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/#. %s^ '
History of the United
Netherlands
John Lothrop Motley
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TUB EARL OF LEICESTER.
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HISTORY
prvoa
UNITED NETHERLANDS:
FBOH THE DEATH OF WILLIAM THE SILENT TO THE
TWELVE TEAKS' TEUCE-1609.
Br JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY, D.C.L.,
OOSEKSPOVDIHO XVMBEB OF THS IN8TITUTB OF FaASfOK ;
AUTHOS or * THE EISB OF THE DUTCH EEPUBUO.'
IN FOUR VOLUMES.— Vol. IL
1586-89.
WITH PORTRAITS.
NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,
327 TO 336 PEARL STREET.
1874.
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Harvar.l Collofi^c Libraiy,
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Deeeiubcr U, IMW.
. Bequest of C.;v.Mii ::!.>■ Thompson,
Kf^'"^*^
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one tlioosand eight bondred
and sixty, by
John Loturop Motley,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of tbe District of Massachusetts.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in tbe year one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-seven, by
John Lothrop Motley,
in the Clerk*8 Office of the District Couit of the District of Massachusetts.
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CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
CHAPTER IX.
MHitary Plans in the Netherlands — ^TUe Elector and Electorate of Cologne^
Martin Schenk— Hia Career before serving the States — Franeker Univer-
sitj founded — ^Parma attempts Grave — Battle on the Meuse-— Success and
Vainglory of Leicester — SL George's Day triumphantly kept at Utrecht —
Parma not so much appalled as it was thought — ^He besieges and reduces
Grave— And is Master of the Meuse— Leicester's Rage at the Surrender of
Grave — ^His Hevenge — ^Parma on the Rhine— -He besieges and assaults
Nensz — ^Horriblo Fate of the Garrison and City — ^Which Leicester was un-
able to relieve— Axel surprised by Maurice and Sidney — ^The Zeeland
Regiment given to Sidney — Condition of the Irish and English Troops
— ^Leicester takes the Field — He reduces Doesburg — He lajra siege to
Zutphen — ^Which Parma prepares to relieve — ^The English intercept
the Convoy — Battle of Wamsfeld — Sir Philip Sidney wounded — Results
of the Encounter— Death of Sidney at Amheim — Gallantry of Edward
Stanley
CHAPTER X.
Should Elizabeth accept the Sovereignty? — ^The Effects of her Anger-—
Quarrels between the Earl and. States — ^the Earl's three Counsellors —
Leicester's Finance-Chamber — Discontent of the MercantUe Classes— Paul
Boys and the Opposition — ^Keen Lisight of Paul Buys— Truchsess becomes
a Spy upon him — ^Intrigues of Buys with Denmark — His Imprisonment —
The Earl's Unpopularity— His Quarrels with the States— And with the
Noirises— His Counsellors Wilkes and Clerk — Letter firom the Queen to
Letoester— A Supper-Party at Hohenlo's — A drunken Quarrel — ^Hohenlo's
Assault upon Edward Norris— 111 Effects of the Riot ., 61
CHAPTER XI.
Drake in the Netherlands — Good Results of his Visit — ^The Babington Con*
spirac^— Leicester decides to visit England— Exchange of parting Com-
pliments. 100
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iy CONTENTS OP VOL. H.
CHAPTER XII.
ni-timed Intenregnum in the Prorinces — Firmness of the English and Datch
People — ^Factions during Leicester's Goyemment-— Democratic Tlieorics of
the Leicestrians— Suspicions as to the Earl's Designs — Extreme Views of
the Oalvinists— Political Ambition of the Church — Antagonism of the
Church and States — ^Tho States inclined to Tolerance— Desolation of the
Obedient Provinces — ^Pauperism and Famine — Prosperity of the Republic
— The Year of Expectation^ ! Ill
CHAPTER XIII.
Bameveld's Influence in the Provinces— Unpopularity of Leicester— Intrigues
of his Servants — Gosaip of bis Secretary — ^Its mischievous E£fects — ^The
Quarrel of Norria and HoUodc— The Earl's Participation in the Affair —
His increased Animosity to Korris — Seizure of Deventer — Stanley appointed
its Governor — ^York and Stanley — ^Leicester's secret Instructions — ^Wilkes
remonstrates with Stanley — Stanley's Insolence and Equivocation — ^Painful
Rumours as to him and York — Duplicity of York — Stanley's Banquet at
Deventer — He surrenders the City to Tassis — ^Terms of the Bai:gain — Feebb
Defence of Stanley's Conduct — Subsequent Fate of Stanley and York —
Betrayal of Gilder to Parma — ^Thcse Treasons cast Odium on the English
—Miserable Plight of the English Troops — ^Honesty and Energy of Wilkes
—Indignant Discussion in the Assembly. 136
CHAPTER XIV.
Leioeeter in EngUmdr-rTrial of the Queen of Scots-rFearful Perplexity at the
English Court-r-^In&tuation and Obstinacy of the Queen— Netherland En-
voys in Englimd^-Queen's bitter Invective against them — Amazement
of the £nvoy»7-Theiy consult with her chief CounciUors — Remarks of
Buigbl^.and Davison-r-Fourth of February Letter from the States— Its
severe Language towards Leicestei^-Painful position of the Envoys at
Court — Queen's Parsimony towards Leteester 189
CHAPTER XV.
Budchurst sent to the Netherlands — Alarming state of Affairs on his Arrival
—His Efforts to conciliate— Democratlo Theories of "VTilkes— Sophistry of
the Argument— Dispute between Wilkes and Bamevold— Religious Toler-
ance by the States— -Their 'ConstituUonalTheory-^Dcventer's bad Counsels
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OONTEOTS OP VOL. IL y
FAOS
to Leicester— Their pernicious Effect— Real and sapposed Plots against
Hohenlo— Mutual Suspicion and Distrust — ^Buckhurst seeks to restore good
Feeling — ^The Queen angiy and vindictlTe— ^e censures Buckhurst's
Course — Leicester's 'Wrath at Hohenlo's Charges of a Pk)t by the Earl to
murdor him — ^Buckhurst's Eloquent Appeals to the Queen— Her perplexing
and contradictory Orders — ^Despair of Wilkes— Leicester announces his
Return— His Instructions— Letter to Junius— Bameyeld denounces hhn
in the States.., 215
CHAPTER XVI.
Situation of Sluy^— Its Butch and English Garrison — ^Williams writes from
Slujs to the Queen — Jealousy between the Earl and States — Schemes to
relieve Slujs — ^Which are feeble and unsuccessful— The Town Capitulates
— ^Parma enters — ^Leicester enraged- The Queen angiy with the Anti-
Leioestrians — ^Norris, Wilkes, and Buckhurst punished — Drake sails for
Spain — ^His Exploits at Cadiz and Lisbon — He is rebuked by Elizabeth. . . 260
CHAPTER XVII.
Secret Treaty between Queen and Parma — Excitement and Alarm in the
States — Keligious Persecution in England — Queen^s Sincerity toward
Spain — ^Language and Letters of Parma — ^Negotiations of De Loo— En-
glish Commissioners appointed — Parma's affectionate Letter to the Queen
— Philip at his Writing-Table — ^His Plots with Parma against England —
Panna*8 secret Letters to the King — ^Philip's Letters to Parma — ^Wonderful
Duplicity of Philip— His sangmne Views us to England — ^He is reluctant to
hear of the Obstacles — and imagines Parma in England — ^But Alexander's
Difficulties are great — Ho denounces Philip's wild Schemes — ^Walsingham
aware of the Spanish Plot — which the States well understand — ^Leicester's
ffToat Unpopularity — ^Tho Queen warned against Treating — Leicester's
Schemes agamst Bameveld^Leicestrian Consphttcy at Leyden — ^The Plot
to seize the City discovered — ^Throo Ringleaders sentenced to Death — Civil
War in France-^Victoiy gained by Navarre, and one by Guise— Queen re-
calls Leicester — ^Who retires on ill Terms with the States — Queen warned
as to Spanish designs— Results of Leicester's Administration. 286
CHAPTER XVIII.
Prophecies as to the Tear 1688 — ^Distracted Condition of the Dutch Republic
— ^Willoughby reltlctantly takes Command-r-English CommissionerB come
to Ostend — Secretary Gamier and Robert Cecil— Cecil accompanies Dale to
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^i CONTENTS OP VOL. II.
PAOB
Ohent— And finds the Beaolatlon complete— Intenriew of Dale and Cecil
with Parma— His feryent Expressions in &Tor of Peace — Cecil makes a
Tour in Flanders — ^And sees much that is remarkable — Interyiews of Dr.
Rogers with Parma — ^Wonderful Harangues of the Envoy — Extraordinary
Amenity of Alexander— With which Rogers is much touched — ^Tho Queen
not pleased with her Envoy — Credulity of the English Commissioners—
Ceremdnious Meeting of all the Envoys — Consummate Art in wasting
Time — ^Long Di^Hites about Commissions— The Spanish Commissions
meant to deceive— Disputes about Cessation of Arms — Spanish Duplicity
and Procrastination — Pedantry and Credulity cf Dr. Dale— The Papal Bull
and Dr. Allen's Pamphlet — Dale sent to ask Explanations — Parma denies
all Knowledge of either — Crofl believes to the last in Alexander —
Dangerous Discord hi North Holland — Leicester's Resignation arrives —
Enmity of Willoughby and Maurice— Willoughby's dark Picture of Afikirs
— ^Hatred between States and Leicestrians — ^Maurice^s Answer to the
Queen's Charges — ^Eod of Sonoy's Rebellion — Philip foments the Civil
War in France — League's Threats and Plots agahist Heniy — Mucio arrives
in Paris — ^He is received with Enthusiasm — ^The King flies, and Spain
triumphs in Paris — States expostulate with the Queen — English Statesmen
still deceived — ^Deputies fh>m Netherland Churches — ^hold Conference with
the Queen— and present long Memorials — More Conversations with the
Queen — ^National Spirit of England and Holland — Dissatisfaction with
Queen's Course — ^Bitter Complaints of Lord Howard — ^Want of Preparation
in Army and Navy — Sanguine Statements of Leicester — ^Activity of Parma
— The PainM Suspense continues. 353
CHAPTER XIX.
Philip Second m his Cabmet — His System of Work and Deception — ^His vast
but vague Schemes of Conquest — The Armada sails — Description of the
Fleet — ^The Junction with Parma unprovided for — ^The Gale off Hnisterre
— Exploits of David Gwynn — ^First Engagement in the English Channel—*
Considerable Losses of the Spaniards — General Engagement near Portland
— Superior Seamanship of the English — ^Both Fleets off Calais— A Night
of Anxiety — Project of Howard and Winter — ^Impatience of the Spaniards
— Fire-Ships sent against the Armada — ^A great Galeasse disabled— At-
tacked and captured by English Boats — General Engagement of both
Fleets— Loss of several Spanish Ships— Armada flies, followed by the Eng-
lish— ^English insuffidenUy provided — ore obliged to relinquish the Chaso
—A great Storm disperses the Armada— Great Energy of Parma— mado
fruitless by Philip's Dubess— England readier at Sea than on Shore— The
Lieutenant-General's Complaints— His Quarrels with Norris and Williams
— Harsh Statements as to the English Troops— Want of Organization in
England — ^R<^ Farsunony and Delay — Quarrels of English Admirals —
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CONTENTS OP VOL. IL
Vll
Eogland's narrow fisoape fipom great Poril — ^Varioos Rumoors ag to the
Armada's Fate— Philip for a long time ia Doubt — He believes himself
victorious — is tranquil whan uudcoeived. « 45ft
CHAPTER XX.
Alexander besieges Bergen-op-Zoom— Pallavichii's Attempt to seduce Parma
— Alexander's Foiy— He Is forced to raise the Siege of Bergen— Gertruy-
denberg betrayed to Parma — ^Indignation of the States — Exploits of Schenk
— EQs Attack on Nymegen — He is defeated and drowned — English-Datch
Expedition to Spain — Its meagre Results— Death of Guise and of the
Qtie6n-&Cother--Combinations after the Murder of Henry III.— Tandem fit
Stntmlns Arbor. 6^7
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THE raiTED NETHERLANDS.
CHAPTER- IX.
Militaiy Plans la the Netherlands — The Elector and Electorate of Cologne
— Martin Schenk — His Career before serving the States — Franeker Unl-
versitj founded — Parma attempts Grave — Battle on the Mouse — Suc-
cess and Vainglory of Leicester — St Geoi^^s Daj triumphantly kept
at Utrecht — Parma not so much appalled as it was thought — He besieges
and reduces Grave — And is Master of the Meuse — Leicester's Rage at the
Surrender of Grave — His Revenge — Parma on the Rhine — He besieges
and assaults Neusz — Horrible Fate of the Garrison and City — Which
Leicester tvas unable to relieve — Axel surprised by Maurice and Sidney
— The Zeeland Regiment given to Sidney — Condition of the Irish and
English Troops — Leicester takes the Field — He reduces Doesbuig —
He lays siege to Zutphen — Which Parma prepares to relieve — The
English intercept the Convoy — Battle of Wamsfeld — Sir Ph'dip Sidney
mounded — Results of the Encounter — Death of Sidney at Amheim —
Gallantry of Edward Stanley.
Five great rivers hold tho Netherland territory in their coils.
Three are but slightly separated — the Yssel, Waal, and
' ancient Rhine, while the Scheldt and Meuse are spread moro
widely asunder. Along each of these •streams were various
fortified cities, the possession of which, in those days, when
modem fortification was in its infancy, implied the control
of the surrounding country. The lower part of . all tho
rivers, where they mingled vrith tho sea and became wide
estuaries, belonged to the Bepublic, for tho coasts and tho
ocean were in the hands of the Hollanders and English.
Above, the various strong places were alternately in the hands
of the Spaniards and of the patriots. '
Thus Antwerp, with the other Scheldt cities, had fallen into
Parma's power, but Flushing, which controlled them all, was
VOL. II. — B
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2 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. IX.
held by Philip Sidney for the Queen m^ States. On the Meuse,
Maastricht and Koermond were Spanish, but Venloo, Grave,
Meghem, and other towns, held for the commonwealth. On the
Waal, the town of Nym^n had, through the dexterity of Martin
Schenk, been recently transferred to the royalists, while the
rest of that river's course was true to the republic. TKe
Rhine, strictly so called, from its entrance into Netherland,
belonged to the rebels. Upon its elder branch, the Tssel,
Zutphen was in Parma's hands, while, a little below,
Deventer had been recently and adroitly saved by Leicester
and Count Meurs from falling into the same dangerous
grasp.
Thus the triple Rhino, after it had crossed the German
frontier, belonged mainly, although not exclusively, to the
States. But on the edge of the Batavian territory, the
ancient river, just before dividing itself into its three branches,
flowed through a debateable country which was even more
desolate and forlorn, if possible, than the land of the obedient
Provinces.^
This unfortunate district was the archi-episcopal electorate
of Cologne. The city of Cologne itself, Neusz, and Rheinberg,
on the river, Werll and other places in Westphalia and the
whole country around, were endangered, invaded, ravaged,
and the inhabitants plundered, murdered, and subjected to
every imaginable outrage, by rival bands of highwaymen,
enlisted in the support of the two rival bishops — b^gars,
outcasts, but high-bom and learned churchmen both — ^who
disputed the electorate.
At the conmiencement of the year a portion of the bishopric
was still in the control of the deposed protestant elector
Gebhard Truchsess, assisted of course by the English and the
States. The city of Cologne was held by the Catholic elector,
Ernest of Bavaria, bishop of Liege ; but Neusz and Rheinberg
were in the hands of the Dutch republic.
The military operations of the year were, accordingly,
along the Meuse, where the main object of Parma was to
> Mctercn, sili. 235'».
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1586.
THE ELECTOR A2^ Ei:.EOTORA.TE OF COLOGNE.
wrest (Jrave from the Netherlands ; abhg the Waal, where,
on the other hand, the patriots wished to recover Hym^n ;
on the Yssel, where they desired to obtain the possession of
Zutphen ; and in the Cologne electorate^ where the Spaniards
meant, if possibly to transfer Neosz and Bheinberg from
Truchsess to Elector Ernest. To clear the course of these
streams, and especially to set free that debateable portion
of the river-territory which hemmed him in from neutral
Germany, and cut off the supplies from his starving troops,
was the immediate design of Alexander Famese.
Nothing could be morie desolate than the condition of the
electorate. Ever since Qebbard Truchsess had renounced
the communion of the Catholic Church for the. love of Agnes
Mansfeld, and so gained a wife and lost his principality, he
had been a dependant upon the impoverished Nassaus, or a
supplicant for alms to the thrifty Elizabeth. The Queen
was frequently implored by Leicester, without much effect,
to send the ex-elector a few hundred pounds to keep him
from starving, as " he had not one groat to, live upon," ^ and,
a little later, he was employed as a go-between, and almost
a spy, by the Earl, in Lis quarrels with the patrician party
rapidly forming against him in the States.
At (Jodesberg — ^the romantic ruins of which stronghold thQ
traveller still regards with iuterest, placed as it is in the
midst of that enchanting region where Drachenfels looks
down on the crumbling tower of Koland and the convent of
Nonnenwerth— the unfortunate Gebhard had sustained a con-
clusive defeat. A small, melancholy man, accomplished,
religious, learned, " very poor but very wise," comely, but of
mean stature, altogether an imlucky and forlorn individual,*
' * Leyc. Correep.' 378.
• "When I spake of the Elector
here^" said lieioeeter,. "1 assure joa
he is a yety wise gen^emau ; and if it
irare pofsible to set him in his place
again, these countries were soon at
qpksL .... He* is bzcdeding poor, and
great pitf. Believe me, mj Lord, he
is wdthy to be esteemed. He doth
greatly love and honour her Majesty.
I would to God your Lorddiip could
but procu^ her Majesty to bestow
600 or 600 pound on him for a token.
I have reodved more comfort and good
advice of him than of any man here.
He is very virtuous, and very sound in
religion; very grave, and a comely
person, but of a mean stature. His
adyersary doth all he can to put the
King of Spain into his territories, yc%
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4
THE UNITED KETHEBLAlirDa
Chap. IX
he was not, after all, in very mnch inferior plight to that in
which his rival, the Bavarian bishop, had found himself.
Prince Ernest, archbishop of Liege and Cologne, a hanger-
on of his brother, who sought to shake him off, and a
stipendiary of Philip, who was a worse paymaster than
Elizabeth, had a sorry life of it, notwithstanding his nominal
possession of the see. He was forced to go, disguised and
in secret, to the Prince of Parma at Brussels,^ to ask for
assistance, and to mention, with lacrymose vehemence, that
both his brother and himself had determined to renounce the
episcopate, unless the forces of the Spanish King could be
employed to recover the cities on the Rhine. If Neusz and
Rheinberg were not wrested from the rebels, Cologne itself
would soon be gone. Ernest represented most eloquently to
Alexander, that if the protestant archbishop were reinstated
in the ancient see, it would be a most perilous result for the
ancient church throughout all northern Europe. Parma
kept the wandering prelate for a few days in his palace in
Brussels, and then dismissed him, disguised and on foot, in
the dusk of the evening, through the park-gate.* He
encouraged him with hopes of assistance, he represented to
his sovereign the importance of preserving the Bhenish
territory to Bishop Ernest and to Catholicism, but hinted
that the declared intention of the Bavarian to resign the
even, into Cologne itaelt He is veiy
poor, and weaiy of his keeping that
place with sadi ofaarge. His bishopric
of liege is all spoUed also with these
wars, and he no longer able to main-
tain his charges. A small matter
would set up this man now. He hath
many friends in G^ermany, and more of
late than ever he had." Ldoestcr to
Burghley, 28 Feb. 1586. (S. P. Office
HS.)
Lord North had also conceiyed a
favourable opinion of Truchsess, whom
ho spoke of as a ''rare gentleman,
notably fiimished with exc^lent gifts,
religious, and worthy of all honour and
estimation.** North to Burghley, 28
Peb. 158& (a P. Office Ma)
' Panna to PbUip IL 28 Feb. 1586.
(Ardiivo de Simancas, MS.) Compare
Btrada, IL 426.
■ Parma to Philip II. (MS. last
cited.) Compare Strada^ who ap-
pears to be very much mistaken in
representing the Elector Ernest as
having been dismissed by Parma with
great state, and with a magnificent
escort of Belgian nobUity, — ''because
no mask can ever entirely disguise a
prince, and because suns, even when
under a doud, have more spectators
than ever.'* . ,
"Nempe nulla larva totum prind*
pern tegit; immo soles, etiam isti quum
defldunt, tunc maxime spoctatoreB ha-
bent^** and so on, IL 427*
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1586. MABTIK SOHENK. 5
dignity, was probably a trick, because the archi-episcopate
\raB no Buch very bad thing after all.^
The archi-episcopate might be no very bad thing, but it
-was a most imcomfortable place of residence, at the moment,
for prince or peasant. Overrun by hordes of brigands, and
crushed almost out of existence by that most deadly of all
systems of taxations, the ^ brandschatzung,' it was fast
becoming a mere den of thieves. The ^brandschatzung'
had no name in English, but it was the well-known impost,
levied by roving commanders, and even by respectable gene-
rals of all nations. A hamlet, cluster of farm-houses, country
district, or wealthy city, in order to escape being burned and
ravaged, as the penalty of having fallen into a conqueror's
hands, paid a heavy sum of ready money on the nail at
command of the conqueror. The free companions of the
sixteenth century drove a lucrative business in this par-
ticular branch of industry; and when to this was added
the more direct profits derived from actual plunder, sack,
and. ransoming, it was natural that a large fortune was often
the result to the thrifty and persevering commander of free
lances.
Of all the professors of this comprehensive art, the terrible
Martin Schenk was preeminent ; and he was now ravaging
the Cologne territory, having recently passed again to the
service of the States. Immediately connected yrith the chief
military events of the period which now occupies us, he was
also the very archetype of the marauders whose existence was
characteristic of the epoch. Bom in 1549 of an ancient and
noble family of Gelderland, Martin Schenk had inherited no
property but a sword. Serving for a brief- term as page to
the Seigneur of Ysselstein, he joined, while yet a youth, the
banner of William of Orange, at the head of two men-at-arms.
The humble knight-errant, with his brace of squires, was
received with courtesy by the Prince and the Estates, but he
soon quarrelled with his patrons. There was a castle of
' 'Toiquo DO b csta tan tual cl clectorado/' MS. letter of Parma last
cited.
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THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. IX
Blyenbeek, belonging to his cousin, which he chose to consider
his rightful property, because he was of the same race, and
because it was a convenient and productive estate and
residence. The courts had different views of public law, and
.supported the ousted cousin. .Martin' shut himself up in the
casUe, and having recently committed a rather discreditable
homicide, T^hich still further increased his unpopularity with
the patriots, he made oyerturess to Parma.^ Alexander was
glad to enlist ^o bold a soldier on his side, and assisted
Schenk in his besieged stronghold. For years afterwards,
his services un^er the King's banner were most brilliant, and
he rose to the highest military command, while his coffers,
meantime, were rapidly filling with the results of his robberies
and ^ brandschatzungs.' "'Tis a most courageous fellow,"
said Parma, ^^but rather a desperate highwayman than a
valiant soldier."^ Martin's couple of lances had expanded
into a corps of free companions, the most truculent, the most
obedient, the most rapacious in Christendom. Never were
freebooters more formidable to the world at large, or more
docile to their chief, than were the followers of General
Schenk. Never was a more finished captain of highwaymen.
He was a man who was never sober, yet who never smiled.
His habitual intoxication seemed only to increase both his
audacity and his taciturnity, without disturbing his reason.
He was incapable of fear, of fatigue, of remorse. He cotdd
remain for days and nights without dismounting-*-eating,
drinking, and sleeping in the saddle ; so that to this terrible
centaur his horse seemed actually a part of himself, fiis
soldiers followed, him about like hounds, and were treated by
him like hounds. He habitually scourged them, often took
with his own hand the lives of such as displeased him, and
had been known to cause individuals of them to jump from
the top of churqh steeply* at bis command ; yet the pack
were ever stanch to his orders, for they knew that he always
' Meteren, xiil 231, ^Levensbeschry-
yiDg NederL Mannen/ voL il in voce,
Straida) IL 633; et aliunde.
> Panna to Philip IL, 6 June, 1585.
(Arch, do Sim. MS.)
» Archer, in Stowe, T39.
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15S6. HIS CABEER BEFOEE SEBVINa TBE STATES. 7
led them where the game was plenty. While servmg under
Parma he had twice most brilliantly defeated Hohenlo. At
the battle of Hardenberg Heath he had completely outgene-
ralled that distingoished chieftain, slaying fifteen hundred of
Ws soldiers at the expense of only fifty or. sixty of his own.
By this triumph he had preserved the important city of
Groningen for Philip, during an additional quarter of a
century, and had been received in that city with rapture.
Several startling years of victory and rapine ho had thus run
through as a royalist partisan. He became the terror and the
scourge of his native Grelderland, and he was covered with
wounds received in the King's service. He had been twice
captured and held for ransom. Twice he had effected his
escape. He had recently gained the city of Nymegen. He
was the most formidable, the most unscrupulous, the most
audacious Netherlander that wore Philip's colours ; but ho
had received small public reward for his services, and the
wealUi which he earned on the high-road did not suffice for
his ambition. He had been deeply disgusted, when, at the
death of Count Kenneb6rg, Verdugo, a former stable-boy of
Mansfeld, a Spaniard who had risen from the humblest rank
to be a colonel and general, had been made governor of
.Friesland. He had smoth^^ his resentment for a time
however, but had sworn within himself to desert at the most
&Yourable opportunity. At last, after he bad brilliantly
saved the city of Breda from falling into the hands of the
patriots, he was more enraged than he had ever been before,
when Haultepenne, of the house of Berlaymont, was made
governor of that place in his stead.
On the 25th of May, 1585, at an hour after midnight, he
had a secret interview with Count Meurs, stadholder for the
States of Gelderland, and agreed to transfer his mercenary
allegiance to the repuUic. - He made good terms. He was
to be lieutenant-governor of Gelderland, and he was to have
rank as marshal of the camp in the States' army, with a
salary of twelve hundred and fifty guilders a month. He
agreed to resign his famous castle of Blyenbeek, but was to
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8 THB UNITED NBTHERLANDa Chap. IX.
be reimbursed with' estates in Holland and Zeeland, of the
annual value of four thousand florins.^
After this treaty, Martin and his free lances served the
States faithfully, and became sworn foes to Parma and the
King. He gave and took no quarter, and his men, if
captured, "paid their ransom with their heads." ^ Ho
ceased to be the scourge of Gelderland, but he became
the terror of the electorate. Early in 1586, accompanied
by Herman Kloet, the young and daring Dutch commandant
of Neusz, ho had swept down into the Westphalian country,
at the head of five hundred foot and five hundred horse. On
the 18th of March he. captured the city of Werll by a neat
stratagem. The citizens, hemmed in on all sides by marauders,
were in want of many necessaries of life, among other things,
of salt. Martin had, from time . to time, sent some of his
soldiers into the place, disguised as boors from the neighbour-
hood, and carrying bags of that article. A pacific trading-
intercourse, had thus been established between the burghers
within and . the banditti without the gates. Agreeable
relations were formed within the walls, and a party of
townsmen had agreed to cooperate with the followers of
Schenk. One morning a train of wagons laden with soldiers
neatly, covered with salt, made their appearance at the gate.
At the same time a fire broke out most opportunely within
the town. The citizens busily employed themselves in
extinguishing the flames. The salted soldiers, after passing
through the gateway, sprang from the waggons, and mastered
the watch. The town was carried at a blow. Some of the
inhabitants were massacred as a warning to the rest ; others
were taken prisoners and held for ransom ; a few, more
fortunate, made their escape to the citadel. That fortress was
stormed in vain, but the city was thoroughly sacked. Every
house was rifled of its contents. Meantime Haultepenno
collected a force of nearly four thousand men, boors, citizens,
and soldiers, and came to besiege Schenk in the town, whUe,
' * NoderL Maanen,* &c., tibi sup.
t Doyley to Burgbley, Jtmo 24, 1586. (S. P. Offico Ufi,)
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1586.
FEAKEKEB UNIVERSITY FOUNDED.
at the same time, attacks were made upon him from the
castle. It was impossible for him to hold the city, but he had
completely robbed it of every thing valuable. Accordingly he
loaded a train of waggons with his booty, took with him thirty
of the magistrates as hostages, with other wealthy citizens,
and marching in good order against Haultepenne, completely
routed him, killing a number variously estimated at from
five hundred to two thousand, and effected his retreat, despe-
rately wounded in the thigh, but triumphant, and laden
with the spoils to Venlo on the Meuse, of which city he was
governor.^
*.^ Surely this is a noble fellow, a worthy fellow," exclaimed
Leicester, who was filled with admiration at the bold
marauder's progress, and vowed that he was " the only soldier
in truth that they had, for he was never idle, and had suc-
ceeded hitherto very happily/' '
And thus, at every point of the doomed territory of the
little conmionwealth, the natural atmosphere in which the in-
habitants existed was one of blood and rapine. Tet during the
very slight lull, which was interposed in the winter of 1585-6
to the eternal clang of arms in Friesland, the Estates of that
Province, to their lasting honour, founded the university of
Franeker. A dozen years before, the famous institution at
Leyden had been established, as a reward to the burghers for
their heroic defence of the city. And now this new proof
was given of the love of Netherlanders, even in the midst
of their misery and their warfare, for the more humane arts.
The new coll^ was well endowed from ancient church-
lands, and not only was the education made nearly gratuitous,
while handsome salaries were provided for the professors, but
provision was made; by which the poorer scholars could be fed
and boarded at a very moderate expense. There was a table
> Meteren, Stnda, NederL Maimeii,
kc,ubi9up, Bor. II. 699, 700. Brace's
*Leyc Corresp.' 79, 139, 141, 167, 227,
265, 475. Lord North to Burgbley,
Ffeb. 28, 1686. (a P. Office MS.) Lei-
cester to Bmgfaley, same date. Ibid.
MS. Leicester to Burgbley and Wal-
siugham, 16 March, 1686. Ibid. MS.
' Leicester .to Buighley and Wal-
singbam. MS. ubi sup.
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10
THE UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. IX.
provided at an annual cost to the student of but fifty florins
(5/.), and a second and third table at the very low price of
forty and thirty florins respectively. Thus the sum to be paid
by the poorer class of scholars for a year's maintenance was
less than three pounds sterling a year. The voice with which
this infant seminary of the Muses first made itself heard
above the din of war was but feeble, but the institution
was destined to thrive, and to endow the world, for many
successive generations, with the golden fruits of science and
genius.^
Early in the spring, the war was seriously taken in hand
by Famese. It has already been seen that the republic had
been almost entirely driven out of Flanders and Brabant.
The Estates, however, still held Grave, Megem, Batenburg,
and Venlo upon the Meuse. That river formed, as it were,
a perfect circb of protection for the whole Province of
Brabant, and Farnese determined to make himself master of
this great natural moat. Afterwards, he meant to possess
himself of the Bhine, flowing in a parallel course, about
Iwenty-five miles further to the east. In order to gain and
hold the Meuse, the first step was to reduce the city of Grave.
That town, upon the left or Brabant bank, was strongly forti-
fied on its land-side, where it was surrounded by low and
fertile pastures, while, upon the other, it depended upon its
natural foss, the river. It was, according to Lord North and
the Earl of Leicester, the "strongest town in all the Low
Countries, though but a little one." *
Baron Hemart, a young Gueldriaii noble, of small experi-
ence in military afiairs, commanded in the city, his garrison
being eight hundred soldiers, and about one thousand burgher
guard.* As early as January, Famese had ordered Count
Mansfeld to lay siege to the place. Five forts had accord-
* Bor, n. 672.
' North to Burghloj, 29 May, 1586.
a P. Office MS. Leicester to Queen
Elizab^ 16 Jane, 1586. & P. Office
MS.
• Bor, n. 707, f oa Ho<tfd, Verr. 154,
156. Strada, IL 410. Wagenaar, yiU.
126.
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X586w
PAEMA ATTEMPTS GRAYB.
11
ingly been constructed^ above and below the town, upon the
left bank of the river, while a bridge of boats thrown across
the stream led to a fortified camp on the opposite side.
Mansfeld, Mondragon, Bobadil, Aquila, and other distin-^
guished veterans in Philip's service, were engaged in the
enterprise. A few unimportant skirmishes between Schtok
and the Spaniards had taken place, but the city was already
hard pressed, and, by the series of forts which environed it,
was cut oflf from its supplies. It was highly important,
therefore, that Grave should bo relieved, with the least
possible delay.
Early in Easter wedc, a force of three thousand men, under
Hohenlo and Sir John Norris, was accordingly despatched by
lidcester, with orders, at every hazard, to throw ^pni i^
reinforcements and provisions into the place. They isse!^
took possession, at once, of a stone sconce, called the Mill-Fort,
which was guarded by fifty men, mostly boors of the country.^
These were nearly all hanged for '^ using malicious words,"
and for '^railing against Queen Elizabeth,"^ and— a suflScient
number of men being left to maintain the fort— the whole
relieving force marched with great difficulty — for the river
was rapidly rising, and flooding the country — ^along the right
bank of the Meuse, taking possession of Batenburg and
Eavenstein castles, as they went. A force of four or five
hundred Englishmen was then pushed forward to a point
almost exactly opposite Grave, and within an English mile of
the head of the bridge constructed by the Spaniards. Here,
in the night of Easter Tuesday, they rapidly formed an
entrenched camp, upon the dyke along the river, and, although
molested by some armed vessels, succeeded in establishing
themselves in a most important position.'
On the morning, of Easter Wednesday, April 16, Mansfeld,
perceiving that the enemy had thus stolen a march upon him^
' Occurrences from Holland, April,
11^ 1586. (a P. Office Ma)
' Ibid. Compare ^Leyccst Correep.*
p. 218, April 6, 1686.
* Occurrences (h>m Holland, MS.
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12 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. IX.
ordered one thousand picked troops, all Spaniards, under
April- Casco and other veterans, to assatdt this advanced
1586. post.^ A reserve of two thousand was placed in readi-
ness to support the attack. The Spaniards slowly crossed the
bridge, which was swaying very dangerously with the current,
and then charged the entrenched camp at a run. A quarrel
between the different raiments as to the right of precedence
precipitated the attack, before the reserve, consisting of some
pickoi companies of Mondragon's veterans, had been able to
arrive. Coming in breathless and fatigued, the first assailants
were readily repulsed in their first onset. Aquila then oppor-
tunely made his appearance, and the attack was renewed
with great vigour. The defenders of the camp yielded at the
third charge and fled in dismay, while the Spaniards, leaping
the barriers, scattered hither and thither in the ardour of
pursuit. The routed Englishmen fled swiftly along the oozy
dyke, in hopes of joining the main body of the relieving party,
who were expected to advance, with the dawn, from their
position six miles farther down the river. . Two miles long
the chace lasted, and it seemed probablo that the fugitives
would be overtaken and destroyed, when, at last, from behind
a.line of moimds which stretched towards Batenburg and had
masked their approach, appeared Count Hohenlo and Sir
John Norris, at the head of twenty-five hundred Englishmen
and Hollanders. This force advanced as rapidly as the
slippery ground and the fatigue of a two hours' march woxild
permit to the rescue of their friends, while the retreating
English rallied, turned upon their pursuers, and drove them
back over the path along which they had just been charging
in the full career of victory. The fortune of the day was
changed, and in a few minutes Hohenlo and Norris would
have crossed the river and entered Grave, when the Spanish
companies of Bobadil and other commanders were seen march-
ing along the quaking bridge.
' Strada, II. 413, seq. Hoofd, Yeirolgh, 154, 155. Oocoirenoefl, tc. MS
Brace's ^Leycest Corresp. 223, 226.
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158G. SUOCESS OF LEICESTER. 13
Three thousand men on each side now met at push of pike
on the bank of the Meusa.^ The rain was pouring in torrents,
the wind was blowing a gale, the stream was rapidly rising,
and threatening to overwhelm its shores. By a tacit and
mutual consent, both armies paused for a few moments in full
view of each other. After this brief interval they closed
again, breast to breast, in sharp and steady conflict. The
ground, slippery with rain and with blood, which was soon
flowing almost as fast as the rain, afibrded an unsteady footing
to the combatants. They staggered like drunken men, fell
upon their knees, or upon their backs, and still, kneeling or
rolling prostrate, maintained the deadly conflict. For the
space of an hour and a half the fierce encounter of human
passion outmastered the fury of the elements. Norris and
Hohenlo fought at the head of their columns, like paladins of
old. The Englishman was woimded in the mouth and breast,
the Count was seen to gallop past one thousand musketeers
and caliver-men of the enemy, and to escape unscathed. But
as the strength of the soldiers exhausted itself, the violence of
the tempest increased. The floods of rain and the blasts of
the hurricane at last terminated the aflray. The Spaniards,
fiurly conquered, were compelled to a retreat, lest the rapic^ly
rifling river should sweep away the frail and trembling bridge,
over which they had passed to their unsuccessful assault.
The English and Netherlanders remained masters of the
field. The rising flood, too, which was fast converting the
meadows into a lake, was as useful to the conquerors as it
was damaging to the Spaniards.
In the course of the few following days, a large number of
boats was despatched before the very eyes of Parma, from
April - 3atenburg into Grave ; Hohenlo, who had " most
1586. desperately adventured his person" throughout the
whole affair, entering the town himself. A force of five
hundred men, together with provisions enough to last a year,
was thrown into the city, and the course of the Meuse was,
' Stroda, IL 413, 414. OccmreQces IVom HoUand, KS.
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14
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS
Chap. IX
apparently, secured to the republic. In this important action
about one hundred and fifty Dutch and English were killed,
and probably four hundred Spamards, including several dis-
tinguished officers.V
The Earl of Leicester was incredibly elated so soon as
the success of this enterprise was known. " Oh that her
Majesty knew," he cried, " how easy a match now she hath
with the King of Spain, and what millions of afllicted people
she hath relieved in these countries. This summer, this
summer, I say, would make an end to her immortal glory.'' -
He was no friend to his countryman, the gallant Sir John
Norris — whom, however, he could not help applauding on this
occasion, — but he was in raptures with Hohenlo. Next to
God, ho assured the Queen's government that the victory was
owing to the Count. "He is both a valiant man and a wise
man, and th^ painfullest that ever I knew," he. said ; adding
— ^as a secret — that " five himdred Englishmen of the best
Flemish training had flatly and shamefully run away," when
the fight had been renewed by Hohenlo and Norris. Ho
recommended that her Majesty should send her picture to
the Count, worth. two hundred pounds, which he would value
at more than one thousand pounds in money, and he added
that "for her sake the Count had greatly left his driiik-
ing."»
toliim."
Compare Strada, n. 413, 4U. Ke*
teren, ziii 234. Hoofd, 165, seq.etdL
It is of filigbt oonsequence, at ^e pre-
sent daj, to know the exact number of
the combatants who perished in this
hotly-contested, but now forgotten
field. As a specimen of conflicting
statistios, after a battle, it is worth
while to observe that, according to some
eye-vfitneaaeSf nine hundred Spaniards
were killed, and, acoordhig to others^
thirty, while, on the other hand, the
statement of the loss sustained by
their antagonists yaried fixnn fifty to
seven hundred.
3 Brace's 'Leya Corresp.' 264» May
4 1686.
• Bruco's * Leya Corresp.* 246.
1 Leicester to Burghley, April -t
1586. (S. P. Office MS.) R. Cavendish
to Burghley, April j^, 1586. (S. P.
Ofiace M&) Lord Willoughby to
Buighley, - April, 1686. (S. P. Office
MS.) Occurrences from Holland, MS.
Brace's Leya Corresp.' 226, 244, 245,
262, 263. Parma to Philip II -
April and 9 May, 1586. (Archivo de
^amflncas, MS.)
Lord North to Burghley, » May,
1686. (a P. Office M&) " Count Hoi-
lock performed this service with wis-
dom ai^d most valiantly in his own
person. I cannot give him too much
praise, because there is so much duo
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158«. ST. GKORGE'S-DAT KEPT AT UTRECHT. 16
As for the Prince of Parima, Leicester looked upon him as
conclusively' beaten. He spoke of him as "marvellously ap-
palled" by this overthrow of his forces, but he assured the
government that if the Prince's "choler should press him to
seek revenge," he should soon be driven out of the country.
The Earl would follow him "at an inch," and effectually
finstrate all his undertakings. " If the Spaniard have such a
May as ho has had an Apr^" said Lord North, " it will put
water in his wine."*
Meantime, as St. George's Day Was approaching, and as the
Earl was fond of banquets and ceremonies, it was thought
desirable to hold a great triumphal feast at Utrecht. His
journey to that city from the Hague was a triumphal proces-
sion. In all the towns through which he passed he was
entertained with military display, pompous harangues, inter-
ludes, dumb shows, and allegories. At Amsterdam — a city
which he compared to Venice for situation and splendour, and
where one thousand ships were constantly lying — ^he was
received with "sundry great whales and other fishes of
hugeness," that gambolled about his vessel, and convoyed him
to the shore. These monsters of the deep presented him to
the burgomaster and magistrates who were awaiting him on
the quay. The burgomaster made him a Latin oration, to
•which Dr. Bartholomew Clerk responded, and then the Earl
was ushered to the grand square, upon which, in his honour, a
magnificent living picture was exhibited, in which he figured
as Moses, at the head of tho Israelites, smiting the Philistines
hip and thigh.^ After much mighty banqueting in Amster-
dam, as in the other cities, the governor-general came to
Utrecht Through the streets of this antique and most pic-*
turesque city flows the palsied current of the Khine, and every
bai^ and bridge were decorated with the flowers of spring.
Upon this spot, where, eight centuries before the Anglo-Saxon
Willebrod had first astonished the wild Frisians with the
> North to Bupghley, ^ May, 1586. a P. Offlco MS.
• ' Ley a Corrcsp.' 476, seq.
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X6 THB UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. IX.
pacific doctrines of Jesus, and had been stoned to death as his
reward, stood now a more arrc^ant representative of English
piety. The balconies were crowded with fair women, and
decorated with scarves and banners. From the Earl's resi-
dence— the ancient palace of the Knights of Ehodes — to the
cathedral, the way was lined with a double row of burgher
guards, wearing red roses on their arms, and apparelled in
the splendid uniforms for which the Netherlanders were cele-
brated. Trumpeters in scarlet and silver, baronsj knights,
and great officers, in cloth of gold and silks of all colours ; tho
young Earl of Essex, whose career was to be so romantic, and
whose fate so tragic ; those two . ominous personages, the
deposed little archbishop-elector of Cologne, with his melan-
choly face, c^nd the unlucky Don Antonio, Pretender of Por-
tugal, for whoni, dead or alive, thirty thousand crowns and a
diJtedom^ were perpetuaDy offered by Philip II.; young
Maurice of Nassau, the future controller of European destinies;
great counsellors of state, gentlemen, guardsmen, and port-
cullis-herald, with the coat of arms of Elizabeth, rode in
solemn procession along. Then great Leicester himself,
" most princelike in the robes of his order,'' guarded by a
troop of burghers, and by his own fifty halberd-men in scarlet
cloaks trimmed with white and purple velvet, pranced
gorgeously by.*
Tho ancient cathedral, built on tho spot where Saint
Willebrod had once ministered, with its light, tapering, brick
tower, three hundred and sixty feet in height, its exquisitely
mullioned windows, and its elc^pntly foliaged columns, soon
received the glittering throng. Hence, after due religious
ceremonies, and an English sermon from Master Knewstubs,
Leicester's chaplain, was a solemn march back April,
again to tho palace, where a stupendous banquet was ^^^^
ahready laid in the great halL*
On tho dais at the upper end of tho table, blazing with
* Declaration of Don Antonio^ in Bor, 11. 169.
• Holingshcd, iy. 658, seq. Stowe^ 717. Hoofii, Venrol^ 145. "Ibia.
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1686. ST. GEORGE'S DAY KEPT AT UTBEOHT. 17
plate and cryBtal^ stood the royal chair/ with the Queen's plate
and knife and fork before it, exactly as if she had been
present, while Leicester's trencher and stool were set respect-
fully quite at the edge of the board. In the neighbourhood
of this post of honour sat Count Maurice, the Elector, the
Pretender, and many illustrious English personages, with the
fair Agnes Mansfeld, Princess Chimay, the daughters of
William the Silent, and other dames of high degree.
Before the covers were removed, came limping up to the
dais grim-visaged Martin Schenk, freshly woimded, but
triumphant, from the sack of Werll, and black John Norris,
scarcely cured of the spear-wounds in his face and breast
received at the relief of Grave. The sword of knighthood^
was laid upon the shoulder of each hero, by the Earl of
Leicester, as her Majesty's vicegerent ; and then the ushers
marshalled the mighty feast. Meats in the shape of lions,
tigers, dragons, and leopards, flanked by peacocks, swans,
pheasants, and turkeys ^' in their natural feathers as in their
greatest pride," disappeared, course after course, — sonoroud
metal blowing meanwhile the most triumphant airs. After
the banquet came dancing, vaulting, tumbling, tc^ther with
the "forces of Hercules, which gave great delight to the
strangers," after which the company separated until even-
song.
Then again, "great was the feast," says the chronicler, — ■
a mighty suppier following hard upon the gigantic dinner.
After this there was tilting at the barriers, the young Earl of
Essex and other knights bearing themselves more chivalrously
than would seem to comport with so much eating and drinking.
Then, horrible to relate, came another "most sumptuous
banquet of sugar-meates for the men-at-arms and the
' Bar. II. 699, 700. Stowc, Holin-
Bhed, «M sup, 'Leyc. Ck)TTef^* 252,
253, April ^ 1586.
'^Shenks is a worthy fellow," said
Leioe^er, who never oould get nearer
than this to the name of the terrible
partisan. He also mentioned that bo
VOL. IT. — C
had given the worthy fellow a chain,
as ft^ her Majesty; adding, with an
eye to Elizabeth's thrift, that if she
thought he had paid too much for it,
he would cheerfully pay the balance
over what seemed the right sum out
of his own pocket *L^c. Corresp.'
227, 228.
