieutenant, and Mr. Smallman continued ; and perhaps 
Mr. Crawford would be satisfied to fill Mr. Hay's place with 
Captain Patterson, as numbeis of that company are of his 

I have given Mr. Croghan a receipt for what arms and 
other necessary articles belonging to him, are at Fort Shir- 
ley, a copy of which, together with my Journal and general 


return shall be sent by Captain Salter — and I find it impos- 
sible to arm my men, or complete what yet remains of our 
outworks, without them. The guns are preferable to those 
belonging to the government ; and, I hope will be purchased 
for our use. 

Captain Salter will inform your Honor how unfit the arms 
in general are for use, even after he'wg righted by a gun- 
smith, whose account is very considerable ; besides, we have 
no cartridge boxes, nor any convenient pouches for powder 
and lead, so that, in complying with your instructions of giv- 
ing a detail of what is wanting for the company, I may men- 
tion arms and accoutrements, besides orders to the commis- 
sary for a large supply ot provisions at once, and regular 
pay once a month: it will put me to extreme difficulty, if the 
commissioners do not think proper to remit me me money to 
pay ray men by the first of May ; I have written them to 
this purpose, and beg your Honor will enable me to fulfil 
my engagements with the company ; without which I 'Cau 
hope for very little satisfaction iu serving the public. 

The trust your Honor has been pleased to repose in me m 
giving me the command ot Fort Shirley, calls for my warm 
acknowledgments, and caimot fiul of engaging ray utmost 
attention and zeal in the execution of your orders, 
Z affi; 

Your Honor's 

Most obedient and most 
Humble ser^nt, 

HcGH Meecer- 


A small town laid out of Shirleysburg, named after the pro- 
prietor, William Or bison, Esq., ot Huntingdon. Two fur- 
naces and a forge have been built ; and the inexhaustible 
mines of valuable ore, and steady water power, promise to 
make it a growing place. 


Are brisk villagres ; the former containing a population ris- 



ing of sixty; the latter above one hundred. The usual num- 
ber of handicralts in small villages, are found here. 

Striking improvements have been made in agriculture and 
manufactures within the last twenty years ; but popular ed- . 
ucation is still limited ; it has thus far not met with the en- 
couragement it deservedly merits ; although the common 
school system has been adopted in every township, except . 
Shirley; consequently 30 out of oi districts have adopted it, 
24 of which have reported (1844) 160 schools, as in opera- 
tion ; and that lo were yet required in these districts ; aver- 
age number of months taught, 4 months and 15 days, em- 
ploying 1-34 male teachers and 9 female ; average salary of 
male teachers 810,91 cts. ; female 812,50 ; taught 4,2G3 
male scholars, and 3,315 females; 79 of the Avhole number 
learning German ; average number of scholars in each school 
43 ; cost of teaching a scholar })er month, 42 cents. A dis- 
trict tax raised 813,219 42 ; state appropriation $8,188 00; 
oost of instruction 810,577 42 ; fuel and contingencies 81,- 
043 15; cost of. school houses, &-c., spent in 1844, 
82,354 75. 

There is an academy at Huntingdon, which was incorpor- 
ated by an act of March 19, 1816 ; but the higher branches 
of learning meet not with liberal encouragement. It is how- 
ever, confidently hoped that a change for the better is at 

The people of this county will not shrink a comparison 
with others as to their industry, economy, temperance, and 
morality; many of them are devotedly religious. The reli- 
gious denominations aie Lutherans, German Reformed, Pres- 
byterians, Baptists, JVlennonites, Dunkards, Episcopalians, 
Methodists, and some, so called members of the Church of 
God, or *' Winebrennerians." 


Mifflin County. 

Mifflin county erecteil — Streams and geological features of the coun- 
ty — Statistics of 1840 — Public improvements — Towns — Lewistown, 
McVeytown, or Waynesburg, Hamiltonville, or Newton Hamilton^ 

'. Belleville, Horreltown, &c. &c, — Education, &c. — Riots in Mifflin 

Mifilin county was formed or erected by virtue of an act 
passed September 19, 17^9, which defines the original boun- 
daries as follows: That all and singular the lands, lying 
within the bounds and limits hereinafter described and fol- 
lowing, shall be and are hereby erected into a separate coun- 
ty, by the name of Mifilin county, namely; Beginning at 
Susquehanna river, where the Turkey Hill extends to the 
said river, then along tiie said hill to the Juniata where it 
cut? Tuscarora mountain, thence along the summit of the 
said mountain to the line of Franklin county, thence along 
the said line to Huntingdon county line, thence along tlie 
said line to Juniata river, thence up the said river to Jack's 
Narrows, thence along the line of Huntingdon and Northum- 
berland counties, so as to include the whole of upper Bald 
Eagle township, in the county of Northumberla-nd, to the 
mouth of Buck creek, where it empties into the Bald Eagle 
creek, thence to Logan's Gap, in Nittany mountain, then to 
the head of Penn's creek, thence down the said creek to 
Sinking creek, leaving George McCormick's, in Northum- 
berland county, thence to the top of Jack's mountain, at the 
line between Northumberlanfl county and Cumberland, thence 
along the said line to Montoui's Spring, at the head of Ma- 
hantango creek, thence down the said creek to Susquehanna 
river, aud thence do"\vn the said river to the place of begin- 

By the same act, John Oliver, William Brown, David 
Beale, John Stewart, David Bole and Andrew Gregg, were 
appointed trustees for Miiliin county, with authority " to 


purchase, or take and receive by grant, bargain, or other- 
wise, any quantity or quantities of land, not exceeding one 
hundred and fifty acres, on the north side of Juniata river 
and within one mile from the mouth of Kishicoquihs creek, 
for the use, trust, and benefit ot said county, and to lay out 
the same into regular lots, and to dispose of so many of them, 
as they, or any four ot them may think best for the advan- 
tage of said county, and they, or any four of them, as were 
authorized to sell and convey so many of them as they may 
think proper, and the monies arising therefrom, and with 
other monies duly assessed and collected in the county to 
erect a court house and prison. 

Subsequently, in 1791, the boundaries of the county were 
altered, and again in 1792 and in 1800, the county was re- 
duced by the erection of Centre, and by the act of March 
2d, 1831, Juniata was separated from it. Thus its original 
extended bounds have been much reduced, and is now bound 
as follows ; on the northwest by Centre county, on the north 
by Union, on the southeast by Juniata, on the south and west 
hr Huntingdon. Length 30 miles, breadth 15 ; area about 
'•j60 square miles ; and containing about 230,400 acres. Po- 
pulation in 1790, 7,562 ; in 1800, 13,809 ; in 1810, 12,132; 
in 1820, 16,018 in 1840, (Juniata being separated) 13,062. 
Aggregate amount of property taxable in 1845, $3,827,- 
454 00. 

The population of the several townships in 1840, were as 
follows : 

Derry 1,080, Armagh 1,468, Union 1,221, Wayne 1,350, 
Decatur 767, Brown 903, Menno 974, Granville 1,016, Ol- 
iver 1,907. Boroughs, viz: Lewistown 2,058, McVeytown 

See Table on the opposite page. 

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50 and under 60 

60 and under 70 

70 and under SO 

80 and under 90 

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The county forms a long, irregular figure, stretching in a 
southwest and northeast direction, traversed longitudinally 
by a series of rugged mountains of nearly uniform height. 
These mountains are separated by fine, fertile valleys. On 
the east are Shade and Black Log Mountains, near the mid- 
dle is the lofty and rugged Jack's Mountain, which rises in 
Huntingdon county, and extends 70 miles through Centre, 
Mifflin and Union counties, to Penn's creek near New Ber- 
lin, in the last named county. The western boundary of this 
county passes along Stone Mountain, and thence northeast- 
wanf by that complicated series of elevations known by the 
name of " The Seven Mountains," part of which are in Mif- 
flin, and part in Centre. 

The principal valley, is Lewistown Valley, distinguished 
for fertility of soil. This valley is subdivided into several 
smaller ones. Kishycoquillas is eminently one of the most 
fertile and beautiful vallies in this region of the State. It is 
about thirty miles long and from three to four broad. Be- 
sides these, there are others, such as Dry Valley, Fergu- 
son's, Long Hollow, and others. 

Kishycoquillas Valley was named after a distinguished 
Shawanese Chief, who died in l7o6, as appears from the 
following letter: — 

Philadelphia, June 13, 1756. 

To the Sons of Kishycoquillas, the late Shaimnese Chiej, 

I am obliged to you for your letter by our good friend, 
■ lohn Shickcalamy. Your father's letter and |R-esent were 
received by the late Governor Hamilton, who acquainted me 
with it ; and I intended, at a time when less engaged by 
public business, to have sent you my acknowledgments and 

I heartily condole with you on the loss of your aged fa- 
ther, and mingle my tears with yours, which however I 
would now have you w'ipe away with the handkerchief, 
herewith sent. 

As a testimony of love, the proprietors and this govern- 
ment retain for the family of Kishycoquillas, you will be 
pleased to accept of the present which is delivered to John 
Shickcalamy for your use. 


May the Great Spirit confer on you health, and every 
other blessing. Continue your affection for the English, and 
the good people of this province, and you will always find 
them grateful. 

I am, 

Your assured friend, 

Robert H. Morris. 

The first settlers in this valley were annoyed by the Indi- 
a-ns, and in great danger of being killed. 

Carlisle, May 26, 1755, 
R, H. Morris, Esq., Gov, of Pa. 

This day I received a letter from my brother, who is lay- 
ing out lands for the settlers in the new purchase, giving an 
account of three Indians very much painted, who last week 
robbed and drove off several settlers from the Valley of 
Kishacoquillas. One of the Indians, by his skulking p<3'- 
sition, seemed as if he designed secretly to have shot, but 
the white man discovering him, escaped. They took three 
horses, three or four guns, and some cash. 'Tis said they 
robbed another man up Juniata. 

To-morrow I am to set out for Kishacoquillas, there lo 
decide some controversies, and thence to proceed to Susque- 
hanna, near Shamokin, where I expect to meet Conrad Wei- 
ser. If he is there, he may, by the assistance of the Shick- 
calamies, be of use in regard to those robbers. 
I am, sir. 
Yours, Sac. 

John Armstrong, 

This country has a number of streams, the principal of 
which are the Juniata river, Kishycoquillas creek, Jack's 

The Juniata passes through the southern part of the coun- 
ty; its course for about five miles after passing Jack's moun- 
tain, is southeastward, then north, and after flowing on a 
short distance it inclines westward, and after a course of 
several miles, approaches within a few hundred yards of its 
channel above the Bend. It then turns northeastward, and 
pursues that general direction into Juniata county. Kishy- 
coquillas rises in Armagh township, by several branches. 


which unite near the centre of the township, and flows in a 
southern course along the foot of Jack's Mountain, and flow- 
ing onward down through a gap in Jack's mountain, and falls 
into the Juniata at Lowistown. Jack's creek rises at the 
foot of Jack's mountain on the confines of Decatur township, 
flows southwest about twenty miles into the Juniata river, 
about one mile below Lewistown; and receiving in its course 
Meadow, and Bell's run. 

The geological features of this county show abundant ev- 
idence, says Trego, of the disturbance which has effected the 
whole of the Apalachian region. The action of those mighty 
forces has produced alternate lines of elevation and depres- 
sion, by which the rock strata are tilted in opposite direc- 
tion, and successive formations exposed. The high mountain 
ranges already ^mentioned, contained the hartl sandstone, 
which is the usual rock in most of the mountains in the mid- 
dle part of the State. The valley between Shade and Jack's 
mountain is a synclinal depression, in which the rocks dip in 
a direction towards the centre from both sides. We accord- 
ingly find the scries of variegated and red shales, overlying 
the mountain sandstones on both sidesof the valley, and near 
the middle of it the limestone and iossiliferous sandstone, 
forming a series of hills nearly midway between the two 
mountains. This limestone is seen on the Juniata, at Lew- 
istown. From VVaynesburg, or McVeytown, southwestward, 
the olive slate formation extends to the Juniata, above New- 
ton Hamilton. 

In Kishicoquillas Valley, on the contrary, an axis of ele- 
vation has brought up the lower limestone to the surface, 
having around it a border of the overlying dark slate near 
the base of the surrounding mountains. Iron ore is dug at 
various places in this valley, of the kind usually accompany- 
ing the same limestone in other parts of the State; being ihe 
brown hydrated peroxoid, occurring in cellular or compact 
masses, hematitic, or of the stalactite structure, commonly 
called pipe ore. The Iossiliferous band of ore contained in 
the slates and shales above the mountain sandstone, is found 
in several places within the county, of sufficient thickness to 
be productive. It is mined on the southeast flank of Jack's 
mountain, and at some other points. 

There are several curious caves in this county, which have 
been only partially explored. Bevin's cave, on the summit 



oi a limestone riclgc. Alexander's, in Kishicoqaillas valley, 
abounds with finest stalagmites and stalantites. It is a nat- 
aral ice-house, preserving it in the heat of summer. Hani- 
wall's in Wayne township, near McVeytown, is the most 
extensive — it is of vast dimensions, studded with stalagmites, 
stalantites and various calcareous concretions — crude saltpe- 
tre has occasionally been taken from this cave. It has been 
explored some fifty or sixty rods — says report. 

Perhaps there is no county in the Stajfi in which better 
wheat is grown than in this. Many of the farms are highly 
improved and very productive. Upon the whole, this coun- 
try can vie with any other in the iStatc for its excellency of 
water, fertility of soil, in some parts, and lor its picturesque 
scenery. In the following extract, the reader has a graphic 
description of the scenery, &c., of MifHin county: — 

" Much of the scenery along the banks of the Juniata la 
this county, is of the same wild and picturesque character 
which gives such a varied and romantic beaij^ty to the shores 
of the river, throughout most of the distance from its source 
in the dark and solitary glens of the Allegheny mountain, to 
its junction with the placid waters of the Susquehanna. High 
mountain ridges rise from the river with towering cliff's, 
whose gray and naked summits have braved the storms of u 
thousand winters, still standing in their sublime and quiet 
grandeur, as unchanged by the shock of the tempest as by 
the sighing of the summer breeze; and there they will stand 
forever, bidding defiance to the elements and to time, until 
at the word of Him by whom they were erected, ' the ever- 
lasting hills shall be scattered and the perpetual hills shall 

"In this wild and romintic region, the charms of our native 
scenery are displayed in all the beauty of their rude, pimitive 
character. The iiree clad mountain, the towering precipice, 
the beautifid river pursuing its quiet course between the hilis 
— ^the desert loneliness an(l the savage grandeui' which reiga 
around, afford to the lover of nature many a scene for de- 
lightful contemplation — many a quiet, secluded spot, where 
he may rest in undisturbed meditation, and, far removed from 
the works of man, derive lessons of wisdom and good from 
those of the Creator so magnificently displayed around him." 

According to the census of 1840, there were in this coun- 
ty 4 furnaces, providing 1,90 4 tons of cast iron, 2 forges 



jdoduced 600 tons of bar iron, these consumed o,o65 tons oi 
lue], giving employment to 207 men, including mining oper- 
atives ; capital invested $144,500: horses and mules o,817v 
neat cattle 9,{)3o, sheep 11, 323, swine ir),002, poultry of all 
kinds valued at *<3,329, wheat raised 307,696 bushels, bar- 
ley 922, oats 227,31, corn 189,45, rye 47,466, buckwheat 
8,649, pounds of wool raised 20,395, potatoes 51,499 bush- 
els, 10,331 tons of hay, value of the proilucts of the dairy 
>B11,970, of the orchard 2,664, value of homemade or fami- 
ly goods $2,641 ; 42 retail dry goods and other stores, with 
a capital of $225,900 ; value of lumber produced $5,551 : 
brick and lime manufactured to the value of $7,380, 6S hands 
employed, capital invested $2,650 : 2 fulling mills, 5 wool- 
len factories, value of manufactured goods $18,500, 26 mer: 
employed, cai)ital invested $8,800 ; 14 tanneries tanned 2.- 
180 sides of sole leather and 2,490 ujipor, 82 men employed, 
capital 21,600 ; all other manufactories of leather, saddler- 
ies, &c. 38, value of manufactured articles $29,365, capital 
invested $10,360: 5 distilleries produced 43,296 gallons, 
one brewery produced 24,960 gallons, 12 men employed, 
capital $8,150 : 2 potteries manufactured articles to the 
amount of $2,600, employed 3 hands, capital $400 : 6 prin- 
ting olfices, $2,000 : 1 rope walk, value of manufacture $500, 
one man emj)loyed, cajnlal $150 : value of the manufacture 
of wagons and carriages $14,120, 31 men employed, capital 
$4,890 : 24 grist mills, 61 saw mills, value of manufactures 
of mills $177,350, employed 100 men, capital $140,770 : 
value of furniture manufactured $13,600, 32 men employed, 
capital invested $5,240, Total capital invested in all kinds 
of manufacture $227,865. Aggregate amount of all taxable 
property in 1814, $3,827,454 "^00. 


The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania Canal passes 
through this county, which has contributed much towards the 
increased prosperity of the agricultural and manufacturing 
interests of this county. 

The followinij extract will show with what feeling's the 


Packet Boat "Juniata," was hailed on her approach to 


" Lewistown, Penn., Nov. 5, 1829. 

' Packkt Boat, Juniata. — On Thursday last this boat, 
built by Joseph Cummins, Esq., of Midiintown, arrived at 
this town from Milllin, having on board a large party of la- 
dies and gentlemen from the lower end of the county. The 
boat was met at the head of the " Narrows" by a large par- 
ry of ladies and gentlemen from Lewistown, accompanied by 
the Lewistown Hand, who got on boaid of the Packet, and 
landed here about 2 o'clock, P. M. About 4 o'clock, the 
company from Milllin, after having taken dinner, and a nuis- 
ber of ladies and gentlemen from Lewistown, embarked oii 
board the Packet and returned to Milllin that evening, re- 
mained there all night, and the next day returned to Lewis- 
town, with a view of conveying the members of the Legis- 
lature who had, by a publication in the papers, been invited 
to pass through the canal to the mouth of the river ; but, in 
consequence of a letter having been received by Mr. Clarke, 
from Mr. Craft, of Pittsburg, one of the western members, 
stating that the members from the west would be on, on Sat- 
urday; the boat was detained until about half after three on 
that day, when se\-eral members of the west arrived, viz ; 
Mr. Brown of Allegheny, Mr. Fox of Indiana, &c. Mr. 
Craft of Allegheny, Mr. Mct^uaid of Westmoreland, Mr. 
Blair of Huntingdon, Mr. Galhraith of Venango, Mr. Pet- 
riken of Centre, and Mr. Cummin of Mifllin, &c. and a num- 
ber of citizens of Lewistown, and strangers got on board the 
boat, which was drawn by two white horses, when she set 
off in fine style, with the 'star-spangled banner' flying at 
her head, and amidst the roar of cannon, the shouts of the 
populace, and the cheering music of the band which was on 

The northern turnpike road from Harrisburg to Pittsburg 
passes through this county. There is also a turnpike road 
from Lewistown to Bellefonte. 

The common public roads are in very good condition. 



The seat of justice, is a flourishing town ; it stands on a 
beautiful and elevated spot, on the north side of Juniata and 
Kishacoquillas cieek, immediately at the confluence of the 
latter, the mouth of which forms a very safe harbor for boats 
— on which are a number of spacious store-houses erected. 
.Lewistown deiives numerous advantages from its location on 
tJie Juniata river and Pennsylvania canal, which render it a 
place of considerable deposit for a large district of country. 
Here centres the trade of Kishacoquillas, part of Penn's, 
Ferguson^s and Dry Valleys, and a considerable portio» of 
Stone and Nittany Valleys. Although a mountainous coun- 
try around Lewistown, it affords the finest and most li\ely 
scenery in all this region of country; the valleys are fertile 
.jnd very productive. It is considered one of the healthiest 
places in the interior of the State. We breathe, says the 
^(iitor of the Eagle, the pure mountain air; our streams 
ibound with fish of the choicest kind, paiticulaily the trout, 
"vhich are to be found in spring streams, and which afford 
the angler much amusement in taking them ; our forests are 
tilled with game of every description; and Milliken's Spring 
(noticed below) which is ascertained to possess all the medi- 
cinal qualities of the ]5edford water, operates as a balm in the 
cure of many maladies, particularly bilious complaints. 

Since opening the canal Lewistown has much increased. The 
iiouses are generally of brick and display considerable taste. 
The public buildings are a splendid court house, iccentl} 
built, a stone prison, a bank, and an academy ; it contains 
also several fine churches — an Episcopal, Methodist, Luthe- 
ran, Catholic, Baptist, and Seceder's church, and two Afii- 
can churches. There are also two foundries here. Boat 
building is carried on here to a considerable extent. 

The population in 1S40 was 2,0o8, of which were — 

White Males under 5, 152; 5 and under 10, 105; 10 
and under 15, 85 ; 15 and under 20, 104 ; 20 and under 30, 
231 ; 30 and under 40, 129 ; 40 and under 50, 70 ; 50 and 
under 60, 50 ; 60 and under 70, 9 ; 70 and under 80, 6. 

White Females under 5, 164 ; 5 and under 10, 120 : 
10 and under 15, 82 ; 15 and under 20, 120 ; 20 and unde? 


30, 214; 30 and under 40, 95; 40 and under 50, 51 ; 50 
and under 60, 34; 60 and under 70, 12; 70 and under 80. 
9 ; 80 and under 90, 2. 

Colored Males under 10, 37 ; 10 and under 24, 25; 24 
and under 36, 34; 36 and under 55, 15; 55 and under 
100, 2. 

Colored Females under 10, 39; 10 and under 24, 36; 
24 and under 36, 31 ; 36 and under 55, 11 ; 55 and under 
JOO, 4. 

Of these 14 were engaged in agriculture, 40 in commerce, 
292 in manufactures and trades, 40 in navigation of canals, 
24 in the learned professions, 7 primary schools, 231 schol- 
ars. There were 28 persons above 20 years old who could 
neither read nor write. It had in 1840 five commission hou- 
ses in foreign trade, 17 retail stores, one furnace, one grist 
mill, one saw mill, three tanneries, one brewery, one pottery, 
and two printing otEces. 

The Mineral Spring is on the farm of James Milliken, 
Esq., adjoining the borough of Lewistown. It rises at the 
toot of a firm bank of limestone formation, and within a 
stone's throw of the west bank of the Kishacoquillas. The 
water of this spring, it is said, equal that of the Bedford 
Springs- In its effect it is purgative and diuretic, and acts 
also as a tonic. " Taking from four to eight tumblers full 
oefore breakfast has produced no unpleasant effect, unless 
indeed the stomach was in an unfavorable condition, or that 
;t was an over quantity for the beginning." 


(Waynesburg) an incorporated borough, 11 miles above 
Lewistown, on the turnpike, is quite a flourishing village. It 
contains many new and recently built brick houses. It con- 
tains several churches, a furnace, foundry, and a forge, near 
town, several stores and taverns. Population in 1840, 34S. 




(Or, Newton Hamilton,) is a brisk village, 21 miles above 
Lewistown, and 10 above McVeytown. The town, until 
the spring of 1828, contained only four huls ; since that time, 
owing to the impulse given by the construction of the State 
canal, which passes through it, the town has increased till it 
has reached some 30 or more dwellings, several stores and 
taverns. The river here makes a circuitous bend ; above the 
bend, the canal crosses on a splendid aqueduct to the right 
5Xf' the Juniata, 


On the east side of Stone Mountain, contains about twenty 
dwellings, several stoies and taverns. It is in Kishicoquil- 
las Valiey. 


Also in Kishicoquillas Valley, contains about thirty houses, 
ieveral taverns and stores. Besides this village, there are 
are several other small villages, viz ; 

Perrysville, Belltown, Whitehall, Texas or Thompsons- 
town, Lock's Mills, Reedsville, or Brown's Mills. 

in the immediate vicinity of this place, is Logan's Spring, 
named after the second son of Shic^lamy, a distinguished In- 
dian chief, who died at Sharaokin in 1749. Logan resided 
here for some time, whose family was afterwards cruelly 
murdered, at Baker's, near the mouth of Yellow creek, on 
the Ohio river, above Wheeling, as appears from the foh- 
^.owing : — 

"About the latter end of April or beginningof May, 1774, 
I lived on the waters of Cross creek, about 16 miles from 
Joshua Baker, who lived on the Ohio, opposite the mouth of 
Yellow creek. A number oi persons collected at my housS; 
and proceeded to said Baker's and murdered several Indiana, 
among whom was a woman, said to be the sister of the In- 
(iian chief, Logan. The principal leader of the party was 


Daniel Greathouse, To the best of my recollection, the cause 
which gave rise to the murder was, a general idea that the 
Indians were meditating an attack on the frontiers. Captain 
Michael Cressap was not of the party ; but I recollect that 
some time before the perpetration of the above act, it was 
currently reported that Captain Cressap had murdered some 
Indians on the Ohio, one or two, some distance belov/ 

Certified by me, an inhabitant of Shelby county and State 
of Kentucky, this loth day of Nov. 1799. 

Charles Polke. 

On the loth day of Nov. 1799, I accidentally met upon 
the road, Joshua Baker, the person referred to in the certifi- 
cate signed by Polke, who informed me that the murder of 
ihe Indians in 1774, opposite the mouth of Yellow creek, 
was perpetrated at his house by thirty-two men, led by Dan- 
iel Greathouse ; that twelve were killed and six or eight 
wounded : among the slain was a sister and other relations 
of the Indian chief, Logan. Baker says. Captain Michael 
Oressap was not of the party ; that some days preceding the 
murdv-r at his house, two Indians left him and were on their 
way home; that they fell in with Capt. Cressap and a party 
of land improvers on the Ohio, and were murdered, if not by 
Cressap himself, with his approbation; by being the leader 
of the party, and that he had this information from Cressap. 

Habry Innes. 

The following extract from John Sappington's statement, 
proves conclusively that Logan's fimiily was not killed below 
Wheeling, as Day, in his Historical Collections of Pa. states 
(p. 46S). 

•' Logan's family (if it was his family,) was not killed b> 
Cressap, nor with his knowledge, nor by his consent, but by 
the Greathouses and their associates. They were killed 30 
miles above Wheeling, near the mouth of Yellow creek."— 
Jefferson's of Virginia, Appendix p. o0-'46. 

Note- — Logan's people were killed at the mouth of Yel- 
low creek, on the 24th of May, 1774.— Compiler. 

In the autumn of the same year, Logan was urged by the 
Indians, who were anxious to be relieved from Lord Dun" 


more's army, who had waged war against them, he sent his 
speech, in a belt of wampum, to be delivered to Dunmore, by 
a faithful interpreter. Under an oak, still standing in a field 
of one Wolf, seven miles from Circleville, Ohio, in a southern 
direction, the following speech was delivered by the person 
who carried the wampum. It is a pure, native specimen of 
heart-stirring and soul-moving eloquence : 

'•' I appeal," says Logan, " to any white man, to say, if 
he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not 
meat ; if he came naked and cold, and I clothed him not. 
During the last, long and bloody war, Logan remained idle, 
in his cabin, an advocate of peace. Such was my love for 
the whites, that my countrymen, as they passed, said, ^ Lo- 
gan is the friend of the whites.' I had thought of living 
among you, but for the injuries of one man. Captain Cressap,* 
last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the 
relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. 
There runs not one drop of my blood in any living creature. 
This called on me for revenge: I have sought it, I have 
kdled many ; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my 
(country, I rejoice in the beams of peace. But, do not harbor 
the thought, that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt 
lear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is 
there to mourn for Logan? Not one I" 

John Heckewelder, a distinguished Moravian Missionary, 
says, "About the year 1772, Logan was introduced to me, 
by an Indian friend, as son to the late reputable chief, Shik- 
eleraus, and as a friend to the white people. In the course 
of conversation, I thought him a man of superior talents, 
than Indians generally were. The subject turning on vice 
and immorality, he confessed his too great share of this, es- 
pecially his fondness for liquor. He exclaimed against the 
white people, for imposing liquors upon the Indians ; he oth- 
erwise admired their ingenuity ; spoke of gentlemen, but ob- 
served the Indians unfortunately had but few of these neigh- 
bors, &.C. He spoke of his friendship to the white people, 
wished always to be a neighbor to them, intended to settle 
on the Ohio, below Big Beaver ; was (to the best of my re- 

• Logan had been misinformed, in part, as to the leader of those who 
murdered his family ; it was not Capt. Cressap, but Dame! Greathouse 
and his associates. 


•-oUection) then encamped at the mouth of this river, (Bea- 
ver) urged me to pay him a visit. I was then living at the 
Moravian town on this river, in the neighborhood of Cuskus- 
kee. In April, 1773, while on my passage down the Ohio 
tor Muskingum, I called at Logan's settlement, where I re- 
ceived every civility I could expect from such of the family 
as were at home. 

"'Indian reports concerning Logan, after the death of his 
tamily, ran to this; that he exerted himself during the Shaw- 
anese war (then so called) to take all tlie revenge he couhi, 
declaring he had lost all confidence in the while people. At 
the time of negotiation, he declaied his reluctance to lay 
down the hatchet, not having (in his opinion) yet taken am- 
ple satislaction ; yet, for the sake of the nation he would do 
it. His expressions, from time to time, denoted a deep mel- 
ancholy. Life, said he, had become a torment to him ; he 
knew no more what pleasure was ; he thought it had been 
better if he had nerer existed. Report further states, that 
he became in some measure delirious, declared he would kill 
himself; went to Detroit, and on his way between that place 
and Miama was murdered. In October, 1781, while as pri- 
soner on my way to Detroit, I was shown the spot where 
this should have happened." 


The general system of education has been adopted in every 
township of this county; and all the districts (eleven) have 
made regular Reports of the schools, except Menno. Ten 
districts have reported 54 schools in operation, and 4 more 
wanted ; schools open 7 months ; employed 49 male and 11 
female teachers ; the former received ^$20,41 cts. per month, 
the latter S12,52. Number of scholars, 1,749 males, and 
1,389 females ; of the whole number, 73 were learning Ger- 
man. A district tax of $6,002 01 was raised ; state appro- 
priation S2,982 00. Cost of tuition, $5,838 42 ; fuel and 
contingencies, $415,59; cost of school houses $1,055 54. 

An academy and female seminary are in successful opera- 
tion in Lewistown. 

The prevailing religious denominations are Presbyterians, 


Methodists, Lutherans, German Reformed, Ornish, Dunk- 
ards or German Baptists; there are also some Baptists, Epis- 
copalians, aiid Winebrennerians, or Church of God. 

In 1791, there was quite a serious riot in Lewistown, as 
will fully appear from the following, which are given with- 
out abridgment : — 

,.J Report of the Riot in Lewistovm, in the County of 

Sir : — 

On Monday tlie r2th of September, 1791, the Hon. W, 
Brown, James Bryson and James Armstrong, Esquires, met 
in the forenoon, in order to open the Court and proceed to 
business ; but Thomas Beale, Esq., one of the Associate 
Judges, not having arrived, their honors waited until three 
o'clock in the afternoon, at w-hich time he arrived, and was 
requested to proceed with them and the officers of the court 
ro the court house, he declined going, and the procession 
moved on to the court house, where the judges' commissions 
were read, the court opened, and the ofhcers and the attor- 
nies and the attornies of the court sworn in, and the court ad- 

ourned till ten o'clock next morninjy. 

About nine o'clock, while preparing business to lay before 
Ihe grand jury, I received information that a large body of 
men were assembled below the Long Narrows, at David 
.lordan's tavern, on the Juniata, and were armed with guns, 
swords and pistols, with an avowed intention to proceed to 
Lewistown, and seize Judge Bryson on the bench and drag 
him from his seat, and march otf before them, and otherwise 
:il-treat him. This information was instantly communicated 
to Messis. Brown, Bryson, and Armstrong, the judges, who 
agreed with me that Samuel Edminton, Esq. the Prothono- 

tary. Judge Beale, Stewart, Esq. Bell, Esq. 

should, with George Wilson, Esq. the Sheriff of Mifflin co. 
proceed and meet the rioters; and the Sheriff was command- 
ed to enquire of them their object and intention, and if hos- 
tile, to order them to disperse, and tell them the' court was 
alarmed at their proceedings. 

' Two hours after this, the court opened, and a grand jury 
was impannelled. A fife was heard playing, and some guns 


fired, and immediately the mob appeared marching towards 
the court house, with three men on horseback in front, hav- 
ing the gentlemen that had been sent to meet them under 
guard in the rear, all of whom on their arrival at Lewistown, 
they permitted to go at large, except the sheriff, whom four 
of their number kept a guard over. The court ordered me, 
as the representative of the commonwealth, to go and meet 
them, remonstrate against their proceedings, and warn them 
of their danger, which order was obeyed, but all endeavors 
were in vain, the mob crying out, march onl march onl draw 
your sword on himl ride over him I I seized the reins of the 

bridle, that the principal commander held, viz: Wilson, 

Esq. brother of the Sheriff aforesaid, who was well mounted 
and well dressed, with a sword, and I think two pistols belt- 
ed round him, a cocked hat, and one or two feathers in it. 
He said he would not desist, but at all events proceed and 
take Judge Bryson off the bench, and march him down the 
Narrows to the judge's farm, and make him sign a written 
paper, that he would never sit there as a judge again. 

The mob still crying out, march on, he drew his sword, 
and told me he must hurt me, unless I would let go the reins. 
The crowd pushed forward, and nearly pressed me down ;; 
one of them, as I learned afterwards, a nephew of Judge 
Beale, presented his pistol at my breast with a full determi- 
nation to shoot me. I let the reins go, and walked before 
them until I arrived at the stairs on the outside of the court 
house, when Judge Armstrong met me and said, since noth- 
ing else will do, let us defend the stairs. We instantly as- 
cended, and Mr. Hamilton and the gentlemen of the bar, and 
many citizens; and the rioters, headed by W^illiara Wilson, 
Col. Walker and Col. Holt, came forward, and the general 
cry was, march on, damn you, proceed and take him. Judge 
Armstrong replied, you damn'd rascals, come on ; we Vv'ill 
defend the court and ourselves, and before you shall take 
Judge Bryson, you shall kill me and many others, \vhich 
seems to be your intention, and which you may do. At this 
awful moment one Holt seized -Judge Armstrong by the arm, 
with intent to pull him down the stairs, but he extricated 
himself Holt's brother then got a drawn sword, and put it 
into his hands, and damneil him to run the rascal through ; 
and V^ ilson drew his sword on me with great rage, and 
young Beale his sword, and cocked his pistol and presented 


it. I told them they might kill me, but the judge they couJt! 
not, nor should they take him — and the words, fii-e away ' 
ghouted through the mob. I put my hand on his shoulder, 
and begged him to consider where he w^as, who I was, and 
reflect but lor a moment. I told him to withdraw the men, 
and appoint any two or three of the most respectable of his 
people to meet me in half an hour, and try to settle the dis- 
pute. He agreed, and with difficulty got them away from 
the court house. Mr. Hamilton then went with me to Mr. 
Alexander's tavern, and in Wilson and Walker came, and 
also Sterrett, who I soon discovered to be their chief coun- 

Proposals were made by me, that they should return home, 
offer no insult to Judge Bryson or the court, and prefer to 
the Governor a decent petition, stating their grievances (if 
they had any) that might be laid before the Legislature; and 
that in the meantime, the judge should not sit on the bench 
of this court. They seemed agreed, and our mutual honor 
to be pledged ; but Sterrett, who pretended not to be con- 
cerned, stated that great delay would take place; that inju- 
ries had been received which demanded instant redress, and 
objected to the power of the Governor as to certain points 
proposed. At this moment young Beale and Holt came up, 
the former with arms, anti insisted on Wilson's joining them, 
and broke up the conference. I followed, and on the field 
among the rioters, told Wilson, " your object is, that Judge 
Bryson leave the bench, and not sit on it this court :" him 
and Walker said " yes." " \Vill you promise to disperse 
and go home, and offer him no insult?" he saiti ''yes," and 
our mutual honor was then pledged for the performance of 
this agreement. 

Mr. Hamilton proceeded to the court, tolil the judge, and 
left his seat and retired. I scarce had arrived until the fife 
began to play, and the whole of the rioters came on to the 
court house, then headed by Wilson. I met them at the 
toot of the stairs, and told them the judge was gone, in pur- 
suance of the agreement, and charged them with a breach of 
the word, and forfeiture of honor, and Walker said, it was 
so, but he could not prevail on them. Wilson said he would 
have the judge, and attempted going up the stairs. I pre- 
vented him, and told him he should not, unless he took off 
his military accoutrements. He said he had an address t-o 



present, and complied with my request, and presented it, 
signed "' Tlie People." Young Beale, at the moment I 
was contending with Wilson, cocked and presented his 
pistol at my breast, and insisted that Wilson and all of 
them should go ; but on my offering to decide it by com- 
bat with him, he declined it, and by this means they went 
off swearing, and said that they were out-generaled. 

The next day Col. M'Farland with his regiment, came 
down and offered to defend the court, and addressed it; the 
court answered, and stated that there was no occasion, and 
thanked him. 

Judge Bryson read a paper, stating the ill-treatment he 
received, and mentioned that no fear of danger prevented 
him from taking and keeping his seat; but that he under- 
stood an engagement had been entered into by his friends 
that he should not, and on that account only he was pre- 
vented. The court adjourned until two o'clock that day, 
and were proceeJing to open it with the sheriff, to wait 
on him and request him to walk with them; he returned, 
and said the judge would not walk or sit with Bryson, and 
addressed Judge Bryson with warmth, who replied to it 
in a becoming manner. Tiie sheriff struck at him, and 
kicked also. Judge Armstrong seized tlie sheriff, and 
commanded the peace, and took the sheriff 's rod from him; 
the coroner took his place, and the sheriff was brought up 
before the court. I moved he might be committed to gaol, 
and his mittimus wrote and signed, and the court ordered 
the coroner and gaoler to take him, and he submitted. Tlie 
court adjourned. After night the drum beat, and Holt 
collected about seventy men, who repeatedly huzza'd, cry- 
ing out "liberty or death," and he ordered to rescue the 
sheriff, but the sheriff refused. 

At ten o'clock at night I was informed expresses were 
sent down the Narrows, to collect men to rescue the sher- 
iff, and Major Edmiston informed me he was sorry for liis 
conduct, and offered to beg the court's pardon, and to en- 
ter into recognizance. I communicated this to the Judges 
Brown and Armstrong, and requested they would write 
to the gaoler to permit him to come down; they did, and 
the sireriff came with Major Edmiston, begged pardon of 
every member of the court, and Judge Bryson, who was 




not present, and entered into recognizance to appear at 
next sessions. 

The next day near three hundred were assembled below 
the Narrows, and I prevailed on some gentlemen to go 
down and disperse them ; and upon being assured the she- 
riff was out of gaol, they returned to their respective homes, 
and the court have finished all business; nothmg further 
requiring the attendance of the grand jury, the court dis- 
missed them and broke up. I must not omit to inform, 
that Judge Beaie had declared, during the riot, in court, 
that he would not sit on the bench with Judge Bi yson,and 
that both him and said Stewart appeared to countenance 
the rioters, and are deeply concerned. 

I must now close the narrative with snying, that owing 
to the spirit and firmness of Judge Armstrong, and the 
whole of the bar, I was enabled to avert the dreadful 
blow aimed at Judge Bryson, and to keep order and snb- 
ordination in court ; and unless the most vigorous mea- 
sures are exerted soon, it will be impossible ever to sup- 
port the laws of the state in that county, or punish these 
who dare transgress. 

The excise law is execrated by the banditti; and from 
every information, I expect the collection of the revenue 
will be opposed. 

I am happy to add, the dispute which originated by a 
mistake between Huntingdon and Mifflin counties, is hap- 
pily closed in the most amicable manner, without any pro- 
secution in Mifilin. 

I am, sir, your most obedient, 

John Clarke, Dy. St. Attorney. 
To Thomas Smith, Esq. Presiddnt of the court ol iSliffliu 


Carlisle, September 21. 

At a period when the general voice of the people pro- 
claims the excellence of the Federal Government — and the 
State of Pennsylvania in particular is anticipating every 
blessing from a constitution so conformable to it, an alarm- 
ing sedition, together with a most daring turbulent temper 
has unhappily manifested itself in the county of Mifflin. 

The Governor has lately appomted Samuel Bryson, Es- 
quire, second Associate Judge of the Court of Common 



Pleas of that county — this gentleman having been Lieute- 
nant of the county of Mifflin, had excited the determined 
enmity of two men, who were ambitious of being Colo- 
nels of Militia; and against tlie commissioning of whom 
(as unlit persons) Mr. Bryson as county Lieutenant had 
made representations. Enraged at the promotion of Judge 
Bryson, and unhappily yielding to the impulse of the most 
unjustifiable passions, one William Wilson, brother to the 
sheriff of Mifflin county, and one David Walker, levied a 
considerable force and marched at tbe head of about forty 
armed men, with a fife playing to Lewistown, with the 
avowed determination to seize upon the person of Judge 
Bryson, whilst on the Bench, drag him from thence, oblige 
him to resign his commission, and compel him to march 
many miles along the rugged Narrows of Juniata river. 

Secrecy marked this unexampled Treasonable Riot. It 
was not known at Lewistown until about an hour before 
the insurgents appeared. Justice Stuart who had been 
lately" commissioned, and who is a very worthy man, had 
been imprisoned in the morning by four men who belong- 
ed to the party of the rioters — they attempted to make him 
engage his word that he would not give information ; but 
he refused. Ignorant of the private movers of this daring 
and turbulent procedure, it was agreed by Judges Brown 
and Armstrong and other gentlemen, to request the sher- 
iff of the coimty and Judge Bails, who were presumed to 
have influence over them, together with the prothonotary 
of the county, to represent the illegality and imprudence 
of their conduct and prevail on them if possible to return. 
No advantage has been derived from this step. Mr. Ed- 
miston, the prothonotary, v/as insulted — the sheriff was 
taking into a mock imprisonment ; and Judge Bails soon 
after adopted a part which evinced that little real exertion 
could have been expected from him in quieting this dis- 

The court was sitting when this armed force, levying 
war against the state, with a fife playing, marching reso- 
iutely forward. At this juncture Judge Bryson asked Judge 
Bail if it was not likely they would stop, to which the 
other replied, that they never would whilst such a rascal 
»at upon the bench. 

Mr. Clark and Mr. Hamilton, two Attornies of the court, 


at the desire of some of the judges, remonstrated with Mr. 
Wilson, who was on horseback, and within a few paces of 
the court house, at the head of the troops, respecting his 
conduct: Mr. Wilson wasdTessed in a military style, with 
a cockade in his hat, and was armed with a horseman's 
sword and pistols — he declared his intention was to oblige 
Mr. Bryson to resign his commission, and go down the 
Narrows with him and his men. He was warned by the 
gentlemen of the danger of the attempt, he observed that 
nothing would divert him from his purpose, and immedi- 
ately drew his sword and marched to storm the court- 
room, where Judge Armstrong and others were stationed 
at Ihe door. The two gentlemen who had addressed Wil- 
son ran to the steps in front of the force, where they found 
a number of persons on the stairs: The rioters followed, 
with a cry of Liberty or Death, Mr. Armstrong hollowed 
out repeatedly, Villains come on, but you shall first march 
over my dead body before you enter. This resolution, se- 
conded by the circumstance of the gentlemen above men- 
tioned, and a number of other persons keeping their ground 
on the stairs (although once or twice some called to the 
rioters to fire, seemed to stagger the resolution of Wilson.) 
At this moment a gentleman proposed to him that if he 
would disarm, he miglit have admittance into the court 
room; to this he seemed immediately to accede, the troops 
were filed off to a short distance. It was then agreed that 
a meeting should take place in half an hour with the lead- 
ers of the party. Messrs. ('lark and Hamilton, with the 
assent of some members of the court, met Messrs. William 
Wilson, David Walker, and William Sterrett, who appear- 
ed on behalf of the rioters. Entertaining hopes of preser- 
ving the person of Mr. Bryson from injury, it was thought 
prudent to promise if the party would disperse, that Mr. 
Bryson would not sit during that week on the bench. Du- 
ring this conference, Mr. Wilson offered no other charge 
against Mr. Bryson but what respected the militia com- 
missions for him and Mr. Walker, but it was not until af- 
ter much discourse that the leaders of the troops could be 
convinced that an extorted Resignation would not avail. 
When they saw the futility of this idea, it was long insist- 
ed, that Mr. Bryson should go with them down the Nar- 


Mr. Wilson in contravention of the agreement marched 
the troops to the court house. In the meantime Judge 
Bryson had sent for a horse, and effected his escape. It 
was then Mr. WiUiam Sterret exclaimed wich an oath, we 
are out-generaled. 

An address was presented by Mr. Wilson to the court, 
who went in unarmed, signed "The People:" it was in 
the hand-writing, as is supposed, of Mr. Sterret. It con- 
gratulated the other Judges upon tlieir appointments, but 
mentioned and avowed their design in comuig armed to 
the court to force the dismission of Judge Bryson. Mr. 
Bails, one of the most active of the rioters, armed with a 
sword and pistols slung around him, wished to force his 
way into the court room, but was prevented by Mr. Clark. 
Four armed men surrounded the person of the Sheriff. 
Under this delusive imprisonment, all intercourse of con- 
versation with him was prohibited. In the evening the 
rioters departed in a turbulent, straggling manner, gener- 
ally intoxicated; at night one Corran,who had been very 
active in raising men, was drowned, together with his 
horse, in a mill dam, about one mile and a half from the 

About twelve or one o'clock the next day. Judge Bry- 
son returned, soon afterwards Col. James M'Farland with 
about seventy militia on horseback, appeared in sup- 
port of the court and the laws. At three o'clock Judge 
Brown, Bryson and Armstrong, preceded by the sheriff, 
prepared to open the court. The sheriff was sent with a 
message to Judge Bails, informing him that the Judges 
waited for him to join them in proceeding to the court 
house ; his reply was that he would not go whilst Mr. 
Bryson was with them ; the Judges had not walked more 
than a few paces, followed by the attornies and citizens, 
when the sheriff with his rod of otFice in his hand, sudden- 
ly stopped, and demanded of Mr. Bryson if he had said 
any thing injurious of him — Mr. Bryson made a very mo- 
derate reply, notwitiistanding lie was immediately assaul- 
ted by the sheriff, ar.d received a kick in the same leg 
which had been shattered by a ball at the battle of Ger- 
mantown. The sheriff was iramt^diatoly taken into cus- 
tody. The coroner received the sheriff's rod and under- 
took to go before the Judges to Court. There the sher- 



iff refused to give any recognizance for his appearance at the 
next court, and was therefore committed to gaol. 

Col. M'Farland presented an address to the judges on be- 
half of himself and the militia under his' command, mention- 
ing his abhorrence of the proceedings which had taken place, 
and offering at the hazard of their lives to protect the court; 
to which the following answer was returned : 

" The Judges of the Court of Common Pleas of the county 
of Mifflin, are very sensible of the laudable zeal of Colonel 
M'Farland, and the militia now under aims, subject to his 
command, in support of the laws and government of Penn- 
sylvania, and particularly for the purpose of protecting this 
court from injury and insult. They trust, that the during 
mob, who being armed, assembled yesterday and assaulted 
the court, ihreatenijig the lives o£ the members are now too 
conscious of the magnitude of their offence and the spirit of 
the citizens of this county to lepeat their attack : measures 
are preparing to vindicate the dignity of our insulted laws, 
and to bring to a just punishment the atrocious offenders and 
their abettors, who have brought disgrace upon the county, 
and tiampled upon the most sacred rights of the community. 
The court, therefore. Sir, return }ou thanks for the supp,ort 
which you, and the militia under your command, have with 
so much alacrity brought to the aid of the administiation of 
justice in this county: but being of opinion that all danger 
from these infatuated men had ceased, we do not think it-* 
necessary that your attendance should be longer continued." 

After which Judge Bryson, standing at the bar, spoke the 
following words : 

'^ Fellow Citizens : — 

" It is not my intention to resume my seat on the bench 
during this term — I do not decline it from any apprehension 
of the mob, who yesterday assaulted the court and marked 
me for their vengeance; supported by my country, by every 
virtuous citizen, and a consciousness of ray inlegiity, I have 
nothing to fear ; but understanding that some gentlemen, 
anxious for my personal safety, entered into an engagement 
with ^he leaders of the banditti, tuat I should not sit as 
iudge during this court — my respect for these gentlemen is 
xny sole and only motive for making this declaration." 


Col. M'FarlantI after this, thanked the militia in the fol- 
lowing terms : 

" Col. M'Farland returns his thanks to the militia of his 
regiments who now attend in support of the laws of their 
country: He is particularly indebted to Capt. Robert John- 
ston and Capt. John Brown for their extraordinary vigilance 
in collecting the nien of their respective companies, upon a 
notice given to them so late as last night after 12 o'clock. 
He has no doubt but that the same zeal which has distin- 
guished the militia undtr his command upon this occasion, 
will always be as honorably manifested should this county 
ever be so unhappy as to be disgraced by a similar necessity." 

Soon after Avhich the militia, having been discharged by 
the court, returned home. 

The evening of the day was replete with alarms — One 
Holt, who thought he had cause of complaint respecting a 
militia commission, assembled a body of men to the amount 
of about forty; they paraded a considerable time with sound 
of drum. At length at eight o'clock they appeared before 
the prison door with an intention to break it and enlarge the 
sheriff: Mr. Sterrett then appeared, and informed them 'That 
the sheriff thanked his friends for their intention to serve 
him, but this is not a proper period,' — or words to that ef- 

About nine o'clock, several persons having long applied 
to the sheriff without success, prevailed on him at length to 
give a recognizance to appear at the next court to answer 
for the assault and battery on Judge Bryson : happily, the 
sheriff in this instance relinquished a system which was col- 
lecting new horrors and threatened to involve in new scenes 
of guilt a number of the inhabitants. numbers in Tus- 
carora valley and its vicinity, preparetl the following day to 
march and liberate the sheiitf, and probably to demolish the 
Court house and prison — The news of hia release arrived in 
time to stop the progress of those infatuated men, who ap- 
peared to have lost sight of the social compact, and whose 
felicity seems to lie in scenes of tumult, disorder, and licen- 
tiousness. It is to be hoped, however, that government, 
when it comes to enforce the laws, wil' contempJate the ig- 
norance and delusion of these unfortunate men ; and that 
mercy will so far temper the prosecution as that it will not 


be extended to a capital charge ; yet, it is indispensably ne- 
cessary that they be taught that genuine liberty consists in 
the power of doing every thing which is not prohibited by 
the laws, and that the exercise of an unbounded licentious- 
ness which threatens the dissolution of society itself, must 
receive a punishment in some degree commensurate to the 
greatness of the offence. 

How far Mr. Bryson's representations to the Governor, 
against Messrs. Wilson, Walker and Holt, has been founded 
in a just estimate of the characters of these men cannot be 
elucidated here — but it would appear to afford the highest 
evidence of its propriety, that they were the principals in this 
Bflost unexampled Riot. 


Centre Coctnty. 

Centre county erected — Streams and geological features — Statistics of 
18-iU— Public improvements — Towns — Bellefont, Philipsburg, Miles- 
boro, Boalsburg, Potter's Bank, Potter's Old Fort, Aaronsburg, Mill- 
heim, Earleysburg, Pattonsville, VValk€rsville, New Providence, 
AVhi'.e Hall, Rabersburg, Jacobsburg, &c. — Education — Indian vil- 

Centre county, originally embraced by Lycoming, North- 
umberland, Mitllin and Huntingdon counties, by an act of the 
Legislature, February 13, 1800, and from its central posi- 
tion was nained Centre. Its boundaries according to the act 
of 1600, were as follows — Beginning opposite the mouth of 
Quints rr.n, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna; thence 
a straight line to the mouth of Fishing creek, where it emp- 
ties into the Bald Eagle creek ; thence to the northeast cor- 
ner of Miles, late Haines' township, including Nittany valley; 
thence by the northeast boundary of the said township to the 
summit of Tussey's mountain ; thence by the summit of said 
mountain, by the lines of Haines' township in Northumber- 
land county, Potter township in Mifflin county, and Fiank- 
lin township in Huntingdon county, to a point three miles 
southwest of the present line between Mifflin and Hunting- 
don counties ; thence by a direct line to the head of the south- 
west branch of Bald Eagle creek ; thence, a direct line to 
tlie head waters of Mushanon; thence down the same to the 
Susquehanna to the place of beginning. The limits of this 
county were reduced by forming Clinton county. Three town- 
ships, Bald Eagle, Lamar, and Logan, were taken off. 

By the act of 1800, the following gentlemen were appoin- 
ted Trustees, viz : Andrew Gregg, William Swanzey, and 
Robert Boggs, and were authorized to take assurances for 
the payment of money and grants of land, stipulated for by 
James Dunlop and James Harris, and such others as might 
be ofTered to them in trust to dispose thereof, on moiety in 


some productive fund for the support of an academy or pub- 
lic school in the county, and with other monies to be raised 
in the county to erect public buildings lor the county in the 
town of Bellefonte. 

Centre county is bounded on the north by Clinton, on the 
east by Union, on the southeast by Mifilin, and on the south 
by Huntingdon, on the west by Clearfield county. Length, 
about 58 miles; breadth 86; area 1,370 square miles, con- 
taining 678,400 acres of land. Population in 1800, 2,075 ; 
1810, 10,680; in 1820, 18,706; in 1880, 18,879; in 1840, 
20,492. The population of the several townships in 1840, 
was as follows: — 

Boags 1,714, Ferguson 1,254, Gregg 1,671, Haines 1,- 
978, Howard 1,409, Half Moon 1,406, Miles 1,198, Potter 
1,787, Rush 317,Patton 473, Spring 1,798, Walker 1,180, 
Husten 557, Marion 559, Snowshoe 162, Harios 2,002, 
Bellefonte borough 1,082. 

[See Table on the opposite page. 





















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The i^ace of the country is greatly diversified by high 
mountain ridges, ranging from northeast to southwest, with 
deep valleys intervening. Tussey's, Brush and Nittany 
mountains are in the east and northeast. Bald Eagle is a 
ridge of the Allegheny, and is called Bald Eagle, upon the 
confines of Huntingdon and Centre counties, northeast of the 
Juniata river, and extends across the county near the mid- 
dle ; and northwest of Bald Eagle is the Allegheny moun- 
tain, beyond which is a tract of very wild, broken high hnds, 
composing the western declivity of that mountain. The prin- 
cipal valleys are Brush, Nittany, Bald Eagle, Sugar, Half 
Moon, George's, Penn's, and others. 

NiTTANY, the great central valley of the county, in which 
the county town is pleasantly situated, abounds with many 
gushing rills or beautiful springs. 