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18
THS UNITED KKTHRRLANDSL
Chap. IS.
ladies/' after which, it being now midnight, the Lord of
Leicester bade the whole company good rest, and the men-at-
arms and ladies took their leave.^
But while all this chivalrous banqueting and holiday-
making was in hand, the Prince of Parma was in reality not
quite so much "appalled" by the relief of Grave as his an-
tagonist had imagined. The Earl, flushed with the success of
Hohenlo, already believed himself master of the country, and
assured his government, that, if he should be reasonably well
supplied, he would have Antwerp back again and Bruges
besides "before mid June."^
Never, said he, was " the Prince of Parma so dejected nor
so melancholy since he came into these countries, nor so far
out of courage/'* And it is quite true that Alexander had
reason to be discouraged. He had but eight or nine
thousand men, and no money to pay even this little force.
The soldiers were perishing daily, and nearly all the survivors
were described by their chief as sick or maimed. The
famine in the obedient Provinces was universal, the whole
population was desperate with hunger ; and the merchants,
frightened by Drake's successes, and appalled by the ruin all
around them, drew their purse-strings inexorably.* " I know
not to what saint to devote myself," said Alexander.^ He had
been compelled, by the movement before Grave, to withdraw
Haultepenne fix>m the projected enterprise against Neusz, and
he was quite aware of the cheerful view which Leicester was
inclined to take of their relative positions. "The English
think they are going to do great things," said he, "and con-
sider themselves masters of the field." ^
Nevertheless, on the 11th May, the dejected melancholy
man had left Brussels, and joined his little army, consisting
of three thousand Spaniards and five thousand of all other
* Stowe, Holinahed, Bor, Hooia,
ubi supra.
« *Leyc. Corresp.' 251,^^^, 158G.
•Ibid.
* "Cierrah la bolaa."
Panna to
Phflip, 9 May, 1586. (Aidb. do Si-
inw>cftg, MS.)
• Same to same, 27 April, 1586.
(Arch, de Simancaa, Ma)
• Letter of9 May, MS.
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1586.
PABMA LESS APPALLED THAN WAS THOUGHT.
19
nations.^ His veterans, though unpaid, ragged, and half-
starved, were in raptures to have their idolized uay ii,
commander among them again^ and vowed that under ^^^•
his guidance there was nothing which they could not accom-
plish. The King's honour, his own, that of the army, all were
pledged to take the city. On the success of that enterprise,
he said, depended all his past conquests, and every hope for
the future. Leicester and the English, whom he called the
head and body of the rebel forces, were equally pledged to
relieve the place, and were bent upon meeting him in the
field.* The Earl had taken some forts in the Batavia —
Betuwe, or "good meadow," which he pronounced as fertile
and about as large as Herefordshire,* — and was now threaten-
ing Nymegen, a city which had been gained for Philip by the
last dOTort of Schenk, on the royalist • side. He was now
observing Alexander's demonstrations against Grave, but,
after the recent success in victualling that place, he felt a just
confidence in its security.
On the Slst May the trenches were commenced, and on
the 5th June the batteries were opened. The work went
rapidly forward when Famese was in the field, sigt May,
" The PriQce of Parma doth batter it fike a Prince," * ^^®^- '
said Lord North, admiring the enemy with the enthusiasm of
an honest soldier. On the 6th o^ June, as Alexander rode
through the camp to reconnoitre, previous to an attack, a well-
directed cannon ball carried away the hinder half of his horse."
The Prince fell to the ground, and, for a moment, dismay
was in the Spanish ranks. At the next instant, though
somewhat bruised, he was on his feet again, and, having
found the breach sufficiently promising, he determined on the
assault.
As a preliminary measure, he wished to occupy a tower
' Parma to Philip II. 2t May, 1686.
(Arch, de Sim. MS.)
• Parma to Philip It 27 May, 11
June, 1586. (Ibid.)
> Leicester to the Qneen, 27 May,
1686. (S. P. Office MS.)
* North to Burghley, 29 May, 1686.
(S. P. Office Ma)
s Stowe» 718. Strada IL 416.
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20
THB UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. IX
which had been battered nearly to ruins, situate near the
river. Captain de Solis was ordered, with sixty veterans, to
take possession of this tower, and to "have a look at the
countenance of the enemy, without amusing himself with
anything else/'^ The tower was soon secured, but Solis, in
disobedience to his written instructions' led his men against
the ravelin, which was still in a state of perfect defence. A
musket-ball soon stretched him dead beneath the wall, and his
followers, stiH attempting to enter the impracticable breach,
were repelled by a shower of stones and blazing pitch-hoops.
Hot sand, too, poured from sieves and baskets, insinuated
itself within the armour of the Spaniards, and occasioned
such exquisite suffering, that many threw themselves into the
river to allay the pain. Emerging refreshed, but confused,
they attempted in vain to renew the onset. Several of the
little band were slain, the assault was quite unsuccessful, and
the trumpet sounded a recal.' So completely discomfited
were the Spaniards by this repulse, and so thoroughly at their
ease were the besieged, that a soldier let himself down from
the ramparts of the town for the sake of plundering the body
of Captain Solis, who was richly dressed, and, having accom-
plished this feat, was quietly helped back again by his com-
rades from above.*
To the surprise of the ])esiegers, however, on the very next
morning came a request from tho governor of the city, Baron
Hemart, to negociate for a surrender. Alexander was, natu-
rally, but too glad to grant easy terms, and upon the 7th
of June the garrison left tho town with colours displayed and
drums beating, and the Prince of Parma marched into it, at
the head of his troops. He found a year's provision there for
six thousand men, while, at the same time, the walls had
suffered so little, that he must have been obliged to wait long
for a practicable breach.*
1 Panna to Philip, 11 Juno, 1586.
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.)
2 Parma to Philip IL, MS. just cited.
3 Strada^ II. 417. Bor, IL 707, 70S.
* Broce's * Leyc. Corresp.* 288.
« Strada, II. 418. Bor, IL 707, 708.
Parma to Philip IL 27 May, 11 June,
1536. (Arch, de Simancas^ MS.) Nortli
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1586.
HE BBSIEGES AND REDUCES GEAYK
21
" There was no good reason even for women to have sur-
rendered the place/' exdaimed Leicester, when he heard the
newB.^ And the Earl had cause to bo enraged at such a
result He had received a letter only the. day before, signed
by Hemart himself and by all the officers in Grave, asserting
their determination and ability to hold the place for a ^ood
five months, or for an indefinite period, and until they should
be relieved. And indeed all the officers, with three exceptions,
had protested against the base surrender. But at the bottom
of the catastrophe — of the disastrous loss of the city and the
utter ruin of young Hemart — was a woman. The governor
was governed by his mistress, a lady of good family in the
place, but of Spanish inclinations, and she, for some'myTs-
terious reasons, had persuaded him thus voluntarily 'to capi-
tulate.'
Parma lost no time, however, in exulting over his success.
Upon the same day the towns of M^en and Batenburg sur-
rendered to him, and immediately afterwards si^ was laid
to Venlo, a town of importance, lying thirty miles farther up
the Mouse. The wife and family of Martin Schenk were in
the city, together with two hundred horses, and from fprty to
one hundred thousand crowns in money, plate, and furniture
belonging to him,*
That bold partisan, accompanied by the mad Welshman,
to Baixhley, 2J^ 1686. (3. V. Office
° ""8 Jam
a
M&) Leicester to the Queen, - June,
1586. (Ibid.)
* Brace's 'Leya Corresp.* 288.
• Meteren, xiii. 236. Brace's 'Leyc.
Conosp: 299-310. Strada, IL 418.
Leicester to the Queen, - June, 158G.
(S. P. Office MS.) North to Burgblejr,
- June, 1586. (Jbid.)
"The governor, Hemart,*' said
North, " is a gentleman of Gelder, of
great kindred, living, and acquaint-
anoe. There be many vehement pre-
snmpiioDfl to aigue a treadierous
practice with the enemy. The best
that can bo made of it was most vile
cowardice, mixed with such negligenca
as is unspeakable. In the time of that
siege ho spent his time in his house,
followed with his harlot, and when he
came abroad he could not be gotten
by entreaty of captains, burghers, or
soldiers to do anything for the defeoco
of the town, but straightway entered
into a continence of the people, wish-
ing rather to give up the town than
si^er the bk)od of so many innocents
to be spilt Which purpose he did pro-
secuto wiUi speed, and sent a drum to
the enemy for parley. The town was
impossible to be assaulted," to. &c
» North to BuigWey Uli!!!, issc.
(S. P. Office MS.)
, 24 Jane ,_«_
6 July
T. Doyley to Burgh-
(S. P. Office MS)
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22
THE TjyiTKD ^Jgl'HKRTiANDS
Chap. IX.
Roger Williams, at the head of one hundred and thirty
English lances and thirty of Schenk's men, made a wild
nocturnal attempt to cut their way through the besieging force,
and penetrate to the city. They passed through the enemy's
lines, killed all the corps-de-garde, and many Spanish troopers
— the terrible Martin's own hand being most effective in this
midnight slaughter — ^and reached the very door of Parma's
tent, where they killed his secretary and many of his guards.
It was even reported, and generally believed, that Famese
himself had been in imminent danger, that Schenk had fired
his pistol at him unsuccessfully, and had then struck him on
the head with its butt-end, and that the Prince had only saved
his life by leaping from his horse, and scrambling through a
ditch.^ But these seem to have been fables. The alarm at
last became general, the dawn of a summer's day was fast
approaching, the drums beat to arms, and the bold marauders
were obliged to effect their retreat, as they best might, hotly
pursued by near two thousand men. Having slain many of
the Spanish army, and lost nearly half their own number,
they at last obtained shelter in Wachtendonk.^
Soon afterwards the place capitulated without waiting for a
battery, upon moderate terms. Schenk's wife was sent away
28 June^ courtcously with her family, 'in a coach and four,
1586. an^ yf[i]^ Q^ much "apparel" as might be carried
with her. His property was confiscated, for " no fair wars
could be made with him." *
Thus, within a few weeks after taking the field, the
"dejected, melancholy" man, who was so "out of courage,"
and the soldiers who were so " marvellously beginning to run
away " — according to the Earl of Leicester — ^had swept their
enemy from every town on the Meuse. That river was now,
» North to Burghley, — Juno, 168G.
(S. P. Office Ma)
s Ibid. Meteren, xiil 235. Dojlej
2i JniM
to Bui^hley, 1 1686. (S. P. Office
MS.)
* Doyley to Burghley, vbi sup, Lei-
cester to tho Quoen, — ^ 1686. (S. P.
Office MS.) North to Burgfalejr, samo
date. (S. P. Office M&) Parma to
PhOip II. 8 July, 1686. (Arch, do
Simancas, MS.) Compare btrada, IL
423. MeteroD, ziU. 236.
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1&86. AND IS MASTER OF THB MEUSE. 23
thronglioat its whole course, in the power of the Spaniards.
The Province of Brabant became thoroughly guarded again
by its foss, and the enemy's road was opened into the northern
Provinces.
Leicester, meantime, had not distinguished himself. It
must be confessed that he had been sadly outgeneralled.
The man who had talked of following the enemy inch by
inch, and who had pledged himself not only to protect Grave,
and any other place that might be attacked, but even to
recover Antwerp and Bruges within a few weeks, had wast<3d
the time in very desultory operations. After the St. George
feasting, Knewstub sermons, and forces of Hercules, were all
finished, the Earl had taken the field with five . thousand foot
and fifteen hundred horse. His intention was to clear the
Yssd, by getting possession of Doesburg and Zutphen, but,
hearing of Parma's demonstrations upon Grave, he abandoned
the contemplated siege of those cities, and came to Arnheim.
He then crossed the Bhine into the Isle of Batavia, and
thence, after taking a few sconces of inferior importance —
while Schenk, meanwhile, was building on the Island of
Gravenweert, at the bifurcation of the Khine and Waal, the
sconce so celebrated a century later as ^Schenk's Fort'
(Schenkenschans) — ^he was preparing to pass the Waal in
order to attack Famese, when he heard, to his astonishment,
of tho surrender of. Grave." *
. He could therefore — to his chagrin — ^no longer save that
important city, but he could, at least, cut off the head of the
culprit. Leicester was in Bommel when he heard of Baron
Hemarfs faint-heartedness or treachery, and his wrath was
extravajgant in proportion to the exultation with which his
previous success had inspired him. He breathed nothing but
revenge against the coward and tho traitor, who had delivered
up the town in /* such lewd and beastly sort.*
'* I will never depart hence," he said, " till by the goodness
1 Meteren, xiU. 235^'.
Leicester to tho Queen, — June, 158G. (3. P. Office MS.)
14
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24
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. IX.
of God I be Batisfied someway of this villain'B treacheiy/'*
There could be little doubt that Hemart deserved pumshment.
There could be as little that Leicester would mete it out to
him in ample measure. "The lewd villain who gave up
Grave/' said he, "and the captains as deep in fault as himself,
shall all suffer together." ^
Hemart came boldly to meet him, " The honest man came
to me at Bommel,*' said Leicester, and he assured the govern-
ment that it was in the hope of persuading the magistrates of
that and other towns to imitate his own treachery.*
But the magistrates straightway delivered the culprit to
the governor-general, who immediately placed him under
26 June, arrest A court-martial was summoned, 26th of June,
1586. Q^ Utrecht, consisting of Hohenlo, Essex, and other
distinguished officers. They found that the conduct of the
prisoner merited death, but left it to the Earl to decide
whether various extenuating circumstances did not justify a
pardon.* Hohenlo and Norris exerted themselves to procure
a mitigation of the young man's sentence, and they excited
thereby the governor's deep indignation. Norris, accord-
ing to Leicester, was in love with the culprit's aunt, and
was therefore especially desirous of saving his life.* More-
over, much use was made of the discredit which had been
thrown by the Queen on the Earl's authority, and it was
openly maintained, that, being no longer governor-general,
he had no authority to order execution upon a Netherland
officer."
The favourable circumstances urged in the case, were, that
Hemart was a young man, without experience in military
matters, and that he had been overcome by the supplications
and outcries of the women, panic-struck after the first assault.
There were no direct proofs of treachery, or even of personal
* Bruce'a * Lerc Coiresp.' 285.
• Ibid. 28T.
• Leicester to tho Queen, MS. be-
fore cited.
* North to rurghlcj, — Juno, 1586.
(S. P. Office MS.) KoofO, Yervolgh,
166.
* Bruoe's *Lcjc. Correrp.' 301, 310,
313.
• LciccEtcr to tlio Queen, — Joni^
158G. (S. r. CfficoMSJ
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1586.
LEICESTER'S EAGE AT SUBBSNDEE OF GRAVE.
25
cowardice. He begged hard for a pardon^ not on account of
his life, but for the sake of his reputation. He earnestly
implored permission to serve under the Queen of England, as
a private soldier, without pay, on land or sea, for as many
years as she should specify, and to bo selected for the most
dangerous employments, in order that, before he died, he
might wipe out the disgrace, which, through his fault, in an
hour of weakness, had come upon an ancient and honourable
house.^ Much interest was made for him — ^his family connec-
tion being powerful — ^and a general impression prevailing
that he had erred through folly, rather than deep guilt.
But Leicester beating himself upon the breast — as ho was
wont when excited — swore that there should bo no pardon
for such a traitor.^ The States of Holland and Zeeland,
likewise, were decidedly in favour of a severe example.'
Hemart was accordingly lal to the scaffold on the 28th
June. He spoke to the people with great calmness, and, in
20th June, two languages, French and Flemish, declared that
158G. he was guiltless of treachery, but that the terror
and tears of the women, in an hour of panic, had made a
coward of him.* He was beheaded, standing. The two
captains, Du Ban and Koeboekum, who had also been con-
denmed, suffered with him.* A third captain, likewise con-
victed, was, " for very just cause," pardoned by Leicester.^
The Earl persisted in believing that Hemart had surrendered
the city as part of a deliberate plan, and affirmed that in such
a time, when men had como to think no more of giving up a
town than of abandoniug a house, it was highly necessary to
afford an example to traitors and satisfaction to the people.'
And the people were thoroughly satisfied, according to the
governor, and only expressed their regret that three or four
members of the States-General could not have their heads
^Hoofd, Venrolgh, 1C6. Mctercn,
xiit 236^<».
* Hoofd, ubi ntpra,
» 'Reeol. Holl,' 24 June, 1 July,
1586, bL 220. Wagenaar, viil 128.
* Jloofd, IXcteren, WagCDaar, ubi
* Ibid.
• Leiceatcr lo Burghley, — Junc^
158G. (S.P. Office M&)
^ Unice, ' Leyc. CorreEp^' 309 9cq,
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26
THl TTIOTBD JgBTHKRLANDS.
Ohap. DL
cut off as well, being as arrant knaTes as Hemart ; ^^and so I
think they be/' added Leicester.*
Parma having thus made himself master of the Mease, lost
no time in making a demonstration upon the parallel course
of the Ehine, thirty miles fartiier east.* Schenk, Kloet, and
other partisans, kept that portion of the archi-episcopate and
of Westphalia in a state of perpetual commotion.' Early
in the preceding year. Count de Meurs had, by a fortunate
stratagem, captmred the town of Neusz for the deposed elector,
and Herman Kloet, a young and most determined Greldrian
soldier, now commanded in the place.^
The Elector Ernest had made a visit in disguise to the
camp of Parma, and had represented the necessity of recover- '
ing the city. It had become the stronghold of heretics, rebels,
and banditti. The Bhine was in their hands, and with it the per-
petual power of disturbing the loyal Netherlands. It was as much
the interest of his Catholic Majesty as that of the Archbishop
that Neusz should be restored to its lawful owner. Parma
had felt the force of tliis reasoning, and had early in the
year sent Haultepenne to invest the city. He had been
obliged to recal that commander during the siege of Grave.
The place being reduced, Alexander, before the grass could
grow beneath his feet advanced to the Bhine in person.
Early in July he appeared before the walls of Neusz with
eight thousand foot and two thousand horse. The garrison
under Kloet numbered scarcely more than sixteen hundred
effective soldiers,* all Netherlanders and Germans, none being
English.
The city is twenty miles below Cologne. It was so well
fortified that a century before it had stood a year's siege from
the famous Charles the Bold, who, after all, had been obliged
to retire.^ It had also resisted the strenuous efforts of Charles
' Leicester to the Queen, — Juno,
18
168G. Same to Burghky,- June, 158ft.
(S. P. Office MSS.)
s Panna to Philip IL 8 July, 158G.
(Arcb. de Simancas, MS.)
• Wagenaar, vliL 131. Hoofd. Ter-
Tdgh, 164.
* Strada, IL 425. Wagenaar, Till 132.
• Strada, Ac, Ma Just cited.
* Meteren, xill 235^.
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158&
HIS BEYENOE— PAEICA ON THB BHINE.
27
the Fifth/ and was now stronger than it ever had been.
It was thorooghlj well provisioned^ so that it was safe enough
"if those within it/' said Leicester, "be men."^ The Earl
expressed the opinion, however, that " those fellows were not
good to defend towns, unless the besiegers were obliged to
swim to the attack''^ The issue was to show whether the
sarcasm were jost or not. Meantime the town was considered
by the governor-general to be secure, "unless towns were
to be had for the asking."*
Neusz is not immediately upon the Rhine, but that river,
which sweeps away in a north-easterly direction from the
walls, throws out an arm which completely encircles the town.
A part of the place, cut into an island by the Erpt, was
strengthened by two redoubts. This island was abandoned,
as being too weak to hold, and the Spaniards took possession
of it immediately.^ There were various preliminary and
sanguinary sorties and skirmishes, during which the Spaniards
after having been once driven from the island, again occupied
that position. Archbishop Ernest came into the camp, and,
before proceeding to a cannonade, Parma offered to the city cer-
tain terms of capitulation,, which were approved by that prelate.
Kloet replied to this proposal, that he was wedded to the town
and to his honour, which were as one. These he was incapable
of sacrificing, but his life he was ready to lay down.^ There
was, through some misapprehension,, a delay in reporting this
answer tp Famese. Meantime that general became impatient,
and advanced to the battery of the Italian regiment. Pre-
tending to be a plenipotentiary from the commander-in-
chief, he expostulated in a loud voice at the slowness of their
counsels. Hardly had he begun to speak, when a shower of
balls rattled about him. His own soldiers were terrified at
his danger, and a cry arose in the town that " Holofemese" —
* MetercD, xiii. 235'«>.
« Brace's * Leyc. Correftp.' 250.
£0
'Leioester to Burg^ey, — July,
1586. (a r. Office MS.)
* Same to the Queen,- July. (S. P.
Office Ma)
6 Strada^ IL 430.
• North to Burghley, 26 July, 16861
(S. P. Office M&)
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28
THE UNITBD NETHERLANDS.
COAP. IX
as the Flemings and Germans were accustcmied to nickname
Famese — ^was dead.^ Strange to relate, he was quite un-
harmed/and walked back to his tent with dignified slowness
and a very frowning fiice. It was said that this breach of
truce had been begun by the Spaniards, who had fired first,
and had been immediately answered by the town. This was
hotly denied, and Parma sent Colonel Tassis with a flag of
truce to the commander, to rebuke and to desire an explana-
tion of this dishonourable conduct^
The answer given, or imagined, was that Commander Kloet
had been sound aslfeep, but that he now much regretted this
untoward accident. The explanation was received with deri-
sion, for it seemed hardly probable that so young and energetic
a soldier would take the opportunity to refresh himself with
dumber at a moment when a treaty for the capitulation of a
city under his chai^ was under discussion. This terminated
the negociation.*
A few days afterwards, tho feast of St. James was celebrated
in the Spanish camp, with bonfires and other demonstrations
of hilarity! The townsmen are said to have desecrated the
same holiday by roasting alive in the market-place two un-
fortunate soldiers, who had been captured in a sortie a few
days before ; besides burning the body of the holy Saint Qui-
rinus, with other holy relics.^ The detestable deed was to
bo most horribly avenged.
A steady cannonade from forty-five great guns was kept up
from 2 A.M. of July 15 imtil the dawn of the following day;
16 Juij, tho cannoneers being all provided with mUk and
358G. vinegar to cool the pieces.* At daybreak the assault
was ordered. Eight separate attacks were made with the
usual impetuosity of Spaniards, and were steadily repulsed.^
» Iloofd, Vervolgb, 179.
*Strada, IL 433. Hoofd, vhisup,
^Hoofd. Btrada, ubi #up. lie-
teren, xiil 236 aeq,
* Parma to Philip II. 4 Aufc. 1586.
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.) Compare
8trada II. 434.
There is no authority but that of
Famese for the statement of tliis
horrible crime^ but I feel it my duty
to record it
» North to Bui^ghley, 26 July, 15Sa
(a P. Office Ma)
• Ibid.
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1586.
HE BESIEGBS AND ASSAULTS NEUSZ.
29
At the ninth, the outer wall was carried, and the Spaniards
shonting " Santiago" poured oVer it, bearing back all resistance.
An Italian Knight of the Sepulchre, Cesar Guidiccioni by
name, and a Spcuush ensign, one Alphonso de Mesa, with his
colours in one hand and a ladder in the other, each claimed
the honour of having first mounted the breach. Both being
deemed equally worthy of reward, Parma, after the city had
been won, took from his own cap a sprig of jewels and a
golden wheat-ear ornamented with a gem, which he had
himself worn in place of a plume, and thus presented each
with a brilliant token of his* r^ard.* The wall was then
strengthened against the inner line of fortification, and all
night long a desperate conflict was m^ntained in the dark
upon the narrow space between the two barriers. Before day-
light Eloet, who then, as always, had led his men in the most
desperate adventures, was carried into the town, wounded in
five places, and with his leg almost severed at the thigh.^
^^'Tis the bravest man," said the enthusiastic Lord North,
" that was ever heard of in the world."* " He is but a boy,"
said Alexander Famese, " but a commander of extraordinary
capacity and valour." *
Early in the morning, when this mishap was known, an
officer was sent to the camp of the besiegers to treat. The
soldiers received him with furious laughter, and denied him
access to the general /'Commander Kloet had waked from
his nap at a wrong time," they said, "and the Prince of
Parma was now sound asleep, in his turn."^ There was no
possibility of commencing a negociation. The Spaniards,
heated by the conflict, maddened by opposition, and inspired
by the desire to sack a wealthy city, overpowered all resistance.
*^ My little soldiers were not to be restrained,"* said Famese,
and so compelling a reluctant consent on the part of tho
commander-in-chief to an assault, the Italian end Spanish
> Strada. IL 435.
■ Jbid, 436. North to Burghlej, Ma
* North to Burghley, MS.
* Panna to Philip, 4 Aug. 1586. MS.
• Strada, n. 437.
• Panna to Philip,
(Ajch. de SimancaB, MS.)
4 Aug. 158a
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30
THB UNITED NETHEBLANDa
Chap. IX.
l^ons poured into the town at two opposite gates, which
were no longer strong enough to withstand the enemy. The
two streams met in the heart of the place, and swept every
living thing in their path out of existence. The garrison was
butchered to a man, and subsequently many of the inhabitants
— ^men, women, and children — also, although the women, to
the honour of Alexander, had been at first secured from harm
in some of the churches, where they had been ordered to take
refuge. The first blast of indignation was against the com-
mandant of the place. Alexander, who had admired his
courage, was not unfavourably disposed towards him, but
Archbishop Ernest vehemently demanded his immediate
death, as a personal favour to himself^ As the churchman
was nominally sovereign of the city, although in reality a
beggarly dependant on Philip's alms, Famese felt bound to
comply. The manner in which it was at first supposed that
the Bishop's Christian request had been complied with, sent
a shudder through every heart in the Netherlands. " They
took Kloet, wounded as he was," said Lord North, *^and first
strangled him, then smeared him with pitch, and burnt him
with gunpowder; thus, with their holiness, they made a
tragical end of an heroical service^ It is wondered that the
Prince would suffer so great an outrage to be done to so noble
a soldier, who did but his duty."*
But this was an error. A Jesuit priest* was sent to the
^ Tho Jesuit Strado, IL 438, ia Uio
autboritj for the statoment^ founded
upon Alexander's own letters; more
of which were before him than can
now be found in any single coUcction
of documents. I liaTe notioed yery
fow of the Simancas letters relating
to Famese that do not seem to have
been at Strada's disposal — although, of
course, he only gives a very brief epi-
tome of them in the Latin language
— ^while he has used many others of
which there are no copies at Simancas.
• North to Burghley, ^-^, 1686.
(S. P. Office MS.) Leicester's account
was still more horrible— ''After Elect
was brought to the market-place," ho
wroto to Walsingfaaro, *' being sore-
wounded before, they laid him upon a
table, and bound him, and anointed
him with tar all over his body, and
half'Strcmgling him, burnt him cruelly."
Bruoe's *Leyc. Corresp.' 3G9, ^^
1686. ^ ' 8A««.
Other English letters described the
fate of the commandant in a similar
manner, but the crime, although
odious, was not quite so atrocious as
it was at first beliered to be.
' "Ad quern lecto Jaoentum misso
Sodetatis Jesu sacerdote, cpjus operA
in eo saltem mortis articub t secunda
se morte praeriperatj" &a Strada» IL
438.
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1586.
HORBIBLE PATB OP THB GABRISON AND CITT.
31
house of the commandant^ for a humane effort was thought
necessary in order to save the soul of the man whose life was
forfeited for the crime of defending his city. The culprit was
foxmd lying in bed. His wife, a woman of remarkable beauty/
with her sister, was in attendance upon him. The spectacle
of those two fair women, nursing a wounded soldier fallen
upon the field of honour, might have softened devils with
symipathy. But the Jesuit was closely followed by a band of
soldiers, who, notwithstanding the supplications of the women,
and the demand of Kloet to be indulged with a soldier's
death, tied a rope round tho commandant's neck, dragged
him from his bed, and" hanged him from his own window.
The Calvinist clergyman, Fosserus of Oppenheim, the deacons
of the congregation, two military ofiScers, and — said Parma —
"forty other rascals," were murdered in the same way at the
same time.* The bodies remained at the window till they
were devoured by the flames, which soon consumed the house.
For a vast conflagration, caused none knew whether by acci-
dent, by the despair of the inhabitants, by the previous
arrangements of the commandant, by the latest-arrived bands
of the besiegers enraged that the Italians and Spaniards had
been beforehand with them in the spoils, or — as Famese more
maturely believed — ^by the special agency of the Almighty,
ojSfended with the burning of Saint Quirinus,* now came to
complete the horror of the scene. Three-quarters of the town
were at once in a blaze. The churches, where the affiighted
women had been cowering during tho sack and slaughter,
ware soon on fire, and now, amid the crash of falling houses
and the uproar of the dnmken soldiery, those unhappy victims
were seen flitting along the flaming streets, seeking refuge
against the fury of the elements in the more horrible cruelty
of man. The fire lasted all day and night, and not one stone
would have been left upon another, had not the body of
> Strada, IL US. last cited.
s "Se ahorcaron oon el comandante^
^ zninistro, los consistoriaDtes, j qua-
ranta otros vellacos," &c Parma to
Phflip, 4 Aug. 1586. (Arch, do Siman-
eaSy Ma) Compare Strada^ n. 438
Meteren, xiii 236. Hoofd, Vorvolgh,
179, 180. Bor, IT. 738.
> Strada, IL 441, 442.
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32
THE UNITED NBTHEBLANDa
Chap. IX.
a second Baint, saved on a former occasion from the heretics
by the piety of a citizen, been fortunately deposited in his
house. At this point the conflagration was stayed— for the
flames refused to consume these holy relics^ — ^but almost
the whole of the town was destroyed, while at least four thou-
sand people, citizens and soldiers, had perished by sword or
fire/'*
Three hundred survivors of the garrison took refuge in a
tower. Its base was surrounded, and, after brief parley, they
4 Aug:, descended as prisoners. The Prince and Haultepenno
1586., attempted in vain to protect them against the fury
of the soldiers, and every man of thein was instantly put to
death.*
The next day, Alexander gave orders that the wife and
sister of the commandant should be protected — for they had
escaped, as if by miracle, from all the horrors of that day and
night — and sent, under escort, to their friends.* Neusz had
nearly ceased to exist, for, according to contemporaneous
accounts, but eight houses had escaped destruction.
And the reflection was most painful to Leicester and to every
generous Englishman or Netherlander in the country, that
this important city and its heroic defenders might have been
preserved, but for want of harmony and want of money.*
Twice had the Earl got together a force of four thousand men
for the relief of the place, and twice had he been obliged to dis-
band them again for the lack of funds to set them in the field.
» Strada, II. 440. * Ibid. 442.
» Ibid. 439. * Ibid. 438.
» Bor, n. 738. Stow©, 734. Hoofd,
Vervolg^, 179, 180. Meteren, xiii.
236, seq, Strada, IL 436-442. Parma
to Philip IL 4 Aug. 1686. (Arch, de
Simancaa, MS.)
North to Bui^hley, ^^, W30.
Samo to samo, — Aug. 1586.
n July,
81
W. KnoUys to same, 1 Aug.
11
Leicester
T. Cecil to same,
B. Gcrko to same,
S Aag.
T. Doy-
ley to samo, - Aug. (3. P. OflBce
MSS.) "
' Sir Thomas Cecil, eldest son of
the Lord Treasurer, was then governor
of the cautionary town of Brill. It
had been proposed to him to change
this goremment for that of Harhngton
in Friesland, where Lord North was
then installed. But CecU obsenred
that he was "resolved to keep the
Brill stOl, . as one that would rather
keep a shrew he knoweth than a shrew
he knoweth not" He was much dis-
gusted with the perpetual discord
which had succeeded tlio brief cnthu-
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1686. WHICH LEICESTER "WAS HNAJBLE TO EELIEVK
33
He had pawned liis plate and other valuables/ exhausted his
credit, and had nothing for it but to wait for the Queen's tardy
remittances, and to wrangle with the States ; for the leaders
of that body were unwilling to accord large supplies to a
man who had become personally suspected by them, and was
the representatiye of a deeply-suspected government. Mean-
while, one-third at least of the money which really found its
way firotti time to time out of England, was filched from the
"poor starved wretches," as Leicester called his soldiers, by
the dishonesty of Norris, uncle of Sir John and army-trea-
Burer. This man was growing so rich on his peculations,
on his commissions, and on his profits from paying the
troops in a depreciated coin, that Leicester declared the
whole revenue of his own landed estates in England to bo
less than that functionary's annual income.^ Thus it was
difficult to say whether the " ragged rogues" of Elizabeth or
the maimed and neglected soldiers of Philip were in the more
pitiable plight.
The only consolation in the recent reduction of Neusz was
to be found in the fact that Parma had only gained a position,
for the town had ceased to exist ; and in the fiction that he
had paid for his triumph by the loss of six thousand soldiers,
killed and wounded.* In reality not more than five hundred
of Famese's armv lost their lives,^ and although the town.
liasm upon Leicester's arrival The
wrangling between Leicester and his
officers, and between them all and tho
States offended the yoong fio]4ier so
mach that bo was anxious to leave the
Ne^erlands. " Bravely was Nuys de-
truded by Kloet, but evil relieved by
nat" he wrote to his fether. " Our
aShirB here be such 9s that which we
coodnde overnight is broke in tho
morning; we agree not one with an-
other, but we are divided in many fao-
tions, so as if the enemy were as strong
as we are &ctious and irresolute, I
think we should make shipwreck of
the cause this summer.'* Sir T. Cecil
to Lord Burghley, - July, 1686. (8. P.
OfficoMS.)
VOL. II. — D
10
' Leicester to Burghley, — Aug.
1686. (S. P. Office MS.)
' Bruce's 'Leyc. Corresp.' 260, 264,
299, 303.
» Bruce's * Leya Corresp.* 363. " He
has lost 3,000 of his soldiers and
as many hurt.'* (I). Leicester to
Walsingham, 27 July, 1686. "Of
the enemy not less than 3,000 slain,"
said North, 26 July, MS. ubi supra,
•*Tho town is gone, dean burnt to
the ground," wrote Leicester to Burgh-
ley, "and to the number of 4,000
dead in Vie ditches,^* Letter of
29 July . ,0 , .
MS. wnn^cu
8 Aug.
12
* KortU to Buighley, — Aug. MS.
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34
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. IX.
excepting some churches, had certainly been destroyed; yet
the Prince was now master of the Rhine as far as Cologne,
and of the Meuse as far as Grave. The famine which pressed
so sorely upon him, might now be relieved, and his military
communications with Germany be considered secure. .
The conqueror now turned his attention to Rheinberg,
twenty-five miles ferther down the river.^
Sir Philip Sidney had not been well satisfied by the com-
parative idleness in which, from these various circumstances,
he had been compelled to remain. Early in the spring ho
had been desirous of making an attack upon Flanders by
capturing the town of Steenberg. The faithful Roger Williams
had strongly seconded the proposal. " We wish to show your
Excellency," said he to Leicester, "that wo are not sound
asleep."?' The Welshman was not likely to be accused of
somnolence, but on this occasion Sidney and himself had been
overruled. At a later moment, and during the siege of Neusz,
Sir Philip had the satisfaction of making a successful foray
into Flanders.
The expedition had been planned by Prince Maurice of
Nassau, and was his earliest military achievement. He pro-
posed carrying by surprise the city of Axel, a well-built,
strongly-fortified town on the south-western edge of the great
Scheldt estuary, and very important from its position. Its
acquisition would make the hold of the patriots and the
English upon Sluys and Ostend more secure, and give them
many opportunities of annoying the enemy in Flanders.
Early in July, Maurice wrote to the Earl of Leicester, com-
municating the particulars of his scheme, but begging that
the affair might be "very secretly handled," and kept from
every one but Sidney. Leicester accordingly sent his nephew
to Maurice that they might consult together upon the enter-
prise, and make sure " that there was no ill intent, there being
1 Bor, Iloofd, Meteren, Strada, ttbi
mpra.
• Wflliama to
17
Leicoeter, - Feb.
1586. (Brit Hus. Galba. a ix. p. 8S.
MS.)
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1586L AXEL SXJRPRISBD BY MAUEICE AND SIDNET. 35
80 much treachery in the worl(i"i Sidney, found no trea-
chery in young Maurice, but only a noble and intelligent
love of adventure, and tho two arranged their plans in har-
mony.
Leicester, then, in order to deceive tho enemy, came to
Beigen-op-Zoom, with five hundred men, where he remained
two days, not sleeping a wink, as he averred, during is, 17 juij,
the whole time. In tho night of Tuesday, 16 6h of ^^®^-
July, the five hundred English soldiers were despatched by
water, under chaige of Lord Willoughby, "who," said the
Earl, " would needs go with them." Young Hatton, too, son of
Sir Christopher, also volunteered on the service, " as his first
nursling/'^ Sidney had five hundred of his own Zeeland
regiment in readiness, and the rendezvous was upon the broad
waters of the Scheldt, opposite Flushing.* The plan was
neatly carried out, and the united flotilla, in a dark, calm,
midsummer's night, rowed across the smooth estuary ai^d
landed at Ter Neuse, about a league from Axel. Hero they
were joined by Maurice with some Netherland companies, and
the united troopS, between two and three thousand strong,
marched at once to tho place proposed. Before two in tho
morning they had reached Axel, but found the moat very
deep. Forty soldiers immediately plunged in, however, carry-
ing their ladders with them, swam across, scaled the rampart,
killed the guard, whom they found asleep in their beds, and
opened the gates for their comrades. The whole force then
marched in, the Dutch companies under Colonel Pyron being
first. Lord Willoughby's men being second, and Sir Philip
with his Zeelanders bringing up the rear.* The garrison,
between five and six hundred in number, though surprised,
resisted gallantly, and were all put to tho sword. Of the
g
• Leicester to tho Quoen, — July,
1586. (S. P. Office MS.)
' Brace's * Leyc Corresp.' 338.
• "Before Flashing, upon the water,
that it might be lees noted.** Leicester
to the Queen, MS. before cited.
• Sr T. Cecfl to Lord Burghley, i
July, 1586. (& P. Office M&)
Leicester, however, says, "My ne-
phew Sidney, with his band, would
needs have the first entry, as the mes-
senger told me" (Letter to the Queen,
ubi 8up,); but the messenger seems to
have been mistaken.
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36
TTTTC UNITED NETHEELANDS.
Chap. IX.
invaders, not a jingle maa lost his life. Sidney most gene-
rously rewarded from his own purse the adventurous soldiers
who had swum the moat; and it was to his care and intelli-
gence that the success of Prince Maurice's scheme was generally
attributed. The achievement was hailed with great satisfac-
tion, and it somewhat raised the drooping spirits of the patriots
after their severe losses at Gmve and Venlo. " This victory
hath happened in good time/' wrote Thomas Cecil to his
father, ^^and hath made us somewhat to lift up our heads." ^
A garrison of eight hundred, under Colonel Pyron, was left
in Axel, and the dykes around were then pierced. Upwards
of two millions' worth of property in grass, cattle, com, was
thus immediately destroyed^ in the territory of the obedient
Netherlands.
Afl»r an unsuccessful attempt to surprise Gravolines,^ the
governor of which place, tho veteran La Motte, was not so
easily taken napping, Sir Philip having gained much reputa-
tion by this conquest of Axel, then joined the main body of
the army, under Leicester, at Amheim.^
Tet, after all. Sir Philip had not grown in favour with her
Majesty during his service in the Low Countries. He had also
been disappointed in the government of Zeeland, to which post
his uncle had destined liim. The cause of Leicester's ambi-
tion had been frustrated by the policy of Bameveld and Buys,
in pursuance of which Count or Prince M::urice — ^as he was
now jpurposely designated, in order that his rank might sur-
pass that of the Earl* — ^had become stadholder and captain-
^ CocQ to Buigbley, ubi supra.
s Leicester to Burglilej, -^
1586. (a p; Office MS.) /^'**
"Your LordBhip wUl not believo
how the town of Axel is like to annoy
these parts. There is already so much
com, cattle, and grass destroyed, as is
worth two millions of florins."
3 Meteren, xiii 236'*.
. * Letters of Leicester and of Sir T.
Cecil above cited.. Compare Meteren,
xiii. 236. Brockets Life of Sidney, 11.
15. Hoofd, VeiTolgh, 181, 182 j Bor^
IL T3S; Wagenaar, vlii. 134. Bnice's
*Leya Corresp.' 337, 338.
* His elder brother, Philip William,
son of William the Silent, by his first
wife Anna de Bnren, was Prince of
Orange, but was still detained ci^tiye
in Spain. Tho title of Prince was
given by courtesy to Maurice, on tho
ground that in Germany all the sons
succeeded to the father's title. As
tlie principality' of Orange was not in
Germany, and as the title of William
in tliat country was only that of
Count, it was difficult to see any claim
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WSe. THE ZEETiAJgD EEGIMENT GIVEN TO SIDNEY. 37 .
general both of Holland and Zeeland. The Earl had given
his nephew, however, the colonelcy of the Zeeland regiment,
vacant by the death of Admiral Haultain on the Kowenstyn
Dyke. This promotion had excited much anger among the
high officers in the Netherlands, who, at the instigation of
Count Hohenlo, had presented a remonstrance upon the sub-
ject to the governor-general. It had always been the custom,
they said, with the late Prince of Orange, to confer promotion
according to seniority, without regard to social rank, and they
were therefore unwilling that a young foreigner, who had just
entered the service, should thus be advanced over the heads
of veterans who had been campaigning thero so many weary
years.^ At the same time the gentlemen who signed the
paper protested to Sir Philip, in another letter, " with all the
same hands,'' that tiiey had no personal feeling towards him,
but, on the contrary, that they wished him all honour." ^
Young Mamice himself had always manifested tho most
friendly feelings toward Sidney, although influenced in his
action by the statesmen who were already organizing a power-
ful opposition to Leicester. ^^ Count Mamice showed himself
constantly kind in the matter of the regiment," said Sir
PhiKp, " but Mr. Paul Buss has so many busses in his head,
such as you shall find he will be to God and man about one
pitcL Happy is the communication of them that join in the
fear of God."* Hohenlo, too, or Hollock, as he was called
by tho French and English, was much governed by Buys and
Olden-Bameveld. Eeckless and daring, but loose of life and
uncertain of purpose, ho was most dangerous, unless under
safe guidance. Koger Williams— who vowed that but for
the love he bore to Sidney and Leicester, he would not remain
ten days in the Netherlands — ^was much disgusted by Ho-
henlo's conduct in regard to the Zeeland regiment. "Tis a
mutinous request of Hollock," said he, " that strangers should
not command Netherlanders. Ho and his Alemaynes are
of Hamice to bo entitled Princo so
long as his brother was alive. Lei-
cester always considered his assomp-
tion of this superior rank as a per-
sonal oflfront to himselt
* Sidney to Pavisoa, 24 Feb. 158G.
(Brit Mus. Galba 0. ix. t6, MS.) Com.
pare letters of Hohenlo in Bor, IIL
123 aeq, Hoofd, Vervolgh, 156, 157,
Wagenaar, yiil 129.
* Sidney to Davison, vbi svpra,
» Ibid.
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38' THE UNITED NETHERLANDa - Chap. IX.
farther bom from Zeeland than Sir Philip is. Either yon must
make Hollock assured to yon, or you must disgrace him. If
he will not be yours, I will show you means to disinherit him
of all his commands at small danger. What service doth he,
Count Solms, Coimt Overstein, with their Almaynes, but
spend treasure and consume great contributions ? " *
It was very natural that the chivalrous Sidney, who had
come to the Netherlands to win glory in the field, should bo
desirous of posts that would bring danger and distinction with
them. He was not there merely that ho might govern Flush-
ing, important as it was, particularly as the garrison was,
according to his statement, about as able to maintain the
town, "as the Tower was to answer for London." He dis-
approved of his wife's inclination to join him in Holland, for
ho was likely — so he wrote to her father, Walsingham — " to
run such a course as would not be fit for any of the feminine
gender."^ He had been, however, grieved to the heart, by
the spectacle which was perpetually exhibited of the Queen's
parsimony, and of the consequent suffering of the soldiers.
Twelve or fifteen thousand Englishmen were serving in tho
Nethierlands — moro than two thirds of them in her Majesty's
immediate employment. No troops had ever fought better,
or more honourably maintained the ancient glory of England.
But rarely had moro ragged and wretched warriors been seen
than they, after a few months' campaigning.
The Irish Kemos — some fifteen hundred cf v/hcm were
among the auxiUarics — ^were better off, for they habitually
dispensed with clothing ; an apron frdnx waist to knco being
the only protection of these wild Kelts, who fought with the
valour, and nearly in the costume of Homeric heroes. Fear-
ing nothing, needing nothing, sparing nothing, they stalked
about tho fens of Zeeland upon their long stilts, cr leaped
across running rivers, scaling ramparts, robbing the highways,
burning, butchering, and maltreating tho villages and their
inhabitants, with as little regard for the laws of Christian
warfare as for those of civilized costume.^
' n. WOliaxna to Leicester, - Feb. 1586. (Brit Mua. Oalba, C. be 85. MS.)
" Letters in Gray's Life of Sydney, 291.
» r.cycl, V. 101. Iloofd, TciTclgb, 2':0. Strada, IL UG,
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1586. CONDITION OP IRISH AND ENGLISH TROOPa 39
•
Other soldiers, more sophisticated as to apparel, were less
at their ease. The generous Sidney spent all his means, and
loaded himself with deht, in order to relieve the necessities
of the poor soldiers. He protested that if tho Queen would
not pay her troops, she would lose her troops, but that no
living man should say the fault was in him. " What relief I
can do them I will," he wrote to his father-in-law ; " I wDl
spare no danger, if occasion serves. . I am sure that no
creature shall lay injustice to my charge." ^
Very soon it was discovered that the starving troops had to
contend not only with tho Queen's niggardliness but with the
dishonesty of her agents. Treasurer Norris was constantly
accused by Leicester arid Sidney of gross peculation. - Five
per cent, according to Sir Philip, was lost to the Zeeland
soldiers in every payment, "and God knows," he said, "they
want no such hindrance, being scarce able to keep life with
their entire pay. Truly it is but poor increase, to her Ma-
jesty, considering what loss it is to the miserable soldier."
Discipline and endurance were sure to be sacrificed, in tho
end, to such short-sighted economy, "When soldiers," said
Sidney, " grow to despair, and give up towns, then it is too
late to buy with hundred thousands what might have been
saved with a trifle." ^
This plain dealing, on tho part of Sidney, was anything but
agreeable to the Queen, who was far from feeling regret that
his high-soaring expectations had been somewhat blighted in
the Provinces. He often expressed his mortification that her
Majesty was disposed to interpret everything to his dis-
advantage. "I understand," said he, "that I am called
ambitious, and very proud at home, but certainly, if they knew
my heart, they would not altogether so judge me." ^ Eliza-
beth had taken part with Hohenlo against Sir Philip in the
matter of the Zeeland regiment, and in this perhaps she was
not entirely to be blamed. But she inveighed needlessly
against his ambitious seeking of the office, and — ^as Walsing*
ham observed — " she was very apt, upon every light occasion,
* Lettera, in Groj. 290. * Ibid. 214, 321.
• Ibid. 290. Brace's ' Leyc. Corresp.' 345.
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40
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS
Chip. IX.
to find fault with him.'' ^ It is probable that his complaints
against the armj treasurer, and his manful defence of the
"miserable soldiers/' more than counterbalanced, in the
Queen's estimation, his chivalry in the field.
Nevertheless he had now the satisfaction of having gained
an important city in Flanders ; and on subsequently joining
the army under his uncle, he indulged the hope of earning
still greater distinction.
Martin Schenk had meanwhile been successfully defending
Eheinberg, for several weeks, against Parma's forces. It was
necessary, however, that Leicester, notwithstanding the im-
poverished condition of his troops, should make some diver-
sion, while his formidable antagonist was thus carrying all
before him.
He assembled, accordingly, in the month of August, all the
troops that could be brought into the field, and reviewed
them, with much ceremony, in the neighbourhood of Arn-
heim. His army barely numbered seven thousand foot and
two thousand horse,^but he gave out, very extensively, that
he had fourteen thousand under his command,' and he was
moreover expecting a force of three thousand reiters, and as
many pikemen recently levied in Germany. Loi"d Essex was
general of the cavalry. Sir William Pelham * — a distinguished
* Letters, in Gray, Ac, just cited.
* Leicester to the Queen, 11 Oct.
1686. (a P. Office M&) Huddleston
to Burghley, 6 Sept. 1586. (S. P.
Office Ma)
' Ibid. Compare Stradn, who states
the number of Leicester's forces at
13,000 foot and 2,000 horse, besides
reinforcements of 1,000 English and
Scotch who were shortly expected.
Bor, IL 738. Wagenaar, yiil 136.
^ Sir William Pelham had been out
of favour with the Queen for many
months. He had been held^ respon-
sible for some abuses in the ordnance
office, and a heavy claim made upon
him by the crown had reduced him
to insolvency. The Queen was ex-
cessivelv indignant at his conduct,
and refused for a long time to allow
him to accept the responsible post
under Leicester which the Earl was
anxious to confer upon him. Leicester,
who was the most generous of men,
sent him laige sums of money to extri-
cate him fi^m his difficulties, but it
was many months before the Queen
relented. The Earl had an exalted
opinion of Pelham's military capacity,
knew him to be one of his own most
devoted adherents, and earnestly do-
sired his support to keep down the
hostility and insubordlnatbn of Sir
John Norris and his brothers. "I
beg^ to be prettily accompanied now
with men," he wrote to the Queen,
''only lacking governors and l^era,
especially a marshal I must still say
to your Uajeaty it bad been better to
have wanted the use of 20,000 than
the service of l^r W, Pelham here thus
long. It is not only an insufferable
want to all our people, but the enemy
hath bragged of it. I do assure your
Majesty, by the allegiance I owe you,
I know the Prince of Parma hath
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1586L
LEICESTEB TAXES THE FIELD.
41
soldier, who had recently arrived out of England, after the
most urgent solicitations to the Queen, for that end, by Lei-
cester— ^was lord-marshal of the camp, and Sir John Norris
was colonel-general of the infantry.
Aft^ the parade, two sermons were preached upon the hill-
side to the soldiers, and then there was a council of war. It
was decided — ^notwithstanding the Earl's announcement of
his intentions to attack Parma in person — that the condition
of the army did not warrant* such an enterinrise. It was
thought better to lay siege to Zutphon. Thid step, if success-
ful, would place in the power of the republic and her ally
a city of great importance and strength. In every event the
attempt would probably compel Farnese to raise the siege of
Berg.
Leicester, accordingly, with " his bravo troop of able and
likely men"* — ^five thousand of the infantry being English*
— advanced as far as Doesburg. This city, seated at the con-
fluence of the ancient canal of Drusus and the Yssel, five
miles above Zutphen, it was necessary, as a preliminary mea-
sure, to secure. It was not a very strong place, ^.^^
being rather slightly walled with brick, and with a 1586.
foss drawing not more than three feet of water.* By tho
30th August it had been completely invested.
spoken it some nx>Qths past^ that be
was sure neither Pelham nor the Lord
Grej should oome, nor (hat any more
men ly your license or muster should
pasSf whidi fidls out somewhcA to he
trusy to our discomforL But if either
Pelham or Lord Grey, or rather both
may come, I trust your Majesty shall
reap Uie greatest honour and good by
it; but first Sir WUliam, for he is
roadiest Fbr God's sake and your
honour's sake^ lei him come. Wo have
now some numbers increased, but no
man fit for such a government as Sir
W. Pelham is. I beseech your Majesty
trust me, and bdieve me there is not
one^ noy not one for itf tohaisoever you
have heard or may hear^ or of whom'
soetfer, that I know to be employed ai
ffiis time here. I find it, I feel it, to
my great hindrance and no less danger
every day. I know here be worttiy
and very valiant gentlemen, but for
so great a charge, believe me, (here is
not one yet here for it I am loath to
hinder any man. It hath not been
my custom to your Majesty. I be-
seech you that all men may have their
deserts, and your poor army here com-
forted. Let all the haste poadble be
used with Sbr W. Pelham, on whose
coming with that worthy gentleman
Sir W. Stanley, I trust your Majesty
shall hear well of us," &c. &c. It was
natural that Sir John Korris should
be indignant at being supplanted by
Pelham, f^id their mutual rivalry did
infinite mischief Leioester to the
Queen, - June, 1686. (3. P. Office
MS.) Compare * Leya Corresp.* 37, 45,
65, 125.
' HuddlcstOQ to Buigfaley, MS. be-
fore dted.
• Ibid. • Ibid.
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42 THE UNITBD NBTHBRLANDa Chap IX
On the same nighty 6t ten o'clock. Sir William Pelham
came to the Earl to tell him '^what beastly pioneers the
Dutchmen were." Leicester accordingly determined, not-
withstanding the lord-marshal's entreaties, to proceed to the
trenches in person. There being but faint light, the two lost
their way, and soon found themselves nearly at the gate
of the town. Here, while groping about in the dark, and
trying to eflfect their retreat, they were saluted with a shot,
which struck. Sir William in the stomach.. For an instant,
thinking himself mortally injured, he expressed his satis-
faction that he had been between the commander-in-chief
and the blow, and made other ^^comfortable and resolute
speeches." Very fortunately, however, it proved that the
marshal was not seriously hurt, and, after a few days, he was
about his work as usual, although obliged — ^as the Earl of
Leicester expressed it — " to carry a bullet, in his belly as long
as he should live." ^
Eoger Williams, too, that valiant adventurer — "but no
more valiant than wise, and worth his wefght in gold," ac-
cording to the appreciative Leicester — ^was shot through the
arm. For the dare-devil Welshman, much to the Earl's
regret, persisted in running up and down the trenches " with
a great plume of feathers in his gilt morion," and in otherwise
making a very conspicuous mark of himself ^^ within point-
blank of a caliver."^
Notwithstanding these mishaps, however, the siege went
successfully forward. Upon the 2nd September the Earl
Friday, began to batter, and after a brisk cannonade, from
^ Sept dawn till two in the afternoon, ho had consider-
1586. ably damaged the wall in two places. One of the
breaches was eighty feet wide, the other half as large, but the
besieged had stuffed them full of beds, tubs, logs of wood,
boards, and " such like trash," by means whereof the ascent
was not so easy as it seemed.* The soldiers were excessively
eager for the assault. Sir John Norris came to Leicester to
receive his orders as to the command of the attacking party.
' Brace's 'Leya Cerrcsp., 401, 407. • Ibid.
' Huddleston to Burghley, - Sept 158G. (& P. Office Ma)
16
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1586. HE REDUCES DOESBXTRG. 43
The Earl referred the matter to him. " There is no man/'
answered Sir John, " fitter for that purpose than myself ; for
I am colonel-general of the infantry.*
But Leicester, not willing to indulge so unreasonahle a pro-
posal, replied that he would reserve him for servicD of less
hazard and greater importance. Norris being, as usual,
"satis prodigus magnaB animaa,' ^ was out of humour at the
refusal, and ascribed it to the Earl's persistent hostility to
him and his family. It was then arranged that the assault
upon the principal breach should be led by younger officers, to
be supported by Sir John and other veterans. The other
breach was assigned to the Dutch and Scotch — ^black Norris
scowling at them the whilo with jealous eyes ; fearing that
they might get the start of the English party, and be first to
enter the town.* A party of noble volunteers clustered about
Sir John — ^Lord Burgh, Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir. Philip Sidney,
and his brother Robert among the rest — most impatient for
thp signal Tho race was obviously to ba a sharp one. The
governor-general forbade these violent demonstrations, but
Lord Burgh, " in a most vehement passion, waived tho coun-
termand,"^ and his insubordination was very generally imi-
tated. Before the signal was given, however, Leicester sent
a trumpet to summon the town to surrender, and Ig^p^
could with difficulty restrain his soldiers till the 158G.
answer should be returned. To tho universal disappointment,
the garrison agreed to surrender. Norris himself then stepped
forward to the breach, and cried aloud the terms, lest the re-
turning herald, who had been sent back by Leicester, should
offer too favourable a capitulation.* It was arranged that tho
soldiers should retire without arms, with whito wands in
their hands— the officers remaining prisoners — and that tho
burghers, their lives, and property, should bo at Leicester's
disposal* The Earl gave most peremptory orders that persons
and goods should be respected, but his commands were dis-
« Maiastdted. •Ibid.
» Ibid. * Ibid.
• "Le«t the trumpet should ofifer
too largely, I stepped to the breach
myself and proposed the conditions,"
ic. Sir John Korria to Mr. Wilkes,
4 Sept 1580. (a P. Office MS.)
15
• Leicester to the Privy Council,
- Sept 1586. Sir J. Norris to Wilkes,
ubi sup. (S. r. Office Ma)
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44
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. IX.
obeyed. Sir William Stanley's men committed frightful dis-
orders, and thoroughly rifled the town."
" And because/' said Norris, " I found fault herewith, Sir
William began to quarrel with me, hath braved me extremely,
refuseth to take any direction from me, and although I have
sought for redress, yet it is proceeded in so coldly, that he
taketh encouragement rather to increase the quarrel than to
leave it." 1
Notwithstanding therefore the decree of Leicester, the ex-
postulations and anger of Norris, and the energetic efforts of
Lord Essex and other generals, who went about smiting the
marauders on the head, the soldiers sacked the city, and com-
mitted various disorders, in spite of the capitulation.*
Doesburg having been thus reduced, the Earl now pro-
ceeded toward the more important city which he had deter-
mined to besiege. Zutphen, or South-Fen, an antique town of
wealth and elegance, was tho capital of the old Landgraves
of Zutphen. It is situate on the right bank of the Yssel, th^t
branch of the Rhine which flows between Golderland and
Overyssel into the Zuyder-Zee,
The ancient river, broad, deep, and languid, glides through
a plain of almost boundless extent, till it loses itself in the
flat and misty horizon. On the other side of the stream, in
the district called tho Veluwe,* or bad meadow, were three
sconces, one of them of remarkable strength. An island
between tho city and .the shore was likewise well fortified.
On the landward side the town was protected by a wall and
moat sufficiently strong in those infant days of artillery.
Near the hospital-gate, on the east, was an external fortress
guarding tho road to Wamsfeld. This was a small village.
> Noma to Wilkes, Ma
* Huddleston to Burghley/ 3 Sept
1586. (S. P. Office MS.) Jjeiceeter to
Privy Council, 6 Sept 1586. (a P.
Off. MS.) Sir John Noma to Wilkes,
6 Sept 1586. (S. P. Office Ma) Ck)m-
pare Hoofd, Veirolgh, 184. Bor, II.
750. Stowe, fae. Brace*8 *Leyc.
Coiresp.' 406, 407,
The town was " rifled," but it was
" but poor, with nothing to answer tho
need and greediness of tlio soldiers,"
said Huddleston, adding that " divers
disorders were committed, as in such
cases it happeneth, though (God be
thanked) none speciaUj notorious."
• Yeluwe, * bad meadow,' in opposi-
tion to Betuwe (BataviaX 'good
meadow.' Bet is the positive, now
obsolete in CrermaD, Dutch, and £np
lish, of tho comparative, better.
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1586. HE LAYS SISGE TO ZUTPHEN. 45
with a aolitary slender chorchHspire, shooting up above a
cluster of neat one-storied houses. It was about an English
mile from Zutphen, in the midst of a wide, low^ somewhat
fenny plain, which, in winter, became so completely a
lake, that peasants were not unfi^uently drowned in at-
tempting to pass from the city to the village. In summer,
the vague expanse of country was fertile and cheerful of
aspect. Long rows of poplars marking the straight high-
ways, clumps of pollard willows scattered around the little
meres, snug farm-houses, with kitchen-gardens and brilliant
flower-patches dotting the level plain, verdant pastures sweep-
ing off into seemingly infinite distance, where the innumer-
able cattle seemed to swarm like insects, wind-mills swinging
their arms in all directions, like protective giants, to save the
country from inundation, the lagging sail of market-boats
shining through rows of orchard trees — ^all gave to the en-
virons of Zutphen a tranquil and domestic charm.
Deventer and Kampen, the two other places on the river,
were in the hands of the States. It was, therefore, desirable
for the English and the patriots, by gaining possession of
Zutphen, to obtain control of the Yssel ; driven, as they had
been, from the Jileuse and Khine.
Sir John Norris, by Leicester's direction, took possession of
a small rising-ground, called ' Gibbet Hill,' on the land-side,
where he established a fortified camp, and proceeded to invest
the city. With him were Count Lewis William of Nassau,
and Sir Philip Sidney, while the Ead himself, crossing the
Yssel on a bridge of boats which he had constructed, reserved
for himself the reduction of the forts upon the Veluwe side.
Famese, meantime, was not idle ; and Leicester's cal-
culations proved correct. So soon as the Prince was in-
formed of this important demonstration of the enemy he
broke up — after brief debate with his officers — ^his camp be-
fore RheinlJerg, and came to Wesel.* At this place he built
a bridge over the Rhine, and fortified it with two block-housesi
These he placed under command of Claude Berlot, who was
ordered to watch strictly all communication up the river With
1 Strado, II. 448.
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46 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS, Chap. IX
the city of Bheinberg, which he thus kept in a partially
beleaguered state. Alexander then advanced rapidly by way
of Qroll and Burik, both which places he took possession of,
to the neighbourhood of Zutphen. He was determined/ at
every hazard, to relieve that important city ; and although,
after leaving necessary detachments on the way, he had but
five thousand men under his command, besides fifteen hundred
under Verdugo— making sixty-five hundred in all— he had
decided that the necessity of the case, and his own honour,
required him to seek the enemy, and to leave, as he said, the
issue with the God of battles, whose cause it was.^
Tassis, lieutenant-governor of Gelderland, was ordered
into the city with two cornets of horse and six bundred foot.
As lai^ a number had already been stationed there. Ver-
dugo, who had been awaiting the arrival of the Prince at
Borkelo, a dozen miles from Zutphen, with four hundred foot
and two hundred horse, now likewise entered the city.'-
On the night of 29th August (St. Nov.) Alexander himself
entered Zutphen for the purpose of encouraging the garrison
29 Aug. by promise of relief, and of ascertaining the position
1586. qf the enemy by personal observation. His presence
as it always did, inspired the soldiers with enthusiasm, so that
they could with difficulty be restrained from rushing forth to
assault the besiegers.* In regard to the enemy he found
that Gibbet Hill was still occupied by Sir John Norris, " the
best soldier, in his opinion, that they had,"* who iad en-
trenched himself very* strongly, and was supposed to have
thuiy-five hundred men under his conunand. His position
seemed quite impregnable. The rest of the English were on
the other side of the river, and Alexander observed, with
satisfaction, that they had abandoned a small redoubt, near
the leper-house, outside the Loor-Gate, through which the
reinforcements must enter the city. The Prince determined
to profit by this mistake, and to seize the opportunity thus
afforded of sending those much needed supplies. During the
night the enemy were found to be throwing up works "most
1 Parma to Philip, 30 Oct 1586. (Arch, de Simapcas, MS.)
2 Ibid. .Compare Sirada, IL 448, 460.
* Letter to Philip, ubi 9up, * Ibid.
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15S6.
WmCH PABMA PREPARBS TO RBLIEVB.
47
furiously,"* and skirmishing parties were sent out of the
town to annoy them. In the darkness nothing of conse-
quence was effected, but a Scotch officer was captured, who
informed the Spanish commander that the enemy was fifteen
thousand strong — a number which was nearly double that of
Leicester's actual force. In the monxing Alexander returned
to his camp at Borkelo — Cleaving Tassis in command of the
Vduwe Forts, and Verdugo in the city itself— and he at once
made rapid work in collecting victuals. He had soon wheat
and other supplies in readiness, sufficient to feed four thousand
mouths for three months, and these he determined to send
into the city immediately, and at every hazard.
The great convoy which was now to be despatched re-
quired great care and a powerful escort. Twenty-five hun-
dred musketeers and pikemen, of whom one thousand were
Spaniards, and six hundred cavalry, Epirotes, Spaniards, and
Italians, under Hannibal Gonzaga, George Crescia, i oct, n.b^
Bentivoglio, Sesa, and others, were accordingly de- 1586.
tailed for this expedition.* The Marquis del Vasto, to whom
was entrusted the chief command, was ordered to march from
Borkelo at midnight on Wednesday, October 1 (St. Nov.).
It was calculated that he would reach a certain hillock not
far from Wamsfeld by dawn of day. Here he was to pause,
and send forward an officer towards the town, communicating
his arrival, and requesting the cooperation of Verdugo, who was
to make a sortie with one thousand men, according to Alex-
ander's' previous arrangements. The 'plan was successfully
carried out. The Marquis arrived by daybreak at the spot
indicated, and despatched Captain de Vega who contrived to
send intelligence of the fact. A trooper, whom Parma had
himself fient to Verdugo with earlier information of the move-
ment, had been captured on the way. Leicester had therefore
been apprized, at an early moment, of the Prince's intentions,
1 Parma to Philip^ "a furia." MS.
before cited.
*The80 are Panna's own figures.
(Letter to Phflip, as above.) Every
hisU^n gives a different statement
one fh>m another. Leicester declared
that Crescia told him, *'upon his
honour, that there were fifteen cornets
of horse and 3,000 foot." Bruce's
* Leyc. Correspw* 417.
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48 THE UNITED NBTHBRLANDa Chap. IX
but he was not aware that the convoy would be accompanied
by 80 strong a force as had really been detailed.
He had accordingly ordered Sir John Norris, who com-
manded on the outside of the town near the road which the
Spaniards must traverse, to place an ambuscade in his way.
Sir John, always ready for adventurous enterprises, took a
body of two hundred cavalry, all picked men, and ordered
Sir William Stanley, with three hundred pikemen, to follow.
A much stronger force of infantry was held in reserve and
readiness, but it was not thought that it would be required.
The ambuscade was successfully placed, before the dawn of
♦Oct 2, N.8, Thursday morning, in the neighbourhood of -Warns-
1586. feld church. On the other hand, the Earl of Lei-
cester himself, anxious as to the result, came across the river
just at daybreak. He was accompanied by the chief gentle-
men in his camp, who could never be restrained when blows
were passing current.
The business that morning was a commonplace and prac-
tical though an important, one — to " impeach " a convoy of
wheat and barley, butter, cheese, and beef— but the names of
those noble and knightly volunteers, familiar throughout
Christendom, soimd like the roll-call for some chivalrous
tournament. There were Essex and Audley, Stanley, Pel-
ham, Russell, both the Sidneys, all the Norrises, men whose
valour had been proved on many a hard-fought battle-field.
There, too, was the famous hero of British ballad whose name
was so often to ring onr the plains of the Netherlands —
" The brave Lord Willoaghby,
Of courage fierce and fell,
Wbo wonld not give one inch of way
For aU the devils in helL"
Twenty such volunteers as these sat on horseback that morn-
ing around the stately Earl of Leicester. It seemed an in-
credible extravagance to send a handful of such heroes against
an army.
But the English commander-in-chief had been listening
«
♦ Thursday, — r— rr^ ^^^^
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16S6. THB ENGLISH INTEBCEPT TH^ CONVOY. 49
to the insidious tongue of Roland York — that hold, plausible,
unscrupulous partisan, already twice a renegade, of whom
more was ere long to he heard in the Netherlands and Eng-
land. Of the man's courage there could he no doubt, and he
was about to fight that morning in the front rank at the head
of his company. But he had, for some mysterious reason,
been bent upon persuading the Earl that the Spaniards were
no match for Englishm^i at a hand-to-hand contest. When
they could ride freely up and down, ho said, and use their
lances as they liked, they were formidable. But the English
wore stronger men, better riders, better mounted, and better
armed. The Spaniards hated helmets and proof armour,
while the English trooper, in casque, cuirass, and greaves,
was a living fortress impr^nable to Spanish or Italian light
horsemen. And Leicester seemed almost convinced by his
reasoning.^
It was five o'clock of a chill autumn morning. It was
time for day to break, but the fog was so thick that a man at
the distance of five yards was quite invisible. The oct 2,
creaking of waggon- wheels and the measured tramp 1^®^
of soldiers soon became faintly audible however to Sir John
Norris and his five hundred as they sat there in the mist.
Presently came galloping forward in hot haste those nobles
and gentlemen, with their esquires, fifty men in all — Sidney,
Willoughby, and the rest — ^whom Leicester had no longer been
able to restrain from taking part in the adventure.
A force of infantry, the amount of which cannot be satis-
factorily ascertained, had been ordered by the Earl to cross
the bridge at a later moment. Sidney's comet of horse was
then in Deventer, to which place it had been sent in order
to assist in quelling an anticipated revolt, so that he came,
like most of his companions, as a private volunteer and knight-
errant
> Beyd, v. 82, 83. Bor, IL 160, 761,
Compere Meteren, ziiL 237, who says
that York was sospeeted of being
secreUy in league with Famese, to
oontrive this amhoscade, and thus to
bring so many English nobles of dis-
tinction to death or captivity. There
VOL. II. — E
is no donbt that when be deserted the
Spanish for the English party, he
pledged himself to Parma to do him
good service, and that he was always
secretly in league with the enemy.
We shall see at a later day whether
he was ready to redeem his pledge.
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50 THE UNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. Dl.
The arrival of the expected convoy was soon more distinctly
heard; but no scouts or outposts had been stationed to give
timely notice of the enemy's movements.^ Suddenly the fog,
which had shrouded the scene so closely, rolled away like a
curtain, and in the full light of an October morning the Eng-
lishmen found themselves face to face with a compact body of
more than three thousand men. The Marquis del Vastb rode
at the head of the force, surrounded by a band of mounted
arquebus men. The cavalry, under the famous Epirote chief
George Crescia, Hannibal Gonzaga, Bentivoglio, Sesa, Conti,
and other distinguished connnanders, followed ; the columns
of pikemen and musketeers lined the hedge-rows on both
sides the causeway ; while between them the long train
of wagons came slowly along imder their protection.* The
whole force had got in motion after having sent notice of their
arrival to Verdugo, who, with one or two thousand men, was
expected to sally forth almost immediately from the city-gate.
There was but brief time for deliberation. Notwithstand-
ing the tremendous odds there was no thought of retreat.
Black Norris called to Sir William Stanley, with whom he
had been at variance so lately at Doesburg.
. "There hath been ill-blood between us," he said. "Let
us be friends together this day, and die side by side, if need
be, in her Majesty's cause."
" If you see me not serve my prince with faithful courage
now," replied Stanley, "account me for ever a coward.
Living or dying I will stand or lie by you in friendship."
As they were speaking these words the young Earl of
Essex, general of the horse, cried to his handful of troopers : —
"Follow me, good fellows, for the honour of England and
of England's Queen!"*
As ho spoke he dashed, lance in rest, upon the enemy's
cavalry, overthrew the foremost man, horse and rider, shivered
his own spear to splinters, and then, swinging his curtel-axe,
rode merrily forward.* His whole little troop, compact as an
» Hoofd, Yervolgb, 186. I Strada, IT. 450, 462. Bentivoglio,
• Parma to Philip n. 30 Oct 1686. P. II. L. iv. 311. Bor, H. t60, 761.
(Arcli. do Simancaa, MS.) Compare | * Aroher, in Stowe, 736. * Ibid.
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1586.
BATTLE OF WAENSFELD.
51
fOTOw-head, flew with an irresistible shock against the op-
posing columns, pierced clean through them, and scattered
them in all directions. At the very first charge one hundred
English horsemen drove the Spanish and Albanian cavalry
back upon the musketeers and pikemen. Wheeling with
rapidity, they retired before a volley of musket-shot, by
which many horses and a few riders were killed, and then
fonned again to renew the attack. Sir Philip Sidney, on
coming to the field, having met Sir William Pelhatn, the
veteran' lord marshal, lightly armed, had with' chivalrous
extravagance thrown off his own cuishes, and now rode to. the
battle with no armour but his cuirass.^ At the second charge
his horse was shot under him, but, mounting another, he was
seen everywhere in the thick of the fight, behaving himself
with a gallantry which extorted admiration even from the
enemy.
For the battle was a series of personal encounters in which
high officers were doing the work of private soldiers. Lord
North, who had been lying "bed-rid" with a musket-shot in
the leg, had got himself put on horseback, and " with one
boot on and one boot off," bore himself " most lustily " through
the whole affitir.* "I desire that her Majesty may know," he
said, "that I live but to serve her. A better barony than I
have could not hire the Lord North to live on meaner terms." *
Sir William Kussell laid about him with; his curtel-axe to
such purpose that the Spaniards pronounced him a devil
and not a man. " Wherever," said an eye-witness, " he saw
five or six of the enemy together, thither would he ; and with
his hard knocks soon separated, their friendship." * Lord
WiUoughby encountered George Crescia, general of the
famed Albanian cavalry, unhorsed him at the first shock,^
and rolled him into the ditch. " I yield mo thy prisoner,"
called out the Epirote in French, "for thou art a preux
chevalier;" while WiUoughby, trusting to his captive's word.
* Brooke's Sidney IL 31, 32.
* Archer, in Stowe, vibi sup. Lnico's
*Leyc. Correep.' 417.
*^orth to Burghley,
29Mty
8 JODO
158C.
(S. p. Office MS.),
* Archer, in Stowe, T37.
< Ibid. Leicester to Burghley, Sept
1586. (a P. Office MS.)
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52
THB UNITED NETHERLANBa
Chap. IX
galloped onward, and with him the rest of the little troop, till
they seemed swallowed up by the superior numbers of the
enemy. His horse was shot under him, his basses were torn
from his legs, and he was nearly taken a prisoner, but fought
his way back with incredible strength and good fortune. Sir
William Stanley's horse hod seven bullets in him, but bore
his rider unhurt to the end of the battle. Leicester declared
Sir William and " old Beade " to be " worth their weight in
pearl." ^
Hannibal GU)nzaga, leader of the Spanish cavalry, fell
mortally wounded.^ The Marquis del Vasto, commander of
the expedition, nearly met the same fate. An Englishman
was just cleaving his head with a battle-axe, when a Spaniard
transfixed the soldier with his pike.' The most obstinate
struggle took ^lace about the train of waggons. The team-
sters had fled in the beginning of the action, but the English
and Spanish soldiers, struggling with the horses, and pulling
them forward and backward, tried in vain to get exclusive
possession of the convoy which was the cause of the action.*
The carts at last forced their way slowly nearer and nearer
to the town, while the combat still went on, warm as ever,
between the hostile squadrons. The action lasted an hour
and a half, and again and again the Spanish horsemen
wavered and broke before the handful of English, and fell
back upon their musketeers. Sir Philip Sidney, in the last
chai^, tode quite through the enemy's ranks till he came
upon: their entrenchments, when a musket-ball from the camp
struck him upon the thigh, three inches above the knee.
Although desperately wounded in a part which should have
been protected by the cuishes which he had thrown aside, ho
was not inclined to leave the field ; but his own horse had
been shot imder him at the beginning of the action, and the one
> "I will leave no labottr nor dan*
ger," said Lord North, ** but serve as a
private soldier, and have thrust my-
self for service on foot under Captain
Reade, whom I find a noble and nota-
ble soldier.'' Qlorth to Buivfaley, Ma
last cited.) This is the metUe the gal-
lants of Elizabeth's court were made
of Compare 'Leya Corresp.' 41^.
* '*The Count Hannibal Gonzaga
was killed, with three others whose
names we know not^ but thej had cas-
socks all embroidered and laoed with
silver and gold." Leicester to Burgh-
lev, Sept 1686. (8. P. Office MS.)
• Strada, IL 452. ♦ Ibid
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1586. SIR PHILIP SIDNEY WOUNDED. 53
upon whicli he was now moiuited became too restive for him,
thus crippled, to coHtrol. He turned reluctantly away, and
rode a mile and a half back to the entrenchments, suffering
extreme pain, for his 1^ was dreadfully shattered. As he
past along the edge of the battle-field his attendants brought
him a bottle of water to quench his raging thirst At that
moment a wounded English soldier, ^^ who had eaten his last
at the same feast,'" looked up wistfully in his face, when
Sidney instantly handed him the flask, exclaiming, "Thy
necessity is even greater than mine.'' ^ He then pigged his
dying comrade in a draught, and was soon afterwards met by
his unde. " Oh, Philip," cried Leicester, in despair, " I am
truly grieved to see thee in this plight." But Sidney com-
forted him with manful words, and assured him that death
was sweet in the cause of his Queen and country. Sir Wil-
liam Bussell, too, all blood-stained from the fight, threw his
arms around his friend, wept like a child, and kissing his
hand, exclaimed, " Oh 1 noble Sir Philip, never did man
attain hurt so honourably or serve so valiantly as you."^ Sir
William Pelham declared "that Sidney's noble courage in
the face of our enemies had won him a name of continuing
honour." *
The wounded gentleman was borne back to the camp, and
thence in a barge to Amheim. The fight was over. Sir John
Norris bade Lord Leicester " be merry, for," said he, " you have
had the honourablest day. A handful of men has driven the
enemy three times to retreat."* But, in truth, it was now
time for the English to retire in their turn. Their reserve
never arrived. The whole force engaged against the thirty-
five hundred Spaniards had never exceeded two hundred and
fifty horse and three hundred foot, and of this number
' Brooke's Sidney, IL 32. It is to
be r^reited that Lord Brooke does
not give the authoiity for this beauti-
flil and ixniyenallj cherished anec-
dote. I have searched in vain for its
ooofiznation tbroogh manj oontem-
porarj letten and cfaronicies. There
is no reason, for rejecting its antben-
tictty, bnt it would have been an ez«
qnisite pleasuoo to find it recorded,
for instance, in a letter from Pelham,
or North, or Norris, or Leicester— idl
of whom speak of Sidney's gallantry
in the action, but not one of whom
was acquainted with, or thought it
wortti while to mention the charao
teristic and toudiing trait
• Stowe, m.
•Pelham to WaWngham, ^"^
1586. (8. P. Office MS.)
* Stowe, M tftcp.
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54
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. IX
the chief work had been done by the fifty or sixty volunteers
and their followers.^ The heroism which had been displayed
was fruitless, except as a proof— and so Leicester wrote to
the Palatine John Casimir — "that Spaniards were not in-
vincible/' ^ Two thousand men now sallied from the Loor-
Gate, under Verdugo and Tassis,* to join the force under
Vasto, and the English were forced to retreat. The whole
convoy was then carried into the city, and the Spaniards
remained masters of the field.*
Thirteen troopers and twenty-two foot soldiers, upon the
English side, were killed. The enemy lost perhaps two hun-
8!?L!!, dred men. They were thrice turned from their
Oct, %
1586. position, and thrice routed, but they succeeded at
last in their attempt to carry their convoy into Zutphen.
Upon that day, and the succeeding ones, the town was com-
pletely victualled. Very little, therefore, save honour, was
gained by the display of English valour against overwhelm-
ing numbers— five hundred against near four thousand.
Never in the whole course of the war had there been such
* Bnice*8 * Leyc. Corresp.* 41 T.
• Reyd, v. 83.
• Parma to Philip, 30 Oct 158G.
MS.
* Ibid. Leicester obsenres in the
letter to Bm^ey (Sept — , 1586, a P.
Office MS.) that, '* notwithstandiog
all these troops, the Prince did not
put in one waggon, saye thirty which
got in in the night" Alexander,
however, states ex^essly the reverse,
and congratulates Philip on the entire
success of the undertaking: —
"Pero nos debemos contentor con
lo. suoedido^ pues allendp de haber
qucdado la campana por nosotros^ y
salido con fwestra pretensumy y a la
barba de ian buen numero con ianta
poca genu (!) haber metido y sacado
ianto carnage,^ Aa Letter to Philip,
30 Oct 1586. Ma
There can be no doubt whatever
that the Prince was entirely oorreot in
his statement The rrault proves it,
if there could be any question of it
before. It is difficult to see how
Leicester could be mistaken, but he
had a temptation to misrepresent an
afiair in which his own bad general-
ship had been as signal as the heroism
which it had called forth. Certainly
Zutphen, on that and the succeeding
days, was thoroughly relieved. The
errors, wiKhl or otherwise, as to the
numbers engaged and respectively
lost were greater on both sides tiian
usual on such occasions, but - this kind
of misstatement has always been uni-
versaL
Compare Sidney Papers, I. 104,
containing a letter of Leicester to
Heneage; I have not found the ori-
ginal Strada, If. 450, 452. Bor, II.
750, 151, Stowe, 737, 738. Hoofd,
Vervolgh, 186, 187. Reyd, v. 83, 84.
Meteren, xiil 237. Bentivoglio, P. IL
L. IV. Sll, et muU. al.
See also R. W. Tadama, Geschiedenis
der Stad Zutphen ('Amhem en Zut-
phen,' 1586), an interesting work, caro-
Ailly writt^ and of great research;
composed mainly fhxn original un-
published documents. I desire to ex-
press my thatkks to the learned author
for the kindness with which he guided
me over Zutphen and its neighbour-
hood, pointing out eveiything con-
nected with the battle and the siege.
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1586.
EESULTS OF THE ENCOUNTER
55
fightings for the troops upon both sides were picked men and
veterans. For a long time afterwards it was the custom of
Spaniards and Netherlanders^ in characterising a hardly-con-
tested action^ to call it as warm as the fight at Zutphen.^
"I think I may call it/'said Leicester, "the most notable
encounter that hath been in our age, and it will remain to
our p(wterity famous." ^
Nevertheless it is probable that the encounter would have
been forgotten by posterity but for the melancholy close upon
that field to Sidney's bright career. And perhaps the Queen
of England had as much reason to blush for the incompetency
of her general and favourite as to be proud of the heroism
displayed by her officers and soldiers.
" There were too many indeed at this skirmish of the better
sort/' said Leicester ; " only a two hundred and fifty horse,
' S^ada, n. 451.
• Brace's *Leyc. Corresp.' 41G: —
''That ThoTsdaj may ran amongst
any of our Thursdays," said the Earl,
(*Leya Corresp.' 430), adding, with a
most mgennoos letsreDCQ to himself,
"In my former letters I forgot 07i«,
who not only on that day but at every
day's service bath been a principal
actor Hmself. A iaUy wiae, rasrt scr^
vant he is, as any I know, and of mor-
veUoos good government and judg^
ment That gentleman may take a
great charge upon him, I warrant
you." Self-depreciation was not the
Earl's foible.
Tbero is hardly a battle on record
about which the accounts are so hope-
lessly conflk^Ung as are those which
T^ate to tiio battle of Zutphcn. The
reason is obvious. The skirmish was
a comparatively unimportant one.
The &£d of Sidney has invested it
with undying interrat, but it was not
supposed at that time that he was
mortally wounded. Lord North, whose
letters are always spirited, went into
the field in such a disabled condition
that it was not in his power to send
any account of the action, as he doubt-
lees would otherwise have done, to
Lord Burghley. Pelham, Korris, and
Leicester, are all meagre on this occa-
aon in details. An^er, in Stowe, is
fuller, but Parma, in his letters to
PhUip, though oopioas, is oonfuadd.
As a specimen of conflictmg statistics
it may be observed that the number of
English actually engaged, accordmg
to the statement of the commander-in-
chief to his government, was 650,
horse and foot together. The Span-
ish, accordmg to Famese's letter to
Philip, was about 3,100 in aJL Strada
gives the same number, writing from
other letters of Parma, and puts the
English at 3000 foot and 400 horse,
exactly the same number that is given .
in the MS. letters of Simancas, and
about seven times as many as were
really in tho field. Leicester puts the
Spaniards at 1,200 horse and 3,000
foot— about 1,000 more than tlie actual
numbers. No doubt the numbers en-
gaged on each side should be taken
as correctly stated by the rcFpective
generals. There were therefore about
3,100 Spaniards to 650 English.
Leicester gives the number of killed
and wounded as 33 English and lh>m
250 to 350 Spaniards.
Parma states tho number of Spaniards
killed as 9 (!), wounded 29, while ho
reports 200 English killed.
It seems impossible that there
could have been less than 150 or 200
Spaniards killed, which is not moro
than half the number claimed by
Leicester on the authority of Spaniards
' themselves. - But it is a waste of
time to indulge in these fruitleea
; calculations.
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56 THE UNITED NETHEBLAKDa Chap. IX.
and most of them the best of this camp^ and unawares to me.
I was offended when I knew it^ but could not fetch them
back; but since thej all so well escaped (save my dear
nephew), I would not/or ten thousand pounds but thej had
been there, since they have all Won that honour they have.
Tour Lordship never heard of such desperate chai^ges as
they gave upon the enemies in the face of their muskets/'^
He described Sidney's wound as " very dangerous, the bone
being broken in pieces ;'' but said that the surgeons were in
good hope. "I pray God to save his life," said the Earl,
" and I care not how lame he be." Sir Philip was carried to
Amheim, where the best surgeons were immediately in at-
tendance upon him. He submitted to their examination and
the pain which they inflicted, with great cheerfulness, al-
though himself persuaded that his wound was mortal. For
many days the result was doubtful, and messages were sent
day by day to England that he was convalescent — intelli-
gence which was hailed by the Queen and people as a matter
not of private but of public rejoicing. He soon began to fail,
however. Count Hohonlo was badly wounded a few days
later before the great fort of Zutphen. A musket-ball en-
tered his mouth, and passed through his cheek, carrying off
a jewel which hung in his ear.* Notwithstanding his own
critical condition, however, Hohenlo sent his smgeon, Adrian
van den Spiegel, a man of great skill, to wait upon Sir
Philip,' but Adrian soon felt that the case was hopeless.
Meantime fever and gangrene attacked the Count himself;
and those in attendance upon him, fearing for his life, sent for
his surgeon. Leicester refused to allow Adrian to depart, and
Hohenlo very generously acquiescing in the decree, but, also
requiring the surgeon's personal care, caused himself to bo
transported in a litter to Amheim.*
Sidney was first to recognise the symptoms of mortification,
which made a fatal result inevitable. His demeanour during
his sickness and upon his death-bed was as beautiful as his
' Letter to Bnii^hlef, MS. before I ' Letter of Hoh^o, in Bor, m.
cited. I 123.
• Stowe, 738. Bor, II. 728. | * Letter of Hohenlo, in Bor, in. 12a
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1686. DEATH OF SIDNEY AT ABNHEIK. ffj
life. He discoursed with his friends concerning the immor-
tality of the soul, comparing the doctrines of Plato and of
other ancient philosophers, whose writings were so familiar to
bim, with the revdations of Scripture and with the dictates
of natural religion. He made his will with minute and ela-
borate proTisions, leaving bequests, remembrances, and rings,
to all his friends. Then he indulged himself with music, and
listened particularly to a strange song which he had himself
composed during his illness, and which he had entitled
*La Cuisse rompue.' He took leave of the friends around
him with perfect calmness, saying to his brother Kobert,
"Love my memory. Cherish my friends. Above all,
govern your will and affections by the will and word of your
Creator ; in me beholding the end of this world with all her
vanities."^
And thus this gentle and heroic spirit took its flight.
Parma, after thoroughly victualling Zutphen, turned his
attention to the German levies which Leicester was expecting
under the care of Count Meurs. " If the enemy is reinforced
by these six thousand fresh troops," said Alexander, " it will
make him master of the field.''* And well he might hold
this opinion, for, in the meagre state of both the Spanish and
the liberating armies, the addition of three thousand fresh
reiters and as many infantry would be enough to turn the
Male. The Duke of Parma — ^for, since the recent death of
his father, Famese had succeeded to his title*— determined in
person to seek the German troops, and to destroy them if
possible. But they never gave him the chance.* Their
muster-place was Bremen, but when th^ heard that the
terrible ^Holofemese' was in pursuit of them, and that the
commencement of their service would be a pitched battle with
his Spaniards cLnd Italians, they broke up and scattered about
4 Bentivoglio is much mistaken (P.
IL L. iv. 811) in giving an aooount of
a nitcfaed battle between Alexander
and theae meroeiuiriefl^ in which they
are represented as having been ntterlj
defeated. The victory was quite
bloodless, and it cost the victor oaly
o conple of gold chains.
* Brooke's Sidney, IL 32, 40. Sid-
n^ Papers, IH «g.
•Parma to Phflip, 30 Oct 1586.
Arch, de SiTPgn<^ MS.
' Philip II. to Parma, 19 Oct 1586.
i^iv. de Simancas, Ma) "Hcnce-
fK said the King, "I wiU be both
wwer and mother to yoo."
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58
THE UNITED NETHKRT1AND&
Chap. IX
the country. Soon afterwards the Duke tried another
method of effectually dispersing them, in case they still re-
tained a wish to fulfil their engagement with Leicester. He
sent a messenger to treat with them^ and in consequence two
of their ^rittmeisters' paid him a visit. He offered to give
them higher pay, and " ready money in place of tricks and
promises." The mercenary herpes listened very favourably
to his proposals, although they had already received — ^besides
the tricks and promises— at least one hundred thousand florins
out of the States' treasury.^
After proceeding thus far in the negotiation,, however,
Parma concluded, as the season was sp far advanced, that it
was sufficient to have dispersed them, and to have deprived
the English and patriots of their services. So he gave the
two majors a gold chain a-piece, and they went their way
thoroughly satisfied. "I have got them away from the
enemy for this year," said Alexander ; " and this I hold to
be one of the best services that has been rendered for many a
long day to your Majesty."^
1 Parma to Philip, 30 Oct 1686. MS.
bst cited. ' Meteren, xiil 236.
» Parma to Philip, MS. last citod.
According to Meteren Utbi stip.)
this mysterious dispersion 01 tho Ger-
man troops was owing to the intrigaes
of Leicester's English adyisers, who
were unwilling thiat he should send
the money of the States anywhere but
to England, and who therefore by
their machinations contrived to spirit
away this auxiliary force Just at the
moment when bv its junction with his
own army the Earl was about to have
famese in his power. " From this
time forth,", says Meteren, "it was
obyious that Leicester was goyemod
entirely by English counsels," and so
on. It has Just been shown by the
Duke^s private letters that the gener-
ally most accurate chronicler was mis-
taken in this instance, and that the
deed was accomplished by Alexander's
clever management alone. ■ Some of
the German princes in whose terri-
tories these levies had been made,
were honourably indignant at the trea-
chery which had been thus practised on
the States. Some of the oflBcer^ were
punished with imprisonment; degrada-
tion, and less of nobility and armorial
bearings, and the money paid as their
"waart g^ld" was sent back to Hol-
land. (Le Petit, * Grand Chronique,'
IL 636.)
Reyd is still more severe. He
maintains that Leicester withheld tho
pay which the States had furnished
ibr these important levies, whose ar-
rival at the time agreed upon would
have changed the fortune of the war;
and that he secretly prevented their
coming, from a fear that they would
adhere too closely to Hohenlo and
Count William Lowia Count Tssel-
stein, who had been sent by the Earl
to dcNEd with these mercenaries and to
IHX)mise their money, was furious at
the treachery of which he conceived
Leicester gcdlty, and did not scrupio
tosayinlaige companies: '* Leicester
has done two great things in his life.
He has made my M page, Martin
Schenk a knight, and xiiyself a liar.'*
(Reyd, *Nedert. Gesch.' v. 86.)
The suspicion, as we have seen, was
quite groundless, and Tsselstein and
the historian (who was private secre-
tary to Count William Lewis) very
much mistaken.
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158a GALLANTRY OF BDWAED STANLEY. 59
Daring the period which intervened between the action at
Wamsfeld and the death of Sidney^ the siege-operations be-
fore Zutphen had been continued. The city, strongly gar-
risoned and well supplied with provisions, as it had been by
Parma's care, remained impregnable ; but the sconces beyond
the river and upon the island fell into Leicester's hands.^
The great fortress which commanded the Veluwe, and which
was strong enough to have resisted Count Hohenlo on a
former occasion for nearly a whole year, was the scene of
much hard fighting. It was gained at last by the signal
valour of Edward Stanley, lieutenant to Sir William. That
officer, at the commencement of an assault upon a not very
practicable breach, sprang at the long pike of a Spanish
soldier, who was endeavoring to thrust him from the wall,
and seized it with both hands. The Spaniard struggled to
maintain his hold of the weapon, Stanley to wrest it from his
grasp. A dozen other soldiers broke their pikes upon his
cuirass or shot at him with their muskets. Conspicuous by
his dress, being all in yellow but his corslet, he was in full
sight of Leicester and of five thousand men. The earth
was so shifty and sandy that the soldiers who were to follow
him were not able to climb the wall. Still Stanley grasped
his adversary's pike, but, suddenly changing his plan, he
allowed the Spaniard to lift him from the ground. Then,
assisting himself with his feet against the wall, he, much to
the astonishment of the spectators, scrambled quite over the
parapet, and dashed sword in hand among the defenders of
the fort. Had he been endowed with a hundred lives it
seemed impossible for him to escape death. But his followers,
stimulated by his example, made ladders for themselves of
each others' shoulders, clambered at last with great exertion
over the broken wall, overpowered the garrison, and made
themselves masters of the sconce. Leicester, transported
with enthusiasm for this noble deed of daring, knighted Ed-
ward Stanley upon the spot, besides presenting him next day
with forty pounds in gold and an annuity of one hundred
* Slrada, H 453, 434. Hoofd, Yeirolgh, 188. Bot, IL 752. Wagenaar,
Till 136.