The county is well watered. The principal streams are 
Bald Eagle creek, Mushanon creek, with their numerous 
tributaries, and the West Branch of the Susquehanna on the 
jiorthwest, the recipient of Bald Eagle and others. The 
smaller streams are Beach creek, Tungascootae, Spring creek, 
Elk creek. Marsh creek. Spruce creek, Half Moon run, Big 
Fishing creek. Cedar creek, Cold stream. Little Mushanon 
creek, Logan creek, Bulfalo run, Little Fishing creek, and 

The soil of this county is various. In some of the valleys 
it may be safely classed among the best in the State, and is 
highly productive, if well cultivated ; this is the case espe- 
cially in Nittany and Penn's valleys, and form the finest 
agricultural districts. Other parts of the county are, per- 
haps, equally productive ; but not so desirable on account of 
water, — the want of water is often severely felt, and 
in some instances wells have been sunk to a great depth 
without obtaining water. The smaller streams, at'ter lun- 
ning some distance, frequently sink into the fissures of the 
limestone rock and are seen no more. The mountain ridges 
separating the valleys, are generally steep and rocky, not fit 
to be cultivated, and only valuable for the timber that grows 
there. Some portions along the Allegheny are little inhabit- 
t'd. The prevailing timber is pine, hemlock, sugar maple, 
and dilTerent kinds of oak. 

The geological features of the county are varied. East 
of the liald Eacjle mountain the vallevs are of limestone for- 


mationj bordered on their margin next to the mountains by 
the overlying slate. This mountain and the high ridges south- 
east of it are of sandstone. Northwest of Bald Eagle moun- 
tain, along the valley in which flows Bald Eagle creek, are 
found the red and variegated shales, and the fossiliferous 
limestone, next in order. Above this is a thin belt of the 
fossiliferous sandstone, not always perceptible. From this to 
the southern base of the Allegheny, or rather of the hills 
which jut forward from that mountain, is a belt two or three 
miles wide, occupied by olive slates and sandstones ; and 
above this the red shale and red and gray sandstones, 
which form the steep front of the Allegheny. Passing over 
the intermediate formations, we find on the high lands beyond 
the summit, in the vicinity of Snowshoe and Philipsburg, beds 
of bituminous coal, which have been opened in some of the 
most accessible places, and the coal transported to the coun- 
try east of the mountain. — Trego. * 

Though bituminous coal abounds in the northwest of the 
Allegheny mountain about Philipsburg, yet it is not so im- 
portant a mineral as iron ore, which is abundantly found in 
the limestone valleys, in always any quantity or variety, 
yielding from 50 to 60 per cent, of metalic iron. 

The wealth of the county may be pretty fairly cstirnaieJ 
from the late census, of which the following is an abstract : 

In 1840 there were 7 furnaces in the county, (but the 
number has since increased) produced 7,500 tons of cast 
iron ; 9 bloomeries, forges and rolling mills, produced 10,110 
tons of bar iron ; there were 20,400 tons of fuel consumed; 
the number of men employed in the manufacture of iron, in- 
cluding mining, was 603; capital invested $398,000: there 
were 87,000 bushels of bituminous coal raised, employing 
7 men, capital invested $6,000 : horses and mules 4,752, 
neat cattle 15,494, sheep 17,461, swine 10,769, poultry of 
all kind estimated at -$1,979, bushels of wheat raised 34,421, 
barley 1,473, oats 114,470, rye 141,045, buckwheat 8,946, 
corn '204,122, pounds of wool produced 38,449, hojis 618, 
wax 280, bushels of potatoes 107,547, tons of hay 11,273, 
11 tons of flax and hemp ; sold 7,490 cords of wood ; value 
of the products of the dairy $72,159, value of the products 
of the orchard $14,068, value of home made or family goods 
$8,690 ; retail dry goods and other stores 48, with a capital 
of $158,950; value of lumber produced $28,140; 60 bar- 


rels of tar manufactured ; value of machinery manufactured 
^4,700, employed two hands ; hardware and cutlery manu- 
factured $800 ; bricks and lime manufactured $0,070, em- 
ployed five men ; fullint^ mills ^3 ; woollen factories 3; value 
of manufactured goods $18,000, employed 17 hands, capital 
invested $17,000; value of hats and caps manufactured $3,- 
100, persons employed, capital $2,'J00 ; tanneries 20, tan- 
ned 2,70o sides of sole leather, 4,260 of upper, employed 33 
men, capital $38,200 ; all other manufactories of leather, 
saddleries, &c. 7, value of manufactured articles $17,0o0, 
capital $8,800 ; two distilleries produced 43,000 gallons, 1 
brewery produced 7,280 gallons, 6 men employed in manu- 
facturing distilled and fermented liquors, capital $5,500 ; 2 
printing offices, employed 6 hands, capital $1,500; value of 
carriages and wagons manufactured $10,000, 13 men em- 
ployed, capital invested $2,900 ; grist mills 35, saw mills 
01, one oil mill, value of manufacture of the several mills, 
$89,250, employed 21 hands, capital $77,900 ; brick and 
stone houses built 13, wooden ones 25, men employed 22, 
value of constructing the buildings $49,000. Total capital 
invested in manufactures $173,000. Aggregate amount of 
all kmds of property taxable in 1844, $4^980,213 00. 


Bald Eagle and Spring Creek navigation, from the West 
Branch State Canal at Lock Haven, in Clinton county, up 
the Bald Eagle creek and Spring creek to Bellefonte, a dis- 
tance of 25 miles, will, wdien fully completed, prove a great 
advantage to this county. 

There are several good turnpike roads in this county, the 
principal of wdiich is from Bellefonte to Lewistown. This 
pike leads westward from the county town towards the town 
of Erie. 


A post town and borough, including Smithfield, was incor- 
porated March 18, 1814, is the scat of justice. The town 
derives its name from a compound French word, i. e. Belly 


beautiful, and Fonie, a fountain, the name of a beautiful 
spring, giving the name to the town, and supplying the in- 
habitants thereof, with the finest water imaginable, which is 
raised by a machinery into a reservoir, on an eminence about 
90 feet above the level of the spring. These works were 
first erected in 1808, and have since been rebuilt and impro- 
ved. The town was first commenced in 1795, by Messrs. 
Jarnes Harris and James Dunlop, who were owners of the 
site, and is on the right bank of Spring creek, in a township of 
the same name, latitude 40 degrees, 50 minutes, north longi- 
tude, and 40 minutes west from Washington city; 122 miles 
northwest from that city, and 85 from Harrisburg. It is sit- 
uated in a fine valley of limestone land, highly susceptible of 
improvement and well cultivated, abounding with first-rate 
timber, and the earth pregnant with inexhaustible quantities 
of iron ore, of the very best quality, easily smelted and very 
productive, yielding from 60 to 621 per cent, of metal. In 
and about the vicinity, especially on Spring creek, is a great 
number of furnaces, forges, rolling mills, tilt-hammers, grist 
mills, saw mills, fulling mills, oil mills, &c. It is a highly 
prosperous {)lace. 

When Centre county was erected, they gave half of the 
lots for public purposes, among which was the establishment 
of the seminary. The town contained in 1810, 203 inhabit- 
ants, in 1820, 433, in 1830, 699, in 1840, 1,032 ; of these, 
were — 

White Males under 5, 77 ; 5 and under 10, 47 ; 10 and 
under 15, 49 ; 15 and under 20, 56 ; 20 and under 30, 100; 
30 and under 40, 53 ; 40 and under 50, 35 ; 50 and under 
60, 24 ; 60 and under 70, 11 ; 70 and under 80, 2. 

White Females under 5, 66 ; 5 and under 10, 63 ; 10 
and under 15, 48 ; 15 and under 30, 58 ; 20 and under 30, 
106 ; 30 and under 40, 55 ; 40 and under 50, 132 ; 50 and 
under 60, 23 ; 60 and under 70, 8 ; 70 and under 80, 2. 

Colored Males under 10, 17 ; 10 and under 24, 13; 24 
and under 36, 17 ; 36 and under 55, 3 ; 55 and under 
100, 3. 

Colored Females under 10, 29 ; 10 and under 24, 10 ; 
24 and under 36, 13 ; 36 and under 55, 4 ; 55 and under 
100, 3. 


Of these there were engaged, according to the census of 
1840, 2 in agriculture, 11 in commerce, manufactures and 
trades 138, 1 in navigation, 21 in the learned professions and 
engineering. The borough contained 130 dwellings, four 
churches, a Presbyterian, Methodist, United Brethren, and 
a Catholic; an academy, 8 stores, 1 fulling mill, 1 woollen 
factory, 2 tanneries, 1 printing office, 1 weekly newspaper, 
4 schools, 120 scholars. 

The scenery around the town is very imposing ; nay, in- 
viting. The town has some high land around it ; but none 
which is not capable, under proper culture, of producing Irom 
twenty-five to thirty bushels of wheat per acre ; and from 
lands contiguous, once called barrens, have been known to 
yield 30 bushels. The supply of mineral fuel is easy, as bit- 
uminous coal is abundant within 10 miles of the borough ; 
and is accessible by a well constructed turnpike j'oad from 
the town to the mines. 

As to salubrity, it is said by competent judges, that no 
town in the Union excels Bellelonte. This town possesses 
many natural and artificial advantages. Schools of a higher 
order, efficiently conducted, amid a moral, intelligent and 
industrious community; and other advantages will, ere long, 
attract the attention ot those who can appreciate that which 
renders life desirable. 

Tuinpikes in various directions radiate from this place, af- 
fording facilities of access to the farmer, traveller, and tra- 
der. Superior lines of stages leave daily for Lewistown, and 
other places. 

The following sketch of a prominent person, from the Cen- 
tre Democrat, is worthy of a jilace here: — 

"Died in Bellefonte, on the 2()th May, 1835, in his SOth 
year, Andrew Gregg, Esq. Mr. Gregg was among the early 
settlers in Penn's valley. He was born on 10th June, 1755, 
at Carlisle. He acquired a classical education at several of 
the best schools of that day, and was engaged for some years 
as a tutor in the University of Pennsylvania. \i\ the year 
1783, Mr. Gregg, having saved a few hundred dollars from 
his salary as a teacher, changed his employment, and com- 
menced business as a storekeeper in Middletown, Dauphin 
county. In 1787 he raanied a daughter of General Potter, 
then living near the West Branch, in Northumberland coun- 
ty; and at the earnest request of his father-in-law, in 1789, 


moveci with his family in Penn's valley, where he settled 
down in the woods, and commenced the business of iarming, 
about two miles from Potter's old fort. On the place he first 
settled, he continued improving his farm from year to year, 
pursuing with great industry the business of a country farm- 
er. Theie all his children were born and some married, and 
there he resided until the year 1814, when became with his 
family to reside in this borough; having some years before 
purchased property in this neighborhood. In 1790 Mr. 
Gregg was elected a member of congress, and by seven suc- 
cessive elections, for several districts, as they were arranged 
from time to time, including one by a general vote or ticket 
over the whole state — was continued a member of that body 
for 16 successive years — and during the session of 1806-7, 
was chosen a member of the Senate of the U. S. At the 
expiration of this term, on the 4th of March, 1803, he re- 
turned to private life. One principal object of coming to 
reside in this borough, was a desire to be convenient to good 
schools, tor the benefit of his younger children. Here he 
lived a retired life, attending to the education of his children 
and the improvement of his farms, until Dec. 1820, when he 
was called by Gov. iliester to the situation of secretary of 
the commonwealth. During the administration of Governor 
Hiester, the duties of that office were executed by him with 
talent and integrity. Mr. Gregg, as a public man, as well 
as in private life, was remarkable for a sound and discrimin- 
ating man, agreeable and dignified manners, strict regard for 
truth, and unbending and unyielding honesty." 

'^ Died in Aug. 1833, at his residence in Spring township, 
Gen. Philip Benner, aged 70 years. He was among the 
first settlers in this county, and made his residence at the 
spot where he died as early as 1792. At that time there 
were but few inhabitants within the bounds of what is now 
('entre county. He was born in Chester county. His father 
was an active whig of the revolution, was taken prisoner by 
the British, and imprisoned. Philip, then a youth, took up 
arms under Gen. \N ayne, his relative and neighbor. When he 
went forth to the field, his patriotic mother quilted in the 
back of his vest several guineas, as a provision in case he 
should be taken prisoner by the enemy. After the war he 
became a successful manufacturer of iron, at Coventry forge, 
in Chester county. About the year 1790 he purchased the 



present site of Rock Furnace, and soon after his arrival he 
erected a forge, the first built in the county ; to which he 
subsequently added another forge, a furnace, and a rolling 
mill. To his example the people are mainly indebted for 
the development of the vast mineral wealth ot this county. 
At that early day the supply of provisions for the works to 
be transported from a distance, over roads that would now 
be deemed almost impassable ; and a market for his iron was 
to be found alone on the Atlantic seaboard. Undeterred by- 
adverse circumstances, the vigorous mind of General Benner 
struck out a new channel of trade. The rising importance 
of the west impressed him with the idea of opening a com- 
munication with Pittsburg, as a market for his iron and nails. 
He succeeded, and enjoyed for several years, without com- 
petition, the trade in what was termed by him the " Juniata 
iron," for the western country — a trade now of immense im- 
portance. He held the rank of major-general in the militia 
of the state, and was twice an elector of president of the U. 
S. He was a democrat throughout his life. The borough 
of Bellefonte bears testimony to his enterprise and liberality. 
He has adorned it by the erection of a number of dwelling 
houses, and aided in the construction of works to give it ad- 
vantaoes which nature denied. He established the Centre 
Democrat in 1827. He was remarkable for his industry, 
enterprise, generosity, and open-hearted hospitality : his 
home was the abode of a happy family." 


On the Mushannon creek, at the western side of the county,. 
25 miles west of Bellefonte, on the highlands behind the Al- 
legheny mountains, where the Bellefonte and Mcadville turn- 
pike road crosses the Mushannon creek. The town is named 
after Henry and James Philips, two enterprising and intelli- 
gent Englishmen, who laid out the town in 1797. The first 
house erected in the "wilderness town," was built by John 
Henry Simkr. Though the town contains now between 40 
and 50 buildings, and a very neat church, erected by the li- 
berality of Mr. Philips — it was studded with stumps not more 
than 15 years ago. The following extract, from "notes of 


a traveller," who visited here in 1830, will show what it 
was then — " We proceeded over an excellent turnpike to 
Philipsburg, which may emphatically be called a town of 
stumps. Hairs never stood more plenteously on a dog's back 
than the stumps in Philipsburg, yet it is a stirring place, and 
much indebted to the public s|)irit and enterprise of Dr. Phil- 
ijis, the proprietor. Among other manufitctories, there is one 
for the manufacture of ' screws,' which is among the most 
singular of modern inventions." 

The following account is given of Mr. Simler, who is men- 
tioned in the preceding page : — 

" Mr. Simler enlisted in 1780, in France, as a private, and 
served as a dragoon in Capt. Bart's corps of the first troop 
of Light Dragoons, PVee Legion, under the command of Col. 
Arraand. He arrived at Boston, and proceeded thence with 
his troop to Yorktown, Va., at which memorable siege he 
was present, and assisted in the capture of it by the united 
forces of America and France. He was wounded in the 
forehead and eye by a sabre, and retained the scar until his 
death. He remained in the service until regularly discharged 
at Philadelphia, although the greater part of his troop was 
discharged immediately after the surrender of Yorktown. On 
the termination of the war, he married and settled in Phila- 
delphia, where he remained for about 15 years. In 1793, 
he lost his wife by the yellow fever; he then married a se- 
cond time, and in 1797 removed to Philipsburg, in Centre 
county. Pa. — a perfect wilderness at the time. He built the 
first house in the {)lace, where he resided until he lost his 
second wife, in the year 1822. In the year 1829 he remo- 
ved to Philadelphia, where he died the same year." 

Harthnan Philips had erected the screw factory and other 
extensive iron works, which are not now in operation. There 
is a most valuable mineral district around this place, abound- 
ing in coal, iron, limestone, and fire clay ; and forest timber 
almost without hmit. 


Is. two miles north of Beilefonte, on the turnpike ; it is quite 
a brisk village — containing between 40 and 50 dwellings, 
and two churches, Baptist and Methodist, in and near it — a 


foundry, iron works, forge, axe factory and mills. The Bald 
Eagle canal passes through it. A woollen factory was start- 
ed here some years ago. The briskness is owing much to i 
the energy of Gen. Miles, and a few other enterprizing in- 
dividuals. • 


On the main branch of Spring creek, 10 miles sonthwest of 
Bellefonte, at the upper end of Penn's valley, is a pleasant 
and thriving village. It contains about 35 dwellings, a store 
and tavern, a Lutheran cliurch, a grist mill, woollen factory, 
and a number of mechanics' shops. The country around it 
is pretty well improved. It is a German settlement. 

The following, copied from the V\ eekly Messenger, print- 
ed at Charabersburg, is introduced here, as being of unusual 

Boalsburg, Centre co. Pa., Jan. 21, 1846. 

On the 12th of November last, a son of Mr. Christian 
Hoffer, of Potter township, of this county, who is about 21 
years of age, was attacked with a bilious cholic, but soon 
afterwards recovered so far as to be able to attend his usual 

Nine (lays after this, as he returned to his house in the 
evening from labor, he was again seized with such violent 
pain, that his system began evidently to sink under it. By 
prompt medical treatment, however, he was relieved of his 
pain in the course of a few hours. A fever followed. His 
conversation continued to be perfectly rational. On the fourth 
or fifth day following, he began to speak, exhort, sing and 
pray, in sleep. When he awoke, he had no recollection of 
what had happened during his sleep, except that he had 
dreamed. He soon recovered his bodily health to such an 
extent, that his physician })ronounced him well. He, how- 
ever, had some kind of presentiment that something extraor- 
dinary would transpiie in liis case, which the result has shown 
was by no means unfounded. 

On the evening of the 11th of December, after he had 
been reading for a short time in the bible, he complained of 
having very unpleasant sensations in his head, and as he at- 



tempted, in accordance with the advice of his friends, to seat 
himself upon the bed, he lell suddenly upon the floor. 

For a short time he was insensible, and when he recovered 
his senses, he was unable to speak a word ; yea, not so much 
as to utter the least sound. His countenance was calm, and 
by signs he gave those present to understand that he desired 
paper, ink and pen, to write. As these were handed to him, 
he took them, and wrote various things with readiness ; and 
amongst others, " that on the fourth or fifth night following 
he would either die or speak." Contrary to his wishes, his 
physician put a large blister upon him, to which he submit- 
ted only after much persuasion. 

On the second day following, he wrote to the physician, 
■'•' that he esteemed him highly; that his sickness was not that 
which he thought it was ; that his liver was not swollen, as 
his physician thought ; if it were so, he would certainly ex- 
perience something of it, &c." He urgently entreated the 
physician not to put another blister upon him, and also not 
to give him any more medicine, at least not before Tuesday 
morning at 8 o'clock, when, should he yet live and still be 
unable to speak, he would cheerfully comply with his pre- 
scriptions. To which the physician assented. 

On Sunday, the 14th December, he wrote that he wished 
to see me on Monday evening, and requested that I should 
hold a prayer meeting at his lather's house ; with which re- 
quest I complied. After the prayer-meeting had closed, he 
fell into a sleep, and from the motions of his hands, it could 
be perceived that his mind was exercised in a very extraor- 
dinary manner. He made a sign for something ; a bible was 
handed him, and also a German and English hymn book : he 
opened the bible, and with his eyes closed, he speedily ran 
his hngers over certain passages, and pointed out one. He 
did the same thing with the hymns, pointing to a German 
and also an English hymn. When he awoke, he pointed out 
to nie the passage of scripture, to which heliad pointed when 
asleep, viz : Ezekiel xi, 19 — as also the hymns ; and, I must 
acknowledge, that haci I taken the greatest possible pains, I 
could not have selected in either of the hymn books, hymns 
more suitable to the text pointed out, than those which he 
selected. At 11 o'clock, the same evening, he wrote forme 
among other things, " that in the course of five hours, it 
would be known whether he would die or speak." 



Before the time fixed upon arrived, he again iell asleep, 
and at the time itself, he became so weak that it was believed 
that he would die. His strength, however, returned again ; 
he began to speak ; opened the bible ; read a passage of 
scripture, John i, 29, and discoursed upon it very correctly 
and powerfully about forty minutes in German, and ten in 
the English language. Wlien he had ended his discourse, he 
appealed to be in a deep and quiet sleep; and in about fif- 
teen minutes afterwards, he awoke, and was quite calm. 

Several days after the above occurrence, he informed his 
friends that on Sunday afternoon, the Ibth instant, between 
12 and 1 o'clock, he would be placed in a similar condition. 
In the meantime he was calm, attended church, Sunday 
school, &c., but he oiten spoke, sang and piayed in his 

I was with him on last Thursday and Friday. He still 
insisted, on Friday, that what he had before said would cer- 
tainly take place at the specified time ; and for some time he 
was quite cast down, not knowing whether or not he should 
recover his power of speech, in case he should live. Still he 
endeavored to console himself with the promise, that "All 
things shall work together for good, to them that love God." 
I gave him and his parents all the counsel and consolation 
which it was in my power to give them. 

On Sunday, at the appointed time, whilst he was engaged 
with his parents and brothers in reading useful books, and 
proposing and answering questions about edifying subjects, 
he sank down some minutes before 1 o'clock. It was believ- 
ed that he was dying. For some time he was insensible. At 
length he opened his eyes, but could not speak a word or 
move a limb. About an hour afterwards he was able to 
move, and made signs for pen and ink. He wrote, amongst 
other thinos " tliat in seven or eiffht hours he would either 
speak or the." When he specified the time had ela})scil, he 
became again so weak whilst he slept, that it was thought 
he would die. After some time, however, he recovered his 
strength, and began to speak, exhort, sing, &c., both in the 
English and German languages. When he had finished, he 
appeared again to sleep, and when he awoke, he was cheer- 
ful and calm. He is now to all appearances well, and re- 
lieved in mind. I was several times present when he spoke 


in his sleep, and can truly say that I did not hear an unbe- 
coming word from him. 

P. S. Fischer. 


A post village, though small, is a very pleasant and thriv- 
ing manufacturing village, 12 miles from Bellefonte, on a 
branch of Sinking creek, on the Lewistown and Bellefonte 
turnpike. It contains a fust rate grist mill, woollen factory, 
several dwellings, a store and tavern, owned by James Pot- 
ter, Esq. and Gen. Potter, sons of Gen. James Potter. 


Is four miles north of Potter's Bank, on the turnpike road. 
Traces of the Fort are still visible. 

The history of Potter's Fort is briefly thus related. "Soon 
after the Indian Treaty ol 1768, James Potter, afterwards 
a Brigadier General under Gen. George Washington, came 
up the West Branch and Bald Eagle creek to seek for choice 
lands. He crossed the Nittany raonntain at Logan's Gap, 
and for the first time set his eyes upon the lovely Penn val- 
ley, afterwards his happy home. Alter reconnoitering the 
valley, he descended Penn's creek in a canoe — but soon re- 
turned again, took up a large body of land, made a settle- 
ment there, and erected a Stoccadc Fort. The place is still 
known as Potter's Fort. Gen. Potter, with many others, was 
driven from his new home by the Indians, at the beginning 
of the Revolution of '76. He entered the services of his 
country, and was with Gen. Washington during the cam- 
paigns of Brandywine, Valley Forge, Germantown, New 
Jersey. At the close of that eventful war, another treaty 
was made with the Indians for the purchase of all the terri- 
tory in the State, northwest of the West Branch ; and Gen. 
Potter was employed as agent and surveyor of a company of 
land speculators, to visit and superintend the settlement of 
their lands on the Sinnemahoning and West Branch, above 
the Allegheny mountain. 



A post town, twenty miles east, by the road from Bellefontej 
on Mill creek, a branch of Penn's creek, contains between 
thirty and forty houses, several stores and taverns. It is 
contiguous to Millheim, being separated from it by Mill 
creek. A turnpike road runs through it, which intersects 
that leading; from Bellelonte to Lewistown. 


Contains about thirty dwellings, a store and tavern. It lies 
in Penn's Valley, east of Brush mountain. 


Is a post village, eight miles southeast of Bellcforte, m 
Penn's valley, near the turnpike road from Lewistown to 


Kear the head of Slab Cabin branch of Spring creek, fifteen 
miles south of Bellefonte. 


A post town, fourteen miles southwest of Bellefonte, on the 
east side of Bald Eagle ridge. 


A Post Office, on Bald Eagle creek, twenty miles northeast 
of Bellefonte. 


A small village, 3 miles west of Pattonsville, and 14 miles 
south of Bellefonte. 



A post town, in Brush Valley, sixteen miles east of Belle- 
!ont«, contains about 20 dwellings, and a store and tavern. 
The valley possesses a rich limestone soil. 


in Brush Valley, is thirteen miles northeast of Bellefonte. 


The co:nmn school system has been adopted in every 
township except Gregg and Haines. There are 18 school 
districts in the county, 14 of which have reported 86 schools 
in operation, ami 7 more required in those districts; 5 months 
was the average time that schools were open ; having enga- 
ged 82 mile and 10 femile teachers; the former receiving 
1^20,20 cts. per m^nth, the latter $16 — number of scholars 
taught, 2,760 mile, 1,955 females, of which number 131 
were learning German ; average number of scholars to each 
school 44; cost of teaching a scholar, per month, 40i cents. 
A district tax was raised to the amount of $5,737 70 ; state 
appropriation $2,901 00. Cost of tuition $6,737 70 ; fuel 
and contingencies $565,85; expended in 1844 for school 
houses, $947,11. 

Besides the public schools and common subscription schools, 
there are two schools of advanced standing in Bellefonte — 
the academy, where upwards of fifty pupils are instructed, 
and at the same place a femile seminary, with about the 
same number of scholars. The progress of education is go- 
ing onward. 

The prevalent religious denominations are the same as in 
the adjacent counties, except the Amish or more rigid Men- 
nonites and Dunkards. 



Union County. 

Union county erected — Streams and geological features — Census of 
1840— Public improvements — Towns; New Berlin, Frederick Stump 
and Ironcutter killed ten Indians, &c.—Lewisburg,Capt. Brady, Mif- 
flinburg, Middleburg, Hartleyton, Freeburg, Selin's Grove, Charles- 
town, Beavertown, Adamstown, Centreville, NewColupibus, Swifts- 
town— Education, &c. 

Union county, formerly a part of Northumberland county, 
was separated from it by the act of March 22, 1813. The 
act directed, That all that part of the said county of Union, 
from and after the first day of November next, be entitled to 
and at all times thereafter shall have all and singular the 
courts, jurisdictions, offices, rights and privileges, to which 
the inhabitants of other counties of this state are entitled by 
the constitution and laws of this commonwealth. Some tin>e 
afterwards Mifflin county was added ; but this portion was 
again re-annexed. By an act March 16, 1819 — That all 
that part of Decatur township, in Mifflin county, lying east- 
ward of a line to begin at or near the southeast corner of 
Centre county on the top of Jack's mountain, nearly opposite 
John Eberhart's stillhouse, so that the same remains in the 
county of Mifflin ; and from thence a south course to the 
original division line between Union and Mifflin. 

Previous to re-annexing Decatur township to Mifflin coun- 
ty, a part of Union was annexed to Lycoming, by an act of 
March 11, 1815— That from and after the first day of May 
next, the township of Washington, in Union county, be an- 
nexed to the county of Lycoming. 

Union county is now bounded on the north by Lycoming, 
on the east by the Susquehanna, separating it from Northum- 
berland, on the south by Juniata county, and on the west 
by Mifflin and Centre counties. Length 26 miles, breadth 
2L, area in square miles 550; in acres 352,000. Population 
in 1820, 18,619; 1830,20,795; 1840,22,787. 


The population of the several townships was, in 1840, as 
follows : 

Beaver 2,609, East Buffalo 812, West Buffalo 1,460, 
Clapraan 1,279, Centre 1,891, Hartley 1,866, Kelly 788, 
Penn 2,280, Union 1,630, Perry 1,254, Washington 1,135, 
White Deer 1,252, Buffalo 1,348, Middle Creek 562. Bor- 
oughs, viz: Mifflinsburg 704, Lewisburg 1,220, New Ber- 
lin 679. 

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Though this county may strictly be called mountain- 
mis, yet it is not rugged. It lies in the range of the Alle- 
ghanies, under the central transition formation. The 
branches of the mountains traverse it in an eastern and 
northeastern direction. 

The mountains you meet with entering at the south, end- 
ing a kw miles west of the Susquehanna, are Shade moun 
tain, and Jack's mountain, the most lofty in the county 
Nittany, Buffalo and White Deer, are considerable eleva- 
tions. The latter forms the southern boundary. The Blue 
Hill opposite Northumberland, attracts the attention of the 
traveller, being isolated of considerable height. Besides 
tiiese mountains there are a number of ridges, which give 
the county a broken appearance, especially in the southern 
part, if we except bottoms along the Susquehanna, and the 
small valleys of Middle creek and Klapperdahl. The vaU 
feys generally here have a calcareous soil, and are very 
productive, especially Buffalo Valley, which is a fertile 
and beautiful vale of limestone soil, extending from west 
to east, nearly through the county; bounded on the north 
by Buffalo mountain ; south by Jack's mountain and the 
Shamokin ridge. Owing to the character of the soil, agri- 
culture is the chief, and almost the only pursuit of the m- 
habitants of this county. 

This county is abundantly supplied with water. The 
principal streams are the Susquehanna, West Branch of 
Susquehanna, Buftalo, White Deer, Middle and Mahan- 
tongo creeks, and others with small tributaries, such as 
Beaver, Swift, Penns, West Mahantongo creeks, and oth- 
ers; Turtle, Rapid and Spruce runs. 

The West Branch of the Susquehanna flows along the 
f^ast side, to its junction with the North Branch at Nor- 
thumberland, uniting there, both roll onward to, and be- 
yond the southern boundary of the county, affording thf>. 
most ample water power imaginable, for all kinds of mills 
,).nd factories, if once demanded for that purpose. 

Penn's creek, too, is a stream of considerable importance. 
It rises in the southeast part of Centre county, and flows 
east through Centre and Union, by New Berlin, and falls 
into the Susquehanna river at Sehn's Grove, after a crtm- 
parative course of more than fifty miles, fpr the great part 
of which it is navigable for rafts and arks. New Berlin, 



which is twelve miles from its mouth, is the natural depot 
of the descending trade of this stream. 

Buffalo creek, in the north of the county, is a union of 
Great Buffalo and Little Buffalo ; the former rises on the 
confines of Centre county, and flows east through this 
county, into the West Branch of the Susquehanna at Lew- 
isburg, receiving in its course Rapid run, Spruce run and 
the Little Buffalo creek, which rises in VVI.ite Deer town- 
ship, and runs south until it flows into Great Buffalo. 

According to the census of 1840, there were two furna- 
ces in this county, which produced 355 tons of cast iron, 
one forge produced 150 tons of bar iron, and consumed 
427 tons of fuel ; 39 men employed in manufacturing iron 
including mining operatives, capital ^22,000. Horses and 
mules in the county 5,078, neat catt'e 14,605, sheep 18,- 
196, swine 16,578, poultry of all kinds estimated at $6,- 
193, wheat raised 310,010 bushels, barley 965, oats 263,- 
501, rye 135,387, buckwheat 24,461, corn 172, 191, pounds 
of wool 35,492, hops 515, wax 1,603, bushels of potatoes 
107,570, tons of hay 18,568, pounds of tobacco gathered 
8,000, cords of wood sold 2,908, value of the product of 
t^e dairy $10,625, value of the products of the orchnrd 
^4,455, value of home made or family goods $15,304. 
Retail and dry goods and other stores 51, with a capital of 
^232,200; two lumber yards, capital ^2,400. Value of 
machinery manufactured §8,800, 7 men employed. Bricks 
and lime manufactured valued at §8,300, employed 96 
hands. Fulling mills 13, one woollen factory, value of 
manufactured goods §7,500, 18 hands employed, capital 
invested $4,000. Value of hats and caps manufactured 
$7,950, employed 16 hands, capital invested $3,500. 24 
tanneries tamied 3,920 sides of sole leather and 6,325 of 
upper, employed 52 hands, capital $38,400 ; all other ma- 
nufactories ot leather, saddleries, &c. 38, value of manu- 
factured articles $27,750, capital invested $16,710. Eigh- 
teen distilleries produced 140,63 gallons; two breweries 
produced 6,000 gallons of beer, 32 hands were employed 
in the manufacture of distilled and fermetrted liquors, cap- 
ital invested $15,500. Eight })otteries n)anufactured to 
the value of five thousand one bimdred and ninety dollars, 
employed 14 hands, capital nine hundred dollars. Six 
printing offices and one bindery, employed 24 hands, cap- 


ital nine thousand five hundred dollars. Value of wagons 
and carriages manufactured eighteen thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty dollars, employed 58 hands, capital invest- 
ed seven thousand two hundred and fifty dollars. Thirteen 
fiouring mills manufactured 8,526 barrels; 32 grist mills, 
75 saw mills, 6 oil mills, value of the manufacture of mills 
23,258 dollars, employed 130 hands, and a capital of 119,- 
050 dollars. Value of furniture manufactured 3,500 dol- 
lars, employed 16 hands, capital 2,350 dollars. Total cap- 
ital invested in all manufactures 224,940 dollars. Total 
aggregate of property taxable in 1844, $4,235,053 00. 


The Susquehanna Division of the Pennsylvania canal 
extends along the eastern side of the county to Northum- 
berland, where the tow-path crosses the West Branch, bv 
a substantial bridge. The West Branch canal being on 
the east side of the river, Cross-cut or Side-cut extends 
from Lewislurg to the pool formed by a dam in the river, 
and thus communicates with the State canal. This cut is 
about three-fourths a mile long, and has contributed much 
towards the briskness of business in Lewisburg. Much of 
tiie produce of this fertile region is shipped here. 

On its completion, the citizens of Lewisburg and vicini- 
ty, had a Canal celebration. The following is taken from 
the Lewisburg Journal. 

Canal Celebration. — The Lewisburg 6ross-Cut, consist- 
ing ol a dam, and about three-fourths of a mile of canal, 
making a complete communication between Lewisburg 
and the West Branch Canal, being this day (October 2b, 
1833) finished ; and upon letting the water pass from tlie 
canal into the river, a large number of persons collected to 
witness the operation of an improvement in which all ap- 
peared to feel a common interest. It was proposed that a 
meeting be organized at the house of Col. Christian Shro- 
ycr, for the purpose of making a public expression of sen- 
timent relative to those concerned in procuring for us this 



Cluistian Shroycr was called to the chair, P. Geddes & 
W. Cameron, acted as Secretaries. Among others, the fol- 
lowing sentiments were given : — 

Samuel J. Packer, Esq. — The able, intelligent, and 
raithlul representative of" his senatorial district. His zeal 
and mitiriiig exertion in favor of the law authorizing the 
improvement thai has just been finished, is still fresh in oui 
memories, and should an opportunity offer, the borougli 
of Lewishurg will prove that her citizens are not ungrate- 

The Lewishurg Cross-Cut — The Liberality that author- 
ized the gcmus that designed, and the skill, perseverance 
and industry that constructed, all deserve the admiration 
and esteem of every one who looks forward to the rise 
xnd prosperity of our already flourishing and growing vil- 
lage and its surrounding neighborhood. 

A turnpike road extends from Lewishurg by Mitllins- 
burg, and Hartleytown to Aaronsburg and lieilefonte. 
There are three bridges across the West Branch of l\\e 
Susquehanna within the bounds of (his county; the State 
bridge at Nortluunbcrland, and two company bridges in 
which the State holds stock, one at Milton and the other 
at liCwisburg. Besides these, there are bridges over all 
the principal streams, when crossed by the main roads. 

The coimiion public roads are generally kept in good 
rej-)air in this county. 


Is the seat of justice, situated on the left bank of Penn's 
creek, rather in the eastern i)artof the county, in the midst 
«f a fertile limestone valley. It was laid out by a Mr 
Long, about forty-five years ago, Avho afterwards sold 
.)Ut and moved away, about thirty years ago. When 
fust laid out it was called l^ongstown, hut on the erec- 
tion of the county in 1812, the name was changed to 
New Berlin. The town was then built exclusively upon 
the southernmost of the two principal streets, of whicl; 
it now consists. In 1813 it contained only five or six 
Ct'diuc houses, but on the establishment of the ccunty, the 



I'olders of outlots north of the town and under Montour's 
ridge, threw them into a common stock, made a lottery of 
them, at twenty-five dollars per share of one lot. 

The town contains nearly one lunidred dwelliiigs,a fine 
court house and county odices, of brick, and a stone jail, 
three churches, Lutheran, JNIethodist, and Evangelical 
Association. There are also several stores and taverns. 
Four papers are published here, two English and two Ger- 

Population in 1840, 679, of these there were — 

White Males under 5, 72 ; 5 and under 10,51; 10 
and under 15, 28; 15 and under 20,45; 20 and under 
30, 61; 30 and under 40, 38; 40 and under 50, 24: 
50 and under 60, 17; 60 and under 70, 6; 70 and un- 
(ier 80, 2; 80 and under 90, 1. 

White Females under 5, 49 ; 5 and under 10, 45; 
10 and under 15, 40; 15 and under 20, 45; 20 and 
under 30, 66 ; 30 and under 40, 33 ; 40 and under 50, 
27; 50 and under 60, 11; 60 and under 70, 12; 70 
and under 80, 4; 80 and under 90, 1. 

Of these 5 were engaged in agriculture; 87 in man- 
ufactures and trade, 1 in navigation, and 18 in the learn- 
ed professions. 

Tiie Penn's creek is navigable for rafts and arks above 
50 miles, and affords great facilities for transporting the 
surplus produce of this county, and ere long this natu- 
ral depot of the trade of this fertile valley will command 
a large share of trade. 

Not far fram this town, Frederick Stump, the Indian- 
killer, slew some Indians at their own cabins. 

Below is given an account of this horrid murder, Stump's 
apprehension, and proceedings of govenmient relative 

Two or three families of Indians, one called the White 
Mingo, another Cornelius, one Jonas, and one Cammell, 
three Indian women, two girls and a child, had removed 
from the Big Island, on the West Branch of Susquehanna, 
in the spring of 1767, came and built themselves cabins on 
Al'ddle creek, about 15 miles above the mouth of said 



creek ; where they lived and hunted, and were on friendly 
terms with their white neighbors — were always well received 
and kindly treated. In the month of January, 1768, they 
came to the house of William BIyth, who lived at the mouth 
of Middle creek. He treated them kindly. From his house 
they went to Frederick Stump's, who lived near Hlyth's, 
where it is supposed some diflerences happened. Here four 
of the Indians were murdered ; their bodies cast into Middle 
creek, through a hole in the ice. Stump, with his servant, 
Ironcutter, (Eisenhauer,) then proceeded to a cabin about 
four miles fi om his house, where he found two Indian girls 
and one child, whom he also murdered, and setting fire to the 
cabin, endeavored to consume the remains. 

The body of one of those thrown into Middle creek, was 
afterwards found, " lying dead within the water-mark of the 
river Susquehannah," some distance below the Harrisburg 
bridge, and interred in Allen township, as will appear from 
the following letter, dated 

East Pennsborough, Cumberland co., Feb. 29, 1798. 
John Penn, Esq., Hon. Sir : 

We take this opportunity to inform you, that on the 
27th inst., at Allen township, in the county of Cumberland, 
one James Thompson found an Indian man lying dead with- 
in the water-mark of the river Susquehannah, who, without 
doubt, is one of the Indians Stump killed, and was brought 
down there by the water. As soon as we heard thereof, 
hearing at the same time that the Coroner was sick, we went 
down and held an inquest on the dead body. He was struck, 
as appeared to us, on his forehead, which broke his scull. 
There was also a large scalp taken off his head, which took 
both of his ears. We held the inquest on the 28th inst., and 
interred him decently — cut small poles and made a pen about 
his grave. We have nothing material more to inform you 
of at present, but beg leave to subscribe ourselves, 
Your obedient and humble servants, 

James Galbreath, 
Jonathan Hoge. 

The murder of these Indians produced a prodigious ex- 
citement, at the time, as will appear from all the facts and 


proceedings arising from, and connected with it. As sooh 
as this atrocity was made known to the governor of the pro- 
vince, and to Sir WilHara Johnson, Penn issued his procla- 
mation, offering a reward for the apprehension of Stump and 
Ironcutter, promising to punish them with death ; and this 
declaration, with two strings of wampum, he sent to be made 
known to the Indians living on the Susquehanna, requesting 
them not to break the peace in consequence of the murder. 
A message was also sent to the same effect, says Hecke wel- 
der, by the governor to the Christian Indians, with the re- 
quest that they should make it known in public assembly; 
and soon after, a special message was sent to the Christian 
Indians (at Friedenshueten) from Sir William Johnson, de- 
siring if they knew of the relations of those persons murdered 
at Middle creek, to send them to him, that he might wipe 
the tears from their eyes, comfort their afflicted hearts, and 
satisfy them on account of their grievances. Sir William 
Johnson also invited the chief of the Six Nations, and other 
tribes of Indians living on Susquehanna, and on the Ohio to 
an amicable convention. A convention was held, peace and 
friendship again re-established. — [For particulars see Heck- 
ewelder's Narrative. 

All the circumstances connected with the murder were 
communicated to the governor and council. Mr. Blyth re- 
aired to Philadelphia, and made information upon oath. — 
See extracts of Records below. 

Mr. William Blyth, of Penn's township, in Cumberland 
co'mty, just arrived in town, in order to give information to 
his Honor the Governor, of the murder of ten Indians, late- 
ly com nitted by Frederick Stump, at Middle creek, in that 
county, appeared at the Board, and being examined on oath, 
related what is contained in the fallowing deposition, taken 
in council before the Chief Justice, who was expressly de- 
sired to attend for that purpose, viz : 

The deposition of William Blyth of Penn's township, in 
the county of Curabarland, Farmer, being sworn on the Ho- 
ly Evangelists of Almighty God, saith : 

That hearing of the murder of some Indians by one Fred- 
erick Stump, a Germm, he went to the house of George Ga- 
briel, where he unierstoou Stump was, to enquire into the 
mitter ; that he there ra;it with Stump and several others, 


on the 12th of the present month, January; and was there 
informed by the said Stump himself, that on Sunday even- 
ing before, being the lOlh of the month, six Indians, to 
wit, the White Mingo, an Indian man named Cornelius, one 
other man named John Campbell, one other man named 
Jones, and two women came to his (Slump's) house, and be- 
ing in drink, and disorderly, he endeavored to persuade them 
to leave his house, which they were not inclined to do, and 
being apprehensive that they intended to do him some mis- 
chief, killed them all, and afterwards, in order to conceal 
them, dragged them down to a creek near his house, made a 
hole in the ice and threw them in — and that the said Fred- 
erick Stump further informed this deponent, that fearing 
news ot his killing the Indians might be carried to the oth- 
er Indians, he went the next day to two cabbins about four- 
teen miles from thence up Middle creek, where he found 
one woman, two girls and one child, which he killed in or- 
der to prevent their carrying intelligence of the death of the 
other Indians, killed as aforesaid, and afterwards put them 
into the cabbins and burnt them; that this deponent after- 
wards sent four men up the creek, to where the cabbins 
were, to know the truth of the matter, who upon their re-* 
turn, informed him that they had found the cabbins l)urnt, 
and discovered some remains of the limbs of some Indians 
who had been burnt in them — And further saith not. 

William Blvth. 

Sworn at Philadelphia the 19th day of January, 176^, 
before me, William Allen. 

As soon as Capt. William Patterson, (formerly of Lancas- 
ter cQjiinty, then residing on the Juniata) heard of this atro- 
cious act," went, without waiting orders from the governor, 
wilh a party of nineteen men, and arrested Stump and Iron- 
cutter, and delivered them to John Holmes, sheriff, at Car- 
lisle jail. Aware that the relatives of the murdered Indians 
■would be, on the receipt of this news, exasperated, he sent 
one Gersham Hicks, with a message to the Indians at Big 
Island, on the w«st branch of the Susquehanna. 

! Carlisle, January 23, 1768. 

The 21st instant, I marched a party of nineteen inen to 
George Gabriel's house at Penn's creek mouth, and mad-e 


prisoners of Frederick Stump and John Ironcutter, who 
were suspected to have murdered ten of our friend-Indians, 
near fort Augusta ; and I have this day dehvered them to 
Mr. Holmes at Carlisle jail. 

Yesterday I sent a person to the Great Island, that un- 
derstood the Indian language, with a talk ; a copy of which 
is enclosed . 

Myself and party, were exposed to great danger, by thi 
desperate resistance made by Stump and his friends, who 
sided with him. The steps I have taken, I flatter myself, 
will not be disapproved of by the gentlemen of the govern- 
ment ; ray sole view being directed to the service of the 
frontiers, before I heard his Honor the Governor's orders. — 
The miS'ja^e I hive sent to the Inlians, I hope will not be 
deemi I assuming an authority of my own, as you are very 
sensible I am no stranger to the Indians and their customs. 
I am, with jespect, 

Your most obedient 

humble servant, 

W. Patterson. 

Juniata, January 22, 1768. 

" Brothers of the Six Nations, Delawares, and other in- 
habitants of the West Branch of Susquehanna, hear what J 
have to say to you. With a heart swelled with grief^- I 
have to inform you, that Frederick Stump and John Iron- 
cutter, hath, unadvisedly, murdered ten of our Iriend-Indians 
near Fort Augusta — The inhabitants of the Province of 
Pennsylvania do disapprove of the said Stump and Ironcut- 
ter 's conduct ; and as a proof thereof, I have taken them 
prisoners, and will deliver them into the custody of officers, 
that will keep them ironed in prison for trial ; and I make 
no doubt, as many of them as are guilty, will be condemned, 
and die for the offence. 

"Brothers, I being truly sensible of the injury done you, 
I only add these few words, with my heart's wish, that you 
may not rashly let go the last hold of our chain of friendship, 
for the ill coniiuct of one of our bad men. Believe me. Bro- 
thers, we Englishmeii continue the same love for you that 
hath usually subsisted between our grand-fathers, and I de- 
sire you to call at Fort Augusta, to trade with our people, 
for the necessaries you stand in need of. I pledge you my 



■•jvord, that no white man there shall molest any of you, 
while you behave as friends. I shall not rest night nor day, 
until I receive your answer. 

Your friend and brother, 

W. Patterson. * 

The following is an answer to Captain Patterson's mes- 
sage, of January 22, 1768. 

" February 11th, 1768. 
" Loving Brother : 

I received your speech by Gertham Hicks, and have sent 
one of my relatives with a string of wampum, and the fol- 
lowing answ^er : 

Loving Brother : 

I am glad to hear from you — I understand that you are 
very much grieved, and that the tears run from your eyes 
— With both my hands I now wipe away those tears : an(i 
as I don't doubt but your heart is disturbed, I remove all 
the sorrows from it, and make^it easy as it was before. I 
will now sit down and smoke my pipe. I have taken fast 
hold of the chain of friendship ; and when I give it a pull, 
if I find my brothers, the English, have let go, then it will 
be time for me to let go too, and take care of my family- 
There are four of my relatives murdered by Stump; anxl all 
I desire is, that he may suffer for his wicked action ; I shall 
then think that people have the same goodness in their hearts 
as formerly, and intend to keep it there. As it was the 
i.'vil spirit who caused Stump to commit this bad action, I 
blame none of my brothers, the English, but him. 

I desire that the people of Juniata may sit still on their 
})laces, and not put themselves to any hardships, by leaving 
their habitations ; whatever danger is coming, they shall 
know it before it comes on them. 
I am. 

Your loving Brother. 

Shawana Ben. 
To Capt. William Patterson. 

The Council, after examining Mr. Blyth, immediately 
took this most important matter into consideration, and were 
of opinion that w^arrants should forthwith be issued by the 


chiet justice, directed to the sheriffs, under sheriffs, and oth- 
er ofhcers of the Province, alid particularly to those of the 
counties of Cumberland, Lancaster and Berks, for the appre- 
hending of the above mentioned Frederick Stump, and bringing 
him before one of his Majesty's Justices of Oyer and Terminer, 
to be dealt with according to law. The Board also advised 
the Governor to issue a proclamation offering a reward of 
€200 for apprehending said offender, and bringing him to 
justice; but to delay the publication of the same for a short 
time, till other more secret means should be used for taking 
hira, lest news of such a proclamation should reach his ear, 
and he might be thereby so alarmed, as to abscond, or mak*; 
his csca{)e before any sheriff could arrive at Penn's creek, 
where it is believed he continues to remain with his family. 
They therefore advised the governor to write immediately to 
the magistrates of Cumberland county, strictly requiring them 
to exert themselves on this occasion, by giving their best as- 
sistance to the sheriff and other officers, and taking all other 
measures in their power for apprehending and securing the 
said Frederick Stump, and also to despatch letters of the 
same kind to the magistrates of Lancaster and Berks coun- 
ties, instructing them to send their sheriffs with sufficient aid 
to the utmost limits of those counties on the Susquehanna, so 
as to be nearly opposite to Middle crrek, that they may be 
in readiness to apprehend the said Stump, in case he should 
cross the river to retire to either of those counties. 

The Hoard further advised the governor to write lo Gene- 
ral Gage and Sir William .fohnson, acquainting them with 
this unhappy accident, and the steps he is taking on this oc- 
casion, and to request Sir William will be pleased to commu- 
nicate the same as soon as possible to the Six Nations, in the 
best and most favorable manner in his power, so as to prevent 
their taking immediate resentment for this unavoidable injury, 
committed on their people, and to assure them of the firm and 
sincere purposes of this government to give them full satisfac- 
tion at all times for all wrongs done to the Indians, and to pre- 
serve the friendship subsisting between us and them inviolable. 
Accordingly, the chief justices warrants and several letters 
to the magistrates of Cumberland, Lancaster and Berks coun- 
ties, were prepared without delay and despatched by ex- 
press. But before those letters, and the proclamation of 
chief justice Allen reached the magistrates and sheriffs, Stump 



and Ironcutter, as above stated, had been lodged in jail ; but 
before they were brought to trial, were rescued from prison 
by their friends and neighbors, whose fears were excited that 
Stump and Ironcutter were to be taken to Philadelphia, there 
to be tried, they "not properly distinguishing between exam- 
ination and trial," rescued them from prison, on the 29th of 
January, and cariied them ofT. 

Governor Penn sent a message express to the chiefs on 
Great Island, on which he deplores the death of the Indi- 

A Message from the Governor of Pennsylvania to Ne-wo- 
Jee-ka, the Chief of the Delawares, and to other Indians at 
the Great Island. 

Brother Ne-wo-lee-ka : 

The Indian man, Billy Champion, who is the bearer of this 
letter, has informed me there were some white people in your 
})arts, surveying and marking out lands, under a pretence of 
hunting; and you sent him to desire to know, if this was 
done by my order or knowledge. I assure you it was not. 
It is a wicked thing, contrary to my treaties with you, and 
contrary to our laws and my proclamations. I will make it 
ray business to find them out ; and, if you know who they 
are, I desire you will inform me, that they may be taken and 
brought to justice. The string herewith sent confirms my 
words. A String. 

Brother — 

I am glad this Indian man, Bill, came down at this time, 
for it gives me an opportunity of informing you of a melan- 
choly affair which I have only heard of within these few 
days, and which fills the hearts of all your Brethren with 
the deepest sorrow and grief. It is this: two or three fami- 
lies of Indians, namely the White Mingo, Jonas and John 
Cammell, three women, two girls and a child, left the Big 
Island in the spring and came and built themselves cabins on 
Middle creek, about fifteen miles up the creek; there they 
lived and hunted, and were often with our people, and were 
always well received and kindly treated by them. About 
ten days ago they were at Mr- Wm. Blythe's, who lives at 
the mouth of Middle creek, who treated them kindly; and 
from his house they went to one Frederick Stump's, a Dutch- 


man, who lives in that neighborhood. There it is supposed 
some difference happened, but what it was we have not heard, 
hut they were all found murdered ; six of them in Stump's 
own house, and four at a certain cabin at some distance from 
it. I am further informed, Stump says he killed them all 
with his own hands, and that there was no other person con- 
cerned with him in the act. 

On ray receiving this melancholy account, the sheriff was 
immediately sent with his officers to take up this Stump as 
the murderer ; and for their encouragement, I offered them a 
reward of two hundred pounds ; and I am in hopes he is by 
this time taken ; and no time shall be lost to bring him to his 
trial, that he may suffer death in the same manner as he would 
have done, had he killed some white men. 

Brother — 

I consider this matter in no other light, than as the act 
of a wicked, rash man, and I hope you will also consider it 
in the same way, and not imagine that since it was done by 
one man, in the manner I have related it to you, that any 
other persons have been concerned in it, or that it has been 
in any way encouraged by any of my people. I assure you 
it has not. 

Brother — 

There are among you and us some wild, rash, mad- 
headed people, who commit actions of this sort. Whenever 
it so happens, all that can be done, is immediately to acquaint 
each other of them, and to bring the offenders to justice, that 
it may make no breach between us, but be considered as a 
rash, sudden act, that could not be prevented : and, we now 
inform you further, that we are going to send off a messen- 
ger immediately, to the relations of the deceased people, who,, 
we hear, live near Chenasse, (Genesee) to inform them, and 
the Seneca Nation, to whom they belong, of this murder: 
and to bury their bodies and wipe their tears from their eyes, 
that it may not break the friendship subsisting between us 
and the Indians; but that we may live together and love one 
another, as we did before this melancholy accident happened. 
This belt confirms ray words. A Belt of Wampum. 

Brother — 

I desire this belt of wampum may be sent to any of o\k 
brethren, near you., that they may not be frightened, or think 

C\ A Ik 



the English are not their friends. Assure them to the con- 
trary,; and that we will keep the chain of friendship entire 
and bright, notwithstanding this accident. To confirm this, 
my request, I give you this string. A String. 

Given under my hand and the Lesser Seal of 

\ Locus I the Province of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia, the 
( sigili. j 2od of January, 1768. 

John Penn. 

By his Honor's command : 

Joseph Shippen, Jr., Secretary. 

Immediately on the rescue of the prisoners, Mr. Armstrong 
sent a letter express, by Mr. Cunningham, to governor Penn. 
informing him of what had happened. Mr. Cunningham's 
deposition was taken, by Chief Justice Allen, befoie the 
council and Assembly, whereupon the governor issued a proc- 
lamation for the apprehension of the prisoners. 

Carlisle, January 29lh, 1768. 
John Penn, Esq., Hon. Sir : 

In this perturbation of mind, I cannot write; but in real 
distress, only inform your Honor, that we are deceived and 
disgraced at once; for about ten o'clock this morning, to the 
number of 70 or 80 men, under arms, surrounded our jail, 
when a number of them, unknown to the magistrates, I must 
say, appear to have had too ready entrance into the dungeon, 
and in less than ten minutes time, carried off Stump and his 
servant, in open triumph and violatiou of the law. The few 
magistrates that were present, Messrs. Miller and Lyon and 
myself, have, I hope, obviously enough done our duty; but. 
while we were engaged at the prison door, exerting ourselves 
both by force and argument, a party, utterly without our 
knowledge, was in the dungeon, of which we were not ac- 
quainted either by the jailer or any other person, who, be- 
fore we were aware of it, had the prisoners in the opeii 
street, when we were unable to make further opposition,. and 
they were gone in less than a second. 

The jailer says that a pistol was held at his breast, and 
this is all we can at present say of that circumstance. These 
rioters give as reasons for their conduct, that the prisoners 
were to be carried to Philadelphia for trial — that a number 
of white men have been killed by the Indians since the peace. 


nnd the Indians have not been brought to justice, &c. At 
present we know not what step to take for the best, and 
beg leave to be favored with your Honor's further instruc- 
tions. I have written in the presence of the two raagistrateb 
mentioned above, and am 

Your Honor's 

Most obedient servant; 

John Armstrong. 