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60 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. IX
marks sterling for life. " Since I was bom, I did never see
any man behave himself as he did/' said the Earl. " I shall
never forget it, if I live a thousand year, and he shall have
a part of my living for it as long as I live."^
The occupation of these forts terminated the military
operations of the year, for the rainy season, precursor of the
winter, had now set in. Leicester, leaving Sir William
Stanley, with twelve hundred English and Irish horse, in com-
mand of Deventer ; Sir John Burrowes, with one thousand
men, in Doesburg ; and Sir Robert Yorke, with one thousand
more, in the great sconce before Zutphen ; took his departure
for the Hague.* Zutphen seemed so surrounded as to au-
thorize the governor to expect ere long its capitulation.
Nevertheless, the results of the campaign had not been
encouraging. The States had lost ground, having been
driven from the Meuse and Bhine, while they had with diffi-
culty maintained themselves on the Flemish coast and upon
the Tssel.
It is now necessary to glance at the internal politics of the
Bepublic during the period of Leicester's administration and
to explain the position in which he found himself at the close
of the year.
' Brace's * Leyc. Corresp.' 428. I who Eays that Leicester presented
Ck>mpare Strada^ II. 46S, 456. Hoofd, Stanley with a life-rent of six hundred
Vervolgh, 188. Meteren, adil 237, florins (£60). • Bor, n. "TOS,
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1586. SHOULD ELIZABETH ACOEFT THE SOYEBEIGNTT ? 61
CHAPTER X.
Should EUfabeth accept the Sovereignty? — The Effects of ber Anger—
Qoaireta between the Earl and the States — The EarFs three Counsellors-
Lttcester's lEInance-Chamber — Discontent of the Mercantile Classes —
Paul Bnjs and the Opposition — Keen Insight of Faol Bays — Tnidisess
beonnes a Spj npon him — Intrigoes of Bnys with Deomaric— His
Imprisonment— The EarFs Unpopularity — His Quarrels with the States
— And with the Norrises — His Counsellors Wilkes and Clerke — Letter
from the Queen to Leicester — A Supper Party at Hobenlo^s — A drunken
Quarrel — Hc^enlo*a Assault upon Edward Norris— 111 Effects of the
Riot
The brief period of sunshine bad been swiftly fallowed by
storms. The Governor Absolute had, from the outset, been
placed in a false position. Before he came to the Nether-
lands the Queen had refused the sovereignty. Perhaps it
was wise in her to decline so magnificent an offer ; yet cer-
tainly her acceptance would have been perfectly honourable.
The constituted authorities of the Provinces formally made
the proposition. There is no doubt whatever that the whole
population ardently desired to become her subjects. So far
as the Netherlands were concerned, then, she would have
b^n fully justified in extending her sceptre over a free people,
who, under no compukion and without any diplomatic chicane,
had selected her for their hereditary chief So far as regarded
England, the annexation to that country of a continental
cluster of states, inhabited by a race closely allied to it by
blood, religion, and the instinct for political fi-eedom, seemed,
on the whole, desirable.
In a financial point of view, England would certainly lose
nothing by the union. The resources of the Provinces were
at least equal to her own. We have seen the astonishment
which the w^th and strength of the Netherlands excited in
their English visitors. They were amazed by the evidences
of commercial and manufacturing prosperity, by the spectacle
of luxury and advanced culture, which met them on every
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62
THE UNITED NETHERLANBa
Chap. X.
side. Had the Queen — ^as it had been generally supposed —
desired to learn whether the Provinces were able and willing
to pay the expenses of their own defence before she should
definitely decide on their offer of sovereignty, she was soon
thoroughly enlightened upon the subject.^ Her confidential
agents all held one language. If she would only accept the
sovereignty, the amount which the Provinces would pay was
in a manner boundless. She was assured that the revenue of
her own hereditary realm was much inferior to that of the
possessions thus offered to her sway.^
In regard to constitutional polity, the condition of the
Netherlands was at least as satisfactory as that of England.
The great amount of civil freedom enjoyed by those cbuntries
— although perhaps an objection in the eyes of Elizabeth
Tudor — should certainly have been a recommendation to her
liberty-loving subjects. The question of defence had been
satisfactorily answered. The Provinces, if an integral part of
the English empire, could protect themselves, and would
become an additional clement of strength, not a troublesome
encumbrance.
The difierenco of language was far less than that which
already existed between the English and their Irish fellow-
subjects, while it was counterbalanced by sympathy, instead
> Hoofd, xxiii. 1039, 1042. Wage-
naar, vuL 102, 104; 141, 142.
• " Neither do* I easilj see," wrote
Richard Cavendish, "how the cause
maj be remedied, unless it maj please
her most excellent .Majesty to take
that upon her which the whole people
(and specially they of the wiser sort)
both crave and cry for^ namely, the
sovereignty JTiereisno
doubt btU (/(« revenues unU suffice to
the driving of the enemy out of theso
countries for ever, and afterward in
dear profit unio her Mqjesiy far sur-
mount the receipts at homer Caven-
dish to Burghley, 9 April, 1586. (& P.
Office MS.)
"The people," said Leicester, ** still
pray God that her Majesty will be
their sovereign. She would then see
what a contribution they will all bring
forth." Leicester to Burghley, 18
June, 1586. (S. P. Office Mi^) .
" I may safely say to your Majesty,"
said be at about the . same period,
" that if your aid had . been in such
apparent sort to the countries that
they mig^t assure themselves of any
certain time of continuance of tho
same, and that you had taken theur
cause indeed to heart, I am verily
persuaded that they would have given
very good testimonies by their veiy
large contributions to maintain their
wars for such certain number of years
to be set down as your Majesty should
appoint, and no prince nor practice of
any person living able to draw them
from you." Leicester to the Queen,
27 June, 1586. (a P. Office Ma)
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1586. SHOULD EMZABBTH ACCEPT THE SOVEREIGNTY ? 63
of being aggravated by mutual hostility in the matter of
religion.
With r^ard to the great question of abstract sovereignty,
it was certainly impolitic for an absolute monarch to recog-
nize the right of a nation to repudiate its natural alliance.
But Elizabeth had already countenanced that step by assisting
the rebellion against Philip. To allow the rebels to transfer
their obedience from the King of Spain to herself was only
another step in the same direction. The Queen, should she
annex the Provinces, would certainly be accused by the world
of ambition ; but the an^bition was a noble one, if, by thus
consenting to the urgent solicitations of a free people, she
extended the region of civil and religious liberty, and raised
up a permanent bulwark against sacerdotal and royal ab-
solutism.
A war between herself and Spain was inevitable if she
accepted the sovereignty, but peace had been already ren-
dered impossible by the treaty of alliance. It is true that
the Queen imagined the possibility of combining her engage-
ments towards the States with a conciliatory attitude towards
their ancient master, but it was here that she committed the
gravest <)rror. The negotiations of Parma and his sovereign
with the English court were a masterpiece of deceit on the
part of Spain. Wo have shown, by the secret correspondence,
and we shall in the sequel make it still clearer, that Philip
only intended to amuse his antagonists ; that he had already
prepared his plan for the conquest of England, down to the
minutest details ; that the idea of tolerating religious liberty
had never entered his mind ; and that his fixed purpose was
not only thoroughly to chastise the Dutch rebels, but to
deprive the heretic Queen who had fostered their rebellion
both of throne and life. So far as regarded the Spanish
King, then, the quarrel between him and Elizabeth was
already mortal ; "vdiile, in a religious, moral, political, and
financial point of view, it would be difficult to show that it was
wrong or imprudent for England to accept the sovereignty
over his ancient subjects. The cause of human freedom
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54 THE UNITEIJ) NSTHERLANDa Chap. X.
Beemed likely to gain by the step, for th:e States did not
consider themselves strong enough to maintain the inder
pendent republic which had already risen.
It might be a question whether, on the whole, Elizabeth
made a mistake in declining the sovereignty. She was cer-
tainly wrong, however, in wishing the lieutenant-general of
her six thousand auxiliary troops to be clothed, as such,
with viceregal powers. The States-General, in a moment of
enthusiasm, appointed him governor absolute, and placed in
his hands, not only the command of the forces, but the entire
control of their revenues, imposts, and customs, together
with the appointment of civil and military officers. . Such an
amount of power could only be del^ated by the sovereign.
Elizabeth had refused the sovereignty : it then . rested with
the States. They only, therefore, were competent to confer
the power which Elizabeth wished her favourite to exercise
simply as her lieutenant-general.
Her wrathful and vituperative language damaged her cause
and that of the Netherlands more severely than can now be
accurately estimated. The Earl was placed at once in a
false, a humiliating, almost a ridiculous position. The au-
thority which the States had thus a second time offered to
England was a second time and most scornfully thrust back
upon them. Elizabeth was indignant that ^^ her own man^'
should clothe himself in the supreme attributes which she
had refused. The States were forced by the violence of the
Queen to take the authority into their own hands again, and
Leicester was looked upon as a disgraced man.
Then came the neglect with, which the Earl was treated by
her Majesty and her ill-timed parsimony towards the cause.
No letters to him in four months, no remittances for the
English troops, not a penny of salary for him. The whole
expense of the war was thrown for the time upon their hands,
and the English soldiers seemed only a few thousand starving,
naked, dying vagrants, an incumbrance instead of an aid.^
' " I find the most part of the bands I tember/' said Quartermaster Biggo^
that came oyer in August and Sep- | "more than half wasted, dead ana
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1586.
THB EFFECTS OF HER AISTGER.
65
The States, in their turn, drew the purse-strings. The
two hundred thousand florins monthly were paid. The four
hundred thousand florins which had been voted as an addi-
tional supply were for a time held back, as Leicester expressly
sti^ed, because of the discredit which had been thrown upon
him from home.^
The military operations were crippled for want of funds,
bat more fatal than everything else were the secret negotia-
tions for peace. Subordinate individuals, like Grafigni and
De Loo, went up and down, bringing presents out of England
for Alexander Famese,* and bragging that Parma and them-
sdves could have peace whenever they liked to make it, and
afiSrming that Leicester's opinions were of no account what-
ever. Elizabeth's coldness to the Earl and to the Nether-
lands was affirmed to be the Prince of Parma's sheet-anchor ;
while meantime a house was ostentatiously' prepared in
gone, and numj of the remainder dck,
lame, imd shrewdly enfeebled, fitter
to he relieyed at home in hospitals
than to take her M^ieaty's pay here
fbr861dier& Our soldiers, not-
withstanding greai nutnberB </ ihem he
paid with eaarih in their ffraves, yet the
rest are bo ill contented of their due
lor the time pa8t» that, if pay oome
not speedily, belbre they be drawn to
deal with the enemy, I doubt some
worse adventure than I will divine be-
forehand." ' Advertisement of the pre-
sent state of these Low Countries, by
LDigges,' ^ Hareh, 1586. (a P.
0£ElceH&)
> Strangely enough, Elizabeth was
under the impression that the extra
Rant of 400,000 florins (40,0001) ibr
KMir months was four hundred tiiou-
SBttd potmda sUrling! **The rest
that was granted by the States, as ex-
traordbaiy to levy an army,' which
was 400,000 florins, not pounds, as I
bear your Ifigesty taketh it It is
ibrty thousand pounds^ and to be pud
hi March, April, May, and June last,"
Ac. Leicester to the Queen, 11 Oct.
168S. ^ P. Office Ma)
She bad certainly formed already nn
exalted idea of the capacity of the
VOL. II. — ^F
Provinces to protect themselves. She
had in a year paid but seventy thou-
sand pounds herself and believed the
States able, over arid above their regit-
lor contributions, to fhmish an extra-
ordinaiy supply of one hundred thou-
sand pounds a month.
' Leicester to the Queen, G June,
1586. (a P. Office MS.)
* ** Amongst all the enemy's means
to persuade his discontented and ill-fed
companions," said Cavendish, ^this
seemeth to be his sheet-anchor, name-
ly, \hBJL where the only comfort of this
people dependeth wholly upon her
Mij.'g most gracious rdief and sup-
port, now is the disposition thereof in
her BO cooled, as she very faintly
stretcheth forth her hand thereunto,
which evidently appears, as well by
the many disgraces which here my
Lord hath received fh>m her Mig., to
the great blemish of his authority, as
also by the slack payment of her
troops and so long as my Lord
shall be unable to firont hhn in the
field so long will this people be with-
out hope, and the enemy inflamed with
assured hope of victory." Cavendish
to Burghley, 15 June^ 158e. (a P.
Office MS.)
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66
THE UNITED NBTHERLANDa
Chap. X.
Brussels by their direction for the reception of an English
ambassador, who. was every moment expected to arrive.^
Under such circumstances it was in vain for the governor-
general to protest that the accounts of secret negotiations
were false, and quite natural that the States should lose their
confidence in the Queen. An unfriendly and suspicious atti-
tude towaifds her representative was a necessary result, and
the demonstrations against the common enemy became still
more languid. But for these underhand dealings, Grave,
Venlo, and Neusz, might have been saved,^ and the current
of the Meuso and Rhine have remained in the hands of the
patriots.
The Earl was industrious, generous, and desirous of playing
well his part. His personal courage was undoubted, and, in
the opinion of his admirers — themselves, somo of them, men
of large military experience — ^his ability as a commander was
of a high order.* The valour displayed by the English nobles
and gentlemen who accompanied him was magnificent,
worthy the descendants of the victors at Crecy, Poictiers, and
Agincourt ; and the good behaviour of their followers — with
a few rare exceptions — ^had been equally signal. But now
the army was dwindling to a ghastly array of scarecrows, and
the recruits, as they came from England, were appalled by
the spectacle presented by their predecessors.* " Our old
ragged rogues here have so discouraged our new men," said
Leicester; "as I protest to you they look like dead mea"*
Out of eleven hundred freshly-arrived Englishmen, five hun-
' "It is certainly known that tbo
enemy lia^ not a little prevailed with
that stratagem, causmg to be pub-
lished that there was a treaty of peace
between her Majesty and him, and
that the same shonld be shortly con-
cluded; and to make this deyice to
carry the more shew of truth, ho
caused a house to be prepared in
Brussels, saying that it was for an
ambassador coming out of England to
.conclude tiie peapo, by which means
he hath contained divers t^wns in
terms of obedience that were ready to
revolti in respect of their misery, po-
verty, and famine." Wilkes to Burgh-
ley, 7 Aug. 1586. (a P. OfBoe M&)
' Leicester to the Queen, 20 June,
1586. (S. P. Office MS.)
» North to Burghley, 23 May, 1686.
Same to same, 29 May, 1586. Heneago
to Walsingham, 25 May, 1586. (S. P.
Office Ma)
* Leicester to Buiighley, 18 Juno,
1686. (S. P. Office Ma) Bruce'a
*Leyc Corresp.' 338.
* Bruce'a *Leya Corresp.' 338.
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1586, QUARRELS BETWEEN THE EARL AND STATES. 67
dred ran away in two days.* Some were caught and hanged,
and all seemed to prefer hanging to remaining in the service,
while the Earl declared that he would be hanged as well
rather than . again undertake such a chaige without being
assured payment for his troops beforehand.'
The valour of Sidney and Essex, Willoughby and Pelham,
Roger Williams and Martin Schenk, was set at nought by
such untoward circumstances. Had not Philip also left his
army to starve and Alexander Famese to work miracles,
it would have fared still worse. with Holland and England,
and with the cause of civil and religious liberty in the year
1586. , ,
The States having resumed, as much as possible, their
former authority, were on very unsatisfactory terms with the
governor-general. Before long, it was impossible for the
twenty or thirty individuals called the States to be in the
same town with the man whom, at the commencement of the
year, they had greeted so, warmly.* - The hatred between the
Leicester &ction and the municipalities became intense, for
the foundation of the two great parties which were long to
divide the Netherland commonwealth was already laid. The
mercantile patrician interest, embodied in the states of Hol-
land and Zeeland, and inclined to a large toleration in the
matter of religion, which afterwards- took the form of Armi-
nianism, was opposed by a strict Calvinist party, which desired
to subject the political commonwealth to the reformed church ;
which; nevertheless indulged in very democratic views of
the social compact; and which was controlled by a few
refugees from Flanders and Brabant, who had succeeded in
obtaining the confidence of Leicester.
Thus the Earl was the nominal head of the Calvinist demo-
cratic party; while young Maurice of Nassau, stadholder of Hol-
land and Zfeeland, and guided by Bameveld, Buys, and other
leading statesmen of these Provinces, was in an attitude pre-
' Leicester to Burgbley, M& last I (S. P. Office MS.) CompGre Wagonaar
cited. Brace, vbist^, > Ibid. viiL 142, 143.
• Doyley to Borghley, 8 Aug. 1686. |
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G8 THB UNITED NBTHEBLANDS. Chap. X.
cisely the reverse of the one which he was destmed at a later
and equally memorable epoch to assume. The chiefs of the
faction which had now succeeded in gaining the confidence
of Leicester were Beingault, Burgrave^ and Deventer, all
refugees.
The laws of Holland and of the other United States were
very strict on the subjecJt of citizenship, and no one but a
native was competent to hold office in each Province. Doubt-
less, such regulations were narrow-spirited ; but to fly in the
face of them was the act of a despot, and this is what Lei-
cester did. Beingault was a Fleming. He was a bankrupt
merchant, who had been taken into the protection of Lamoral
Egmont, and by that nobleman recommended to Granvelle
for an office under the Cardinars government. The refusal
of this favour was one of the original causes of Egmonfs
hostility to Granvelle. Beingault subsequently entered the
sCTvice of the Cardinal, howeter, and rewarded the kindness
of his former benefector by great exertions in finding, or
inventing, evidence to justify the execution of that unfor-
tunate nobleman. He was afterwards much employed by the
Duke of Alva and by the Grand Commander Requesens ;
but after the ^pacification of Ghent he had been completely
thrown out of service. He had recently, in a subordinate
capacity, accompanied the legations of ihe States to France
and to En^and, and had now contrived to ingratiate him-
self with the Earl of Leicester. He affected great zeal for
the Calvinistio religion — an exhibition which, in the old
servant of Granvelle aad Alva, was far from edifying— and
would employ no man or maid-servant in his household
until their religious principles had been thoroughly examined
by one or two clergymen. In brief, he was one of those,
who, according to a homely Flemish proverb, are wont to
hang their piety on the bell-rope ; but, with the exception
of this brief interlude in his career, he lived and died a
Papist.^
> Hoom, Yenrolgb, 142, 143. ReTdani^ Y. 89, »0.
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1586. THE EAEL*S THBE;E GOUNSELLOBa 69
Gherard Proninck, galied Deventer^ was a respectable inha-
bittmt of Bois-le-Duc, who hfi4 left that city after it had
again become subject to the authority of Spain. He was of
decent life and conversation, but a restless and ambitious
demagogue. As a Brabantine, he was unfit for office ; and
yet, through Leicester's influence and the intrigues of the
democratic party, he obtained the appointment of burgo-
master in the city of Utrecht The States-General, however,
always refused to allow him to appear at their sessions as
representative of that city.* ^
Daniel de Burgrave was a Flemish mechanic, who, by the
'exertion of much energy and talent, had risen to the post of
procureur-general of Flanders.. After the conquest pf the
principal portion of that Province by Parma, he had m^de
lumself useful to the English governor-general in various
ways, and particularly as a linguist. He spoke English— a
tongue with whidi few Netherlanders of that day were fami-
liar— and as the Earl knew no other, exji?ept (yery imper-
fectly) Italian, he foimd hii^ services in speaking and writing
a variety of languages very convetdent. , He was the governor's
private secretary, and, of course, had no. entrance to the
council of state, but he was accused of frequently thrusting
himsetf into their hall of sessions, where, under pretence
of arranging the Earl's table, or pqrt&lio, or papers, he was
much addicted to whispering into his master's ear, listening
to conversation, — to eaves-dropping, in short, and general
intrusiveness.* .
"A most faithful, honest servant. is Burgrave," said Lei-
cester; "a substantial, wise man.* 'Tis as sufficient a man
as ever I • met withal of any nation ; very well learned,
exceeding wise, and sincere in religion. I cannot commend
the man too much. He is the only comfort I have had of
any of this nation."*
These three personages were the leaders of the Leicester
• HooH, Vervolgh, Ac^ just dtod.
• Hoom, Reyd., ubi sup.
• Brace's *Leyc, Corrcsp.' 363, 422.
* Leicester to Walsingham, 27 Julj,
1586. (a P. Office KS.)
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70
THE UNITED KETHERLANDa
Chap. X
faction. They had much influence with all the refugees from
Flanders, Brabant, and the Walloon Provinces. In Utrecht,
especially, where the Earl mainly resided, their intrigues
were very successfuL Deventer was appointed, as already
stated, to the important post of burgomaster ; many of the
influential citizens were banished, without cause or trial ; ihc
upper branch of the municipal government, consisting of
the clerical delegates of the colleges, was in an arbitrary
manner abolished ; and finally, the absolute sovere^ty of
the Province, without condition, was offered to the Queen of
England.^ '
Leicester was now determined to carry out one of the great
objects which the Queen had in view when she sent him to
the Netherlands. She desired thoroughly to ascertain the
financial resources of the Provinces, and their capacity to
defend themselves.^ It was supposed by the States, and
hoped by the Earl and by a majority of the Netherland
people, that, she would, in case the results were satisfactory,
accept,' after all, the sovereignty. She certainly was not to
be blamed that she wished to make this most . important
investigation, but it was her own fault that any new machinery
had been rendered necessary. The whole control of the
finances had, in the beginning of the year, been placed in the
Earl's hands,*.atid it was only by her violently depriving him
of his credit and of the confidence of the country that he had
not retained it. He now established a finance-chamber,
under the chief control of Reingault, who promised him
mountains of money, and who was to be chief treasurer.* Paul
» Bor, n. 122.
» Hoofd, 1039, 1042. Wagonaar, viiL
142..
» Bnice'a *Leyc. Corresp.* 1585;
"And," said he to the Lord Mayor and
AldennoQ of London, **70u may all
sleep quietly in England, so long as
these countries may bo held in their
earnest good-wilL"
* Bor, n. 722.
Leicester to Buighley, 28 Juno,
1336. CaTcndish to same, 19 Junoy l5dG.
Leicester to the Queen, 26 June, 1686.
Same to same, 27 June, 1686. Wilkes
to Lords of Council, 20 Aug. 1686,
(a P. Office MSS.)
"The Prince of Orange," said
Cavendish (MS. vhi 8up.% *' being not
ignorant of the fiauds H the States,
often levelled at this matter (a finance-
coundlX but was never able to hit it,
because they knew he was poor, and
had no way else to live but upon their
alms-basket. Amongst other
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1586.
LEICBSTER'S FINANCE^nAMBER.
71
Buys was appointed by Leicester to fill a subordinate position
in the new council . He spurned the offer with great indig-
nation, saying that Beingault was not fit to be his clerk, and
that ho was not likely himself, therefore, to accept a humble
post under the administration of such an individual. This
scornful refusal filled to the full the hatred of Leicester
against the ex- Advocate of Holland.^
The mercantile interest at once took the alarm, because it
was supposed that the finance-chamber was intended to crush
the merchants. Early in April an Act had been passed by
the state-council, prohibiting commerce with the Spanish
possessions. The embargo was intended to injure the obe-
dient Provinces and their sovereign, but it was shown that its
effect would be to blast the commerce of Holland. It for-
bade the exportation from the republic not only, of all provi-
sions and munitions of war, but of all goods and merchandize
whatever, to Spain, Portugal, the Spanish Netherlands, or
any other of Philip's territories, either in Dutch or neutral
It would certainly seem, at first sight, that such an
things, thero ia one impost granted by
favour to somo parties for lOOL by tho
year, which is indeed worth 8,000/.
With these tricks have they enriched
themselves, all which devices must
now quail.'* If such stories, which
were daily whispered into Leicester's
cars^ had a shadow of foundation, it
was not surprising that ho should ex-
pect to increase tho revenue by a more
judicious farming. But he never
found his " mountains of gold," nor
any collector who could turn a hun-
dred pounds into eight thousand. '*I
have/' said Leicester (Letters to the
Queen, ubi sup.\ "established, against
the wills of somo here, a chamber of
linanoe, by which I sliall be sure to
bo privy to tho levying and bestowing
of all their revenues — a matter your
Majesty hath often sought to under-
stand thereof But, with all the wit
and means I could use, could never
certainly bring it to pass, nor never
will, but by this only way. I trust
shortly to have very assured know-
ledge to satisfy your Majesty of the
States* ability, which thing I havo
gono about from tlio beginning. I
hope, within twenty days, to givo
your Majesty some near reckoning of
all their revenues every way. Your
Majesty doth suppose I deal weakly
with these men, but I would you knew
how I have dealt witli them of late,
to bring the office of finance to pass.
I had a g^ood will to have dealt long
since roundly with them, I confess,
but my caso was too well known to
them. But as soon as my heartening
came from mine old supporter, I was
found a more shrew than your Mijesty
will beUeve; fc«r mine old patience
hath been too much tried since I
came from my quiet home to this
wayward generation."
"I find that until tho thne of my
coming hither," said Wilkes (Letter
to Council, ubi sup.), " the States have
been contented to disguise and conceal
the truth of* many particularities,
which now they profess to discover,
meaning, as they say, to anatomise
unto hir Majesty the whole state of
their strength. » Eor, IL 722.
• Bor, IL 703, scq, who is, however,
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72
THE UNITED NETHERLAlSrDS.
Chap^ X
act was reasonable, although the result would really be, not
to deprive the enemy of supplies, but to. throw the whole
Baltic trade into the hands of the Bremen, Hamburg, and
" Osterling" merchants. Leic^ter expected to derive a con-
siderable revenue by granting passports and licenses to
such neutral traders, but the edict became so unpopular
that it wtfs never thoroughly enforced, atid was before long
rescinded/
The odium of the measure was thrown upon the governor-
general, yet he had in truth opposed it in the state-council,
and was influential in procuring its repeal.*
Another important Act had been directed against the mer-
cantile interest, and excited much general discontent. The
Netherlands wished the staple of the English cloth manufac-
ture to be removed from Emden — the petty sovereign of
which place was the humble servant of Spain — to Amsterdam
or Delft. The desire was certainly natural, and the Dutch
merchants sent a conmiittee to confer with Leicester. Ho
was much impressed with their views, and with the sagacity
of their chairman, one Mylward, "a wise fellow and well
languaged, an ancient man and very religious," as the Earl
pronounced him to be.*
Notwithstanding the wisdom of this well-languaged fellow,
however, the Queen, for some strange reason, could not bo
mistaken in nscribing tho measure to
the inspiration of Leicester.
* Bor, II., 103, aeq, Wagenaar, viil
14t, acq. who is in this matter even
more unjust to tlio Earl than con-
temporary authorities.
■ Leicester to the Queen, 11 Oct
1586. (S. P. Office MS.)
*' I have very good testimony of aU
the council here," said the £ari, "that
I only in council stood against the
placard, insomuch it lay a month by,
for indeed I thought it unreasonable
and that it would give all princes just
cause of offence toward this country,
and, by all duty to your Majesty, I i
did refuse to let it pass, M length,
holh States and eomcU renewed the
matter again to me, and showed me
presently how the like had been done,
and what profit it would bring, pres-
sing me to give it some consideration
in council to be debated. It went so
through them all as there was not a
man spake against it, yet my resolu-
tion being to be had, I would give no
consent tUl I had advertised your Ma-
jesty thereoC which they all liked wolL
And after it was agreed and published,
it was again by my means revoked and
qualified, as doth appear by record.**
Compare Meteren, xiil 234'*. Wago-
naar, ubi sup, Bor, tibi wp, who
seems to bo mistaken on this pdnt
The real author of tiie edict was
Reingault (Meteren, uU sup)
• Leicester to Bui^ey, 29 July.
1686. (S. P. Office MS.)
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1586L
DISCONTENT OP THE IfBEOAKTUB CLASSEa
T3
induced to change the staple from Emden, although it was
diown that the public revenue of the Netherlands would
gain twenty thousand pounds a year by the measure. " All
Holland will cry out for it/' said Leicester ; " but I had rather
ihey cried than that England should weep."^
Thus the mercantile community, and especially the patri-
cian &iDilies of Holland and Zeeland, all engaged in trade, .
became more and more hostile to the governor-general and
to Ms' financial trio, who were soon almost as impopular a3
the famous Consul ta of Cardinal Granvelle had been. It was
the custom of the States to consider the men who surrounded
the Earl as needy and unprincipled renegades and adventurers.
It ^vas the policy of his advisers to represent the merchants
and tho States — ^which mainly consisted of, or were controlled
^7 nierchants — ^as a body of corrupt, selfish, greedy money-
gutters.*
/
.^L^cester to Burghley, 10 Aug.
lo86.^ (a P. Office MS.)
* The wonderfhl cunning dealing
^ (hose fOatos here called the States
2°?coming tho finances and the re-
JrJ* ^ revenue, whereupon the people
f^ .S^^eatlj grieyed, and themselvea,
^ *« thought^ no less enriched."
^^reoOish to Buighler, 0 April, 1686.
^^,,^Offloe M&)
Xjot^^^ States bo dy persons," said
^ij^^ ^orth, "inconstant and troachcr-
gQ^ .^l>e most of them Papists (I), and
set-^IP^ as ihey will do any turn to
H^TT^ themselves. If they again find
Jx^^^ ^er M«^*esty likes not of my
tii,^^^ authority, they will doubt of
-Qj^^" own safety, practise their own
p[^?^» and leave my Lord and all his
rt^j^?'^ spirit of tho enemy. North to
•o^^^ley, 23 May, 158G. (S. P. Office
^^ TThese bo dainty and dangerous
^plo to deal withal," said Leicester,
Tspedally when they shall be des-
perate of their hope, and disappointed
of tbeh* help. I must say truly to
par Mtjesty I do find some of the
best sort as honest and as thankM as
orer I knew men, and some others as
perverse and as ingrate as might weU
be Fpared out of all good company.
There aro also men who are able, and
do most hurt . . • These men begin
utterly to despair of your Majesty's
good assistance, and an apt time is
offered now for the lewd and bad
disposed persons to work their feat"
Leicester to the Queen, 6 June, 1586.
(a P. Office MS.)
"The whole i)eople," said Caven-
dish, " are hero so addicted to her
Majesty, and in respect of her to my
Lord, in whom they find such inces-
sant travail and care ibr her service
and their general good, and in respect
of whom tiiey would willingly easier
or rather hang all those called States.
Your Lordship may think I write
veh^nently, but I know I write truly."
Cavendish to Burghley, 10 June, 1586.
(S. P. Office M&)
"It will be a harder matter," said
Leicester again, "than jou can ima-
gine, to bring this State in that tune
it was three months past It will
require a whole and fiill countenanco
from her M^sty and witli all speed
possible, if you will have it kept fi^m
the enemy. And beware these fellows
do not prevent her Majesty. If th^
do, you can consider how harmibl it
is like to prove, and (hough Ihey he
I counted dullards and drunkards^ thrj
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74
THB XTNITBD KETHERLANDa
Chap. X.'
The calumnies. put in circulation against the States by
Beingault and his associates grew at last so outrageous, and
the prejudice created in the mind of Leicester and his imme-
diate English adherents so intense, that it was rendered
necessary for the States of Holland and Zeeland to write to
their agent Ortell in London, that he might forestall the
•effect of these perpetual misrepresentations on her Majesty's
government.^ Leicester, on the other hand, under tho
Tiave shrewd and subOe heads as ever I
found anywhere. .... The lest man
in England were not too good^ as mat-
ters standi to be employed kUher^ either
to encourage them thoroughly^ or to
understand their estate more deeply.^*
Leicester to Bui^hley, 20 July, 1586.
(S. P. Office MS.)
" I did never see such heady people
as these States are," said the Earl, once
more, '^I cannot blame the common
scrt to mislike them, for there is no
reasoning against their resolutions.
There must be very wise and
good handlmg had in these causea
There is no more such people to deal
withal again. I mean these that bo
rich and politic fellows. They hunt
after their o^ti wealth and surety,
and without an assurance of a strange
assistance they will bo suddenly gone,
and it Is high time to look into the
course her Majesty will take here-
after." Same to Eame, 29 July, 1586.
(a P. Office Ma)
"They have given to my Lord of
Leicester," said Wilkes, " a govern-
ment with the word absolute, but wiUi
so many restrictions that his authority
is limited almost to nothing, and he is
in truth for tho politio government
but their servant; having reserved to
themselves, besides the sovereignty,
the disposing of all the contributions
(saving the monthly allowance^ the
church goods, confiscations, choice of
officers .... and to keep themselvea
fbom rendering account of anything,
they do impugn his court of &iances
now erected, alleging that he hath
not authority to erect any such court,
or to establish offices without their
license." Wilkes to Lords of Council,
20 Aug. 1686. (a P. Office MS.)
" Tho exactions and excises aro in-
credible that are laid on tills people,"
said Bigges, "and such as in all pro-
bability do amount to three times as
much (/) as the 200,000 Jlorins monthly
which they allow his Excellency to
prosecute tho war. The rest they
divide among themselves . . . giving
great stipends to €k>unt HoUodc,
Count Maurice, Count Meiu^ Count
"William, and many colonels. But, for
all thut, the States offer that thero
shall bo new impositions to levy
more." T. Digges's * Advertisement of
present state of tho Low Countries,'
- March, 1586. (a P. Office Ma)
* " You have doubtless understood,"
said the States, "of the erection of
the finance-council for the better hus-
banding of the money furnished by
thiBse countries, of the which Jacques
Bingault is ordained treasurer. ....
Stephen Perret (a seditious person,
often ' imprisoned, and a fraudulent
bankrupt), being come out of Antwerp
after the jrielding up of tho same,
hath kept correspondenco with Bin-
gault, whilst he was in England.
Very shortly after the coming of his
Excellency into these countries, ho
hath sought by all possible means to
bring him in suspicion and jealousy
by the Estates of tho country, and
propounded manifold novelties unto
his Excellency whereby to levy money,
femd in the propounding thereof shame"
fuUy slandered (he Estates with ir\ju-
rious, seditious, and untrue reports and
drifts. After Ringault's arrival hero^
he hath found means to get in better
credit by his Excellency, and, laying
their heads together, and either being
set awork by the enemy or else thinking
to enrich themsetves out of the calamity
and misery of these countries^ have
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1586.
PAUL BUYS AND THE OPPOSITION.
75
inspiration of his artful advisers, was vehement in his en-
treaties that Orteli should be sent away from England.^
The ablest and busiest of the opposition-party, the " nimblest
head''* in the States-General was the ex- Advocate of Hol-
land, Paul Buys. This man was then the foremost statesman
in the Netherlands. He had been the firmest friend to the
English alliance ; he had resigned his office when the States
were offering the sovereignty to France, and had been on the
point of taking service in Denmark. ■ He had afterwards been
prominent in the legation which offered the sovereignty to
Elizabeth, and, for a long time, had been the most firm,
earnest, and eloquent advocate of the English policy. Lei-
cester had originally courted him, caressed him, especially re-
commended him to the Queen's favour, given him money — as
he said, " two hundred pounds sterling ttiick at a time" — and
mado agreement between them in
April kst that all that which they, by
means of any new invention bj them
already propounded or yet to be pro-
ponnded unto his Excellency, should
get or enjoy, (hat Vie dome should be
divided hdwem (hem. And after that
be sought of his Excellency the 20th
penny of all that which should
proceed of his pretended inventions.
To which end Biogault, with his own
band, has drawn an octroi, or warrant,
and got his Excdlonoy to sign tho
some, without knowledge of the coun-
cil, or any of the secretaries, namely,
that he should have the 30th penny.
They have also taken great pains to
change the course of tho common
means, which so laudably and with
sudi great travail his Excellency of
worthy memorr (William of Orange)
brought in tram, and so to bring it
into coDectation, thereby to intrude
themselves and such other (havhig no
credit) to fkrm any of the said general
means in the coUectation.' The fore-
said Perret and Rmgault have also
travailed by all means to set mis-
understanding between his Excellency
and the Estates and the council • of
state, and practised many unlawful
devices to alter the estate of the
countries, and to get bis Excellency
to do all that which they imagmcd to
serve to their intent To which: end
they have used many imheard-of and
indecent proceedings without order of
law, and agamst the privileges and
customs of these countries, and against
the estate and welfare of the same,
.through a company of inconstant and
base persons, for the greater part
being strangers, applying unto them-
selves and their fhends (a company of
strangers) many offices and receipts,
thinking to deal with the same ac-
cording, to their own pleasure and
appetite. All which wo have at lai^
imparted to Mr, WiUcea, showed him
the original pieces^ and given him good
instruction by writing thereol^ to tho
end he may give her Majesty and her
honourable council to understand the
personage of these two spirits.*' States
of Holland and Zeeland to Orteli, 12
Sept 158& (a P. Office MR)
* " You have there his (Paul Buys's)
agent OrteU. It were well he were
thence. I did send twice for him,
but bo oxcuseth himself" Leicester
to Burghley, 20 July, 1686. (S. P.
Office MS.) Compare *Leyc Corresp.'
311.
» Bart Clerk to Burghley, 24 July,
1586. <S. P. Office Ma)
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T6
THB UNITBD NETHKBLAKDS.
Chap. X.
openly pronounced him to be "in ability above all men."^
<^No man hath ever sought a man/' he said, ^^as I have
sought P. B."*
The period of their friendship was, however, very brief.
Before many weeks had passed there was no vituperative
epithet that Leicester was not in the daily habit of bestowing
upon Paul The Earl's vocabulary of abuse was not a limited
one, but he exhausted it on the head of the Advocate. He
lacked at last words and breath to utter what was like him.
He pronounced his former friend ^^a very 4&iigerous man,
altogether hated of the people, and the States ;" " a lewd
sinner, nursled in revolutions; ^^a most covetous, bribing
fellow, caring for nothing but to bear the sway and grow
rich f " a man who had played many parts, both lewd and
audacious ;" "a. very knave, a traitor to his country ;" "the
most ungrateful wretch alive, a hater of the Queen and of all
the English ; a most unthankful man to her Majesty ; a prac-
tiser to make himself rich and great, and nobody else ;"
^^ among aU villains the greatest;" ^'a bolsterer of all papists and
ill men, a dissembler, a devil, an atheist,'' a ^^ most naughty
man, and a most notorious drunkard in the worst degree."
Where the Earl hated, his hatred was apt to be deadly, and
ho was determined, if possible, to have the life of the detested
Paul " You shaU see I will do well enough with him, and
that shortly," he said. " I will course him as he was not so
this twenty year. I will warrant him hanged and one or two
of his fellows, but you must not tell your shirt of this yet ;"
and when he was congratulating the government on his
having at length procured the execution of Captain Hemart,
the surrenderor of Grave, he added, pithily, "and you shall
hear that Mr. P. B. shall follow." «
* Leicester to Burghlcy, 10 Aug.
1586. (S. P. Office MS.)
« n)id.
8 Leicester to Bqrghley, 20 Jane,
1086. Same to same, 10 Aug. Ij586.
Same to same, 20 JtUy, 1586. B.
Clerk to same, 24 July. (& P. Offioe
MSS.)
Bruce^B 'Leya Corre^* 130, 291,
303, 310, 311, 313, 352. Cavendish
observed that ^ there were many false
brethren in the higher Ibnn among
the people, of whom he feared that
Paul Buys would not prove Uie
pmanS," Cavendish to Buighley, 15
June, 1586. (S. P. Office MS!)
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1586.
KEXS TSSLQIBT OF PAUL BUYS.
77
Yet tke Eai'l's real griefs agamst Buys may foe easily
Bommed up. The lewd sinner, nursled in revolutions, had
detected the secret policy of the Queen's government, and
wag therefore perpetually denouncing the intrigues going on
with Spain. He complained that her Majesty was tired of
havmg engaged in the Netherland enterprise ; he declared that
she would be glad to get faurly out of it ; that her reluctance
to spend a farthing mote in the cause than she was obliged
to do was hourly increasing upon her ; that she was deceiving
and misleading the States-General ; and that she was hank-
ering after a p^u;e. He ^ said that the Earl had a secret
intention to possess himself of certain towns in Holland, in
which case tiie whole question of peace and war woidd be in
the hands of the Queen, who would also have it thus in her
power to reimbursd herself at once for all expenses that she
had incurred.^
It would be difficult to show that there was anything very
calumnious in these chaiges, which, no doubt, Paul was in
the habit of makings As to the economical tendencies of
her Majesty, sufficient evidence has been given already from
Leicester's private letters. " Rather than spend one hundred
pounds," said Walsingham, "she can be content to be de-
ceived of five thousand."^ That she had been concealing
fix)m the States, from Walsingham, from Leicester, during
the whole summer, her secret n^otiations with Spain, has
also been made apparent. That she was disgusted with
the enterprise in which she had embarked, Walsingham,
Borghley, Hatton, and all the other statesmen of England,
most abundantly testified. Whether Leicester had really an
intention to possess himself of certain cities in Holland — a
charge made by Paul Buys, and denounced as especially
slanderous by the Earl — ^may better appear from his own
private statements.
"Paul Boya— atfH giving out
daoderous speeches— for that 1 only
sought Uy . . . ifet their towns ....
that thereby, whensoever her Mcjestj
should think good to treat for peace,
.... I should hereby bo able to
compel them to what end she should
think good." Leicester to Walaiiig-
ham, 20 July, 1586, in Bruce, 376.
• Bruco's 'Loyc. Ck)rresp.' 273. *
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78
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. Z.
'•' This I mil do" he wrote to the Queen, " and I hope not
to fail o/ity to get into my hands three or four most principal
places in North Holland^ which will be such a strength and
assurance for your Majesty^ as you shall see you shaU both
rule these men and make war or peace as you listy always
provided — whatsoever you heary or is— part not with tJie
Brill ; and having these places in your handSj whensoever
should chance to these countries, your Majesty j I will warrant
sure enough to make what peace you will in an hour, and to
have your debts and charges readily answered" ^ At a some-
what later moment it will be seen what came of these secret
designs. For the present, Leicester was very angry with.
Paul for daring to suspect him of such treachery.
The Earl complained, too, that the influence of Buys with
Hohenlo and young Maurice of Nassau was most pernicious.
Hohenlo had formerly stood high in Leicester's opinion. He
was a '^ plain, faithful soldier, a most valiant gentleman," and
ho was still more important, because about to marry Mary of
Nassau, eldest daughter of William the Silent, and coheiress
with Philip William, to the Buren projierty. But he had
been tampered with by the intriguing Paul Buys, and had
then wished to resign his office under Leicester. Being
pressed for reasons, he had ''grown solenm,'' and withdrawn
himself almost entirely.
Maurice, with his "solenm sly wit," also gave the Earl
much trouble, saying little, but thinking much, and listening
to the insidious Paul. He '' stood much on making or mar-
ring," so Leicester thought, "as he met with good counsel."
He had formerly been on intimate terms with the governor-
general, who affected to call him his son ; but he had subse-
quently kept aloof, and in three months had not come near
him.^ The Earl thought that money might do much, and was
' Leicester to tbo Queen, 27 Juno,
1586. (S. P. Office MS.)
* **The Ck)unt Maurice bath not
been three months with his Lordship.
He is utterly discontej^ted, and mudi
advised by Ste. Aldegondc, who h
assuredly the King of Spain's, and
practiseth (as an instrument of sedi-
tion) to animate the Goun^ by all
means possible, to thwart my Lord in
the course of her Miyesty's service.
The Ck>unt, well advised by Ste. Aide-
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1580.
TEUCflSBSS BECOMES A SPY UPON HIM.
79
anxiotis for Sir Francis Drake to come home from the Indies
with millions of gold, that the Queen might make both
Hohenlo and Maurice a handsome present before it should be
toolate.^
Meantime ho did what he could with Elector Truchsess to
lure them back again. That forlorn little prelate was now
poorer and more wretched than ever. He was becoming
paralytic, though young, and . his heart was broken through
want Leicester, always generous as the sun, gave him money,
four thousand florins at a time, and was most earnest that the
Queen should put him on her pension list.* " His wisdom,
his behaviour, his languages, his person," said the Earl, "all
would like her well. He is in great melancholy for his town
of Neusz, and for his poverty, having a very noble mind. If
ho be lost, her Majesty had better lose a hundred thousand
pounds."*
The melancholy Truchsess now became a spy and a go-
between. He insinuated himself into the confidence of Paul
Buys, wormed his secrets from him, and then commuiiicated
them to Hohenlo and to Leicester ; " but he did it very
wisely," said the Earl, " so that he was not mistrusted." *
The governor always affected, in order to screen the elector
from susjHcion, to obtain his information from persons in
Utrecht ; and he had indeed many spies in that city, who
diligently reported Paul's table-talk. Nevertheless, that
"noble gentleman, the elector," said Leicester, hath dealt
most deeply with him, to seek out the bottom." * As the
ex- Advocate of Holland wag very communicative in his cups,
and very bitter against the governor-general, there was soon
such a fund of information collected on the subject by various
gonde and Vflliera, repineth secretly
that her Majesty ehomd ha^e any-
thing to do in the government of ihe
country. It is to be feared his hidden
maiice will do mach misobief, and
many ill ofiBcea in the common cause
now in band." ' Matters to be related
to her Majesty by a special messenger
from the Earl of Leicester/ 20 Jane,
1586. (a P. Office MS.)
The opinion hero expressed in re-
gard to Sainte Aldegonde was subse-
quently and distinctly contradicted by
"Wilkes.
* Brace's 'Loya Corresp.' 374.
« Ibid. 378.
« Ibid. 374.
4 Ibid. 377.
• Ibid. 377.
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80 THE XJNITBD NBTHERLANDa Chap. X
eaves-droppers, that Leicester was in hopes of very soon
hangipg Mr. Paul Buys, as we have already seen.