P. S. The bearer, Mr. Cunningham, is a prudent young 
man — knows the state of these things, and may be depended 
on in any questions your Honor, or the chief justice ma\ 
think proper to ask. 

James CunningJiam appeared before the Board, Thursday 
Feb. 4, 1798 — his deposition taken in the presence of Johri 
Penn, Esq., James Hamilton, Wm. Logan, Benj. Chew, Ricli- 
ard Penn and James Tilghman was examined, and his depo- 
sition taken. 

James Cunningham, of Lancaster county, farmer, being 
sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth 
and saith, that on Friday, the 29th day of January last, about 
nine or ten o'clock in the forenoon, as he was sitting at break- 
fast with John Armstrong, Esq., in the town of Carlisle, in 
the county of Cumberland, he was surprised to see a numbe: 
of armed men surrounding, on a sudden, the public jail in th«* 
said town, that he and the said John Armstrong, apprehend- 
ing that the said company met with an intention to rescue 
from the said jail a certain Frederick Stump and John Iron- 
cutter, who were confined there lor the murder of a number 
of Indians, they both instantly ran to the said jail in order 
to prevent, if possible, the execution of so wicked and illegal 
ii design. That when they got up to the said jail, the saiii 
John Armstrong made his way through a number of armeti 
m.en, who stood before the door of the said jail, which wa> 
open, and guarded by four men, who stood within the dooi 
with arms in their hands; that the said John Armstrong and 
John Holmes, high sheriff of the said coynty^bolh attempted 
to go into the door of the jail, but were several times pushed 
back and prevented : that as the said John Armstrong stooo 
on the steps, under the door, he addressed himself frequentlj- 
to the armed company who were about him, and used many 


Arguments to persuade them to desist from their lawless un- 
dertaking, and told thera, among other things, that they were 
about to do an act which would subject themselves and their 
country to misery. That while the said Armstrong was 
speaking, this deponent saw one man take hold of him, and 
draw him down the said steps, upon which the said Armstrong 
by violence pushed back the person who had hold of him, and 
regained his stand on the said steps, saying at the same time, 
that they should take his lite before they should rescue the 
prisoners. This deponent further saith, that while the said 
John Armstrong and Robert Miller, and Wm. Lyon, Esq., 
and the Rev. J. Steel, who had joined the said Armstrong, 
were endeovoring to disperse the said company, several other 
armed men appeared within side the said jail, to the very 
great surprise of every one, with the two prisoners " above 
mentioned in their possession, whom they brought forward, 
and after pushing the said Armstrong, Miller, Lyon, Steel, 
Holmes, and this deponent, by violence and crowding from 
befoie the said jail door, carried them off with shouts ami 
rejoicing, and immediately left the town. This deponent 
further saith that he cannot with certainty declare what num- 
bers were in the company which made the said rescue, but 
that from the best judgment he could form, there were 70 or 
SO, all armed with guns, and some tomahawks. This depo- 
nent further saith, on his solemn oath, that he does not know, 
2ior has any personal knowledge of any one of the persons he 
saw in the said company, concerned in the said rescue, am! 
that after the said company had left the town, the Rev. Steel 
came to the said Armstrong and Mr. Lyons anil Holmes, and 
mlormed thera that the said rescuers desired they would come 
to, and confer with them at the plantation of John Davis, to 
come to some terms with them. That the saiil three last 
mentioned persons immediately mounted their horses and went 
towards the said Davis's, but informed this deponent that on 
their return, that the said company had altered their resolu- 
tion, and had gone on without waiting for them; and furthe;- 
rsaith not. 

James Cunningham. 
Taken and sworn before the Gov- } 
ernor and council, Feb. 4, 1798. \ 

Deposition of James Cunningham, of the county of Lancas- 



ter, being sworn according to law, taken an oath, adminis- 
tered bv the Chief Justice, before the House, February 4. 

That about ten o'clock last Friday morning, as he sat at 
breakfast, with Col. John Armstrong, in the lown of Carlisle, 
looking through a window opposite to the prison, he saw a 
number of armed men running towards the back of the jail, 
of which, acquainting the colonel, they both arose from the ta- 
ble, run into the street, and made their way through the arm- 
ed men to the jail door, the colonel calling out to the people 
that they were acting a bad {)art, or words to that effect, and 
desiring them, as they could not be all reasoned with, to 
choose out three or four, or half a dozen of their leaders, and 
he would convince ihem that they were acting a part that 
must subject them and their country to misery; that the Rev. 
Mr. Steei came out and spoke to the people to the same ef- 
fect ; that the Colonel, Mr. Miller, Mr. Lyon, the Sheriif, 
the deponent and others, having got to the jail door, forced 
all the people from it, except four armed men, who stood 
within the door with their muskets across it ; that some of the 
armed men within pushed the Colonel down the steps, who, 
liaving recovered himself, said to them ; Gentlemen, I am un- 
armed, and it is in your power to kill me, but I will die on 
the spot before you shall rescue the prisoners. Mr. Miller 
spoke in like manner ; that while the magistrates and sheritl 
were thus attempting in vain to get at the door, to the sur- 
prise of every one but the mob, the prisoners were brought 
out, (Stump handcuffed, the servant not) when the people 
accompanying them, called out to the mob, "make way, here 
are the prisoners;" many shouting out, "we have them," and 
immediately run off with them — that the deponent had no 
personal knowledge of any of the rescuers, but, to the best 
of his memory, was informed by the jailer, that one of the 
jiersons who had hold of him in the jail, was named James 
Morrow; that he also heard, but knows not from whom, that 
there was one among them by the name of Beard ; likewise 
Adams, Parker, Williams or Williamson, and one John Mor- 
row, who was on the outside of the jail armed : that after the 
mob and prisoners were gone olf, Mr. Steel came down to Col. 
Armstrong's, and informed him he had seen two that he sus- 
pected were of the party, who told him they wanted the Co- 
lonel, Mr. Lyon, and the .Sheriff to go to John Davis's place 


at the creek, about two miles off, to converse with them, 
hoping they might come to terms; that upon this notice, the 
CoJonel, Mr. Lyon and the Sheriff, immediately took their 
horses and went off: that a little before sunset they returned, 
when Colonei Armstrong told this deponent they had gone to 
Davis's, and to some other house farther off, (he does not 
remember the name) and were there acquainted that the mob 
being apprehensive a party might pursue them and retake the 
prisoners, had moved off with them from that place, thinking 
it was unsafe to stay longer; that Justice Byers having heard 
of the matter, met thera here, and Colonel Armstrong sent a 
messenger, with a few lines, after the mob, setting forth to 
them the danger they were in, and the mischievous conse- 
quences of such conduct, and advising them to return and sur- 
render the prisoners to justice ; that the deponent was told 
the names of the rioters above mentioned by Colonel Arm- 
strong, Mr. Miller, Mr. Lyon, or the Sheriff, but he is not 
certain which of them; and that after the rescue, he heard a 
company oi lads say they saw the mob going along with the 
prisoners, and carrying a Smith with them, (named McGone- 
gai) with a pistol held to his breast; that three men from 
Carlisle, to wit, Ephraim Blain, Ralph Nailor and Joseph 
Hunter, told the deponent he had followed the mob to one 
Ferguson's, near the foot of the North mountain, six or seven 
miles from Cailisle, and coming up with them, endeavored to 
convince them they had done wrong, and ought to give up 
the prisoners to government; that some appeared concerned, 
as it convicted of misconduct, and thereu}ion told these men, 
that if they could have security that the prisoners should not 
he carried to Philadelphia for trial, they would take care of 
them, and engage they should be delivered up to justice ; — 
that the said Blain, Kailor and Hunter, however, gave them 
no encouragement to expect the security they wanted, but 
acquainted them they would mention it to the magistrates 
and Sheriff: that after this, deponent heard some talk of the 
magistrates and sheriff intending to go out to the mob, but 
they were gone up when he left Carlisle ; that the deponent 
heard on the Wednesday before the rescue, the magistrates 
met to consult on some matter, he supposes it might be about 
sending the })risoncrs to Philadelphia, when a party of arpied 
men appeared in sight of Carlisle, from whom two persons, 
John Davis and John McClure, came to town, and he was 


told, informed the magistrates that this party were coming to 
rescue the prisoners from jail, understanding the sheriff was 
to take them to Philadelphia that day : that two young men 
came also from the said party to town, to speak to the sher- 
iff, having heard the prisoners were cruelly treated, and were 
to be sent to Philadelphia for trial ; that upon talking with 
the sheriff, and being convinced that the prisoners were not 
ill used, nor to be carried to Philadelphia to be tried, but only 
for examination, they seemed satisfied and returned to their 
party, who fired their muskets and moved off; that the sher- 
iff told this to the magistrates, and the deponents heard they 
advised the sheriff to be careful of the jail doors, but he does 
not know that the magistrates placed a guard or took any- 
other method for strengthening and securing the prison ; that 
on the morning of the rescue, before the mob appeared, two 
men, as the deponent was informed, went into the jail, the 
door being open, called for some liquor, and were talking with 
the jailer, when a party of armed men rushing in, the two 
that first entered seized the jailer and hurried him to a back 
apartment, where the debtors are kept, one drew a pistol and 
put it to his breast, the other a cutlass or hanger, and swore 
ihat he was a dead man if he made any noise or resistance ; 
that a part of the mob, in the meantime, got into the dungeon, 
a girl hired by the jailer having, the deponent knows not 
whether by threats or persuasion, furnished them with the 
keys and a candle, or (as he once heard) the door being bro- 
ken by force ; that the deponent was in the dungeon when 
the prisoners were committed, at which time their legs, he 
thinks, were ironed and chained to the floor ; that before the 
day of rescue he went down again with parson Bogart, (Bu- 
cher) and then the servant lad being sick and his hands much 
swelled with the tying ; when brought to Carlisle, he found 
all the irons had been taken off the lad, and those also upon 
the legs of Stump, but that Slump yet continued handcuffed; 
that the deponent being about going to Lancaster county, 
where he lived, was desned by the jailer, who had heard that 
Stump's friends in that county would oppose his going to Phi- 
ladelphia, to use his influence with them to quiet their minds 
and discourage them from so rash an attempt; but that he was 
informed, and believes the principal part of the rescuers were 
inhabitants of Schearman's valley, about twelve miles from 


Here deponent was asked, if he knew the reason why the 
sheritf did not, agreeable to ihe Cliief Justices wrft, imraedi- 
citely bring the prisoners to Phihulelphia ? 

Answer. — That Stump and his servant were brought into 
CarHsIe late on Saturday night, when they were put into jail, 
and the next day the sheriff endeavored to procure a guard 
to set out with them on Monday morning for Philadelphia — 
that the guard were accordingly ready on Monday morning, 
and the deponent intended at that time to go homewards, was 
desired by the sheriff to make one of the party, and provided 
himself with arms for that purpose ; that the sheriff being 
thus prepared, determined to set off, and had the irons taken 
I'rora the prisoners, and their arms bound ; that just at this 
juncture Mr. Miller and M. Pollock, going to Colonel Arm- 
strong's, mentioned some uneasiness the people were under, 
on account of Stump's removal to Philadelphia, alleging that 
it would not be proper to set off with the prisoners that day, 
the weather being bad, and the Susquehanna supposed to be 
<langerous, as it had been stopped by ice the week before, 
and that in case they should proceed to the river and find it 
impassable, an attempt might be made there to rescue the 
prisoners, which would probably be attended with dangerous 
consequences to the sheriff and his guard ; — that Col. Arm- 
strong, upon these suggestions, sent for the sheriff fi'om the 
jail, who, with a number of town's people, met at the Col.'s 
house, when some were of opinion that it was not advisable 
to set out that day; others encouraged the attempt ; but, in 
fmc, it was concluded best to defer it. Col. Armstrong and 
the sheriff were for going ; Messrs. Miller and Lyon object- 
ed to it, for the reasons above mentioned, without assigning 
any others that the dejionent remembers ; Mr. Pollock, Mr. 
Sweeny — a lawyer, and some others, thought it improper, 
because illegal, to remove the prisoners from the county ; — 
that Mr. Tea, and Mr. Campbell — a lawyer, urged strenu- 
ously to bring them down, and further deponelh saith not. 
• James Cunningham. 

William Allen, Chief Justice. ) 
February, 1768. j 

Carlisle, Feb. 7th, 1768. 
Hon. John Penn : 

Please your Honor — Though I am very certain you will 


receive full intelligence of the atfair of Frederick Stump be- 
fore this can reach jou; yet as ray conduct and character 
are so much concerned, I pray your Honor to receive the 
following plain statement of the case, as all the vindication I 
can offer of my conduct. James Galbreath, Esq., brought 
to Carlisle, and delivered to me the chief justice's warrant 
on the 3(1 day of January. Immediately on the receipt 
thereof, I summoned a guard to attend me next day to go in 
quest of Stump; but that very evening. Captain Patterson 
brought him with with his servant, and delivered them to 
me. Next day I summoned a guard to set off in obedience 
to the chief justice's warrant, having the same morning re- 
ceived a letter from the sheriff of Lancaster, who waited for 
me at John Harris's. Col. Armstrong sent for me, and told 
me they had concluded to keep Stump, and not send him 
down. I alleged to him, I was not obliged to obey any or- 
ders of any magistrate in Cumberland county, as I had the 
chief magistrate's warrant to the contrary. But he insisted 
1 should not take him off, but discharge my guard, which I 
absolutely refused, w^hereupon the Col. went to jail and dis- 
charged my guard, brought up the prisoner, examined him 
and by mittimus, committed him, and wrote to some other 
justices to attend in Carlisle on Wednesday. On Wednesday, 
while said justices were sitting in council, a large party, un- 
der arm^, came very near Carlisle and sent in messengers to 
the magistrates and to me, claiming that they should be well 
used, and not sent to Philadelphia. Being satished that they 
were properly used, and having been told they were committed 
to our jail, they dispersed. The magistrate wrote a full account 
to the chief justice, and I made free to acquaint him that I was 
ready to execute his orders, if he thought proper to call for 
the prisoners, being persuaded now we should meet with no 
further trouble from the country; but on the 29th of January 
another large body of armed men, thought to be mostly the 
former, joined v/ith a party from Sherman's valley, on a sud- 
den rushed into town, and marched up to the jail, having 
sent a few without arms, to appear before them, who went 
into the jail when the company came up, seized the prisoner, 
making the jailer and his family prisoners ; we labored with 
the armed men to disperse, to offer no violence, not dream- 
ing they had got into prison, when, unexpectedly, they 



brought out Stump and made off. Mr. Steel, at my request, 
followed them to the creek, two miles from town, but labored 
in vain. 

On Sunday I called a posse, and set off early on Monday 
into Sherman's valley. Several magistrates and most of the 
principal inhabitants of Carlisle and in the country attended, 
but we could neither find out where they had concealed 
Stump, nor by any arguments prevail with them to deliver 
him to us. Since this, they wrote me unless the Governor, 
Mr. Allen, (who was then chief justice) another gentleman 
of note, would oblige themselves that Stump should not be 
taken out of the county. 

Please your Honor, I have given you a plain and true ac- 
count of the affair, and pray that I may not be considered 
as designing or acting in disobedience to the chief justice's 
warrant, as I am persuaded your Honor will plainly see. 

I purpose to set off into Sherman's valley again to-mor- 
row, and do what lies in my power to have the prisoners de- 
livered up; though I fear that infatuated people will pay 
very little regard to my endeavors. 

I am your Honor's, &c. 

John Holmes. 

Nothing was left undone on the part of government, and 
the magistrates to re-take the escaped prisoners, and bring 
them to trial, also punish those who aiiled in their rescue. — 
The magistrates of Cumberland issued warrants for appre- 
hending and securing in jail those concerned in the rescue. — 
They discovered some twenty more. 

Carlisle, Feb. 28, 1768. 
May it please your Honor — 

Your commands per Capt. William Patterson of the 
20th inst., came to hand on the 24th. On receipt, a num- 
ber of the justices met the same evening, at Carlisle, (Mr. 
Montgomery assisting) to concert measures, how to execute 
your Honor's injunctions in the most effectual manner. As 
it appeared to us utterly impossible that these licentious peo- 
ple who rescued Stump, would, or ever had it in their power 
to return to justice the perpetrators of the late murder on 
the Indians, and as the best intelligence we can gain, ren- 
ders it matter of scruple whether he be in our county, we 



proceeded to take information on oath, and issue warrants to 
tiie proper oflicers for apprehending and securing in jail these 
villains, who were concerned in the rescue. Wc have trans- 
mitted a copy of your Honor's injunction to the justices of 
the upper end of the county, with our advice to exert them- 
selves , as it appeared to us probable that the murderers 
might take that way to Virguiia, where it is thought they 
will seek refuge. 

We cannot sufficiently acquit ourselves in not acquainting 
your Honor, yet we can assure you the sheriff, justices, and 
several of the principal people here, have exerted themselves 
with all their might, to regain Stump and Ironcutter, though 
we have not had success, we are persuaded all pains will be 
used by the proper officers to apprehend the rioters, and that 
the magistrates will be aiding hereunto with all their influ- 

V\ ith all wise and good men, we abhor the base insult on 
government, sensible of the direct tendency of such a crime, 
to the subversion of order, justice and propriety. 

We are concerned your Honor's order and the chief jus- 
tices warrant were not immediately complied witli, which we 
conceived might have been done with safety before these li- 
centious people had time to cabal and contrive their plan ; 
this, we think, might have prevented such disagreeable con- 
sequences, nor can wc conceive why it was not done. But 
your Honor no doubt has had reasons laid before you. 

We are, with many others, highly pleased with the brave 
conduct of Capt. William Patterson, (he did honour to our 
county) and the notice your Honor has taken of merit in the 
manner of expressing your approbation, we persuade our- 
selves will influence not only the young man himself, but 
others to behave worthily. 

We gratefully respect your Honor's goodness in repeating 
your injunctions of the 4th inst., as most of us had not the 
pleasure of seeing them before. We shall willingly receive 
from time to time, what commands your Honor may think 
proper. We are your Honor's most humble servants, 

Jonathan Hoge, 
Jas. Galbrkath, 
Andw. Calhoun, 
Jno. Byers, 
Jno. McKnight, 
Herms. Alricks, 


Copy of i\ list of names enclosed in the original letter, pre- 
served at tlanisburg. 

James Murry, John Murry, Andrew Jones, James Ham- 
ilton, Richd. Shenky, Richd. Irwin, Neilson, Francis 

Irwin, Joseph Childers, James Rody, Wm. Adams, Thos. 
Huitt, Jno. Glass, James Ferouson, Jostph McDowel, Wil- 
liam Williams, Jno. Clark, Wm.McGaiy, Jno, Beard, Mat- 
thew Gregg, Joseph Goldon, James Eakles, Wm. Willson. 

The murdering of the Indians, ami ihe subsequent rescue 
of Stum]) and Ironcutter, produced a great excitement, not 
only at Carlisle, but through the whole country. The mag- 
istrates and sheriff, it appears had been censured. But, the 
general impression appears to have been, judging from doc- 
umentary evidence, that the officers, sheriif and magistrates, 
(lid not tavor the prisoners. In support of this impression, 
■lie following is submitted : 

On the 2Gth of February, 1768, Governor John Penn 
wrote to Col. John Armstrong, desiring him to appear before 
the Board of the Provincial Council. 

On the 19th of March, the Governor informed the Board 
that both John Armstrong and John Holmes, the sheriff of 
Cumberland, were in town to attend the Council, in order to 
be examined with respect to their conduct. They appeared 
— " each related the circumstances respecting tlie detention 
of Frederick Stump, in the jail at Carlisle, the reasons lor 
taking that measure, as well as the manner and cause of his 
rescue, anti then laid before tlie Board sundry depositions in 
proot of what they respectfully alleged. 

" It appearing in their examination, that they disagreed in 
some particulars, and that Robert Miller and William Lyon, 
Esqrs., Justices of the Peace, were also concerned in pre- 
venting the execution of the Chief Justice's wariant; the 
Council were of opinion that they also should be examined 
with respect to their conduct and knowledge in this matter, 
before any proper judgment can be given on it." 

The Board advised the Governor to have Miller and Lyon 
to appear before them. They were accordingly commanded 
to appear before the Board in the month of ]\Iay. 

On the 6th of May, Col. Armstrong, Miller,' and Lyon, 
Esqrs., appeared before John Penn, William Logan, Benja- 
min Chew, Richard Penn, and James Tilghman, members of 


the Board of Council, and were severally examined with 
respect to their own conduct in the distention of Frederick 
Stump in the jail at Carlisle, as well as all that they knew 
in regard to his rescue from the hands of justice. The Board 
agreed to take this matter into further consideration and ap- 
pointed a meeting of the Council to be held the 12th of May 
in order to corae to a final result on the subject. 

Depositions, still on file at Harrisburg, had been presented 
on the 19th of March and on tlie 6th of May; affording the 
Council some aid to come, as it is not unreasonable to sup- 
pose, to a correct conclusion, as to the guilt or innocence of 
the persons accused in the detention and rescue of Stump — 
and it is also not incredible to believe that Gov. Penn, who 
iiad evidence before him of the true state of the case, would 
not shrink to pronounce a true verdict — nor exculpate, or 
acquit the sheriff", if he was indeed a principal actor in 
freeing the prisoners from jail, and rescuing them from the 

The 12th day of May the Board met, and came to a final 
result on the subject. What that was, the reader may learn 
from the follow^ing extract from the Provincial Ptecords. 

At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Thursday the 12th 
of May, 1768 — present : The lion. John Penn, Esq., Lieut. 
Gov. &.C., William Logan, James Tilghman, Esqrs. 

Mr. Armstrong, Mr. Miller, and Mr. Lyon, appearing at 
the Board, agreeable to the Governor's appointment, the 
following admonition, which was read to them, \\/. : 

Col. Armstrong, Mr. Miller and Mr. Lyon — L^pon the 
rescue of Frederick Stump, and John Ironcutter, who had 
been arrested for the murder of ten Indians, I was informed 
that you, as magistrates of Cumberland county, had inter- 
jiosed to prevent their being brought to Philadelphia, in obe- 
dience to the Chief Justice's warrant, in the hands of the 
sheriff; and that in particular. Col. Armstrong, had himself, 
discharged the sheriff's guard, after he (the sheriff) had re- 
fused to do it; and committed the prisoners to the county jail, 
which was in a great measure the occasion of the lescue, as 
it gave the persons who committed that bold and daring in- 
sult upon the laws of the Government, time to consult mea- 
sures for the execution of it. The matter was of such coii- 
sequence, and the reputation of the Government so much 
concerned in it, that I could not pass it by, without making 



an enquiry into it, and upon hearing you and the sheriff, and 
considering the several proofs, which both you and he have 
laid before me, I find, that on Monday the 25th day of Jan- 
nary last, the sheriff was ready to set off with the prisoners 
from Carlisle, under a guard of eight or ten men, in order to 
bring them to Philadelphia, as the warrant required — that 
the people of Carlisle, thinking the rights and privileges of 
their county would be infringed, by the prisoners being 
brought to Philadelphia, grew uneasy under these apprehen- 
sions, and did apply to you and press you to interpose in the 
affair, until they could have an opportunity of remonstrating 
upon the occasion, which was at liist warmly opposed by Col. 
Armstrong; but that at length, partly to quiet the minds of 
the people, and partly from an ajiprehension of danger of a 
rescue, in case the sheriff with the prisoners, should be de- 
tamed on the banks of the Susquehanna, which was then 
hourly expected to break up, you were induced to cause the 
prisoners to be examined, and, upon their examination, they 
were committed by Col. Armstrong and Mr. Miller to Car- 
lisle jail ; in order that the Government, informed by ex- 
press, which was determined to be sent on that occasion, 
should give further instructions respecting them. 

" Tho' the transaction has not been proved in the aggra- 
vated light in which it was represented to me, yet, it was un- 
doubtedly officious and beside your duty to interpose at all in 
the affair, as it was unjustifiable in the sheriff to pay any re- 
gard to your interposition, and your conduct, upon the occa- 
sion, was in itself an obstruction of justice, and is not to be 
justified ; however, it may in some measure be excused by 
the motives of it. But as I am satisfied from the evidence, 
that both you and the sheriff were far from having any in- 
tention either to favor the prisoners, or to offer the least 
contempt to the authority of the Chief Justice's warrant, 
and that you acted for the best, in a case of perplexity, not 
expecting, but rather intending to prevent the consequences 
which followed. I shall take no other notice of the matter, 
than to admonish you for the future, to be very careful, in 
confining yourselves within the bounds of your jurisdiction, 
and not to interfere again in matters which belong to supe- 
rior authority." 


The following, from the pen of the Rev. Geo. DutReldj 
Ui reference to an inipUcation arising from Stump's rescue, 
we here insert, as follows : — 

Carlisle, Feb. 16, 176S. 
On the ISth and 19th of January, the first notice arriv- 
ed here of Frederick Stump, and his men, having murder- 
ed a number of Indians within this county, and that Wil- 
liam Blyth was gone down to inform the governor. This 
account came not by any express, but by a private gen- 
tleman on business of his own. It was the beginning of 
our court week. The magistrates in town immediately 
met, to consult on measures to be taken. Had the sherill 
then gone, it would have greatly impeded the public bu- 
siness depending at court: And as all ends might be 
cijually answered by the coroner, with the additional ser- 
vice of holding an inquest on the bodies, it was concluded 
to send him, and a message accordingly was immediately 
despatclied to him. As he lives some distance from town, 
and the place where he was to go, lying remote, so that 
some little preparation was requisite, it was Thursday be- 
fore he could get off. His directions were, to take a posse 
with him from beyond the hills, and try to fake Stump and 
his men, hold an inquest on the bodies, and bury the dead. 
Oil the 23d, in the afternoon, the Governor's orders came 
up, very near the same in substance with the above, and 
directing the sheriff also to go, and the Chief Justice's 
warrant, ordering the prisoners, when taken, to be sent 
down to Philadelphia, to be examined and dealt with as 
Jhe law directs. The sheriff, and some of the magistrates, 
were preparing to set off, according to the Governor's or- 
ders, but about 8 or 9 in the evening, the prisoners were 
brought in by Capt. Patterson, and a party from Juniata. 
Next day (being Sabbath) the weather being very disa- 
greeable, a guard to be provided, and some necessary pre- 
])arations to be made, rendered it impracticable for the 
sheriff to set off with tlie prisoners before Monday ; nor 
had any body at this time, the least apprehension of any 
design to rescue them. Tlie clause in the warrant, order- 
mg them down to Philadelphia, began to be a topic of 
much conversation in the town. The more general, nay, 
almost universal sentiment was, that if they went down, 


they would undoubtedly be tried there, some not properly 
distinguishing between examination and trial ; but the 
greater part, apprehensive that an act might be made for 
that purpose. On Monday morning, when the sheriff 
was now nigh ready to set off, a number of respectable 
inhabitants, with some from the country, went to Colonel 
Armstrong's, and warmly remonstrated against the pris- 
oners Ijeing sent down, until the Governor and Chief Jus- 
tice's pleasure should farther be made known, and whe- 
ther they insisted upon it, strenuously alleging it was yiel- 
ding up a most valuable privilege, and setting a precedent 
that might hereafter be of pernicious consequence. They 
were then told, as were sundry others, on the same sub- 
ject, at different times, that the Chief Justice's warrant 
must be obeyed; that he liad an undoubted right to call 
any persons, in such case, before him, from any part of 
the Province ; that there was a wide difference between 
examination and trial ; that it was uncharitable to suspect 
any of the people below, while nothing illegal was yet 
done, of attempting to deprive us of so valuable a privi- 
lege ; that it was at most but bare suspicion, and ought 
not to prevent from present duty, but all was overbalan- 
ced by the above too tender jealousy of privilege, and ap- 
prehensions of a particular law being made. It was also 
pleaded, it was not usual to have prisoners sent out of 
their proper county; and would not be insisted on by those 
in authority, on a representation of matters being given, 
and the confessions of the prisoners being sent down. The 
weather, at the same time, was very bad ; creeks broke 
up, and waters high ; the Susquehanna apprehended to be 
dangerous, and most pro^iable impassable ; and to have 
had the prisoners lying by the way, would have been dis- 
agreeable, and might have been running some hazard. 
Upon the whole, therefore, it was thought most advisable 
that the sheritY should not, as yet, set off with the prison- 
ers, (though no determination was formed that they should 
not all be sent). As the prisoners were, in consequence 
of the above result, to remain yet some time longer in this 
jail, the sheriff and prison-keeper requested a commitment^, 
and were told it was not necessary, but this being farther 
insisted on, it was given, not before the above remonstra- 
ting and reasoning on the case, but after it, on Monday 



aUernoon, with a necessary clause, "until removed by su- 
perior authority." It was also thought expedient, by the 
magistrates in town, at this critical juncture, to have the 
assistance of as many of their brethren from the county as 
could conveniently be hnd, in an affair so embarrassed, 
through the above-mentioned generally prevailing mis- 
take ; and notices were accordingly sent them on Tuesday 
and their attendance requested the next day. The hasty 
apprehension of the prisoners being ordered to Philadel- 
])hia for trial, had spread almost beyond credibility, like 
an electric shock, over all the county, and into adjacent 
counties and governments; and, unexpectedly to all here, 
had occasioned a very general alarm. On the Wednesday, 
when the magistrates were met, an anonymous letter, that 
had been dropt in a porch and found by the sheriff, was 
brought to them, containing information, that several par- 
ties were formed, and forming, to rescue the prisoners, if 
attempted to be sent out of the county, and shortly a party 
of 40 or 50 armed men were discovered on their way to 
town ; but by the influence of several who met them, they 
were hajipily.prevented, and prevailed on to disperse. 

It now began to appear, by various accounts, that were 
the prisoners taken either by the direct road to Lancaster 
i-ou!ity, or by the way of York, or had they even been ta- 
ken sooner, there was the highest probability of a rescue, 
by parties secretly formed for that purpose, as soon as it 
was known the prisoners were sent to Philadelph'a. The 
magistrates, therefore, fully convinced of the imminent 
danger attending the prisoners going, thought the most 
safe and prudent, that they sliould not be removed until 
t!ie Governor and Chief Justice were first informed liow 
matters stood, which was accordingly done. And as there 
was not the least apprehension of any design against the 
jail, save what ai)peared in the above party, and they had 
gone away perfectly satisfied, no one suspected any fur- 
ther disturbance or danger, while the prisoners were there. 
Bin on the Friday following, January 30, a party of about 
GO or 70, said to be chiefly beyond the North Mountain, 
came on the same wicked design. Tliey sent in two of 
their number, a little before the body, wiio, going into the 
room of the jail, called for a dram, and got it. The jailer 
discovering some arras on them, immediately ran to the 


door and sliut it, but was met by three more, who bolted 
in armed, seized him, carried him to a different room, set 
a guard on him, and threatened him severely, if he should 
stir. Instantly after these came the whole parly, who hav- 
ing entered the town, till then undiscovered, had, with the 
most violent precipitation, hastened to the jail, placed a 
guard on the door, and on all within, whom they thought 
might molest them; they then constrained a girl to get 
them the keys, lighted a candle, went down to the dun- 
geon, (though without crow-bar, axe, or any such instru- 
ments) opened the door and brought out the prisoners. 
While this was transacting, the sheriff came, Colonel Arm- 
strong, Messrs. Miller and Lyon, magistrates; the Rev. 
Mr. Steel, and some others of the inhabitants, had at- 
tempted to bring these infatuated people to reason, urging 
a conference, and that they should be satisfied in any rea- 
sonable demand. The sheriff and magistrates got in as 
far as the door, and some of them declared they would die 
before the prisoners should be taken out, not knowing 
what was transacting within, for in an instant the prison- 
ers were at the door, and a cry made to clear the way. 
The sheriff attempted to lay hold of Stump, but was push- 
ed off, and both he and the magistrates were jostled or 
borne away into the street, and the prisoners carried off. 
The whole transaction was but a few minutes. At the 
extremity of the town, going out, they compelled a smith 
to cut off their hand-cuffs. At the instance of the sheriff 
and magistrates, who alleged that might, at that juncture, 
liave more influence on this people than they could, the 
Rev. Messrs. Steel and Buclier, (the only clergy then in 
town) with some others, went after them, and overtook a 
few of the hindmost, about a mile out of town (the body, 
with the prisoners, being gone off,) these said, that they, 
for their part, would agree to the prisoners being restored, 
on condition they were assured they should not be sent to 
Philadelphia. When this message was brought back, the 
sheriff. Col. Armstrong and Lyon, went after them, but 
came up with none, they having all proceeded as fast as 
they could on their way over the hill. On Sabbath it was 
agreed to raise the posse, and cross the hill, to attempt 
regaining the prisoners — this was accordingly done. In 
the temper these people were in, violent measures would 


have instantly occasioned the shedding of blood ; the milder 
steps of reasoning and opening consequences were therefore 
pursued ; and assurances given them, that the trial of the 
prisoners would undoubtedly be in their proper county. This 
was the grand point ; and I doubt not the prisoners would 
have been returned the next day, had not a mischievous re- 
port been carried to them just after the sheriff and his posse 
came away, that a party of soldiers were ready to take the 
prisoners to Philadelphia, as soon as delivered. — When the 
Governor's letter came up, in answer to one informing him 
of the rescue. Col. Armstrong, and some others with him, 
went over again, and had a number of them together. They 
all declared their willingness to return the prisoners, but de- 
sired opportunity to consult others of their number, and had 
unluckily permitted Stump to go to see his family, on his 
promise of returning in a few days, though some alleged he 
was still in custody somewhere among them. Those present 
promised to use their best endeavors to have both the pris- 
oners returned. 

This is a plain statement of that unhappy affair. Some, 
I hear, reflect severely on the civil officers concerned in it, 
and on the keeper of the prison; but I am fully convinced, 
on a candid examination, it will be found they acted, every 
man, with the greatest uprightness of heart, that part which 
appeared at that time most conducive to the public good, 
tending to the preservation of good order, and support of 
government, and what, perhaps, even those who may blame 
with the greatest severity, could have thought most prudent, 
had they been in the situation." 

Carlisle, March 15, 1768. 
Messrs. Hall and Sellers : 

As several injurious aspersions have, in the affair of 
Frederick Stump, been cast on my people and me, and so as- 
siduously propagated and made public, as that there now 
remains no other methoil of overtaking and wiping away the 
reproach, but by a public defence. I hope, therefore, a re- 
gard to injured innocence, will procure the following a place 
in your next paper, which will much oblige many, as well 
as gentlemen, 

Your humble servant, 

Geo. Duffikld. 


To THE Public. 

It gives me peculiar concern to find myself obliged to the 
disagreeable task of vindicating my conduct in this manner, 
in a matter where I thought myself secure from the attacks 
of malice itself; but the gross misrepresentations of facts, 
which I have good reason to beheve, have been made by 
some invidious pen or pens, from this town, and industrious- 
ly spread, lay me under the unhappy necessity of either sac- 
rificing my character to those assassins, or justify myself to 
the public by a true state of facts ; which latter, every man 
having regard to either, character or usefulness, would choose. 
This, therefore, I hope, will sufliciently plead my excuse. I 
am then openly reproached, as having advised and prevailed 
on Col. Armstrong to oppose the chief justice's warrant, or- 
dering Stump and Ironcutter down to Philadelphia, and hav- 
ing also influenced in exciting the people that lescued the 
})risoners, to that riotous undertaking. As to the first of 
these, it is suflicient to observe : The prisoners were brought 
in on Saturday evening ; on Monday forenoon, when they 
were nigh ready to be sent off, a number of reputable inhab- 
itants of the town, with some from the country, met and re- 
monstrated against it, as has been represented in the Gazette, 
of the 3rd inst., and that afternoon the temporary commit- 
ment of the prisoners, until removed by superior orders, was 
WTOte. From early on Sabbath morning, until the whole 
was over on Monday I was out of town, having been in 
course at my congregation in the country ; nor saw Colonel 
Armstrong, nor heard from him, nor sent to him, from before 
the prisoners came in, until the Monday evening, after 7 
o'clock, he came to my house, and greatly complained of the 
opposition which had that day been made to sendirjg off the 
prisoners ; and expressed, in the strongest terms, his senti- 
ment, that the chief justice's warrant must be obeyed, and 
his earnest desire of having the prisoners taken down, accor- 
ding to the order therein contained, and went away fully of 
the same mind ; only proposing to have the assistance of 
some of the magistrates from the country, in a matter where 
the uneasiness of the people was so general and great, which 
step had been proposed and advised to-'by some of the mag- 
istrates in town before he came to my house; nor had I any 
thing farther with the colonel on this head, at anv other 


time. From this true state of the fact, which I am able to 
prove, if requisite, it is evident, 1st. That I had no inter- 
course of any kind with Col. Armstrong, from before the 
prisoners came in, until the evening after they had been, in 
consequence of the unreasonable weather, and remonstrance 
of the people, prevented from being taken off, and committed 
as above. 2dly. That the expedient of having other magis- 
trates, was not by any advice of mine, but proposed before 
I so much as saw the Col. odly. That Col. Armstrong was 
equally firm in the sentiment of obedience being due to the 
chief justice's warrant at his going from my house, as he was 
at coming to it, and equally desirous of having it obeyed, and 
was the same afterwards, as I am also able to prove. And 
4thly. As a natural consequence from the whole, that the 
author and spreader of the report, that Col. Armstrong was 
informed by ms to disobey, or oppose the chief justice's war- 
rant, were guilty of raising and spreading a false report. As 
to my having used any influence to excite those who res- 
cued the prisoners, in that iniquitous step, I shall just ob- 
serve : That week the prisoners were in jail, I was provi- 
dentially prevented from visiting my charge; (the service I 
was then engaged in) this now appears a favorable circum- 
stance, for had I been employed in executing that part of my 
office, the pen of detraction would, most probably, have con- 
strueti it into sowing sedition from house to house: but from 
the time I returned home on Monday afternoon, I was no 
where out of my house, except at two or three neighbors in 
town, and saw scarce any body but my own family until 
Wednesday morning, when I set off, by sun up, in' company 
with several gentlemen, for Yorktown, and did not return 
till Saturday afternoon, (the day after the rescue) and can, 
if requisite, vindicate my character, stabbed by defamatory 
influence. On my way home, I was a'a-raed with the news 
of the rescue. On the next day (being Sabbath) I publicly 
declared from the pulpit, my detestation of the fact. Early 
on Monday I crossed the North mountain, in company with 
William Lyon, Esqr., before the posse were yet gathered, 
and joined my best endeavors, in attempting to recover those 
infatuated people to reason; and openly, in the presence of a 
large number assembled together, condemned their distract- 
ed conduct, and urged the return of the prisoners. The next 
Sabbath I preached on subjection to government, and that 



week went over again, in company with Col. Armstrong and 
some other gentlemen, who went to make those people assu- 
rances from the Governor, of the prisoners being tried in 
their county. These things I say not in boasting, but in 
self vindication, and whether this was consistent with having 
excited to the fact, let the impartial world judge. I must 
have had a lace of impudence, almost beyond Beelzebub 
himself, to have encouraged first, and then acted thus, and 
blamed and censured, even to raising resentment of some 
against me, for my being so much engaged. 

But what innocence can be secure from the impeachment of 
determined obloquy and reproach ? But to attack myself 
alone, and to attempt a single character, did not suffice — Ha- 
man's malice cannot rest in aiming at Mordecai's men only ; 
the whole nation is marked out for vengeance. The same 
spirit seems to have actuated these modern Hamans, in at- 
tempting to roll over the blame of rescuing the prisoners, en- 
tirely on my people, and assert that the rescuers were all of 
them, or that the whole was done by the " new side," as 
they are termed : this charge must have proceeded from the 
greatest malevolence and rancor, beyond expression ; partly 
in religion not having any hand, more or less, in the matter: 
and to attemjit turning it into the channel, (though I know- 
it was early done in this place, and is perfectly agreeable to 
the general course some have been steering for several years 
])ast) is, I am bold to say, infamous and base to the last de- 
gree, calculated only to heighten the fire of party, embroil 
society, both civil and religious, weaken the country, by di- 
viding it against itself, subserve in every respect, the Prince 
of Darkness, without being able of answering any one single 
valuable purpose. Suppose they had all been of my people 
that perpetrated the rescue, would it have been friendly, or 
acting the part of christian brotherhood, to have been so ea- 
ger to expose the whole body ? Would it not have been 
imitating Eden, as recorded by Obediah ? Might it not, in 
such case, have been sufficient to name out the guilty per- 
sons, without attempting to brand the whole society with 
infamy, unless they had already become infamous for such 
conduct? Or could any other reason be alleged for pointing 
out the particular society, unless to attempt rendering both 
me odious in the eyes of all good men, even on that suspicion 
of their having all belonged to me? — which yet is far from 


oemg the case. A great part of the rescuers came from be- 
yond the North mountain; and though the very idea of party 
in the affair, and esteem the attempting to fix it on, or roll it 
Oif, any one sect or party, an evidence of a wicked temper, 
as some of all sorts concerned, as they happened to live in 
the neighborhood, or part of the country where the desigti 
was formed, and were made acquainted with it, both old 
Side and new, Seceders, Covenanters, Church of England, 
and even Papists, as some of the peisons concerned have 
declared. Yet, this I will assert, and can maintain, that as 
tar as I have yet been able to learn the names of those found 
out to have been engaged, there are not more of what was 
formerly called the new side, than there are of what was 
oalled the old ; this I do not say to blame or free any one 
particular sect or party, but merely to show it was no party 

I have now stated this matter in a fair point of light, 
which I am able to maintain, and leave it to every impartial 
mind, what sentiment to form of the author or authors, and 
spreaders of such invidious misrepresentations. Every good 
man, I am sure, must hold them in detestation, as pests in 
society, civil or religious, base incendiaries, and a nuisance 
in a commonwealth. And yet, odious as the character is, 
and however detestable the conduct, there are some of so 
])erverse a disposition, so uninfluenced by religion, and des- 
titute of honesty, as to lurk privily for the innocent without 
cause, who sleep not except they have done mischief, and 
their sleep is taken away, unless they have attempted to 
cause some to fall. If any see proper to contradict the state 
of facts here given, I desire they may do it, not in the un- 
dermining way of private whispering and suggestion, the fa- 
vorite plan of base detractors, whose safety lies in conceal- 
ment, and to whom day is as the shadow of death, but 
openly in the public prints, signed with their name. Nor 
shall I esteem myself bound to take any notice of any thing 
which the author will not dare to avow. And if none ap- 
pear, I hope the public will be so candid as to take their 
silence on this head, as a full, though tacit confession, of 
their being convinced, that the representations they have 
made, or propagated, are false and groundless. 

George Duffield. 



(Derrstown,) situated at the mouth of Buffalo valley, eight 
miles above Northumberland, is a thriving town. It was laid 
out by Ludwig Derr, an old German, who owned the land, 
and had for many years an Indian tiading house here. At 
first it increased slowly; in 1806 it contained about 65 or 
70 houses. It contains now upw ards of 200 houses, and a 
population of about 1300. In 1840 it contained 18 stores, 
1 furnace, 1 grist mill, 1 saw mill, 1 foundry, 2 tanneries, 
1 distillery, 2 printing offices, an academy, 4 schools, seveial 
commodious store-houses, and a number oi churches — a Lu- 
theran, Methodist, Presbyterian, Chiistian. 

It is the depot and customary market place for the pro- 
ducts of Penn's, Brush and Butialo valleys. There is a sub- 
stantial and beautiful bridge acioss the river and leads di- 
rectly from the end of Main street to the Northumberland 
shore ; it was completed in 1818, at a cost of $60,000. A 
dam, opposite the town, built in 1883, forms a basin, which, 
with a Cross Cut, enables the trade to reach the West Branch 
Canal, which is about half a mile fiom Deirstown. A turn- 
pike road commences at the Lewisburg bridge, and leading 
through Mifflinsburg (Youngmanstown) and Hartley ton, in- 
tersects the Bellefonte and Lewistown turnpike at Potter's 
Fort in Penn's valley. 

When Captain John Brady left Ship])ensburg, he located 
himself at the Standing Stone creek and the Juniata river, 
where the present town of Huntingdon, in Huntingdon coun- 
ty stands, in part on the site of the Standing Stone. From 
thence he removed to the West Branch of the Susquehanna, 
opposite the spot of Lewisburg, or Derrstown, in Union co., 
stands. If I mistake not, the tract settled on by him, now 
belongs to George Kremer, Esq. Derr had a small mill on 
the run that empties into the river below the town, and a 
trading house, from whence the Indians were supplied with 
powder, lead, tobacco and rum. In the commencement of 
the strife between the colonies and the mother country, Bra- 
dy discovered that the Indians were likely to be tampered 
with by the British. The Seneca and Muncy tribes were in 
considerable force, and Pine and Lycoming creeks were na- 
vigable almost to the State line for canoes. Fort Augusta 


had been built upon the east side of the North Branch, im- 
mediately where it connects with the West Branch, about a 
iniJe above the present town of Sunbury. It was garrisoned 
by " a fearless few," and commanded by Captain, afterwards 
Major Himter, a meritorious olticer. He had under his com- 
mand about 50 men. In the season for tillage, some atten- 
tion was paid to farming, but the women and children mostly 
!esided in the fort, or were taken there on the slightest 

It was known that the Wyoming flats were full of Indi- 
ans of the Delaware ami Shamokin tribes. — The latter since 
extinct, was then a feeble people, and under the protection 
oi the Delawares. In this state of affairs Capt. John Brady 
suggested to his neighbors and comrades, under arms at Fort 
Augusta, the propriety of making a treaty with the Seneca 
and Muncy tribes ; knowing them to be at variance with the 
Delawares. This course was approved of, and petitions sent 
jn to proper authorities, praying the appointment of commis- 
sioners for the purpose of holding a treaty : commissioners 
were appointed, and Fort Augusta was designated as a place 
ot conference; and notice of that, and of the time fixed for 
the arrival of the commissioners, was directed to be given to 
the two tribes. Captain John Brady and two others were 
selected by the people in the fort to confer with the Senecas 
and Muncies, and communicate to them the proposal. 

The Indians met the ambassadors of the settlers, to wit : 
Capt. John Brady and his companions. The chiefs listened 
with apparent pleasure to the proposal for a treaty, and af- 
ter smoking the pipe of peace, and promising to attend at 
Fort Augusta on the appointed day, led our men out of their 
camp, and shaking hands with them cordially, parted in 
seemmg friendship. 

Brady feared to trust the friendship so warmly expressed, 
and took a different route in returning with his company, 
from that they had gone, and arrived safe at home. 

On the day appointed for holding the treaty, the Indians 
appeared with their wives and their children. There were 
about one hundred men, all warriors, and dressed in war 
costume. Care had been taken that the little Fort should 
look as fierce as possible, and every man was on the alert. 

In former treaties, the Indians had received large presents, 
and were expecting them here ; but finding the fort too poor 



to give any thing of value, (and an Indian never trusts) all 
etForts to form a treaty with them proved abortive. They 
left the fort, however, apparently in good humor, and well 
satisfied with their treatment, and taking to their canoes, 
proceeded homeward. The remainder of the day was chiefly 
spent by officers and people of the fort in devising means of 
protection against anticipated attacks of the Indians. Late 
m the day, Brady thought of Derr's trading house, and fore- 
boding evil from that point, mounted a small mare he had at 
the fort, and crossing the North Branch he rode with all 
possible speed. On his way home he saw the canoes of the 
Indians on the bank of the river near Derr's. When near 
enough to observe the paddles, to work canoes over to this 
side of the river, and that when they landed they made for 
thickets of sumach, which grew in great abundance on this 
land to the height of a man's head, and very thick upon the 
trround. He was not slow in conjecturing the cause. He 
rode on to where the squaws were landing, and saw that they 
were conveying rifles, tomahawks, and knives, into the su- 
mach thickets, and hiding them. He immediately jumped 
mto a canoe and crossed to Derr's trading house, where he 
found the Indians brutally drunk. He saw a barrel of rum 
standing on end before Derr's door, with the head out. He 
instantly overset it, and spilled the rum, saying to Derr, 
" My God, Frederick, what have you done?" Derr replied, 
" Dey dells me you gif um no dreet town on de ford, so I 
dinks as I gif um one here, als he go home in bease." 

One of the Indians, who saw the rum spilled, but was un- 
able to prevent it, told Brady he would one day rue the spil- 
ling of that barrel. Being well acquainted with the Indian 
character, he knew death was the penalty of his offence, and 
was constantly on his guard for several years. 

Next day the Indians started off. They did not soon at- 
tack the settlements, but carried arms for their allies, the 
English, in other parts. Meanwhile, emigration to the West 
Branch continued ; the settlement extended, and Freeland's 
Fort was built near the mouth of Warrior run, about eight 
miles above Derr's trading-house." 



(Yoiingmanstown,) on the south side of Buffalo creek, in 
Buffalo valley, five miles northwest of New Berlin, and eight 
miles from Lewisburg, contains nearly one hundred dwell- 
ings, two churches, Lutheran and Methodist, an academy, 
incorporated at the time the town was erected into a bor- 
ough, April 14, 1827. In 1840 it contained 6 stores, 2 
tanneries, 2 breweries, 2 potteries, 3 schools, 180 scholars, 
and 704 inhabitants. 


(Swmefordstown,) stands on the left bank of Middle creek, 
six miles southwest of New Berlin. It contains between 50 
and 60 dwellings, several stores and taverns, and a Luther- 
an church. It is quite a pleasantly located village. 


A post town, on the road to Potter's Fort from MifHinburg, 
and six miles southwest of the latter, contains between 30 
and 40 dwellings, several stores and taverns, and also a Lu- 
theran church. 


(Stroupstown,) a post town on Middle creek, eight miles 
southeast of New Berlin, contains about forty dwellings, se- 
veral stores and taverns. It is situated in " Klopperdahl." 


is on the Susquehanna, near the mouth of Penn's creek, 
which, uniting with Middle creek, enters the Susquehanna 
by two outlets, and thus, with the river, encloses the " Isle 
of Q." 

Selin's Grove was founded by Anthony Seling, a brother-'* 


in-law of the late Simon Snyder, Governor of Pennsylvania, 
whose memory will long be cherished by the citizens of his 
native State. 

Selin's Grove contains about one hundred dwellings, some 
five or six stores, several taverns, and one church. The 
great public road along the Susquehanna, runs through the 
town ; it is the great thoroughfare, not only between the 
southern and northern counties, but between the southern 
and northern states of Canada. The Northumberland and 
Harrisburg stages pass through here daily. 


A small village, connected with Selin's Grove, has lately 
sprung up on the Isle of Q., on the canal, the passage of 
which, along this island, has closed the upper thoroughfare, 
and forced both streams to empty their waters under the 
a(]ueduc', at the lower end of the peninsula, for such it is 

During the French and Indian war, shortly after Brad- 
dock's defeat, the Indians made hostile incursions and butch- 
ered a number of persons here. 


In Moser's valley, 10 miles southwest of New Berlin, con- 
tains 15 or 20 dwellings, a store and tavern. 


At the foot of Black Oak Ridge, 12 miles southwest of New 
Berlin, contains about 25 dwellings, a store and tavern, and 
a church. 


At the loot of Jack's mountain, on the right bank of Penn's 
creek, about 4 miles southwest of New Berlin, contains about 
20 dwellings, several stores, a tavern, and Lutheran church. 




On the West Branch of the Susquehanna river, nearly oppo- 
site Milton, at the mouth of White Deer Valley, contains 
about 30 dwellings, several stores and a tavern. It is 12 
miles from New Berlin. 


A small village in Middle creek valley. 


Education is a mere secondary matter \vith the great mass 
of the inhabitants, especially the agricultural portion of them. 
The cultivation of the soil is deemed, with many, of more 
importance than the improvement of the mind. The inhab- 
itants of Beaver, Chapman, Middle creek. Perry and Union 
townships, have not as yet seen proper to adopt the common 
school system. Out of 17 districts, only 11 reported 45 
schools in operation, and more wanting in those 11 dis- 
tricts ; the schools were 0{)en 5 months, employing 44 male, 
and 7 female teachers; the former receiving 8-0,17 cts. per 
month, the latter ^9, S3 : number of scholars taught, 1,601 
males, and 1,766 females; of which number 113 were learn- 
ing German. District tax raised $2,368 71 ; state appro- 
priation 83,272 00. Cost of instruction 83,567 74 ; fuel 
and contingencies $358,75 ; paid out in 1844 for school 
houses, 847,00. 

The prevailing religious denominations are Presbyterians, 
Lutherans, German Reformed, Methodists, Evangelical As- 
sociation, and some Dunkards and Christians. 


Columbia County. 

'.'ommbia county erected — Streams and geological features — Statistics 
ji' 1S40 — Public improvements — Towns: Danville, Catawissa, 
Bloomsburg, Berwick, Mifflinsburg, Washingtonville, Freictsiowii. 
Jerseytown, Williamsburg, Orangeville, White Hall, Espytowu, 
Moorstown, &c. — Education, &c. — Narrative of Van Camp. 

CoJumbia county was formerly a part of Northumberland, 
and was taken from it by an act passed March 22, 1813. 
Its boundaries are thus described : 

Beoinning at the nine mile tree, on the bank of the north- 
east branch of the Susquehanna, and from thence by the Ime 
of Point township, to the line of Chilisquaque township ; 
ihence by the line of Chilisquaque and Point townships, to 
the West Branch of the river Susquehanna ; thence up the 
same to the line of Lycoming county; thence by the line or" 
Lycoming county to the line of Luzerne county ; thence by 
the same to the line of Schuylkill county; thence along the 
same to the southwest corner of Catawissa township; thence 
by ihe line of Catawissa and Shamokin townships, to the ri- 
ver Susquehanna ; and thence down said river to the place 
of beginning, shall be, and the same is hereby, according to 
the present lines, declared to be erected into a county. 

By an act of January 22d, 1816, part of the townships of 
Chilisquaque and Turbit, in Northumberland county, were 
annexed to Columbia, and by an act of March oi], 1818, 
part of Columbia county was annexed to Schuylkill county; 
and is now bounded on the north by Lycoming, on the 
southeast by Schuylkill county, ami on the south and west 
by Northumberlantl. Length 25 miles, breadth 2o ; area 
574 square miles ; area in acres, 367,360. 

Population in 1820, 17,621; in 1830, 20,059; in 1840, 


The population of the several townships, m 1840, were 
as follows : — 

Greenwood 1,217, Madison 1,700, Hemlock 956, Bloom 
1,774, Liberty 1,32S, Sugarloaf 934, Mount Pleasant 609, 
Mit!lin 2,150, Limestone 646, Derry 1,754, Catawissa 
2,064, Mahoning 1,927, Fishing creek 904, Roaring creek 
1,855, Bear creek 1,905, Orange 833, Montour 809, Val- 
ley 633, Jackson 625, 

[See Table on the following page. 


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This county is spread over the Apalachian range or sys- 
tem ; the surface is uneven, being diversified by mountains, 
hills and valleys. Though the mountain ranges of this coun- 
ty are not very high, yet they are very much broken. Be- 
tvsreen these are some broad, fertile valleys,of different kinds 
of soil. Along the Susquehanna are some level tracts, and 
a very rich soil, and in the western parts of the county, the 
limestone, when well cultivated, is very productive. The 
hilly and broken portions are found in the southern part of 
the county. The soil here is not so productive as in the 
western parts of the county. 