The burthen of the charges against the culprit was his
statement that the Provinces would be gone if her Majesty
did not dechure herself, vigorously and generously, in their
favour ; but, as this was the perpetual cry of Leicester him-
self, there seemed hardly hanging matter in thai That
noble gentleman, the elector, however, had nearly saved
the hangman his trouble, having so dealt with Hohenlo as to
'^ bring him into as good a mind as ever he was f and the first
fruits of this good mind were, that the holiest Count — a man
of prompt dealings— walked straight to Paul's house in order
to kill him on the spot^ Something fortunately prevented
the execution of this plan ; but for a time at least the ener-
getic Count continued to be " governed greatly " by the ex-
archbishop, and " did impart wholly unto him his most secret
heart."
Thus the " deep wise Truxy," as Leicester called him, con-
tinued to earn golden opinions, and followed up his conversion
of Hohenlo by undertaking to " bring Maurice into tune again
also," and the young Prince was soon on better terms with "his
" affectionate fether " than he had ever been before.*
Paul Buys was not so easily put down, however, nor the
two magnates so thoroughly gained over. Before the end of
the season Maurice stood in his old position, the nominal head
of the Holland or patrician party, chief of the opposition to
Leicester, while Hohenlo had become more bitter than ever
against the EarL The q^uarrel between himself and Edward
Norris, to which allusion will soon be made, tended to
increase the dissatisfaction, althougb he singularly misun-
derstood Leicester's sentiments throughout the whole affair.
Hohenlo recovered of his wound before Zutphen ; but, on his
recovery, was more malcontent than ever.* The Earl was
obliged at last to confess iliat ^^ he was a very dangerous man,
inconstant, envious, and hateful to all our nation, and a very
* Bnioe'a 'Lejx. Correap.' 372.
* Ibid. 87e. • Ibid. 878.
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158€.
INTBIGUBS OF BUYS WITH DKNMARK.
81
traitor to the cause. There is no dealing to win him/' he
added, " I have sought it to my cost. His best friends tell me
he is not to be trusted." ^
Meantime that lewd sinnqr^ the indefatigable Paul, was
plotting desperately — so Leicester said and believed— to
transfer the sovereignty of the Provinces to the King of Den-
mark. Buys, who was privately of opinion that the States
required a^ absolute head, ^' though it were but an onion's
head,"* and that they would thankfully continue under
Leicester as governor absolute if Elizabeth would accept the
sovereignty, had made up his mind that the Queen would never
take that step. He was therefore disposed to offer the crown*
to the King of Denmark, and was believed to have brought
Maurice— who was to espouse that King's daughter' — to the
same way of thinking. Young Count Bantzan, son of a dis-
tinguished Danish statesman, made a visit to the Netherlands
JQ order to confer with Buys. Paul was also anxious to be
'Appointed envoy to Denmark, ostensibly to arrange for the
*^o thousand cavalry, which the King had long before pro-
mised for the assistance of the Provinces, but in reality, to
examine the details of this new project ; and Leicester repre-
sented to the Queen very earnestly how powerful the Danish
monarch would become, thus rendered master of the nan-ow
^^^7 and how formidable to England.*
.--^ce's 'Leya Corrcsp.' 446.
-VjjJ**®* ^""1 *^ formed an trnik-
!??^^^ opinion of the Count. '• I do
^nijd that the States or people," he
hS J^^^ *°y 8^^®*^ affection for
batiM?*® man is doubtless valiant,
'^ao, bloody, unfortunate, and^b-
woold ' ™any imperfections. They
mj^^ "Willingly be rid of him, if they
^^ Without danger." Wilkes to
/Q tT^*^ of Counca, 20 Aug. 1586.
^ t^i OflQoe Ma)
jjjjl jT^^ Buys . . perceiving of late,"
etjj r^lcester, "that your Uaj. mean-
couuS?* to proceed so fSur in these
not fi»?^ ^ *^® looked^for, or rather
^^Qlng himself the absolute dirco-
tor and governor as he would be, is
secretly working to make a king in-
deed over those two countries, Hol-
land and Zeeland, and one he doth
insinuate unto men's minds already all
Uiat ever he can, is the King of Den-
mark—A matter not unlike to come to
pass, if your M%j. shall not assure these
people of the continnance of your
&vonr, whidi, if they should be, all the
princes of the world cannot win them
from you. But this lewd sinner loseth
no Ume, where he can be heard, to
inform men how fickle a trust there is
to be had of your Migesty's fiivour or
promise^ repenting withal greatly that
he ever procured me over, being in-
deed, as he says, sinee Men out in no
better grace ^ith you. If the
King should have these two provinces
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82
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. X
In the midst of these plottings^ real or supposed^ a party of
armed meD^ one fine Bummer's morning^ suddenly entered
Paul's bedroom as he lay asleep at the house of the buigo-
master, seized his papers, and threw him into prison in the
wine-cellar of the town-house. " Oh my papers, oh my papers !"
cried the unfortunate politician, according to Leicester's state-
ment, " the Queen of England will for ever hate me." The
Earl disavowed all participation in the arrest; but he was
not believed. He declared himself not sorry that the measure
had been taken, and promised that he would not ^' be hasty
to release him," not doubting thflit "he would be found faulty
' enough." Leicester maintained that there was stuff enough
discovered to cost Paul his head ; but he never lost his head,
nor was anything treasonable or criminal ever found against
him. The intrigue with Denmark — ^never proved — and com-
menced, if undertaken at all, in utter despair of Elizabeth's
accepting the sovereignty, was the gravest charge. He re-
absoluteljr as kiog, 70U must assure
yourself he will be lord and commander
over t^e narrow seas, and all your
traffics, east and northward, wholly*
under bis restraint, for he vkU be the
wdy mighty prince by tea, ... I refused
P. B. to go to the King as ambassador,
being marvellous earnest therein . . .
but I trust to come to Airther know-
le^ of this matter, and to prevent
Master Buys well enough. P. B. hath
flatly said to me, of late, that the King
of Denmark were the fittest lord for
them in Christendom, next your Mch
jesty," Leicester to tiie Queen, 20
Juno, 1586. (& P. Office Ma)
"It is feared," said Coz, specially
deputed by Leicester to report this
matter to the Queen's government,
** that the King of Denmark is aliena-
ted, and wouM bo glad to have the
sovereignty of these countries himself
Paul Buys hath not spared of late to
intend such a practice, and partici-
pating the same with Ck>unt Maurice^
alleging plainly to his Lordship, that
it is commonly spoken and received as
current money, that her Mqesty will
abandon that cause and people at
Michaehnas, and this being so, that it
were fit for them to think of
other prince, who might protect and
defend them, before they should fall
into fhrther misery. He was of opmion
that the King of Denmark would most
gladly entertain the action. He was
strong m shippmg, and best able^ in
that respect, to defend the best part
of their countries, which was Holland
and Zeeland. His speeches were often
intermingled with many coloured pro-
testations, how much he desired that
her Mi^. would continue their gracious
lady in the cause, as the fittest prin-
cess to yield them comfort in their
calamities, yet hath his Lordship been
certainly informed that he practiseth
with all earnestness to bring this mat-
ter to pass for the King of Denmark,
and hath greatiy desired that he may
be the man to go into Denmark to
solicit for the 2000 horses promised,
for the end be may better disguise his
purpose under this colour," kc 'Mat-
ters to be related to her Majesty,' 20
June, 1686. (S. P. Office Ma)
Robert 8idney was subsequently
sent lo Denmark by Leicester to look
into this matter. Wilkes to Lords of
Council 20 Aug. 1586. (S. P. Office
Ma)
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1586. HIS IMPRISONMENT.— THE EARL»S UNPOPULARITY.
83
mained, however, six months in prison, and at the beginning
of 1587 was released, without trial or accusation, at the
request of the En^h Queen.^
The States could hardly be blamed for their opposition to
the Earl's administration, for he had thrown himself com-
pletely into the arms of a faction, whose object was to vilipend
and traduce them, and it was now difficult for him to recovor
the functions of which the Queen had deprived him. ^^The
government they had given from themselves to me stuck in
iheir stomachs always,'' he said. Thus on the one side, the
States were "growing more stately than ever," and were always
"jumbling underhand,'' while the aristocratic Earl, on his
part, was resolute not to be put down by " churls and tinkers."^
He was sure that the people were with him, and that, "having
always been governed by some prince, they never did nor
could consent to be ruled by bakers, brewers, and hired advo-
cates. I know they hate ihem,"^ said this high-bom tribune
of the people. He was much disgusted with the many-headed
dumsBra, tiie monstrous republic, with which he found himself
in such unceasing conflict, and was disposed to take a manful
stand, " I have been fain of late," he said, " to set the better
1^ foremost, to handle some of my masters somewhat plainly,
for they thought I would droop ; and whatsoever becomes of
me, you shall hear I will keep my reputation, or die for it."*
But one great accusation made against the churls and
tinkers, and bakers and hired advocates, and Mr. Paul Buys
at thdr head, was that they were liberal towards the Papists.
They were willing that Catholics should remain in the country
and exercise the ri^ts of citiz^is, provided they conducted
themselves like good citizens. For this toleration — a lesson
which statesmen like Buys and Bameveld had learned in the
school of William tlie Silent — the opposition-party were de-
*Bor. n. 726, T26, 889, 890.
HoofJ, VeiTolgh, 166. Wagenaar,
YuL 16M63. Bnioe's * Leya Corresp.'
352, 362-364^ 386, 436.
Leycester to Borghley, 20 Jul/,
1586. B. Clerk to same, 24 Julr.
1586. (S. P. Office MSS.)
■ Brace's 'Leyc, Corresp.' 312.
• Ibid. 424.
* Ibid. 312.
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84
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. X.
nounced as bolsterers of Papists, and Papists themselves at
heart, and " worshippers of idolatrous idols."*
f'rom words, too, the government of Leicester passed to
acts. Seventy papists were banished from the city of Utrecht
at the time of the arrest of Buys.* The Queen had constantly
enforced upon Leicester the importance of dealing justly with
the Catholics in the Netherlands, on the ground that they
might be as good patriots and were as much interested in tho
welfare of their country as were the Protestants ;* and ho was
especially enjoined " not to meddle in matters of religion."
This wholesome advice it would have been quite impossible
for the Earl, under the guidsance of Reingault, Burgrave, and
Stephen Perret, to carry out. He protested that he should
have liked to treat Papists and Calvinists ^^ with indifference,"
but that it had proved impossible ; that the Catholics were
perpetually plotting with the Spanish faction, and that no
towns were safe except those in which Papists had been
excluded from office. " They love the Pope above all," he
said, '^ and the Prince of Parma hath continual intelligence
with them." Nor was it Catholics alone who gave tho
governor trouble. He was likewise very busy in putting down
other denominations that differed from the Calvinists. ^^ Your
Majesty will not believe," he said, " the number of sects that
are in most towns ; especially Anabiaptists,' Families of Love,
Georgians, and I know not what. Tho godly and good
ministers wero molested by them in many places, and ready
to give over ; and even such diversities grew among magis-
trates in towns, being caused by some sedition-sowers here." *
It is however, satisfactory to reflect that tho anabaptists and
&milie8 of love, although discouraged and frowned upon, were
not biimed alive, buried alive, drowned in dungeons, and
roasted at slow fires, as had been the case with them and with.
* Digges's ' Advertisement of the
present State/ fta (a P. Office liS.
before cited.
« B. aerk to Burghley, 24 July,
1686. (3. P. Office Ma)
8 Leicester to the Qaeen, 20 Jmie^
1586. (a P. Office Ma)
♦Ibid.
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15S6. HIS QUABRKLS WITH , THE STATES. 85
every other gpecies of Protestants, by thousands and tens ' of
thousands, so long as Charles Y. and Philip II. had ruled the
territory of that commonwealth. Humanity had acqmred
something by the war which the Netherlanders had been
waging for twenty years, and no man or woman was ever put
to death for religious causes after the establishment of the
republic.
With his hands thus full of business, it was difficult for the
Earl to obey the Queen's command not to meddle in religious
matters ; for he was not of the stature of William the Silent,
and could not comprehend that the great lesson taught by
the sixteenth century was that men were not to meddle with
men in matters of religion. •
But besides his especial nightmare — ^Mr. Paul Buys — -the
governor-general had a whole set of incubi in the Norris
family. Probably no two persons ever detested each other
more cordially than did Leicester and Sir John Norris. Sir
John had been commander of the forces in the Netherlands
beforo Leicester's arrival, and was unquestionably a man of
larger experience than the Earl. He had, however, as Wal-
singham complained, acquired by his services in " countries
where neither discipline military nor religion carried any
sway," a very rude and licentious kind of government.
" Would to God," said the secretary, " that, with his value
and courage, ho carried the mind and reputation of a religious
soldier."^ But that was past praying, for. Sir John was
proud, untractable, turbulent, very difficult to manage. Ho
hated Leicester, and was furious with Sir William Pelham,
whom Leicester had made marshal of the camp.^ Ho com-
plained, not tmjustly, that from the first place in the army,
which he had occupied in the Netherlands, he had been
reduced to the fifth.^ The governor-general — ^who chose to
call Sir John the son of his ancient enemy, the Earl of Sussex —
often denounced him in good set terms. " His brother Ed-
ward is as ill as he," he said, "but John is right the late Earl
' Bruce's *Leyc Corresp.' 222.
* "Ho stoisachs greatly tbo Mareba]," said Leicester. Ibid. C79. * Ibid. 8 SO.
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86
THE UNITSD NEtHBRLAKDS.
Chap. 3L
of Sussex.' son ; he will so dissemble and croach, and so cun-
ningly carry his doings, as no man living would imagine that
there were half the malice or vindictiye mind that plainly his
words prove to be."* Leicester accused him of constant
insubordination^ insolence, and malice, complained of being
traduced by him everywhere in the Netherlands and in Eng-
land, and declared that he was followed about by "a pack of
lewd audacious fellows," whom the Earl vowed he would hang,
one and all, before he had done with them.* He swore openly,
in presence of all his camp, that he would hang Sir John like-
wise ; so that both the brothers, who had never been afraid of
anything since they had been born into the world, affected to
be in danger of their lives.*
The Norrises were on bad terms with many officers — ^with
Sir William Pelham of course, with " old Reade," Lord North,
Eoger Williams, Hohenlo, Essex, and other nobles — ^but with
Sir Philip Sidney, the gentle and chivalrous, they were
friends.* Sir John had quarrelled in former times — according
to Leicester — with Hohenlo and even with the "good and
brave" La None, of the iron arm ; "for his pride," said the
Earl, " was the spirit of the deviL"* The governor complained
every day of his malignity, and vowed that he " neither re-
garded the cause of God, nor of his prince, nor country."*
* Brace*a * Leya CJorresp.* 301.
• * Notes of Remembrances, by Mr.
Edward Norris,' Sept 158a (& P.
Office MS.)
• " His Excellency did not only not
mislike withal that Lord North, Cap-
tain William, and others, should rail
•at him, bat in his own presence did
sofiTer diyers captains and noblemen to
brave him, and did himself also grow
in great rages against him, disallowing
him openly for wise man, honest man,
or soldier; preferring many men's
wisdom and experience, saymg his
patience and slyness should not save
him, not sparing openly to threaten
him to hBDf him ; so that of every
honest man it is feared lest some mia-
chief shaU ehorUy he wrought hkny Ibid.
* Sir John Norris to Walaingham,
25 Oct 1686. (a P. Office M&)
' Leicester to Wilkes, 23 Aug. (S. P.
Office Ma) • Ibid.
Wilkes, on the contrary, had a veiy
favourable opinion of Norris, and
always secretly defended him to the
Queen's government against Leicester's
chaiges. ** Besides the value, wisdom,
and many other good parts that are in
the man," he said, "I have noted a
wonderibl patience and modesty in
bearing many apparent ii^uries done
unto him, which I have known to be
countenanced and nourished, contnuy
to all reason, to disgrace hun. What-
soever may be reported maliciously to
his disadvantage, I dare avouch that
the Queen hath not a second sobfject of
his place and quality so able to servo
in these countries as he." Wilkes to
Burghley, 17 Nov. 1586. (S. P. Office
Ma)
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1586L
AKD WITH THE NORRISBS.
87
He consorted chiefly with Sir Thomas Cecil/ governor of
Brill, son of Lord Boi^hlej, and therefore no friend to
Leicester; bat the Earl protested that ^^ Master Thomas
shonld bear small rule/' ^ so long as he -was himself govemor-
generaL " Now I have Pelham and Stanley, we shall do well
enough/' he said, " though my young master would counte-
nance him. I will be master while I remain here, will they,
nillthey/'^
Edward Norris, brother of Sir John, gave the governor
almost as much trouble as he ; but the treasurer Norris, uncle
to them both, was, if possible, more odious to him than alL
He was — ^if half Leicester's accusations are to be believed —
a most in&mous peculator. One-third of the money sent by
the Queen for the soldiers stuck in his fingers. He paid them
their wretched four-pence a-day in depreciated coin, so that
for their " naughty money they could get but naughty ware." *
Never was such. " fleecing of poor soldiers," said Leicester.*
On the other band. Sir John maintained that his uncle's
accounts were always ready for examination, and earnestly
be^ed the home-government not to condemn that functionary
without a hearing.^ For himself, he complained that he was
uniformly kept in the background, left in ignorance of im-
portant enterprises, and sent on difficult duty with inade-
quate forces. It was believed that Leicester's course was
inspired by envy, lest any military triumph that might be
gained should redound to the glory of Sir John, one of the
first commanders of the age, rather than to that of the
governor-general. He was perpetually thwarted, crossed,
calumniated, subjected to coarse and indecent insults, even
from such brave men as Lord North and Roger Williams, and
in the very presence of the commander-in-chief, so that his
talents were of no avail, and he was most anxious to be gone
from the country.^
> Letter to WDkea, Ma last dtod.
• Brace's *Leyc Corresp.' 380.
•Rid.
• Ibid. 299, 303.
• Leicester to the Queen, 27 June,
1586. (a P. Office MS.)
* Sir J. Norris to Burghley, 25 Uaj,
1586. (a P. Office Ma)
^ * Notes of Remembrance,' by Ed.
Norris^ Ma before dted "His Ex-
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THB UNITED NBTHEBLANDa
Chap. X
Thns with the tremendous opposition formed to his govern-
ment in the States-Q^neral, the incessant bickerings with the
Norrises^ the peculations of the treasurer^ the secret negotiations
with Spain, and the impossibility of obtaining money from home
for himself or for his starving little army, the Earl was in any-
thing but a comfortable position. He was severely censured
in England ; but he doubted, with much reason, whether there
were many who would take his office, and spend twenty
thousand pounds sterling out of their own pockets, as he had
donc.^ The Earl was generous and brave as man could be,
full of wit, quick of apprehension ; but inordinately vain,
arrogant, and withal easily led by designing persons. He
stood up manfully for the cause in which he was embarked,
and was most strenuous in his demands for money. " Per-
sonally he cared," he said, "not sixpence for his post, but
would givo five thousand sixpences, and six thousand shillings
beside, to bo rid of it ; " ^ but it was contrary to his dignity to
" stand bucking with the States " for his salary. " Is it reason,"
he asked, " that I, being sent from so great a prince as our
sovereign is, must come to strangers to beg my* entertainment
If they are to pay me, why is there no remembrance made of
it by her Majesty^s letters, or some of the lords ? "^
The Earl and those around him perpetually and vehemently
urged upon the Queen to reconsider her decbion, and accept
the sovereignty of the Provinces at once. There was no other
cellency doth wonderfully hate my
brother I only gather these
causes^" said Captain Nonis: "first,
an enTy of some unworthy men about
him^ who put into his Ezoellency^a
head that as long as Norris were here,
the honour of everything would be
attributed to him, and that he would
be a continual hindrance to the course
that his Excellency meant to hold
concerning some things, neither should
his Excellency have any absolute
commandment as long as his credit
continued."
' Leicester to the Queen, 27 June,
1686. " I pray God I may live to see
you employ some of them that are
thus careless of me, to see whether
they will spend 2O,000L of their own
for you in eeyen months; but all is
in mine own heart so little, though
the greatest portion of all mr land
pay for it, so your Majesty do well
accept of it," &o*
The Eaii expended — according to
his own report to the States— three
hundred thousand florins (30,0001) in
the course of the year 1687. (Bor,
II. 783. Hoofd, Venrolgh, 206.) Of
course, he had a claim for such dis-
bursements on the Queen^s exchequer,
and was like to enforce it at the proper
season.
• *L^c.Corpe8p.*378.
* mi 323.
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1586. HIS CX)UNSEIiLO£S WILEBS AND CLEBE. 89
remedy for the distracted state of the country— no other
8a%aard for England. The Netherland people anxiously,
eeg^ly desired it. Her Majesty was adored by all the inha-
bitants, who would gladly hang the fellows called the States.
Lord North was of this opinion — so was Cavendish : Leicester
had always held it. " Sure I ain/' he said, " there is but one
way for our safety, and that is, that her Majesty may take
that upon her which I fear she will not." ^ Thomas Wilkes,
who now made his appearance on the scene, held the same
language. This distinguished civilian had been sent by the
Queen, early in August, to look into the state of Netherland
aflBiirs. Leicester having expressly ui^ed the importance of
selecting as wise a politician as could be found — ^because the
best man in England would hardly be found a match for the
dullards and drunkards, as it was the fashion there to call the
Dutch statesmen^ — ^had selected Wilkes. After fulfilling this
important special mission, he was immediately afterwards to
return to the Netherlands as English member of the state-
cormcil, at forty shillings a-day, in the place of " little Hal
Killigrew,'' whom Leicester pronounced a " quicker and stouter
fellow" than he had at first taken him for, although he had
always thought well of him. The other English counsellor,
Dr. Bartholomew Clerk, was to remain, and the Earl declared
that he too, whom he had formeirly undervalued, and thought
to have *' little stuff in him," was now "increasing greatly in
understanding." ' But notwithstanding this intellectual pro-
gress, poor Bartholomew, who was no beginner, was most
anxious to retire. He was a man of peace, a professor, a
doctor of laws, fonder of the learned leisure and the trim
gardens of England than of the scenes which now surrounded
him. "I beseech your good Lordship to consider," he dis-
mally observed to Burghley, " what a hard case it is for a man
that these fifteen years hath had vitam sedentariamy un-
' Leicester to Bnrghler, 10 Aug. 1586. (& P. Office Ma)
' Same to same, 20 Jmy, 1686.
• 'Loyc. Corresp.' 3t6,
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90
THB UNHBD IffBTHKBTiANDS.
Chap. X
worthily in a place jadicid^ always in his long robe^ and who^
twenty-four years since, was a public reader in the University
(and therefore cannot be young), to come now among guns
and drums, tumbling up and down, day and night, over waters
and banks, dykes and ditches, upon every occasion that
falleth out ; hearing many insolences with silence, bearing
many hard measures with patience — a course most different
from my nature, and most unmeet for him that hath ever
professed learning." ^
Wilkes was of staner stuff. Always ready to follow the
camp and to face Ihe guns and drums with equanimity, and
endowed beside with keen political insight, he was more
competent than most men to unravel the confused skein of
Netherland politics. He soon found that the Queen's secret
n^tiations with Spain, and the general distrust of her inten-
tions in regard to the Provinces, were like to have fatal con-
sequences. Both he and Leicester painted the anxiety of the
Netherland people as to the intention of her Majesty in vivid
colours.*
The Queen could not make up her mind — in the very midst
of the Greenmch secret xsonferences, ahready described — to
accept the Netherland sovereignty. ^^She gathereth from
your letter," wrote Walsingfaam, " that the only salve for this
sore is to make herself proprietary of the country, and to put
in such an army as may be able to make head to the enemy.
These two things being so contrary to her Majesty's disposi-
tion— ^the one, for that it breedeth a doubt qf a perpetual
war, the other, for that it requireth an increase of chaiges —
do marveUoualy distract her, and make her repent that ever she
entered into the action"^
Upon the great subject of the sovereignty, therefore, she
was unable to adopt the resolution so much desired by Leicester
and by the people of the Provinces ; but she answered the
' B. Gerk to Burgfaley, 11 Aug.
1586. (a P. Office Ma)
' Wilkes to the Queen, *l Aug. 1586.
Leicester to the Queen, 27 June, 1586.
(S. P. Office MSa)
* Brace's *Lejc Corresp.* 340, 9th
July, 1686.
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U86. LBTTES FROM THE QUESK TO LEIOESTEa 91
Earl's commnnioatioiui concerning Maurice and Hohenio, Sir
John Norris and the treasurer^ in characteristic but affectionate
language. And thus she wrote : —
"Bob, I ^m afraid you will suppose, by my wandering
writings, that a midsummer's moon hath taken large posses-
i|ion of my brains this month ; but you must needs take thipgs
as they come in my head, though order be left behind me.
When I remember your request to have a discreet and honest
man that may carry my mind, and see how all goes there, I
have chosen this bearer (Thomas Wilkes), whom you know
and have made good trial of. I have fraught him full of my
conceipts of those country matters, and imparted what way I
mind to take and what is fit for you to use. I am sure you
can credit him, and so I will be diort with these few notes.
First, that Count Maurice and Count HoUock (Hoheolo) find
themselves trusted of you, esteemed of me, and to be carefully
regarded, if ever peace should happen, and of that assure them
•on my word, that yet never deceived any. And for Norris
and other captains ihatvoluntarilyy withotttcommandmenty have
many years ventiored their lives and won our nation honour and
themselves fame, let them not be discouraged by any means,
neither by new-come men nor by old trained soldiers else-
where. If there be fault in using of soldiers, or making of
profit by them, let them hear of it without open shame, and
doubt not I will well chasten them therefore. It frets me not
a little that the poor soldiers that hourly venture life should
want their due, tiiat well deserve rather reward ; and look, in
whom the fault may truly be proved, let them smart therefore.
And if the treasurer be found untrue or negligent, according
to desert he shall be used. But you know my old wont, that
love not to discharge from office without desert. God forbid t
I pray you let this bearer know what may be learned herein,
and for the treasure I have joined Sir Thomas Shirley to see
aU this money discharged in due sort, where it needeth and
behoveth.
" Now will I end, that do imagine I talk still with you, and
therefore loathly say farewell one hundred thousand times ;
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92
THB UNITED NBTHERLANDa
Chap. X-
though ever I pray God bless you from all harm^ and save you
from all foes. With my million and legion of thanks for all
your pains and cares,
" As you know ever the same,
"E.R.
" P. S. Let Wilkes see that he is acceptable to you. If any-
thing there be that W. shall desire answer of bo such as you
would have but me to know, write it to myself. You know I
can keep both others' counsel and mine own. Mistrust not
that anything you would have kept shall be disclosed by me,
for although this bearer ask many things, yet you may answer
him such as you shall think meet, and write to mo the rest." ^
Thus, not even her favourite Leicester's misrepresentations
could make the Queen forget her ancient friendship for "her
own crow ;" but meantime the relations between that "bunch
of brethren," black Norris and the rest, and Pelham, HoUock,
and other high officers in Leicester's army, had grown worse,
than ever.
One August evening there was a supper-party at Count
HoUock's^ quarters in Gertruydenberg. A military foray into
Aug. 6, Brabant had just taken place, under the lead of
1686. the Coimt, and of the Lord Marshal, Sir William
Pelham. The marshal had requested Lord Willoughby,
with his troop of horse and five hundred foot, to join in
the enterprise, but, as usual, particular pains had been
taken that Sir John Norris should know nothing of the
affair.* Pelham and HoUock — who was "greatly in love
with Mr. Pelham"^— had invited several other gentlemen
high in Leicester's confidence to accompany the expe-
dition ; and, among the rest, Sir Philip Sidney, telling him
* Queen to Leicester, 19 July, 168G.
(a P. Offioo MS.)
' It has been already stated that
Hohenlo was uniformly called Hollach
or Hollodc by the English and French,
and yery often by the Netherlanders.
In our text, sometimes the one, some-
times the other, appellaticm is used.
The reader will understand that there
was but one of the name In the Pit>-
Tmoes— Count Philip William Hohenlo
or Hobenlohe^ oftener called HoUock.
• "Whereunto the colonel-general
must not in anywise be made privy."
' Adyertisement of a difference at Ger*
truydenbei^.' 8 Aug. 1686. (3. P.
Office Ma)
* Brace's * Leya Coiresp.* 374
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^^^ A SUPPER PARTY AT HOHBNLCPS. 93
^uat ie "fihonld see some good service." Sidney camo
^riingly, in great haste, from Flushing, bringing along
^th him Edward Norris — that hot-headed young man, who,
^rding to Leicester, ^'greatly governed his elder brother"
"^but they arrived at Gtertruydenberg too late. The foray was
^^er, and the party — " having burned a village^ and hilled some
^^^*"— were on their return. Sidney, not perhaps much
^^^^netting the loss of his share in this rather inglorious shoot-
^S party, went down to the water-side, accompanied by Cap-
^'^ Morris, to meet Hollock and the other commanders.
^ the Count stepi)ed on shore he scowled ominously, and
loosed Tcry much out of temper.
^VTiat has come to Hollock ?" whispered Captain Patton,
a Scot<5hinan, to Sidney. " Has ho a quarrel with any of the
party ? Look at his face 1 He means mischief to somebody."
But Sidney was equally amazed at the sudden change in
the G^eralan general's countenance, and as unable to ex-
plain it.
"^O. afterwards, the whole party, Hollock, Lewis William
of Naasau, Lord Carew, Lord Essex, Lord Willbughby, both
the Sidneys, Boger Williams, Pelham, Edward Norris, and
™ i^t, went to the Count's lodgings, where they supped,
^^ ^terwards set themselves seriously to drinking.
•^orris soon perceived that he was no welcome guest ; for
^aa not — ^like Sidney — a stranger to the deep animosity
^^H had long existed between Sir John Norris and Sir
"'^iam Pelham and his friends. Tho carouse was a tre-
^^dotis one, as usually was the case where Hollock was the
^^'phitiTOii? ^^^i ^ the potations grew deeper, an intention
^)^(»aino evident on the part of some of the company to behave
^jjjiandsomely to Norris.
For a time the young Captain ostentatiously restrained
ijmself, very much after the fashion of those meek individuals
who lay their swords on the tavern-table^ with " God grant I
may have no need of ^thee ! " The custom was then prevalent
at banquets for the revellers to pledge each other in rotation,
each draibing a great cup, and exacting the same feat from
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94 THB UNITED NETHEBLAKDa Chap. X
his neighbour^ who then emptied his goblet as a challenge to
his next comrade.
The Lord Marshal took a beaker, and called out to Edward
Norris. " I drink to the health of my Lord Norris, and of my
lady, your mother." So saying, he emptied his glass.
The young man did not accept the pledge.
" Your Lordship knows," he said somewhat sullenly, " that
I am not wont to drink deep. Mr. Sidney there can tell you
that, for my health's sake, I have drank no wine these eig^t
days. If your Lordship desires the pleasure of seeing me
drunk, I am not of the same mind. I pray you at least to
take a smaller glass.
Sir William insisted on the pledge. Norris then, in no
very good humour, emptied his cup to the Earl of Essex.
Essex responded by draining a goblet to Count HoUock.
" A Norris's feiher," said the young Earl, as he pledged
the Count, who was already very drunk, and looking blacker
than ever.
" An 'orse's father — an 'orse's father ! " growled Hollock ;
"I never drink to horses, nor to their fathers either:" and
with this wonderful witticism he declined the pledge.
Essex explained that the toast was Lord Norris, &ther of
the Captain ; but the Count refused to tmderstand, and held
fiercely, and with damnable iteration, to his jest
The Earl repeated his explanation several times with no
better success. Norris meanwhile sat swelling with wrath,
but said nothing.
Aglun the Lord Marshal took the same great glass, and
emptied it to the young Captain.
Norris, not knowing exactly what course to take, placed
the glass at the side of his plate, and glared grimly at Sir
William.
Pelham was furious. Beaching over the table, he shoved
the glass towards Norris with an angry gesture.
" Take your glass. Captain Norris," he cried ; '*and if you
have a mind to jest, seek other companions. I am not to be
trifled with ; therefore, I say, pledge me at once."
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^86. A DEUNKBN QUAERBL. 95
''Tour Lordship shall not force me to drink more wine
^W I list/' returned the other. " It is yeur pleasure to take
^vantage of your military rank. Were we both at home, you
^ould be glad to be my companion."
Korris was hard beset, and although his language was
fitudiotisly moderate, it was not surprising that his manner
shonld be somewhat insolent. The veteran Lord Marshal,
on the other hand, ha^ distinguished himself on many
iittle-fields, but his deportment at this banqueting-table
H713 not much to his credit. He. paused a moment, and
Norris^ too, held his peace, thinking that his enemy would
desist.
It -was but for a moment.
'' Captain Norris," cried Pelham, " I bid you pledge me
witlxout more ado. Neither you nor your best friends shall
use me as you list. I am better bom than you and your
brother, the colonel-general, and the whole of you."
*^I warn you to say nothing disrespectful against my
brother," replied the Captain. " As for yourself, I know how
^ i^espect your age and superior rank."
^* Drink, drink, drink ! " roared the old Marshal. " I teU
y^^ I am better bom than the best of you. I have advanced
y^^ all too, £^nd you know it ; therefore drink to me."
®fr William was as logical as men in their cups are prone
^ be,
** Indeed, you have behaved well to my brother Thomas,"
j^jjswered Norris, suddenly becoming very courteous, " and for
this I have ever loved your Lordship, and would do you any
service,"
" Well, then," said the Marshal, becoming tender in his
tum, " forget what hath past this night, and do as you would
have done before."
" Very well said, indeed 1 " aied Sir Philip Sidney, trjring
to help the matter into the smoother channel towards which
it was tending.
Norris, seeing that the eyes of the whole company were
upon them, took the glass accordingly, and rose to his feet.
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96
THB UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. X.
" My Lord Marshal/' lie said, " you have done me more
wrong this night than you can easily make satisfaction for.
But I am unwilling that any trouble or offence should grow
through me. Therefore once more I pledge you."
He raised the cup to his lips. At that instant HoUock, to
whom nothing had been said^ and who had spoken no word
since his happy remark about the horse's father, suddenly
indulged in a more practical jest ; and seizing the heavy gilt
cover of a silver vase, hurled it at the head of Nonis. It
struck him full on the forehead, cutting him to the bone.
The Captain, stunned for a moment, fell back in his chair,
with the blood running down his eyes and face. The Count,
always a man of few words, but prompt in action, now drew
his dagger, and strode forward, with the intention of despatch-
ing him upon the spot. Sir Philip Sidney threw his arms
around HoUock, however, and, with the assistance of others in
the company, succeeded in dragging him from the room.
The affair was over in a few seconds.
Korris, coming back to consciousness, sat for a moment as
one amazed, rubbing the blood out of his eyes ; then rose from
the table to seek his adversary ; but he was gone.
Soon afterwards he went to his lodgings. The next morn-
ing he was advised to leave the town as speedily as possible j
for as it was under the government of Hollock, and filled with
his soldiers, he was warned that his life would not b^ safe
there an hour. Accordingly ho went to his boat, accompanied
only by his man and his page, and so departed with his broken
head, breathing vengeance against Hollock, Pelham, Leicester,
and the whole crew, by whom he had been thus abused.
The next evening there was another tremendous carouse at
the Count's, and, says the reporter of the preceding scene,
" they were all on such good terms, that not one of the com-
pany had fidling band or ruff left about his neck. All were
clean torn away, and yet there was no blood drawn." ^
' * Advertisement of a Difference at
Gertrujdenberg/ 8 August 1586. T.
Doylej to Burghlej, 8 Aug. 1586.
B. Clerk to eame, 11 Aug. 1686.
E. Norria to Leicester, 21 Nov. 1586.
(a P. Office MSa) Compare Bor. II.
786-788. Bruce's *Leyc. Corresp.'
390-392.
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me.
HOHENLO^S ASSAULT UPON EDWABD N0RBI8.
97
;
Edward Norris — so soon as might be afterwards — sent a
cartel to tlie County demanding mortal combat with sword
and dagger.^ Sir Philip Sidney bore the message. Sir John
Norris, of course, warmly and violently espoused the cause of
his brother^ and was naturally more incensed against the Lord
Marshal them ever, for Sir William Pelham was considered
the cause of the whole affray. " Even if the quarrel is to be
excused by drink," said an eye-witness, "'tis but a slender
defence for my Lord to excuse himself by his cups ; and often
drink doth bewray men's humours and unmask their malice.
Certainly the Count HoUock thought to have done a pleasure
to the company in killing him." ^
Nothing could bo more ill-timed than this quarrel, or
more vexatious to Leicester. , The Count — although consider-
ing himself excessively injured at being challenged by a
simple captain and an untitled gentleman, whom he had
attempted to murder— consented to waive his privilege, and
grant the meeting.
Leicester interposed, however, to delay, and, if possible, to
patch up the affiair. They were on the eve of active military
operations, and it was most vexatious for the conmiander-in-
chief to see, as he said, " the quarrel with the enemy changed
to private revenge among ourselves." The intended duel did
not take place, for various influential personages succeeded in
deferring the meeting. Then came the battle of Zutphen.
Sidney fell, and Hollock was dangerously wounded in the
attack which was soon afterwards made upon the fort. He
I have painted this uproarious scene
thus minutely and in detail, because
its consequences upon the relations
between England and Holland, be-
tween Leicester, the Queen, and the
Korriaes, Pelham, Hohenlo, and others,
were so long, complicated, and im-
portant, because the brawl, although
brutal and vulgar, assumed the dignity
of a political matter; because, on ac-
count of the distinguisbed person-
ages engaged in it, and the epoch
at which it occurred, the event ftir-
nishes us wiA a valuable interior pio-
voL. n. — ^H
ture of English and Dutdi military
life; and because, lastly, in the
MSS. which I have consulted, are
preserved the tpsidsima verba of the
actors in the riot It is superfluous to
repeat what has so often been stated,
that no historical personage is ever
made, in the text, to say or write any-
thing, save what» on ample evidence,
he is known to have said or written.
' Bor, ubi sup. Bruoe's *Leya
Corresp.' 474.
* 'Advertisement)* &c. MS. already
cited.
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98
THE UNITED NETHERLANPa
Chap. X
was still pressed to afford the pronaised satisfaction, however,
and agreed to do so whenever he should rise from his bed.^
Strange to say, the Count considered Leicester, throughout
the whole business, to have taken part against him.^
Yet there is no doubt whatever that the Earl — who de-
tested the Norrises, and was fonder of Pelham than of any
man living — uniformly narrated the story most unjustly, to
the discredit of the young Captain. He considered him ex-
tremely troublesome, represented him as always quarrelling
with some one — ^with Colonel Morgan, Boger Williams, old
Reade, and all the rest — while the Lord Marshal, on the con-
trary, was depicted as the mildest of men. " This I must
say," he observed, " that all present, except my two nephews
(the Sidneys), who are not hero yet, declare the greatest fault
to be in Edward Norris, and that he did most arrogantly use
the Marshal"^
It is plain, however, that the old Marshal, under the influ-
ence of wine, was at least quite as much, to blame as the
young Captain ; and Sir Philip Sidney sufficiently showed his
sense of the matter by being the bearer of Edward Norris's
cartel. After Sidney's death. Sir John Norris, in his letter
of condolence to Walsingham for the death of his illustrious
son-in-law, expressed the deeper regret at, his loss because Sir
Philip's opinion had been that the Norrises were wronged.*
HoUock had conducted himself like a lunatic, but this he was
apt to do whether in his cups or not. He was always for
killing some one or another on the sh'ghtest provocation, and.
> Bor, n. 786-t88. HoofO, Yervolgli,
209.
• Letter of Hohenlo, in Bor, IIL
123 acq,
• Bruoe*a *L©ya Corresp.' 391.
"In all actions," wrote Sir J. Norris
to Bur^hlej, " I am crossed, and sought
to bo disgraoed, and suffered to be
braved bj the worst and simplest in
the company, only to draw me into
quarrels. These things I am fiun to
endure, lest the hindrance of the ser-
vice should be laid to my chaige — &
thmg greatly sought for. .... The
dishonourable violence offered to my
brother in Count Hollock's house, is
eo coldly proceeded in as I fear the
despair of orderly repairing his honour
will drive him to a more dangerous
course, and, in truth, it is used as If
we were the basest in the company."
Sir J. Norris to Burghley, IG Aug. 1686.
(& P. Office MS.)
* J. Norris to Walsingham, 26 Oct
1586. (S. P. Office Ma) B. Clerk to
Burghley, 11 Aug. 1686. (8. P. Office
Ma)
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1586.
ILL EFFECTS OF THE BIOT.
99
wlule the^og-Btar of 1586 was raging, it was not his fault if
he had not ahready despatched both Edward Norris and the
objectionable "Mr. P. B."
For these energetic demonstrations against Leicester's ene-
mies he considered himself entitled to the Earl's eternal
gratitude, and was deeply disgusted at his apparent coldness.
The governor was driven almost to despair by these quarrels.
His colonel-general, his lord marshal, his lieutenant-gene-
ral, were all at da^ers drawn. "Would God I were rid
of this place 1 " he exclaimed. " What man living would go
to the field and have his officers divided almost into* mortal
quarrel ? One blow but by any of their lackeys brings ujs
altogether by the ears," ^
It was clear that there was not room enough on the Nether-
land soil for the Earl of Leicester and the brothers Norris.
The Queen, while apparently siding with the Earl, intimated
to Sir John that she did not disapprove his conduct, that she
should probably recall him to England, and that she should
send him back to the Provinces after the Earl bad left that
coimtry.*
Such had been the position of the governor-general to-
wards the Queen, towards the States-General, and towards his
own countrymen, during the year 1586.
* Bnioe*s *Leya Corresp.' 392.
* "I had not much to do," wrote
WOkes to Sir John, "to re-estaldish
in her Majosty and Ur, Secretary a
ain^ialar good opinion of you and your
actiODS. . . . Belieye me, I do not find
any man on that side equal with you
in her M^jes^'s grace. She protests
to me she will not have your safety
hazarded for any treasure^ and hatifi
rescdyed to revoke you. ... I do find
a disposition iq her M^'esty to return
you thither again, after his Excellency
shall he oome home, which her Majesty
meaneth du-ectly, although there is
mticfa variety of opinion here, whether
it be fit to revoke him or not. Such
as desire (he good of Ihca SkUe do hold
that question affirmatively^ but such as
do not love ^m (who are the greater
number) do .maintain the negative.
Her Mfy esty and her council do greatly
stagger at &e ezoessive charge of tho^e
wars under, his EzceUency^s govern-
ment for the past six months, affirming
(as it is true) that the realm of England
is not able to supply the moiety of that
charge, notwithstending the necessity
of the defence of those countries is so
cox^'oined with her Miyesty's own safety
as the same is not to be abandoned."
Wilkes to Sir J. Norris. 23 Sept 1586.
(aP. Office Ma)
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100 THE UNITED NBTHRRT1AND& Chap XL
CHAPTER XI.
Drake in the Netherlands— Good Results of his Ylait— The Bahington Con*
spiraoy -7 Leicester decides to yisit England — Exchange of parting
CompUments.
Late in the aatumn of the same year an Englishman arrived
in the Netherlands, bearer of despatches from the Queen.
He had been entrusted by her Majesty with a special mission
to the States-General, and he had soon an interview with thai
assembly at the Hague.
He was a small man, apparently forty-five years of age, of a
fair but somewhat weather-stained complexion, with light-
brown, closely-curling hair, an expansive forehead, a clear blue
eye, rather common-place features, a thin, brown, pointed beard,
and a slight moustache. Though low of stature, he was broad-
ohested, with well-knit limbs. His hands, which were small
and nervous, were brown and callous with the marks of toil
There was something in his brow and glance not to be mis-
taken, and which men willingly call master ; yet he did not
seem to have sprung of the bom magnates of the earth, fie
wore a heavy gold chain about his neck, and it might be
observed that upon the light full sleeves of his slashed doublet
the image of a small ship on a terrestrial globe was curiously
and many times embroidered.
It was not the first time that he had visited the Nether-
lands. Thirty years before the man had been apprentice on
board a small lugger, which traded between the English coast
and the ports of Zeeland. Emerging in early boyl^ood from
his parental mansion— an old boat, turned bottom upwards on
a sandy down-^e had naturally taken to the sea, and his
master, dying childless not long afterward^ bequeathed to
him the lugger. But in time his spirit, too much confined
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1586. DRAKE IN IHB NETHERLANDS. IQl
by coasting in the narrow seas, had taken a bolder flight. He
had risked his hard-earned savings in a voyage with the
old slave-trader^ John Hawkins — whose exertions^ in what
was then considered an honourable and useful vocation^ had
been rewarded by Queen Elizabeth with her special favour^
and with a coat of arms^ the orest whereof was a negro's head,
proper, chained — ^but the lad's first and last enterprise in this
field was unfortunate. Captured by Spaniards, and only
escaping with life, he determined to revenge himself on the
whola Spanish nation ; and this was considered a most Inti-
mate proceeding according to the ^^3ea divinity" in which he
had been schooled. His subsequent expeditions against the
Spanish possessions in the West Indies were eminently suc-
cessful, and soon the name of Francis Drake rang thorough
the world, and startled Philip in the depths of his Escoiial.
The first Englishman, and the second of any nation, he
then ploughed his memorable '^ furrow round the earth,"
canyiDg amazement and destruction to the Spaniards as
he sailed, and after three years brought to the Queen
treasure enough, as it was asserted, to maintain a war with
the Spanish King for seven years, and to pay himself
and companions, and the merchant-adventurers who had
participated in his enterprise, forty-seven pounds sterling
for every pound invested in the voyage. The specula-
tion had been a fortimate one both for himself and for the
kingdom.
The terrible Sea-King was one of the great types of the
sixteoith century. The self-helping private adventurer, in
his little vessel the ' Golden Hind,' one hundred tons burthen,
had waged successful war against a mighty empire, and had
shown England how to humble Philip. When he again set
foot on his native soil he was followed by admiring crowds,
and became the fi^vourite hero of romance and ballad ; for it
was not the ignoble pursuit of gold alone, through toil and
peril, which had endeared his name to the nation. The
popular instinct recognized that the true means had been
found at last for rescuing England and Protestantism from
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102 THE UNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. 23.
the overshadowing empire of Spain. The Queen visited him
in his * Golden Hind/ and gave him the honour of knight-
hood. .