The principal mountains are Little, Nescopeck or Cata- 
wissa, in the southeast part of the county : in the northeast 
is Knob mountain, extended westward from Luzerne ; and 
on the north border is the high range prolonged eastward 
from the Allegheny, which is here called the North moun- 

The principal streams in the county are the North Branch 
of Susquehanna river, Catawissa, Roaring, Fishing, Chilis- 
quaque, Mahoning, and others, and some smaller tributaries. 
Little Fishing, Hemlock, Briar, Green, Huntingdon creeks, 
Limestone run, &c. 

The North Branch of the Susquehanna flows through the 
central part of this county, entering at Berwick and leav- 
ins: at Danville. Fishino^ creek rises by numerous branches 
along the side of the North mountain, and has a nearly south 
course to the river, near liloomsburg. Catawissa rises in 
Schuylkill county, flows northwestward, and empties at Cat- 
awissa, into the North Branch of the Susquehanna. Roaring 
creek rises near the southern extremity of this county, and 
forms part of the southwestern boundary. Fishing creek has 
its source in Lvcoming county, whence it receives many tri- 
butaries, and forcing its way through the Bald mountain into 
Sugarloaf township, it flows south into the Susquehanna riv- 
er, about three miles above Catawissa, its volume having 
been much increased by the waters of Huntingdon creek, 
from Luzerne county and by Little Fishing creek, and seve- 
ral other smaller streams. 

The geology of this county is interesting, but somewhat 
complex, for, says Trego, " so many rock formations are 
brought to the surface in this county, by numerous anticli- 
nal and synclinal axes or lines of elevation and depression, 




and so often arc some of these formations repeated by the 
consequent chancres of dip, that a minute description of their 
various ranges, foldings and doublings, would occupy several 
pages. A more gcneial notice of some of the more prominent 
features in the geology of the county is all that our limits 
will permit. 

In the elevated range, called Montour's ridge, which ex- 
tends from the West J^ranch above Northumberland, east- 
ward by Danville, to a jioint northeast of Bloomsburg, an 
axis of elevation passes nearly along the middle of the ridge, 
is composed of hard gray and reddish sandstones, which are 
covered along both sides, and sometimes nearly or quite to 
the top of the ridge, by the slates and shales of overlying 
series, the lower part of which consists of yellowish or green- 
ish slates, containing thin strata of limestone, in which are 
impressions of shells and other fossil, and near these a very 
valuable layer of brownish red iron ore, from six inches to 
two feet in thickness, also contaiiiing fossil impressions. This 
ore is found on both sides of the ridge, as far east as the 
neighborhood of Bloomsburg, where the strata converge and 
unite over its top as it sinks away on the east, and finally 
disappears under the overlying red shale in the vicinity of 
Espytown. In the slates above the iron ore are some thin 
layers of dark colored limestone, succeeded by a thick bed 
of red shale, which forms the upper portion of the series. 
Overlying this red shale is a limestone formation, which en- 
circles the ridge on the outside of the red shale, and which 
may be seen not far from the river above Northumberland, 
and along the railroad from Danville to Bloomsburg, extend- 
ing also from this to within two or three miles of Berwick, 
where it sinks away beneath the overlying slate. Fiora this 
point the northern division of the limestone extends along the 
outer border of the red shale riorth of the ridge, ])assing a 
little south of Moorsburg, to the \^ est Branch, near the 
mouth of Chilisquaque creek. The next fbrmalion in order, 
the fossiliferous sandstone, appears to be wanting in this part 
of the State; for immediately next to the limestone last men- 
tioned we find the olive slate, which, with red shales and 
sandstones next above spread over a wide region south of 
Montour's ridge, in the valleys of Shamokin and Roaring 
creeks, as far as the Little mountain. 'I'he same formations 
also occupy most of the northern part of the county, extend- 



ing to the southern side of the North mountain. In the 
neighborhood of Washington, in the west of the county, the 
limestone appears, encirchng the red shale which extends 
eastward from the vicinity of Milton. 

The Knob mountain, which terminates at Fishing creek, 
near Orangeville, is formed by the union of two ridges which 
m Luzerne county pass on either side of the southwestern 
point of \^ yomingcoal basin, and extend into Columbia coun- 
ty, in a long narrow ridge, which is capped with a hard 
coarse sandstone. The same rock appears in Nescopeck oi 
Catawissa mountain, and in Little mountain. South of Cat- 
awissa mountain, the little valleys on Catawissa creek are 
of red shale, which underlies the conglomerate of McCau- 
ley's and Buck mountain, supporting the anthracite beds. 

Although much attention has latterly been paid to the 
manufacture of iron, agriculture forms the principal occupa- 
tion of the inhabitants, and they have annually a large 
amount of surplus protkictions, consisting of flour of differ- 
ent kinds, pork, &c., &c., to send to Philadelphia and Bal- 

According to the census of 18 10, there were in this coun- 
ty, two furnaces (since increased by four or five) which pro- 
duced 1,300 tons of cast iron, consuming 2,000 tons of fuel, 
employing 80 hands, and a capital of ^80,000. Mules and 
horses 5,905, neat cattle 13,525, sheep 22,184, swine 19,- 
174, poultry of all kinds estimated at $3,394, wheat 214,426 
bushels, 223,373 of oats, rye 153,246, buckwheat 50,584, 
corn 208,400, pounds of wool 31,453, potatoes 163,480 
bushels, 14,878 tons of hay, 8 tons of flax. Value of pro- 
ducts of the dairy f 25,70b ; of the orchard $6,800 ; 100 
gallons of wine made ; value of home made or family goods 
$18,710 ; 55 retail dry goods stores, with a capital of 
$335,000. Value of machinery manufactured $57,895, em- 
ployed 71 hands. Value of bricks and lime manufactured 
$23,600, employed 30 hands, and a capital of $37,210. 
There were seven fulling mills in the county and three wool- 
len factories, manufactured goods to the value of $3,600, 
employed 32 persons ; capital $4,800. Value of hats and 
caps manufactured $13,500, employed 16 persons, capital 
invested $2,755. Twenty-three tanneries tanned 4,427 sides 
of sole leather, 5,299 of upper, employed 47 hands, capital 
invested $35,650. All other manufactories of leather, sad- 


dieries, &c. 63, value of manufactured articles $27,685, ca- 
pital invested $10,549. Twelve distilleries produced 121,- 
000 gallons, one brewery produced 14,836 gallons, 25 hands 
employed in manufacturing distilled and fermented liquors, 
and employed a capital of $43,100. Two potteries manu- 
factured articles to the value of $1,900, employed 5 hands, 
capital $750. One paper manufactory made paper to the 
value of $4,000, employed 12 men, capital $6,000. Four 
printing offices employed 14 hands, capital $3,100. Car- 
riages and wagons manufactured $13,650, 50 men employ- 
ed, capital $8,425. Eight flouring mills manufactured 6,- 
710 barrels, 40 grist mills, 74 saw mills. Total capital 
invested in manufactures $266,487. Aggregate amount of 
all kinds of property taxable in 1844, was $4,260,914 00. 


The North Branch Division of the Pennsylvania Canal 
passes through this county, for the distance of about twen- 
ty-live miles, extending fiom below^ Danville to Eeiwick, 
vhere it passes into Luzerne coi.nty. 

There is also a turnpike road extending frc ro Danville to 
Pottsville. The unfinished (1844) Little Schuylkill and 
Catawissa railroad is paitly in this county, passing down 
Catawissa valley. There are five bridges across the river 
at Berwick, Catawissa and Danville. The common public 
roads are generally in a tolerable condition. 


Situated on the North Branch of the Susquehanna river, is 
sixty-five miles from Harrisbuig, and 11 miles above the 
junction of the North and West Branch, thovgh of compar- 
atively recent origin, is destined befoitmany days fo become 
one of the most important and flourishirg inland towns in 
Pennsylvania. Upwards of two hundred dwelling houses 
were erected here during 1845, besides one furnace, one 
foundry, tw-o rolling mills ; one of the latter alone cost one 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars. In 1845, there were 


no less than twelve or thirteen establishments for the manu- 
facture of iron, in operation, within the limits of th^ town. 
The rolling mill, owned by the New York company, was 
built for the purpose of manufacturing railroad iron with 
anthracite coal. T railing of a superior quality are manu- 
factured here — upwards of eight hundred tons of which were 
manufactured in one month. The New Yoik company also 
own four furnaces besides the extensive rolling mill, and are 
superintended by Major Brevoort. 

The following, from the Sunbury American, describes the 
manner in which the T rail is made here : 

"In order to make the T rail, the iron is first rolled 
through one sett of rollers into heavy flat bars, about three, 
inches in width and three-fourths of an inch in thickness. 
These bars are then cut into pieces, something less than three 
feet in length. A number of the pieces, probably 15 or 30, 
are then placed together, making a square bundle or faggot, 
weighing nearly 400 pounds. This faggot is then placed 
into one of the furnaces and brought to a white heat, when 
it is drawn out on a small iron hand cart and conveyed to 
the rollers. — The great weight and intense heat of such a 
heavy mass, requires considerable skill as well as strength, 
in passing it through the rollers. The bar as it passes through 
is caught and supported by iroti levers, fastened to chains, 
that are suspended on pullies from above. The bar first 
through the square grooves of the rollers three or four times, 
before it is run through the different groves that gradually 
bring it to the form of the T rail, as seen upon our railroads. 
Through the last grooves it passes five or six times before 
it is completed. It is then'placed on a small railway car- 
riage, on a track 18 feet wide, and hauled up about 20 feet, 
when the rail comes in contact with two circular saws, one 
of which is placed on each side of the railway. These saws 
revolve wi^h great rapidity, and the moment the rail, still 
red hot, reaches them, the red, sparkling iron saw dust is 
scattered in every direction. The rails are then cut off 
square at each end, exactly 18 feet long, apparently as easi- 
ly as if they were made of tough hickory wood. The rail 
is then dragged to the pile and left to cool, perfectly finish- 
ed. The rails we saw made were intencfed for the Harris- 
burg and Lancaster road, and weighed fifty-one pounds to 



the yard, or something more than three hundred pounds 
each. These are said to be the first rails erer made with 
anthracite iron, in this or any other country, and are, we 
believe, superior to any that have ever been imported." 

Ever since the canal has been completed this town has 
risen in impoitance. Many of the houses are neat and com- 
modious. The public buildings — court house, prison, and 
other county buildings ; an academy, incorporated March 
23d, 1818, and several churches, viz : Presbyterian, Epis- 
copal, Methodist, Baptist, are all fine buildings. There is 
a very substantial bridge across the Susquehanna at this 
place. The population in 1840 was about 1000; at pres- 
ent it may exceed 1250. Its increase having been very ra- 
pid for the last three or fiaur years. The site of the place 
is commanding, being an elevated bank of the river ; imme- 
diately behind it is Montour ridge, abounding with iron ore; 
it is said to contain one of the most valuable mines in the 
State. The State Geologist, in speaking of the iron ore 
here, says, " The daily growing experience derived from 
the mining operations now (1838) on foot, will tend to mul- 
tiply the data for making a safe estimate of the exact ex- 
tent to which the buried treasures of Montour's ridge can 
be pursued. Enough is already known respecting the ex- 
cellent quality of the ore, the large quantity still readily 
accessible, and the cheapness of the present mode of mining 
it, to establish a just confidence in the value of this forma- 
tion as one of the choicest ore tracts in the State." 

" The land where Danville now stands was originally ta- 
ken up, or purchased by Mr. Francis and Mr. Peters, of 
Philadelphia. During the Revolutionary war, but subse- 
quent to the hottest period of the contest, Capt. Montgome- 
ry, of Philadelphia — the father — and Col., afterward Gen. 
Wm. Montgomery — the uncle — of Hon. Judge Montgome- 
ry, now living, resolved to come out and settle on the Sus- 
quehanna, then a wild and dangerous frontier, still occasion- 
ally disturbed by Indians. They purchased their faims at 
the mouth of Mahoning fiom one John Simpson. They had 
but just entered upon the hardships of frontier life, when the 
storm of savage warfare descended upon Wyoming. The 
Montgomerys, just retired from the campaigns of the revolu- 
tion, were no strangers to the alarms of Indian warfare ; but 
Mrs. Montgomery had been reared amid the security and 


luxury of Philadelphia, and became so terrified in anticipa- 
tion of being murdered by savages, that her husband was 
prevailed upon to remove with her, and her little son, now 
the Judge, to Northumberland, where the settlements were 
protected by a fort. Previously however, to their removal, 
they were often annoyed by the lurking foe, and frequent 
murders were committed in the vicinity. Their fears, too, 
were as often excited by merely imaginary dangers. Capt. 
Daniel Montgomery, looking out one evening, about dusk, 
upon the river, saw a fine canoe drifting down the stream, 
and immediately pushed out with his own canoe to secure 
the prize. On coming up to it, and drawing it towards him 
with his hand, he was thunderstruck at seeing a very large, 
muscular Indian lying flat on his back in the canoe, with his 
eyes wildly glaring upon him. He let go his hold and pre- 
pared for defence — but in a moment, reflecting that he had 
seen water in the bottom of this strange canoe, he again ap- 
proacheil it, and found the Indian was dead. A paper on 
his breast set forth that he had been shot near Wyoming, 
and set adrift by some of the Yankees. The captain towed 
his prize to the shore with a lighter heart, and after a hear- 
ty laugh with his neighbors, sent the Indian on his misson. 
The following from the " Hazleton Travellers," by Mr. Mi- 
ner, of Luzerne co., is the counterpart to the story. 

"Among the Indians who formerly lived at Wyoming 
was one by the name of Anthony Turkey. When the sav- 
ages removed from Wyoming he went with them, and re- 
turned as an enemy at the time of the invasion. With him 
and the people there had been before a good understanding, 
and it created some surprise when known that he was with 
the bloody band who had come on an errand of destruction. 
It was Turkey who commanded the party that came to Mr. 
Weeks' the Sunday after the battle, (1778,) and taking the 
old gentleman's hat, shoved his rocking-chair into the street 
and sat down and rocked himself. In the invasion of March 
following Turkey was here again, and in an engagement, 
on the Kingston flats, was shot through the thigh and sur- 
rounded by our people. ' Surrender turkey,' said they, ' we 
wont hurt you." Probably conscious of his own cruelties, 
he defied ihem, and fought like a tiger-cat to the last. Some 
of our boys, in malicious sport, took his body, put it into an 
old canoe, fixed a dead rooster in the bow — fastened a bow 


and arrow in the dead Indian's hands, as if in the act just to 
fire — put a written ' pass' on his breast to ' let the bearer 
go to his master King George or the d — 1' — and launched 
the canoe into the river, amid the cheers of men and boys." 
" After the expedition of Gen. Sullivan had quitted the 
frontier and expelled the Indians, the Montgomerys return- 
ed to Danville, where Daniel Montgomery established a 
store, and laid off a few lots on a piece of land given him by 
his father. A few other settlers came in, and in about 1806 
we find Danville described in Scott's Geography as a ' small 
post-town on the east branch of the Susquehanna, at the 
mouth of Mahoning.' Judge Montgomery was at that time 
the post-.naster — the first in the place who enjoyed that dig- 
nity. When it was proposed to erect Columbia co., and es- 
tablish Danville as the county seat, the elder Gen. Montgo- 
mery was opposed to the scheme, feaiing annoyance in his 
farming operations by the proximity of the town ; but his 
sou, oil the contrary, was eager for the success of the pro- 
ject, auticipatiug large gains from the sale of lots. After 
the couuty was fairly established, Gen. Montgomery not 
only re(|uiesced, but entered with his whole heart into the 
enterprise for its improvement. He and his relations en- 
dowed and erected an academy, and gave thirty lots as a 
fund for the sui)port of the ministry here. He afterwards 
took a leading part in getting a charter for the Bear-gap 
road, which openel the place to the Pottsville travel ; and 
also had great influence in inducing Stephen Girard to 
embark in the enterprise oj" Danville and Pottsville rail- 
road. A part of the road was made near Pottsville, and 
is now rotting in the sun without use. Girard and Gen. 
Montgomery died nearly at the same time — other inter- 
ests interlered, and tfie Danville and Pottsville railroad, 
with tlie bright visions of augmented wealth associated 
with it, exists only on paper.'^ 


Was laid out in 17S7, Ity William Hughes, a Quaker, (to 
which James Watson made addition in 1776) is on the 
left bank of the North Branch of the Susquehanna river, 
about nine miles above Danville, at the mouth of Cata- 



vvissa creek, situated in the midst of the picturesque scen- 
ery. In 1840 it contained three churches, one Methodist, 
one Lutheran, and one Friends' Meeting House ; several 
stores, taverns, and upwards of two hundred dwellings, 
and ahout 800 inhabitants. Tiiere are a foundry, a })a- 
per mill, and several tanneries in, and near the place. The 
region abounds in iron, and there are, within a few nnles 
of town, several fnrnaces and forges. John Ilauch built 
tlie first furnace in this region in 1816. 

Though the Germans constitute the })rincipal popula- 
tion at present, it vvasoriginally a (Quaker setllemont. The 
first settlers emigrated principally to Ohio. 


(Eyersburg) was laid out in 1802, by Ludwig Eycr : it is 
a flourishing, well built town, near the river and canal, V 
miles northeast of Dmiville, and four from Catawissa. It 
is finely situated on the rising ground, about 2 miles from 
the Susquehanna, and contains upwards of one hundred 
dwellings, witli a population of G50. The North Branch 
canal passes between the river and the town. A very ex- 
tensive trade is carried on here with the fertile valley of 
Fishing creek. It is a place of some importance, and will 
ere long be noted for the manufacture of iron. 

The town contains a German Reformed and Lutheran 
church in common ; there are also a Methodist and Epis- 
copal church. In the cemetery of the German Reformed 
church is a monument erected to the memory of the foun- 
der of Bloomsburg. It has this inscription : 

In memory of Ludwig Eyer, born January 8, 1767. 
Died Sept. 20, 1814, in the 48th year of Ins age. He left 
a widow, six .sons and four daughters, to deplore his loss. 
He was proprietor of Bloomsburg, laid it out in 1802, and 
[•resented this square to the Lutheran and Presbyterian 
congregations, for a church and burying ground, in 1807. 

His liberality was not confined to these congregations, 
he also gave the Episcopalians a lot of ground. 

Near this place, south of the town, on the Susquehan- 
na, was a Stoccade Fort erected in 1781, and another in 
Fishing creek, about 3 miles above its mouth. 



Ill February, 17S0, I was, says Van Campen, promoted 
to a lieutenancy, and entered upon the active duties of an 
officer, by heading scouts, and as Capt. Robinson was no 
woodsman or no marksman, he preferred that I should en- 
counter the danger and head scouts; we kept up a con- 
stant chain of scouts around the frontier settlements, from 
the north to the northwest branch of the Susquehanna, by 
the way of Little Fishing creek, Chilisquaqua, Muncy, 
&c. In the spring of 17S1, we built a fort on the widow 
McCIure's i-)lantation, called McClure's Fort, where our 
provisions were stored. — bicidcnts of Border Lijc 


Is twelve miles above Bloomsbnrg, on the right bank of 
the Susquehanna, on the eastern bovmdary — part of the 
village is in Luzerne county. It was originally settled by 
Evan Owen, in 17S3. It contains about one hundred 
dwellings, a Methodist church, an academy, several stores 
and taverns, and about 800 inhabitants. From this town 
a turnpike road runs to Lausanne, on the I^^high river, 
above Mauch chunk, pnssing near the Beaver Meadows. 
The road crosses tlie Snstpiehanna by a substantial bridge 
which connects Berwick with Nescopee village — com- 
menced in 181 t and completed in ISIS, at acost^of §52,- 
^135. Tiie North Branch canal passes along the foot of the 
elevated bank upon which the town is built. 


Is on the left bank of the Susquehanna river, seventeen 
miles above Danville. It contains about thirty dwellings, 
several stores and taverns — a Lutheran and a Methodist 
church. In and near it are several mills and tanneries. 


Is seven miles southwest of Danville : contains about 40 
dwellings, several stores and taverns. It is situated in the 
fertile valley of Chilisquaque creek. 



Is a small hamlet, twelve miles north of Danville, on a 
branch of Chilis(|uaque creek, at the head of Chilisquaque 


Seven miles northeast of Danville, contains about thirty 
dwellings, a store, a tavern, and a church. 


On Fishing creek, three miles above Bloomsburg, and 13 
northeast of Danville, consists of u dozen of houses, a store 
and tavern, and a Methodist church. 


Five miles north of Bloomsburg, on Fishing creek, con- 
tains about 40 dwellings, several stores and taverns. 


Ten miles from Danville, four miles northwest of Jersey - 
town, contains six or eight dwellings, a store and tavern. 


On the west bank of the Susquehanna, on the road from 
Danville to Berwick, twelve miles from the former place, 
contains about 25 dwellings, several stores and a tavern. 


A small village, in Liberty township. Prettily located. 



General education has, as in several other counties, been 
much neglected in many parts of the county. Although 
all the townships, except Mifflin and Valley, have adopted 
the system of public schools. The compensatiion allowed 
to teachers, is such as to induce illy qualified persons to 
take charge of schools. There are 19 school districts, 14 
of which have reported 104 schools as in operation, and 
12 wanting in those districts: schools open 7 months; em- 
ployed 98 male and 3 1 female teachers ; the former at a 
salary of $16 per month, and the latter at $9. In these 
schools there were 3,296 male and 2,556 female pupils; 
138 of whom were learning German. District tax raised 
$5,207 95 ; state appropriation $4,778 00. Cost of in- 
struction $6,106 33 ; fuel and contingencies $589 41; cost 
of school houses $586 77. There is an academy and a 
female seminary at Danville, pretty liberally patronized. 

Methodists and Presbyterians are the most numerous 
religious denominations — there are some Episcopalians, 
German Reformed, Lutherans, and Quakers. 


0/ Lieut. Moses Van Campen, during the War of the Rev- 
olution ; sent hy the author to Congress in 1838, accom- 
panied hy a petition for pension, which was gi'anted. 

My first service was in the year 1777, when I served 
three months under Colonel John Kelly, who stationed us 
at Big Island, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna. 
Nothing particular transpired during that time, and in 
March, 1778, I was appointed lieutenant of a company of 
six months men. Shortly afterwards I was ordered by 
Colonel Samuel Hunter to proceed with about twenty men 
to Fishing creek, (which empties into the North Branch of 
the Susquehanna, about twenty miles above Northumber- 
land,) and built a fort about three miles from its mouth, 
for the reception of the inhabitants, in case ot an alarm 
from the Indians. 

In May, my fort being nearly completed, our spies dis- 



covered a large party of Indians making their way towards 
the fort. The neighboring residents had barely time to fly 
lo the fort ior protection, leaving their goods behind. The 
Indians soon made their appearance, and having plundered 
and burnt the houses, attacked the fort, keeping a steady fire 
upon us during the day. At night they withdrew, burning 
ami destroying every thing in their route. 

What loss they sustained, we could not ascertain, as they 
carried off all the dead and wounded, though from the marks 
of blood on the ground, it must have been considerable. The 
inhabitants that took shelter in the fort, had built a yard for 
their cattle, at the head ot a small flat, a short distance from 
-he fort, and one evening in the month of June, just as they 
were milking them, my sentinel called my attention to some 
movement in the brush, which I soon discovered to be Indi- 
ans, making their way to the cattle yard. There was no 
time to be lost ; I immediately selected ten of my sharp- 
shooters, and under cover of a rise of land, got between them 
and the milkers. On ascending the ridge we found ourselves 
within pistol shot of them; I tired first, antl killed the lead- 
er, but a volley tVom my men did further execution, the In- 
dians running off at once In the meantime the milk pails 
flew in every direction, and the best runner got to the fort 

As the season advanced, Indian hostilities increased, and 
notwithstanding the vigilance of our scouts, which were out 
constantly, houses were burnt and families murdered. In the 
summer of I77S occurred the great massacre at Wyoming; 
after which the Governors of Connecticut, New York and 
Pennsylvania, petitioned Congress to adopt speedy measures 
for the protection of the western frontier, which subject was 
referred to a committee of Congress and Gen. Washington. 
The committee recommended that the war should be carried 
into the enemy's country, and a company of rangers raised 
for the (JL'lencc of the fiontier. 

In 1779 Gen. Sullivan was sent with an army into their 
country. The provisions for the supply of the army were 
purchased in the settlements along the waters of the Susque- 
hanna, and deposited in storehouses. I was appointed^ under 
the title of quartermaster, to superintend this business, and 
about the midille of July, by means of boats, had collected 
all the provisions at VVyoming, where Gen. Sullivan, v^ith 




his army, lay waiting for them. About the last of July our 
army moved for Tioga Point, while a fleet of boats ascended 
the river parallel with the army. 

We reached Tioga Point early in August, where we halt- 
ed for Gen. Clinton to join us with his brigade, which came 
by the way of the Mohawk river, and so on into Lake Otse- 
go. During this time the Indians were collecting in consid- 
erable force at Chemung, a large Indian village about II 
miles distant. As they became very troublesome neighbors. 
Gen. Clinton contemplated an attack upon them, but wished 
to ascertain their numbers and situation, and selected me for 
that dangerous enterprise. I prepared myself an Indian 
dress, breech cloth, leggings, and moccasins. My cap had a 
good supply of feathers ; and being painted in Indian style, I 
set off with one man, dressed in the same manner. We left 
the camp after dark, and proceeded with much caution until 
we came to the Chemung, which we supposed would be 
strongly guarded. We ascended the mountain, crossed over 
it, and came in view of their fires, when having descended 
the hill, we waited quietly until they lay down and got to 
sleep. We then walked around their camp, counted the fires 
and the number of Indians at some of the fires, thus forming 
an estimate of their number, which I took to be about six or 
seven hundred. I returned, and having made my leport to 
the general early next morning, I went to ray tent, spread 
down my blanket, and had a refreshing sleep. 

In the afternoon Major Adam Hoopes, one of the gener- 
al's aids, requested me to wait upon the general, which I 
obeyed. The latter requested, as I had learnt the way to 
Chemung, that I would lead the advance, he having selected 
Gen. Samuel Hand, of the Pennsylvania line, to make them 
a visit with eleven hundred men. I accepted the service, 
and we took up our line of march after sundown. When we 
came to the Narrows, I halted, according to order, until tlie 
main body came up, when the general ordered us to enter the 
Narrows, observing, " Soldiers, cut your way through." We 
did so, and entered the Indian village at daybreak, but found 
that the birds had flown. We halted a few minutes for our 
men to refresh, set fire to their village, and having discov- 
ered from their trail, that they had gone up the river, fol- 
lowed it about two miles. Here our path lay up a narrow 
ridge, called Hogback Hill, which we remarked, seemed 



formed by nature for an Indian ambuscade. Accordingly, 
every eye was fixed on the hill, and as we began to ascend, 
we saw the bushes tremble, and immediately rifles were pre- 
sented, and we received a deadly fire, by which sixteen or 
seventeen of the advanced were killed or wounded. 

We that stood, sprang under cover of the bank, and for a 
moment, reserved our fire- Six or seven stout fellows rushed 
out with tomahawk and knife, to kill and scalp our com- 
rades. It was now our turn to fire : every shot counted one 
— they fell. Gen. Hand now came on at quick stop, advan- 
ced within a few rods of them, and ordered his men to fire, 
and then charge them at the point of the bayonet ; they were 
soon routed and put to iiight. We returned with our dead 
and wounded the same night, to our former camp. 

We had no further opportunity of coming to a brush with 
them, until we were joined by our whole force, under Gen. 
Clinton, We were opposed by the enemy's whole force, 
consisting of Indians, British and tories, to whom we gave 
battle a little below Newtown Point. Our loss was compa- 
ratively trifling. 

On the return of the army, I was taken with the camp fe- 
ver, and was removed to the fort which I had built in 1778, 
where my father was still living. In the course of the win- 
ter 1 recovered my health, and my father's house having been 
burnt in 1778, by the party which attacked the before-men- 
tioned fort, my father requested me to go with him and a 
younger brother to our farm, about four miles distant, to 
make preparations for building another, and raising some 

But little apprehension was entertained of molestation 
from the Indians this season, as they had been so completely 
routed the year before. We left the fort about the last of 
March, accompanied by my uncle and his son, about twelve 
years old, and one Peter Pence. We had been on our farms 
about four or five days, when on the morning of the 30th of 
March, we were surprised by a party of ten Indians. My 
lather was thrust through with a war spear, his throat was 
cut and he was scalped, while my brother was tomahawked, 
scalped, and thrown into the fire before my eyes. W bile I 
was struggling with a warrior, the fellow who had killed my 
father, drew his spear from his body and made a violent 
thrnat at uje. I shrank from his spear ; the savage who had 


liolil of mc, turned it with his hniul, so it only penetrated 
iny vest and shirt. They were then satisfied with tailing me 
prisoner, as they had the same morning taken my uncle's 
little son and Pence, though they killed my uncle. 

The same paity, bei'ore I hey reached us, had touched on 
the lower settlen)ents oi Wyoming, and killed a Mr. Uj)son, 
and look a boy prisoner by the name of Ixogers. We weie 
now marched off up Fishing creek, and in the afternoon of 
the same day we came to Huntingdon, where ihe Indians 
found four white men at a sugar camp, who fortunately dis- 
covered the Indians and fled to a house ; the Indians only 
fired on them, and wounded a Captain Ransom, when they 
continued their course till night. 

Ilavi/ig encamped and made their fire, we, the piisoners, 
were tied and well secured, five Indians lying on one side of 
us and five on the other; in the morning they ])ursue(l their 
course, and, leaving the waters of Fishing creek, touched 
the head waters of Hemlock creek, where they found one 
Abraham Pike, liis will' and child. Pike was made a pris- 
oner, but his wife and child, they ]iainted and tokl Joggo — 
squmv — go home. They conliimed their course that day, 
and encamped the same night in the same manner as the pre- 
vious. The next day 1 had an oj)iK)rtunily to communicate 
ray j)lan to my fellow prisoneis; they treated it as a vision- 
ry scheme for three men to rl(eni])t lo despatch ten Indians. 
I spread befoie them the advantages that three men would 
have over fen, wlien asleep; and that we would be the first 
prisonei's that would be taken into their towns and villages, 
after our army had destroyed their coin; that we should be 
tied to the stake and suffer a cruel deafh; we had now an 
inch of ground to fight on, and if we failed it would only be 
death, and we might as well die one way as another. 

That day passed away, and having encamped for the night, 
we lay as before. In the morning we came to the river, and 
seen their canoes; they had descended the liver, and run 
their canoes ui)on Little Tuiikhannock creek, so called; the} 
crossed the river and set theii- canoes adrift. 

I renewed my suggestion to my companions, to despatch 
them that night; and urged that they must decide the ques- 
tion. Disarm them, and each take a tomahawk, and come 
to close work at once. There are three of us ; plant oui 
blows with judgment, and three tines three will make nine, 
and the tenth one we can kill at our leisure. 


They agreed to disarm them, and after that, one take pos- 
session of the guns and fire, at the one side of the four, and 
the other two take tomahawks on the other side and despatch 
them. I observed that wouk] be a very uncertain way; the 
first shot fired would give the alarm ; they w^ould discover 
it to be the prisoners, and might defeat us. I had to yield 
to their plan. Peter Pence was chosen to fire the guns, Pike 
and myself to tomahawk ; we cut and carried plenty of wood, 
to give them a good fire ; the prisoners were tied and laid in 
their places ; after I was laid down, one of them had occa- 
sion to use his knile ; he dropped it at my feet ; I turned my 
foot over i* and concealed it — they all lay down and fell 
asleep. About midnight I got up and found them .in sound 
sleep. I slipped to Pence, w4io rose ; I cut him loose and 
handed him the knife ; he did the same for me, and I in turn 
took the knife and cut Pike loose ; in a minute's time we 
disarmed them. Pence took his station at the guns. Pike 
and myself, with our tomahawks, took our stations; I was 
to tomahawk three on the right wing and Pike two on the 
left. That moment Pike's two awoke, and were getting up; 
here Pike proved a coward and laid down. It was a critical 
moment. I saw there was no time to be lost ; their heads 
turned up fair ; I despatched them in a moment, and turned 
to my lot, as per agreement, and as I was about to despatch 
the last on my side of the hre, Pence shot and did good exe- 
cution ; there was only one at the off wing that his ball did 
not reach ; his name was Mohawk, a stout, bold, daring fel- 
low. In the alarm, he jumped off about three rods from the 
fire; he saw it was the prisoners that made the attack, and 
giving the war-whoop, he darted to take possession of the 
guns ; I as quick to prevent him ; the contest was then be- 
tween him and myself As I raised my tomahawk, he turned 
quick to jump at me ; I followed him and struck at him, but 
missing his head, my tomahawk struck his shoulder, or rath- 
er the back of his neck ; he pitched forward and fiell ; at the 
.same time my foot slipped, and 1 fell by his side; we clinched; 
his arm was naked ; he caught me round my neck, at the 
same time I caught him with my left arm around the body, 
and gave him a close hug, at the same time feeling for his 
knife, but could not reach it. 

In our scuffle, my tomahawk dropped out. My head was 
under the wounded shoulder, and almost suffocated me with 



his blood. I made a violent spring and broke from his hold; 
we both rose at the same time, and he ran ; it took nie some 
time to clear the blood from my eyes; my tomahawk got 
covered up, and I could not find it in lime to oveitake him; 
he was the only one of the party that escaped. Pike was 

I always have had a reverence for Christian devotion. Pike 
was trying to pray, and Pence was swearing at him, charg- 
ing him wuth cowardice, and saying it was no time to pray, 
he ought to fight ; we were masters of the gro\md, and in 
possession of all their guns, blankets, match coats, &c. I 
then turned my atle>ition to scalping them, and recovering 
the scalps of my faiher, brotlier, and others. I strung them 
all on my belt for sale keeping. 

We kept our ground till morning, and built a raft, it be- 
ing near the bank of the river where they had encamped, 
about fifteen miles below Tioga Point ; we got all our plun- 
der on it, and set sail tor Wyoming, the neaiest settlement. 
Our raft gave away, when we made for land, but we lo.^t 
considerable propeity, though we saved our guns and ammu- 
nition, and took the land ; w^e reached Wylusing late in the 
afternoon. Came to the narrows; discovered asmoke below 
and a raft lying at the shore, by which we were cei tain a 
party of Indians had passed us in the course of the day, and 
had halted for the night. 

There was no other alternative for us, but to route them, 
or go over the mountain ; the snow on the north side of the 
hill was deep; we knew, from appearance of the raft, that 
the party must be small; Ave hat! two rifles each ; my only 
fear was of Pike's cowardice. To know the worst of it, we 
agreed that I should ascertain their number and give the sig- 
nal for the attack ; I crept down the side of the hill, so near 
as to see their fires and packs, but saw no Indians. I con- 
cluded they had gone hunting for meat, and that this was a 
irood opportunity lor us to make olf with their lalt to the 
opposite side of the river. I gave the signal ; they came and 
threw their packs on to the rait, which was made of small, 
dry pitie timber, and had got nearly out of reach of shot, 
v/hen two of them came in; they fired ; their shots did no in- 
jury; we soon got under cover of an island, and went seve- 
ral miles; we had waded deep creeks through the day; the 
night was cold ; we landed on an island, and found a sink 


hole, in which we made our fire ; after warming, we were 
alarmed by a crackling in the crust ; Pike supposed the In- 
tlians had got on to this island, and commenced calling for 
quarters ; to keep him quiet, we threatened him with his life; 
tlic stepping grew plainer, and seemed coming directly to the 
tire ; I kept a watch, and soon a noble raccoon came under 
the Hght. I shot the raccoon, when Pike jumped up and 
called out, "Quarters, gentlemen; quarters, gentlemen." I 
took my game by the leg, and threw it down to the fire : 
" Here, you cowardly rascal," I cried, "skin that, and give 
us a roast for supper." 

The next night we reached Wyoming, and there was much 
joy to see us ; we rested one day, and it being unsafe to go 
to Northumberland by land, we procured a canoe, and with 
Pence and my little cousin, we descended the river by night; 
we came to Fort Jenkins before day, where I found Colonel 
Kelly and about one hundred men encamped out of the Fort; 
he came across from the West Branch by the heads of Chil- 
isquaka to Fishing cieek, the end of the Nob mountain, so 
calleil at that day, where my father and mother were killed : 
he had buried my father and uncle; my brother was burnt ; 
a small part of him only was found. 

Colonel Kelly informed me that my mother and her chil- 
dren were in the fort, and it was thought that I was like- 
wise killed. Col. Kelly went into the fort to prepare her 
mind to see me. I took off my belt of scalps and handed 
them to an officer to keep. Human nature was not sufficient 
to stand the interview. She had just lost a husband and a 
son, and one had returned to take her by the hand ; and one 
that she supposed was killed. 

The day after, I went to Sunbury, where I was received 
with joy: my scalps were exhibited, the cannons were fired, 
&c. Before my return, a commissicjii had been set me as an 
ensign of a company, to be commanded by Captain Thomas 
Robison. This was, as I understood, a part of the quota 
which Pennsylvania had to raise for the continental line. 
One Joseph Alexander was commissioned as Lieut, but did 
not accept his commission. 

The summer of 1780 was spent in the recruiting service ; 
our company was organized, and was retained for the defence 
of the frontier service. 

In February, 1781, I was promoted to a lieutenancy, and 


entered upon the active duty of an officer by heading scouts, 
and as Capt. Robison was no woodsman nor marksman, he 
preferred that I should encounter the danger and head the 
scouts; we kept up a constant chain of scouts around the 
frontier seltlements, from the North to the West Branch ol 
the Susquehanna, by way of the head waters of Little Fish- 
ing creek, Chihsquaqua, Muncy, &c. 

In the spring of 1781 we built a fort on the widow Mc- 
Clure's phmtation, called McClure's Fort, where our provis- 
ions were stored. 

In the summer of 1781 a man was taken prisoner in Buf- 
falo Valley, but made his escape ; he came in and reported 
theie were about three hundred Indians on Sinnemahoning, 
hunting and laying in a store of provisions, and would make 
a descent on the fiontiers ; that they would divide into small 
parties, and attack the whole chain of the frontier at the 
same time on the :>ame day. 

Colonel Samuel Hunter selected a company of five to re- 
connoitre, viz: Capt. Campbell, Peter and Michael Groves, 
Lieut. Cramer and myself; the party was called the Grove 
Party. We cariied with us three weeks' provisions, and 
j)roceeded up the West Branch with much caution and care; 
we reached the Sinnemahoning, but made no discovery, ex- 
cept old tracks; we marched up the Sinnemahoning so far, 
that we were satisfied it was a false report. We returned, 
and a little below the Sinnemahoning, near night, we discov- 
ered a smoke ; we were confiilent it was a party of Indians, 
which we must have passed by, or they got there some other 
way; we discovered there was a large party, -how many we 
could not tell, but prepared for the attack. 

As soon as it was dark we new primed our rifles, sharp- 
ened our flints, examined our tomahawk handles, and all be- 
ing ready, we waited with great impatience, until they all 
laid down : the time came, and with the utmost silence we 
advanced, trailed our rifles in one hand, and the tomahawk- 
in the other. The night was warm ; we found some of them 
rolled in their blankets a rod or two from their fires. Hav- 
ing got amongst them, we first handled our tomahawks; they 
rose like a dark cloud ; we now fired our shots, and raised 
the war yell ; they took flight in the utmost confusion, but 
few taking time to pick up their rifles. We remained mas- 
ters of the ground and all their plunder, and took several 



scalps. It was a party of twenty-five or thirty, Avhich had 
been down as low as Penn's creek, and had killed and scalp- 
ed two or three families; we found several scalps of different 
ages which they had taken, and a large quantity of domestic 
cloth, which was carried to Northumberland and given to 
the distressed who had escaped the tomahawk and knife. 

In December, 1781, our company was ordered to Lancas- 
ter ; we descended the river in boats to Middletown, where 
our orders were countermanded, and we were ordered to 
Heading, Berks county, where we were joined by a party of 
ihe third and fifth Pennsylvania regiments, and a company 
of the Cono-ress resiiment. We took charge of the Hessians 
taken prisoner by Gen. Burgoyne. 

In the latter part of March* at the opening of the campaign 
of 1782, we were ordered by Congress to our respective sta- 
tions. I marched Robison's company to Northumberland, 
where Mr. Thomas Chambers joined us, who had been le- 
cently commissioned as an ensign of our company. We hal- 
ted at Northumberland two or three days for our men to 
wash and rest ; from thence ensign Chambers and myself 
were ordered to Muncy, Samuel Wallace's plantation, there 
to make a stand and rebuild Fort Muncy, which had been 
destroyed by the enemy. 

We reached that station, and built a small block-house for 
the storage of om- provisions. About the 10th or Uth of 
April, Captain Robison came on with Esquire Culbertson, 
.James Dougherty, William McGrady, and Mr. Barkley. I 
was oidered to select twenty or twenty-five men, with these 
proceed up the West Branch to the Big Island, and thence 
to Bald Eagle creek, to the place where Mr. Culbertson had 
been killed. On the 15th of April, at night, we reached the 
place, and encamped for the night ; on the night of the 16th 
we were attacked by eighty-five Indians; it was a hard fought 
battle; Esquire Culbertson and two others made their escape. 
I think w^e had nine killed, and the rest of us were made 
l)ri.soners. We were stripped of all our clothing, excepting 
our pantaloons. When they took off my shirt they discov- 
ered my commission; oui- commissions wei-e written on parch- 
ment, and carried in a silk case, hung with a ribbon, in our 
bosom; several got hold of it, and one fellow cut the ribbon 
with his knife, and succeeded in obtaining it. 

They took us a little distance from the battle ground, and 



made tlie prisoners sit down in a small ring, the Indians lorm- 
ing around us in close order, each with his rifle and toma- 
hawk in his hand. They brought up five Indians we had 
killed, and laid them wiihin their circle. Each one reflected 
for himself; our time would probably be short; and respect- 
ing myself, looking back upon the year 1780, at the party I 
had killed, if I was discovered to be the person, my case 
would be a hard one. 

Their prophet, oi' chief warrior, made a speech, as I was 
informed afterwards by the British Lieutenant, w^ho belonged 
to the paity, he was consulting the Great Spirit what to do 
with the prisoners, whether to kill us on the spot or spare 
our lives: he cau)e to the conclusion that there had been 
blood enough shed, and as to the men they had lost, it was 
the fate of war, and we must be taken and adopted into the 
families of those whom we had killed. We were then di- 
vided amongst them according to the number of fires. Packs 
were prepared for us, and they returned across the river at 
the Big Island, in bark canoes. 

They then made their way across hills, and came to Pine 
creek, above the first forks, which they followed up to the 
f/tird J'ork, and pursued the most northerly branch to the 
head of it, and thence to the waters of the Genesee river. 
After two days travel we came to a place calif d the Pigeon 
Woods, where a great number of Indian families, old and 
young, had come to catch pigeons. There we met a party 
of about forty wairiors, on their way to the frontier settle- 
ments ; they encamped some little distance apart, the warri- 
ors of the two parties holding a council at our camp. 

I soon perceived that I was the subject of conversation. I 
was seized and dragged to the other camp, where the war- 
riois were sitting on one side of a large fire ; I was seated 
on the opposite side. Every eye was fixed upon me. I per- 
ceived they werie gathering around in great numbers; in a 
short time I perceived a man pressing through the crowd : 
lie came to me and sat down ; I saw he was a white man 
painted, in Indian dress. He examined me on the situation 
of the frontiers, the strength of our forts, the range of our 
scouts, &c. After he got through, he observed that there 
was only one there, beside himsflf, that knew me. ^^ Do you 
know me, sir?'' said I. " I do: you are the inan that killed 
the IndiamJ' 


I thought of the fire and the stake. — He observed that he 
was a prisoner and a friend ; that his name was Jones, and 
he had been taken prisoner in the spring of '81, with Capt. 
John Boyde, in Bedford county ; that he would not expose 
me, and if I could pass through undiscovered and be delivered 
up to the British, I would be safe ; if not, I would have to 
die at the stake. The next ramming they naoved down the 
river; two days afterwards they came to the Caneadia vil- 
lage, the first on the Genesee river, where we were prepared 
to run the Indian gauntlet. The warriors don't whip ; it is 
the young Indians and squaws. They meet you in sight of 
iheir council house, where they select the prisoners from the 
ranks of the warriors, bring them in front, and when ready, 
the word joggo is given ; the prisoners start, the whippers 
follow after, and if they outrun you, you will be severely 

I was placed in front of my man ; the word being given, 
we started. Being then young and iull of nerve, I led the 
way; two young squaws came running up to join the whip- 
ping party, and when they saw us start they halted, and 
stood shoulder to shoulder with their whips ; when I came 
near them I bounded and kicked them over; we all came 
down together; there was considerable kic/k rng amongst us, 
so much so, that they showed their under-dress, which ap- 
peared to be of a beautiful yellow color ; I had not time to 
help them up. It was truly diverting to the warriors ; they 
yelled and shouted till they made the air ring. 

They halted at that village for one day, and thence went 
to Fort Niagara, when I was delivered up to the British. 
I was adopted, according to Indian custom, into Col. But- 
ler's family, then the commanding officer of the British and 
Indians at that place. I was to supply the loss of his son, 
Capt. Butler, who met his death late in the fall of 1781, 
by the Americans. 

In honor to me, as his adopted son, I was confined in 
a private room, and not put under a British guard. My 
troubles soon began ; the Indians were informed by the to- 
ries that they knew me, that I had been a prisoner before, 
and had destroyed my captors; they were much excited, 
and went to Butler and demanded me, and, as I was told, oi- 
fered to bring in fourteen prisoners in my place. Butler seiit 
an officer to examine me on the subject ; he came and inform- 


ed me their Indians had laid lieavy accusations against me ; 
they were informed that 1 had been a prisoner before, and 
destroyed the party, and that they had demanded me to be 
given up to them, antl that his Colonel wished to know the < 
fact. 1 observed : "Sir, it is a seiious question to answer ; 
I will never deny the truth ; 1 have been a prisoner before, 
and destroyed the party, and returned to the service of my 
country: but, sir, 1 consider myself to be a prisoner of war 
to the liritis;h, and I presume you will have more honor than 
to deliver me up to the savages. I know what my fate will 
be; and please to inform your Colonel that we have it in our 
power to retaliate." 

He left mc, and in a short time returned and stated that 
he was authorized to say to me that there was no alternative 
for me to save my life, but to abandon the rebel cause am! 
join the l^ritish standard ; that 1 should take the same rank- 
in the liritish service as I did in the rebel service. I replied, 
" No, sir, give me the stake, the tomahawk, or the knife, be- 
fore a British commission ; liberty or death is our motto." — 
He then left me. 

Some time after, a lady came to my room, wilh whom 1 
had been well acquainted l)ef()re the Revolution ; we hatl been 
schoolmates; she was then married to a l^iitish oilicer, a 
captain of the Queen's rangers ; he came with her. 5?he had 
been to Col. Butler, and she was authorized to make me the 
same oiler as the oilicer hail done. I thanked her for the 
trouble she had taken for my safety, but could not accept of 
the offer. She observed, how much more honorable would 
it be to me to be an officer in the; British service. I remarked 
that 1 could not dispose of m\self in that way; I belonged 
to the Congress of the United States, and that I would abiiic 
the consequences. She left me, arul that was the last 1 heard 
of it.. A guaid was set at my apartment. 

In about four days after, I was sent down Lake Ontario 
to a place called Carlton Island: from thence down the St. 
Lawrence to, where I was placed, in prison, and 
found forty or fifty of our American ollicers, and where we 
had the honor to look through the iron grates. The fourth 
of July was drawing near; ten of us combined to celebrate 
tiie political birth-day of our country; we found ways and 
means to have some brandy conveyed in to us, unknown to 
the British guard. It was highly offensive to the British 


officers, and we ten were taken out and sent to Quebec, 
thence down to St. Lawrence, and put on the Isle of New 
Orleans, where we remained uncil the last of vSeptember ; a 
British fleet sailed about the same time and bound for New 
York ; we were put on board of that fleet. When we came 
to New York there was no exchange for us. General Carlton 
then commanded the British army at New York ; he paroled 
us to return home. 

In the month of March, 1783, I was exchanged, and had 
orders to take up arms again. I joined my company in March 
at Northumberland ; about that time Capt. Robison received 
orders to march his company to Wyoming, to keep garrison 
at Wilkesbarre Fort. He sent myself and ensign Chambers 
with the company to that station, where we lay till Novem- 
ber, 1783. Our army was then discharged, and our compa- 
ny likewise; poor, and penniless, we retired to the shades of 
private life. 



Juniata County. 

Juniata county erected— Streams and geological features—Public im- 
provements — Towns ; Mifflin, Thompsonstown, Mexico, Perrysville, 
Tammany, Waterford or Waterloo, Calhounsville or McAllister- 
Tille, Ridgesville, Greenwood, «Stc.— Education— Case of law suit, 

■ &c. &c. ^ 

Juniata county was, by virtue of an act of March 2n(l, 
J831, separated from Mifflin county, and is bounded on the 
north by Union county; for a short distance on the east by 
the Susquehanna river ; on the southeast it is bounded by 
Perry county ; and, on the southwest, by Huntingdon 

Average length about forty miles ; breadth nine ; area in 
square miles, about 360 ; it contains about 230,400 acres of 

Population in 1840, 11,080. 

The population in the several townships in 1840, was as 
follows : — 

Fermanagh, 831; Greenwood, 1,237; Milford, 1,829; 
Turbett, 1,319; Lack, 761; Tuscarora, 1,018; Walker, 
1,423; Delaware, 956; Fayette, 1,291; Mifflin borough, 

[See Table on the opposite page. 


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40 and under 50 

50 and under 60 

60 and under 70 

70 and under 80 

80 and under 90 

under 5 years 

5 and under 10 
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10 and under 15 
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This county, like all noticed, belongs to the great central 
transition formation of the State. Its surface is traversed 
northeast and southwest by several mountains. The Tusca- 
rora mountain forms the most of the southeastern boundary, 
dividing Juniata from Perr} , and on the northwest (he Shade 
and Black Log mountains separate it from Mifflin. The sur- 
face of the county, as well as the soil, is diversified. The 
mountains and hills are separated by inteivening valleys. 
The principal streams are the Juniata river, Tuscarora, Lost, 
Licking, Cocalamus, West Mahantaiigo, Black Log. 

The Juniata river passes through the middle part of this 
county. The Tuscarora creek rises in Huntingdon county, 
runs northeast between 30 and 3o miles, passes through the 
western part of this county, in a northeastward couise, and 
falls into the Juniata below INlifllintown, being joined by 
Licking creek. Lost creek rises by several branches, and 
Hows into the Juniata river, about two miles above Mifflin- 
town. Cocalamus cieck rises in Greenwood townshi]) and 
flows southeast into Perry county, and thence into the Juni- 
ata river some distance below Millerstown. 

The geological features of the county are not so greatly 
diversified as in some counties. A series of nearly parallel 
belts of various rock formations range across this county 
from northeast to southwest, following the direction of the 
mountain ridges, and being brought successively to the sur- 
face by undulations or lines of elevation and depression. The 
variegated and red shale overlying the mountain sandstone, 
appears along the northwest side of Tuscarora mountain, 
and again on the Juniata above Mexico, having between 
those pomts a belt of overlying fossiliferous limestone and 
sandstone, as seen between Thompsontown and Mexico, on 
the turnpike. A similar belt of this limestone, with the sand- 
stone accompanying, appears at Miftlintown, above which 
place we find the red and variegated shale formation extend- 
ing to the foot of Shade mountain. Li the valley of Tusca- 
rora creek, a few miles southwest of Juniata, the fossiliferous 
sandstone divides into two branches, having between them 
the overlying olive slate, which, still farther in the valley, 
is itself overlaid by the red shales and sandstones, next in 

The soil in many parts is very productive, especially in 
the valleys in which liiijestone is generally at, or near the 



surface. The mountainous portions are broken and unusu- 
ally sterile. The chief occupation of the inhabitants is agri- 
culture. The finely improved fields, the well built house, 
and huge barns, give strong evidence of the industry of this 
class of the community. 

According to the census of 1840, there were 3,571 horses 
in Juniata county, 11,089 neat cattle, 12,023 sheep, 18,604 
swine, value of all kinds of poultry 3,822, 219,859 bushels 
wheat, barley 8,035, oats 156,072, rye 69,219, buckwheat 
17,726, corn 162,659, wool 19,907 pounds, hops 787 lbs., 
wax 399 pounds, potatoes 53,320 bushels, 8,958 tons of 
hay, '5i tons of flax, 1,257 cords of wood sold, value of the 
products of the dairy 834,305, value of the products of the 
orchard 87,667, value of borne made or family goods 8800. 
Retail dry goods, grocery, and other stores 33, with a capi- 
tal of 8112,600. Products of the forest 83,865. Value of 
machinery manufactured 81,400, Value of hardware, cut- 
lery, &c., manufactured 83,500. Value of bricks and lime 
813,794; 30 men employed, capital 813,305. Nine fulling 
mills, value of manufactured goods 820,200, 21 hands em- 
ployed, capital invested 810,000. Value of hats and caps 
manufactured 8900, 3 persons employed, capital .8300; 21 
tail^eries, tanned 14,742 sides of sole leather, 3,472 up- 
per, 53 men employed, capital invested 54,100. All other 
manufactories of leather, saddleries, &c., 91: value of ar- 
ticles manufactured 829,550, capital invested $5,815. Five 
distilleries produced 11,425 gallons, six men employed, ca- 
pital 83,700. Three printing offices, 7 hands employed, 
capital 81,400. Value of carriages and wagons manufac- 
tured 83,520, 13 men employed, capital 8800. Eleven 
flouring mills, manufactured 11,87.5 barrels. There were 
also, 17 grist mills and 52 saw mills; value of manufac- 
tures of mills 8192,440, 74 men employed, capital invest- 
ed 889,2-50. Value of furniture manufactured 84,525, 16 
rnen employed, capital 81,890. Total capital invested in 
manufactures -8185,690. Aggregate amount of all property 
taxable in 1844, 82,498,930 00. - 


The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania canal, and the 


northern turnpike road, from Harrisburg to Pittsburg, both 
pass through this county. 


The seat of justice, is situated on the north side of the Ju- 
niata river ; it occupies an elevated site, commanding an ex- 
tensive view of the adjacent and neighboring hills and moun- 
tains. It was laid out in the year 1791, by John Harris. It 
improved very slowly until 1831, when it was made the seat 
of justice ; since, it has improved rapidly. It now contains 
about one hundred dwellings, some of which are very commo- 
dious, and of brick. It has the usual number of county build- 
ino-s. There are also an academy, a Presbyterian, and Luth- 
eran church. The Methodists worship in the court house. 
There are 4 stores, 2 apothecary stores, and three taverns. 

The Juniata Division of the Pennsylvania canal passes 
along the river ; and the Huntingdon township road passes 
through town. A thriving trade is carried on here; it is 
the depot of all the surplus produce of the adjacent valleys. 
A substantial bridge crosses the Juniata here, affording great 
facilities to the farmers of Tuscarora valley. The population 
is about four hundred and seventy-hve. In 1840 it was 420. 
Of these there were : 

White Males under 5, 30 ; 5 and under 10, 26 ; 10 and 
under 15, 23 ; 15 and under 20, 31 ; 20 and under 30, 38 ; 
30 and under 40, 32 ; 40 and under 50, 17 ; 50 and under 
60, 7 ; 60 and under 70, 4 ; 70 and under 80, 1 ; 80 and « 
under 90, 2. 

White Females under 5, 36 ; 5 and under 10, 23 ; 10 
and under 15, 22 ; 15 and under 20, 23 ; 20 and under 30, 
42 ; 30 and under 40, 32 ; 40 and under 50, 13 ; 50 and 
under 60, 5 ; 60 and under 70, 3 ; 70 and under 80, 3. 

Colored Males, 6. 

Colored Females, 1. 

Of the entire population, 14 were engaged in agriculture, 
13 in commerce, 72 in manufactures and trades, 7 in navi- 
gation, 11 in the learned professions, 2 primary schools, 120 



Laid out by Mr. Thompson, is a Jlourishing post villagC; 
about Haifa mile north of the Juniata river and State canal: 
and on the turnpike road leading from Millerstown to Lew- 
istown : it contains about 50 dwellings, several stores and 
taverns, and three churches — Lutheran, Seceder, Baptist — 
and a school house. Delaware run passes through and emp- 
ties into the Juniata river. 


Laid out by Tobias Kreider, about 40 years ago, is a plea- 
sant little village on the Juniata river and turnpike road, 
leading to Lewistown, three miles southeast of Mifflintown, 
contains between 30 and 40 dwellings, 3 stores, 3 taverns, 
a grist mill, saw mill, and woollen factory ; two churches — 
a Seceder and Methodist — and a school house. The railL> 
and factory are on Doe run. 


Was laid out 15 or IS years ago : it is a fine village, situ- 
ated on the right bank of the Juniata river, at the mouth of 
Licking and Tuscarora creeks, two miles and a half below 
Mifflin. It contains three stores and a tavern. The Juni- 
ata is crossed here by a substantial bridge. 


In Turbit township, consists of a few houses ; and a wool- 
len factory and saw mill, owned by Mr. Hertzler. 


Both in Lack township, in Tuscarora valley, and on the 
Tuscarora creek, are very small villages, some three or four 
miles apart. They are in the southwestern part of the county. 



Or McAllisterville, was laid out by Mr. McAllister. It con- 
tains 12 or 15 dwellings, and lies at the foot of the moun- 
tain, girded by Cocalamus and Lost creeks. 


Lies on the south side of West Mahantango creek, and on 
the road from Calhounsville to Selin's Grove. It contains a 
number of dwellings, and a store. 


Is quite a small village. The situation is very romantic. 


The common school system has been adopted in every 
township in the county. Of the 10 districts, 9 have repocjt- 
ed. Sixty schools are in successful operation, and but five 
more are yet required. Schools were open four months ami 
a half; 60 male and 15 female teachers were engaged ; aver- 
age salary of male teachers is ^1'5,57 cents per month ; fe- 
male teachers n?9,60. Number of scholars taught ; males 
1,791 ; females 1,417. District tax raised f 3,069 15; state 
appropriation $2,707 00. Cost of instruction $8,254 00 ; 
fuel and contingencies $290,82 ; cost of school houses $492,- 
30. In Tuscarora academy the higher branches are taught, 
and the institution is well patronized. 

" The first settlements in Tuscarora Valley were made by 
Scotch Irish, from the Cumberland Valley, about the year 
1749. At that day the slate lands bordering the moun- 
tains, watered by clear and copious springs, were more es- 
teemed than the limestone lands, where the waters sunk be- 
neath the surface, and expensive w'ells were consequently 
required. The adventurous pioneers, therefore, extended 


their researches over the mountains, and discovered the rich 
and well-watered valleys along the Juniata. In 1833, at 
the circuit court sitting at Mifiiin, an important lawsuit was 
tried, involving the title to a farm of 390 or 400 acres of 
the best land in Tuscarora Valley, about six miles from Mif- 
tiin. The flirm was in controversy for about 50 years, be- 
fore vaiious courts at Carlisle and Lewistown. It is known 
among lawyers as the Grey property case, report in 10, Ser- 
geant and Rawle, page 182. Many of the facts given in 
evidence are interestino- as cluci(hitino; the history of the 
tunes ; and the whole case, with the amusnig scenes that 
occurred at the tiials, and the marked originality of many ot 
the principal personages, would constitute an excellent theme 
for an historical novel. The following statement of the case 
is derived, partly, from a sketch by Samuel Creigh, Esq., 
publishe;! in Hazard's Register, and partly from verbal con- 
versation with a number of the eminent counsel in the case. 

" Robert Hagg, Samuel Bigham, (or Bingham,) James 
Grey, and John Grey, were the four first settlers in Tusca- 
rora Valley, and the first white men who came across Tus- 
carora mountain, about the year 1749. They cleared some 
land, and built a fort, called Bigham's fort Some time in 
1756, John Grey and another person went to Carlisle with 
j)ack-horses, to purchase salt : as Grey was returning, on the 
declivity of the mountain, a bear crossed his path and fright- 
ened his horse, which threw him off. He was detained some 
hours by this accident ; and when he arrived at the fort, he 
found it had just been burned, and every person in it either 
killed or taken prisoner by the Indians. His wife, and only 
daughter, three years old, were gone, — also Innis's wife and 
children. A man by the name of George Woods (he was 
the father-in-law of Mr. Ross, who ran for goviernor, and 
afterwards lived in Bedford) was taken outside the fort, with 
a number of others. 

" John Grey joined Col. Armstrong's expedition against 
Kittanning, in the autumn of that same year, in hopes of 
hearing from his family. The hardships of the campaign 
{)rostrate(l his health, and he returned to Bucks county, his 
original home, only to die. He left a will, giving to his wife 
one half his farm, and to his daughter the other half, if they 
returned from captivity. If his daughter did not return, or 



was not alive, he gave the other half to his sister, who had a 
claim against him of £1'3, which she was to release. 

" In the meantime, George Woods, Mrs. Grey and her 
child, with the others, were taken across the mountains to 
Kittaning, then an Indian village, and 'afterwards delivered 
to the French commander of Fort Duquesne. Woods was 
noted for his gallantry, and during their captivity at Fort 
Duquesne he represented to Mrs. Grey how much better 
married than single persons fared among the Indians, and 
proposed a match. Mrs. Grey had no inclination for a part- 
nership in misfortune, and peremptorily declined. Woods 
was given to an Indian by the name of Hutson ; and Mrs. 
Grey and her child were taken charge of by others, and car- 
ried into Canada. About a year after the burning of the 
fort, Mrs. Grey concealed herself among some deerskins in 
the wagon of a white trader, and was brought off', leaving 
her daughter still in captivity. She returned home, proved 
her husband's will, and took possession of her half the pro- 
perty. She afterwarfis married a Mr. Enoch Williams, by 
whom, however, she had no issue. Some seven years after 
her escape, in 1764, a treaty was made with the Indians, by 
the conditions of wliich a number of captive children were 
surrendered, and brought to Philadelphia, to be recognized 
and claimed by their friends. Mrs. Grey attended, but no 
child appeared that she recognized as her dear little Jane. — 
Still, there was one of about the same age whom no one 
claimed. Some one conversant with the conditions of .lohn 
Grey's will, slyly whispered to her to claim this child for 
the purpose of holding the other half of the property. She 
<lid so, and brought up the child as her own — carefully re- 
taining the secret, as well as a woman could. Time wore 
away, and the girl grew up, gross and ugly in her person, 
awkward in her manners, and, as events proved, loose in her 
moials. \N ith all these attainments, however, she contrived 
to captivate one Mr. Gillespie^ who married her. A Scotch- 
Irish clergyman of the Seceder persuasion, by the name of 
McKee, became quite intimate with Gillespie, and either 
purchased the property in question from him, or had so far 
won his good graces, that he bequeathed it to him. The 
clergyman made over the property to one of his nephews, ol 
the same name. The clergyman had also a brother, McKee, 
who, with his wife, was a resident of Tuscarora Valley. — 
His wife " old Mrs. McKee," was a prominent witness in 



the subsequent trials. After a lapse of years, the children of 
James Grey, heirs of John Grey's sister, got hold of some 
information leading them to doubt the identity of the return- 
ed captive ; and the lawsuits consequent upon sucii a state 
of things were speedily brought, about the year 1789. It 
would literally " puzzle a Philadelphia lawyer" to describe 
the multiform and complicated phases which the case assu- 
med during a legal contest of more than 50 years, and would 
besides throw no light upon the history of the valley. The 
Williamses, the Greys, and the McKees, all claimed an in- 
terest by inheritance, — to say nothing of the Beales, the 
Norrises, and others who had bought into the property, and 
several lawyers with large contingent fees. Many of the 
facts stated above were elicited during the exammation, al- 
though some of them were not admitted by the court as le- 
gal testimony. 

" Mrs. Grey (or Mrs. Williams) said that when they were 
crossing Sideling hill she had examined the child Jane, and 
found a mark on her by which she had been able to recog- 
nize her. Mr. Innis was one of the captives, and remained 
with the Indians until the treaty ; and when one day he 
chided Mrs. Williams for keeping a child not her own, she 
replied, " you know why I keep this girl." Mrs. Innis told 
her that her daughter was not returned, that this was a Ger- 
man girl, and could not talk English when she came to Mon- 
treal. Mrs. Innis herself had lost three children. One the 
Indians put under the ice because it was sick — the other 
two she got. One of these a gentleman of Philadelphia 
had, and refused to give it up, until Iimis proved the child 
his by a private mark. Mrs. Williams said to one wit- 
ness, " No, this is not my daughter, but George Woods 
knows where my daughter is, as he has promised to get 
her." The real daughter, however, never was recovered. 
" Old Mrs. McKee, the principal living witness at a 
number of trials, and who spoke with a ricli Irish brogue, 
on one occasion became quite garrulous, and entered large- 
ly into the history of the valley, to the great amusement 
of the court. Among other things, she described the spu- 
rious girl as a " big black ugly Dutch lump, and not to be 
compared to the beautiful Jenny Grey." Her historical 
developments so much interested one of the Jury at Lew- 
istown, an old settler himself, that he — forgetting the rcs^ 

348 Juniata county. 

traints of a juryman — sent for the old lady to come to hi? 
room at the hotel, and enter more at large into " the days 
of auld lang syne," The old man was a little deaf, and 
the old lady's voice could be heard throughout the house. 
One of the counsel, whose side of the case wore rather a 
discouraging aspect, overheard the old lady; and the next 
morning exposed the poor juryman, amidst a roar of 
laughter from the court and the bar. The case of course 
had to be ordered for trial before another jury. The fol- 
lowing is the deposition of George Woods, written by him 
or at his dictation, at Bedford, in 1789, but never sworn 
to. It was not without great resistance on the part of 
counsel, tiiat the facts were introduced as testimony. The 
case was finally decided in 1833 or '34, against the iden- 
tity of the adopted child, and tbe property vested accord- 

" Personally appeared, kc, &c., &c., George Woods, 
and saith, that about the ISth or 13th of June, 1756, he 
was taken by the Indians in the settlement of the Tusca- 
rora, in the county aforesaid, [of Mifflin,] and that the 
wife of John Grey and his daughter Jane, and ethers, 
were taken at the same time ; — that we were all carried 
to the Kittanning town on the Allegheny river — and there 
divided among the Indians, — and some time in the month 
of July then next, the said Indians delivered me, together 
with Jane Grey, to a certain Indian named John Hutson; 
which said Indian took me and the said Jane Grey to 
Pittsburg, then in possession of the French ; and after 
some days the Indian Hutson delivered me to the French 
Governor, Mons. Duquesne; from which time I heard 
nothing of the said Jane Grey until the winter after Stump 
killed rhc Indians up Susquehanna; at which time I fousd 
out the said Indian called John Hutson, who informed me 
that little Jancy Gray was then a fine big girl, and lived 
near Sir William Johnson's — which information I gave 
to Hannah Grey, mother of the said Jane Grey. 

"At the same time Hannah Grey showed me a girl slii; 
had taken out from the prisoners released by Col. Bou- 
quet for her own child. 

*' I tlien informed the said Hannah that the child sh»; 
liad taken was not her own child — said Hannah request- 
ed me not to mention that before the girl she had taken. 



for that, if she never got her own, she wished not to let 
the one she had know anything of her not being her own 
child. Some time in the same year Col. George Croghan 
came to my house. I informed him the account I had got 
from John Hutson. He, Mr. Croghan, informed me that 
the In lian's information was t'-ue, and that he got the 
said Jane Grey from tbe said Indian; and had put her into 
a good family to be brought up; — ill which I informed 
the said Hannah, — and this-summer-was-a-three-years the 
said John Hutson, and his son, came to ray house at Bed- 
ford and stayed soma time. I inquired about little Janey, 
as he called the child he had got with me — he informed 
me little Janey was now a fine woman, had a fine house 
and fine children, and lived near Sn- William Johnson's 
seat, to the northward. I am sure that the girl Mrs. 
Hannah Grey showed me she had taken for her child was 
not the daughter of John Grey — and further saith not. 

"Dated June, 17S9 — never sworn to — used in 1815, 
1817— Mifflni county." 

A number of persons were killed by the Indians, from 
1756 to 1763, residing on the Juniata river; some in this 
county, others within the present limits of Perry. 

The following narrative, though already given in sub- 
stance, will, it is believed, not be considered out of place 
lie re. 

" The next I remember of, was in the year 1756 — the 
Woolcomber family, on Sherman's creek : the whole of the 
inhabitants of the valley were gathered to a fort at Geo. 
Robison's; but Woolcomber would not leave home; he 
said it was the Irish who were killing one another; these 
peaceable people, the Indians, would not hurt any person. 
Being at home, and at dinner, the Indians came in, and 
the Quaker asked them to come and eat dinner; an Indian 
answered that he did not come to eat, but for scalps ; the 
son, a boy 14 or 15 years of age, when he heard the In- 
dian say so, repaired to a back door, and as he went out 
he looked back and saw the Indian strike the tomahawk 
into his father's head. The boy then ran over the creek, 
which was near to the house, and heard the screams of his 
mother, sisters and brothers. The boy came to our fort 



and gave us the alarm ; about 40 went to where the mur- 
der was done, and buried the dead. 

In the second war, on the 5th July, 1763, the Indians 
came to Juniata, it being harvest time, and the white people 
were come back to reap their crops : they came hrst to the 
house of Wm. White, it was on the Sabbath day ; the reap- 
ers were all in the house ; the Indians crept up nigh to the 
door, and shot the people lying on the floor, and killed Wm. 
White, and all his family that were there, excepting one boy, 
who, when he heard the guns, leaped out of the window and 
made his escape. 

The same party went to Robert Campbell's, on Tuscarora 
creek, surprised them in the same way, and shot them on the 
floor where they were resting themselves ; one Geo. Dodds 
being there harvesting, had jnst risen and gone into the room 
and lay down on the bed, sitting beside him; when the Indi- 
ans fired, one of them sprung into the house with his toma- 
hawk in his hand, running up to where a man was standing 
in the corner; Dodds fired at the Indian not six feet from 
him; the Indian gave a halloo and ran out as fast as he could. 
There being an opening in the loft above the bed, Dodds 
sprung up there and went out by the chimney, making his 
escape, and came to Sherman's valley. He came to Wm. 
Dickson's and told what had happened, there being a young 
man there which brought the news to us, who were harvest- 
ing at Edward Elliot's; other intelligence we got in the 
night. John Graham, John Christy and James Christy, were 
alarmed in the evening by guns firing at Wm. Anderson's, 
where the old man was killed with his Bible in his hand ; 
supposed he was about worship; his son also was killed, and 
a girl had been brought up from a child by the people. Gra- 
ham and the Christys came about midnight. We hearing 
the Indians had got so far up the Tuscarora valley, and 
knowing Collins' family and James Scott's were there about 
harvest, 12 of us concluded to go over to Bigham's gap and 
give those word that were there; when we came to Collins' 
we saw that the Indians had been there, had broke a wheel, 
emptied a bed, and taken flour, of which they made some 
water-gruel ; we counted 13 spoons made of bark ; we fol- 
lowed the tracks down to James Scott's, where we found 
the Indians had killed some fowls ; we pursued on to Gra- 
ham's, there the house was on fire, and burned down to the 


joists. We divided our men into two parties, six in each; 
my brother, with his party, came in behind the barn; and 
myself, with the other party, came down through an oats 
field ; I was to shoot first ; the Indians had hung a coat upon 
a post on the other side of the fire from us; I looked at it, 
and saw it immoveable, and therefore walked down to it and 
found that the Indians had just left it ; they had killed four 
hogs, and had eaten at pleasuie. Our company took their 
track, and found that two companies had met at Graham's, 
and had gone over the Tuscarora mountain. VVe took the 
run gap; the two roads meeting at Nicholson's; they were 
there first, heard us coming, and lay in ambush for us — they 
killed five, and wounded myself. They then'"went to Alex- 
ander Logan's, where they emptied some beds, and passed 
on to George McCord's. 

The names of the 12 were, Wm. Robison, who acted as 
captain, Robert Robison, the relater of this narrative, Tho- 
mas Robison, being three brothers; John Graham, Charles 
Elliott, William Christy, James Christy, David Miller, John 
Elliott, Edward McConnel, William McAlister, and John 
Nicholson ; the persons killed were William Robison, who 
was shot in the belly with buckshot, and got about half a 
mile from the ground ; John Elliott, then a boy about 17 
years of age, having emptied his gun by random, out of his 
powder horn, and having a bullet in his mouth, put it in the 
muzzle, but had no time to ram it down; he turned and fired 
at his pursuer, who clapped his hand on his stomach and cried 
!)ch ! then turned and fled. Elliott had ran but a few perches 
further, when he overtook William Robison, weltering in his 
blood, in his last agonies; he requested Elliott to carry him 
off, who excused himself by telling him of his inabihty to do 
so, and also of the danger they were in ; he said he knew it, 
hut desired him to take his gun with him, and, peace or war, 
if ever he had an opportunity of killing an Indian, to shoot 
him for his sake. Elliott brought away the gun, and Robi- 
son was not found by the Indians. 

Thomas Robison stood on the ground until the whole of 
his people were fled, nor did the Indians offer to pursue, un- 
'il the last man left the field ; Thomas having charged and 
fired a second time, the Indians were prepared for him, and 
when he took aim past the tree, a number fired at him at the 
same time ; one of his arms was broken ; he took his gun in 

352 juniata county. 

the other and fled ; going up a hill he came to a high log, 
and clapped his hand, in which was his gun, on the log to 
assist in leaping over it; while in the attitude of stooping, a 
bullet entered his side, going a triangular course through his 
body; he sunk down across the log ; the Indians sunk the 
cock of his gun into his b^;ains, and mangled him very much. 
John Graham was seen by David Miller sitting on a log, not 
fiir from the place of attack, with his hands on his face, and 
the blood running through his fingers. Charles Elliott and 
Edward McConnel took a circle round where the Indians 
were laying, and made the best of their way to Buffalo creek, 
but they were puisued by the Indians; and where they cross- 
ed the creek there was a high bank, and as they were endea- 
voring to ascend the bank they were both shot, and fell back 
into the water. 

A party of 40 men came from Carlisle, in order to bury 
the dead at Juniata : when they saw^ the dead at Buffalo 
creek, they returned home. Then a party of men came with 
Capt. Dunning ; but before they came to Alexander Logan's, 
his son John, Charles Coyle, Wm. Hamilton, with Barthol- 
omew Davis, followed the Indians to George McCord's, where 
they were in the barn; Logan and those with were all 
killed, except Davis, who made his escape. The Indians then 
returned to Logan's house again, when Capt. Dunning and 
his party came on them, and they fired some time at each 
other ; Dnnning had one man wounded. 

I forgot to give you an account of a murder done at our 
own fort in Sherman's valley, in July, 1756 ; the Indians 
waylaid the fort in harvest-time, and kept quiet until the 
reapers were gone; James Wilson remaining some time be- 
hind the rest, and I not being gone to my business, which 
was hunting deer for the use of the company, Wilson stand- 
ing at the fort gate, I desired liberty to shoot his gun at a 
mark, upon which he gave me the gun, and I shot ; the In- 
dians on the upper part of the fort, thinking they were dis- 
covered, rushed on a daughter of Robert Miller, and instantly 
killed her, and shot at John Simmeson ; they made the best 
of it that they could, and killed the wife of James Wilson, 
and the widow Gibson, and took Hugh Gibson and Betsy 
Henry prisoners. While the Indian was scalping Mrs. Wil- 
son, the narrator shot at and wounded him, but he made his 
escape. The reapers being 40 in number, returned to the 
fort, and the Indians made off. 


i shall relate an affair lold me by James McClung, a man 
■•.vbom I can confide in for truth, it being in his neighborhood. 
An Indian came to a tavern, called for a gill of whiskey, 
drank some out of it ; when there came another Indian in, 
he called for a gill also, and set it on the table, without drink- 
ing any of it, and took out the first Indian, discoursing with 
him for some time; the first Indian then stripped himself na- 
ked, and lay down on the floor, and stretched himself; the 
other stood at the door, and when he was ready, he stepped 
forward with his knife in his hand, and stabbed the Indian 
who was lying down, to the heart ; he received the stab, 
jumped to his feet, drank both the gills of whiskey off, and 
dropped down dead : the white people made a prisoner of 
the other Indian, and sent to the heads of the nation ; two 
of them came and examined the Indian, who was a prisoner, 
and told them to let him go, he had done right. — [Loudon's 



Clinton County. 

Clinton county erected— Geological features and streams — Public im- 
provements — Towns; Lock Haven, Farrandsville, Dunnstown, Lock- 
Port, Mil! Hall, New Liberty, Young Womanstown, Salona— Educa- 
tion— Religious denominations — Indians visited by Count Zinzen- 
dorlf, 1742; by David Brainerd, 1746; by Conrad Wei&er, 1755— 
Weiser's letters to Gov. Mort-is and Kichard Peters, touching the 
Kndians here, and his visit to them — Mot^es Van Camp. 

('linton county was organized by an act of the Assembly 
passed in 1839; and was separated from Centre and Lycom- 
ing. The townships of IJahl Eagle, Lamar and Logan, from 
Centre; and part of I-.ycoming, were taken to form this 
county. It is bounded on the north by Potter, on the west 
by Clearfield and Elk counties; the latter also a recently 
organized county, having been erected in 184o. The county 
is of an irregular form ; about 20 miles wide and 50 miles 
long; not much unlike, in this respect, to its northern coun- 
ty, (Lycoming,) \vhich was in lHo'3, 92 miles long, but now- 
reduced to about 60 in length. It is estimated that this por- 
tion of Centre and Lycoming, now constituting C^linton, con- 
tained a population in 1820 of about 4,000; in 1840, the 
population was 8,323, when it was divided into the following 
townships, viz : 

Allison, with a population of 643; Dunstable 841 ; Wayne 
307; Limestone 200; Grove 239; Chapman 622; l^umber 
105; Coal lirook 546; Pine Creek 572; liald Eagle 1,178; 
Lamar 1,813; Logan 1,187. 

The following Table exhibits the population of the differ- 
ent sexes and ages, of each township. 















t— < 

























t— < 


t— * 

H- • 



























1— * 

r— ' 











t— ' 













(— * 

t— ' 

























t— ' 











































00 1 

05 05 05 ►— ' •"* •"• 


00 1 

« to 1— ' •— '-' 

0505^0lOJt0005 0iOitO^! 

►- 1 

"-■oo — lf»■^S'-'^-''-otooo^s 

under 5 years 

5 and under U) 
years old. 

10 and under 
15 years. 

15 and under 
20 years. 

20 and under 30 

30 and under 40 

40 and under 50 

50 and under 60 

■^ , 60 and under 70 


















































t— ' 
























r— ' 
















80 and under 90 

5 and under 10 
years old. 

^ >— 1— ►- 


— Ol ►- >f^ >?»• 
Ol 4^ Ol CO CO 


►P* 1— • 1-' to en Ol 

M -^ 00 to 00 -vj 


Ol o >f>- ^^ OS 

^ ►- ^ 00 o> 


05 ►- to 05 to 

tS O Ol O CO CO 

»^ 1 
-1 1 

— 05 r- 

00 CO CO CO 00 

to #> Ol 

^^ M 05 



^ 1 

to 1 

03 (P> CO o ^s 

O ip>- 05 

05 en >- 


to Ol 05 to O 

O 05 05 

O rf»- Ol 



70 and under SO 

under 5 years 

10 and under 15 
years old. 

15 and under 20 

20 and under 30 
years old. 

30 and under 40 
years old. 

40 and under 50 

50 and under 60 

60 and under 70 

70 and under 80 

80 and under 90 
Colored pop'n. 




I— H 














This county is generally mountainous and very uneven; in 
consequence of which, some portions are but sparsely inhab- 
ited. The geological character of course, owing to the moun- 
tains, is various. " Passing northwestward from the hme- 
stone of Nittany valley, we observe in a regular succession 
the several formations of slate, sandstone, shale, and lime- 
stone, which intervene between the lower limestone and the 
coal formation west of the main Allegheny ridge. Bitumin- 
ous coal is found on Queen's run near the Susquehanna, and 
at several other places further westward." Owing to the 
different variety of rock formations, the soil is various. The 
alluvial bottoms and limestone valleys are very fertile ; and 
under proper culture very productive. The slate lands, how- 
ever, are not so productive, yet they yield good crops, and 
pay the husbandman abundantly for his labor and care be- 
stowed upon them. That portion abounding with sandstone 
IS rough, and difficult to cultivate ; and does not so amply 
repay the labor of the farmer as the others just named. 

Timber is very abundant, and affords a fine supply to the 
lower counties, along the Susquehanna. Some townships, as 
appears from the foregoing Table, are thinly settled, and 
perhaps never will be able to support a dense population. 
The principal settlements in these townships, exist along the 
banks of the river and smaller streams ; where, in passing 
along, the traveller meets, at intervals, scattered settlements 
of farmers, miners and lumber-men, whose manners and hab- 
its are, like the country, " being settled and improved." No 
where do we meet with a more hospitable people than among 
the lumber-men of these pine forests. 

This county is well watered. The principal streams are 
the West Eranch of the Susquehanna, Bald Eagle, Sinnema- 
honing and Kettle creeks, and numerous smaller streams. 

The West Branch rises in Cambria county, with the Apa- 
lachian valley, and pursues a northeast course, receiving a 
number of tributaries, flows through this county from west 
to east, and affords ample water power in its course for man- 
ufacturing, and other purposes. 

The Bald Eagle rises in Centre county. It is navigable 
for boats above Milesboro', and affords excellent mill seats. 
Sinnemahoning rises in Clearfield county, flowing a north- 
eastern direction, receives several tributaries, and after a 
-ourse of about oO miles, unites with the West Branch. Ket- 


tie creek rises in Potter county, and empties also into the 
West Branch. These streams, says a traveller, as they me- 
ander along, tumbling down as they do, along the ravines of 
the mountains, furnish an abundance of water power for all 
the purposes to which streams of the kind are usually ap- 

According to the census of 1840, there were in this coun- 
ty, two furnaces that produced 663 tons of bar iron ; capital 
employed in the manufacture of iron 860,000. Bituminous 
coal raised 400,000 bushels. The live stock of the county 
was as follows: horses and mules 1,803, neat cattle 5,867, 


--,...., „„. ^^,^^^, ,.„,..., pounds of wool 

11,314, potatoes 60,464 bushels, hay 4,576 tons. Value of 
ti.e products of the dairy 82,905, of the orchard 83,468, of 
family goods 83,046. Stores 20; capital 91,100 dollars. 
Six tanneries, tanned 775 sides of sole, and 655 of upper 
leather. One distillery produced 4000 gallons: mills 11; 
saw mills 28. Total amount of capital invested in all kinds 
of manufacture 847,435. Aggregate amount of property 
taxable in 1845, Sl,588,628. 

The West Branch Division of the Pennsylvania Canal, 
which commences at the termination of the Susquehanna Di- 
vision, at Northumberland, in following the course of the 
river, passes into this county, affording facilities for the trans- 
portation of produce of all kinds to the ea^^tern markets, and 
for carrying merchandise into this county. 

The Bald Eagle and Spring Creek' Navigation, affords 
transporting facihties to that portion of the county through 
which it passes, to carry the surplus produce to an eastern 
or more southern market. 

Common roads are generally in good order, ar.d some of 
the streams have bridges, at convenient places, across them. 


The county town, is a new place, situated at the junction of 
the Bald Eagle Navigation with the West Branch Division. 
In 1833, the site of the town was a cornfield. In 1834 Je- 
remiah Church laid out the town, which is now flourishing 



and in a rapidly growing condition, numbering at present 
about 100 good dwelling houses, besides the county build- 
ings, and an academy, endowed by the state with tivo thou- 
sand dollars; a large steam flouring and saw mill, 2 church- 
es — Presbj/terian and Methodist — and several stores and 

This place bids fair to become one of more than ordinary 
importance. The town and country have the elements to 
cause this town to flourish and become a central point of 
trade. Men of enterprise and liberality, like Mr. Church, 
who made a liberal donation of land for the public buildings, 
can do much towards, and will contribute essentially to the 
piospcrity of any town or neighborhood. 

The scenery around Lock Haven is romantic, and inviting 
to the weary worn, and those who delight in Nature, as 
she is. 


[s situated on the left bank of the Susquehanna, at the mouth 
ot Licking creek. This place originated from a settlement 
commenced here in 1831, 'o2, by a company of Boston cap- 
italists. It was named after W. P. Farrand, a gentleman 
from Philadelphia, acting agent for the Bostonian company. 

A visiter to this place in 1835 (J. Holbrook) has described 
it thus: 

" The Lycoming Coal Company — the proprietors of Far- 
randsville — have a good fajm of 200 acres, a short distance 
above the village; and progressing up the river, the bottoms 
are extensive, and settlements closer. 

" Lick run is a strong, steady stream. On it is erected a 
large nail establishment, capable of manufacturing from the 
pig metal 10 tons of nails per day: an air and cupola fur- 
nace, which in the last six months have turned out nearly 
300 tons of castings; mills for sawing different descriptions 
of lumber, shingles, lath, &c. ; an establishment for manu- 
facturiuij railroad cars on a larw scale. There are now 
thiee veins of coal opening, and the shutes in; 50 coal cars 
finished, and in the best manner, and two miles of railroad, 
i^ommunicating with the different mines and the basin, finish- 
ed. One track of the road leads to the nail works, which 
are calculated to consume 5,000 tons of coal per year. An 



extensive rolling-mill is in progress, and a furnace for smelt- 
ing iron ore with coke will be erected in a short time, imme- 
diately below the nail-works. Farrandsville proper is situa- 
ted on the Susquehanna ; on the mountain where the coal 
mines have been opened, there are a number of buildings, 
where the miners and their families reside, with a street run- 
ning between them town-fashion ; and at the foot of this 
mountain, at Lick run, there are also large boarding-houses 
and habitations tor artisans and Iheir families. These three 
separate towns, however, all belong to the community of 
Farrandsville, which contains a large hotel, far advanced in 
the erection, two reputable taverns, three large boarding- 
houses, and upwards of 90 tenements, each calculated to 
render a family entirely comfortable. Here are inexhausta- 
ble mines of iron, with the bituminous coal for smelting it, 
and all the elements for building up a manufacturing estab- 
lishment capable of supplying iron in all its forms to our 
widely-extended and populous country." 


Was laid out by William Dunn, in 1794, The proprietor 
had strong hopes that it would become the county seat of 
Lycoming county, which was erected in 1795. It contains 
about 30 dwellings, stores, taverns, &c. 


Near Lock Haven, consists of several large houses and 
stores, on the opposite side of the river. 


A post village, situated on Fishing creek, immediately below 
a romantic gorge through which it steals, and tumbles through 
Bald Eagle mountain. The town was laid out by Nathan 
Harvey, who erected a saw mill here more than forty years 
ago. It contains several stores and taverns, a Methodist 


I'luui-h, v^i'. It is a Inisk uuuuit'.u'tutiiij;' villa^o ; aiul con- 
tains also a toiLl'O autl i'uiikuh". 

M:\V LinKKTV, vol M; WOMANsrOWN, ANh 
SALON. v. 

Afo small villaL:;t\s. 'I'ho most important amoiiLi' tluMU is 8a- 
lona. noar Mill Hall, on tlu" roail to lu'lK'tiniii'. 


Most ot tho townships havo adojUoil tlio oommon school 
svstoni. Tlio numhor i^t'sL-hiH^l ilistriots is 1(\ II ol wliioh 
iiave iv[Htitoil U schools in i^poration. Tax iovioil tor 
school pnrposcs in ISir), was ;sl,7;>'J ;'){). The State ajipro- 
prialion aniountctl to tJi^Ori:').-!-!. The number ot" scholars 
tauglit was l.SlK^. clnrin^; tour months. 

'the religious denominations are rresbvfcrian, Metiuulist, 
Lutheran, (iciman Uetormcil, ami liaptist. 

Prior to 17(>S, the date of the "new purchase," this re- 
gion ot country was occupied by Delawares, Shawanese, and 
some Muncy. Manlicoke and Conov Indians. Some o( the 
Shawanese. who hail lor some time strao^leil along the Ohio, 
returned again to the NN'est Hranch, as will bi- seen by the 
sequel. It appears, aci'ordino- to Li'iskiel. '* that this legion 
ot country was not only inhabiteil bv Indians ot liitlerent 
tribes, but alst^ bv Kuiojieans. who IkuI ado{Ued the Indian 
manner ot" living." When (\nmt Zm.-.enilorir visited Oston- 
wackin, (or Frenchtown,) he was met (.Jidv oi>. 17 ("J.) by 
an Imiian who uuilerstooil French and Kn^lish. 

The Uevii. Oavid Hrainerd, a missionary to the Indians, 
visited this region ot country in 17 U\ August '2'<W, he av- 
riveil at Shamokin, where he remained a tew ilavs. 

In his journal, lie says : 

" September 1st. Set out on my journey towarils a pi. ice 
called 'The («reat Ishuul,' about tit"ty miles distant from 
Shamokin, in the nortliwestorn braiicli of the Susquehanna. 


IVavcllci] some part of Uio way, and at ni^lil. lodged in t.h( 
woods. Was (-xcoedin^ly l(;»;ldo Uiis day, ancj swc-af. much 
Uio fii^lit folKiwiiif^. 

" Soptotnljor 2d. H.odo forward ; hul. no iasUjr than my 
pcojjlu wont on fool,. \^ as very weak, on Oiis as well as pre- 
ceding days, i was so f(;el)]e and faint, thai I feared it 
would kill me to lie out in the open air; and some of th( 
'•.om[jariy \)v.\n^ parte(J from liS, so that ■'nc. had now no ax» 
with us, 1 had no way hut to elimh into a young pine tret, 
and with my knile to lop hranches, and s'j made a shelter 
from the dew. iiut the e-vening h(;ing cloudy, and very likely 
for rairi, I was still under fears of heing c'xtre-mely exposed : 
sweat much in the night, so that my linen was almost wring- 
ing wet all night, i scarcely ever was more weak and weary 
than this evening, when f was ahle to sit uj) at all. This 
was a melancholy situation I was in; hut i. endeavored t" 
(juif-'t niys(;lf with consid(,'ralions of the ))Ossihility of my hein^ 
in much worse circumstances, amongst enemies, &c. 

" Septemher 3d. Rode to the Delaware town ; found di- 
vers drinking and drunken. Discoursed with some of the 
Indians ahout Christianity; ohserved my Interpieter much 
e;igag(;d and assisted in his work; some few persons seemed 
to li(;ar with great earnestness and engagement of soul. 

"Ahfjut noon, rode to a small town of Shawanese, ahout 
H miles distant; Sjient an hour or two there. Was scarce 
ever more confounded with a sense of my own unfruitfulness 
and unfitness for my work, than now. O what a dead, heart- 
less, barren, unprofitable wretch, did I now see myself to be! 
My spirits were so low^, and my bodily strength so wasted, 
that 1 cf)uld do nothing at all. At length, being much over- 
done, lay down on a buffalo skin; but sweat much the whole 

" September 4. Discoursed with the Indians, in the morn- 
ing, about Christianity; my I nterj)reter, afterwards, carrying 
on the discourse to a considerable length. Some few ap- 
peared well-disr)Ose(l and somewhat afli-cted. Left this jilace, 
and returned towards Shamokin; and at night lodged in the 
place where 1 h^lged the Monday night before." — [lirain- 
< rd's Memoirs. 

In 1705, Conrad Weiser, Indian Agent, then residing in 
Heidelberg township, near Womelsdorf, JJerks county, was 
visited by some Shawanese from this region. He soon after- 



wards visited them at Ostonwackin. The following gives, 
among other things, all the particulars in relation to this 

The Indians alluded to, had left the Susquehanna for the 
Ohio, about the year 1727 or 1728. These, or others of 
the same tribe, had been induced to go south, towards the 
mouth of the Ohio, about the year 1744, by Peter Chartier, 
who had accepted of a captain's commission from the French, 

Heidelberg, in the co. of Berks, March 1st, 1755. 

To Gov. R. H. Morris. 

Honored Sir : 

I must inform you that I have been visited this winter by 
a good number of Indians, chiefly of those that came away 
last year from Ohio, because of the invasion of the French, 
whom they hate, and will not live in their neighborhood. 
The first company that.-came consisted of 19 persons, all of 
the Six Nation Indians ; one Jonathan Cayienquily-quoah at 
their head : they arrived on the 27th and 28th of January 
last. The second company that came, consisting chiefly of 
Shawanos, 12 in number; they arrived on the 26th and 27th, 
this instant. They jointly intend to make a tow^n next spring 
on the West branch of Susquehanna, commonly called Otzin- 
zachson, at a place called Otstuagy, or Frenchtown, about 
40 miles above Sharaokin; and they gave me the enclosed 
string of wampum, to send it to Philadelphia, with a short 
speech, to the following purport : 

Brother : 

The Governor of Pennsylvania — We, your brethren, have 
been obliged to come away from Ohio, because we would 
not live so nigh the French; but rather nigher our brethren, 
the English, in these critical times ; but we deprived our- 
selves, by that means, of a good hunting grounrl, and our 
little corn fields. We intend to build a town at Otstuagy, 
on Otzinachson river, and pray you will be so good, consid- 
ering our poverty, as to send some of your industrious peo- 
ple up, next spring, to fence in a small piece of ground for a 
corn-field for us, and we will thankfully acknowledge your 


Jonathan Cayienquily-quoah, the speaker, gave a string 
of wampum. 

I received the string of wampum, and promised to send it 
to the governor of Pennsylvania, by the first sale opportu- 
nity, and transmit his answer to them, according to direc- 

Before these Indians left me, they made me a present of 
some skins, to the value of about four pounds, ten shillings, 
as a satisfaction for expense and trouble I have been at dur- 
ing their stay. T received it and thanked them; but I must 
bring in an account against the Province next August, and 
your Honor, after perusing it, will recommend it to the house 
of the general Assembly for better satisfaction. 

I take this opportunity of informing your Honor that when 
Tachnachdorus, the Chief of Shamokin of the Cayuker Na- 
tion, was down here in the beginning of the winter ; he told 
me that the Indians about Shamokin and Otzinachson, had 
l;een informed that a set of people from New England had 
formed themselves into a body to settle the lands on Susque- 
hanna, and especially Scahantowano, and that against the 
advice of their superiors ; and asked me whether it was true 
what they heard. I told him it was true, as to their inten- 
tion to settle that land ; but whether with, or without the 
advice of their superiors, I could not tell ; but that I was 
persuaded by some letters I saw last fall in Philadelphia, it 
was against the advice of the superiors of that country. The 
said chief then desired me to make it known, that whosoever 
of the white people should venture to settle on any land on 
Woyennock, or thereabouts, belonging hitherto to the Indi- 
ans, will have his creatures killed first, and then if they did 
not desist, they themselves would be killed, without distinc- 
tion, let the consequence be what it would. 

I found he had intelligence from the Indians up the river, 
that some of the New England people had been there spying 
the lands. I found this a difhcult matter, and was no ways 
inclined to make it known, to keep off trouble from myself; 
but the last visiters insinuated the same thing ; so I resolved 
to acquaint your Honor with it, who is best able to judge 
what must be done to prevent bloodshed among us by the 
Indians, who would then certainly (if they should do such a 
thing, as I fear they will,) out of a guilty conscience submit 


themselves to the protection of the French : the consequence 
of that would be very disagreeable to the English in general 
in this and neighboring colonies. 

I have nothing else to trouble you with at present : but, 
with a great deal of pleasure, subscribe myself, 
Honored Sir, 

Your most obedient and 
Humble servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 

Heidelberg, May 19, 1755. 
To Richard Peters. 

My son Sammy is coming to you with two Indian boys, 
J he sons of Jonathan Gayienquiligoa, a noted Mohawk, that 
«;nn read and write in his language, well known to you. He 
is poor, and prays that you, with the gentlemen managers of 
^he Academy, will teach them to read and write English, 
snd to provide necessaries of life for them, during their stay 
m Philadelphia, which will be as long as it will require time 
to teach them. The biggest of them is a very intelligent boy, 
aid good natured ; the other is not so, but more ot an Indi- 
in, as something cross, as his father says. If you could pre- 
vail with Mr. Heintzelman, my son-in-law, tor a few weeks 
to board with him, it would be agreeable to the lads ; be-. 
i;ause my daughter is somewhat used to the Indians, and un- 
derstands here and there a word : then, afterwards, you can 
])ut them where you please. The name of the biggest is 
Jonathan, and the other Philip. I believe their father will 
let them stay long enough to learn English to perfection, 
provided proper care is taken of them, which I hope wont be 

Jonathan wanted me to go to Philadelphia with the boys^ 
hut I thought Sammy could do as well. 

The Indians on Susquehanna are starving, and have almost 
nothing to eat, because deer are scarce. He thought to have 
had an answer before now, concerning their petition to the 
governor for some provision and the fencing in of a corn- 

French Margaret, with some of her family, has gone to 
the English camp in Virginia, and her son JVicklaus has gone 


to Ohio, to the French fort. I suppose they want to join 
the strongest party, and are gone for information. The In- 
dians that are with the French on Ohio are chiefly Anakun- 
kis, neighbors to New England ; and, neither they nor the 
rest (I cannot learn their number) will be true to the French, 
as they give out to our Indians, The other Indians on Ohio 
thinks our troops much too slowly. They say, they will be 
glad to see the French driven away from the Ohio. This 
report was brought by one of Jonathan's sons from Ohio: 
he was not in the French fort — he was afraid of going nigh 
it ; but the Indians thereabout have told him so. 

I wrote to the Governor last week about the Indians' pe- 
tition. I hope he has received ray letter. The Indians should 
have an answer. What can I say to them without having it 
from the Governor or Assembly? They are continually- 
plaguing me for an answer, which I hope you will send, if 
you can, by this opportunity. 

I have nothing to add, but am. 
Your most humble servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 

P. S. Tachnachdorus sent word by Jonathan for me to 
oome up to Shamokin, that the Indians had something of 
importance to lay before me. 

I understood since that several messages had arrived at 
Otstuacky from the English army or Virginia, (as was said) 
with strings of wampum to forewarn the Indians on Susque- 
hanna not to come nigli the army, for fear of being taken for 
French Indians, and to stay where they are. 

Heidelberg, in the co. of Berks, June 12, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

Last night I arrived safe at my house from Otstuacky, 
an Indian town about 45 miles above Shamokin, on the 
Northwest Branch of Susquehanna river, where I have been 
with ten hired men to fence in a cornfield, for the Indians, 
according to your Honor's order : but when I came there, I 
found the Indians that petitioned the governor for that pur- 
pose, had mostly deserted the place for want of provision, 
and chiefly for having lost all their corn by that great frost 



.11 the night between the 29th and 80th of May last past, 
-.vhich was the second frost they had on that river since their 
corn was up, and entirely killed it. There was only Jona- 
iiian, and one of the Cayugas, named Canadies, upon the 
spot, with their iannlies. They thanked your Honor very 
sincerely for the kindness you had shown them in sending 
hands to fence in their cornfield ; but said, that as they could 
have no hopes of getting one grain of corn this year, from 
what they have planted, they thought it needless to have a 
fence made about their field ; but should be extremely glad 
if the government would help them with some provision in 
their present necessity; which I promised to use my endeavor, 
or to write to your Honor to get it for them. 1 left one sack 
)f flour with them : the same I did to the Indians at Cana- 
soragy, about 10 miles on this side of Otstuacky, and two 
sacks at Shamokin, with the rest of the provision I took up 
with me for the hands, and could now spare. 

I have bought of Christian Lower, a miller of Tulpehock- 
^11, 120 bushels of good wheat, and 60 bushels of J.icoi) 
Fisher, his neighbor, to be distributed among the Indians, as 
your Honor will be pleased to direct. 

I gave them hopes that the meal should be delivered at 
John Harris's Ferry, where they could fetch it by water — 
md, I believe it will be the cheapest way. There is a good 
wagon road from Christian Lower's mill to Harris's. The 
distance is about 40 miles, and wagons may be had reason- 

in my going up, I took John Shickallamy with me, ami 
:is we passed by Canasoragy, where an Indian town now is, 
John told me that it would be very unmannerly or unbecom- 
ing me, not to say something to those Indians (chiefly Shaw- 
uiese and Chickasaws,) as I was a public person, and trusted 
with the Indian alfairs ; and that the Indians longed to heai 
from the governor of Pennsylvania, how things are, concerii- 
ing the war. 

I therefore told the Indians, who were then met in coun- 
cil, that I was sent by the governor of Pennsylvania to Ot- 
stuaky, to fence in a cornfield for the Indians, according to 
their petitions sent down last winter to the governor and his 
council, by Cayenquiligoa and others ; and that the governor 
took this opj)ortunity to send his salutation to them, and had 
ordered me to acquaint them — 1st. That the King of Great 


Britain had sent a great number of men and ammunition, who 
are now on their march to drive away the French from Ohio 
by force. 

2dly. That no war was yet proclaimed between the Eng- 
lish and French, but that it was daily expected : that, in the 
meantime, the governor desired them to stop their ears to 
every thing that the French could say to them, and to listen 
altogether to the English, and to depend upon, that their 
brethren, the English, will strictly observe the treaties of 
friendship, subsisting between them, and their brethren, the 

odly. That as soon as the governor would receive the 
news of war being proclaimed between the English and the 
French, the governor would let them know, and whateve: 
else should pass, worthy their notice. 

Gave a string of wampum. 

There are about 20 men in this town, when they are all at 
home: five or six of them are Chickasaws, that lived manv 
years among the Shawanese. There happened then to be 
two messengers from the Chickasaw Nation, in the town, 
with some particular message to them. I could not then 
learn what it was. One of these messengers told me, that 
his Nation would be mighty glad to see the English in ear- 
nest to fight the French — that they, the Chickasaws, had 
observed, that wherever the French came, they did mischief: 
and, that they are more generally hated among the southern 

The Indians of this town informed me, that a few days 
ago, some Shawanese Indians came from Ohio, and reported 
that the French are in a very poor condition at Ohio: their 
provisions being half rotten : and that there are not one hun- 
ilred and fifty men there; and that all their Indians had left 
them; but a very few French praying Indians are yet with 
them. I have nothing else to trouble your Honor with at 
present, but am, 

Sir, / 
Your obedient servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 
To Governor Morris. 


Among those, as an early pioneer, whose name is familiar 
to many of the inhabitants of this county, was Moses Van 

Though a brief sketch of his adventures has already been 
given; a passage touching his heroism in this region, is here 
repeated, as it is believed it will not be out of place. 

" My first service," says Van Campen, " was in the year 
1777, when I served three months under Col. John Kelly, 
who stationed us at Big Island, on the West Branch of the 
Susquehanna. Nothing particular transpired during that 
time; and in March, 1778, I was appointed lieutenant of a 
company of six months' men. Shortly afterwards I was or- 
dered by Col. Samuel Hunter to proceed, with about twenty 
men, to Fishing creek, on the North Branch, to build a 

In February, 1781, I was promoted to a lieutenancy, and 
entered upon the active duty of an oiiicer by heading scouts, 
and as Capt. Robison w^as no woodsman nor marksman, he 
preferred that I should encounter the danger and head the 
scouts; we kept up a constant chain of scouts around the 
frontier settlements, from the North to the West Branch ot 
the Susquehanna, by way of the head waters of Little Fish- 
ing creek, Chilisquaqua, Muncy, &c. 

In the spring of 1781 we built a fort on the widow Mc- 
Clure's plantation, called McClure's Fort, wdiere our provis- 
ions were stored. 

In the summer of 1781 a man was taken prisoner in Buf- 
lalo Valley, but made his escape; he came in and reported 
there were about three hundred Indians on Sinnemahoning, 
hunting and laying in a store of provisions, and would make 
a descent on the frontiers; that they would divide into small 
parties, and attack the whole chain of the frontier at the 
same time on the same day. 

Colonel Samuel Hunter selected a company of five to re- 
connoitre, viz: Capt. Campbell, Peter and Michael Groves, 
Lieut. Cramer and myself; the party was called the Grove 
Party. We carried with us three weeks' provisions, and 
proceeded up the West Branch with much caution and care; 
we reached the Sinnemahoning, but made no discovery, ex- 
cept old tracks; we marched up the Sinnemahoning so far, 
that we were satisfied it was a false report. We returned, 
and a little below the Sinnemahoning, near night, we discov- 



ered a smoke; we were confident it was a party of Indians, 
which we must have passed by, or they got there some other 
way; we discovered there was a large party, how many we 
coidd not tell, but prepared for the attack. 

As soon as it was dark we new primed our rifles, sharp- 
ened our flints, examined our tomahawk handles, and all be- 
ing ready, we waited with great impatience, until they all 
laid down : the time came, and with the utmost silence we 
advanced, trailed our rifles in one hand, and the tomahawk 
m the other. The night was warm ; we found some of them 
rolled in their blankets a rod or two from their fires. Hav- 
ing got amongst them, we first handled our tomahawks; they 
rose like a dark cloud ; we now fired our shots, and raised 
the war yell ; they took flight in the utmost confusion, but 
few taking time to pick up their rifles. We remained mas- 
ters of the ground and all their plunder, and took several 
scalps. It was a party of twenty-five or thirty, which had 
been down as low as Penn's creek, and had killed and scalp- 
ed two or three families; we found several scalps of diflerent 
ages which they had taken, and alarge quantity of domestic 
cloth, which was carried to Northumberland and given to 
the distressed who had escaped the tomahawk and knife. 

In December, 1781, our company was ordered to Lancas- 
ter ; we descended the river in boats to Middletown, where 
our orders were countermanderl, and we were ordered to 
lieading, Berks county, where we were joined by a party of 
the third and fifth Pennsylvania regiments, and a company 
of the Congress regiment. We took charge of the Hessians 
taken prisoner by Gen. Burgoyne. 

In the latter part of March, at the opening of the campaign 
of 1782, we were ordered by Congress to our respective sta- 
tions. I marched Robison's company to Northumberland, 
where Mr. Thomas Chambers joined us, who had been re- 
cently commissioned as an ensign of our company. We hal- 
ted at Northumberland two or three days for our men to 
wash and rest ; from thence ensign Chambers and myself 
were ordered to Muncy, Samuel Wallace's plantation, there 
to make a stand and rebuild Fort Muncy, which had been 
destroyed by the enemy. 

We reached that station, and built a small block-house for, 
tiie storage of our provisions. About the 10th or 11th of 
April, Captain Robison came on with Esquire Culbertson, 


James Dougherty, William McGrady, and Mr. Barkley. I 
was ordered to select twenty or twenty-five men, with these 
proceed up the West Branch to the Big Island, and thence 
to Bald Eagle creek, to the place where Mr. Culbertson had 
been killed. On the 15th of April, at night, we reached the 
place, and encamped for the night ; on the night of the 16th 
we were attacked by eighty-five Indians; it was a hard fought 
battle; Esquire Culbertson and two others made their escape. 
I think we had nine killed, and the rest of us were made 
prisoners. We were stripped of all our clothing, excepting 
our pantaloons. When they took off my shitt they discov- 
ered ray commission; our commissions were written on parch- 
ment, and carried in a silk case, hung with a ribbon, in our 
bosom; several got hold of it, and one fellow cut the ribbon 
with his knife, and succeeded in obtaining it. 

They took us a little distance from the battle ground, and 
made the prisoners sit down in a small ring, the Indians form- 
ing around us in close order, each with his rifle and toma- 
liawk in his hand. They brought up five Indians we had 
killed, and laid them within their circle. Each one reflected 
for himself; our time would probably be short; and respect- 
ing myself, looking back upon the year 1780, at the party I 
had killed, if I was discovered to be the person, my case 
would be a hard one. 

Their prophet, or chief warrior, made a speech, as I was 
informed afterwards by theBiitish Lieutenant, who belonged 
to the party, he was consulting the Great Spirit what to do 
with the prisoners, whether to kill us on the spot or spare 
our lives: he came to the conclusion that there had been 
blood enough shed, and as to the men they had lost, it was 
the fate of war, and we must be taken and adopted into the 
families of those whom we had killed. We were then di- 
vided amongst them according to the number of fires. Packs 
were prepared for us, and they returned across the river at 
the Big Island, in bark canoes. 

They then made their way across hills, and came to Pine 
creek, above \he first forks, which they followed up to the 
third fork, and pursued the most northerly branch to the 
head of it, and then.ce to the waters of the Genesee river. 


Maintenance of the Poor. 

There is an old book in which it is written : " Blessed is 
he that considereth the poor." Whether the system that has 
been adopted by this State, or its originators, did "consider" 
the poor, as they should have done, I feel no disposition to 
discuss here. To consider the poor, evidently implies that 
the poor, or such as are deserving objects, who have become 
poor by the operation of causes which they could not con- 
trol — the diseased and aged — all who are prevented by bo- 
dily or mental incapacity from earning their own bread or 
maintaining themselves, should be treated considerately, and 
with a view to alleviate their sufferings, and render them ac- 
tually, so far as feasible, comfortable. 

That the swarms of vagrants and beggars, a great major- 
ity of whom are foreigners, do not properly fall under the 
denomination that should be considered, needs no waste of 
words to show; for they generally are too lazy to procure 
by manual labor, a decent subsistence. " Beg or steal," is 
the motto of many of such characters. Where all who can, 
and desire to labor, are remunerated for services rendered, 
there is no need to beg, or depend upon public or private 
charity. And none, who are actually poor, should be suf- 
fered to stroll the country. If rendered so by circumstances 
beyond their control, ample provision is made for their sup- 
port at home — in their township or county. In many of the 
counties of this State, houses for their relief, with- all the ne- 
cessaries of life, are provided for the poor; and where houses 
are not provided, overseers or guardians of the poor are cho- 
sen in each township and district in the State, whose duty it 
is to provide the necessary means for all poor persons, who, 
by reason of age, disease, infirmity, or from mental incapa- 
city, are unable to la^or and support themselves. 