The treaty between the United Netherlands and England
had been followed by an embargo upon English vessels, per-
sons, and property, in the ports of Spain ; and,
after five years of unwonted repose, the privateers-
man again set forth with twenty-five small vessels — of which
five or six only were armed — ^under his command, conjoined
with that of General Carlisle. This time the voyage was
undertaken' with full permission and assistance of the Queen
who, however, intended to disavow him, if she should find
such a step convenient.^ . This was the expedition in which
Philip. Sidney had desired to take part. The Queen watched
its result with intense anxiety, for the fate of her Netherland
adventure was thought to be hanging on the issue. " Upon
Drake's voyage, in very truth, dependeth the life and death
of the cause, according to man's judgment," said Walsing-
ham.*
. The issue was encouraging, even if the voyage — ^as a mer-
cantile speculation — ^proved not so brilliant as the previous
enterprises of Sir Francis had been. He returned in the
midsummer of 1586, having captured and brandschatzed St.
Domingo and Carthagena, and burned St. Augustine. ^^A
fearful man to the King of Spain is Sir Francis Drake,'' said
Lord Burghley.' Nevertheless, the Queen and the Lord-
Treasurer — as we have shown by the secret conferences at
Greenwich — had, notwithstianding these successes, expressed a
more earnest desire for peace than ever.
A simple, sea-faring Englishman, with half-a-dozen miser-
able little vessels, had carried terror into the Spanish pos-
sessions all over the earth : but even then the great Queen
had not learned to rely on the valour of her volunteers against
her most formidable enemy/
* ^Lejc. Corresp.' 173. I • Ibid 199.
* Ibid. 341. I * For the life and adTcntoros of
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1586.
GOOD RESULTS OF HIS VISIT.
103
Drake was, however, bent on another enterprise. The pre-
parations for Philip's great fleet had been going steadily
forward in Lisbon, Cadiz, and other ports of Spain and Por-
tugal, and, despite assurances to the contraiy, there was a
growing belief that England was to be invaded. To destroy
those ships before the monarch's face, would be, indeed, to
•^ singe his beard." But whose arm was daring enough for
such a stroke? Whose but that of the Devonshire skipper
^ho had already accomplished so much ?
And so Sir Francb, " a man true to his word, merciful to
those under him, and hating nothing so much as idleness," ^
had come to the Netherlands to talk over his project with the
States-General, and with the Dutch merchants and sea-cap-
tains.' His visit was not unfruitful. As a body the assembly
did nothing ; but they recommended that in every maritime
city of Holland and Zeeland one or two ships should be got
ready, to participate in all the future enterprises of Sir
Francis and his comrades.^
The martial spirit of volunteer sailors, and the keen in-
Btmct of mercantile speculation, were relied upon— exactly as
Brake, Bee Fuller, *Tho H(^y State and
the Ptofime State,' in voce. Stowe's
'Ghronide/ 806-812. Em. v. Meteren,
175, 9eq, "The World Encompassed,"
and particcdarly the 'Life, Voyages,
mi Exploits of Admind Sir lYancia
Drake.' By John Barrow. 1843.
> Puller. •
• Wagenaar, viii. 233-234, who is,
bowerer, mistaken in saying that " they
had no ears fi>r Drako in tho Nether-
landa."
• "The voyage of Sir Francis Drako
into these countries," wrote Wilkes,
"is not likely to be unfhiitihl, although
at his arriyal be found no' dispomtion
in the States and people at all to assent
of his motions. They cannot yield to
assist his voyage with any general
oontribntion, but are contented to deal
with the inhabitants of the principal
maritime towns, to furnish in every
of them a ship or two, accorduig to
the ability of the merchants there re-
aiding, fh>m whom the States-General,
oow assembled at tho Hague, do ex-
pect a speedy answer and resolution ;
so as if her Majesty shall determiuo
that Sir F. Drake do venture again to
the Indies, it is not to be dcmbUd that
Jie shall ?iave some good assistance from
hence. Of what necessity it is that tho
Queen^s principal enemy be attempted
that way, your honour can best per-
caive; but we find it more than pro-
bable hero, that if he may eiy'oy his
indies quietly^ fie wUl make her Majesty
and these countries soon weary of their
defence. I have partly instructed Sir
F. Drake of the stata of these coun-
tries. How and in what sort my Lord
of Leicester departeth hcnc^ he hath
best discerned by his own experience,
wliich, becauso it is long to bo written,
I am bold to refer your honour to his
declaration. I do find tlio state of
things here so disjbinted and unsettled,
that I have just cause to fear some
dangerous alteration in the absence of
our ; governor. Therefore I beseech
you, as you tender thi preservation of
her Mcy'esty's estate^ depending^ at you
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104
THE UNITED NETHBRLANDa
Chap. XL
ia England — to furnish men, ships, and money, for these
daring and profitable adventures. The foundation of a
still more intimate connection between England and Holland
was laid, and thenceforth Dutchmen and Englishmen
fought side by side, on land and sea, wherever a blow was
to be struck in the cause of human freedom against despotic
Spain.
The famous Babington conspiracy, discovered by Walsing-
ham's ^^ travail and cost," had come to convince the Queen and
her counsellors — ^if further proof were not superfluous — that
her throne and life were both incompatible with Philip's deep
designs, and that to keep that monarch out of the Nether-
lands was as vital to her as to keep him out of England.
''She is forced by this discovery to countenance the
cause by all outward means she may," said Walsingham,
'' for it appeareth unto her most plain, that unless she had
entered into the action, she had been utterly undone, and that
if she do not prosecute the same she cannot continue."?
The Secretary had sent Leicester information at an early
day of the great secret, begging his friend to ''make the
letter a heretic after he had read the same," and express-
ing the opinion that "the matter, if well handled, would
break the neck of all dangerous practices during her Majesty's
reign." ^
The tragedy of Mary Stuart — a sad but inevitable por-
tion of the vast drama in which the emancipation of England
and Holland, and, through them, of half Christendom, was
accomplished — approached its catastrophe ; and Leicester
could not restrain his an^ety for her immediate execution.
He reminded Walsingham that the great seal had been put
upon a warrant for her execution for a less crime seventeen
years before, on the occasion of the Northumberland and
Westmorland rebellion. " For who can warrant these villains
hnowj upon Via moMmance of (hUy that
you will prooore some Bpeedj reeola-
tion at home, and the return of some*
governor of wisdom and vahie^ to re-
tmite these distracted proyinoes, who,
for ladE of a head, are apt enough to
be the workers of their own ruin."
WUkes to Walsingham, 17 Nov. 158a
(a P. Office MS.)
' Bruce's * Leyc. Corresp.* 341.
* Ibid. 342.
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1586^
THB BABINGTON OONSPIRAOT.
105
from her/' he said, "if that person live, or shall live any
time ? (hA forbid 1 And be yon all stout and resolute in
this speedy execution, or be condemned of all the world for
ever. It is most certain, if you will have your Majesty safe, it
m\wt be done, for justice doth crave it beside policy/'^ His
own personal safety was deeply compromised. " Your Lord-
ship and I," wrote Burghley, " were very great motes in the
traitois' eyes ; for your Lordship there and I here should first,
about one time, have been killed. Of your Lordship they
thought rather of poisoning than slaying. After us two gone,
ihey purposed her Majesty's death." ^
But on this great affidr of state the Earl was not swayed
hy Bach personal considerations. He honestly thought — as
did all ihe statesmen who governed England — ^that English
liberty, the very existence of the English commonwealth, was
unpossible so long as Mary Stuart lived.' Under these cir-
<^iun8tances he was not impatient, for a time at least, to leave
the Netherlands. His administration had not been very sue*
CGfisfuL He had been led away by his own vanity, and by
^ flattery of artful demagogues, but the immense obstacles
^tti which he had to contend in the Queen's wavering policy,
^ in the rivalry of both English and Dutch politicians,
We been amply exhibited. That he had been generous,
^^UBgeous, and zealous, could not be denied ; and, on the
^hole, he had accomplished as much in the field as could
We been expected of him with such meagre forces, and so
Wren an exchequer.*
^ Brace's * Leyc Correro.' 431. (10
Oct 1586.) See also 447.
"Thftt the proceeding of justioe
^ga^ the Queen of Scots is deferred
^ta ft parliament) whereat I do greatly
J>*fvel if it should be true, considering
Jow daogeroos such delay might be,
vt the mischief that might in the
oeantimo bo practiced • against her
J^jesty'g person. Though some «nall
'^ches of these conspiracies be taken,
*^ay, yet the greater boughs are not
^known to remain. To whom it were
^ good, in my opinion, to giro that
opportunity which might be taken,
while a parliament may be called, and
such a cause debated and determined,"
fta Leicester to Walsingham, 9 Sept.
1586. (a P. Office MS.)
« Bruce's *Leya Corresp.' 412. (16
Sept 1586.)
* One of the Babington conspirators,
Ralph Salisbury, was a tenant of Lei-
cester's, and had *'a farm under the
very castle-wall of Denbigh.'* Leicester
to Burghley, 29 Aug. 1586. (S. P.
OfBce If a)
* "Oh Lord! who would think it
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106
THE UNITBD NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XL
It must be confessed, however, that his leaving the Nether-
lands at that moment was a most unfortunate step, both for
his own reputation and for the security of the Provinces.
Partynspirit was running high, and a political revolution was
much to be dreaded in so grave a position of affairs, both
in England and Holland. The arrangements-^and particu-
larly the secret arrangements which he made at his de-
parture— ^were the most fatal measures of all ; but thesa will
be described in the following chapter.
On the 31st October, the Earl announced to the state-
council his intention of returning to England, stating, as the
31 Oct, cause of this sudden determination, that he had
^^^^' been summoned to attend the parliament then sit-
ting in Westminster. Wilkes, who was of course present,
having now succeeded Killigrew as one of the two English
members, observed that ^^the States and council used but
slender entreaty to his E3:cellency for his stay and counte-
nance there among them, whereat his Excellency and -we
that were of the council for her Majesty did not a little
marvel"^
. Some weeks later, however, upon the 2l8t November,
Leicester summoned Bamevold, and five other of the States-
21 Nov., (General, to discuss the necessary measures for his
^^^^' departure, when those gentlemen remonstrated very
earnestly upon the step, pleading the danger and confusion of
affairs which must necessarily ensue. The Earl declared that
he was not retiring from the country because he was offended,
although he had many causes for offence : and he then alluded
to the Navigation Act, to the establishment of the finance-
council, and spoke of Burgrave and Reingault, for his em-
ployment of which individuals so much obloquy had been
heaped upon his head. Burgrave ho pronounced, as usual, a
possible," he cried on one occasion,
"for any man sent as we are, and in
action for (hat realm (of England)
ehi^yj and for aU Christendom aiso^
'to be 80 carelessly and overwillingljr
oyertiirown for ordinary wants
To-morrow and to-morrow tbey shall
have. . . . What opportunities we have
lately lost We are ready to eat our
own flesh for anger, but that cannot
help." 'Loyc. Corresp.' 366.
> Bruco's *Leyc. Corresp/443, note.
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158&
LEICE8TBB DECIDES TO VISIT ENGLAND.
107
substantial^ wise^ faithful, rdigious personage, entitled to
fullest confidence ; while Beingault — who had been thrown
into prison by the States on charges of fraud, peculation, and
sedition — ^he declared to be a great financier, tvho had pro*
raised, on penalty of his head, to bring great sums into the
treasury for carrying on the war, without any burthen to the
community/' ^ Had he been able to do this, he had certainly
a daim to be considered the greatest of financiers ; but the
promised "mountains of gold'' were never * discovered, and
Beingault was ^ow awaiting his triaL^
The deputies replied that the concessions upon the Navi-
gation Act had satisfied the country, but that Beingault was
a known instrument of the Spaniards, and Burgrave a mis-
chief-making demagogue, who consorted with malignants, and
sent slanderous reports concerning the States and the country
to her Majesty. They had in consequence felt obliged to
write private despatches to envoy Ortel in England, not be-
cause they suspected the Earl, but in order to counteract the
calumnies of his chief advisers. They had urged the agent
» Bor, IL 777-779. Hoofd, 207-209.
Vagenaar, yUL 183-187.
' "I must praj you and require you
to be careful in aatiaQring the States
touching Beingault)" said Leicester :
"I did promise upon mine honour he
should be brought back again, and so
I hare done, but I will be no butcher
to the greatest monarch in the world,
much less the betra3rer of a man's life,
whom I myself caused to be appre-
hsa^ to please them, and kept him
in nile guard. And now I have been
•drertised of the intent in proceeding
with him, and with what yiolence, and
what some of themselTes have sworn
And Towed toudiing his death, you
know, and I pray you dedare^ for as I
^ keep promise with them for the
piisoQ of the man, so do I look to have
n»me own honour regarded at their
^nda, seeing more malice than just
^^3ert against hiuL I take the man
to hare fitults enough, but not capital."
I«iceeter to Wilkes, 20 Nov. 1586.
(8. P. Office Ma)
Wilkesi finding that the States of
Holland were thrious agamst Rehi-
gault, and were demanding his execu-
tion, had managed to place him under
the charge of the provost-marshal of
the English troops at Utrecht When
h^ had thus saved the culprit's life, he
informed Bameveld of what he had
done, and that statesman severely cen-
sured the act^ on the groimd that
grave consequences might follow this
interposition in behalf of so signal an
offender. Eeingault's lifo was pre-
served, however, and he subsequently
was permitted to retire to the Spanish
Netherlands, where the violent demo-
crat and Calvlnist ended his days an
obedient subject of Philip IL, and an
oxemplaiy papist Wilkes to Leices-
ter, 3 and 12 Dec. 158C. (S. P. Office
Ma) Reyd,V. 82.
Burgrave cccompanied the Earl to
England, as his diief secretary and
adviser in Netherland matters, whilo
Peventer remained in Utrech^ prin-
cipal director of the Leicestrian party,
and centre of all its cabals agaioist
the States.
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108 THE UNITED NETHKRT.AND& Chap. XL
to bring tlie imprisonment of Paul Buys before her Majesty,
but for that transactioa Leicester boldly disclaimed all re-
sponsibility.^
It was agreed between the Earl and the deputies that,
during his absence, the whole government, civil and military,
should devolve upon the state-council, and that Sir John
Norris should remain in conunand of the English forces.'
Two days afterwards Leicester, who knew very well that a
legation was about to proceed to England, without any pre-
vious concurrence on his part, sunmioned a committee of the
States-General, together with Bameveld, into the state-coun-
cil. Counsellor Wilkes on his behalf then made a speech, in
which he observed that more ample communications on the
part of the States were to be expected. They had in previous
colloquies touched upon comparatively unimportant mattcars,
but he now begged to be informed why these commissioners
were proceeding to England, and what was the nature of their
instructions. Why did not they formally offer the sovereignty,
of the Provinces to the. Queen without conditions ? That step
had already been taken by Utrecht.*
The deputies conferred apart for a little while, and then
replied that the proposition made by Utrecht was notoriously
factious, illegal, and altogether futile. Without the sanction
of all the United States, of what value was the declaration of
Utrecht? Moreover the charter of that province had been
recklessly violated, its govwument overthrown, and its leading
citizens banished. The action of the Province imder such
circumstances was not deserving of comment ; but should it
appear that her Majesty was desirous of assuming the sove-
reignty of the Provinces upon reasonable conditions, the
States of Holland and of Zeeland would not be found back^-
ward in the business.*
Leicester proposed that Prince Maurice of Nassau should
go with him to England, as nominal chief of the embassy,
and some of the deputies favoured the suggestion. It was
' Wilkes to Leicester, &c., liiS. Jost cited. * Wagenaar, viiL 187.
» Bor. IL 780-783. * Ibid.
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15S6. SXCHAITQS 07 PAHTTNG C01£PLUi£NTS. 109
however, vigaronsly and sncceBsfully opposed by Baraeveld,
who urged that to leave the countrj without a head in such a
danga-ons position of affiurs, would be an act of madness.^
Leicester was much annoyed when informed of this decision.
He was suspected of a design, during his absence, of converting
Matirice entirely to his own way of thinking. If unsuccessful,
it was believed by the Advocate and by many others that the
Earl would cause the young Prince to be detained in England
as long as Philip William, his brother, had been kept in
Spaia He observed peevishly that he knew how it had all
been brought about*
Words, of course, and handsome compliments were ex*
changed between the Governor and the States-General on his
departure. He protested that he had never pursued any
private ends during his administration, but had ever sought
to promote the good of the coimtry and the glory of the
Queen, and that he had spent three hundred thousand florins
of his own money in the brief period of his residence there.*
The Advocate, on part of the States, assured him that they
were all aware that in the friendship of England lay their
only chance of salvation, but that united action was the sole
means by which that salvation could bo effected, and the one
which had enabled the late Prince of Orange to maintain a
contest unequalled by anything recorded in history. There
was also much disquisition on the subject of finance — ^the
Advocate observing that the States now raised as much in a
month as the Provinces in the time of the Emperor used to
levy in a year — and expressed the hope that tho Queen would
increase her contingent to ten thousand foot, and two thousand
horse. He repudiated, in the name of the States-General and
his own, the possibility of peace-negotiations ; deprecated any
allnsion to the subject as &tal to their religion, their liberty,
their very existence, and equally disastrous to England and
to Protestantism, and implored the Earl, therefore, to use all
* Bor, itbi sup. Hoofcl, Tervolgh, | * Bor, ubi sup,
20e. Wagenaar, viil 185. | » Bor, IL 186. Bootd, ubi aup.
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110
THE UNITBD NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XL
his influence in opposition to any pacific overtures to or from
Spain.^
On the 24th November, acts were drawn up and signed
by the Earl, according to which the supreme government of
24 Nov., the United Netherlands was formally committed to
1586. the state-council during his absence. Decrees were
to be pronounced in the name of his Excellency, and counter-
signed by Maurice of Nassau.
On the following day, Leicester, being somewhat indisposed,
requested a deputation of the States-General to wait upon
him in his own house. This was done, and a formal and
affectionate farewell was then read to him by his secretary,
Mr. Atyo. It was responded to in complimentary fashion by
Advocate Bameveld, who again took occasion at this pacrting
interview to impress upon the governor the utter impossi-
bility, in his own opinion and that of the other deputies, of
reconciling the Provinces with Spain.^
Leicester received from the States — ^as a magnificent part-
ing present — a silver gilt vase ^^ as tall as a man," and then
departed for Flushing to take shipping for England.'
' Bor, Hoofd, Wogena&r, vbi sup,
Revd, V. 108, 109.
• Ibid. Meteren, xiil 238.
■ Bor, XL 754 Reyd, HoD. 4 Oct
9 Not. 442, 493. Wagenaar, yiil
173.
Tho yaso or cup (kop) as it was
called, had cost 9000 nodos, Tho
States proDounced it "as singalar a
Jewel as could be found in any of the
BUiTounding kingdoma" It was said
that on account of its size, it could
only have been gilded at the peril of
the artisan's life. Yon Wjn op WagexL
yiiL62.
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mt. lUrXmED INTEBBEGNDU IN THB PBOTIKOBa HI
CHAPTER XII.
m-^imed Interregnmn in the Provinoos — ilnnness of the English and Dntdi
People ^ Factions during Leicester's Government — Democrado Theories
of the Leicestrians — Sospidons as to the Earl's Designs -r- Extreme Views
of the Calyinists — Political Ambition of the Church — !A.ntagonism of the
Church and States — The States hidmed to Tderance — Desolation of
the Obedient Provinces — Pauperism and Famine — Trospenty of tho
Eepublic — The Tear of Expectation.
It was not nnnatural that the Queen should desire tho pre-
sence of her favourite at that momentous epoch, when the
dread question, " aut fer aut feriy'. had at last demanded its
definite solution. It was inevitable, too, that Leicester should
fed great anxiety to be upon the spot where the great tragedy,
80 fiill of fate to all Christendom, and in which his own
fortunes were so closely involved, was to be enacted. But
it was most cruel to the Netherlands — whose well-being was
nearly as important to Elizabeth as that of her own realm —
to plunge them into anarchy at such a moment. Yet this
was the necessary result of the sudden retirement of Leicester.
He did not resign his government. He did not bind him-
self to return. The question of sovereignty was still unsettled,
for it was still hoped by a large and inflaential party, that tho
English Queen would accept the proposed annexation. It
was yet doubtful, whether, during, tho period of abeyance, the
States-General or the States-Provincial, each within their
separate sphere, were entitled to supreme authority. Mean-
time, as if here were not already suflSlcient elements of dis-
sension and doubt, came a sudden and indefinite interregnum,
ft provisional, an abnormal, and an impotent government.
To the state-council was deputed the executive authority.
But the state-council was a creature of tho States-Gkneral,
acting in concert with the governor-general, and having no
actual life of its own. It was a board of consultation, not of
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112 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XIL
decision, for it could neither enact its own decrees nor interpose
a veto upon the decrees of the governor.
Certainly the selection of Leicester to fill so important a
post had not been a very fortunate one ; and the enthusiasm
which had greeted him, ^^as if he had been a Messiah/' on
his arrival, had very rapidly dwindled away, as his personal
character became known. The leading politicians of the
country had already been aware of the error which they had
committed in clothing with almost sovereign powers the
del^ate of one who had refused the sovereignty. They were
too adroit to neglect the opportunity, which her Majesty's
anger offered them, of repairing what they considered their
blundeh When at last the quarrel, which looked so much
like a lovers' quarrel, between Elizabeth and ' Sweet Bobin,'
had been appeased to the satid&ction of Bobin, his royal
mistress became more angry with ihe States for circumscribing
than she had before been for their exaggeration of his autho-
rity. Hence the implacable hatred of Leicester to Paul Buys
and Bameveld.
Those two statesmen, for eloquence, learning, readiness,
administrative faculty, surpassed by few who have ev^
wielded the destinies of free commonwealths, were fully equal
to the task thrown upon their hands by the progress of events.
That task was no slight one, for it was to the leading states-
men of Holland and England, sustained by the indomitable
resistwce to despotism sdmost universal in the English and
Butch nations, that the liberty of Europe was entruisted at
that momentous epoch. Whether imited imder one crown,
as the Netherlands ardently desired, or closely allied for
aggression and defence, the two peoples were bound indis-
solubly together. The clouds were rolling up from the &tal
south, blacker and more portentous than ever ; the artificial
equilibrium of forces, by which the fate of France was kept
in suspense, was obviously growing every day more uncertain ;
but the prolonged and awful interval before the tempest
should burst over the lands of freedom and Protestantism,
gave at least time for the prudent to prepare. The Armada
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1^ PIRMNBSS OP THB ENGLISH AND DUTCH PEOPLE. 113
^^ growing every day in the ports of Spain and Portugal,
and Walsingham doubted, as little as did Buys or Bameveld,
toward what shores that invasion was to be directed. Eng-
land was to be conquered in order that the rebellious Nether-
lands might be reduced ; and ^ Mucio ' was to be let slip upon
the unhappy Henry III. so soon as it was thoi^ht probable
that the B&umesa and the Valois had sufficiently exhausted
each other. Philip was to reign in Paris, Amsterdam,
London, and Edinburgl^^ without stirring from the Escorial.
An excellent, programme, had there not been some English
gentlemen, some subtle secretaries of state, some Devonshire
Uppers, some Dutch advocates and merchants, some Zeeland
fly-boatsmen, and six million men, women, and children, on
the two Bides of the North Sea, who had the power, of ex-
pressing their thoughts rather bluntly than otherwise in
different dialects of old Anglo-Saxon speech.
Certainly it would be uiyust and ungracious to disparage
the heroism of the grea:t Queen when the hour of danger
really came, nor would it be l^itimato for us, who can scan
that momentous year of expectation, 1587, by the light of
fluhsequent events and of secret contemporaneous record, to
censure or even sharply to criticise the royal hankering for
peace, when peace had really become impossible. But as we
shall have occasion to examine rather closely the secrets of
the Spanish, French, English, and Dutch councils, during this
epoch, we are likely to find, perhaps, that at least as great a
debt is due to the English and Dutch people, in mass, for the
preservation of European liberty at that disastrous epoch as
to any sovereign, general, or. statesman*
For it was in the great waters of the sixteenth century that
the nations whose eyes were open, discovered the fountain of
perpetual youth, while others, who were blind, passed rapidly
onward to decrepitude. England was, in many respects, a
despotism so far as regarded governmental forms ; and no
doubt the Catholics were treated with greater rigour than
could be justified even by the perpetual and most dangerous
machinations of the seminary priests and their instigators
VOL. II.— I
{
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114 THE UNITBD NETHERLANDS. Chap. XIL
against the throne and life of Elizabeth. The word liberty
was never musical in Tudor ears, yet Englishmen had blunt
tongues and sharp weapons which rarely rusted for want of
use. In the presence of a parliament, and the absence of a
standing army, a people accustomed to read the Bible in the
vernacular, to handle great questions of religion and govern-
ment freely, and to bear arms at will, was most formidable to
despotism. There was an advance on the olden time. A
Francis Drake, a John Hawkins, a Roger Williams, might
have been sold, under the Plantagen^ts, like an ox or an ass.
A ' female villain ' in the reign of Henry III. could have been
purchased for eighteen shillings — ^hardly the price of a fatted
pig, and not one-third the value of an ambling palfrey — and
a male villain, such an one as could in Elizabeth's reign
circumnavigate the globe in his own ship, or take imperial
field-marshals by the beard, was worth but two or three pounds
sterling in the market. Here was progress in three centuries,
for the villains were now become admirals and generals in
England and Holland, and constituted the main stay of these
two little commonwealths, while the commanders who governed
the 'invincible' fleets and armies of omnipotent Spain, were
all cousins of emperors, or grandees of bluest blood. Perhaps
the system of the reformation would not prove the least
effective in the impending crisis.
It was most important, then, that these two nations should
be united in council, and should stand shoulder to shoulder
as their great enemy advanced. But this was precisely what
had been rendered almost impossible by the course of events
during Leicester's year of administration, and by his sudden
but not final retirement at its close. The two great national
parties which had gradually been forming, had remained in
a fluid state' during the presence of the governor-general
During his absence they gradually hardened into the forms
which they were destined to retain for centuries. In the
history of civil liberty, these incessant contests, these oral and
written disquisitions, these sharp concussions of opinion, and
the still harder blows, which, unfortunately, were dealt on a
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I
1586. FACTIONS DXTRINa LEICESTEE»S GOVERNMENT. 115
few occasions by the combatants upon each other^ make the
year 1587 a memorable one. The great questions of the
origin of government, tfte balance of dynastic forces, the
distribution of powers, were dealt with by the ablest heads,
l^th Batch and English, that could be employed in the service
of the kingdom and republic. It was a war of protocols,
^'guments, orations, rejoinders, apostilles. Mid pamphlets,
^ery wholesome for the cause of free institutions and the
intellectual progress of mankind. . The reader may perhaps
"^ surprised to see with how much vigour and boldness the
g^ve questions which underlie all polity, wore handled so
ffiany years before the days of Eussell and Sidney, of Montes-
quieu and Locke, Franklin, Jefferson, Eousseau, and Voltaire ;
^nd. he may bo even more astonished to find exceedingly
democratic doctrines propounded, if not believed in, by trained
statesmen of the Elizabethan school. -Ho will be also apt to
wonder that a more fitting time could not be found for such
philosophical debate than the epoch at which both the king-
dom and the republic were called upon to strain every sinew
against the most formidable and aggressive despotism that the
'world had known since the fall of the Koman Empire.
The great dividing-line between the two parties, that of
Leicester and that of Holland, which controlled the action of
*"0 States-General, was the question of sovereignty. After
^'^^ declaration of independence and the repudiation of Philip,
^ ^hom did tho sovereignty belong ? To the people, said
^ I-eioestrians. To the States-General and the States-Pro-
^iiicial^ as legitimate representatives of the people, said the
Hollaxi^ party. Without looking for the moment more closely
^^^^ this question, which we shall soon find ably discussed by
^^^ Uiost acute reasoners of tho time, it is only important at
preseui; to make a preliminary reflection. The Earl of Lei-
^*^, of all men in the world, would seem to have been
P^^luded by his own action, and by the action of his Queen,
^ taking ground against the States. It was the States
^ .> by solemn embassy, had offered the sovereignty to
^^^beth. She had not accepted the offer, but she had
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116
TfflB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XII
deliberated on the subject, and certainly she had never ex-
pressed a doubt whether or not the offer had been legally
made. By the States, too, that^ governor-generalship had
been conferred upon the Earl, which had been so thankfully
arid eagerly accepted. It was strange, then, that he should
deny the existence of the power whence his own authority
was derived. If the. States, were not sovereigns of the Netherr
lands, bo certainly was nothing. Ho was but general of a
few thousaYid English troops.
The Leicester party, then, proclaimed extreme democratic
principles as to the origin of government and the sovereignty
of the people. They sought to strengthen and to make almost
absolute tho executive authority of their chief, on the ground
that such was the popular will ; and they denoimced with
great acrimony the insolenco of the upstart members of thp
States, half a dozen traders, hired advocates, churls, tinkers,
and the like — as Leicester was fond of designating the men
who opposed him — ^in assuming these airs of sovereignty.^
This might, perhaps, be philosophical doctrine, had its
supporters not forgotten that there had never been any pre-
tence at an expression of the national will, except through
the mouths of the States. The States-General and the States-
Provincial, without any usurpation, but as a matter of fact
and of great political convenience, had, during fifteen years,
exercised tho authority which had fallen from Philip's hands.
The people hitherto had acquiesced in their action, and cer-
* " They which havo tA\ anthority
in this State," said an honest German
traveller, who happened to be in Am-
heim that winter, "are for the most
part merchants^ orators of towns,
mechanic men, ignorant, loving gain
naturollj, without req)ect of bonoor ;
.... born to obey rather tdan com-
mand, who having once tasted the
sweetness of authority, have by little
and little persuaded themselves that
they are sovereigns; insulting over
the people, and controlling him to
whom they had by oath referred the
absolute and general goverament , . •
Seeing that the sovereignty really be-
longs to the people^ to whom they aro
but servants and deputies .... I
SCO no other remedy for this mischief
but that the people be waty how they
give such po\^er and autliority, and
suffer it to conUnue so long iii the
liands of men of mechanic and base
condition, who, grown proud with the
cooimand, abuse it daily, as well
against the people as against the go-
vernors, to whom the people have re-
ferred the government both over
themselves and over tlie whole estate."
Raymond Stockeler to a friend in
England, 16 Feb. 1587. (S. P. Offioe
^S.) The letter is printeil in Grind-
stone's * Netherlands,* pp. 949, seq.
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^^^^ DEMOCRATIC THEORIES OF THE LBICESTRIANS. 117
7% there had not yet been any call for a popular conven-
^%or any other device to ascertain the popular will. It
^^ also difficult to imagine what wag the exact entity of this
^oetraction called the " people " by men who expressed such
^^tTeme contempt for '^merchants, advocates, town-orators,
^^nrh^ tinkers, and boso mechanic men, bom not to command
*^ut to obey." Who were the people when the educated
^i^a^ses and the working classes were thus carefully eliminated ?
Sardly the simple peasantry — the boorfr—who tilled the soil.
-^^ that day the agricultural labourers less than aU others
dreamed of popiular soverieignty, and more than all others
submitted to the mild authority of the States. According to
the tlieory of the Netherland constitutions, they were sup-
pose^^ — Qj^([ they, ijad themselves not yet discovered the
fallaeies to which such doctrines could lead— to be repre-
sented, by the nobles and country-squires who maintained in
tbe States of each Province the general farming interests of
the i^public. Moreover, the number of agricultural peasants
''^^ Comparatively small. The lower classes were rather
a^^iatomed to plough the sei^ than the land, and their
harvests were reaped from that element, which to Hol-
^^^^^ and Zeelanders was less capricious than the solid
^"*^ Almost every inhabitant of those sea-bom territories
^^> in one sense or another, a mariner ; for every highway
^^^ ^ canal ; the soil was percolated by rivers and estuaries,
^^^ and meres; the fisheries were the nurseries in which
^"^ Uiore daring navigators rapidly learned their trade, and
^^^Ty ciiiid took naturally to the ocean as to its legitimate
"*^o " people," therefore, thus enthroned by the Leicestrians
^^^ ccU the inhabitants of the country, appeared to many eyes
'lier a misty abstraction, and its claim of absolute sove-
, ^tity a doctrine almost as fantastic as that of the divine
A ^ cf kings. The Netherlanders were, on the whole, a law-
^i>:ig people, preferring to conduct even a revolution
5^^^ing to precedent, very much attached to ancient usages
'tx'aditions, valuing the liberties, as they called them, which
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118
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Ciup. XIL
they had wrested from what had been superior force, with
their own right hands, preferring facts to theories, and feeling
competent to deal with tyrants in the concrete rather than
to annihilate tyranny in the abstract by a bold and generalizing
phraseology. Moreover the opponents of the Leicester party
complained that the principal use to which this newly dis-
covered " people " had been applied, was to confer its absolute
sovereignty unconditionally upon one man. The people was
to be sovereign in order that it might immediately abdicate
in favour of the Earl.^
Utrecht, the capital of tho Leicestrians, had already been
deprived of its constitution. The magistracy was, according
to law, changed every year. A. list of candidates was fur-
nished by the retiring board, an equal number of names
was added by tho governor of the Province, and from the
catalogue thus composed the governor with his council
selected tho new magistrates fcr the year. But De Villiers,
the governor of the Province, had been made a prisoner
by the enemy in the last campaign ; Count Moeurs had
been appointed provisional stadholder by the States; and,
during his temporary absence on public afiairs, the Lei-
cestrians had seized upon tho government, excluded all
the ancient magistrates, banished many leading citizens
' Even Leicester himself was asto-
nished at the sabservlency of the de-
mocratic par^. . **I remember/' said
his confidential secretaiy, "that your
Excellency told mo once a very wise
word^iXiaX those of Utrecht had
given you more auOiority than Viey
could weU do:'
"Your council," ho said further,
" cannot allow of all tho doings of M.
Doventer and of M. Modet. True
it is that they both and all those of
Utrecht do lovo yoa with all their
hearts, but they do many things very
rashly, and do disunite themselves
firom tho generality of the United
Provinces. Lisomuch that, at this
present, those of the magistrates of
Utrecht' have, disunited themselves
from the States of their own Province,
and work every day one agabst an-
other. .... I had written to you by
M. Modet and M. Rataller, but they
both stole away eecretly from hence,
and surely this proceeding is not very
well liked here of the best sort, as
though he would have prevented the
other party^ and make his own reasons
good first to your Excellency." Otlic-
roan to Leicester, 7 Jan. 1587. (Br.
Mu& Galba, 0. xl p. 72, MS.)
"Oupiinus ut sua ExceUentia (Lei-
cestrius) ahsohdi impertt^ et pro sua
discretione, salva religlono et privi-
legiis suam Majestatem non ofiend-
entibus." So ran a petition, to which
Deventer procured signatures among^
the Utrecht citizens, and then handed
it to Leicester. "Such a government
as that would be," says a Frisian con-
temporary, "was never seen in the
Netherlands, and could hardly be
found in Christendom." Reyd, v. 86.
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^586. SUSPICIONS AS TO THE EAUL'S DESlGNa 119
from the town, and installed an entirely new board, with
^^Tard Proninck, called Deventer, for chief burgomaster,
^lao was a Brabantine refugee just arrived in the Province,
^i not eligible to office until after ten years' residence.^
It was not unnatural that the Netherlanders, who remem-
Wed the scenes of bloodshed and disorder produced by the
Memorable attempt of the Duke of Anjou to obtain possession
of Antwerp and other cities, should be si^spicious of Leicester.
-Adjou, too, had been called to the Provinces by the voluntary
faction of the States. Ho too had been hailed as a Messiah
^fld a deliverer. In him too had unlimited confidence been
^posed, and he had repaid their affection and their gratitude
V a desperate attempt to obtain the control of their chief
Cities "by the armed hand, and thus to constitute himself
absolute sovereign of the Netherlands. The inhabitants had,
after a bloody contest, averted the intended massacre and the
impending tyranny ; but it was not astonishing that — so very
fevr years having elapsed since those tragical events — they
should bo inclined to scan severely the actions of the man
who l^ad already obtained by imconstitutional means the
niastei-y of a most important city, and was supposed to harbour
desigi^ upon all the cities.
-N^o doubt it was a most illiberal and unwise policy for the
inaatitants of the independent States to exclude from office
tno Wanderers, for conscience' sake, from the obedient Pro-
Jiacoa^ They should have been welcomed heart and hand
y *^l>08e who were their brethren in religion and in the love
***^^om. Moreover, it was notorious that Hohenlo, lieu-
^^t-general under Maurice of Nassau, was a German, and
*• \)j the treaty with England, two foreigners sat in the
J^ council, while the army swarmed with English, Irish,
^orerman officers in high command. Nevertheless, violently
^^Ivert the constitution of a Province, and to place in
y^ ^^ of high responsibility men who were ineligible — some
^^^ charact^:^ were suspicious, and some who were known
• Bor, n. xxL 722, 735. Bejrd, v. 85, sa TTagcnaar, via. 1C6, 168.
i
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120
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XH
to be dangerous, and to banish large numbers of respectable
burghers — was the act of a despot.^
Besides their democratic doctrines, the Leicestrians pro-
claimed and encouraged an exclusive and rigid Calvinism.
It would certainly be unjust and futile to detract from tho
vast debt which the republic owed to the Geneva Church.
The reformation had entered the Netherlands by the Walloon,
gate. The earliest and most eloquent preachers, the most
impassioned converts, the sublimest martyrs-, had lived,
pi-eached, fought, suffered, and died with the precepts of
Calvin in their hearts. The fire which had consumed the
last vestige of royal and sacerdotal despotism throughout the
independent republic, had been lighted by tho hands of
Calvinists.
Throughout tho blood-stained soil of France, too, tho men who
' It was especially unfortanate that
Leicester should foil so completely
into tho control of Deventer. That
subtle politician filled the govemor'B
mmd full with spite against the States-
General, inspinng £am perpetually
with jealousy of all bodies or ludi-
viduals that interfered with his hopes
of attaining arbitrary, perhaps sove-
reign power. "Tho States-General,"
Deventer whispered in Leicester's
car, **are becoming more presumptuous
daily. They have dared to return our
old members to the assembly whom
we" (after the municipal revolution)
"had recalled. They havo releasea
Paul Buys. We are all marvellously
scandalized, for truly these States
assume more jurisdiction than was
over done by the greatest tyrant that
ever usurped in tliis land. You shall
hear many particulars by on agent
which it is best not to write
Let Tier Majesty reflect Viat her^s will
he the shame^ on hir head descends the
scom^ and ruin to her realm will be the
resuU, Let her break up this con-
spiracy by a sudden and heroic reso-
lution, let her send your Excellency
)iitIior, with plenty of money and sol-
dierSf and wo on our side will take
care not to be dishonoured suddenly,
while waiting for your return."
Such were tho prudent counsels
given to Queen Elizabeth, by Leices-
ter's chief adviser, in a moment full
of darkness and difficulty. To seize
by violence on tho cities of the Pro-
vinces, to subvert their ancient con*
stitutions, to enact, in short, all that
had been done or attempted by former
tyrants, was the object proposed to
the English sovereign and the English
governor. G. de Proninck to Lei-
cester, 20 Jan. 1587. (Br. Mus., Galba
C. xl 95, M&)
Otheman, too, boldly assured tho
Queen, in a letter addressed directly
to her Majesty, that the ''root of Uio
whole evil in the Netherlands was tho
ochlocracy and bad government of the
State," and that the reformation could
only como from her. Ho was also of
opinion that tho country had been
badly handled for a long time. *'I
beUeve, madam," ho observed, "that
this sick person has had so many
diseases for twenty years, and has had
so many different doctors — some with-
out experience and others without
fidelity— that the more despairing tho
patient is of his own case, the more
honour it will be to the one who cures
bun ; and 'tis your Majesty alone who
can now administer the remedy."
Otheman to the Queen, 15 Feb. 1587.
(Br. Mus., Galba C. xL p. 263, MS.)
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we. EXTREME VIEWS OF THE CALVINlSTa 121
were fighting the same great battle as were the Netherlanders
against Philip II. and the Inquisition, the valiant cavaliers of
Dauphiny and Provence, knelt on the ground, before the
battle, smote their Irdn breasts with their mailed hands,
uttered a Calvinistic prayer, sang a psalm of Marot, and then
charged upon Guise, or upon Joyeuse, under the white plume
of the Beamese. And it was on the Calvinist weavers and
clothiers of Rochelle that the great Prince relied in the hour
of clanger as much as on his moimtain chivalry. In England
too, the seeds of liberty, wrapped up in Calvinism and hoarded
through many trying years, wore at last destined to float over
land and ssa, and to bear large harvests of temperate freedom
for great commonwealths, which were still unborn. Never-
theless there was a growing aversion in many parts of the
States for the rigid and intolerant Spirit of the reformed
religion. There were many men in Holland who had already
iflibibed the true lesson — the only one worth learning of the
reformation — ^liberty of thought ; but toleration in the eyes of
the extreme Calvinistic party was as great a vice as it could
te in the estimation of Papists. To a favoured few of other
habits of thought, it had come to be regarded as a virtue ; but
the day was still far distant when men were to scorn the very
^ord toleration as an insult to the dignity of man ; as if for
any human being or set of human beings, in caste, class,
synod, or church, the right could even in imagination bo
conceded of controlling the consciences of their fellow-
creatures.
But it was progress for the sixteenth century that thero
^ere individuals, and prominent individuals, who dared to
proclaim liberty of conscience for all. William of Orange
vas a Calvinist, sincere and rigid, but he denounced all
oppression of religion, and opened wide the doors of the
commonwealth to Papists, Lutherans, and Anabaptists alike.
The Earl of Leicester was a Calvinist, most rigid in tenet,
most edifying of conversation, the acknowledged head of the
Puritan party of England, but he was intolerant and was
influenced only by the most intolerant of his sect. Certainly
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122
THE UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. XIL-
it would have required great magnanimity upon his part to
assume a iriendly demeanour towards the Papists. It is
easier for us, in more favoured ages, to rise to the heights
of philosophical abstraction, than for a man placed as was
Leicester, in the front rank of a mighty battle, in which
the triumph of either religion seemed to require the bodily
annihilation of all its adversaries. Ho believed that the
success of a Catholic conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth
or of a Spanish invasion of England, would raise Mary to the
throne and consign himself to the scaffold. He believed that
the subjugation of the independent Netherlands would place
the Spaniards instantly in England, and he frequently received
information, true or false, of Popish plots that were ever
hatching in various parts of the Provinces against the English
Queen.^ It was not surprising, therefore, although it was
unwise, that he should incline his ear most seriously to those
who counselled severe measures not only against Papists,
but against those who were not persecutors of Papists, and
that he should allow himself to be guided by adventurers,
who wore the mask of religion only that they might plunder
the exchequer and rob upon the highway.
Under the administration of this extreme party, therefore,
the Papists were maltreated, disfranchised, banished, and
plundered.^ The distribution of the heavy war-taxes, more
> "May it please your sacred Ma-
jesty," wrote Wilkes, "there is come
into my bands the copy of a letter
written by tbe Prince of Parma to the
Bisbop of Liege, dated 24th of
last month; by tbe which, among
other things, doth appear, that there
is yet some bloody pmpose in hand to
be executed upon your Majesty's
sacred person, as by the same here
inclosed doth appear ..... It is
signified by the letter, that, although
the exterior of the treasons and prac-
tices plotted and contriyed against
your Majesty be discovered, yet the
core and marrow thereof is not as yet
uncovered or known, whereby your
enemies doubt not but to achievQ in
time their wicked and horrible pur-
poses against you." Wilkes to the
Queen, 17 Dea 1586. (S. P. Office
MS.)
• It can hardly excite surprise that
the Queen, receiving almost every
week such intimations out of the
Spanish Netherlands of attempts
against her life, should desire to deal
severely with seminary priests and
their associates coming m>m those
regiona
• Yet, strange to- say, it was Lord
Buckhurst's opinion that the oppo-
nents of the Catholic religion were
but a small minority of the Dutdi
people. "For the commonwealth of
these Provinces," wrote that envoy,
"consisting of divers parts and pro-
fessions, as, namely, Protestants^ Puri-
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1586.
POLITICAL AMBITION OF THE CHURCH.
123
than two- thirds of which were raised in Holland only, was
confided to foreigners, and r^ulated mainly at Utrecht, where
not one-tenth part of the same revenue was collected. This
naturally excited the wrath of the merchants and manu-
fecturers of Holland and the other Provinces, who liked not
that these hard-earned and lavishly-paid subsidies should be
meddled with by any but the cleanest hands.
The clei^, too, arrogated a direct influence in political
affairs. Their demonstrations were opposed by the anti-
Leicestrians, who cared not to see a Geneva theocracy in the
place of the vanished Papacy. They had as little reverence in
secular afiairs for Calvinistic deacons as for the college of
cardinals, and would as soon accept the infallibility of
Sixtua V. as that of Herman Modet. The reformed clergy
who had dispossessed and confiscated the property of the
ancient ecclesiastics who once held a constitutional place in
the Estates of Utrecht — although many of those individuals
were now married and had embraced the reformed religion — »
T^ho had demolished, and sold at public auction, for 12,300
florins,* tho time-honoured cathedral where the earliest
Christians of the Netherlands had worshipped, and St.
taoS) Anabaptists, and Spanish hearts,
which are no small number, it is most
certain, that, dividing this in five
parts, the Protestants and Puritans do
hardly contain even one part of five;
althoagh, at this present, the Pro-
teetODts and Puritans, by having the
rule and sovereignty in their hands,
do wholly wage and command the
captains and soldiers." Buckhurst to
the Queen, 27 May, 15S7. Printed in
'Cabala, or Mysteries of 3tate,' p. 37.
And again, in a letter to Walsing-
ham, the same diplomatist remarks
that the real object of the revolt of
the Netherlandera was not to defend
tiieir religkms but their oivil freedom,
and that Catholics and Protestants
wwe all united to that end. *'If her
Majesty,", he said, ** should not only
refoae the sovereignty, but not give
soiBcient aid, it is in a manner certain
that the people, not being the fifth
man a Protestant, and not makmg
their war in truth for religion, but
for their country and Ubeiiy only, and
to resist tiie tyranny of the Spaniards,
whose hatred is ingraft in the hearts
of them all, when they shall see her
Migesty fail in their defence, will turn
and revolt to the enemy," &c &a
Ibid. p. 11, 13. 13 April, 1687.