In the counties, of which a history and topography are 



given, there are no poor houses : the system following is, 
that the overseers, which are elected annually in March, in 
each township, do, with the concurrence of two justices of 
the peace, assess the tax necessary, contract with any person 
for a house or lodging, for keeping and employing the poor: 
or as the phrase runs, " their paupers are annually distributed 
in families, who receive them at the lowest rate for which 
they are hidden.''^ Whether this system, in practice, '' con- 
siders the poor, '^ is best decided by facts. 

The following facts, collected by a Miss D. L. Dix, while 
travelling through these counties a few years ago, are sub- 
mitted for consideration. 

i " Centre County has no poor house. Some details of suf- 
fering reached me. The number of insane poor is computed 
at forty, including the idiotic cases. I understand man]' in- 
digent families receive liberal aid from the more prosperous 
citizens, especially near Bellefonte; but, much doubt was 
expressed respecting the general condition of the aged poor 
sick through the county at large. 

Mifflin County. — " This county has no poor-house. The 
poor are distributed as cheapness and convenience determine. 
For the insane, idiots, and epileptics, there is no appropriate 
provision ; there is no medical attendance, and I heard of no 
recoveries amongst the poor. Many I did not see; those who 
described them, concurred in the opinion that 'something was 
needed for their help, and they thought well of a State fios- 

"Htmtingdon County has no poor-house; but the poor are 
boarded with those who name the lowest receivable price. 
From the best information received, the idiots, epileptics, and 
insane, in this county, may be estimated at about sixty. The 
desire for a State Hospital w^as strongly expressed by intel- 
ligent citizens. 

I seldom refer to cases existing in private families, and 
never by name ; but there is one in Huntingdon county, so 
well known, and so publicly exposed, that I feel a descrip- 
tion of his condition, as given to me by a citizen, will be in 
place here, and serve to illustrate the fact that there are ter- 
rible sufferings, and miseries which call for speedy relief. — 
On the banks of the canal, near the Juniata, stands a farm- 


house, to which the cooks of the canal boats are accustomed 
1 resort for supplies of milk, butter, &c. Immediately ad- 
jacent to the house is a small shanty, constructed of boards 
placed obliquely against each other. In this wretched hovel 
is a man, whose blanched hair indicates advancing years; 
not clad sufficiently tor the purposes of decency; " fed like 
the hogs, and living worse; in filth, and not half covered: 
the decaying wet straw upon the ground, only increases the 
offensiveness of the place." In the rains of summer, and the 
frosts of winter, he is alike exposed to the influence of the 
elements. There is no hre, of course. There is no room for 
such a luxury as a fire-place or stove I And there you may 
see hira, affording a spectacle so miserable and revolting, that 
you are thankful to retreat from a scene you have no autho- 
rity to amend. It is but a few days since nineteen cases, 
from sources of unquestionable authority, have been commu- 
nicated to me; some accompanied with solicitations to inter- 
pose in behalf of these poor maniacs, whose sufferings almost 
transcend belief. These are in private families, chiefly of 
humble circumstances; and most of all, those who are connect- 
ed with them are utterly perplexed by the trials of their lot, 
and ignorant how, or in what manner, to manage the refrac- 
tory and violent mad-men. These all need care and protec- 
tion in a Lunatic Asylum. They cannot elsewhere be brought 
into decent conditions, or rendered in any sort as comforta- 
ble as the lowest of the brute creation. 

Columbia County. — In this county there is no poor-house. 
The present mode of disposing of those who become a public 
cost, is the same as in all the northern and most of the inte- 
rior counties. Physicians informed me, that the insane suf- 
fered much for want of suitable care. 

Union County. — In this county there is no poor-house. 
The poor are supported as in Columbia county. The cost 
of supporting each individual was variously estimated at from 
forty to sixty dollars per annum. Of the insane, a consid- 
erable number are under the care of relatives. Their condi- 
tion varies according lo the forms the disease manifests, and 
the dispositions and ability of those who have them in charge. 
A physician acquainted me at New Berlin, that within the 
limits of his own practice, there are nov/ six insane persons, 


proper subjects for an insane hospital, and he writes, " to 
give you some data, I inform you, that beside myself, there 
are fifteen practitioners of medicine in the county ; all of 
whom traverse a considerable territory. We feel the want 
of a hospital constantly." I heard of about thirty cases of 
idiotic and demented persons in Union county, but this can- 
not embrace all of the class, though it may exceed the num- 
ber strictly needing remedial treatment." 

Similar facts have been collected in several of the other 


Clearing Lands. 

As it may be interesting, especially hereafter, an account 
is given in this Chapter of " former customs," and still, in 
some instances, practiced in clearing lands, &c. The account 
given, was written about twenty years ago — and, the writer 
spoke then in the present tense. 

" When we wish to clear a piece oi land, we, in the first 
place, stake it off, and provided with a grubbing hoe, takt 
up by the roots every sapling which a stout man can shake 
in the root, by grasping the stem and bending it backwards 
and forwards. If the roots give to this action, it is called 
a grub — dogwood, ironwood, and witch-hazel, are always 
classed among grubs, whether they shake in the root or 

After the land is grubbed, the brush is picked in heaps. 
We then chop the saplings ; that is, every thing is cut down 
which does not exceed twelve inches across the stump. Such 
part of the saplings as are fit for ground poles, are chopped 
at the length of eleven feet ; such parts as are fit for fire- 
wood are left for that purpose, and the top brush thrown 
upon the heaps made of the grubs. Next, the trees are 
deadened, leaving one or two for shade. This process of 
deadening is called helting. The manner of doing the work 
is this ; to chop entirely around the tree a curve of three or 
four inches wide. A tree is not well deadened unless it is 
cut to the red ; that is, the axe must penetrate through the 
sap {alhurmmi), but it is not thought necessary to chip out 
more than the bark of oak timber. Sugar maple, gum, &c., 
must be chipped out half an inch or an inch deep, to kill 

The advantages of deadening timber, are immense ; labor 
is saved in chopping down and burning the stuff on the 



ground. Indeed, in this country it is next to impossible to 
cut down the timber, unless we live in the vicinity of Bed- 
ford — the county town — because farmers are not rich enough 
to pay for it. The dead timber gives us firewood for years, 
which obviates the necessity of resorting to the woods. When 
it falls the roots are taken out with the tree. On the other 
hand, the falling branches incommode us for years, covering 
our grain every winter, and causing great labor in picking 
the branches or limbs in heaps. The trees fall over the fen- 
ces and demolish them; sometimes they fall on horses, cat- 
tle, &c., &c., killing or maiming them; not unfrequently men 
and boys have been killed. 

As soon as the brushes will burn, it is fired, and every 
particle consumed. The fire sometimes gets away from the 
workmen, and great havoc is committed on fences, woods, 
and mountains. After the clearing is burnt, the rail timber 
is chopped and logged off', the rails mauled, and the tops of 
the rail timber hauled home for firewood. If saw^-logs, or 
building timber is wanted, they are cut down and hauled off. 

At any time between the 1st of September and middle of 
October, the ground is icra^c/icd; that is, rough-ploughed; 
a bushel of wheat per acre sown broadcast, harrowed in and 
crossed. New ground is sometimes ploughed twice, but this 
is so seldom done as scarcely to foim an exception, though 
it is admitted that a second ploughing adds a fourth to the 

Wheat is universally the first crop sown on new land, un- 
less we clear a patch for potatoes. The average crop is from 
12 to 20 bushels per acre. The second crop is rye ; oats 
follow, and then corn. This is the usual couise. It is then 
left out a year or two, and then the course begins again un- 
til it will produce nothing. 

In eight or ten years the timber begins to fall rapidly. 
When the ground is pretty well covered with old logs, the 
farmer goes in " to nigger-off.^^ This is effected by laying 
the broken limbs and smaller trees across the logs and put- 
ting fire to it. Boys or women follow to chunk up the fires. 
In a day or two the logs are " niggcrcd ojf'' at the length 
of 12 or 15 feet ; sometimes the entire tree is consumed. 
When they are thus reduced to lengths that can be handled 
by men, the owner has a log-rolling. He gives the word to 
18 or 20 of his neighbors the day before the froliCj ajid 


when they assemble, they generally divide the force into two 
companies. A company is chosen by acclamation for each 
company, and the captains choose their companies, each nam- 
ing a man alternately. When the whole is formed, they set 
to work, provided with handspikes, and each company exerts 
itself to make more log heaps than the other. 

Nothing is charged for the work, and the only thing ex- 
ceptionable in these frolics, is the immoderate use of whis- 
key. In general, great hilarity prevails ; but these meet- 
ings, like many others in this county, are sometimes disgraced 
by dreadful combats between the persons composing them. 

Bedford county, like most mountain countries, possesses a 
large proportion of stout, athletic men. Bravery is a pre- 
dominant feature in their character, and they value themselves 
in proportion to their strength : hence arise animosities which 
are seldom allayed but by battle — these pugilistic scenes now 
(1845) seldom occur. They possess one noble quality, how- 
ever ; and that \s, forgiveness of injuries. After a fair trial 
of strength, though each may have been so severely cut nxid 
bruised as to be disabled for several days, they will meet in 
l)erfect harmony, and no trace of malice or even resentment 
appears. This, to one who has always looked upon the in- 
dignity of a blow as meriting the chastisement of death, 
.seemed impossible; but there can be no doubt of their tacit 

The general price of clearing land is five dollars per 
acre, put under fence six rails, and a ground pole 4 feet 
round and ready for the plough. Sometimes it is cleared on 
the shares, and then if the proprietor finds the grubber in 
boarding and lodging, finds horses, feed, and puts it in him- 
self, the grubber gets the first crop, or the half of the two 
first. If the undertaker finds every thing, he gets the two 
first or the three first crops, according as he can make his 
bargain, and the bargain is usually determined by the quality 
of the land and the difficulty of clearing. Meadow land is 
cleared for from four to seven crops. 

In addition to our log-rolling frolics, we have frolics to 
haul dung, to husk corn, to raise our buildings. 

The dung-hauling frolics are nearly out of vogue — and ne- 
ver ought to have been practised, because a man can do it 
himself. The corn husking is done at nights. The neighbors 
Kieet at dark: the corn has been previously pulled, and hauled 


in a pile near the crib. The hands join it, the whiskey bot- 
tle goes round, the story, the laugh, and the merry song is 
heard. Three or four hundred bushels are husked by 9 or 
10 o'clock — a plentiful supper is provided, and sometimes the 
frolic ends with a stag-dance; that is, the men and boys, 
(without females) dance like mad devils, but in good humor, 
to tune of a neighbor's cat-gut and horse hair, not always 
drawn with much judgment. 

Oar buildings are made of hewn logs, on an average 24 
feet long by 20 wide, sometimes a wall of stone, a foot or 
more above the level of the earth, raised as a foundation; but 
in general, four large stones are laid at the corners, and the 
huilding raised on them. The house is covered sometimes 
with shingles, sometimes with clapboards. The advantage 
)f the latter kind of roof is, it requires no laths, no rafters, 
no nails, and is })ut on in less time. It has been called a j)007- 
■man''s makeshijt, and its use can only be justified by the 
poverty and other circumstances of the country. The ground 
logs being laid saddle-shaped, on the upper edge, is cut ii: 
with an axe, at the ends, as long as the logs are thick, then 
the end logs are raised and a notch cut to fit the saddle. This 
is the only kind of tie or binder they have; and when the 
building is raised as many rounds as it is intended, the ribs 
,jre raised, on which a course of clapboards is laid, butts 
resting on a huffing pole A press pole is laid on the clap- 
boards immediately over the ribs to keep them from shifting 
hy the wind, and the pole is kept to its berth by stay blocks, 
resting in the first course against the butting pole. The logs 
are run up on the building on skids by the help of woodeis 
forks. The most experienced " axe-men" are placed on the 
building as "corner-men;" the rest of the company are on 
tiie ground to carry the logs and run them up. 

In this way a building is raised and covered in a day, 
Avithout a mason, and without a pound of iron. The doors 
and windows are afterwardr cut out as the owner pleases. 

As the country becomes rich and more densely settled, 
those hastily constructed buildings will give way to more 
durable and more comfortable dwellings; but at present there 
are very few buildings in this county, except on the turnpike 
and in our larger towns, of any material than rude or unhewn 

Every landholder hves by the sweat of his brow. We have 


no slaves — master and slave are terms unknown ; laboring 
hands are hired. The usual wages of a good hand, when 
boarding and lodging are provided, is from $5 to 87 per 
month; if by the day 81 to 37i cts. The cradler has from 
75 to 80 cts. per day ; the reaper and mower from 372 to 
50 cts. The food of the agricultural laborer is the same as 
that of the employer. No farmer in the county could get a 
hireling, if he made any distinction; and the entire family,* 
maids, men, children, wife and master, eat at the same table. 
The quality of the fare depends on the circumstances of the 
master ; usually it is coffee, wheat bread, and bacon, fresh 
meat, poultry, or salt fish for breakfast ; white bread, bacon, 
fresh or salt meat, poultry, with abundance of vegetables or 
pies, and a glass of whiskey for dinner ; tea, the same sort 
of meat and bread for supper ; sometimes mush and milk in 

In summer, farmers work from sunrise till sunset, allowing 
in hour or an hour and a half for breakfast, and the same 
for dinner. In winter they breakfast by candle-light, and 
join their work by the dawn of day; they are all called to 
dinner, eat and go it again. 

We raise neither cotton nor sugar cane, but w^e manufac- 
ture sugar from the sugar maple [acer saccharim/m). This 
tree, which arrives at a size rivalling the largest white oak>-, 
flourishes in our sandy bottoms, spouting drafts on the sides 
of our m.ountains and the summit of the Allegheny. 

When the sugar season begins, which is generally about 
the first of March, the sugar maker repairs his camp if it is 
.Hit of order. The camp is a small shed made of logs, cov- 
ered with slabs or clapboards, and open at one end or side, 
Immediately before the opening, four wooden forks are plant- 
ed, on which is placed a strong pole. From this is suspend- 
en as many wooden hooks as the sugar boiler has kettles — 
usually four. Wood is hauled, and it requires a large quan- 
tity to boil a season. 

The troughs to receive the watei are roughly hewn of cu- 
cumber, white or yellow^ pine, or wild cherry, and contain 
from one to three gallons. The trees are tapped with a three- 
quarter inch auger, about one inch or an inch and a half deep. 
In the hole is placed a spile or spout, 18 inches long, made 
of sumach or alder. Two spiles are put in a tree. 

A good camp will contain one hundred and fifty or two 


hundred trees. When the troughs are full the boiler goes 
round with a sled drawn by horses, on which are placed 
vessels or barrels to receive the water. Having filled the 
barrels, he returns to the camp and fills up the vessels, which 
consists of meat vessels, &c. well cleansed. The wafer which 
is gathered in should be immediately boiled, because it makes 
the best sugar. If left to stand a few days, it becomes sour 
and ropy. The kettles are filled, and as the water boils 
down, the kettles are filled up again until all is boiled in. 

In order to ascertain when it is fit to stir off, a little of the 
molasses is taken out with a spoon and dropped into a tin of 
cold water. If the molasses is thick it will form a thread in 
the water, and if this thread will break like glass, when 
struck with a knife, it must be taken off the fire, and is fit 
to stir. The kettle is set on the ground and occasionally 
stirred in till it cools and granulates. 

Great judgment is required, and the most exact attention 
to take It off at the very moment it is fit. If it is taken 
off too soon, the sugar will be wet and tough ; if it is left 
on too long it will be burnt or be bitter, and scarcely fit 
for use. Some boilers try it by taking a few drops of the 
molasses between the tiuimb and finger, and if it ropes 
like glue when it cools, it is said to be in sugar. A tree 
is calculated to produce, a season, a barrel of water of 
30 gallons, and it requires six gallons to make a pound of 
sugar. This estimate, however, appears too large. I 
have never known a camp turn out, one tree with anoth- 
er, more than three pounds, In Jamaica it is not unusu- 
al for a gallon of raw cane liquor to yield a pound of su- 
gar. It is supposed that there can be no doubt of the fact 
that our trees do not produce as much as formerly. Many 
of the trees liave been injured by fire, but the fatal cause 
of their deterioration is the auger. When a tree is cut 
down which has been frequently tapped, there is a black 
and rotten streak for a foot above and below many of the 
auger holes. The great miracle is that a single sugar tree 
is alive in Bedford ; but the Almighty Fabricator of the 
universe has in his infinite wisdom and beneficence be- 
stowed on this precious tree a tenacity of life truly won- 
derful. Though every year assaulted by the axe, the au~ 



ger, or by fire, it clings to existence and yields to its un- 
grateful possessor a luxury, and necessary of life, which, 
but for it, would connnand a price which would debar its 
use from the poor. Maple sugar is worth from six to 
ten cents per pound." 


Biographical Notices, 

Of distinguished individuals, who were acll.cj/ engageo in 
this region of country, at an early period, or who resided 
within the bounds of the several counties, of which a history 
is attempted. 

No. 1. 

The name of Weiser is intimately associated with many of 
the leading events in the history of Pennsylvania, from 1730 
to 1760, especially in all the important Indian treaties during 
that period. It is a name which every German should de- 
light to honor, for the disinterested benevolence of the " In- 
dians' Friend," and fiiend of humanity. Several of our most 
influential men of Pennsylvania have descended from Conrad 
Weiser. He was the great-grandfather, on the maternal 
side, of the Honorable Henry A. Muhlenberg, late of Read- 
ing, and of Doctor Muhlenberg, of Lancaster. 

Conrad Weiser, son of John Conrad Weiser, was born at 
Herrenberg, in Wittemberg, Germany, November 2d, 1696. 
His father had sixteen children. Mrs. Weiser died May 1st, 
1709. Shortly after her death John Conrad Weiser, with S 
of his children, in company with several of his countrymen, 
left Germany; and arrived at London, in June. Several 
thousand Germans having arrived at the same time, were 
maintained at the expense of Queen Anne, upon whose invi- ' 
tation they had gone thither. In December about four thou- 
sand of them embarked for America. They arrived at New 


York, June 13th, 1710. In the autumu of this year, John 
Conrad Weiser, with his family, and several hundred Ger- 
man families, were transferred, at the Queen's expense, to 
Livingston District, where many of them remained till 1713. 
Two younger brothers of Conrad's, George and Christopher, 
had, before their father went to Livingston District, been 
apprenticed by the Governor of New York, to a gentleman 
on Long Island. 

It was assigned to these Germans to manufacture tar, and 
ra'^ti hemp, to re-pay freightage from Holland to England, 
and thence to Nevv York. The business proving unsuccess- 
ful, they were released of all freightage. More than half of 
the families in Livington District, now resolved to leave and 
settle at Schoharie, 40 miles west of Albany. Previous to 
going there, they sent deputies to Schoharie to consult with 
the Indians, touching their locating there; for one of the 
chiefs, five of whom had been in England at the time these 
Germans were there, granted the Queen a tract of land for 
the use of the Germans. The names of the chiefs were Te- 
yee-neen-ho-ga-prow, Sa-ga-yean-qua-prah-tou, of the Ma- 
quas ; Elow-oh-kaom, Oh-nee-yeath-tou-no-prou, of the 
river Sachem. 

John Conrad Weiser was one of the deputies to Schoharie. 
After returning from the Maqua country, in which Schoharie 
lay, a number of families moved thither in the autumn of 1713; 
some to Albany, others to Schenectady — Weiser had moved 
to the latter place, and remained with one Johannes Meyn- 
derton, during the winter. Here he was repeatedly visited 
by Quagnant, a chief of the Maquas, who proposed to take 
Conrad, the subject of this notice, with him to his own coun- 
try, and teach him the language spoken by that nation. By 
the consent of his father, Conrad accompanied his instructor, 
and now lived amons the Indians. 

While with Quagnant, and acquiring a knowledge of the 
Maqua tongue, his sufferings were beyond description. He 
had scarce clothes to cover his nudity, much less to protect 
him against the inclemency and piercing cold of a severe 
winter ; to all this was added, that often times he had not 
wherewith to satisfy hunger. Siill, to heighten the sufferings 
of this young stranger among savages, they repeatedly threat- 
ened him, when they were drunk, with death, to escape 
which he had to secrete himself, till reason had given them 


a "sober second thought" to restrain the execution of their 
threats upon him. While the patient young scholar was 
among the savages, his father moved in the spring of 1714 
to Schoharie, accompanied by upwards of one hundred Ger- 
man families. 

In themonthof July, having mastered that language, Con- 
rad left Quagnant : he returned to his father's house, and as 
occasion demanded, he was interpreter between the Germans 
and Maquas or Mohawks. Several families of the Maqua 
nation lived within a mile of his father's house. Conrad 
was poorly compensated here as interpreter. In his Journal 
he says: " So lagen auchallezeit Maquaische hie und wieder 
auf der Jagd, da es oefters was fehlte dass ich viel zu dol- 
metchen hatle, aber olme Lohn." 

The Germans here, amid trials and difficulties, ever inci- 
dent to new settlements, made, in a few years, considerable 
improvements. Their flattering prospects were, however, 
wholly blasted. Owing to a defect in their land titles, they 
were dispossessed. Many of them left Schoharie in the spring 
of 1620 ; came to Pennsylvania, and settled among the In- 
dians in Tulpehocken, now Berks county. The Weiser fa- 
mily however remained till 1729, wiien Conrad left with his 
wife and five children, Philip, Frederick, Anna, Madlina, 
and Maria, and came to Pennsylvania. He settled half a 
mile east of the present site of Woraelsdorff. His father, 
John Conrad, remained at Schoharie till 1746. He left then 
on account of the dangers which he apprehended from the 
French and Indians, who had already murdered several Ger- 
man families at Schoharie. Soon after his arrival at the 
house of his son, Conrad, he died at the advanced age of 
nearly ninety. 

Weiser's profound knowledge of the Indian character, 
and an intimate acquaintance with their language, attracted 
the attention of Governor Gordon, of the Province of Penn- 
sylvania, shortly after his arrival at Tulpehocken. As inter- 
preter and Indian agent, havmg received that appointment 
from the governor, he accompanied the noted Shikelamy, of 
Shamokin, and Cehachquay, from his residence to Philadel- 
phia. — [Prov. Records. 

He was now nearly constantly absent for years, on Indian 
missions, on behalt of the Province of Pennsylvania. He and 
Shikelamy were appointed by the treaty of 1732, "as fit and 



proper persons to go between the Six Nations and .the gov- 
ernment, and to be employed in all actions with one another, 
whose bo;lies, the Indians' said, were to be equally divided 
between them and us ; we have one half — that they (Indians) 
had found Conrad VVeiser faithful and honest — a true and 
good man, and had spoken their words, and our words, and 
not his own." — [Prov. Records. 

In 1736, Governor Thomas commissioned him a Justice 
of the Peace. Now in a threefold capacity — Interpreter, 
Indian Ao^ent and Justice of the Peace, to which was added 
that of Colonel, in 17-56. He continued his public career for 
many years. His was emphatically an active life. In Sep- 
tember, 1736, the chiefs of the Six Nations were expected at 
Philadelphia, to confirm a treaty that had been made in 1732: 
VVeiser was active on this occasion, as we learn from the Pro- 
vincial Records. "Conrad Weiser, our Interpreter, about 
the beginning of September, 1736, advised from Tulpehock- 
en, that he had certain intelligence from some Indians, sent 
before him, that there was a large number of those people, 
with many of the chiefs, arrived at Shamokin, on the Sus- 
quehanna, upon which he was directed to repair thither to 
attend them, and supply them with necessaries on their jour- 
ney to Philadelphia." 

" On the 37th of September, the chiefs came Avith Weiser 
to the President's house at Stenton, being near the road, 
where a suitable entertainment was provided for them ; on 
the next day, the honorable proprietor, Thomas Penn, and 
some of the Council, with other gentlemen, coming thither 
from Philadelphia : after dinner, a council was held at Sten- 
ton, September 28rh. The council continued till the 29th, 
then adjourned to meet Oct. 2d, in the Great Meeting House, 
in Philadelphia." — [Prov. Records. 

In the year 1737, he was sent toOnondago, N. Y., at the 
desire of the Governor of Virginia. He departed quite un- 
expectedly, towards the close of February, on a journey of 
five hundred miles, through a wilderness, where there was 
neither road nor path, and at a time of the year when ani- 
mals could not be met with for food. It was an unpleasant 
journey. In a letter, he says, "There were with me, a Dutch- 
man and three Indians. After we had gone one hundred and fifty 
miles on our journey, we came to a narrow valley, about 
half a mile broad and thirty rades long, both sides of which 



were encompassed by high mountains ; on which the snow 
lay about three teet deep; in it ran a stream of water also 
three feet deep. The stream was so crooked that it kept a 
continual winding from one side of the valley to the other. 
In order to avoid wading so often through the water, we en- 
deavored to pass along the slope of the mountain — the snow 
now being three feet deep, and so hard frozen on the top that 
we walked upon it, but were obliged to make holes into the 
snow with our hatchets, that we would not slide down the 
mountain, and thus we crept on. It happened that the old 
Indian's foot slipped, and the root of the tree by which he 
held, breaking, he slid down the mountain, as from the roof 
of a house ; but happily he was stopped in his fall, by the 
string which flistened his pack, hitching on the stump of a 
small tree. The two Indians could not go to his aid, but 
our Dutch fellow traveller did ; yet not without visible dan- 
ger of life. I also could not put a foot forward, till I was 
helped ; after this we took the first opportunity to descend 
into the valley, which was not till after we had labored hard 
for half an hour with hands and feet. Having observed a 
tree lying directly off' from where the Indian tell, when we 
were got into the valley again, went back about one hundred 
paces, where we saw, that if the Indian had slipped four or 
five paces farther, he would have fallen over a reck one hun- 
dred feet perpendicular, upon craggy pieces of rocks below. 
The Indian was astonished, and tcrned quite pale; then with 
outstretched arms, and great earnestness, he spoke these 
words : " I thank thee Great Lord and Governor of this 
world, in that he had mercy upon me, and has been willing 
that 1 should live longer." This happened March 25, 1737= 
On the 9th of April, while we were yet on our journey, I 
found myself extremely weak, through the fatigue of so long 
a journey, with cold and hunger, which I had suffered ; there 
having fallen a fresh snow about 20 inches deep, and we be- 
ing yet three days journey from Onondago, in a frightful 
wilderness, my spirit failed, my body trembled and shook — I 
thought I should fall down and die : I stepped aside, and set 
under a tree, expecting there to die. My companions soon 
missed me; the Indians came back and found me there. They 
remained awhile perfectly silent. At last the old Indian said: 
" My dear companion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us, wilt 
thou now quite give up ? Remember that evil days are bet- 



ter than good days ; for when we suffer much we do not sin 
— sin will be driven out of us by suffering, and God cannot 
extend his mercy on them; but contrary wise, when it goeth 
evil wath us, God hath compassion with us." These words 
made me ashamed. I rose up, and travelled as well as I 

In 1738, in the month of May, he again went to Ononda- 
go, accompanied by Bishop Spangenberger, David Zeisber- 
ger, and Shebosh, Moravian missionaries to the Indians. 
Here he again experienced great hardships. He not only 
accompanied these men to the Indians, but in 1742, he met 
Count Zinzendorf (of whom an account is given in the se- 
quel) at Bethlehem, who had just arrived from Europe. The 
count went with him to Tulpehocken, where, Aug. 14, they met 
a numerous embassy of Sachems of the Six Nations, return- 
ing from Philadelphia. The Count preached to them through 
Weiser as interpreter. 

Soon afterwards Weiser accompanied Zinzendorf to Sham- 
ok'in, where he was kindly received by Shikelamy. 

In January, 1743, Weiser again went to Shamokin, at the 
I'equest of Governor Thomas. 

The many active duties performed by Mr. Weiser would 
liave completely engrossed all the time of an ordinary man, 
still he found leisure to instruct others in the Indian tongue. 
In 1743 we find that distinguished Moravian missionary, 
Pyrlacus, at the house of Conrad Weiser, and being made 
acquainted with the Maqua language. Weiser's superior 
qualifications as a qualified instructor, soon enabled his pupil 
to master the lano-uao^e, so as to be able to address the Indi- 
ans of that Nation in their own tongue. Pyrlacus having 
acquired a competent knowledge of that language, moved 
with his wife into the interior parts of the Iroquois country, 
and took up his abode with the English missionaries, in Jun- 
tarogu. * 

In April, 1743, he went again to Shamokin, in behalf of 
Virginia and Maryland. In his Journal, he says: 

"April 9th. I arrived at Shamokin, by order of the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, to acquaint the neighboring Indians, 
and those on Wyoming, that the Governor of Virginia was 
well pleased v^-ith the mediation, and was willing to come to 
an agreement with the Six Nations about the land his peo- 
ple were settled upon, and if it was that they contended for. 


and to make up the matter of the late skirmish, in an amica- 
ble way." A treaty was subsequently held at Lancaster. 

In June, of the same year, he went again to Onondago, in 
obedience to the orders of the governor and council of Penn- 
sylvania. He kept a most minute Journal of this journey, 
replete with many interesting notices. — [Prov. Records, K., 
pp. 280-297. 

In consequence of the massacre of John Armstrong and his 
servants, noticed pages 80-90, he again went to Shamokin. 

In May, 1745, accompanied by Shikelamy, one ot his sons 
and An(hew Montour, he again went to Onondago, where 
they arrived in safety on the 6th of June. In 1747 he start- 
ed for Shamokin, charged with a message to the Indians to 
notify them of the death of John Penn, late proprietary of 
the piovince of Pennsylvania. On his way thither he met 
v^hikelamy, and several Indians, among whom was Scaien- 
ties, at Cliarabers' mill, now M'Allister's, where he delivered 
ihe message. 

In November, he again went to Shamokin, to administer 
relief to some of the suffering there. He was surprised, on 
his arrival, to find Shikelamy in so low a condition ; reduced 
by sickness. Many of them had died. He administered 
medicines to the sick, under the directions of Dr. Greene. — 
[Prov. Records, L. 

The period had now arrived that the Fiench were actively 
engaged, to seduce, if possible, all the Indians on the Ohio, 
and westward, and persuade them to take up the hatchet 
against the English, to counteract the influence of the French 
emissaries, Mr. VVeiser was selected as a suitable person to 
pay the Indians a visit at Logstown, 14 miles below the 
present site of Pittsburg. Weiser set out August 11th, 1746, 
tor Ohio; crossed the Susquehanna at Harris's Ferry, passed 
through what is now Cumberland, Perry, and Huntingdon, 
by way of Frankstown, Kittaning, ^c, on to Logstown, 
through a perfect wilderness. On ariiving at Logstown the 
Indians received him with great joy. 

The utmost vigilance was now jcquired by the public 
functionaries to conciliate the Indians. White intruders upon 
Indian lands had now to be expelled. In 1750 Weiser, Sec- 
retary Peters, joined by the magistrates of Cumberland coun- 
ty, and the delegates from the Six Nations, a chief of the 
Mohawks, and Andrew Montour, went to Cumberland, now 


Perry and Bedford, and removed many of those intruders. 
The same year he undertook another journey to Onondago, 
with a message from the Honorable Thomas Lee, Esq-, Pre- 
sident of Virginia to the Indians there. He left home on the 
15th of August, and arrived at Onondago, on the 26th- He 
spent some time among them. He arrived at home October 

About this time a scheme was formed, to educate the Ger- 
mans. He was appointed, in connection with other distin- 
guished gentlemen, as a member of the board of Trustees. 

From 1752 to 1757, he repeatedly visited the Indians at 
Harris's Ferry ; attended treaties held there and at Carlisle. 
He acted as Interpreter at the treaties held at Carlisle in 
October, 1753, and in January, 1756. 

During the French and Indian war he was appointed Col. 
of a regiment of volunteers from Berks county. In 1759, 
Governor Denny appointed him a commissary. The duty 
assigned him by his late commission was too tedious for his 
worn out constitution. In a letter of Sept. 19, 1759, to the 
governor, he says : " I am in a very low state of health, and 
cannot, without great fatigue, hazard to undertake my jour- 

He closed his eventful life July 13th, 1760. He left sev- 
en children — having been the father of fifteen — and a widow, 
to lament his departure. His remains rest about half a mile 
east of Womelsdorf, a few hundred yards south of the turn- 
pike. A rough hewn stone stands to mark the spot, with 
the following, almost obliterated, inscription : 

Diesses ist die 
Pv.uhe Staette des 
weyle ehren geachteten M. Conrad 
Weiser derselbige ist gebohren 1696 den 2 No- 
vember in Astaet in Amt Herrenberg im Wittenberger 
Lande, und gestorben 1760 den 13 
Julius, ist alt worden 63 
jahr 8 Monat und 
13 Tage. 


No. ir. 

Revd. Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf, Count. 

This pious and devoted man was the patron of the Mora- 
vians. He was born at Dresden, in May, 1700. He studied 
at Holle and Utrecht. About the year 1721, he purchased 
the lordship of Berthelsdoif, in Lusatia. Some poor Chris- 
tians, the lollowers of John Huss, obtained leave in 1722 to 
settle on his estate. They soon made converts. Such was 
the origin of the village of Herrnhut. Their noble patron 
soon alter joined them. 

From this period Count Zinzendorf devoted himselt to the 
business of instructing his fellow men by his writing and 
preaching. He travelled through Germany and Denmark, 
and became acquainted with the Danish missions in the East 
Indies and Greenland. 

About 1732 he engaged earnestly in the promotion of 
missions by his Moravian brethren, whose numbers at Herrn- 
hut were then about five hundred. So successful were these 
missions, that in a few years four thousand negroes were bap- 
tised in the West Indies, and the converts in Greenland 
amounted to seven hundred and eighty-four. 

In 1737 he visited London ; and in 1741 came to Ameri- 
ca, and preached at Germantovvn, Bethlehem, Tulpehocken; 
and visited the Indians at Shamokin, Wyoming, and State of 
New York. 

In 1743 he returned to Europe. He died at Herrnhut in 
1760, the same year that his friend Weiser did. His coffin 
was carried to the grave by thirty-two preachers and mis- 
sionaries, whom he had reared, and some of whom had toiled 
in Holland, England, Ireland, North America, and Green- 
land. What monarch was ever honored by a funeral like 

No. III. 

Revd. David Brainerd. 

The subject of this notice was born at Haddam, Connec- 
ticut, April 20, 1718. liis mind was early impressed with 
the importance of religion. After preparatory studies he be- 
came a member of Yale College in 1739, where he was dis- 
tinguished for application and general correctness of conduct. 
He was expelled from this institution in 1742, inconsequence 
of having said, that one of the tutors wae as devoid oi grace 
as a chair. In the spring of 1742, he began the study of 
divinity, and at the end of July was licensed to preach. Hav- 
ing received from the society, for propagating Christian know- 
ledge, an appointment as missionary to the Indians, he com- 
menced his labors at Kaunameek, a village of Massachusetts, 
situated between Stockbridge and Albany. He remained 
there about twelve months, and on the removal of the Kau- 
nameeks to Stockbridge, he turned his attention towards the 
Delaware Indians. 

In 1744, he was ordained at Newark, N. J., and fixed his 
residence near the Forks of the Delaware and Lehigh rivers, 
Pennsylvania, where he remained about a year. From this 
place he removed to Crossweeksing, in N. J,, where his ef- 
forts among the Indians were commenced with success. 

In the summer of 1745 and 1746, he visited the Indians 
on the Susquehanna, at Duncan's Island, at Shamokin, and 
on the West Branch. On his return in September he found 
himself worn out. His health was so much impaired, that 
he was able to preach but little more. Being advised in the 
spring of 1747 to travel in New England, he went as far as 
Boston, and returned in July to Northampton, where he pass- 
ed the remainder of his days. He died October 9th, 1747, 
aged twenty-nine years. 

No. IV. 
Revd. Daaid Zeisberger, 

This distinguished Moravian missionary among the Indi- 
ans, was born in Moravia, in Germany, 1721, whence his 
parents emigrated to Hernnhut, in Ujiper Lusatia. In 1738 
he came to Georgia. Thence he removed to Pennsylvania, 
and assisted in the commencement of the settlements of Beth- 
lehem and Nazareth. From 1742 he was for sixty-two years 
a missionary among the Indians. He visited them on the 
Susquehanna. He attended Shikelamy in liis last illness, at 
Shamokin, ih 1749. Loskiel says, " He (Shikelamy) was 
taken ill — was attended by David Zeisberger, and in his 
presence, fell happily asleep in the Lord, in full assurance of 
obtaining eternal liie, through the merits of Jesus Christ." 

Zeisberger was an indefatigable missionary. He instructed 
and baptised about fifteen hundred Iiidians. This he did 
amid trials and opposition from several quarters. 

About the year 17C8, he wrote two grammars of (he On- 
ondago, in English and in German, and a dictionary, German 
and Indian, of more than 1700 pages. In the Lenape, or 
language of the Delawares, he published a spelling book, 
sermons to children, and a hymn book, containing upwards 
of 500 hymns, translated partly from German and partly 
from English. He left in manuscript a grammar in German 
of the Delaw^are language, which has been translated by Mr. 
Du Ponceau, late of Philadelphia; also a harmony of the 
four gospels, translated into Delaware. 

No. V. 

Governor Simon Snyder. 

He was born at, Lancaster, in November, 17o9. His fa- 
ther was a res]iectable mechanic, who had emigrated to 
Pennsylvania, from Germany, about the year 1740. The 
maiden name of his mother was Knippenberg. She was born 
near Oppenheim, in Germany. In April, J 774, his father, 
Anthony Snyder, died at Lancaster. In J 776, Simon Sny- 
der lelt Lancaster, and went and resided at York. There he 
reraainetl more than eight years- In that ])]ace he learned 
the tanning and currying business. As a proof of early in- 
tegrity, it may be mentioned that he served an apprentice- 
ship ol lour years, without being bound by an indenture or 
written contract. At York, he went to night school, kept 
by John Jones — a worthy member of the Society of Friends 
— where he leained reading, wiiting, arithmetic, and made 
some progiess at mathematics. Olten, at tiie midnight hour, 
after a hard day's work, Simon S/iyder was found engaged 
in the pursuit of knowledge; and his Sundays were almost 
constantly devoted to its acquirements. 

In July, 1784, he removed to the county of Northumber- 
land, to that portion which is now Union countv. Theie he 
became a storekeeper, and the owner of a mill. He soon 
be(;ame very useful, and much respected as a scrivener. lie 
was in all situations, and at all times the fiiend of the poor 
and tlie distressed ; modest and unassuming; yet was his 
sound judgment, impartiality, and love of justice, so well 
known, and duly appreciated, that he was elected unani- 
m jusly by the freeholders of a large district of country, a 
justice of the peace. In this office he continued to officiate 
for twelve years, under two commissions. The first was 
granted under the constitution of 1776, and the last was un- 
der the constitution of 1790. So universally were his decis- 
ions respected, that there never was an appeal from any judg- 
ment of his to the court of Common Pleas, and but one writ 
of certiorari was served on him during all that time. 

Though the inhabitants consisted of ihat description of 
persons who are the settlers of all new countries, amongst 


whom quarrels and disputes are very freqtjent, yet so great 
was his personal influence, and so strenuous his efforts to 
reconcile contending parties, that he generally prevailed; in- 
deed, so efficient was his influence, that of the many actions 
brought before him for assaults and batteries, during the 
whole period of 12 years, he made return to the Court of 
Quarter Sessions of but two recognizances. These are evi- 
dences of an extraordinary degree and extent of public confi- 
dence in the disposition and judgment, and general good prin- 
ciples and character of Mr. Snyder, and confidence which 
Ids whole life proved to have been well deserved. 

In 1789 he was elected a member of the convention which 
formed the late constitution of this State. Mr. Snyder had, 
heretofore, taken but little part in political contests of the 
day, yet his principles seemed to have been well understood; 
ant! his votes in the convention proved him to have been, 
then, as he continued through life, the steady supporter of 
those invaluable principles, which were best calculated to 
maintain the rights and promote the happiness of the people 
of this free country. 

Ill 1797 he was elected a member of the Legislature. He 
was never considered a speaker of much impression, nor did 
he ever speak at length, yet what he did say, was listened 
to with marked attention, and always carried weight, be- 
cause he never spoke but when he felt assured that it was his 
duty to speak, and that he had something in the way of fact 
oi' information to communicate, which should influence the 
minds of liis fellow members. 

As a committee man, his services were much sought and 
much valued. In 1802 hewas chosen Speaker of the House 
of Repiesentatives. As Speaker, Mr. Snyder presided with 
much dignity, with a full knowledge of his duties, and a most 
accurate recollection and prompt api)lication of the rules of 
the House. None of his decisions were reversed by the House. 
His amendments, which were frequently of moment, suggest- 
ed by him as Speaker, even when the bill was in its last 
stage, were almost always adopted, with unanimity, which 
marked the high respect entertained by the House for his 

With him originated in our Legislature, a proposition to 
engraft the arbitration principle on our judicial system, as 
well as many other wholesome provisions for the adjustment 


of controversies brought before justices of the peace. ITe 
continued, after repeated unanimous elections, to preside in 
the Speaker's chair to the session of 1805. During that ses- 
sion he was taken up as a candidate for the office of Gover- 
nor, and ran in opposition to the then Governor, Thomas 

The question of calHng a convention to amend the State 
constitution, was so intimately interwoven with the question, 
who should he Governor? that the contest was conducted ra- 
ther in reference to the question ot the convention, than upon 
the popularity of the candidate. 

Governor McKean was re-elected by a majority of 5000. 
In 1806, Mr. Snyder was again elected to the House of Re- 
presentatives, and again chosen Speaker, and was re-elected 
to both stations in 1807. 

In 1808, he was taken up as candidate for Governor, and 
after an arduous contest, was elected by a majority of 28,000. 
In 1811, he was re-elected ; and, also in 1814. His conduct 
in the war of 1812, was patriotic, and worthy of a Gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania. 

In the session of 1813-14, a very large majority of both 
Houses of the General Assembly, passed the bill to charter 
forty Banks! The candidate for Governor was at that 
time nominated by the members of the Legislature. Having 
assembled in caucus, for that purpose, it was remarked, after 
the meeting had been organized, that the bill to charter 40 
Banks was then before the Governor, and that it would be 
prudent to adjourn the caucus without making any nomina- 
tion of a candidate for Governor, until it was ascertained 
whether he would or would not approve of the bill. 

Within three days. Governor Snyder returned the bill, 
W'ith his objections, and it did not pass that session. The in- 
dependence of Governor Snyder was the theme of almost 
universal praise, and he was that year re-elected by nearly 
30,000 majority. 

Having served the constitutional period of nine years, he 
retired to his former place of residence — Selin's Grove — 
where, at the general election, he was elected and forthwith 
entered upon the discharge of his duties as a guardian of the 
poor of the township. 

At the next general election, Mr. Snyder was elected a 
Senator of the State of Pennsylvania, and served one session. 


He died in the spring of 1820, honored, respected and be- 
loved. He was in truth an honest and upright man. Peace 
to his ashes. 

No. VI. 
John Harris, Proprietor of Harrisburg. 

The subject of this brief notice, was the son of the well 
known elder John Harris, a native of Yorkshire, England, 
and who was the first settler west of the Conewago hill'. 
John Harris was born at the present site of Hanisburg, in 
1726. He was the first white child born in Pennsylvania, 
west of the Conewago hills. 

Harris's father w^as a middle-aged man when he immigra- 
ted to America. He first settled in Philadelphia, where he 
married Esther Say, an English lady; a woman of rather an 
extraordinary chaiacter, for energy and capacity of mind. 
When but a young man, .lohn Harris was occasionally em- 
ployed by the Pi ovince of Pennsylvania to transact important 
business with the Indians at a critical peiiod. His house was 
frequently visited by the aborigines. Several important con- 
ferences were held there between the several tribes of Indi- 
ans on the Susquehanna, Ohio, &c., and the government of 

Prior to 1754, he had been sent on an Indian mission to 
Ohio, and at the same time to notice the most practicable 
route from his Ferry to Logstowm. That he performed his 
duty faithfully may be seen from the following brief extiacts 
from his journal : 

" From my Ferry to George Croghan's, it is five miles — 
(this place was in Cumberland county) ; to Kittatinny moun- 
tains 9; to Andrew Montour's 5; Tuscarora hill 9; Thomas 
Mitchell's sleeping place 3; Tuscarora 14; Cove Spring 10; 
Shadow of Death 8; Black Log 3. Sixty miles to this 

The road forks to Raystown (Bedford) and Frankstown — 
we continued to Raystown- To the Three Springs 10; 


Sideling Hill Gap 8 ; Juniata Hill 8 ; Crossings at Juniata 
8 ; Snake's Spring 8 ; Raystown 4 ; Shawana cabins 8 ; Al- 
leghany hill 6 ; Edmund's swamp 8; Stoney creek 6 ; Kich- 
eney Paulin's house (Indian) 6 ; Clearfiekl's 7 ; to the other 
side of Laurel hill 5; Loyal Hanning 6; Big Bottom 8; 
Chestnut ridge 8 ; to the parting of the roads 4 ; thence one 
road leads to Shanoppintown, the other to Kiscomenettas 
Old Town — To Big Lick 3 ; Beaver dams 6 ; James Dun- 
ning's sleeping place 8 ; Cockeye's cabin 8 ; Four mile run 
11 ; Shanoppintown on Allegheny river 4 ; to Logstown 
down the river 18 ; distance by the old road 246 miles. 

" Now beginning at the Black Log — Frankstowii road 
to Aughwick 6 ; Jack Armstrong's Narrows (so called 
from being murdered here) 8 ; Standing Stone, which is 
about 14 feet high and 6 inches square, 10. At each of the 
last places we crossed the Juniata. The next and last 
crossing of Juniata S ; Branch of Juniata 10; Big Lick 
10; Frank's (Stephen's) Town 5; Beaver dams 10; Al- 
legheny hill 4 ; Clearfi:3ld 6 ; John Hart's sleeping place 
12 ; Shawanese cabins 24 ; Shaver's sleeping place, at two 
large licks 12; Eighteen mile run 12; Ten mile lick 6; 
to Kiscomenettas town on the creek which runs into the 
Allegheny river six miles down, almost as large as Schuyl- 
kill 10 ; Ciartier's landing on Allegheny S ; &c." 

H iving accepted an Indian agency he was faithful to 
his charge, both to the Indians and the government. The 
latter he kept constantly advised of what was going on in 
the frontier settlements ; for at this time many of the In- 
dians on the Oliio had taken up the hatchet against the 

He frequently visited the Indians at Shamokin ; and 
when the French an 1 Indians had committed atrocious 
murders upon the frontier settlers, he, aided by others, 
came and buried the bodies of the slain. 

He was a great patriot. "When the independence was 
agitated, he thought the declaration premature. He feared 
that the colonies were unequal to the task of combating 
with Great Bntain; but when independence was declared, 
he advanced £3000 to carry on the contest." 

He was a man of more than ordinary forecast. He un- 
derstood well the advantages of Harris's Ferry. Twenty 
years before he had laid out Harrisburg, he observed to 



the late Judge Hollenback, that his place would become a 
place of central business, and the Seat of Government of 

When he laid out Harrisburg in 1785, he conveyed with 
other property to commissioners, four acres of ground on 
Capital Hill, to the east of the present State Buildings, in 
trust for public use, and such public purposes as the Leg- 
islature shall direct. 

He was always liberal; he gave lot No. 185, on the cor- 
ner of Chesnut and Third streets, to the German Reformed 
and Lutherans, in 1787, to erect a church thereon — the 
same lot on which the German Reformed Church now 

After a life of usefulness, he closed his eventful period, 
July 29, 1791, and his remains rest in the Paxton church 

No. VII. 

Rochefoucauld Liancourt. 

This distinguished French Duke was born in Franco, 
1747 ; and was grand master of the wardrobe to Louis xv. 
and xvi. During the revolution, like another Lafayette, 
he was the friend of liberty, but the enemy of licentious- 
ness. The downfall of the throne compelled him to quit 
France, and after having resided for some time in Eng- 
land, he visited America, in 1795, and made a tour through 
this part of Pennsylvania, by way of Harrisburg, &c., and 
in 1796 passed through Northumberlandcounty, where he 
tarried for some time ; which place, with others, he noti- 
ces in his work, entitled, " Travels in the United States." 

In 1799, he was allowed to return to his native coun- 
try, and he died in March, 1827, generally respected for 
his liberal principles and his active benevolence. It was 
chiefly by his exertions that vaccination was introduced 
into France. 

No. VIII. 

Colonel Hartley. 

Colonel Tliomas Hartley — stationed for some time in 
Sunbury — was born in Berks county, September 7, 174S. 
Having received the rudiments oi'a classical education, in 
the town of Reading, he went, at the age of 18, to York, 
and commenced the study of law under Samuel Johnson. 
Pursuing his studies with unremitthig diligence for three 
years, he was admitted to practice, in the courts of York, 
July 25, 17G9. He soon distinguished himself in his pro- 

Young Hartley was early a distinguished as a warm 
iViend of his country, both in the cabinet and in the field. 
In 1774, he was elected by the citizens of York, a member 
.)f the Provincial meeting of deputies, which was held at 
Philadelphia, July 15th, of the same year. In 1775 he was 
;i member of the Provincial convention, held at Philadel- 
i)lu;i, January 23J. 

The time now approached that tried men's souls. Hart- 
It^y now espoused the cause of his country in good earnest. 
He soon distinguished himself as a soldier. The Commit- 
tee of Sifcty recommended a number of persons to Con- 
gress, f )r Field OfRcers to the sixth battalion, ordered to 
he raised. Congress accordingly, on the 10th of January, 
1776, elected William Irwin, as Colonel; Thomas Hartley 
Hs Lieutenant-colonel ; and James Dunlap, as Major. Mr. 
Hartley was soon afterwards promoted to the full degree of 

Colonel Hartley having been three years in service, wrote 
a letter to Congiess, February loth, 1779, asking permission 
to resign his commission. His resignation was accepted. In 
177s he was elected a member of the Legislature from York 
county. In 17S3 he was elected a memlDer of the Council 
of Censors. In 1787 he was a member of the State Conven- 
tion, which adopted the Constitution ol the United States. 

In 178S he was elected a member of Congress. He con- 
tinued a member of that body for about 12 years. 


April 28th, 1800, Governor McKean commissioned him a 
Major-General of the fifth division of the Pennsylvania mili- 
tia, consisting of the counties of Yoik and Adams. He soon 
after receiving this appointment, died at his house in York, 
December 21st, 1800, in his 5od year. 

No. IX. 

George Croghan. 

Mr. Croghan was an Indian Agent for many years. He 
/esided several years five miles west of Harris's Ferry, in 
''Cumberland county, at whose residence several Indian con- 
ferences were held ; one in May, and another in June, 1750. 
tSoon after 1750 he was sent to Aughwick, where he dis- 
'charged faithfully his duty. Prior to his settling at Augh- 
wick, he had accompanied Conrad Weiser to Logstown in 
1748. In 1750 and 1751 he held conferences with the In- 
dians at Logstown. In 1755 he tendered his services, and 
those of a number of friendly Indians, to General Braddock; 
but was repulsed by the selfish General. In 1753 he was 
present at the treaty held at Carlisle. He erected Fort Gran- 
"ville in 1756. 

Having received a commission from Sir William Johnson, 
as Dei)uty Indian Agent, after the French had evacuated 
Fort I)u Quesne, in L75S, he took up his residence at Fort 
Pitt, where he held several important treaties with the seve- 
ral Indian nations of Ohio, and west of the Ohio. 

In 1765 he set off from Fort Pitt with two batteaux, be- 
ing accompanied by several men, and deputies of the Sene- 
e,as, Shawanese and Delawares, down the Ohio, for Fort 
Chartres, on the Wabash river. They left Foit Pitt on the 
15th of May, and towards the latter part of July arrived at 
Fort Chartres. It was quite a hazaidous undertaking. Be- 
ibre they arrived at the Fort they were attacked, June 8th, 
at daybreak, by a party of Indians, consisting of SO warriors 


of the Kickapoos and Musquattimus, who killed two of his 
men and two Indians ; himself and all the rest of his party 
being wounded, except two white men and one Indian. They 
were all made prisoners, and plundered of every thing they 
had, and were now hurried on through a dreary wilderness 
for several hundred miles, crossing a great many swamps, 
morasses, and beaver ponds. On the 15th of June they ar- 
rived at Port Vincent, now Vincennes. Thence they were 
carried as captives to Ouicatanon, a distance of upwards of 
two hundred miles from Port Vincent. 

Here they were enlarged on the 25lh of July. Mr. Cro- 
ghan now set his face for Detroit, where he arrived on the 
17th of August. He describes Detroit and vicinity as con- 
sisting of a Stoccade Fort, enclosing about 80 houses, and 
standing close on the north side of the river, on a high bank, 
commanding a very pleasant prospect of nine miles above and 
below the Fort — the country thickly settled w-ith French; 
their plantations generally laid out about three or four acres 
in breadth on the river, and eight in depth; the soil good, 
;)roducing plenty of grain. All the people, he says, are ge- 
nerally poor wretches here, and consist of three or four hun- 
dred French families — a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly 
on the savages for subsistence. 

During his stay at Detroit he held frequent conferences 
with the different Indian nations assembled there. He left 
Detroit September 2Gth, and arrived at Niagara, October 
Sth. Afterwards he retired to Fort Pitt. 

In 1770 he was still stationed at Fort Pitt, where George 
Washington, on his way down the Ohio, dined with him in 
the Fort. Colonel Croghan accompanied Washington as far 
as to Logstown. He was an extensive landholder at that 
time. He owned all the land between Raccoon creek and 
the Monongahela. 

Colonel Croghan was one of the most active Indian Agents 
and pioneer settlers of his day. 


No. X. 

Colonel John Kelly. 

John Kelly was a native of Lancaster county. He was 
l>orn in February, 1747. After the purchase from the Incli- 
cins, by the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, in 1768, he left 
Lancaster county and settled in Bulfalo valley. Here he en- 
liured the hardships common to all settlers in new countries. 
He was well calculated for a new settlement ; — tall, about 
SIX feet two, vigorous and muscular, with a body inured to 
labor, and insensible of fatigue, and a mind fearless of dan- 

He was a major m the revolutionary war, and was engaged 
in the brilliant actions at Trenton and Princeton. 

In the course of one of their retreats, the commander-in- 
.jhief, through Col. Potter, sent an order to Major Kelly to 
have a certain bridge cut dowTi to prevent the advance of 
rhe British, who were then in sight. The major sent for an 
dxe, but repiesented that the enterprise would be very haz- 
ardous. Still the British advance must be stopped, and the 
drdcr was not withdiawn. He said he could not order an- 
;ither to do what some would say he was afraid to do him- 
self ; he would cut down the bridge. Before all the logs on 
which the bridge lay were cut off, he was completely within 
the range of the British fire, and several balls struck the log 
in which he stood. The last log bi"oke down sooner than 
he expected, and he fell with it into the swollen stream. Our 
soldiers moved on, not believing it possible for him to make 
his escape. He, however, by great exertions, reached the 
shore, through the high water and the floating timber, and 
ioliowed the troops. Encumbered as he must have been with 
his wet and frozen clothes, he made a prisoner, on his road, 
of a British scout, an armed soldier, and took him into camp. 
History mentions that our army was preserved by the de- 
struction of that bridge ; but the manner in which it was 
done, or the name of the person who did it, is not mentioned. 
It was but one of a series of heroic acts, which happened 


everyday; and our soldiers were then more familiar with 
the sword than the pen. 

After his discharge, Major Kelly returned to his farm and 
his family, and during the three succeeding years the Indians 
were troublesome to this then frontier settlement. He became 
colonel of the regiment, and it was his duty to keep watch 
against the incursions of hostile Indians, through our moun- 
tain passes. At one time our people were too weak to re- 
sist, and our whole beautiful country was abandoned. Col. 
Kelly was among the first to return. For at least two har- 
vests, reapers took their ritles to the fields, and some of the 
i-ompany watched while others wrought. Col. Kelly ha(i 
the principal command of scouting parties in this valley, and 
very often he was out in person. Many and many nights has 
he laid among the limbs of a fallen tree, to keep himself out 
of the mud, without a fire ; because a fire would indicate his 
position to the enemy. He had become well skilled in their 
mode of warfare. One circumstance deserves particular no- 
tice. The Indians seemed to have resolved on his death, 
without choosing to attack him openly. One night he had 
reason to apprehend they were near. He rose the next 
morning, and, by looking through the crevices of his log- 
house, he ascertained that two at least, if not more, were ly- 
ing with their arms, so as to shoot him when he should open 
his door. He fixed his own rifle, and took his position so 
that, by a string, lie could open the door, and watch the In- 
dians. The moment he pulled the door open, two balls came 
into the house, and the Indians rose to advance. He fired 
and wounded one, and both retreated. After waiting to sat- 
isfy himself that no others remained, he followed them by 
blood ; but they escaped. 

For many years Col. Kelly held the office of a magistrate 
of the county. In the administration of justice, he exhibited 
the same anxiety to do right, and disregard of self, w^hich 
Jiad characterized him in the military service of the country- 
He would at any time forgive his own lees, and, if the par- 
ties were poor, pay the constable's cost, to procure a com- 

There is a monument in the Presbyterian cemetery in Lew- 
isburg, to the memory of Colonel Kelly. This was erected 
April 8th, 1835, amid a solemn and imposing military array. 
After the ceremony, James Merrill, Esq., delivered an ad- 

No. XI. 

David R. Porter. 

The .subject of this brief notice, was born October 2ist, 
l/SS, in Montgomery county. His father, Andrew Porter, 
^;oIonel of the fourth, or Pennsylvania regiment of artillery, 
and subsequently Brigadier and Major-General of the second 
divisdon of Pennsylvania militia, was also a native of Mont- 
gomery county. He was born September 24th, 1743. The 
life of General Porter affords a striking and useful example 
of what native energy and genius may accomplish, unfostered 
and unaided, excej)t by its own exertions. He rose, without 
any peculiar advantage of an early education, to rank and 
respectability, both in civil and military life, and held a dis- 
tinguished station in the scientific world. David R. Porter 
resided for many years in Huntingdon county, where he en- 
joyed the confidence of the people; holding several ofHces, 
at diffei-ent periods, both civil and military. He was twice 
elected Governor of Pennsylvania, and now resides at Har- 
risburg, extensively engaged in the manufacture of iron. 


The following interesting narrative of incidents, written 
by a daughter of a revolutionary soldier, familiar with the 
facts, was, by reason of misplacing the Mss., omitted being 
l)eing inserted in its proper place. It was not discovered in 
time to correct the omission. 

" .rames Thompson lived, at the commencement of the re- 
volutionary war, on a beautiful farm, near Spruce run, in 
^Vhite Deer township. On a contiguous farm lived a family 
named Young. One morning in March they were surpiised 
by five Indians, who took Thompson and "Margaret Young 
prisoners, Thompson was a very active young man, and de- 
termined to rescue Miss Young, and make his own escape. 
On the second night of their captivity, while the Indians 
were asleep, — each with his rifle, tomahawk, and scalping- 
knite wrapped, with himself, in his blanket, — Thompson 
I'ound a stone weighing about two pounds, and kneeling down 
beside the nearest Indian, with his left hand he felt for his 
temple — his intention being to kill one, and, having secured 
his tomahawk, he thought he could despatch the rest succes- 
sively as they arose. The darkness of the night, however, 
frustrated his plan; for, not seeing, he did no serious injury. 
Tlie Indian bounded up with a fierce yell, which awoke the 
others, and springing on the young man — who had thrown 
his stone as far from him as he possibly could — would have 
put an end to his existence, had not the rest interfered and 
secured Thompson, The Indian immediately accused him of 
endeavoring to kill him — while he signified that he had only 
struck him with his fist — and nothing appearing to induce 
them to doubt his word, they were highly amusetl at the idea 
')f an Indian making so terrible an outcry at any stroke a 
pale-face could inflict with his naked hanil. He, however, 
although he had not an ocular, had certainly a very feeling 
demonstration that somethintr weifrhtier than a hand had been 
used — but was shamed into silence by the laugh raised at his 
expense. Our prisoners were now taken up the Susquehan- 


na, crossed the river in a canoe, and proceeded up Loyal Sock 
creek. For five nights he was laid upon his back, with his 
arms extended and tied to stakes. On the seventh night, near 
the mouth of Towanda creek, the Indians directed Thomp- 
son and his companion, as usual, to kindle a fire for them- 
selves, while they built another. By this means he had an 
opportunity of communicating to her his intention of leaving 
the company that very evening. She advised him to go 
without her. He expressed great unwillingness ; but she 
overruled his objections, declaring that even did she now 
escape, she would not be able to reach home. Accordingly, 
ill gathering the dry sticks which were strewn round, he went 
ftirther from the ciiclc, throwing each stick, as he found it, 
towards the fire, and then wandering slowly, though not un- 
consciously, still further for the next, until he had gone as 
far as he thought he could without exciting suspicion ; then 
he precipitately fled. They were soon in pursuit ; but were 
unable to overtake him; and he ran in such a quick, /iigzag 
iiiannei', that they could not aim straight enough to shoot 

He was obliged to travel principally at night; and in go- 
ing down Loyal Sock creek, he frequently came upon In- 
dian encampments, when he had either to wade the stream, 
or cross the slijipery mountaii s, to avoid them. Sometimes 
he came to places where they bad encamped. The bones of 
deer, v^:c , which he found at these })laces, he broke open, 
a, id swallowed the marrow. This, with the few lOots he 
could find, was all the food he was able to procure. Once, 
when almoyt overcome wiih fatigue and loss of sleep, he 
thought of getting into a hollow tree to rest; but this would 
not i\n, tor where he could get in a wild animal might also 
get, ahhough naturally possessed of great courage, he did 
not like to be attacked in this manner, where lie had no 
means of defence. In this way he reached the Susquehan- 
na, whcie he fi)uii{l the cance as they had left it. He en- 
tered it, and descended the river; but fatigue, ami want ot 
nourishment and rest, had so overcome him, that when he 
reached Fort Freeland — a shoit distance a hove where Mil- 
ton now stands — he was unable to rise. He lay in the can- 
oe until discovered by the inhabitants, who took him as'iore ; 
and by cartf il treatment he was restored to health. He af- 
terwards received a pension from the United States, and died 
about the year 1838, in the 96th year of his age. 


The Indians, meantime pursued their course, taking Miss 
Young with them, to the neighborhood of Montreal, in Can- 
ada. She had frequently understood them to lament the loss 
of Thompson. As he was a fine active young man, they 
were keeping him as a subject upon which to exercise (heir 
cruelty. Miss Young was given to an old squaw, who wish- 
ed to make her work sufficient to maintani them both ; but 
an old colored man advised hei to work as little as possible 
— and what she must do, she should do as badly as she 
could; " for," said he, "if you work well, she will keep 
you for a slave, — but be lazy, and do your work wrong, 
and she will get tired of you, and sell you to the whites." — 
Poor young girl I away from her home and her friends, she 
was grateful for the advice wiiich even an old colored man 
gave. She acted her part well ; for when the corn was rea- 
dy for hoeing, she would cut up the corn, and neatly dress 
some weed in its stead. The old squaw thought she was 
too stupid ever to learn — for, notwithstanding all the pains 
she had taken to teach her, she was still as awkward and 
ignorant as ever ; and thinking her a useless burden, she sent 
her to Montreal, according to her wish, and sold her. Her 
purchaser was a man of some distinction, of the name of 
Young ; and when he discovered her name, he began to trace 
relationship, and found they actually were cousins. This 
was a happy discovery. She lived almost as contentedly, in 
her cousin's family, as in her father's house. Some time af- 
ter the conclusion of the war, she became very anxious to 
visit her friends in the United States. She came home, where 
she sickened and died soon after." 


A — page 43. 

Several conferences were held by the Indians tonching the 
encroachraents of the whites tipon their lands, Sfc, which 
are given below; and Richard Peters' Report, in 1750, to 
Governor Hamilton. 

At a conference held with the Indians at Mr. Croghan's, 
in Pennsboro' township, Cumberland county, on Thursday 
the 17th day of May, 1750. 

Present. — Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary. Conrad Wei- 
ser, Esq., James Galbreth, Esq., George Croghan, Esq., 
George Steveson, Esq., William Wilson, Esq., Hermanus 
Alricks, Esq., Andrew Montour, Jac-nech-doaris, Sai-uch- 
to-wano, Catara-dirha, Tohornady Hunthoa, Mohock, from 

Sai-uch- to-wano spoke, as follows : 
Brethren — 

We were in hopes of giving the Secretary a cheerful 
welcome into this part of the county, but we have just heard 
a piece of bad news, which has interrupted our joy — that one. 
of the principal men of the Province is taken away by a sud- 
den death ; — a wise counsellor, and a good friend of ours. 
Be pleased, therefore, to convey to the Governor our expres- 
sions of sorrow on this melancholy occasion ; and let this 
string of wampum serve to comfort his heart, and wipe away 
tears from his eyes, till this great loss shall be supplied by 
some fit person to succeed him. 

A String of Wampum. 


To which the Secretary made Answer. 

Brethren — 

I will deliver your string to the Governor, with your 
expression of sorrow for the death of the Chief Justice. This 
is indeed a real cause of concern to the whole Province, since 
the loss w^hich the public sustains by the death of wise men 
cannot soon be repaired. Wisdom in the administration of 
the affairs of government, requiring experience as well as 
great abilities, both of which the deceased gentleman had a 
large share. 

Then Catara-dirha, on behalf of the Conestogoe Indians^ 


Brother — 

When the Six Nations sold their land on Susquehanna, 
to the proprietaries, the Conestv)goe Indians were then living 
in their town, near Lancaster, for which reason, the place 
w^here they lived was excepted out of the sale. It will ap- 
pear by your Records, that they were to live there as long 
as they pleased, and when they should incline to depart, they 
were to signify it to the proprietaries, and receive a consid- 
eration: they are now inclinable to remove nearer to the 
other Indians, and according to the agreement already made 
with the proprietaries, they request you to inform the Gover- 
nor of their intention. They want to sell their improvements, 
and now make the proprietaries the first offer of them. 
A String of Wampum. 

Brother, the Governor — 

Many of your old people are dead, so that we are now 
left, as it were, orphans in a destitute condition, which in- 
clines us to leave our old habitations. When we are gone, 
ill-minded people may tell you stories to our prejudice, but 
we assure you that distance will not alter our affections for 
you; therefore, give no ear to such stories, as we, on our 
part, will not think you can lose your regard for us, though 
there are some, who would persuade us that we are now not 
so much regarded by you as we have been. 



Then Andrew Montour spoke, as follows : 

Brethren — 

The Twightwees, who were atlmitted into the alHancc 
of the English, in a treaty heltl at Lancaster, two or three 
years ago, sent tlieir deputit-s to Alleglieny last winter, with 
a message addressed to the Six Nations, and other Indians 
living at Ohio, and to the Governor of Pennsylvania, and 
delivered to them this string ot" wampum; ami as this gov- 
ernment is equally concerned with those Indians in the Twight- 
wee message, they have commissioned me to relate it to the 
Governor, ami to give him over the siring of wampum sent 
with it, and desire he will tavor them with his answer to it 
by Mr. Croghan, who is going this summer to Allegheny. 

l^he Message delivered by the Deputies of the Ticightwees, 
loas as follows : 

Brethren ot the Six Nations, and all the other Lulians living 
on Ohio, and the Governor ot" Pennsylvania, and all the 
Enijlish Governors. 

We, the Twightvvees, who are now one with you, de- 
sire that the road which has lately been opened between us, 
being a new^ one, and tlierel'ore rough, blinti, and not well 
cleared, may now be made plain, and that every thing whicli 
may hinder the passage, may be removed out ot it so etiec- 
tually as not to leave the least obstruction; and we desire 
this may be done, not only as far as where you live, but be- 
yond you to the places where our brethren the English live, 
that their traders, whom we desire to see amongst us, and to 
deal with us for the future, may travel to us securely and 
with ease. 

Brethren — 

We are yet young and inexperienced. You, the Six 
Nations, are our elder brothers, and can advise us what to 
do on all occasions. We, therefore, put ourselves under your 
care, and request that you will look upon us as children, and 
assist us with your counsel, and we promise to follow what- 
ever advice you give us, for we are sensible that it will be 
for our good. Our father, Onontio, has kept us poor and 
blind, but through your means, we begin to open our eyes, 



and to see things at a great distance. We assure you by this 
string of wampum, that we, the Twightvvees, have entirely 
laid Onontio aside, and will no more be governed by his ad- 
vice, nor any longer hearken to what he shall say. 

This is our settled determination, and we give you the 
strongest assurances that we shall abide by it, and of this we 
desire you will inform the Six Nation Indians at Onondago, 
and all the Indians who are in their, and your alliance, and 
likewise the Governor of Pennsylvania, and the other Eng- 
lish Governors. 

Jirethren — 

I have it further in charge to relate to you the answer 
which the Allegheny Indians gave to this Message of the 
Twightwees, and it was to this purpose. 

Jirethren, the Twightvvees — 

Hearken to what we say, and consider our answer, and 
the joint answer of all the Nations of the Indians living in 
these parts, of our father's, the Six Nations, living at Onon- 
dago, and of the English governors, all whom we include in 
the answer. 

iJrelhren of the Twightwees Nation — 

You have, by your deputies, desired of us that we would 
o])en the new road between us and you wider, and take out 
of it every thing that can possibly hinder our travelling safe- 
ly and pleasantly to one another, and that the English trad- 
ers may corne more amongst you: and further, that you hence- 
forth put yourselves under our care, and desire we will assist 
you with our council, and that you have entirely laid aside 
Onontio, and will be no more governed by his councils- We 
declare ourselves well pleased with every part of your mes- 
sage, and heartily join with you in making the road perfectly 
clear, and free from all impediments; — we will take you un- 
<ler our care, and assist you on all occasions in the best man- 
ner : we trust your determinations are made with the utmost 
seriousness and deliberation, and that you will adhere to 
what you say. The English and we are firmly united toge- 
ther — we are all one people, and our hands joined so that 
nothing can separate them. You have joined hands with 
them and us, 'tis true; but yours are, as yet, like the hands 


of infants, they cannot take hold of the chain of friendship 
with so much strength as those of riper years ; but we ad- 
vise you to take as strong a hold of it as ever you can, and 
to form an union that nothing can break through : if any 
tree should fall, and block up the road between us, be sure 
and let us all put our hands to it, and unitedly and amicably 
like brethren, throw it out of the road. Don't let us act 
single on any occasion, but altogether, and then shall we 
have the more strength. 

A message arrived from the Twightwees just before I left 
Allegheny, to thank the Indians on Ohio for their kind re- 
ception of an answer to their message in the winter, with 
further assurances that they would continue true to their new 
engagements, and expected to see Mr. Croghan with the an- 
swer of the Governor of Pennsylvania, and the other Eng- 
lish Governors. 

Brethren — 

I have finished what was given me in charge with re- 
spect to the Twightwees, but 1 have still something to com- 
municate to the Governor of Pennsylvania — and all the other 
governors on the continent, which was communicated to me 
by the Onendot Indians, in conjunction with the other In- 
dians on the Ohio; be pleased therefore to receive a message 
sent by the Onendots and the other Indians. 

Erethren — all the English Governors : 

When you were at war with Onontio, we were persuad- 
ed by Cordear to strike the French; you have since made 
peace with Onontio, and we expected that we were included 
in that treaty, but we don't find it so; for the French are 
always threatening us, and have put us into so much fear b}' 
their menaces, that we dare not suffer our people to go into 
the hunting places at a distance from us, lest we should meet 
a party of French. — This was the case all last summer, and 
we have received intelligence from the Six Nations, that the 
French of Canada are now making military preparations, and 
intend to attack us this summer. 

Erethren — 

You ought to have included us in your Peace; but since 
you did not, we now request that the English governor would 


jointly apply to have us included in the peace, that we may not 
be subject to the intimidations and resentment of the French, 
as well as you. 

The Secretary then informed the Indians that the magis- 
trates were come together, to go and remove the people off 
the land at Juniata and other places, by direction from the 
governor, agreeable to the promise his honor made the depu- 
ties of the Six Nations last summer, and that Mr. Weiser and 
he were appointed to see this work effectually done. 

Sai-uch-to-wano, spoke as follows: 

Brethren — 

We have thought a great deal of what you have impart- 
ed to us, that ye were come to turn the people off who are 
settled over the hills: we are pleased to see you on this oc- 
casion, and as the council of Onondago has this affair ex- 
ceedingly at heart, and it was particularly recommended to 
us by the deputies of the Six Nations, when they parted trom 
us Idst summer, we desire to accompany you. But we are 
afraid, notwithstanding the care of the governor, that this 
may prove like many former attempts ; the people will be 
put off, and come next year again ; and if so, the Six Na- 
tions will no longer bear it, but do themselves justice. To 
prevent this, therefore, when you shall have turned the peo- 
ple off, we recommend it to the governor to place two or 
three faithful persons over the mountains, who may be agree- 
able to him and us, with commission empowering them im- 
jnediately to remove every one, who shall presume after this 
to settle there, until the Six Nations shall agree to make sale 
oi their lands. To enforce this, they gave a string of wam- 
pum, with the strongest assurance that they would do their 

Soon afterwards another conference was held at the same 
place, as appears from the following minutes : 

.it n Conference held with the Indians, at Mr. George 
Croghan''s, on Thursday the 1th of June, 1750. 

Present — Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary. George Cro- 
ghan, Matthew Dill, Hermanus Alricks, William Trent and 



George Stevenson, Esquires. Andrew Montour, Ca-na-ja- 
cha-nah alias Broken-Kettle, Hatchin-hattu, Ca-dre-dan- 
hin-nut, — chiefs of the Seneca Nation settled in Ohio. 

Ca-na-ja-cha-nah spoke os follows : 

Brethren — 

We have been sent for by Capt. Cressap, and are now 
upon our road, to his house — meeting with settlements of 
white people as"* we came along from Allegheny ,we asked why 
they settled so ftir back, and whether the Six Nations had 
sold that land to Pennsylvania, but received from them no 
satislactory answer. As we came among the inhabitants, 
we were told that the lands were not sold by the Six Na- 
tions, and the Secretary had been turning the white people 
off, and was at Mr. Croghan's, whereupon we came here to 
enquire if this be true, and as we find it is, we return the 
government thanks for their care of our lands. 

We were sent liom Ohio about six years ago to Canada, 
to desire the French to supply us with goods, and they could 
not supply us. When we returned, our council detern ined 
to send a string of wampum to the governor of Pennsylva- 
nia, to desire that the English governor would send their 
traders with goods among us; which string was sent by James 
Lowry, to which we have received no answer : therefore, 
.we present you with this string, to know whether that was 
delivered or an answer ever given to ito 

A String of Wampum. 

Brother — 

The Six Nations come down every year to sell land, 
and we are part of the Six Nations ; live at Allegheny and 
hunt there. They sell land and give us no account of the 
value; therefore, we are sent by the Ohio council to desire 
our brothei, the governor, to recommend it to the Six Na- 
tions, that when any lands shall be sold we may have part of 
the value. 

We are now become a stronger body than when we re- 
ceived the present from our brothers, the governors of Vir- 
ginia and Pennsylvania, and have got many to join us, and 


are become a great body, and desire to be ttiken notice of as 
such, and for this purpose our Nations, by us, present this. 

Belt of Wampum. 

Though we have been sent for by Capt. Cressap, yet, if it 
be to buy lands of us, we shall have nothing to say to that, 
as it has not Ijeen given us in charge by our council ; but, if 
it should be for any thing else, perhaps trade, now we see, 
we would know your opinion about it. 

The Secretary awiwered, 

I am glad 1 happened to be here, and shall consider your 
message, and give you such an answer this afternoon as I 
can ; though, whatever I say, will be only rny private senti- 

In the Afternoon. — Present as before. 
Brethren — 

1 shall give your belt to ihe governor, and faithfully 
relate what was said to me at the delivery of if, and doubt 
not but you will receive his honor's answer in a little time. 

As trade is of a private nature, the Indians — since you ask 
my advice — ought to buy their goods where they can be best 
served. The people of Maryland and Virginia, who deal in 
this trade, may serve you as well as any others from Penn- 
sylvania or elsewhere; and I advise you by all means to go 
to Capt. Cressap, and to cultivate a good understanding with 
every body who can supply you with goods, ior it is equal 
to this government, from whence the Indians are supplied, 
so that there be a good harmony kept up between them and 
the king's subjects. It is no part of my business to give you 
advice, but I cannot help rej)eating to you my sentiments, 
that you do well to trade with the people of Virginia and 
Maryland, as well as with those of Pennsylvania, and give 
to them the preference, if you hnd they treat you better than 
our people. And as I am at the house of an Indian trader, 
I charge you Mr. Montour, to tell them truly what I say, 
and that it will be agreeable to the proprietaries, and this 
government, that the Indians trade wherever they can be 


In a conversation after the conlerence, the Indians desired 
Andrew to relate to me the particidars which passed about 
the invitation ot Cressap: viz: that last tall Earny Currant, 
a hired man of Mr. Parker, brought them a message from 
Cressap, to let them know that he had a quantity oi goods, 
and from the true love that he bore to the Indians, he gave 
them, viz: Seneca George, Broken Kettle and the Stone, an 
invitation to come and see him; that he intendcil to let them 
have the gooils at a low rate — much cheaper than Pennsyl- 
vania traders sold them; and notwithstanding the people ot 
Pennsylvania always told them they were their brethren, and 
had a great value for them, yet this only come fiom their 
mouth, and not trom their heart ; tor they constantly cheated 
them in all their dealings, which Capt. Cressap was very well 
acquainted with; and taking pity of them he intended to use 
them in another maiuier, and mentioned the rates that he and 
Mr. Parker wouKl sell their goods to them at, which is chea- 
per than the first cost, be they any where imported, viz : a 
matchcoat tor a buck, a stroud Ibr a buck and a doe, a pair 
of stockings lor two raccoons, twelve barsot load for a buck, 
and so on in proportion- 

Richard Peters RepojiecU 17o0. 

To .lames Hamilton, Esq., Governor ot Pennsylvania. 
May it please ycmr Honor : 

Mr. Weiser and I having received \our Honor's orders 
to give intormation to the proper magistrates against all such 
as had presiuued to settle on the lands beyond the Kitloch- 
tinny mountains, not purchased of the Indians, in contempt 
of the laws repeatedly siiiuitied by proclamations, ami par- 
ticularly by your honor's last one, ami to bring thtm to a 
legal conviction, lest tor want o( their removal a breach 
should ensue between the Six Nations oi Indians and this 
Province. W e set out on Tuesilav, the loth ot May 1750. 
for the new county of Cumberlaml, where the places on which 
the trespassers had settled lay. 

At Mr. Croghan's we met with t'lve Indians, three irom 
Shamokin, two of which were sons of the late Shickcalamy, 
who transact the business ot the Six Nations with this gov- 
ernment ; two were just arrived from Allegheny, viz: one of 
the Mohock's nation, called Aaron, and Andrew Montour. 



tlie interpreter at Ohio. Mr. Montour telling us he liad a 
inessapje from the; Oliio Indians and Twightwces to this gov- 
erntnent, an<l desiring a conference, one was held on the IHth 
of May last, in the presence of James Tijilhreth, George Cro- 
giian, William Wilson and Hermanns Aliicks, Esqs., justices 
of the county of Cumherland; and when Mr. Montour's bu- 
siness was done, we, witfi the advice of the other justices, 
imparted to the Indians the design we were assembled upon, 
at wliich they expressed great satisfaction. 

Another conference was held, at the instance of the Indi- 
ans, in the presence of Mr. (/albreth and Mr. Croghan, be- 
fore mentioned, wherein they expressed tliernselves as fol- 

liicthren — 

We have thought a great deal of what you imparted to 
us, that ye were come to turn the peojde ofl who aie setjikd 
over the hills; we are pleased to see you on this occasion, 
and as the council of Onondago has this affair exceedingly 
at heart, and it was particularly recommended to us by the 
deputies of the Six Nations, when they parted from us last 
summer, we desire to accoriipany you, but we are afraid, 
notwithstanding the careof the governor, that this may prove 
like many former attempts; the people will be [)ut off now, 
and next year come again; and if so, the Six Nations will 
no longer bear it, but do themselves justice. To prevent this, 
therefore, when you shall have turned the people off, we re- 
commend it to the governor, to place two or three faithful 
j)ersons over the rnoinitaios, who may be agreeable to him 
and us, with commissions, empowering them immediately to 
remove every one who may pr-esume after this, to settle 
themselves, until the Six Nations shall agree to make sale 
of their land. 

To enforce this they gave a string of wampum, and re- 
ceived one in return from the magistrate s, with the strong- 
est assurances that they would do their duty. 

On Tuesday, the 22nd of May, Matthew Dill, Ceorge 
Croghan, Benjamin Chambers, Thomas Wilson, .Jolin Fin- 
ley and James Galbreath, Esqs., justices of the said county 
of Cumberland, attended by the under sherifT, came to Big 
Juniata, situate at the distance of 20 miles from the mouth 
thereof, and about 10 miles north from the Blue Mills, a 



place much esteemed by the Indians for some of their best 
hunting ground ; and there they found five cabins or log 
houses, one possessed by William White, another by George 
Gaboon, another not quite yet finished, in possession of David 
Hiddleston, another possessed by George and Wilhara Gal- 
loway, and another by Andrew Lycon; of these persons, 
William White and George and WilHam Galloway, David 
Hiddleston and George Gaboon appeared before the magis- 
trates, and being asked by what right or authority they had 
possessed themselves of those lands, and erected cabins there- 
on? They replied, by no right or authority, but that the 
land belonged to the proprietaries of Pennsylvania. They 
then were asked, whether they did not know they were act- 
ing against the law, and in contempt of frequent notices giv- 
en them by the governor's proclamation? They said they 
had seen one such proclamation, and had nothing to say for 
themselves, but craved mercy. Hereupon the said William 
White, George and William Galloway, David Hiddleston 
and George Gaboon, being convicted by said justices on their 
view, the under sheriff was charged with them, and he took 
William White, David Iluddleston and George Gaboon into 
custody, but George and William Galloway resisted, and hav- 
ing got at some distance from the under sheriff, they called 
to us: You may take our lands and houses and do what you 
please with them; we deliver them to you with all our hearts, 
but we will not be carried to jail. 

'J'he next morning being Wednesday, the 23rd of May, 
the said justices went to the log house or cabin of Andrew 
Lycon, and finding none there but children, and hearing that 
the father and mother were expected soon, and VVm. White 
and others offering to become security, jointly and severally, 
and to enter mto recognizance, as well for Andrew's appear- 
ance at court, and immediate removal, as for their own; this 
proposal was accepted, and William White, David Huddles- 
ton and George Gaboon, entered into a recognizance of one 
hundred pounds, and executed bonds to the proprietaries in 
the sum of five hundred pounds, reciting, that they were 
trespassers, and had no manner of right, and had delivered 
possession to me for the proprietaries. When the magistrates 
went to the cabin or log house of George and William Gal- 
loway, (which they had delivered up as aforesaid the day 
before, after they were convicted, and were flying from the 


sheriff) all the goods belonging to the said George and Wil- 
liam were taken out, and the cabin being quite empty, I took 
possession thereof for the proprietaries ; and then a confer- 
ence was held, what should be done with the empty cabin ; 
and after great deliberation, all agreed that if some cabins 
were not destroyed, they would tempt the trespassers to re- 
turn again, or encourage others to come there, should these 
trespassers go away; and so what was doing would signify 
nothing, since the possession of them was at such a distance 
from the inhabitants, could not be kept for the propiietaries; 
and Mr. Weiscr also giving it as his opinion, that if all the 
cabins w^ere left standing, the Indians would conceive such 
a contemptible opinion of the government, that they would 
come themselves in the winter, murder the people, and set 
their houses on fire. On these considerations the cabin, by 
my order, was burnt by the under sheriff and company. 

Then the company went to the house possessed by David 
Hiddleston, who had entered into bond as aforesaid, and he 
having voluntarily taken out all the things which were in 
the cabin, and left me in possession, that empty and unfurn- 
ished cabin was likewise set on fire by the under sheriff, by 
my order. 

The next day being the 24th of May, Mr. Weiser and 
Mr. Galbreath, with the under sheriff and myself, on our 
w^ay to the mouth of Juniata, called at Andrew Lycon's, 
with intent only to inform him, that his neighbors were 
bound for his appearance and immediate removal, and to 
caution him not to bring him or them into trouble by a refu- 
sal. But he presented a loaded gun to the magistrates and 
sheriff; said he would shoot the first man that dared to come 
nigher. On this, he was disarmed, convicted, and commit- 
ted to the custody of the sheriff. This whole transaction 
happened in the site of a tribe of Indians, who had by acci- 
dent in the night time fixed their tent on that plantation ; 
and Lycon's behavior giving them great offence, the Shick- 
calamies insisted on our burning the cabin or they would do 
it themselves. Whereupon, every thing was taken out of it 
(Andrew Lycon all the while assisting) and possession be- 
ing delivered to me, the empty cabin was set on lire by the 
under sheriff, and Lycon was carried to jail. 

Mr. Benjamin Chambers and Mr. George Croghan had 
about an hour before separated from us ; and on meeting 

420 ^ APPENDIX. 

them again in Cumberland county, they reported to me they 
had been at Sheerman's creek, or Little Juniata, situate about 
6 miles over the Blue Mountain, and found there James Par- 
ker, Thomas Parker, Owen M'Keib, John M'Clare, Rich' 
ard Kirkpatrick, James Murray, John Scott, Henry Gass, 
John Cowan, Simon Girtee and John Kilough, who had set- 
tled lands and erected cabins or log houses thereon ; and hav- 
ing convicted them of the trespass on their view, they had 
bound them in recognizances of the penalty of one hundred 
pounds, to appear and answer for their trespasses on the first 
day of the next county court of Cumberland, to be held at 
Shippensburgh, and that the said trespassers had likewise 
entered into bonds to the proprietaries in five hundred pounds 
penalty, to remove off immediately, with all their servants, 
cattle and effects, and had delivered possession of their hous- 
es to Mr. George Stevenson for the proprietaries use ; and 
that Mr. Stevenson had ordered some of the meanest of those 
cabins to be set on fire, where the families were not large, 
nor the improvements considerable. 

On Monday the 28th of May we were met at Shippens- 
burgh by Samuel Smith, William Maxwell, George Crog- 
han, Benjamin Chambers, William Allison, William Trent, 
John Fiiiley, John Miller, Hermanns Alricks and James Gal- 
breath, Esqrs., justices of Cumbeiland county, who inform- 
ing us that the people in the Tuscarora Path, in Big Cove, 
and at Aucquick, would submit, Mr. Weiser most earnestly 
pressed that he might be excused any further attendance, 
having abundance of necessary business to do at home ; and 
the other magistrates, though with much reluctance, at last 
consentmg, he left us. 

On Wednesday the 30th of May, the magistrates and com- 
pany, being defamed two days by rain, proceeded over the 
Kittochtinny mountains, and entered into the Tuscarora Path 
or Path Valley, through which the road to Allegheny lies. 
Many settlements were formed in this valley, and all the peo- 
ple weie sent for, and the following persons appeared, viz: 
Abraham Slach, James Blair, Moses Moore, Arthur Dunlap, 
Alexander McCartie, David Lewis, Adam McCartie, Felix 
Doyle, Andrew Dunlap, Robert Wilson, Jacob Pyatt, jr., 
William Ramage, Reynolds Alexander, Robert Baker, John 
Armstrong and John Potts, who were all convicted by their 
own confession to the magistrates, of the like trespasses with 


those at Sheerman's creek, and were bound in the like recog- 
nizances to appear at court, and bonds to the Proprietaries 
to remove with all their famihes, servants, cattle and effects, 
and having voluntarily given possession of their houses to 
me, some ordinary log houses, to the number of eleven, were 
burnt to the ground ; the trespassers most of them cheerful- 
ly and a very few of them with reluctance, carrying out all 
their goods. Some had been deserted before and lay waste. 

At Aucquick, Peter Falconer, Nicholas De Long, Samuel 
Perry and John Charleton, were convicted on the view of 
the magistrates, and having entered into the like recogniz- 
ances and executed the like bonds, Charleton's cabin was 
burnt and fire set to another that was just begun, consisting 
only of a few logs piled and f^istened to one another. 

The like proceedings at Big Cove (now within Bedford 
CO.) against Andrew Donnaldson, John MacClelland, Charles 
Stewart, James Downy, John Macraean, Robert Kendell, 
Samuel Brown, William Shepperd, Roger Murphy, Robert 
Smith, William Dickey, William Millican, Wm. MacCon- 
nell, James Campbell, Wm. Carrell, John Martin, John Ja- 
mison, Hans Patter, John MacCollin, James Wilson and John 
W^ilson; who, coming before the magistrates, were convicted 
on their own confession, of the like trespasses, as in former 
cases, and were all bound over in like recognizances and ex- 
ecuted the like bond to the proprietaries. Three waste cab- 
ins of no value were burnt at the north end of the Cove by 
the persons who claimed a right to them. 

The Little Cove (in Franklin co.) and the Big and Little 
Conolloways, being the only places remaining to be visited, 
as this was on the borders of Maryland, the magistrates de- 
clined going there, and departed for their homes. 

About the year 1740 or 1741 one Frederick Star, a Ger- 
man, with two or three more of his countrymen, made some 
settlements at the above place, where we found Wm. White, 
the Galloways, and Andrew Lycon, on Big Juniata, situ- 
ate at the distance of 20 miles from the mouth thereof, and 
about 10 miles north of the Blue Hills, a place much esteemed 
by the Indians for some of their best hunting ground — which 
(German settlers) were discovered by the Delawares at Sha- 
mokin, to the deputies of the Six Nations, as they came down 
to Philadelphia in the year 1742, to hold a treaty with this 
government ; and they were disturbed at, as to enquire with 



a peculiar warmth of governor Thomas if these people had 
come there by the orders or with the privilege of the govern- 
ment ; alleging that if it was so, this was a breach of the 
treaties subsisting between the Six Nations and the proprie- 
tor, William Penn, who in the most solemn manner engaged 
to them not to suffer any of the people to settle lands till 
they had purchased from the Council of the Six Nations. — 
The governor, as he might with great truth, disowned any 
knowledge of those persons' settlements ; and on the Indians 
insisting that they should be immediately thrown over the 
mountains, he promised to issue his proclamation, and if this 
had no effect, to put the laws in execution against them. The 
Indians in the same treaty publicly expressed very severe 
threats against the inhabitants of Maryland, for settling lands 
for which they had received no satisfaction; and said, if they 
would not do them justice they would do justice to them- 
selves ; and would certainly have committed hostilities, if a 
treaty had not been under foot between Maryland and the 
Six Nations, under the mediation of governor Thomas ; at 
which the Indians consented to sell lands and receive a valu- 
able consideration for them, which put an end to the danger. 

The proprietaries were then in England, but observing, on 
perusing the treaty, with what asperity they had expressed 
themselves against Maryland, and that the Indians had just 
cause to complain of the settlements at Juniata, so near Sha- 
mokin, they wrote to their governor, in very pressing terms, 
to cause those trespassers to be immediately removed ; and 
both the proprietaries and governor laid these commands on 
me to see this done, which I accordingly did in June, 1743; 
the governor having first given them notice by a proclama- 
tion served on them. 

At that time none had presumed to settle at a place called 
the Big Cove — having this name from its being enclosed in 
the form of a basin by the southernmost range of the Kit- 
tochtinny Hills and Tuscarora Hills, which last end here, 
and lose themselves in other hills. This Big Cove is about 
five miles north of the temporary line, and not far west of 
the place where the line terminated. Between the Big Cove 
and the temporary line lies the Little Cove, so called from 
being likewise encircled with hills ; and to the west of the 
Little Cove, towards Potowmec, lie two other places called 
the Big and Little Conollaways, all of them situate on the 



temporary line, and all of them extended toward the Po- 

In the year 1741 or 1742 information was likewise given 
that people were beginning to settle in those places, some 
from Maryland and some from this Province. But as the 
two governments were not then on very good terms, the go- 
vernor did not think proper to take any other notice of these 
settlements, than to sejid the sheriff to serve his proclamation 
on them, though they had ample occasion to lament the vast 
inconveniences which attend unsettled boundaries. After this 
the French war came on, and the people in those parts tak- 
ing advantage of the confusion of the times, by little and lit- 
tle stole into the Great Cove; so that at the end of the war 
it was said thirty families had settled there; not, however, 
without frequent prohibitions on the part of the government, 
and admonitions of the great danger they run of being cut 
off by the Indians, as these settlements were on lands not 
purchased of them. At the close of the war, Mr. Maxwell, 
one of the justices of Lancaster county, delivered a particu- 
lar message from this government to them, ordering their re- 
moval, that they might not occasion a breach with the Indi- 
ans, but it had no effect. 

These were, to the best of my remembrance, all the places 
settled by Pennsylvanians in the unpurchased part of the 
province, till about three years ago, when some persons had 
the presumption to go into Path Valley or Tuscarora Gap, 
lying to the east of the Big Cove, and into a place called 
Aucquick, lying to the northward of it; and likewise into a 
place called Shearman's creek, lying along the waters of Ju- 
niata, and is situate east of the Path Valley, through w'hich 
the present road goes from Harris' Ferry to Allegheny; and 
lastly, they extended their settlements to Big Juniata; the 
Indians all this while repeatedly complaining that their hunt- 
ing ground was every day more and more taken from them ; 
and that there must infidlibly arise quarrels between their 
warriors and these settlers, which would in the end break 
the chain of friendship, and pressing in the most importunate 
terms their speedy removal. The government in 1748 sent 
the sheriff and three magistrates, with Mr. Weiser, into these 
places to warn the people : but they, notwithstanding, con- 
tinued their settlements in opposition to all this ; and as if 
those people were prompted by a desire to make mischief, 



settled lands no better, nay not so good, as many vacant 
lands within the purchased parts of the Province. 

The bulk of these settlements were made during the admi- 
nistration of president Palmer ; and it is well known to your 
honor, though then in England, that his attention to the safe- 
ty of the city and the lower counties, would not permit him 
to extend more care to places so remote. 

Finding such a general submission, except the two Gallo- 
ways and Andrew Lycon, and vainly believing the evil would 
be effectually taken away, there was no kindness in my pow- 
er which I did not do for the offenders ; I gave them money 
where they were poor, and telhng them they might go di- 
rectly on any part of the two millions of acres lately pur- 
chased of the Indians; and where the families were large, 
as I happened to have several of my own plantations vacant, 
I offered them to stay on them rent free, till they could pro- 
vide for themselves : then I told them that if after all this 
lenity and good usage, they would dare to stay after the time 
limited for their departure, no mercy would be shown them, 
hut that they would feel the rigor of the law. 

It may be proper to add, that the cabins or log houses 
which were burnt, were of no considerable value ; being such 
as the country people erect in a day or two, and cost onl) 
the charge of an entertainment. 

Richard Peters. 

July 2d, 1750, 

B.— Page 55. 


Extracts from the Hallische JYachrichten. 

As it is tiie custom of the JYeulaender, or first emigrants, 
to persuade the Germans to quit Europe and immigrate into 
Pennsylvania, promising them great advantages, quite be- 
yond what is true; and when the Germans arrive in Ameri- 
ca, they find themselves wofully disappointed. Their con- 
dition is then the most miserable. Even ministers of the 
gospel have often been deceived by them. The Neulaender 
prevail upon ministers to immigrate to America, so that the 
number of colonists may be increased. 

Neulaender are those, who are too lazy to labor, yet anx- 
ious to become wealthy, and yet for that purpose return again 
to their native country, travelling from one part to the other, 
and prevail upon their German friends to accompany them to 
Pennsylvania; })romising them that their most sanguine ex- 
pectations would be fully realized — that in a few years they 
might accumulate any amount of wealth, and then live like 
lords. All this is represented from sinister motives ; for it 
is a stubborn fiict, that they receive from each captain of a 
vessel a stipulated sum, for each person they induce to take 
a passage at Amsterdam. 

I cannot, says Muhlenberg, let this opportunity pass, with- 
out cautioning all our Germans to beware of this class of 
})ersons. I do not speak of those who return to Germany 
for their fortunes, and invest their money in the purchase of 
goods, and return to America — this kind of traffic is lawful 
and right ; but I am now speaking of the Neulaender, who 
have no inclination to live by their own industry; but who 
depend entirely upon their success in making a fortune by 
persuading the unwary to leave their Fatherland and immi- 
grate to the New World. 

The Neulaender, on their arrival in Holland, enter into 
contracts with the merchants there, on condition that if they 



■will grant them a free passage, with the permission to bring 
with them some merchandize, that they will secure them a 
stipulated number of German emigrants. When these make 
their appearance in Germany, they are generally well dress- 
ed ; a time-piece or watch in the fob, exhibiting now and 
again — all this is done to attract attention and impose on the 
credulous, to induce them also to immigrate to a country, 
affording such great advantages. Besides, in their letters 
from America to their countrymen in Europe, they give such 
flattering accounts of Pennsylvania, that one would readily 
believe, it was in this country that the elysian fields were to 
be found, producing spontaneously what the heart of man 
could desire; and that all the mountains are pure gold and 
unalloyed silver, and all the fountains gushing milk and ho- 
ney. He that goes thither as a servant, will soon be a lord ; 
the handmaid be the mistress of a respectable family ; the 
farmer become a nobleman ; the common mechanic a baron I 

That the rulers are chosen by the people, and at their 
pleasure deposed from office. These representations, adapted 
to the feeling of those desiring worldly prosperity, induced 
numbers to Ibrsake their native country, burdened with hea- 
vy taxes, and extravagant demands upon their personal labor 
to sustain princes in power, and immigrate to America. To 
accomplish theii ends, they make great sacrifice in disposing 
of their effects, or converting their property into money. Af- 
ter paying the just demands against them, if any thing is 
left, they place it into the hands of the Neulaender to pay 
their passage down the Rhine. Arriving in Plolland, they 
take passage there. But before embarking, they have to 
subscribe to a written contract, generally written in English, 
and of course not understood by the Germans; and in almost 
every instance advantages are taken of their ignorance. 

Hundreds of them are crowded into a vessel, and often 
many of them die on the Atlantic. If they have been pa- 
rents and left children, the captains, in such cases, generally 
appoint some Neulaender as guardians or protectors of the 
arphans ; to take possession of their chests and other effects: 
and as soon as the ship lands, these children are sold in ser- 
vice for a number of years, to pay the freightage of them- 
selves and their deceased parents. What goods or effects 
they have had on kept by their guardians or protectors, as 
a recompense for their services rendered the orphans. 


These almost unheard of impositions moved a number of 
benevolent German citizens of Pennsylvania, especially ot 
Philadelphia, to form an association to aid, as far as possible, 
all distressed or indigent German immigrants, on their arri- 
val, — that they would be dealt with according to strict 

As soon as the vessels are freighted in Holland, commen- 
ces the arduous and dangerous voyage. Storms, sea-sick- 
ness, and other unexpected casualties crowd upon the anxi- 
ous passengers. The prospect of soon entering the elysian 
iields, buoys them up. After many days of anxious waiting 
they arrive at Philadelphia; and often when winter is setting 
in. The list of passengers and their written agreements are 
now placed into the hands of some merchants in Philadelphia. 
Formerly, each adul! passenger paid from six to ten Louis 
d'or ; but at present it amounts to from fourteen to seven- 
teen Louis d'or. Before they are allowed to cast in the 
port of Philadelphia, all the passengers have to be examined 
in conformity to the law of the land, to ascertain whether 
any of them are sick or infected by disorder. This done, the 
immigrants are conducted in procession to the City Hall, 
where they have to swear allegiance to the king of Great 
Britain, and are then re-conducted through the medium of 
the press, that German passengers are to be disposed of for 
their freight across the Atlantic. Those, however, who have 
the means to pay their passage, are discharged. Those who 
have rich friends here seek aid from them ; but few such arc 
found. The ship is the place of sale. The purchasers enter 
the vessel, select such as they desire; enter into a contract 
w^ith them as to the length of time of service; then take their 
servants, for such they call them, to the merchant holding the 
contract, and pay the stipulated sum. Tliis done, the ser- 
vants are now bound by a written indenture before some 
magistrate to their master or purchaser. 

Unmarried persons of both sexes are generally first select- 
ed ; and whose condition in life depends much upon the dis- 
position of their masters or purchasers. It is worthy of re- 
mark, that those children who left home without their parents' 
consent, have generally such master that recompense them 
for their self-will, and disobedience toward their parents. 

Aged, married and decrepid persons can scarce obtain raas^ 
ters, because this class of persons is already numerous, and 


have become a public charge. But if they have healthy and 
likely children, in such a case the freight of the parents and 
children are taken together, and the children are obliged to 
serve a longer time, and are sold at an advanced price. They 
are sold to ditfereiit masters, and thus dispersed, perhaps ne- 
ver to see each others faces any more. The aged parents 
are now discharged. In this indigent condition they are 
turned upon society. Many of them have scarce clothing 
to conceal their nudity. In appearance as though they had 
just escaped the grave, they now wander about begging from 
house to house, and are often repulsed when asking a pit- 
tance at the door. 

These things are calculated to elfect the heart. Especially 
if it be borne in mind that they forsook a christian country, 
and their comfortable firesides, for the New World, where 
they now deplore most lamentably their deception. Some 
curse most bitterly the NeuUiender, imprecating the wrath 
of heaven upon the heads of their deceivers. Eut as they 
are not present to hear these imprecations, it effects them not 
at all. And if they were present, the only consolation they 
would give to those whom they deceived, would be that 
which the Pharisees oave Judas Iscariot : What is that to 
us? Mat. 27, 4. 

The children, on reflecting that their situation is none of 
the most agreeable, and their time of servitude has been 
prolonged because of their parents, become impatient and 
obdurate against them on that account. 

The above mentioned association for the relief of the Ger- 
mans, have had numerous apphcations made to them for re- 
lief. The members tiiereof pay every three months a cer- 
tain sum. Tiiey occasionally receive contributions from 
other benevolent persons from the country. With these 
funds they buy bread and other necessaries of life, and dis- 
tribute them among the needy. Notwithstanding iheir ef- 
lorts, the wants of comparatively few are met. They take 
special care of the sick. As occasion demands it, they in- 
terpose when any of them are unjustly dealt with. 

Notwithstanding all this, tiiere are still some of the more 
credulous Germans believe the representations of the Neula- 
ender, and when they arrive here depend wholly upon the 
German association for relief and support. This would be 
impossible, for it would require a fund of many thousand 



l)ounds annually. Failing in their ap])]ications to this asso- 
ciation, they call uj^on the ministers of the gospel for aid ; 
believing that the ministers in this country receive salaries 
equal with those of the Protestant churches of Germany. 
But, alas, wliat can ministers do tor them- They themselves 
are dependant upon the voluntary contributions of the mem- 
bers of their congregations; and these are by no means 
generally in allluent circumstances; consequently cannot af- 
ford to contribute liberally toward the sujiport of their 

C— Page 176. 


The following letters, extracts, &c., are here inserted as 
affording additional facts and incidents, that transpired at 
Shamokin, and that region of country, or having some con- 
nection with this place. 

January the 2d, 1744. 
To Richard Peters. 


I make bold to trouble you again %vith a few lines. The 
occasion of \vhich is, my son came the other day from Vir- 
ginia, w4iere I had sent him after one of my honest debtors ; 
and, by the way he met several Indians of the Six Nation's 
country from the Southern Indians, the Catawbas ; and has 
been told that one of Shikelimy's sons, to wit, Unhappy Jake, 
has been killed by the Catawbas, with five more of the Six 
Nations, in an engagement ; and, as this is a great stroke to 
our friend Shikeliray, who is, for the trust put in him, by the 
council of the Six Nations and our government, worthy to 
be taken notice of, I thought it my indispensable duty to in- 
form you of this, and lay it before the governor, whether or 
no he thinks fit to send to Shikelimy a small present, in 
order to wipe his tears, and comfort his heart ; and enable 
him, by so doing, to stand to his charge aforesaid, which 
would not only be satisfactory to Shikelimy, but very agree- 
able and pleasing to the council of the said nation ; and con- 
sequently some little service done to ourselves. 

His honor, the governor, will be able to judge to whom, 
with my humble respects, I leave the whole, and remain 

Your servant, to command 

Conrad Weiser. 

P. S. It is customary with the Indians, that let what will 
happen, the chiefs or people in trust with them, don't stir to 


do any services or business to the public when they are in 
mourning, till they have, in a manner, a new commission, 
before said, in being fetched out of mourning, and invested 
with newer courage and disposition. 

Lancaster, June 9, 1744. 
To Richard Peters. 


I gave you an account some days ago of a man's coming 
down from John Harris's, and reporting that about one hun- 
dred Indians were there; and that to know the certainty of 
it, the sheriff went up and returned to this" town ; in the 
meantime Conrad VVeiser received the true account from 
Shickalamy, of which he informed me by letter, and also 
that he had sent an express to the governor, viz : that about 
six of the deputies who c'lme from Oneida town were ar- 
rived at Shamokin — that they had all set out about the 18th 
May last, and the body of them were daily expected, and 
as soon as they arrived Conrad was to have notice by a 
special messenger, which I presume he has not yet received. 

The sheriff finding the man's account of the number of 
Indians at Harris's false, and that we must w^ait for an ac- 
count of the arrival of the rest at Shamokin, returned home, 
being promised by you to have timely notice of the day fixed 
by the government for setting out, in order to wait on him. 
Now on Col. Patten's coming to town, he says the Virginia 
gentlemon propose to come up on Monday next. Several of 
our townspeople are informed that you design to set out on 
Monday; and particularly George Honey, who came into 
town just now, says that you told him you should set out on 
Monday, but does not write with certainty. These accounts 
have perplexed me, as I have not received a line from you 
about it, notwithstanding so many opportunities have oflfered. 
And least there should be any mistake about it, or miscar- 
riage of a line, I sent a messenger to know how the gover- 
nor has determined, whether to come up on the first account 
or to await the arrival of a messenger from Conrad Weiser 
— as the sheriff lives thirty miles from town, time must be 
allowed to send him word ; — and you cannot expect that 
either he or I shall take common report of people com- 


ing from town to the Nation. Your friend is not 

I am, sir. 
Your most liumble servant, 

Tho. Cookson. 

P. S. We have no Backgammon Tables nor Long Pipes 
to amuse you. 

September 29th, 1744. 

Tlie day before yesterday I came back from Shohomo- 
kin, where I have been with eight young men of my coun- 
try people whom Shickelimy hired to make a log-house for 
him, and I went with them to direct them; we finished 
the house in seventeen days ; it is about forty-nine and a 
liaif foot long and seventeen and a half wide, and covered 
with shingles. 

Shickelimy informed me that the governor of Canada 
had sent an embassy to Onontago to lament over the death 
of Tocanuwarogon, a chief of the Onontagers who died 
last spring (in whose house I used to lodge) and he let the 
Council of the Six Nations know that tlie French had 
made war against tlic Enghsh, whom they would soon 
I)eat; and as they, the Six Nations, loved tlieir Brothers, 
the English, their father Onontio, desired them to take no 
offence, nor be on either side concerned, but be neutral ; 
and that they should be supplied by the French with pow- 
der, lead and otlier conmiodities at their several trading 
houses as usual and as cheap as before ; and, as the Eng- 
lish traders had men away from Oswego, cowards as they 
are, Onontio would tiike the house of Oswego to himself, 
as his people are the oldest settlers of the northern coun- 
tries, and would supply his children, all the Indians, with 
all sorts of goods very cheap. At the same time, the in- 
terpreter of Albany was at Onontago with a message from 
the commissioners of Indian affairs, who was to desn-e 
the council of the united nations, to take the house at Os- 
wego into their care f'a- a little while, till sufficient force 
could be sent from Albany to defend it. The council gave 
no answer, neirher to the French nor to the commissioner 
aforesaid. Tlie interpreter went to the Siniker country to • 



prevail with that nation for that purpose, but it was not known 
when Jonuhaly (who brought the news) came away from 
Onontago, with what success he met Jonuhaly further told 
ShickeUmy that the council of the united nations had agreed 
to some of their chiefs to Catarockron (Fort Frontinac) to 
let their father Onontio know that his children, the united 
nations, did not approve of his intention to take the house at 
Oswego to himself, which could not be done without blood- 
shed ; and as there were always some of the united nations 
with their brethren, the English, at Oswego, it might proba- 
bly fall out so that some of them would be sprinkled with 
bloDd, which would raise the spirit of revenge. They there- 
fore thought it would be a dangerous uaiertaking of Oaontio, 
and it would also look very mian in their farher, Oaontio, to 
attack the English oa their b.ick, since he made war against 
them, they would advise hina to act more honorably as be- 
cometh a warrior, and g3 round by sea and face theEaglish. 

The deputies have orders not to go farther than to the 
aforesaid place, and deliver the m;ssigi to the governor of 
the place, and returi itnnidiately. 

The chiefs of the Cajukers hive sent word to Shickeliray 
to stay at h:>mi, to be ready whenever they should send to 

French Andrew,-who went to fight the Catawbas, fell sick 
near James' river, in Virginia, anl his company left him un- 
der the care of Pisqueton, one of the company. Andrew got 
well and is now come bick to Shamokin: he told me he 
would comedown with the other two young Indians, who are 
to coma against the time when the Indian, in Philadelphia 
prison, will be tried. 

The fever was amono: the Indians at Shamokin, and has 
carried off five or six while I was here. Olumapies, the Del- 
aware chief, is recovered again of his long sickness. This is 
all at present I thought fit to inform, or rather trouble you 
with, who am 

Sir, your dutiful 

Conrad Weiser. 

N. B. Jonuhaly is a noted warrior of the Onontagers — 
was one of the deputies of that nation at the treaty held at 
Lancaster ; he is gone to war against the Catawbas. Credit 
may be given to his information. 



Tulpehocken, February 10th, 1744-0. 
To the Hon. Gov. George Thomas. 

Honored Sir — 

I received the packet of letters by Mr. Mohlon,with 
the several copies which your Honor was pleased to send to 
me, and as there was a deal of business to be done under a 
great deal of noise at our last court, I could not answer im- 
mediately, but thought necessary to do it home, in hopes that 
your Honor would not take it amiss, considering the weight- 
iness of the affair. 