These sweeping statements may not
be strictly accurate, but there is no
doubt that Budchurst was struck by
the general and growing feeling of
mutual toleration anH>ng the adherents ^
to the various forms of religion in
Holland, and by tho instinct which
prompted the whole commonwealth
to stnke for civil and religious liberty
in one. Ck>mpare Kluit, *HolL Staats-
reg.' II. 360, who states expressly that
the mcyority of every town and village
in the Provinces were, in heart, &ith«
ful to the B<Hnan Oatholic religion.
* Bor, m. TTlii. 108.
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124
TBB UinTKD NKTHEELAKDa
Chap. Xll
WiUibrod had ministered, were roundly rebuked, on more
than one occasion, by the blunt Hollanders for meddling with
matters beyond their sphere.^
* Bor, in. xxiiL 108.
" There ia a controTerey," wroto
"Wllkefl^ " within tho town and pro-
Tince of Utrecht (their estate bemg
compounded of tho nobihtj, clergy,
and . towns, oontaming' three several
members) betweeai the towns and the
clergy, whom the towns have inhibited
to appear any more in the public
aaaemblies, meaning to cass them
upon pretence that tho clergy, their
third member, is a hindrance to thou*
good proceedinga The nobility taketh
part with the clergy, and do not think
it fit nor agreeable .with order or
justice that one third member, inferior
to the otiicr two, should take upon
him to depose the first member, being
the dergy, without the authority of
the tovereign goyemor or the general
assent of Uie Union. At the begin-
ning of the garboile, it was thought
fit by thitf council to depute the Count
Hoeurs, Mons. do Meetkerk, and
Doctor Hottman, persons of judgment,
to hear the contcoyersy and
as they were travailing to reduce them
to an accord, there oamo a letter to
the captains of the bourgeoisie of tho
town of Utrecht (being tho principal
iDovers of this di^ensionX 'Written by
Mr. Herle, by which they have taken
heart to persist obstinately in their
purpose, persuading themselves that
their proceedings will be avowed by
her Majesty. And albeit this letter
do not directly touch the matter, yet
tiie large promises he maketh in her
Mn^'eety's name of her absolute pur-
pose to embrace theur cause, *avec la
pleine main,' as be termeth it, hath
been occasion that they have uttered
in public speeches that the letters of
her Majesty's ambassador Herle hath
given them sufficient hope that her
Majesty will • not mislike of their
doings in going about to banish
Popery out of that Province, which
they make to be a show and counte*
nance of their dealings; but, as I am
informed, tho most part of those that
aro of this • dergy, and do hold the
ecclesiastical livkigs, are. married and
cf the religion. And ia truth, as £ir
as I can perceive, tlieir quarrel is not
against the persons of the ecdesiastics,
because they are contented that tho
persons shall continue in their assem-
blies^ but against the livings, which
they mean to convert to some other
uses. And although, for mine own
poor opinion, I think the diurch-
llvhigs wero most fitly to be converted
to the defence of the public cause,
yet tho manner of the doing thereof
should be speedily prevented, for all
men of judgment here are of opinion
that if it be not stayed, it will hazard
the loss' of the town, and consequently
of the whole Provmco. I am informed
that tho magistrates of Utrecht havo
despatched towards my lord-general
and her Majesty one Herman Modet,
their chief muiistor, to acquaint them
with the matter, and to make good
their proceedings. The said Modet,
by the report of M. de Villiers, tho
minister, and Saravio, a great learned
preacher of Leyden, is taken to bo
the greatest mutyne in all theso coun-
tries; and it is avouched by them and
others of the best condition that ho
was the only occasion of tho loss of
Ghent, upon the liko matter begun by
him witUn the town. Tho Princo of
Orange, in his time, could never brook
the same Modet, and, as tho Count
Maurice telleth me, ho did alwayn
oi^pose himself agtdnst the counsel
and designs of the Prince his fiither.
I thought it not unfit to give you this
taste of tho condition of Modet^ be-
cause I know that my Lord North,
Mr. Killigrew, and Mr. "Webbo havo
greatly supported him in his humours
at Utrecht, and it is not to be doubted
that they will do the liko at home."
Wilkes to Walsingham, Doc 24, 1586.
(a P. Office MS.)
Sudi letters, written on the spot,
by a man thoroughly acquainted with
Netheriand politics, and the ezpc*
rienced faithfol representative of her
Majesty in the state-council, explain
the intrigues and the instrumenta of
the Loicestrian party. It was by
honest and lucid expositions like
these, that - tlio \vriter incurred lb:*
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1586.
ANTAGONISM OF THB CHURCH AND STATEa
125
The party of the States-General, as opposed to the Leicester
party, was guided by the statesmen of Holland. At a
somewhat later period was formed the Stat^right party,
which claimed sovereignty for each Province, and by necessary
consequence the h^mony throughout the confederacy, for
Holland. At present the doctrine maintained was that tho
sovereignty forfeited by Philip had naturally devolved upon
the States-General. The statesmen of this party repudiated
the calumny that it had therefore lapsed into tho hands of
half a dozen mechanics and men of low degree. The States
of eadi Province were, they maintained, composed of nobles
and country-gentlemen, as representing the agricultural
interest, and of deputies from the ^ vroedschappen,' or mu-
nicipal governments, of every city and smallest town.
Such men as Adrian Van der Werflf, tho heroic burgo-
master of Leydeu during its femous siege, John Van der
Does, statesman, orator, soldier, poet, Adolphus Meetkerke,
judge, financier, politician, Carl Boorda, Noel de Caron,
diplomatist of most signal ability, Floris Thin, Paul Buys,
and Olden-Bameveld, with many others, who would have done
honour to the legislative . assemblies and national councils in
any country or any age, were constantly returned as members
of the different yroed^hapS in the commonwealth.
So far from its being true then that half a dozen ignorant
mechanics had usurped the sovereignty of the Provinces, after
the abjuration of the Spanish King, it may be asserted in
general terms, that of the eight hundred thousand inhabitants
of Holland at least eight hundred persons were always
engaged in tho administration of public afiairs, that these
individuals were perpetually exchanged for others, and that
tho^e whoso names became most prominent in the politics of
the day were remarkable for thorough education, high talents,
and eloquence with tongue and pen.^ It was acknowledged
by the leading statesmen of England and France, on repeated
deadly hatred of the Earl, and was in
danger of losing his lilb. (Compare
Bor and Beyd, uM Mtp. Le Petit^ IL
ziv. 533. Wagenaar, vilL 168.)
» Kluit, *HolL Staataregering/ IL
203.
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126 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XIL
occasions throughout the sixteenth century, that the diplo-
matists and statesmen of the Netherlands were even more
than a match for any politicians who were destined to
encounter them, and the profound respect which Leicester
expressed for these solid statesmen, these " substantial, wise,
well-languaged " men, these " big fellows," so soon as he
came in contact with them, and before he began to hate them
for outwitting him, has already appeared. They were gene-
rally men of the people, bom without any of the accidents of
fortune ; but the leaders had studied in the common scbools,
and later in the noble universities of a land where to be
learned and eloquent was fast becoming almost as great an
honour as to be wealthy or high bom.
The executive, the legislative, and tho judiciary depart-
ments were more carefully and scientifically separated than
could perhaps have been expected in that age. The lesser
municipal courts, in which city-senators presided, were
subordinate to the supreme court of Holland, whose officers
were appointed by the stadholders and council ; the supplies
were in the hands of the States-Provincial, and the supreme
administrative authority was confided to a stadholder appointed
by the States.
The States-General wore constituted of similar materials
to those of which tho States-Provincial were constructed, and
the same individuals wero generally prominent in both.
They wero deputies appointed by the Provincial Estates, wero
in truth rather more like diplomatic envoys than senators,
were generally bound very strictly by instructions, and were
often obliged, by the jealousy springing from the States-right
principle, to refer to their constituents, on questions when
the times demanded a sudden decision, and when the necessary
delay was inconvenient and dangerous.
In religious matters, the States-party, to their honour,
already leaned to a wide toleration. Not only Catholics were
not burned, but they were not banished, and very large
numbers remained in the territory, and were quite undisturbed
in religious matters, within their own doors. There were
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1586. THE STATES INCLINED TO TOLERANCE. 127
even men employed in public aflFairs who were suspected of
l)api8tical tendencies, although their hostility to Spain and
their attachment to their native land could not fairly be
disputed. The leaders of the States-party had a rooted
aversion to any political influence on the part of the clergy
of any denomination whatever. Disposed to be lenient to all
forms of worship, they were disinclined to an established
church, but still more opposed to allowing church-influence
in secular affairs. As a matter of course, political men with
ouch bold views in religious matters were bitterly assailed
by their rigid oi>ponents. Bameveld, with his "nil scire
tutissima fides," was denounced as a disguised Catholic or an
infidel, and as for Paul Buys, he was a " bolsterer of Papists^
an atheist, a devil," as it has long since been made manifest.
Nevertheless these men believed that they understood the
spirit of their country and of the age. In encouragement to
an expanding commerce, the elevation and education of the
mass^, the toleration of all creeds, and a wide distribution of
political functions and rights, they looked for the salvation of
their nascent republic from destruction, and the maintenance
of the true interests of the people. They were still loyal to
Queen Elizabeth, and desirous that she should accept the
Boviereignty of the Provinces. But they were determined
that the sovereignty should bo a constitutional one, founded
upon and limited by the time-honoured laws and traditions
of their commonwealth ; for they recognised the value of a
free republic with an hereditary chief, however anomalous
it might in theory appear. They knew that in Utrecht
the Leicestrian party were about to offer the Queen the
sovereignty of their Province, without conditional but they
were determined that neither Queen Elizabeth nor any other
monarch should ever reign in the Netherlands, except under
conditions to be very accurately defined and well secured.
Thus contrasted, then, were the two great parties in the
Netherlands, at the conclusion of Leicester's first year of
administration. It may easily be understood that it was not
an auspicious moment to leave the country without a chief.
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128 "THE UNITED NBTHEELANDa Chap. XII;
The strength of th(3 Stales-party lay in Holland, Zeeland,
Friesland. The main stay of the democratic or Leicester
faction was in the city of Utrecht, but the Earl had, many
partizans in Gelderland, Friesland, and in Overyssel, the
capital of which Province, the wealthy and thriving Deventer,
second only in the republic to Amsterdam for commercial
and political importance, had been but recently secured for
the Provinces by the vigorous measures of Sir William
Pelham.
The condition of the republic and of the Spanish Provinces
was, at that moment, most signally contrasted. If the effects
of despotism and of liberty could ever bo exhibited at a
single glance, it was certainly only necessary to look for A
moment at the picture of the obedient and of the rebel
Netherlands.
Since the fJl of Antwerp, tho desolation of Brabant,
Flanders, and of tho Walloon territories had become com-
plete. The King had recovered the great commercial
capital, but its commerce was gone. The Scheldt, which, till
recently, had been the chief mercantile river in tho world,
had become as barren as if. its fountains had suddenly dried
up. It was as if it no longer flowed to the ocean, for its
mouth was controlled by Flushing. Thus Antwerp was
imprisoned and paralyzed. Its docks and basins, where
2500 ships had onco been counted, were empty, grass was
growing in its streets, its industrious population had vanished,
and the Jesuits had returned in swarms. And the same
spectacle was presented by . Ghent, Bruges, Valenciennes,
Toumay, and thosQ other fair cities, which had once been
types of vigorous industry and tumultuous life. The sea-coast
was in the hands of two rising commercial powers, the
great and free commonwealths of the future. Those powers
were acting in concert, and commanding the traffic of the
world, while the obedient Provinces were excluded from all
foreign intercourse and all markets, as the result of their
obedience. Commerce, manufactures, agriculture, werp dying
lingering deaths. The thrifty farms, orchards, and gardens,
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1686. DESOLATION OF THE OBEDIENT PROVINCES. 129
which had been a proverb and wonder of industry were
becoming wildernesses. The demand for their produce by
the opulent and thriving cities, which had been the work-
shops of tho world, was gone. Foraging bands of Spanish
and Italian mercenaries had succeeded to the famous tramp
of the artizans and mechanics, which had often been likened
to an army, but these new customers were less profitable to tho
gardejiers and farmers. The clothiers, the fullers, the tapestry-
workers, the weavers, the cutlers, had all wandered away, and
the cities of Holland, Friesland, and of England, were growing
skilful and rich by tho lessons and the industry of the exiles
to whom they afforded a home. There, were villages and
small towns in the Spanish Netherlands that had been literally
depopulated Large districts of country had gone to waste,
and cane-brakes and squalid morasses usurped tho place of
yellow harvest-fields. The fox, the wild boar, and the wolf,
infested tho abandoned homes of the peasantry ; children
could not walk in safety in the neighbourhood even of tho
laiger cities ; wolves littered their young in the deserted
fann-houses ; two hundred persons, in the winter of 1586-7,
^ere devoured by wild beasts in the outskirts of Ghent.^
Such of the remaining labourers and artizans as had not .been
converted into soldiers, found their most profitable employ-
ment as brigands, so that the portion of the population
spared by war and emigration was assisting the enemy in
preying upon their native country. Brandschatzung, burgl^,
bi^way-robbery, and murder, had become the chief branches
of industry among the working classes. Nobles and wealthy
huighers had been changed to paupers and mendicants.
Uany a family of ancient lineage, and once of large posses-
sions, could be seen begging their bread, at the dusk of
evening, in the streets of great cities, where they had once
exercised luxurious hospitality; and they often begged in
vain.'
* fior, IL zzil 984, 985. Meteren,
3riv. 263. Hoofd, Verrolgh, 251.
Wagenaar, vi!l 224, 225. Van Wyu
opWagen,viiL67.
VOL. II.— K
"The bedsteads of the abandoned
cottages," says Meteren, "swanned
with littie wolves," ubi sup,
' Bor, Meteren, Hooid, VTagmiaar.
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130
THE UNITED NBTHEBLANDa
Ohap. XIL
For while such was the forlorn aspect 'of the country — and
the portrait, faithfully sketched from many contemporary
pictures, has not been exaggerated in any of its dark details —
a great famine smote the land with its additional scourge.
The whole population, soldiers and brigands, Spaniards and
Flemings, b^gars and workmen, were m danger of perishing
together. Where the want of employment had been so
great as to cause a rapid depopulation, where the demand
for labour had almost entirely ceased, it was a necessary
result, that during the process, prices should bo low, even
in the presence of foreign soldiery, and despite the inflamed
profits, which such capitalists as remained required, by way
not only of profit but insurance, in such troublous times.
Accordingly, for the last year or two, the price of rye at
Antwerp and Brussels had been one florin for the veertel
(three bushels) of one hundred and twenty pounds ; that of
wheat, about one-third of a florin more. Five pounds of rye,
therefore, were worth one penny sterling, reckoning, as was
then nsual, two shillings to the florin. A pound weight of
wheat was worth about one farthing.^ Yet this was forty-one
years after the discovwy of the mines of Potosi (a.d. 1545),
and full sixteen years after the epoch, from which is dated
that rapid fall in the value of silver, which in the course of
seventy yefirs, caused the average price of com and of all
other commodities, to be tripled or even quadrupled. At
that very moment the average cost of wheat in England was
sixty-four shillings the quarter, or about seven and sixpence
sterling the bushel,^ and in the markets of Holland, which in
' A oootemporary chronicler has
preserved a droll medley of prices in
the Netherlands in the year 1648, but
one which, if accurate, furnishes a
striking instance of the lovr monej-
valuation of the yarious necessaries of
life, before the great revolution in the
value of sQver had begun. For one
hundred and sixty florins (162.) there
were bought a last (108 bushels, or 80
bushels English) of wheat, a last of
lye, a last of baiiey, a last of oata^ a
quarter hnndred-weight of batter, 300
pounds of lard, one hundred cheese^
a doublet^ a pair of shoes; a bonnet,
a bag, a barrel of excellent beer, and
there were six stuyvers over for drink-
money. "And let this serve as a
memorial," he piously observes, "of
how much the wrath of God and how
much his benignly can do tbr us."
Met xiv. 263.
* Tables in McChiUoch's edition of
Adam Smith, p. 117.
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1686.
PAUPERISM AND FAMINE
131
tmth regulated all others, the same prices prevailed.^ A
bushel of wheat in England was equal therefore to eight
bushels in Brussels.
Thus the silver mines, which were the Spanish King's
property, had produced thdr effect everywhere more signally
than within the obedient Provinces. The South American
specie found its way to Philip's coffers, thence to the pay-
masters of his troops in Flanders, and thence to the com-
mercial centres of Holland and England. Those countries,
first to feel and obey the favourable expanding impulse of
the age, were moving surely and steadily on before it to
greatness. Prices were rising with unexampled rapidity, the
precious metals were comparatively a drug, a world-wide
commerce, such as had never been dreamed of, had become
an every-day concern, the arts and sciences and a m6st
generous culture in famous schools and universities, which
had been founded in the midst of tumult and bloodshed,
characterized the republic, and the golden age of English
poetry, which was to make the Elizabethan era famous through
all time, had already begun.
In the Spanish Netherlands the newly-found treasure
served to. pay the only labourers required in a subjiigated and
almost desferted country, the pikemen of Spain and Italy, and
the reiters of Germany. Prices could not sustain themselves
in the face of depopulation. Where there was no security for
property, no home-market, no foreign intercourse, industrial
pursuits had become almost impossible. The small denwmd
for labour had caused it, as it were, to disappear altogether.
All men had become b^gars, brigands, or soldiers. A
temporary reaction followed. There were no producers.
Suddenly it was discovered that no corn had been planted,
and that there was no harvest. A famine was the inevitable
* Bor, Meteren. A veertel is about
three bushels. A florin was then
always reckoned at two shillings ster-
ling. The price of a bushel of rye
at Brussels and Antwerp was there-
fore eightpence; that of a bushel of
wheat about one-third more, say eleyen-
pence, or seven and fourpence for the
quarter (eight bushels), alK>ut an eighth
or ninth of the price in England and
Holland.
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132
THE UNITED NETHERLAITDS.
Chap. XH
result. Prices then rose with most frightful rapidity. The
veertel of rye, which in the previous year had been worth
one florin at Brussels and Antwerp, rose in the winter of
1586-7 to twenty, twenty-two, and even twenty-four florins ;
and wheat advanced from one and one-third florin to thirty-
two florins the veertel.^ Other articles were proportionally
increased in market-value ; but it is worthy of remark that
mutton was quoted in the midst of the famine at nine stuy vers
(a little more than ninepence sterling) the pound, and beef
at fivepence, while a single cod-fish sold for twenty-two
florins.* Thus wheat was worth sixpence sterling the pound
weight (reckoning the veertel of one hundred and twenty
pounds at thirty florins), which was a penny more than the
price of a pound of beef; while an ordinary fish was equal in
value to one hundred and six pounds of beef. No better
evidence could be given that the obedient Provinces were
relapsing into barbarism, than that the only agricultural indus-
try then practised was to allow what flocks and herds were
remaining to graze at will over, the ruined farms and
gardens, and that their fishermen were excluded from the
sea.
The evil cured itself, however, and, before the expiration
of another year, prices were again at their previous level.
The land was sufficiently cultivated to furnish the necessaries
of life for a diminishing population, and the supply of labour
was more than enough for the languishing demand. Wheat
was again at tenpence the bushel, and other commodities
valued in like jproportion, and far below the market-prices in
Holland and England.
On the other hand, the prosperity of the republic was
rapidly increasing. Notwithstanding the war, which had
been raging for a terrible quarter of a century without any
interruption, population was increasing, property rapidly
' Bor, Metcron, Hoofd, v&i $up, A
last of rye is quoted by Meteren (xiv-.
253^0) At 800 florins. A last is equal
to 80 bushels^ Euglish measure. Tliis
is just ten florins, or one pound sterling,
the bushel for lye, and one-third more^
or twenty-seven shilUnga — that is to
say, lOL IBs. the quarter — for wheat.
* Bor, Hoofd, Metcron, vbi «ttp.
• n)id.
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1586.
PROSPERITT OP THE REPUBUC.
133
advancing in valne^ labour in active demand. Famine was
impossible to a state which commanded the ocean. No com
grew in Holland and Zeeland, but their ports were the
granary of the world. The fisheries were a mine of wealth
almost equal to the famous Potosi, with which the commercial
world was then ringing. Their commerce with the Baltic
nations was enormous. In one month eight hundred vessels
left their havens for the eastern ports alone. There was also
no doubt whatever — ^and the circumstance was a source of
constant complaint and of frequent ineffective legislation —
that the rebellious Provinces were driving a most profitable
trade with Spain and the Spanish possessions, in spite of their
revolutionary war. The mines of Peru and Mexico were as
fertile for the Hollanders and Zeelanders as for the Spaniards
themselves. The' war paid for the war, one hundred large
fiigates were constantly cruising along the coasts to protect
the &st-gr6wing traffic, and an army of twenty thousand foot-
soldiers and two thousand cavalry were maintained on land.
There were more ships and sailors at that moment in Holland
and Zeeland than in the whole kingdom of England.^
. While the sea-ports were thus rapidly increasing in
importance, the towns in the interior were advancing as
steadily. The woollen. manufacture, the tapestry, the em-
broideries of (Jelderland, and Friesland, and Overyssel, were
becoming as famous as had been those of Tournay, Ypres,
Brussels, and . Valenciennes. The emigration from the
obedient Provinces and from other countries was very great.
It was difficult to obtain lodgings in the principal cities ; new
houses, new streets, new towns, were rising every day. The
single Province of Holland furnished regularly, for war-
expenses alone, two millions of florins (two hundred thousand
pounds) a year, besides frequent extraordinary grants for the
' Six years later it was asserted by
the magistrates of Amsterdam, la a
oommunioatlon made to the States-
General, ''that DO one could doubt
that in regard to the mercantile marine
and the amount of tonnage^ the Pro-
Tincea were so far superior to England
tliat ?iarcUy any comparison cottld be
made on the mibjeei^ &c Koop yaardy-
Schepen in Nederlahd tfi 1693. Brief
T. d. Burgemaastef^n en Raden der
stad Anwterdam aan de' Staaten-
General." (Hague Archires, MS)
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134 ^™S UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. 33IL
same purpose^ yet the burthen imposed upon the vigorou3
young commonwealth seemed only to make it the more
elastic. " The coming generations may see/' says a contem-
porary historian^ ^^ the fortifications erected at that epoch in
the cities, the costly and magnificent havens, the docks, the
great extension of the cities ; for truly the war had become a
great benediction to the inhabitants.'' ^
8uch a prosperous commonwealth as this was not a prize
to be lightly thrown away. There is no doubt whatever that
a large majority of the inhabitants, and of the States by
whom the people were represented, turdently and affectionately
desired to be annexed to the English crown. Leicester had
become unpopular, but Elizabeth was adored, and there was
nothing unreasonable in the desire entertained by the Pro-
vinces of retaining their ancient constitutions, and of trans-
ferring their allegiance to the English Queen.
But the English Queen could not resolve to take the Btep.
Although the great tragedy which was swiftly approaching
its inevitable' catastrophe, the execution of the Scottish Queen,
was to make peaci3 with Philip impossible — even if it were
imaginable before — Elizabeth, during the year 1587, was
earnestly bent on peace. This will be made manifest in sub-
sequent, pages, by an e^mination of the secret correspond-
ence of the court. Her most sagacious statesmen disapproved
her course, opposed it, and wei-e often overruled, although
never convinced ; for her imperious will would have its way.
The States-General loathed the very name of peace with
Spain. The people loathed it. All knew that peace with
Spain meant the exchange of a thriving prosperous common-
wealth, with freedom of religion, constitutional liberty, and
self-government, for provincial subjection to the inquisition
and to despotism. To dream of any concession from Philip
on the reli^us point was ridiculous. There was a mirror
ever held upi before their eyes by the obedient Provinces, in
which they Dflight see their own image, should they too re-
turn to obedience. And there was never a pretence, on the
* MetereD, xiv. 263^o.
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168«. THE YEAR OF BXPEOTATIOST. I35
part of any honest adviser of Queen Elizabeth in the Nether-
lands; whether Englishman or Hollander, that the idea of
peace-negotiation could be tolerated for a moment by States
or people. Yet the sum of the Queen's policy, for the year
1587, may be summed up in one word — peace ; peace for the
Provinces, peace for herself, with their implacable enemy.
In France, during the same year of expectation, we shall
see the long prologue to the tragic and memorable 1588
slowly enacting ; the same triangular contest between the
three Henrys and their partizans still proceeding. We shall
see the mi^uided and wretched Yalois lamenting over his
victories, and rejoicing over his defeats ; forced into hollow
alliance with his deadly enemy ; arrayed in arms against his
only protector and the true champion of the realm ; and
struggling vainly in the toils of his own mother and his own
secretary of state, leagued with his most powerful foes. We
shall see ^ Mucio,' with one hand extended in mock friend-
ship toward the King, and with the other thrust backward to
grasp the purse of 300,000 crowns held forth to aid his fellow-
conspirator's dark designs against their common victim ; and
the B6amese, ever with lance in rest, victorious over the
wrong antagonist, foiled of the fruits of victory, proclaiming
himself the English Queen's devoted knight, but railing at her
parsimony ; always in the saddle, always triumphant^ always a
beggar, always in love, always cheerful, and always confident to
outwit the Guises and Philip, Parma and the Pope.
And in Spain we shall have occasion to look over the King's
shoulder, as he sits at Jiis study-table, in his most sacred re-
tirement ; and wo shall find his policy for the year 1587
Bummed up in two words — invasion of England. Sincerely
and ardently as Elizabeth meant peace with Philip, just so
siocerely did Philip intend war with England, and the de-
thronement and destruction of the Queen. To this great
design all others were now subservient, and it was mainly on
account of this determination that there was sufficient leisure
in the republic for the Leicestrians and ihe States-Gkneral
to fighl out so thoroughly their party-contests.
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236 TBSVNItED KEIHEBLANDS. nniP. TTH
CHAPTER XIII.
Bameveld^B I:iilaenco in the Proyinces — Unpopularity of Leioester— •
Intrigaes of his Servants — Goflsip of his Secretary — Its ^ mischierons
Effects » The Quarrel of Norris and HoUock— The Earl's PartioipatioQ
in the Afiair — His increased Animosity to Norris — Seizure of Deveoter
— Stanley appointed its Governor — York and Stanley — Leicester's secret
Instructions — WOkes remonstrates with Stanley — Stanley's Insolence and
Equivocation — Painful Bumours as to him and York — Duplicity of York
— Stanley's Banquet at Beventer — He surrenders the City to Tassis —
Terms of the Bargain — Feeble Defence of Stanley's Conduct — Subsequent
Fate of Stanley and York — Betrayal of Gelder to Parma — These Treasons
cast Odium on the English — Miserable Plight of the English Troo|)6—
Honesty and Energy of Wilkes — Indignant Discussion in the Assembly.
The government had nofc been laid down by Leicester on his
departure. It had been provisionally delegated, as already
mentioned to the state-council. In this body— consisting of
eighteen persons — originally appointed by the Earl, on no-
mination by the States, several members were friendly to
the governor, and others were violently opposed to him. .The
States of Holland, by whom the action of the States-General
was mainly controlled, were influenced in their action by Buys
and Bameveld. Young Maurice of Nassau, nineteen years of
age, was stadholder of Holland and Zeeland. A florid com-
plexioned, &ir-haired young man, of sanguine-bilious tem-
perament ; reserved, quiet, reflective, singularly self-possessed ;
meriting at that time, more than his father had ever done,
the appellation of the taciturn ; discreet, sober, studious.
^' Count Maurice saith but little, but I cannot tell what he
thinketh,'' wrote Leicester's eaves-dropper-in-chief.* Ma-
thematics, fortification, the science of war — these were his
daily pursuits. " The sapling was to become the tree," and
meantime the youth was preparing for the great destiny
which he felt, lay before him. To ponder over the works and
the daring conceptions of Stevinus, to build up and to batter
the wooden blocks of mimic citadels ; to arrange in countless
> Otheman to Lek»8ter. (Brit Kus. Qalba, C. xi. 216, 1 Feb. 1687, US,)
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158t. BARNEVELD'S INFLUBNCB IN THB PROVINCEa 137
combinations, great armies of pewter soldiers; these were
the occupations of his leisure-hours. Yet he was hardly sus-
pected of bearing within him the germs of the great military
commander. '^ Small desire hath Count Maurice to follow
Uie wars,'' said one who fancied himself an acute observer at
exactly this epoch. ^' And whaieas it might be supposed that
in respect to his birth and place, he would affect the chief
military command in these countries, it is found by experience
had (/his humour, thai there is no chance of his entering into
competition with the othens."^ A modest young man, who
could bide his time — but who, meanwhile, under the guidance
of his elders, was doing hki best, both in field and cabinet, to
learn the great lessons of tho age — ho had already enjoyed
much solid practical instruction, under such a desperate
filter as Hohenlo, and under so profound a statesman as
Bameyeld. For at this epoch Olden-Bameveld was the pre-
ceptor, almost the political patron of Maurice, and Maurice,
the official head of the Holland party, was the declared
opponent of the democratic-Calvinist organization. It is not
necessary, at this early moment, to foreshadow the changes
which time was to bring. Meantime it would be seen, per-
haps ere long, whether or no, it would be his hiunour to
follow the wars. As to his prudent and dignified deportment
there was liltle doubt. ^^ Count Maurice bdhaveth himself very
discreetly all this while," wrote one, who did not love him, to
Leicester, who loved him less : " He cometh every day to the
council, keeping no company with Count Hollock, nor with
any of them all, and never drinks himself full with* any of
Ihem, as they do every day among themselves."*^
Certainly the most profitable intercourse that Maurice
could enjoy with Hohenlo was upon the battle-field. In
winter-quarters, thai hard-fighting, hard-drinking, and most
turbulent chieftain, was not the best Mentor for a youth
whose destiny pointed him out as the leader of a free com-
monwealth. After the campaigns were over — if they ever
* Project for the Goremment of the I * Otheman to Leicester, 16 Jan.
ProTiDces. {' Cabala,' p. 23.) | 1687. (Brit. Una, Galba, 0. xL 99, M&)
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138
THE UNITED NETHSBLAima;
Chap. "K^^.
could be over — the Count and other nobles from the 8»me
country were too apt to indulge in those might j potations^
which were rather characteristic of their nation and the age.
"Since your Excellency's departure/' wrote Leicester's
secretary^ " there hath been among the Dutch Counts nothing
but dancing and drinking, to the grief of all this people, which
foresee that there can come no good of it. Specially Count
Hollock, who hath been drunk almost a fortnight together.'' ^
Leicester had rendered himself unpopular with the States-
General, and with all the leading politicians and generals ;
yet, at that moment, he had deeply mortgaged his English
estates in order to raise funds to expend in the Nethedand
causa Thirty thousand pounds sterling— according to his
own statement — ^he was already out of pocket, and, unless
the Queen would advance him tho means to redeem his pro-
perty, his broad lands were to be brought to the hammer.'
But it wa^tho Queen, not tho States-General, who owed tho
money ; for the Earl had advanced these sums as a portion
of tho royal contingent. Five hundred and sixty thousand
pounds sterling had been the cost of one year's war during
the English governor's administration ; and of this sum one
hundred and forty thousand had been paid by England.'
There was a portion of the sum, over and above their monthly
levies, for which the States had contracted a delSt, and they
were extremely desirous to obtain, at that moment, an addi-
tional loan of fifty thousand pounds from Elizabeth ; a &vour
which Elizabeth was vety firmly determined not to grant. It
was this terror at the expense into which the Netherland war
was plunging her, which made tho English sovereign so
desirous for peace, and filled the anxious mind of Walsingham
with the most painful forebodings.
mortgages above written ara past re-
demption, except on present payment
of the due debts. His Lordship doth
owe an infinite sam besides for his ex-
penses made in these servicas, over
and besides these debt&^
* Wilkes to WalsiDgfaam, 12 Jan.
1687. SametoBnn^er, 12 Jan.1587.
(a P. Office MSa)
* Otheman to Leicester, 7 Jan. 1587.
(Ibid. p. 72, MS.)
* "last of the Earl of Leicester's
mortgages, to raise monej spent in
domg her Majesty service in the Low
Countries." (S. P. Office, 1687, MS.)
There were fi^re different mortgages
of estates and manors in Bngland,
amounting hi all to 18,00(U. *' AU the
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I
1587.
UNPOPULAKITY OP LBI0E3rBR.
139
Ldoester^ in spite of his good qualities — such as they were
—had not that most neoe^ary gift for a man in his poaitbn,
the art of making friends. No man made so many enemies.
He was an ezcell^it hater, and few men hare been more
cordially hated in return He was imperious, insolent, hot-
tempered. Ho could brook no equal He had also the fatal
defect of enjoying the flattery of his inferiors in station.
Adroit intriguers burned incense to him as a god, and em-
ployed him as their tool. And now he had mortally offended
Hohenlo, and Buys, and Bameveld, while he hated Sir John
Nonis with a most passionate hatred. Wilkes, the English
representative, was already a special object of his aversion.
The unvarnished statements made by the stiff counsellor, of
the expense of the past year's administration, and the various
errors committed, had inspired Leicester with such ferocious
resentment, that the friends of Wilkes trembled for his life.*
* "It is generallj bruited hero,"
wrote Beanry Smith to his brother-m-
law WDkefl^ " of a most heavy displea-
8ore oonoeived by my Lord of Leicester
against yoo, and it is said to be so
great, as that he hath protested to
be revenged of yon; ana to procure
joa the more enemies, it is said ho
hathi revealed to my Lord Treasurer,
and. Secretary Davison some injurious
speeches (which I cannot report) you
should^ have used of them to lum at
jonr last being with him. Further-
more some of the said LonTs secretaries
have reported here that it were good
for you never to return hither, or, if
their Lord be appointed to go over
again, it will be too hot for you to
tany there* These things thus coming
to &e eais of your friends have stricken
a great fear and grief into the minds
of lodi as love you, lest the wonderful
force and authority of this man being
bent against you,^ should do you hurt,
while there is none to answer for 3rou."
Smith to Wilkes, 26 Jan. 1587. (a P.
Office MS.)
Wilkes immediately wrote to Lord
Bmghley, indignantly d^iying that he
had evec spoken disrespectfully or in-
juriottsly of him, as ^us meanly re-
ported of him by Leicester.
"I do briefly assure your Lordship,"
h3 said, " which I wDl avow with mine
oath upon the Holy Testament, that I
am therein as wisely and injuriously
abused as ever was poor man, and,
upon that protestation, I utterly deny
that ever I advised my Lord to bewaro
of your Lordship, or of any counsellor
at your devotion, or that I ever used
unto him, or to any creature living,
any vile, imcivil, lewd, or undutiful
term of your Lordship. I trust in tho
observation you have made of my con-
versation, serving her Miuesty a dozen
years under your wing, did never soo
that I was so indiscreet. as to speak
irreverently of men of your Lordship's
place, and I hope you have not found
me BO foolish as by Budi lightness to
draw myself into the hatred of so great
personages, to overthrow myself wil-
fully. I thank God I was never so
mad, and I might ^peak it without
vaunt, that there was no man in court
of my sort that had more good-wiU of
high and low than myself before tho
acceptance of this cursed and unfor-
tunate journey, which, as I declared
to your Lordship at the begmning,
win be, I fear, the cause of my ruin ;
and then it pleased you to give mo
this advice, that I should serve her
Majesty truly, and refer the rest to
God. Your Lordship doth know tha
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140
THE UNITED NETHBRLANDa
Chap. XIII.
Cordiality between the governor-general and Count Maurice
had become impossible. As for Willoughby and Sir William
Pelham, they were both friendly to him, but Willoughby was
a magnificent cavalry officer, who detested politics, and cared
little for the Netherlands, except as the best battle-field in
Europe, and the old marshal of the camp — the only man that
Leicester ever loved— was growing feeble in health, was
broken down by debt, and hardly possessed, or wished for, any
general influence.
Besides Deventer of Utrecht, then, on whom the Earl
chiefly relied during his absence, there were none to support
him cordially, except two or three members of the state-
council. ^^ Madame de Brederode hath sent unto you a kind
of rose," said his intelligencer, " which you have asked for,
and beseeches you to command anything she has in her
garden, or whatsoever. M. Meetkerke, M. Brederode, and
Mr. Dorius, wish your return with all their hearts. For the
rest I cannot tell, and will not swear. But Mr. Bameveld
is not your very great friend, whereof I can write no more at
this time."^
This certainly was a small proportion out of a council of
eighteen, when all the leading politicians of the country were
in avowed hostility to the governor. And. thus the Earl waa,
at this most important crisis, to depend upon the subtle and
dangerous Deventer, and upon two inferior personages, the
"fellow Junius"* and a non-descript, whom Hohenlo cha-
humoara and disposition of my great
adTersary better than I, and can
judge thereof accordingly, whic£, with
silence^ I will leare to plead for me in
your grave conceipt, together with the
unl^elihood that I. having no cause
of oflfbnae and finoing you my good
Lord, and that I am not mad, or used
to precipitate myself in that manner,
should iu any probability be so great
an enemy to myself as to make your
Lordship my foe by any such levity.
. . . Tour Lordship hath herem dealt
with me according to yourself that
you have not directly condemned me
before you heard me. .... If my ad-
TersaiT were as mean in quality as
myself I would not doubt but by Qod's
grace and help, to make mine inno*
cency appear upon him with my hand."
Wilkes to Bur^ey, 17 Feb. 1587. (&
P. OiBce Ma)
Thus it appears that the Lord Trea-
surer's conduct towards the 'Counsellor,
who had been taking his advice of
" serving her Uajeety truly and refer-
ring the rest to Qod," was as honour^
able as that of Leicester was base.
* Otheman to Leicester, 16 Jan. 1587.
(Ma already cited.)
* Common expression of Hohenla
(Bar, IIL xxUi. 28.)
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1587.
INTRIGUES OF HIS SEBYANTa
141
racterized as a ^^long lean Englishman^ Mritli a little black
beard." ^ This meagre individual however seems to have been
of somewhat doubtfdl nationality. He called himself Othe-
man, claimed to bo a Frenchman^ had lived much in Eng-
land, wrote with great fluency and spirit^ both in French and
English, but was said, in reality, to be named Robert Dale.^
It was not the best policy for the representative of the
English Queen to trust to such counsellors at a moment when
the elements of strife between Holland and England were
actively at work ; and when the safety, almost the existence^
of the two conmionwealths depended upon their acting cor-
dially in concert. " Overyssel, Utrecht, Friesland, and Grel-
derland, have agreed to renew the oflfer of sovereignty to her
Majesty," said Leicester. ^^ I shall be able to make a better
report of their love and good inclination than I can of Hol-
land."^ It was thought very desirable by the English govern-
ment that this great demonstration should be made once
more, whatever might be the ultimate decision of her Majesty
upon so momentous a measure. It seemed proper that a
solemn embassy should once moro proceed to England in
order to confer with Elizabeth ; but there was much delay in
legard to the step, and much indignation, in consequence, on
the part of the EarL The opposition came, of course, from
the Bameveld party. *^ They are in no great haste to oflfer
the sovereignty," said Wilkes. " First some towns of Hol-
land made bones thereat, and now they say that Zeeland is not
resolved." *
The nature and the causes of the opposition oflfered by
'Bor.IIL, MS. last cited.
•Fowler to Burghley, 1 Oct 1689,
inMordui*8 State Papers, p. 639.
' Speech of Leicester to the deputies
of States^General, just before his de-
parture, Nov. 1586. (S. P. Office Ma)
"The town of Utrecht," said Wilkes
a lew weeks later, "doth dissent from
the rest of tiie proTinces in the manner
of their sorerwgnty, who seeming to
be best affected to her Majesty, do
mean to jield her the same a$ Charks
V, did hM it, resenrmg only their
principal privileges and religion, which
the rest do not mtend to do, as I can
learn, who do purpose to charge the
same with mcmy strange conditiona. 1
would be glad to know your honour^s
opimon of her Miy'esty's purpose there-
in, whereby I ' may better direct my
services here." "Wilkes to Walsing-
kun, 19 Jan. 1587. (S, P. Office MS.)
« Wilkes to Leicester, 24 Dec. 1586.
(S. P. Office MS.)
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X42 ^SB UNITED NETHEELANDa Chap. XfTT
Bameveld and the States of Holland have been sufficiently
explained. Buys^ maddened by his long and t^njostifiable im-
prisonment, had just been released by the express desire of
Hohenlo ; and that unruly chieftain, who guided the German
and Dutch magnates, such as Moeurs and Overstein, and who
even much influenced Maurice and hid cousin Count Lewis
William, was himself governed by Bameveld. It would have
been far from impossible for Leicester, even then, to conciliate
the whole party. It was highly desirable that he should do
so, for not one of the Provinces where he boasted his strength
was quite secure for England. Count Moeurs, a potent and
wealthy noble, was governor of Utrecht and Gelderland, and
he had already begun to favour the party in Holland which
claimed for that Province & legal jurisdiction over the whole
ancient episcopate. Under thes^ circumstances common pru-
dence would have suggested that as good an understanding as
possible might be kept up with the Dutch and German counts,
and that the breach might not be rendered quite irreparable.
Yet, as if there had not been administrative blunders
enough committed in one year, the unlucky lean Englishman,
with the black beard, who was the Earl's chief representative,
contrived — almost before his master's back was turned — to
draw upon himself the wrath of all the fine ladies in Holland.
That this should be the direful spring of unutterable disastersi^
social and political, was easy to foretell.
Just before the governor's departure Otheman came to pay
his farewell respects, and receive his last commands. He
found Leicester seated at chess with Sir Francis Drake.
" I do leave you here, my poor Otheman," said the Earl,
"but so soon as I leave you I know very well that nobody
will give you a good look."^
" Your Excellency was a true prophet," wrote the secretary
a few weeks later, " for, my good Lord, I have been in as
great danger of my life as ever man was. I have been hunted
at Delft from house to house, and then besieged in my lodg-
* Otheman to Leicester, 29 Jan. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
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IW.
aOSSJi* OF BIS SBCBKTABi:
143
ings four or five hourg^ as though I had been the greatest
thief, murderer, and traitor in the land."
And why was ihe unfortunate Otheman thus hunted to his
kir ? Because he had chosen to indulge in scandalum mcbg-
natumy and had thereby excited the frenzy of all the great
DoUes whom it was most important for the English party to
condliata
There had been gossip about the Princess of Ohimay and
one Calvaert, who liv^ in her house, much against the advice
of all her best friends. One day she complained bitterly to
Master Otheman of the spiteful ways of the world.
"I protest/' said she, " that I am the unhappiest lady upon
earth to have my name thus called in question/' ^
So Biud Otheman, in order to comfort her : " Your Highness
is aware that such things are said of all. I am sure I hear
every day plenty of speeches about lords and ladies, queens
and princesses. You have little cause to trouble yourself
for such matters, being known to live honestly and like a
good Christian lady. Your Highness is not the only lady
Bpoken ot"
The Princess listened with attention.
^^ Think of the stories about the Queen of England and my
Lord of Leicester ! " ^ said Otheman, with infinite tact. " No
persoh is exempted from the tongues of evil speakers ; but
virtuous and godly men do put all such foolish matter under
their feet. Then there is the Countess o/Moeurs, how much
eril talk does one hear about her ! "
The Princess seemed still more interested and even excited ;
and the adroit Otheman having thus, as he imagined, very
Buocessfully smoothed away her anger, went off to have a
litde more harmless gossip about the Princess and the
Coimtess, with Madame de Meetkerke, who had sent Leicester
the rose firom her garden.
But, no sooner had he gone, than away went her Highness
^OUienum to Leicester, last cited.
Ibid— totiefem vtrbis. It is eome-
wjat am\i8bg to find, in a letter to
Leicester fh>m his own secretary, these
alhuionstotthe "scandal about Quoea
Elizabeth."
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144 THE UNITED NBTHEBLANBa Chap. Xm.
to Madame de Moeurs, ^^ a marvelloas wise and well-spoken
gentlewoman and a grave/' * and informed her and the Count,
with some trifling exaggeration, that the vile Englishman,
secretary to the odious Leicester, had just been there, abusing
and calumniating the Countess in most lewd and abomin-
able fashion. He had also, she protested, used "very evil
speeches of all the ladies in the country."" For her own pfurt
the Princess avowed her determination to have him instantly
murdered.* Count Moeurs was quite of the same mind, and
desired nothing better than to bo one of his executioners.
Accordingly, the next Sunday, when the babbling secretary
had gone down to Delft to hear the French sermon, a select
party, consisting of Moeurs, Lewis William of Nassau, Count
Overstein, and others, set forth for that city, laid violent
hands on the culprit, and brought him bodily before Princess
Chimay. There, being cabled upon to explain his innuendos,
he fell into much trepidation, and gave the names of several
English captains, whom he supposed to be at that time in
England. " For if I had denied the whole matter," said he,
"they wouldi have given me the lie, and used me according
to their evil mind."* Upon this they relented, and released
their prisoner, but, the next day they made another attack
upon him, hunted him from house to house, through the wholo
city of Delft, and at last drove him to earth in his own lodg-
ings, where they kept him besieged several hours. Through
the intercession of Wilkes and the authority of the council
of state, to which body he succeeded in conveying information
of his dangerous predicament, he was, in his own language,
" miraculously preserved," although remaining still in daily
danger of his life. "I pray God keep me hereafter from the
anger of a woman," he exclaimed, " quia non est ira supra
iram mulieris."*
He was immediately examined before the council, and suc-
ceeded in clearing and justifying himself to the satisfisu^tion of
' Leicester to WalaioghaiD, in Brace, p. 21*7.
• Otheman to Leicester. Ma before cited. •Ibid. •Ibid. •Ibid.
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1587. ITS MI30HIBV0U3 EPPECXa 145
his friends. His part was afterwards taken by the conncillors,
by all the preachers and godly men, and by the university of
Leyden. Bat it was well understood that the blow and the
affiont had been levelled at the English governor and the
English nation.