I shall never be wanting in your Honor's service, what- 
ever may be required of me that tends to the honor of your 
government and the good of the public ; and am very willing 
to undertake a journey to Onontago in the spring, to put the 
finishing hand in behalf of Onas to so good a work ; and I do 
not doubt of my success. If that what is said by the Cataw- 
ba king be no deceit, which I fear it is — my reasons are these: 
the Catawbas are known to be a very proud people and have, 
at several treaties they had with the Cherokees, used high 
expressions, and thought themselves stout warriors for hav- 
ing deceived Garantowano — (the captain of that company 
that was so treacherously killed). I should have been bet- 
ter pleased to see the said king's name with some of his 
countrymen signed to the letter they sent governor Gooch. 

The Catawbas are also known to be an irregular people. 
They have no council The richest or greatest among them 
calls himself a king, with the consent of his brothers, cous- 
ins or wives; and prove often the greatest fool, acts all what 
he does as an arbitrator: the rest don't mind him, and after 
all send him to the grave with a broken head. This is what 
those that were prisoners among them all agree. 

If that one article is true with them, that they will own 
that they treacherously murdered Garantowano and some of 
his men, a peace no doubt will be made between those poor 

I shall soon go up to Shamokin to see Shickelimy, and 
shall then have an opportunity to talk a great deal with 
Shickelimy; and if he seems inclined for peace, I will let him 
know of Gov. Gooch's request to your Honor, otherwise not; 
and will, on my return from Shamokin, wait upon your Ho- 
nor to receive the necessary instructions. 


I should be well pleased if the Six Nations ■would make 
Williamsburgh the place of Congress; but question very much 
whether they will not think of giving up too much, or sub- 
mit too much to the Catawbas. They, the Six Nations, 
will refuse at once, and therefore that point must be given 
up. Your Honor said enough to Gov. Gooch about that in 
the letter. As for a third place, I shall be more able to give 
my sentiments about when I return from Shamokin. 

I shall hardly meet any Frenchmen in Onontago, but a 
messenger or two, perhaps, which cannot hurt me ; and if 
there are more, I think they will have more to fear from me, 
than I from them. The council of the Six Nations have 
always looked upon me as their friend, and one of their own 
nation. It will be dangerous for a few Frenchmen to meddle 
with me amongst the Indians: they will soon find their mis- 
take. I have a great deal more to fear from the family Haines 
in my absence; they are worse than the French or Indians, 
and I do not know yet my wife and children will be so far 
out of fear that I can leave them. The Haines (Heans) have 
still more friends than they had twenty years, otherwise not 
one soul of the family would in these days be in the province, 
or if they had had their due, they would have been out of the 
world. I do not know how to do, the whole neighborhood 
is afraid of them; and the many felonies they have commit- 
ted, and hitherto escaped punishment, will be sufficient cause 
for several good families to move to some other places. I 
did expect at least that they would all be bound to stay at 
their own houses, in time of night, and behave well in all re- 
spects ; but I find their time is not yet come. I shall not 
trouble you any longer about that family in this letter; but 
am in hopes when I shall have an opportunity to wait upon 
your Honor, I shall be heard somewhat further. 

As for the time to set out for Onontago, I think it almost 
impracticable before the middle of May, because of the creeks, 
and food in the woods for the horses, and the Southern In- 
dians cannot expect an answer in their own towns till the 
latter end of August next. If every thing goes well I should 
have liked it much better if they had sent two or three old 
men as deputies -. I should have travelled with them to the 
Mohawk country by the way of Albany, and having got the 
opinion of the council ot the Mohawks, I would have acted 

436 APIpNDIX. 

accordingly, without any danger to the Catawbas. I intend 
to go round by way of Albany now if I go. 
I have nothing more to mention, but am, 

Your obedient and dutiful 

Conrad Weiser. 

In the early part of 1747, Conrad Weiser, the Provincial 
Interpreter and Indian Agent, was sent to Shamokin, to de- 
liver a Message to the Indians. While on his way to this 
place, they met him at Mr. Chambeis's, now McAllister's, 
where he delivered the following Message : 

Memorandum of the Message delivered to the Indians of 
Shamokin, at the house of Joseph Chambers, in Poxton, 
hy Conrad Weiser. 

There were present — Shickelimy, Taghneghdorus, Canai- 
darogan, Scaienties, (a man of note among the Cayjukers). 

Brethren — 

You that live at Zinachfon, (Shamokin,) I am sent 
io you by your brethren, the Piesident and his council of 
Philadelphia, to pay you a visit, and to acquaint you of what 
passes among the white people, also to infoim myself how 
you do, and what passes among the Indians in these critical 

Gave a String of Wampum. 

Brethren — 

In the first place I am to acquaint you that your friend 
and countryman, John Penn, the eldest son of Great Onas, 
died last winter in England, on his bed, and with a content- 
ed mind, and as his death must needs aflect you, as it did us, 
being you are sensible he always has been a true friend to 
the Indians, I give you these handkerchiefs to wipe off your 

Gave twelve handkerchiefs. 

Brethren — 

I also inform you that your brother, Gov. Thomas, has 
left us and is gone to England ; not out of any dl will or dis- 


gust, but for the sake of his health ; he has been ill ever since 
the treaty of Lancaster. The doctors of this country could 
do no good to him. He is in hopes that the air of his native 
country, and the assistance of some skilful doctor there will 
give hira ease; he went away a good friend of the people of 
Pennsylvania, and of his brethren the Indians, and will do 
them what service he can when in England. 

Laid a String of Wampum. 

Brethren — 

Nothwithstanding the governor is gone, the same cor- 
respondence will be kept up with all the Indians, by the 
Presitlent and council of Philadelphia : they resume the same 
power with their Piesident as if the governor were here; and 
the body of the people heartily join them to keep up a good 
correspondence with all the Indians. According to the trea- 
ties of friendship subsisting between us, your old and assured 
friend, James Logan, is also in being yet, although he laid 
aside all public business as to the white people: in Indian 
afi'airs he assists the council, and will not lay that aside as 
long as he is alive and able to advise. 

In confirmation thereof, I laid a String of Wampum. 

Brethren — 

There was a trunk found in one of the rooms where / 

vour friend John Penn used to lodge wlien in Philadelphia, | 

with some clothes in it, and as he has been gone for several / 

years, and the clothes were not spoiled, your friend, the Sec- 
retary, changed them for new ones, and sent them up to me 1 
to give to the Indians at Zinachson, (Shamokin,) to wear 
them out in remembrance of their good friend and country- 
man, John Penn, deceased. 

Gave ten strowd maich coats and twelve shirts. 

Brethren — 

I have at present no more to say. 
January the 17th, 1747. 

After about fifteen minutes Shickelimy made answer — di- 
rected his discourse to the President and council of Philadel- 
phia, and said : 



Brethren — 

We thank you for this kind visit : we longed to hear of 
you, and to inform ourselves of the truth of things reported 
among us. Some few of us intended a visit to Philadelphia 
this summer for that purpose : we are pleased with what has 
been said ; and will give you a true account this day of all 
what passes among the Indians. 

We then broke up for about an hour. 

Then Shickelimy informed me in the presence of the others 
before mentioned, that in ihe beginning of last spring, some 
of the Zistagechroann came to treat at Oswego, with a mes- 
sage from their whole nation, joined by the rest of the Indi- 
ans about the lakes of Canada, to the Six United Nations — 
to the following purport, viz : 

Brethren — 

The United Nations — We have hitherto been kept like 
prisoners on the other side of the Lake: Onontio, our father, 
told us that if we should treat with the English, he could 
look upon it as a breach of the peace with him. Now we 
come to let you know that we will no more be stopped from 
treating with your brethren, the English. W e will join with 
you to support the house of Oswego, when the goods that 
the Indians want are so plenty — all the Indians about the 
Lakes will join, and if need, take up the hatchet against our 
foolish father (the French) Onontio, whenever you require 
it : his goods are very dear, and he is turned malicious ; be- 
cause he sees our women and children clothed fine in English 
cloths bought at Oswego. \^'e have already let him know- 
that we want no more of his advice, as we did formerly, 
when we were young ; but that we became now men, and 
would think for ourselves, so let the consequence be what it 
will. In confirmation of the above speech, the said deputies 
laid several fine tobacco pipes, adorned with wampum and 
line feathers. 

They bad an agreeable answ-er from the Six Nations coun- 
cil. The Six Nations have received messages from other 
nations to the same purport, all promising to engage in favor 
of the Six Nations and the House of Oswego. 

Note. — The Zistagechroann are a numerous nation to the 


north of the Lake Frontenac; they don't come by Niagara 
in their way to Oswego, but right across the Lake. 

Shickehmy told me further that of late a council was held at 
Onondago, by the Six Nations, in which it was agreed to 
send a message to Canada, of the last importance; and that 
also a message was sent to Albany to desire their brethren, 
the English, to tie their canoes or batteaux for a few days 
to the bushes, and not to proceed in their expedition against 
Canada, till their messengers came back from Canada, which 
would clear otF the clouds, and the United Nations would 
then see what was to be done. 

Scaienties infoims me that a few days before he came away 
from Cayiuckquor (which was about the 20th day of May 
last) a message arrived at the Cayjucker country, and the 
Senickers, from the commanding officer at the French Fort 
of Niagara, inviting those two nations to come and pay him 
a visit, and to receive a fine present which their lather Onon- 
tio had sent those two nations. He having understood that 
the large presents he had made to the Six Nations from time 
to time were withheld by the Onondagoes and Mohocks, of 
whom he had been informed that they are corrupted by the 
English, by which, and what they had received from Onon- 
tio they had enriched themselves, and cheated the other na- 
tions in union with them. 

That some of the two nations were actually gone to Nia- 
gara to receive the presents, and weie set out the same day 
when Scaienties came away. 

War against the French, in Canada, was not declared by 
the Six Nations when Scaienties came away, and as yet un- 
certain when it would be done, at least not before the arrival 
of their messenger, and perhaps not this summer. The Sin- 
ickers and Cayiuckersare against it ; the Mohocks are for 
it very much ; the Onontagers have declared in open coun- 
cil last spring never to leave the Mohocks, their eldest bro- 
ther and founder of the Union — The Oneiders and Tuscairo- 
ras will follow the Onontagers example. 

This is what Shickelimy assures not to be true. 

The Mohocks engaged themselves in the war against the 
French, on their own accord, without the approbation of the 
Six Nations council, they having been over-persuaded by 
their brethren, some of the white people at Albany, and by 
the force of presents prevailed upon the council of the Six 


Nations, does not altogether like it, but think it too rashly 
of the Mohocks. 

Shickelimy and Scaienties wonder at the dexterity of the 
French to have intelligence of the declaration of the Onon- 
tagoes in council, and so soon had piesents at Niagara, and 
a message in the Sinickers country ; but both say, the Six 
Nations will after all stick together, notwithstanding the 
presents received from the French. 

The five French traders that were killed on the south side 
of Lake Erie, have been killed by some of the Six Nations, 
(then called Accquanushioony, the name which the Six Na- 
tions give their people, signifies a Confederate). Another 
Frencli trader has since been killed in a private quarrel with 
one of the Jonontatochraanu, likewise between the river 
Ohio and the Lake Erie. The Frenchman offered but one 
charge of powder and one bullet for a beaver skin to the 
Indian, the Indian took up his hatchet and knocked the 
Frenchman on his head, and killed him on the spot. 

This is all the news that can be depended on : several more 
stories I heard not worth while to trouble the council with, 
as there was no confirmation of them. 

Conrad Weiser. 

The above report was read in council July 9, 1747. — 
[Provincial Records. 

'J'ulpehocken, October 15, 1747. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary of the Province of Penn- 

On the 6th of this instant I set out for Shamokin, by the 
way of Paxtang, because the weather was bad : I arrived at 
Shamokin on the 9th, about noon- I was surpiised to see 
Shikalimy in such a miserable condition as ever my eyes be- 
held ; he was hardly able to stretch forth his hand to bid me 
welcome: in the same condition was his wife; his three sons 
not quite so bad, but very poorly; also one of his daughters, 
and two or three of his grand-children, all had the fever. 
There were three buried out of the family a few days before, 
viz : Cajadies, Shikalimy's son-in-law, who had been mar- 
ried to his daughter above fifteen years ago, and reckoned 
the best hunter among all the Indians ; — his eldest son's wife 



and grandchild. Next morning 1 administered the medicine 
to Shikaliray and one ot hig sons, under ihe direction of Dr. 
Graeme, which had a very good effect upon both. Next 
morning I gave the same medicine to two more; who would 
not venture at first — it had the same effect ; and the four 
persons thought themselves as good as recovered : but above 
all, Shikaliray was able to walk about with me, with a stick 
in his hand, befoie I left Shamokin, which was on the 12th 

As to what passes among the Indians, the Six Nations 
(except the Mohawks) have not yet declared war against the 
French. Some of their chiefs are now in Canada ; but for 
what reason is not known. It is generally believed by the 
Indians that they are about biinging over the French Pray- 
ing Indians to the Five Nations country, or put a stop to 
their war against the English. Shikalimy says if they miss 
in their schemes, war will then be declared against the 
French. Some of the Sinikers young men have followed the 
example of the Mohawks, and went to war against the 
French, and five of their company killed by the French. The 
young people of the Six Nations are inclined to fight the 

Shikalimy told me further, that the Governor of Canada 
has sent a messasre to all the Indians about the Lakes, and 
desired them to take up his hatchet and fight the English ; 
that two of the Nations had accepted it, but Shikalimy does 
not know which two— all the rest of the Six Nations refused 
it at once. 

The Zisgechroonu, or Jonontadyhagas (Wyandot Indian) 
or both jointly, have sent a large black belt of wampum to 
all the Delaware and Shawanese Indians living on the rivers 
Ohio and Susquehanna, to invite them into the war against 
the French. The Belt came to Shamokin with the said 
message. Shikalimy saw the belt, but the Delaware Indians 
that brought it could not remember which of the above named 
two Nations (or whether jointly) had sent it. That one hun- 
dred men of the Delawares were actually gone to meet the 
Johontadyhagas about Deoghsaghronty, where seventy or 
eighty of the Six Nations living at Canoyinhagy were also 
expected. They intended to cut off a French settlement to 
the south of Lake Erie. 

Another black belt of wampum was sent by the aforesaid 



Indians to the Six Nations, to the same purpose. Shikalimy 
said that himself and the Indians about Shamokin keep their 
ears open to the said Nations, and they will act according 
as the Six Nations act. 

Whilst I was at Shamokin, fourteen warriors came down 
from Diagon, about one hundred and fifty miles above Sha- 
mokin, to go to war against the Catawbas. 

On my return, about three miles this side Shamokin, I met 
eleven Onontagers coming from war : they, with some of the 
Cajukers, in all twenty-five men, had an engagement with 
the Catawbas, in which five of the Cajukers were killed. The 
Onontagejs said the Catawbas were two hundred men. I 
sat down and smoked a pipe with them. I had some tobacco 
and a little rum left, with which I treated them; and we dis- 
coursed about the wars. Their captain was a very intelli- 
gible man. I told him, before we parted, that we, their breth-" 
ren of Pennsylvania, long to hear of the Six Nations, how 
things go concerning the war with the French, whether or 
no they had engaged in it ; that if they had, we were desir- 
ous our brethren, the Council of Onontago, would let us 
know. If they had not, we had nothing to say to them; well 
knowing that our brethren, the Six Nations, w^ere people of 
understanding and experienced in the war: we, therefore, 
leave that entirely with them; only, we wanted now and then 
to receive a message from them in these critical times, and to 
hear of their welfare. I gave the captain a piece of eight, 
to remember what has been said to the council at Onontago. 

In my going up, I saw a French scalp at the house of 
Thomas McKee ; some Indians from Ohio had brought it 
there. Thomas McKee was gone to Philadelphia. I left it 
where it was. The same day I met the Indian that brought 
it theie. He desired me to take it to the governor in Phil- 
adelphia, since Thomas McKee was not at home, who was 
desired to do it — and he pressed very hard upon me to re- 
ceive the scalp for the government of Pennsylvania, in whose 
favor the scalp was taken ; and at the government of Penn- 
sylvania's request the Indians of Canayiahagon had taken up 
the hatchet against the French ; and that I was the fittest 
man to receive it. I told him that I had been concerned in 
Indian affairs these many years, but I never knew that the 
government of Pennsylvania had given the hatchet, or em- 
ployed any body to kill Frenchmen, and that I was sensible 


the government had never requested the Indians at Canay- 
iahagon to kill Frenchmen ; and, therefore, I could not re- 
ceive the scalp; and as I was well informed that this scalp 
had been taken in time of peace, I could in no wise receive 
it — all white people would look upon such actions with con- 
tempt : and, as ray commission for the transaction of Indian 
affairs did not extend to Ohio or Canayiahagon, but reached 
only to the Six Nations, I must leave that affair to those that 
had correspondents that way to inform government of it, and 
receive an answer. I hoped he would excuse me; and so 
we parted. 

I must, at the conclusion of this, recommend Shikalimy as 
a proper object of charity. He is extremely poor — in his 
sickness the horses have eaten his corn : his clothes he gave 
to Indian Doctors to cure him and his family — but all in 
vain. He has nobody to hunt for him ; and I cannot see 
how the poor old man can live. He has been a true ser- 
vant to the government, and may perhaps still be, if he 
lives to do well again. As the winter is coming on, I think 
it would not be amiss to send a few blankets or match- 
coats, and a little powder and lead. If the government 
would be pleased to do it, and you could send it soon, I 
would send my sons with it to Shamokin before the cold 
weather comes.* 

Olaraipies is dead — Lapaghnitton is allowed to be the fit- 
test to succeed him ; but he declines ; he is afraid he will 
be envied, an! consequently bewitched by some of the Indi- 
ans. However, this must lie still till next Spring, according 
to what Shikalimy says. 

It is ray humble opinion that the present intended for 
the Indians on the river Ohio, should be larger. If that 
what George Croghan is to take with hira is intended for 
the Indians at Canayiahagon, the Indians at Ohio, our 
much nearer neighbors should not be passed over without 

I arrived this day about 12 o'clock at my house in good 

* In the early part of Nov. 1747, the following goods were brought 
for Shikalamy : 

5 sirowd match coats at £7 ; i cask of gunpowder, £2 15; | cut 
bar of lead, £1 ; 15 yards of blue half thicks, £2 7 6; 1 dozen best 
buck-hetted knives, 9 shillings; 4 Duffell match coats, £3 ; amounting 
to £16, 11, 6. 



health, and I hope this will find in perfect health and pro- 
found peace of mind, who am, 

Your ever dutiful servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 

Account of the dreadful devastation of Wyoming settleme7its 
in July, 1778. From Gordon's History of the Ameri- 
can War. 

So early as the 8th of February, 1778, General Schuyler 
wrote to Congress — " There is too much reason to beheve 
that an expedition will be formed (by the Indians) against 
the western frontiers of this State (New-York) Virginia 
and PennsyWania." The next month he informed them 
— "A number of Mohawks, and many of the Onondagoes, 
Cayugas, and Sencccas, will commence hostilities against 
us as soon as U\ey can ; it would be prudent therefore 
early to take measures to carry tlie war into their coun- 
try ; it would require no greater body of troops to destroy 
then- towns than to protect the frontier inhabitants." No 
effectual measures being taken to repress the hostile spirit 
of the Indians, numbers joined the tory refugees, and with 
these commenced their horrid depredations and hostilities 
upon the back settlers, being headed by Colonel Butler, 
and Brandt, an half blooded Indian, of desperate courage, 
ferocious and cruel beyond example. Their expeditions were 
carried on to great advantage, by the exact knowledge 
which the refugees possessed of every object of their enter- 
prise, and the immediate nitelligence they received from 
their friends on the spot. The weight of their hostilities 
fell upon the fine, new and flourishing settlements of Wy- 
oming, situated on the eastern branch of the Sus(|uehanna, 
in a most beautiful country aed delightful climate. It ^as 
settled and cultivated with great ardor by a number of peo- 
ple from Connecticut, which claimed the territory as included 
in its original grant from Charles II. The settlement con- 
sisted of eight townships, each five miles square, beautifully 


placed on each side of the river. It had increased so by a 
rapid population, that the settlers sent a thousand men to 
serve in the continental arm}'. To provide against the dan- 
gers of their remote situation, four forts were erected to co- 
ver them from the irruptions of the Indians. But it was their 
unhappiness, to have a considerable m'xture of royalists 
among them; and the two parties were actuated by senti- 
ments of the most violent animosity, which was not confined 
to particular families or places; but creeping within the roofs 
and to the iiearths and floors, where it was least to be ex- 
pected, served equally to poison the sources of domestic se- 
curity and happiness, and to cancel the laws of nature and 

They had frequent and timely warnings of the danger to 
which they were exposed by sending their best men to so 
great a distance Their quiet had been very frequently 
interrupted by the Indians, joined by marauding parties of 
their own countrymen, in the preceding year; and it was 
only by a vigorous opposition, in a course of successful skir- 
mishes, that they had been driven otf. Several tories, and 
others not befo'e suspected, had then and since abandoned 
the settlement ; and beside a perfect knowledge of all their 
particular circumstances, carried along with them such a stock 
of private resentment, as could not fail of directing the fury, 
and even giving an edge to the cruelty of their Indian and 
other inveterate enemies. An unusual number of strangers 
had come among them under various pretences, whose be- 
haviour became so suspicious, thot upon being taken up and 
examined, such evidence appeared against several of them, 
of their acting in concert with the enemy, on a scheme for 
the destruction of the settlements, that about twenty were 
sent off to Connecticut to be there imprisoned and tried for 
their lives, wliile the remainder were expelled. These 
measures excited the rage of the tories in general to the 
most extreme degree; and the threats formt^rly denounced 
against the settlers, were now renewed witb aggravated 

As the time approached for the hnal catastrophe, the In- 
dians practised unusual treachery. For several weeks pre- 
vious to the intended attack, they repeatedly sent small 
parties to the settlements, charged with the professions of 
friendship. These parties, besides attempting to lull the 



people in security, answered the purposes of communi- 
nicating with their friends, and of observing the present 
state of affairs. The settlers, however, were not insensible 
to the danger. They had taken the alarm, and colonel Ze- 
bulen Butler had several times written letters to congress 
and general Washington, acquainting them with the danger 
the settlement was in, and requesting assistance ; but the 
letters were never received, having been intercepted by the 
Pennsylvania tories. A little before the main attack, some 
small parties made sudden irruptions, and committed sever- 
al robberies and murders ; and from ignorance or a contempt 
of all ties whatever, massacred the wife and five children 
of one of the persons sent for trial to Connecticut, in their 
own cause. 

At length, in the beginning of July, the enemy suddenly 
appeared in full force on the Susquehanna, headed by colo- 
nel John Butler, a Connecticut tory, and cousin to colonel 
Zebulon Butler, the second in conmiand in the settlement. 
He was assisted by most ot those leaders, who had render- 
ed themselves terrible in the present frontier war. Their 
force was about 1600 men, near a fourth Indians, led by 
their own chiefs; the others were so disguised and painted, 
as not to be distinguished from the Indians, excepting their 
officers, who, being dressed in regimentals, carried ihe ap- 
pearance of regulars. One of the smaller forts, garrisoned 
chiefly by tories, was given up or rather betrayed. Anoth- 
er was taken by storm, and all but the women and children 
massacred in the most inhuman manner. 

Colonol Zebulon Butler, leaving a small number to guard 
fort Wilkesborough, crossed the river with about 400 men, 
and marched into Kingston fort, whither tlie women, chil- 
dren, and defenceless of all sorts crowded for protection. — 
He suffered himself to be enticed by his cousin to abandon 
the fortress. He agreed to march out, and hold a conference 
with the enemy in the open field (at so great a distance from 
the fort, as to shut out all possible protection from it) upon 
their withdrawing, according to their own proposal, in or- 
der to the holding of a parley, for the conclusion of a treaty. 
He at the same time marched out about 400 men, well 
armed, being nearly the whole strength of the garrison, to 
guard his person to the place of parley, such was his dis- 
trust of the enemy's designs. On his arrival he found no- 


body to treat with, and yet advanced toward the foot of the 
mountain, where at a distance he saw a flag, tlie holders of 
which seemingly afraid of treachery on his side, retired as 
he advanced ; whilst he, endeavoring to remove this preten- 
ded ill-irapression, pursued the flag, till his party was thor- 
ougly enclosed, when he was suddenly freed from his delu- 
sion, by finding it attacked at once on every side. He and 
his men, notwithstanding the surprise and danger, fought 
with resolution and bravery, and kept up so continuf^l and 
heavy a fire for three quarters of an hour, that they seemed 
to gain a marked suj^eriority. In this critical moment a sol- 
dier through a sudden impulse of fear, cried out aloud — 
" the colonel has ordered a retreat." The fate of tlie party 
was now at once determined. In the state ot confusion that 
ensued, an unresisted slaughter cominented, while the ene- 
my broke in on all sides without obstruction. Colonel Ze- 
hulon Butler, and about seventy of his men escaped ; the 
latter got across the river to fort Wilkesborough, the colon- 
el made his way to fort Kingston which was invested the 
next flay on tlie land side. The enemy, to sadden the droop- 
ing spirits of the weak remaining garrison, sent in for their 
contemplati^'ii, the bloody scalps of a hundred and ninety-six 
of their late friends and comrades. They kept up a contin- 
ual fire upon the fort tlie whole day. In the evening the 
colonel quitted the fort and went down the river with his 
family. He is thought to be the only officer that escaped. 
Colonel Nathan Dennison, who succeeded to the command, 
:^eeing the impossibility of an effectual defence, went with 
a flag to colonel John Butler, to know what terms he would 
grant on a surrender: to which application Butler answered 
with more than savage phlegm in two short words — tlie 
hatchet' Dennison having defiended the fort, till most of 
the garrison were killed or disabled, was compelled to sur- 
render nt discretion. Some of the unhappy persons in the 
i'ort were carried awn y alive ; but the barbarous conquer- 
ors, to save the trouble of murder in detail, shut up the rest 
]iromiscuoup|y in the houses and barracks; which having 
set on fire, they enjoyed the savage pleasure of beholding 
the whole consumed in one general blaze. 
' They then crossed the river to the only remaining fort, 
Wilkesborough, which, in hopes of mercy, surrendered with- 
out demanding any conditions. They found about seventy 


continental soldiers, who had been engaged rceiely for the 
defence of the frontiers, whom they butcheied with every 
circumstance of lioirid cruelty. 1'he remainder of the men, 
with the women and children, were shut upas before in the 
houses, which being set on tire, they perished together in 
the flames. 

A general scene of devastation was now spread through 
all the townships. Fire, sword, and the other different in- 
struments of destruction alternately triumphed. The settle- 
ments of the tories alone generally escaped, and appeared 
as islands in the midst of the surrounding ruin. The merci- 
less ravagers having destroyed the main object of thcii cru- 
elty, directed their animosity to eveiy part of living nature 
lielonging to them; shot and destroyed seme of their cattle, 
and cut out the tongues of others, leaving them still alive to 
prolong their agonies. 

The following are a few of the more singular circumstan- 
ces of the barbarity practised in the attack i pon Wyoming. 
Captain Bedlock, who had been taken prisoner, being strip- 
peel naked, had his body stuck full of splinters of pine knots, 
and then a heap of pine knots piled aiound him ; the whole 
was then set on fire, and his two companions, captain Ran- 
sy and Durgee, thrown alive into the flames and held dow^n 
with pitch-forks. The returned tories who had at different 
times abandoned the settlement in oider to join in those sav- 
age expeditions, were the most distinguished for their cruel- 
ty : in this they resembled the tories that joined the British 
forces. One of these Wyoming tories, whose mother had 
married a second husbanJ, butchered with his own hands, 
both her, his father-in-law, his own sister and their infant 
children. Another, who during his absence had sent home 
several threats against the life of his father, now not only 
realized them in person, but was himself, with his own 
hands, the exterminator of his whole family, mothei, broth- 
ers and sisters, and mingled their blood in one common car- 
nage, with that of the ancient husband and father. The 
broken parts and scattered relics of families consisting most- 
ly of women and children, who had escaped to the woods 
during the different scenes of this devastation, suffieied little 
less than their friends, who had perished in the ruin of their 
houses. Dispersed and wandering in the forests, as chance 


and fear directed, without provision or covering, and many 
without doubt perished in the woods. 

In October, 1744, the Rev. David Brainerd, accompanied 
by the Rev. Byram, two chief Indians from the forks of the 
Delaware, and his interpreter, visited the Indians on the Sus- 
quehanna. " We went," says Brainerd, "on our way into 
the wi'derness, and found the most difficult and dangerous 
travelling, by far, that ever any of us had seen. We had 
scarce any thing else but lofty mountains, deep valleys and 
hideous rocks, to make our way through. Near night, my 
beast, on which I rode, hung one of her legs in the rocks, 
and fell down under me; but through divine goodness I was 
not hurt. However, she broke her leg; and being such a 
hideous place, and near thirty miles from my house, I saw 
nothing that could be done to preserve her life, and so was 
obliged to kill her, and to prosecute my journey on foot. This 
accident made me admire the divine goodness to me, that ray 
bones were not broken. Just at tiark, we kindled a fire, cut 
!jp a few bushes, and made a shelter over our heads, to save 
us from the frost, which was very hard that night." This 
was Oct. 1st. 

" October 5th, we reached the Susquehanna river, at a 
place called Opeholhaupung, and found there twelve Indian 
houses. After I had saluted the king in a friendly manner, 
I told him my business, and that my desire was to teach them 

"After some consultation, the Indians gathered, and I 
preached to them. And when I had done, 1 asked if they 
would hear me again. They replied, that they would con- 
sider of it ; and soon after sent me word, that they would im- 
mediately attend, if I would preach; which I did, with free- 
dom, both times. When I asked them again, whether they 
would hear me further, they repJie<i they would the next 

" October 6th, near noon, preached again to the Indians ; 
and in the afternoon visited them from house to house, and 
invited them to come and hear me again the next day, and 
put ofT their hunting design, which they were just entering 
upon, till next Monday. 

" October 8. Visited the Indians with a design to take 
ray leave of them, supposing they would this morning go out 
to hunting early; but, beyond my expectation and hope, they 


desired to hear me preach again. I gladly complied with 
their request, and afterwards endeavored to answer their ob- 
jections against Christianity. Then they went away; and we 
spent the rest of the afteinoon in reading and prayer, intend- 
ing to go homeward early next morning." 

In a subsequent part of his journal, Brainerd says, "there 
were as nigh as I could learn at Ojiehalhaupung, about 70 
souls, old and young, belonging to them. The men, 1 think 
universally, except one, attended the preaching. Only the 
women, supposing the aflair to be of a public nature, belong- 
ing only to the men, and not what every individual person 
should concern himself with, could not readily be persuaded 
to come and hear; but after much pains used with them for 
that purpose, some few ventured to come and stand at a 

in the autumn of the same year, he again visited the In- 
dians on the Susquehanna. 

" Sept 13. After having lodged out three nights, I arrived 
at the Indian town on the Susquehanna, called Siiaumoking; 
one of the places, and the largest of them, which I visited in 
May last. I was kindly received and entertained by the In- 
dians ; but had little satisfaction, by reason of the heathen- 
ish dance and revel they then held in the liouse where I was 
obliged to lodge; which I could not suppress, though I often 
entreated theni to desist, for the sake of one of their own 
friends who was then sick in the house, and whose disorder 
was much aggravated by the noise." 

On the 17th he left Siiaumoking, about noon, and travel- 
led down the river southward. On the 19th, he writes — 
"Visited an Indian town called Juneauta, situated on nn isl- 
and (Duncan's) in the Susquehanna, Was much discouraged 
with the temper and behavior of the Indians here; although 
they appeared friendly when I was with them the last spring, 
and then gave me encouragement to come and see them again. 
But they now seemed resolved to retain their pagan notions, 
and persist in their idolatrous practices. 

" Sept 20. Visited the Indians again at Juneauta island, 
and found them almost universally very busy in making pre- 
parations lor a great sacrifice and dance, I had no oppor- 
tunity to get them together, in order to discourse with them 
about Christianity, by reason of their being so much engaged 
about their sacrifice. My spirits were much sunk with a 


prospect so very discouraging ; and especially seeing I had 
this day no interpreter but a pagan, who was as much at- 
tached to idolatry as any of them, and who could neither 
speak nor understand the language of those Indians: so that 
I was under the greatest disadvantages imaginable. How- 
ever, I atteiijptfd to discourse privately with some of them, 
hut without any appearances of success ; notwithstanding, I 
still tarried with them. 

"In the evening they met together, nearly 100 of them, and 
danced around a large fire, having prepared ten fat deer for 
the sacrifice. The fat of th*^ inwards they burnt in the fire 
while they were dancing, which sometimes raised the flame 
to a prodigious height ; at the same time yelling and shout- 
ing in such a manner that they luight easily have been heard 
two miles or more. They continued their sacred dance near- 
ly ail night, alter which they ate the flesh of the sacrifice, 
and so retired each one to his own lodging. 

"I enjoyed little satisfaction; being entirely alone on the 
island, as to any Christian company, and in the midst of this 
idolatrous revel ; and having walked to and fro till body 
and mind were pained and much oppressed, I at length crept 
into a little crib made for corn, and there slept on the poles. 

^^ Lord's cfo/y, Sept. 21 — Spent the day with the Indians on 
the island. As soon as they were well up in the morning I 
attempted to instruct them, and laboured for that purpose to 
get them together ; but soon found tliey had something else 
to do ; for near noon they gathered together all their powaws, 
or conjurers, and set about half a dozen of them playing 
their jungling tricks, and acting their frantic, distracted pos- 
tures, in order to find out why they were then so sickly upon 
the island, numbers of them being at that time disordered 
with a fever and bloody flux. In this exercise they were 
engaged for several hours, making all the wild, ridiculous, 
and distracted motions imaginable, sometimes singing, some- 
times howling, sometimes extending their hands to the ut- 
most stretch, and spreading all their fingers; they seem to 
push with them as if they designed to push something away, 
or at least keep it off at arm's end ; sometimes stroking their 
faces with their hands, then spurting water as fine as mist : 
sometimes sitting flat on the earth, then bowing down their 
faces to the ground ; then wringing their sides as if in 


pain and anguish, twisting their faces, turning up their eyes, 
grunting, puffing, &c. 

"Their monstrous actions tended to excite ideas of horror, 
and seemed to have something in them, as I thought, peculi- 
arly suited to raise the devil, if he could be raised by any- 
thirig odd, ridiculous, and frightful. Some of them, 1 could 
observe, were much more fervent and devout in the business 
than others, and seemed to chant, peep, and mutter with a 
great degree of warmth and vigor, as if determined to awa- 
ken and engage the powers below. I sat at a small distance, 
not more than thirty feet from them, though undiscovered, 
with ray bible in my hand, resolving, if possible, to spoil 
tlieir sport, and prevent their receiving any answers from 
the infernal world, and there viewed the whole scene. They 
cojitiniied their horrid charms and incantations for more than 
three hours, until they had all w'earied themselves out ; al- 
though they had in that space of time taken s<'veral intervals 
of rest ; and at length broke up, I apprehended, without re- 
ceiving any answer at all. 

"Alter they liad done powawing, I attempted to discourse 
with them about Christianity; but they soon scattered, ami 
gave me no opportunity for anything ol" that nature. A 
view- of these things, while I was entirely alone in the 
wilderness, destitute of the society of any one who so much 
as " named the name of Christ," greatly sunk my spirits, 
and gave me the most gloomy turn of mind imaginable, al- 
most stripped me of all resolution and hope respecting furth- 
er attempts for propagating the gospel and converting the 
pagans, and rendered this ihe most burdensome and disa- 
iireeable Sabbath which I ever saw. But nothinjjf, I can tru- 
ly say, sunk and distressed me like the loss of my hope re- 
specting their conversion. This concern appeared so great, 
and seemed to be so much my own, that I seemed to have 
nothing to do on earth if this failed. A prospect of the great- 
est success in the saving conveision oi" souls imder gospel 
light would have done little or nothing towards compensa- 
ting for the loss of my hope in this respect ; and my spirits 
now were so damped and depressed, that I had no heart nor 
j>ower to make any further attempts among them for that 
purpose, and could not possibly recover my hope, resolution 
and courage, by the utmost of ray endeavors. 

" The Indians of this island can, many ol them, under- 



stand the English language considerably M^ell, having 
formerly lived in some part of Maryland, among or near the 
white people ; but are very drunken, vicious and piofane, 
although not so savage as those who have Ifss acquaintance 
with the English. Their customs, in various resp(.'cts, differ 
from those of the other Indians upon this river. They do 
not bury their dead in a common form, but let their flesh 
consume above tiie ground, in close cribs made for the pur- 
pose. At the end of a year, or sometimes a longer space of 
time, they take the bones, when the flesh is consumed, and 
wash and scraj^e them, and afterwards bury ihem with some 
cereiijony. Their method of cjiarming or conjuring over the 
sick, seems somewhat different from that of the other Indians, 
though in substance the same. The whole of it among these 
and others, perhaps, is an imitation of what seems by Naa- 
man's expression, (2 King v. 11) to have been the custom 
of the ancient heathen. It seems chiefly to consist in their 
" striking their hands over the diseased," and repeatedly 
stroking them, "and calling upon their god;" except the 
s{)urting of water like a mist, and some other frantic ceri- 
monies common to the other conjurations which I have al- 
ready mentioned. 

"When I was in this region in May last, I had an opportu- 
nity of learning many of the notions and customs of the In- 
dians, fis well as ob.seiving many of their practices. I then 
travelled mo;e than loO miles upon the river, above the En- 
glish settlements ; and in that journey met with imlividuals 
of seven or eight distinct tril)es, speaking as many diflerent 
languages. Jjut of all the sights 1 ever saw among them, 
or indeed any where else, none ajfpeared so frightful, or so 
near akin to what is usually imagined of " infernal powers," 
none ever excited such images of terroi- in my mind, as the 
appearance of one who was a devout and zealous reformer, 
or rather restoier of what he supposed was the ancient reli- 
gion of the Indians. He made his appearance in his pontifi- 
ficial garb, which was a coat of bear-skins, dressed with the 
hair on, and hanging down to his toes ; a pair of bear-skin 
stockings, and a great wooden lace painted, the one-half 
black, the other half tawny, about the color of tlie Indians' 
skin, with an extravagant mouth, cut very much awry ; the 
tace fastened to a bear-skin cap, which was drawn over his 
head. He advanced towards me with the instrument in his 



luind wliich he used for music iti liis idolatrous worship; 
which was a (hy torloise-shell with some corn in it, and the 
neck of it (h'awn on to a piece of wood, wliich made a very 
convenient handle. As he came forward he heat his tune 
with the rattle, and danced with all his might, hut did not 
sulfer any part of his hody, not so much as his fingers, to be 
seen. No one woidd have imagined from his appearance or 
actions, that he could have l)een a human creatine, if they 
had not had some intimation of it otherwise. When he came 
near me 1 could not but shrink away from him, although it 
was (hen noonday, and I knew who it was; his aj^pearance 
and gestures were so piodigiously frightful. He had a liouse 
consecrated to religious uses, with divers images cut upon 
the several parls of it. I went in, and found the ground beat 
almost as hard as a rock, with their frequent dancing upon 
it. I discoursed with him about Christianity, Si)me of my 
discourse he seemed to like, but some of it he disliked ex- 
tremely. He told me that God had taught him his religion, 
nml that he would never turn from it, but wantcfl to find some 
who would join heartily with him it; for the Indians, he said, 
were grown very degener;ite and corrupt. He liad thoughts, 
he said, of leaving all his (riends, and travelling abroad, in 
order to fnid some who would join with him; lor he believed 
that God had some good people somewhere, who felt as he 
did. lie bad not always, he said, lilt as he now did; but 
bad formerly been like the rest of the Indians, until about 
hve years befoi-e that time. Then, he said, his heart was 
very much distiessed, so that he could not live among the 
Indians, but got away into the woods, and lived alone for 
some months. At length, he said, God comfoj ted his heart, 
and showed hiin what he should do; and since that lime he 
had known God, and tiied lo serve him; and loved all men, 
be they who they would, so as he never, did before, lie 
treated me with uncommon courtesy, and seemed to lie hearty 
i)i ii. 1 was told by the Indians, tliat he opposed theirdrink- 
ing strong liijuor with all his power; aoti that, if at any time 
he could not dissuade lliem from it l)y all be could say, he 
would leave them, and go crying into the woods. It was 
manifest that be had a set of n ligious notions which he had 
examined for himself, and not taken for granted upon bare 
tradition ; and he relished or disrelished whatever was spo- 
ken of a religious nature, as it either agreed or disagreed 



with his standard. While I was sometimes discoursing, he 
would sometimes say, " Now that I like ; so God has taught 
me," &C-; and some of his sentiments seemed very just. Yet 
he utterly denied the existence of a devil, and declared there 
was no such creature known among the Indians of old times, 
whose religion he supposed he was attempting to revive. He 
likewise tokl me that departed souls went southward, and 
that the difference between the good and bad was this : that 
the former were admitted into a beautilul town with spirit- 
ual walls, and that the latter would for ever hover around 
these walls in vain attempts to get in. He seemed to be 
sincere, honest, and conscientious in his own way, and ac- 
cordins: to his own reliiJ-ious notions ; which was more than 
I ever saw in any other pagan. I perceived that he was 
looked upon and derided among most of the Indians as a 
■precise zealot, who made a needless noise about religious 
matters; but I must say that there was something in his tem- 
per and disposition, which looked more like true religion 
than any thing I ever observed among other heathen. Jiut, 
alas I how dt^plorable is the state of the Indians upon this 
river! The brief representation which I have here given of 
their notions and manners is sufficient to show that they are 
led captive by Satan at his will, in the most eminent man- 
ner ; and methinks might likewise be sulhcient to excite the 
compassion and engage the prayers of God's children for 
these their felbw-man, who, " sit in the region of the sha- 
dow of death. 

Letter to Governor Hamilton. 
Heidelberg, in Berks county, May the 2d, 1754. 

May it please your Honor — 

Last night I arrived safe from my journey to Shamokin 
and VVyomink, of which I think I am ol)liged by your Hon- 
or's orders to lay before you a just and distinct account, 
which is as follows : 

April the 17th I set out from my house, and went by way 
i of John Harris's and Thomas McKee's, being afraid of the 
two high mountains, and bad road that leads from them to 
Shamokin. I arrived at Shamokitj the 20Lh of April; found 
that two of the Shickalamy's being about 30 miles off on the 
Northw ;st Branch of Susrjuehannah, commonly called Zin- 


achson, I sent a messenger for them, there being a great num- 
ber of Indians at and about Sharaokin, I thought fit to send 
my son with James Logan, the lame son of Shickalamy with 
another Indian to Oskohary, Xishibeckon and Wyoraeck, 
three Indian towns on J^usquehannah (Northeast Branch) 
with your Honor's message. 

They set out from Shamokin on the 2:2ndj by water, be- 
cause there was no fodder to be had by the way for horses. 
On the 26th they came back again, and reported that they 
lodged the first night at Oskohary with Lapackpitton, the 
chief man, and Sammy interpreted your Honor's message in 
Mohock, ann James Logan and he to Lapackpitton in Dela- 
ware. That Lapackpitton was well pleased with the mes- 
sage, thanked them very kindly and gave them a string of 
wampum back again which they had given him, and told 
them it was best to leave the string at Niskibeckon, (Nesco- 
peck) wliere there were more Indians with old Nutimus, 
their chief. When they arrived at Niskibeckon, old Nuti- 
mus was from ho;ne, but the rest of the Indians received the 
message very kmdly, and said they would lay it before Nu- 
timus and the rest of their Indians after they should come 
home. At Woyomeck it was just the same; Paxanosy, chief 
man there was from home also; the message, with another 
string of wampum, was taken well by those that were at 
home. It is supposed they will have a council together, 
when they are all come home, which will be at their pi ait- 
ing time. 

In the meantime that Sammy was gone up to Woyomeck, 
I was gone up the Northwest Branch about 20 miles to see 
some Indians, in particular one that came irom the Cayuga 
country ; but missed him, however. John Shikalaray told 
me all the news he brought from Cayinkquo, which is insert- 
ed in the paper of Indian news herewith sent. 

The Indians on Susquehanna and about Shamokin saw 
some of the New England men that came as spies to Woyo- 
meck last fall, and they saw them making of draughts of the 
land and rivers, and are much offended about it: they asked 
me about them. I told them we had heard so much as that, 
and that we had intelligence from New England that they 
came against the advice of their superiors, as a parcel of 
headstrong men and disturbers of the peace. They, the In- 
dians, said they were glad to hear, that neither their brother 


Onas nor their own chief men had sent them; and they hoped 
they would not be supported by any English government in 
so doing. 

The Nanticokes are gone up the river to live at Otsen- 
encky, a branch of Susquehanna, where formerly some Onon- 
dagers and Shawanese lived. The Indians in general about 
Shainokin, enquire strongly about what the English are do- 
ing against the French on Ohio ; they seemed too mightily- 
pleased when I told them that the government of Virginia 
had sent five or six hundred men, and that a great number 
would be sent by N. Carolina; but they wondered why 
Pennsylvania would not assist their brethren' I told them 
I hoped they still would, though perhaps not at this time. 
They said, perhaps it will be too late then ; for the Indians, 
said they, will not engage before they see the English fight 
the French courageously with one accord. 

I have nothing to add, but am 

Sir, your very obedient 
and humble servant, 

Conrad Weiser. 

JVews that the Indians told Mr. Weiser at Shamokin. 

Canadehnia, son of Sakuchsonyont, deceased, came from 
Cayukoe about the middle of April, and brought some news 
that some of the Senecas, on their way to the Southern In- 
dians, met at Ohio with three parties of French praying In- 
dians, who came from the inhabited parts of Virginia, and 
had a great many scalps and four prisoners, one thereof they 
knew was a son of Col. Cressap. The Senecas asked them 
why they did so, they made answer that they did it not 
themselves, but their father Onontio had ordered them so to 
do ; that they did not know where they had been, being led 
by a Frenchman ; but supposed it was upon James' river, 
or Poltowmack; that they had also two Indian scalps which 
they gave to the Senecas, and told them they might now go 
home, as these scalps would answer their end, and the Sene- 
cas turned home accordingly. 

Again, that a large belt of wampum, one end black and 
the other white, was sent by the Shawanese and Delawares 
on the Ohio to Onondago, with the following speech, by the 
black part, he, the Shawanese, spoke : 




" Brethren, the United Nations, hear u?; the French, your 
father's hatchet is just over our heaJs, and we expect to be 
struck with every raonent; mikc haste, therefore, and come 
to Oiir assistance as soon as possible ; for if you stay till we 
are killed, you wont live mich longer afterwards; but if you 
cjnjsoo.i, we shall be able to fight and conquer the French. 
our enemy." 

The Delawares said by the white part : 

" Uncles, the United Nations, we expect to be killed by 
the French, your father, we desire therefore that you will 
take o.f our petticoat, that we raiy fight for ourselves, our 
wives and children : in the con lition we are in, you know 
we can do nothing." 

Newiiioch, an old Delaware Indian from the Big Island, 
came to Sharaokin while I was there, and brought the news 
that above one hundred man, Delawares, where by the way 
of Ohio to settle upon the Big Island upon Zinachsy river, 
for security of their. wives and children; that as many staid 
at Ohio, and are moving towards the Shawanese ; that the 
Shawanese had sent a message to the Delawares, when they 
heard of their intention to move to Zinachsy with a belt of 
wampum, and said, " Grand-fathers" — for so they style the 
Delawares — '"don't leave me, but let us live and die togeth- 
er, and let our bones rest together ; let us die in battle like 
men, and fear not the French." 

That Captain Trent had surprised and taken six French 
praying Indians, but that three of them had made their es- 
cape afterwards, by carelessness of the guard. 

Canadehnla also said that three columns of Frenchmen 

passed the Lake Ontario towards Ohio ; the first column of 

four hundred, the second of three hundred, and the third of 

four hundred men ; in all eleven hundred ; and it was said 

that more would come. 

Sarroyady to Governor Morris. 

Shamokin, September 11th, 1765. 
May it please your Honor — 

According to your request at our last council, I am re- 
membering you to the Six Nations, and all other Nations, 
and as you requested of me to acquaint you of whatever 



affairs happened amongst your brethren, the Six Nations, this 
is to inform you that I have already heard good news, viz: 
This day a belt of wampum (black) came to Shamokin from 
Oneida from the Six Nations, setting forth that the French, 
M-ith all the Indians they can get, are coming down upon 
them, and are near at hand, and therefore, the Six Nations 
have sent the said belt (about a fathom long) to their cou- 
sins, the Delawares, and all other Nations, their allies, to 
come with speed to their assistance, for they expect nothing 
but death, and likewise the Six Nations have ordered their 
cousins, the Delawares, to lay aside their petticoats and clap 
on nothing but a breech clout. This is only to let you know 
the news that I have already heard and met with, but not- 
withstanding, I shall go up with all speed to your brethren, 
the Six Nations, and all our other allies, according to my 
promise to you ; and to confirm my words, I send you this 
string of wampum. These are to let you know that there 
are twenty in number of our men got this length, and there 
are more daily coming to us and we shall go and view the 
C French forts and serve them as they served us. Your friend 
Henry Montour is along with our men. 


The subscriber is getting a company with all the expedi- 
tion he can to go against the French; the people whose 
names are under his are going with him. 

ToHNEETONAS alias John Sicalamv, the captain. 
\ CuNNOY Sam. 

I Tuckaunauteneo. 

James Logan Sicalamy. 
John Petty Sicalamy. 
Jno. Davison, in camp with them. 
These are the heads of this company. 

To Governor Morris. 
Heidelbejg, in the co. of Berks, Novtmber 19, 1755. 
May it please the Governor : 

Tliat night after my anival from Philadelphia, Eman- 
uel Carpenter and Simon Kuhn, Esqrs. came to my house 


and lodged with me. They acquainted me that a meeting 
was appointed (of the people of Tulpehocken and Heidel- 
berg, and adjacent places) in Tulpehocken township at Ben- 
jamin Spycker's early next morning. I made all the haste 
with the Indians I could, and gave them a letter for Thomas 
McKee to furnish them with necessaries for their journey. — 
Scariyade had no creature to ride on, I gave him one. Be- 
fore I could get down with the Indians, three or four men 
came from Benjamin Spycker^s to warn the Indians not to go 
that way, for the people were so enraged against all the In- 
dians, and would kill them without distmction. I went with 
them, so did the gentlemen before named. When we came 
near Benjamin Spycker's, I saw about four or five hundred 
men, and there was a loud noise. I rode befoie, and in rid- 
ing along the road (around men on both sides of the road,) 
I heard some say, " Why must we be killed by the Indians?" 
I got the Indians to the house witli much ado, where I treat- 
ed them with a small dram ; and so parted in love and friend- 
sliip. Capt. Diefenbach, undertook to conduct ihcm, with 
five other men, to the Susquehanna. After this, a sort of 
council of war was held by the officers present, the gentle- 
men before mentioned, and other freeholders- It was agreed 
that one bundled and fifty men should be laistd immediately 
to serve as outscouts, and as guard at certain places, under 
the Kittatinny hills, for forty days; that thofe so raised to 
have two shillings per day, and two pounds of bread and 
two pounds of beef, and a gill of rum, and powder and lead, 
(arms they must find themselves.) This scheme was signed 
by a good many freeholders, and read to the people. 

They cried out that so much for an Indian scalp they would 
have ( be they friend or entmy) fiom the governor. I told 
Ihem that I had no such power from the governor nor from 
the Assembly. They began 1o curse and swear the gover- 
nor; some the Assembly ; called me a traitor of the'country, 
who held with the Indians, and must have known this mur- 
der beforehand. I sat in the house by a low window ; some 
of my friends came to pull me away from it, telling me, some 
of the people threatened to shoot me. I ofiered to go out 
to the people, and either pacify them, or make tlie king's 
proclamation ; but those in the house with me would not let 
me go out. The cry was, " The land is betrayed and sold.^' 
The common people from Lancaster county were the worst. 


The wages, they said, were a trjfle, and said somebody pock- 
eted the rest, and they would lesent it. Somebody had put 
it into their heads, that I had it in my power to give as much 
as I pleased. I was in danger of being shot. In the mean- 
lime, a great smoke arose under Tulpehocken mountain, with 
the news following that the Indians had committed murder 
on Mill creek ( a false alarm ) and set fire to a barn : most 
of the people ran, and those that had horses rode off with- 
out any order or regulation. I then took my horse and went 
home, where I intend to stay, and defend my own house as 
long as I can. There is no doings with the people without 
law and regulation by the governor and Assembly. 

The people of Tulpehocken all fled till about six or seven 
miles from me, some few remain. Another such attack will 
lay the country waste on the west side of the Schuylkill. 
I am Sir, 

Your most obedient, 

Conrad Weiser. 

Fort Augusta, 14th August, 1756. 
To Robert H. Morris, Governor. 
Last night I received by express, the disagreeable news 
that Fort Granville was taken and burnt to the ground by a 
liody of about five hundred French and Indians ; that the 
whole garrison were killed, except one person, who was 
much wounded, and made his escape; and am well assured 
that this loss was entirely occasioned by a want of ammuni- 
tion, having received a letter two or three days ago from Col. 
John Armstrong, that they had in that Fort only one pound 
of powder and fourteen pounds of lead. 

I must again acquaint your Honor that we are still with- 
out the necessary military stores, for which Mr. Bard, per 
my order, has frequently written to the commissioners, but to 
no purpose; and should, in our present situation, which in 
all probability is their design, it is impossible but we must 
likewise fall a sacrifice to them. We have not in the store 
more than four half barrels of powder, which is only half 
a pound to each man, and none remaining for the use of the 
cannon. Inclosed is a list of several articles absolutely and 
immediately necessary for our security; with which I expect 



the commissioners will furnish us -without delay; and then we 
may be able to give a good account of ourselves. We have 
the walls of the Fort now about half finished, and our other 
works in such situation, that we can make a very good de- 
fence against any body of French and Indians that shall seat 
themselves before us, without cannon. 

I am informed by the express that the twelve bailees, I 
sent the 10th inst. to Harris's for flour, &c., met with so 
much difficulty in getting down the river to Halifax, that I 
am convinced it will be quite impracticable for them to push 
up before the river rises ; but least they should attempt to 
do it, I have despatched a messenger to Captain Jcimeson, 
whom I have ordered not to sutler them to stir, but to 
remain at Hunter's Fort till lurther orders, as I am appre- 
hensive the enemy have by this time posted themselves along 
the river, in order to interrupt our communication and harass 
our convoys. 

The present method of supplying this garrison by water 
IS so uncertain, that some quick expedient should be fallen 
upon to engage a number of pack-hoises into the service, 
which may transport our provisions, &c., at all times of the 
year, by way of Tulpehocken, or any other that may be 
thought more convenient. 

Our battoes, during the winter season m.ust lay by, so that 
it will be necessary that three or four months provisions 
should be stored up here in the fall for the support of this 
p-arrison till the spring. 

Mr. Bryan, who by no means has supported the character 
of a good officer, this morning delivered me up his commis- 
sion, which he chose to do rather than stand a trial before a 
o-eneral court martial tor his late misconduct. I have there- 
fore filled up an ensign's commission for Mr. Thomas McKee's 
son, who entered wiih the regiment as a volunteer at Mr. 
McKee's store, and has since behaved himself extremely well 
111 that capacity. 

I have put Lieut. Plunket under an arrest for mutiny, and 
only wait for the return of Capt. Lloyd, the judge ad