" All your friends do see," said Otheman, " that this dis-
grace is not meant so much to me as to your Excellency ;
the Dutch Earls having used such speeches unto me, and
against all law, custom, and reason, used such violence to me,
that your Excellency shall wonder to hear of it" ^
Now the Princess Chimay, besides being of honourable
character, was a sincere and exemplary member of the
Galvinist church, and well inclined to the Leicestrians. She
was daughter of Count Meghem, one of the earliest victims of
Philip II., in the long tragedy of Netherland independence,
and widow of Lancelot Berlaymont. Count Moeurs was
governor of Utrecht, and by no means, up to that time, a
thorough supporter of the Holland party ;* but thenceforward
he went oflf most abruptly from the party of England, became
hand and glove with Hohenlo, accepted the influence of
Bameveld, and did his best to wrest the city of Utrecht from
English authority. Such was the effect of the secretaiy's
harmless gossip.
"I thought Count Moeurs and his wife better friends to
your Excellency than I do see them to be," said Otheman
afterwards. ^^ But he doth now disgrace the English nation
many ways in his speeches — saying that they are no soldiers,
that they do no good to this country, and that these English-
men that are at Amheim have an intent to sell and betray
the town to the enemy." ^
> Otheman to Leicester, 1 Feb. 15S7.
(Brit Mua. Galba, C. xi. 216. MS.)
' On the oontraiy, although Hohenlo
had been doing his best to gain him,
having been drunk with him most
coQSoientionaly for a fortnight at a
time, his wife, who was his command-
ing offioer, had expressed aversion to
the German party, and great affection
for that of Leicester. **The Ckmntess
told me but yesterday," Otheman had
VOL. n. — L
written only a few days before, '*that
her husband was not so foolish as to
trust him, who had deceived him so
oAien, and that she will never permit
her husband to go from the party of
England." Otheman to Leicester, 16th
Jan. 1587. (Brit Mus. Qalba^ 0. zi.
p. 99. Ma)
* Otheman to Leicester, 1 Feb. 1587.
(MS. befi^re cited.)
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146 THE IJNITEO NETHEBLANDS. Chap. XTTT,
But the disgraceful squabble between Hohenlo and Edward
Norris had been more unlucky for Leicester than any other
incident during the year, for its result was to turn the hatred
of both parties against himself. Yet the Earl, of all men,
was originally least to blame for the transaction. It has been
seen that Sir Philip Sidney had borne Norris's cartel to
Hohenlo, very soon after the outrage had been committed.
The Count had promised satisfaction, but meantime was
desperately wounded in the attack on Fort Zutphen. Lei-
cester afterwards did his best to keep Edward Norris em-
ployed in distant places, for he was quite aware that Hohenlo,
as lieutenant-general and count of the empire, would con-
sider himself aggrieved at being called to the field by a
simple English captain, however deeply he might have in-
jured him. The governor accordingly induced the Queen to
recall the yoimg man to England, and invited him — ^much as
he disliked his whole race — to accompany him on his depar-
ture for that country.
The Captain then consulted with his brother Sir John,
regarding the pending dispute with Hohenlo. His brother
(idvised that the Count should be summoned to keep his
promise, but that Lord Leicester's permission should pre-
viously be requested.
A week before the governor's departure, accordingly,
Edward Norris presented himself one morning in the dining-
room, and, finding the Earl reclining on a window-seat,
observed to him that ^^he desired his Lordship's favour towards
the discharging of his reputation."
"The Count Hollock is now well," he proceeded, "and is
feasting and banqueting in his lodgings, although he does not
come abroad."
" And what way will you take ?" inquired Leicester, " con-
sidering that he keeps his house."
"'Twill be best, I thought," answered Norris, "to write
unto him, to perform his promise he made me to answer mo
in the field."
" To whom did he make that promise ?" asked the EarL
" To Sir Philip Sidney," answered the Captain.
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1587.
THE QUARREL OF NORRK AKD HOLLOCK
147
" To my nephew Sidney/' said Leicester, musingly ; " very
well ; do as you think best, and I will do for you what I
can."^
And the governor then added many kind expressions
concerning the interest he felt in the young man's reputation.
Passing to other matters, Norris then spoke of the great
charges he had recently been put to by reason of having
exchanged out of the States' service in order to accept a
commission from his Lordship to levy a company of horse.
This levy had cost him and his friends three hundred pounds,
for which he had not been able to " get one groat."
*'I beseech your Lordship to stand good forme," said he ;
"considering the meanest captain in all the country hath as
good entertainment as I."
"I can do but little for you before my departure," said
Leicester ; " but at my return I will advise to do more."
After this amicable conversation Norris thanked his Lord-
ship, took his leave, and straightway wrote his letter to Count
Hollock.'
That personage, in his answer, expressed astonishment that
Norris should summon him, in his ^^ weakness and indisposi-
tion;" but agreed to give him the desired meeting, with
sword and dagger, so soon as he should be sufficiently re-
coverei Norris, in reply, acknowledged his courteous
promise, and hoped that he might bo speedily restored to
health.*
The state-council, sitting at the Hague, took up the
matter at once however, and requested immediate information
of the EarL He accordingly sent for Norris and his brother
Sir John, who waited upon him in his bed-chamber, and were
requested to set down in writing the reasons which had
moved them in the matter. This statement was accordingly
* Edward Korria to tho Lords, 28
Joly, 1587. Sir John Noma to Wal-
singbam, same date., (a P. Office MS.)
•Ibid.
3 Edward Norris to Leicester (the oor-
Tcsponde&ce with HoheDlo enclosed),
Nov. 1686. (a P. Office MS.) Com-
pare Brace's 'Leya Gorresp.,' Appen-
dix, 474, 476. Ridmonatrance of Count
Hohenlo to the States-General, 3 Dea
1687 ; apud Bor, IIL TTJii. 121-129
Reyd, V. 80, 81.
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148
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. ^Hr
furnished, together with a copy of the correspondence. The
Jiarl took the papers, and promised to allow most honourably
of it in the Council."*
Such is the exact narrative, word for word, as given by
Sir John and Edward Norris, in a solemn memorial to the
Lords of Her Majesty's privy council, as well as to the state-
council of the United Provinces. A very few days after-
wards Leicester departed for England, taking Edward Norris
with him.
Count Hohenlo was furious at the indignity, notwith-
standing the polite language in which he had accepted the
challenge. " 'T was a matter punishable with death," he said,
^^ in all kingdoma and countries, for a simple captain to send
such a summons to a man of his station, without consent of
the supreme authority. It was plain," ho added, " that the
English governor-general had connived at the aflfront, for
Norris had been living in his family and dining at his table.
Nay, more. Lord Leicester had made him a knight at
Flushing just before their voyage to England."^
There seems no good reason to doubt the general veracity
of the brothers Norris, although, for the express purpose of
screening Leicester, Sir Joha represented at the time to
Hohenlo and others that the Earl had not been privy to the
transaction.* It is very certain, however, that so soon as the
general indignation of Hohenlo and his partizans began to
be directed against Leicester, he at once denied, in passionate
and abusive language, having had any knowledge whatever of
Norris's intentions. He protested that he learned, for the
first time, of the cartel from information furnished to the
council of state.
* R Norris to the Lords. J. Norris
to Leicester. (MSS. before cited.) E.
Norris to Leicester, 21 Not. 1686.
(3. P. Office MS.)
' Remonstrance of Hohenlo, before
cited. Hoofd, Verrolgh, 209.
* "For all this I will assure jou
that I did always, both to the Ckrancil,
the States, and Coont Hollock, con-
fidently deny [i, «. maintain] that my
Lord knew not of it, because they
should not for this matter have any
advantage against his Lordship." 8v
John Norris to Sir F. Walsinghani,
before cited.
The two negatives do not here make
an afflrmative; but it is evident that
Leicester made great use of this
damaging denial on the part of Norris.
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158t.
THE EARL»S PARTICIPATION IN THE AFFAIR.
X49
The quarrel between Hohenlo and Norris was afterwards
amicably arranged by Lord Buckhurst, during his embassy to
the Btates^ at the express desire of the Queen. Hohenlo and
Sir John Norris became very good friends^ while the enmity
between them and Leicester grew more deadly every day.
The Earl was frantic with rage whienever he spoke of the
transaction, and denounced Sir John Norris as " a fool, liar,
and coward" on all occasions, besides overwhelming his
brother, Buckhurst, Wilkes, and every other person who took
their part, with a torrent of abuse ; and it is well known that
the Earl was a master of Billingsgate.^
"Hollock says that I did procure Edward Norris to send
him his cartel," observed Leicester on one occasion, " wherein
I protest before the Lord, I was as ignorant as any man in
England. His brother John can tell whether I did not send
for him to have committed him for it ; but that, in very
truth, upon the perusing of it " (after it had been sent), " it
was very reasonably written, and I did consider also the great
wrong offered him by the Count, and so forbore it. I was so
careful for the Count's safety after the brawl between him
and Norris, that I charged Sir John, if any harm came
to the Count's person by any of his or under him, that he
should answer it. Therefore, I take the story to be bred in
the bosom of some much like a thief or villain, whatsoever he
were." 2
And all this was doubtless true so far as regarded the
Earl's original exertions to prevent the consequences of the
quarrel, but did not touch the point of the second correspond-
ence preceded by the conversation in the dining-room, eight
days before the voyage to England. The affair, in itself of
slight importance, would not merit so much comment at this
late day had it not been for its endless consequences. The
' J. Norris to Walsingham, 14 March,
1587. Same to same, 3 June, 158T.
(a P. Office MSS.)
**The best is, sach tales can no
more irritate my Lord's anger against
me," said Sir John; "for since he
affirmeth that I am a fool, a coward.
and a hinderer of aU these services, I
know not what more he can be pro-
voked to."
* Leicester to Buckhurst, 30 April,
168*7. Same to Wateingfaam, 4 Aug^
1587. (aP. OfflceMS&)
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150
THE UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. XIIL
ferocity with which the Earl came to regard every prominent
German, Hollander, and Englishman, engaged in the service
of the States, sprang very much from the complications of
this vulgar brawL Norris, Hohenlo, Wilkes, Backhurst^
were all denounced to the Queen as calumniators, traitors,
and villains ; and it may easily be understood how grave
and extensive must have been the effects of such vituperation
upon the mind of Elizabeth,* who, until the last day of
his life, doubtless entertained for the Earl the deepest affec-
tion of which her nature was susceptible. Hohenlo, with
Count Maurice, were the acknowledged chiefs of the anti-
English party, and the possibility of cordial cooperation be-
tween the countries may be judged of by the entanglement
which had thus occurred.
Leicester had always hated Sir John Norris, but he knew
that the mother had still much favour with the Queen, and
he was therefore the more vehement in his denunciations of
the son the more difficulty he found in entirely destroying
his character, and the keener jealousy he felt that any other
tongue but his should influence her Majesty. " The story of
John Norris about the cartel is, by the Lord God, most false,"
he exclaimed; ^^I do beseech you not to see me so dealt
withal, but that especially her Majesty may understand these
imtruths, who perhaps, by the mother's fair speeches and the
son's smooth words, may take some other conceit of my doings
than I deserve." *
He was most resolute to stamp the character of falsehood
upon both the brothers, for he was more malignant towards
Sir John than towards any man in the world, not even ex-
' K g. **The lies which Lord Back*
hont, Sir J. Norris, and Wilkes, did
with their maUcioos wits and slander-
ous tongues devise and utter," wrote
Leicester to the Privy Council, "con-
cern mj honour and m j life, I demand
that I, being found dear, and thej to
have dandered me, may have that
remedy against them which is in justice
due." Leicester to the Privy Council,
19 Aug. 1587. (a P. Office MS.)
• Ldcester to Buitthley, 11 Sept
1587. (S. P. OMce MS!) The meddline
Otheman seems to have made himselF
privately very busy in this aflair. He
sent Leicester copies of the letters
written by. the brothers Norris, and
declared that he was "entiocKl by
them, in the Bari's absence, to become
a forger and liar in this matter, but
utterly reftised." Ma last dted.
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IMT.
HIS INCREASED ANIMOSITY TO NORBIS.
151
oeptiiig Wilkes. To the Queen, to the Lords of the Privy
Council, to Walsingham, to Burghley, ho poured forth endless
qtiantities of venom, enough to destroy the characters of a
hundred honest men
" The declaration of tho two Norrises for tho cartel is most
felse, as I am a Christian,'' he said to Walsingham. " I have
a dozen witnesses, as good and some better than they, who
will testify that they were present when I misliked the
writing of the letter before ever I saw it. And by the alle-
giance I owe to her Majesty, I never know of the letter, nor
gave consent to it, nor heard of it till it was complained of
from Count HoUock. But, as they are false in this, so you
will find J. N. as false in his other answers ; so that he would
be ashamed, but that his old conceit hath made him past
shame, I fear. His companions in Ireland, as in these coun-
tries, report that Sir John Norris would often say that he was
btU an ass and afooly whoy if a He would serve Ms turUy wovld
spare it. I remember I have heard that the Earl of Sussex
toould say so ; and indeed this gentleman doth imitate him in
divers things" ^
' Leicester to WalsiDgbam, 12 Au^.
1587. (S. P. Offiee kS.) To the Lord
Treasurer the Earl took pains to nar-
rate the Tvhole stoiy, with much em-
pbasia^ and in minute detail ; and it is
important to lay it be£)re the reader,
as an offset to the simple and appa-
rentlj truthful narrative of Edward
Nonis, because such intimate revcla*
tkxis indicate to us tho reallj trilling
firings of numerous great events. As
before observed, the affair in itself is
one which history should justly dis-
dain, but it swells into considerablo
importance, both on account of its
extensive results, and from the light
which it throws on the character of
Leicester, the most important person-
age, during his lifetime, iu the whole
kingdom of England.
"Would Grod," said Leicester to
Burghley, "that it had pleased her
ICtjeBfy to have suffered my Lord
Bockhurst and Sir John Korris to have
gone on with their pbt; for they laid
a most malicious plot against mo. As
for the answer that Sir John Norris
and his brother have made touchmg
their acquainting me with the cartel
to Count HoUock, thus made now to
your Lordship^ if ever I knew or
heard any news of this cartel tfll
complaint came to me ih>m the Count,
I renounce my allegiance and fidelity
to my Sovereign Lady. Therefore
mark the arrogant boldness of those
young fellows that will face a lie of
that sort But I have here Sir
William Pelham and Sir William
Bussel, besides others that were pre-
sent when I called Sir John to me,
and threatened to lay his brother by
the heels, and himself too^ if he were
privy to it. ne then besought me to
hear his brother and to see the letter^
assuring me there was no such cartel
OS was reported., I commanded hUn
to give me the copy of his letters, and
bring it to me. , Meanwhile^- I was
gone to tlie council, and whilst we
were at council, an hour or two after,.
Edward Norris sent me his letters^
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152
THE UNITED NBTHERLANDa
CHAP.Xin.
But a very grave disaster to Holland and England was
soon the fruit of the hatred borne by Leicester to Sir John
Norris. Immediately after the battle of Zutphen and the
investment of that town by the English and Netherlanders,
which I took to Wilkes before I did
so much as look into them. Being
openly read there, we did indeed per-
ceive so direct a cartel as could bo
made, and divers of the council made
the best of it, and so did I, dedaring
what the gent was. Yet did I then
declare to them all what order I had
taken for Norris, that ho should go
with me to England, and that her Ma-
jesty had also sent for him, protesting
to your Lordships, by all faith, honour,
and truth, that neither the <me nor tho
other did dare to use those speeches
that they have set down; saving
that one of the servants of Sir John
Norris came to me, hearing that his
brother should go over, to know how
his credit should be saved with the
Ck>unt HoUock, touching tho disgraco
he was in, with such like words. I
answered, 'the Count IloUock is now
sick and sore, and it were no honesty
for Sir John's brother to ofifer him any
quarrel. Besides, I will not suffer
it, so long as I am here, and Edward
Norris is commanded to go mto Eng-
land. No doubt the Count wiU remem-
ber his promise, which — as Sir John
Norris had toM me — ^was^ that when
the camp was broken op, he will answer
his broOur in the field, like a gentle-
man,^ Never was there more — never
did any of them tell me of any cartel
to be sent — never did any sp^tk with
me at Deventer.
Besides, after I was gone, lying on
shipboard at Brill, Edward Norris
being then in ship with me, there
came a messenger from the Count
Hollock, with a letter to me, about
midnight This messenger was only
to let me know of the (Grant's having
received such letters and brags from
Norris, and that now he b^n to
amend, Norris, as he heard, was gone
away with me into England. He
marvelled much he would do so, and
sent his messenger to see if it were sa
I answered him, it was so, for the
gentleman. Sir Edward Norris, lay
there asleep, and he was to go into
England by her Majesty's express
commandment For my part, I said,
I was willing also to carry him with
me, for that I would be loth to leave
any occasion behind me of trouble or
discord, knowing already some misliko
to be between his brother John and
the Count This was my answer.
Now, judge how likely these tales be
that I would consent that Norris
should send a cartel, and yet take
him away when he should perform
the matter. Either he must show to
be a coward, or else, if he were in
earnest, he must seem to be angry
wiih me for taking him away. If
ever there were other speeches^ either
by tho one Norris or the other, or if
over I knew of this cartel, directly or
indirectly, more than your Lordship
that was in England, till the com-
plaint came to me of it, I am tlio
folsest wretch that lives. If I had
liked of their quarrels or cartels,
there was means enough for me to
leave them to their own revenge. I
have troubled your Lordship too long
with this trifle, but you should know
the shameless audacity of these yoang
fellows, whose cunning sly heads you
had need look into.'* Leicester to
Burghley, 12 Aug. 1587. (Br. Mus.
Galba, D. L 240, Ma)
Thus the November letter was not
seen by Leicester before it was sent,
although he was aware that it was to
be sent, and in that circumstance
seemed to reside tho whole strength
of his case. So soon as it appeared
that tho state-council was angry, and
that the Count considered himself
outraged, tho Eari seems to have
taken advantage of a subterfuge, and
to have made up by violence what ho
lacked in argument
It is difficult to imagine a more
paltry a£fair to occupy the attention
of grave statesmen and generals for
months, and to fill the archives of
kingdom nnd commonwealth with
mountains of correspondence.
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IMt. SEIZURB OF DEVBNTBR. 153
great pains were taken to secure the city of Deventer. This
'^as, after Amsterdam and Antwerp, the most important
mercantile place in all the Provinces. It was a large pros-
perons commercial and manufacturing capital, a member of
the Hanseatic League, and the great centre of the internal
trade of the Netherlands with the Baltic nations. There was
a strong Catholic party in the town, and the magistracy were
disposed to side with Parma. It was notorious that provisions
and munitions were supplied from thence to the beleaguered
Zutphen ; and Leicester despatched Sir William Pelham,
accordingly, to bring the inhabitants to reason. The stout
^rshal made short work of it. Taking Sir William Stanley
and the greater part of his regiment with him, he caused
^hem, day by day, to steal into the town, in small parties of
ten and fifteen. No objection was made to this proceeding
^^ the part of the city government. Then Stanley himself
arrired in the morning, and the Marshal in the evening, of
the 20th of October. Pelham ordered the magistrates to
present themselves forthwith at his lodgings, and told them,
^ith grim courtesy, that the Earl of Leicester excused himself
from making them a visit, not being able, for grief at the
death of Sir Philip Sidney, to come so soon near the scene of
™ disaster. His Excellency had therefore sent him to re-
V^tq the town to receive an English garrison. " So mako
^P your minds, and delay not," said Pelham ; " for I have
^^y important affairs on my hands, and must send word to
"^ Excellency at once. To-morrow morning, at eight o'clock,
^ shall expect your answer." ^
^e^t day, the magistrates were all assembled in the town-
^^ise before six. Stanley had filled the great square with
^ ^''oops, but he found that the burghers — ^five thousand of
^^Hi constituted the municipal militia — had chained the
^^ta and locked the gates. At seven o'clock Pelham pro-
rr^^^ to the town-house, and, followed by his train, made
appearance before the magisterial board. Then there was
Utt-^^-^tter of Honry Archer, from volume of * Leycester Correspondence,*
to ^?*^ 23 Oct 1586, in the Appendix 478-480.
*^^. Bruce*s admirably edited
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154 ^HB USITED KErHEBLAND& Chap. tttt.
a knocking at the door, and Sir William Stanley entered,
having left a strong goard of soldiers at the entrance to
thehalL
^' I am come for an answer/' said the Lord Marshal ; '^ tell
me straight/' The ma^trates hesitated, whispered, and
presently one of them slipped away.
" There's one of you gone," cried the Marshal. " Fetdx him
strai^t back ; or, by the living God, before whom I stand,
there is not one of you shall leave this place with life."
So the burgomasters sent for the culprit, who returned.
" Now, tell me," said Pelham, " why you have, this night,
chained your streets and kept such strong watch while your
friends eaid defenders were in the town ? Do you think we
came over here to spend our lives and our goods, and to leave
all we have, to be thus used and thus betrayed by you ?
Nay, you shall find us trusty to our friends, but as politic as
yourselves. Now, then, set your hands to this document," he
proceeded, as he gave them a new list of magistrates, all
selected from stanch Protestants.
" Give over your government to the men here nconinated,
Straight ; dally not !"
The burgomasters signed the paper.
" Now," said Pelham, " let one of you go to the watch,
discharge the guard, bid them unarm, and go home to their
lodgings."
A magistrate departed on the errand.
" Now fetch me the keys of the gate," jsaid Pelham, " and
that straightway, or, before God, you shall die."
The keys were brought, and handed to the peremptory old
Marshal. The old board of magistrates were then clapped
into prison, the new ones installed, and Deventer was gained
for the English and Protestant party.*
There could be no doubt that a city so important and thus
fortunately secured was worthy to be well guarded. There
could be no doubt either that it would be well to conciliate
the rich and influential Papists in the place, who, although
' Letter of Henrjr Archer, Ac., Juat dtod.
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1581. STANLEY APPOINTED ITS GOVERNOR. 155
attached to the ancient religion, were not necessarily disloyal
to the republic ; but there could be as little that, under the
circumstances of this sudden municipal revolution, it would
be important to place a garrison of Protestant soldiers there,
under the command of a Protestant officer of known fidelity.
To the astonishment of the whole commonwealth, the Earl
appointed Sir William Stanley to bo governor of the town,
and stationed in it a garrison of twelve hundred wild Irish-
men.*
Sir William was a cadet of one of tho noblest English
houses. He was the bravest of the brave. His gallantry at
the famous Zutphen fight had attracted admiration, where
nearly all had performed wondrous exploits, but he was
known to be an ardent Papist and a soldier of fortune, who
had fought on various sides, and had even borne arms in the
Netherlands under the ferocious Alva.' Was it strange that
there should be murmurs at the appointment of so dangerous
a chief to guard a wavering city which had so recently been
secured?
The Irish kernes — and they aro described by all con-
temporaries, English and Flemish, in the same language-
were accounted as the wildest and fiercest of barbarians.
There was something grotesque, yet appalling, in the pic-
tures painted of these rude, almost naked, brigands, who ate
raw flesh, spoke no intelligible language, and ranged about the
country, burning, slaying, plundering, a terror to the pea-
santry aod a source of constant embarrassment to the more
orderly troops in the service of the republic. " It seemed,"
said one who had seen them, 'Uhat they belonged not to
Christendom, but to Brazil"* Moreover, they were all
Papists, and, however much one might bo disposed to censure
that great curse of the age, religious intolerance — which was
almost as flagrant in the councils of Queen Elizabeth as in
those of Philip — it was certainly a most fatal policy to place
such a garrison, at that critical juncture, in the newly-acquired
* Beyd. y. 85. J. Noms to Burghley, 21 Jan. 1587. (& P. Office Ma)
« Ibid. » Ibid.
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156
THE UNITED NETHBRLANDa
Chap. Xm.
city. Yet Leicester, who had banished -Papists from Utrecht
without cause and without trial, now placed most notorious
Catholics in Deventer.^
Zutphen, which was still besieged by the English and the
patriots, was much crippled by the loss of the great fort, the
capture of which, mainly through the brilliant valour of
Stanley's brother Edward, has already been related. The
possession of Deventer and of this fort gave the control of
the whole north-eajstcrn territory to the patriots ; but, as if
it were not enough to place Deventer in the hands of Sir
William Stanley, Leicester thought proper to confide the
government of the fort to Roland York. Not a worse choice
could be made in the whole army.
York was an adventurer of the most audacious and disso-
lute character. He was a Londoner by birth, one of those
"ruffling blades" inveighed against by the governor-general
on his first taking command of the forces. A man of des-
perate courage, a gambler, a professional duellist, a bravo,
famous in his time among the " common hacksters and swag-
gerers" as the first to introduce the custom of foining,
or thrusting with the rapier in single combats — ^whereas
before his day it had been customary among the English to
fight with sword and shield, and held unmanly to strike below
the girdle^ — ^hc had perpetually changed sides, in the
Netherland wars, with the shameless disregard to principle
which characterized all his actions. He had been lieutenant
to the infamous John Van Imbyze, and had been concerned
with him in the notorious attempt to surrender Dendermonde
and Ghent to the enemy, which had cost that traitor his
head. York had been thrown into prison at Brussels, but
there had been some delay about his execution, and the con-
quest of the city by Parma saved him from the gibbet. He
had then taken service under the Spanish commander-in-
chief, and had distinguished himself, as usual, by deeds of
extraordinary valour, having sprung on board the burning
* Reyd. ubi sup, Lo Petit, IT. xiv.
341. Bor, II. xxiL 878-879. Wago-
naar, yiii. 19G. Meteren, xir. 250.
» Camden, m.
* Chronicle,' 375.
307. Baker'8
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1586.
YORK AND STANLEY.
157
volcano-ship at the siege of Antwerp. Subsequently returning
to Englan(l5 he had, on. Leicester's appointment, obtained the
command of a company in the English contingent, and had
been conspicnous on the field of Wamsveld ; for the courage
which he always displayed under any standard was only
equalled by the audacity with which he was ever ready to
desert from it. Did it seem credible that the fort of Zutphen
should be placed in the hands of Boland York ?
Bemonstrances were made by the States-General at once.
With regard to Stanley, Leicester maintained that he was, in
his opinion, the fittest man to take chai^ of the whole
English army, during his absence in England.^ In answer
to a petition made by the States against the appointment of
¥ork, " in respect to his perfidious dealings before," the Earl
replied that he would answer for his fidelity as for his own
brother ; adding peremptorily — " Do you trust me ? Then
trust York." ^
But, besides his other qualifications for high command,
Stanley possessed an inestimable one in Leicester's eyes. Ho
wag, or at least had been, an enemy of Sir John Norris. To
be this made a Papist pardonable. It was even better than
to be a Puritan.
But the Earl did more than to appoint the traitor York
'and the Papist Stanley to these important posts. On the
very day of his departure, and immediately after his final
quarrel vrith Sir John about the Hohenlo cartel, which had
renewed all the ancient venom, he signed a secret paper, by
which he especially forbade the council of state to interfere
with or set aside any appointments to the government of
towns or forts, or to revoke any military or naval commissions,
without his consent*
Now supreme executive authority had been delegated to
the state-council by the Govemor-Q-eneral during his
absence. Command in chief over all the English forces.
'Wnkee to Leicester, 24 Jan. 1537.
(3. P. Office MS.)
*Ibkl Sir John Conway to Wal-
singham, 28 Jan. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
9 Meteren, xiil 238. Bor, XL xxiL
786-787. Wagenaar, viiL 188-189.
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158 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XHL
whether ia the Queen's pay or the State's pay, had been
conferred upon Norris, while command over the Dutch and
(lerman troops belonged to Hohenlo ; but, by virtue of the
Earl's secret paper, Stanley and York were now made inde-
pendent of all authority. The evil consequences natural to such
a step were not slow in displaying themselves.
Stanley at once manifested great insolence towards Norris.
That distinguished general was placed in a most painful
position. A post of immense responsibility was confided to
him. The honour of England's Queen and of England's
soldiers was entrusted to his keeping, at a moment full of
danger, and in a country where every hour might bring forth
some terrible change ; yet he knew himself the mark at which
the most powerful man in England was directing all his
malice, and that the Queen, who was wax in her great
favourite's hands, was even then receiving the most fatal
impressions as to his character and conduct. '• Well I know,"
said he to Burghley, "that the root of the former malico
borne me is not withered, but that I must look for like fruits
therefrom as before ; " ^ and he implored the Lord-Treasurer,
that when his honour and reputation should be called in
question, ho might bo allowed to return to England and clear
himself. "For myself," said he, "I have not yet received
any commission, although I have attended his Lordship of *
Leicester to his ship. It is promised to be sent me, and in
the meantime I understand that my Lord hath granted sepa-
rate commissions to Sir William Stanley and Boland York,
exempting them from obeying of me. If this be true, 'tis
only done to nourish factions, and to interrupt any better
course in our doings than before hath been." He earnestly
requested to be furnished with a commission directly from
her Majesty. " The enemy is reinforcing," he added. " We
are very weak, our troops are unpaid these three months, and
we are grown odious to our friends."*
Honest Councillor Wilkes, who did his best to conciliate all
parties, and to do his duty to England and Holland, to
' J. Nonis to BuT^hlej, 17 Nov. 1586. (a P. Office M&) • Ibid.
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1687.
LEICBSTEB'S SECRET INSTRUOnONa
159
Leicester and to Norris, had the strongest sympathy with Sir
John. " Truly, besides the value, wisdom, and many other
good parts that are in him," he said, " I have noted wonderful
patience and modesty in the man, in bearing many apparent
injuries done unto him, which I have known to be counte-
nanced and nourished, contrary to all reason, to disgrace him.
Please therefore continue your honourable opinion of him in
his absence, whatsoever may be maliciously reported to his
disadvantage, for I daro avouch, of my own poor skill, that
her Majesty hath not a second subject of his place and quality
80 able to serve in those countries as he. ... . I doubt not
l>nt God will movo her Majesty, in despite of the devil, to
^'espect him as he deserves." ^
Sir John disclaimed any personal jealousy in r^ard to
Stanley's appointment, but, within a week or two of the
E^l's departure, he already felt strong anxiety as to its
probable results. " If it prove no hindrance to the service,"
^^ said, "it shall nothing trouble me. I desire that my
domgg inay show what I am ; neither will I seek, by indirect
nieang to calumniate him or any other, but will lot them
show themselves."^
Early in December he informed the Lord-Treasurer that
Stanley's own men were boasting that their master acknow-
^^<iged no superior authority to his own, and that he had said
^ much himself to the magistracy of Deventer. The
'>Orghers had already complained, through the constituted
S^^dians of their liberties, of his insolence and rapacity, and
^^ the turbulence of his troops, and had appealed to Sir
Johu ; but the colonel-general's remonstrances had been re-
^^ed by Sir William with contumely and abuse, and by
*^^ vaunt that he had even a greater commission than any
"® had yet shown.*
^* Three sheep, an ox, and a whole hog," were required
J. * '^Vkas to Burghley, 17 Nov. 1586.
^^ to Walsingbam, 11 Maj, 1687.
^%I*. Office MSSL)
•*- Noma to Waldngham, 9 Dec.
1586. (a P. Office MS.)
* Same to Boighler, 12 Dec. 1586.
(a P. Office Ma)
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160
THE UNITED ISTETHERLANDS.
Chap. xm.
weekly of the peasants for his table, in a time of great
scarcity, and it was impossible to satisfy the rapacious appe-
tites of the Irish kernes.^ The paymaster-general of the
English forces was daily appealed to by Stanley for funds —
an application which was certainly not tmreasonable, as her
Majesty's troops had not received any payment for three
months — ^but there " was not a denier in the treasury/' and
he was therefore implored to wait. At last the States-Q^neral
sent him a month's pay for himself and all his troops, although,
as he was in the Queen's service, no claim could justly be
made upon them."
Wilkes, also, as English member of the state conncil,
faithfully conveyed to the governor-general in England the
complaints which came up to all the authorities of the republic,
against Sir William Stanley's conduct in Deventer. He had
seized the keys of the gates, he kept possession of the towers
and fortifications, he had meddled with the civil government,
he had infringed all their privileges. Yet this was the board
of magistrates, expressly set up by Leicester, with the armed
hand, by the agency of Marshal Pelham and this very Colonel
Stanley — a board of Calvinist magistrates placed but a few
weeks before in power to control a city of Catholic tendencies.
And here was a papist commander displaying Leicester's com-
mission in their faces, and making it a warrant for dealing
with the town as if it were under martial law, and as if he
> Wilkes to Wfdsingfaam, 19 Jan.
1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
* **He is not contented with tho
entertainment of 40^ sterling a month
allowed him hj the States as governor
of the place, but hath taken perforce
from the commissioners lately sent
thither to ddiver a morUKa pay, an
allowance of lOiL sterling a month
over and besides for every company of
his regiment, being, as he sayeth, ten
companies, amonntins by the muster
to 1400 florins (1401), besides a pay
for his own company, which is more
than is allowed to Sir J. Norris by
300 florins a month, and as much as is
given for entertainment to Ck>unt
Hohenlo, or to any earl that serveth
in these countries. He is charged
further to take within the coontiy
hereabouts, from the poor villagen^
weekly, for tho provisions of his table,
<me whole ox, three sbeep^ and one
bog, or in lieu of the hog^ twenty
shUlings sterling; and if it be not
brought every week, they sent the
soldiers to take it perforce," to Ac.
Wilkes to Walsingham, 19 Jan. 1687.
(S. P. Office Ma)
This certainly was stronger diet
than the "bare cheese " of whidi Sir
William complained. Compare Reyd,
vL 96-97. Bor, IL xxU. 878-879.
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1581 . WILKES REMONSTRATES WITH STANLEY. 161
were aa officer of the Duke of Parma. It might easUy be
judged whether 'such conduct were likely to win the hearts
of Netherlanders to Leicester and to England.^
"Albeit, for my own part," said Wilkes, "I do hold Sir
William Stanley to be a wise and a discreet gent., yet when I
consider that the magistracy is such as was established by
your Lordship, and of the religion, and well affected to her
Majesty, and that I see how heavily the matter is conceived
of here by the States and council, I do fear that all is not
welL The very bruit of this doth begin to draw hatred upon
our nation. Were it not that I doubt some dangerous issue
of this matter, and that I might be justly charged with n^li-
gence, if I should not advertise you beforehand, I would have
forborne to mention this dissension, for the States are about
to write to your Lordship and to her Majesty for reformation
in this matter."^ He added that he had already written
earnestly to Sir William, "hoping to persuade him to carry a
mild hand over the people."
Thus wrote Councillor Wilkes, as in duty bound, to Lord
Leicester, so early as the 9th December, and the warning
voice of Norris had made itself heard in England quite as soon.
Certainly the governor-general, having, upon his own respon-
sibility, and prompted, it would seem, by passion more than
reason, made this dangerous appointment, was fortunate in
receiving timely and frequent notice of its probable results.
And the conscientious Wilkes wrote most earnestly, as he
said he had done, to the turbulent Stanley.
" Good Sir William," said he, " the magistrates and burgesses
of Deventer complain to this council, that you have by violence
wrested from them the keys of one of their gates, that you
assemble your garrison in arms to terrify them, that yon have
seized one of their forts, that the Iri^h soldiers do commit
many extortions and exactions upon the inhabitants, that you
have imprisoned their burgesses, and do many things against
their laws and privil^es, so that it is feared the best affected
' WDkeg to Leicester, 9 Dec. 1686. (S. P. Office MS.) • Ibid.
OL. n.— M
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162 '^^^^ UNITED NETHBBLANDa Ohap. Xm.
of the inhabitants towards her Majesty will forsake the town.
Whether any of these things be true, yourself doth best know,
but I do assure you that the apprehension thereof here doth
make us and our government hateful. For mine own part, I
have always known you for a gentleman of value, wisdom, and
judgment, and therefore should hardly believe any such thing.
I earnestly require you to take heed of consequences,
and to be careful of the honour of her Majesty and tiie reputa-
tion of our nation. You will consider that the gaining posses-
sion of the town grew by them that are now in office, who
being of the religion, and well affected to his Excellency's
government, wrought his entry into the same I know
that Lord Leicester is sworn to maintain all the inhabitants of
the Provinces in their ancient privil^es and customs. I
know* further that your commission carreeth no authority to
warrant you to intermeddle any further than with the govern-
ment of the soldiers and guard of the town. Well, you may,
in your oum conceipty confer some words to authorize you in
some larger sort, but, believe me. Sir, they will not warrant
you sufficiently to deal any further than I have said, for I
have perused a copy of your commission for that purpose. I
know (he narne Useff of a governor of a town is odious to this
people^ and hath been ever since the remembrance of the Spanish
governments and if we, by any lack of foresight, should give
the like occasion, we should make ourselves as odious as they
arey which Gh)d forbid.
" Tou are to consider that we are not come into these coun-
tries for their d^ence only, but for the defence of her Majesty
and our own native country, knowing that the preservation of
both dependeth altogether upon the preserving of these. Where-
fore I do eftsoons intreat and require you to forbear to inter-
meddle any further. • K there shall follow any dangerous
effect of your proceedings after this my friendly advice, I shall
be heartily sorry for your sake, but I shall be able to testify
to her Majesty that I have done my duty in admonishing
you."»
' Wilkes to Stanley, 9 Bea 1686. (a P. Office Ma)
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1587. fflANLETQ INSOLENCB ANP BQUZVOOATIOK Ifig
Thus spake the stiff councillor^ earnestly and well^ in behalf
of England's honour and the good name of England's Queen.
But ihe brave soldier, whose feet were fast sliding into the
paths of destruction, replied, in a tone of indignant innocence,
more likely to aggravate than to allay suspicion. " Finding,"
said Stanley, '^ that you already threaten, I have gon6 so far
as to scan the terms of my commission, which I doubt not to
execute, according to his Excellency's meaning and mine honour.
First, I assure you that I have maintained justice, and that
severely ; else hardly would the soldiers have been contented
inth bread and bare cheese." ^
He acknowledged possessing himself of the keys of the
town, but defended it on the ground of necessity, and of the
character of the people, " who thrust out the Spaniards and
Almaynes, and afterwards never would obey the Prince and
States." " I would be," he said, " the sorriest man that lives, if
by my n^ligence the place should be lost Therefore I
thought good to seize the great tower and ports. K I meant
evil, I needed no keys, for here is force enough" *
With much effrontery, he then affected to rely for evidence
of his courteous and equitable conduct towards the citizens,
upon the very magistrates who had been petitioning the
States-General, the state-council, and the English Queen,
against his violence.
"For my courtesy and humanity," he said, "I refer me
imto the magistrates themselves. But I think, they sent
some rhetoricians, who could allege of little grief, and speak
pitifol, and truly I find your ears have been as pitiful in so
timorously condemning me. / assure you that her Mqjesty
haih not a better servant than I nor a more faithful in these
parts. This I will prove with my flesh and Wood. Although
I know there be divers flying reports spread by my enemies,
which are come to my ears, I doubt not my virtue and truth
will prove them calumniators^ and men of little. So, good
> Stanley to Wilkea, 14 Dec 1586. I called the men who were speakbg the
(S. P. Office MS.) * Ibid. truth aboat him. (MS. kM Mip.) He
* "^ CaJaamiwders,^^ bo Sir William j was more uaed to handle the sword
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164
THE UNITED NETHERLAlSTDa
Chap. XIIL
Mr. Wilkes, I pray you, consider gravely, give ear discreetly,
and advertise into England soundly. For me, I have been
and am your friend, and glad to hear any admonition from
one so wise as yourself"
He then alluded ironically to the " good favour and money "
with which he had been so contented of late, that if Mr.
Wilkes would discharge him of his promise to Lord Leicester,
he would take his leave with all his heart. Captain, officers,
and soldiers, had been living on half a pound of cheese a day.
For himself, he had received but one hundred and twenty
pounds in five months, and was living at three pounds by the
day. " This my wealth will not long hold out," he observed,
" but yet I will never fail of my promise to his Excellency,
whatsoever I endure. It is for her Majesty's service and for
the love I bear to him."
He bitterly complained of the unwillingness of the country-
people to furnish vivers, waggons, and other necessaries, for
the fort before Zutphen. "Had it not been," he said, "for
the travail extraordinary of myself, and patience of my brother
Forie, that fort would have been in danger. But, according
to his desire and forethoughty I furnished that place with
cavalry and infantry ; for I know the troops there be mar-
vellous weak." ^
In reply, Wilkes stated that the complaints had been made
"by no rhetorician, but by letter from the magistrates them-
selves (on whom he relied so confidently) to the state-council.
The councillor added, rather tartly, that since his honest
words of defence and of warning, had been "taken in so
scoffing a manner," Sir William might be sure of not being
troubled with any more of his letters.^
But, a day or two before thus addressing him, he had
already enclosed to Leicester very important letters addressed
by the council of Q^lderland to Count Moeurs, stadholder of
the Province, and by him forwarded to the state-council. For
than the peD, yet the untaught yigovr
of his style causes an additional re-
gret that a man so braye and eo
capable should hare thrown himself
away.
' Stanley to Wilkes, vbi sup,
« Wilkes to Stanley, 18 Dec.
(3. P. Office MS.)
158&
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1687.
PAINFUL RUMOURS AS TO HDC AND YORK.
165
there were now very grave rumours concerning the fidelity of
" that patient and foreseeing brother York/' whom Stanley
had been so generously strengthening in Fort Zutphen. The
lieutenant of York^ a certain* Mr. Zouch, had been seen
within the city of Zutphen, in close conference with Colonel
Tassis, Spanish governor of the place.^ Moreover there had
been a very frequent exchange of courtesies — by which the
horrors of war seemed to be much mitigated — ^between York
on the outside and Tassis within. The English commander
sent baskets of venison, wild fowl, and other game, which were
rare in the market of a besieged town. The Spanish governor
responded with baskets of excellent wine and barrels of beer.^
A very pleasant state of feeling, perhaps, to contemplate-^s
an advance in civilization over the not very distant days of
the Haarlem and Leyden sieges, when barrels of prisoners'
heads, cut off, a dozen or two at a time, were the social
Amenities usually exchanged between Spaniards and Dutch-
men— ^but somewhat suspicious to those who had grown grey
in this horrible warfare.
The Irish kernes too, were allowed to come to mass within
the city, and were received there with as much fraternity by
the Catholic soldiers of Tassis as the want of any common
dialect would allow— a . proceeding which seemed better
perhaps for the salvation of their souls, than for the advance-
ment of the si^.'
The state-coomcil had written concerning these rumours to
Boland York, but the patient man had replied in a manner
which Wilkes characterized as " unfit to have been given to
sudi as were the; executors of the Earl of Leicester's autho-
rity." The councillor implored the governor-general accord-
ingly to send some speedy direction in this matter, as well to
Boland York as to Sir William Stanley ; for he explicitly
> ''Le Cooseil de Ghieldres aa Ck>mte
de MoeoTB et Nieuwenaer, 14 Dec
1586. Wilkes to Leicester, 16 Dec.
1&86. (S. P. OfEice MSa)
• HooM, Venrolgh, 220. Rejd, vi. 95.
* Wilkes to Stanley, 17 Deo. 1586,
MS. BtroD^'lj lemonstratiiig .against
tho practioe. Hoofd, Rejd, vbi supk
Wagenaar, viiL 196.
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Igg THB UNITED NSTHEBLAISTDS. Chap. XHL
and earnefitly warned him, that those personages would pay
no heed to the remonstrances of the state-counciL^
Thus again and again was Leicester— on whose head rested^
by his own deliberate act, the whole responsibility — fore-
warned that some great mischief was impending. There was
time enough even then-*^for it was but the 16th December —
to place full powers in the hands of the state-council, of Norris,
or of Hohenlo, and secretly and swiftly to secure the suspected
persons, and avert the danger. Leicester did nothing. How
could he acknowledge' his error ? How could he manifest
confidence in the detested Norris ? How appeal to the violent
and deeply incensed Hohenlo ?
Three weeks more rolled by, and the much-enduring
Boland York was still in confidential correspondence with
Leicester and Walsingham^ although his social intercourse
with the Spanish governor of Zutphen continued to be upon
the most liberal and agreeable footing. He was not quite
satisfied with the general aspect of the Queen's cause in the
Netherlands, and wrote to the Secretary of State in a tone
of despondency, and mild expostulation. Walsingham would
have been less edified by these communications, had he been
aware that York, upon first entering Leicester's service^ had
immediately opened a correspondence with the Duke of
Parma, and had sea*etiy given him to understand that his
olgect was to serve the cause of Spain, This was indeed the
fact, as the Duke informed the King, ^^ but then he is such a
scatter-brained, reckless dare-devil," said Parma, "that I
hardly expected much of him."* Thus the astute Sir Francis
had been outwitted by the adventurous Boland, who was
perhaps destined also to surpass the anticipations of the
Spanish commander-in-chief.
Meantime York informed his English patrons, on the 7th
January, that matters were not proceeding so smoothly in the
^ WHkes to Leioester, 16 Dea 1586. i " Tan liyiano y arrisoado^" fta (Arch
3. P. Office MS.) do Simaacaa» MS.)
• Panna to PhiKp XL 12 Fob. 158t. 1
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1687.
Dupucrrr of torjl
167
political world as he could wish. He bad found ^^ many cross
and indirect proceedings/' and so, according to Lqrd Leicester's
desire, he sent him a '^discourse" on the subject, which he
begged Sbr Francis to "peruse, add to, or take away from,"
and then to inclose to the EarL He hoped he should be
forgiven if tiie style of the production was not quite satisfac-
tory ; for, said he, " the place where I am doth too much
tonnait my memory, to call every point to my remembrance." ^
It must, in truth, have been somewhat a hard task upon his
memory, to keep freshly in mind every detail of the parallel
correspondence which he was carrying on with the Spanish
and with the English government. Even a cool head like
Boland's might be forgiven for being occasionally puzzled.
" So if there \^ anything hard to be understood," he observed
to "Walsingham, " advertise me, and I will make it plaiAer."
l^olJLing could be more ingenuous. He confessed, however,
to being out of pocket. " Please your honour," said he, " I
have taken great pains to make a bad place something, and
it has cost me all the money I had, and here I can receive
nothing but discontentment. I dare not write you all lest you
should think it impossible," he added — and it is quite probable
that even Walsingham would have been astonished, had
Boland written all The game playing by York and Stanley
was not one to which English gentlemen were much addicted.
"I trust the bearer, Edward Stanley, a discreet, brave
gentleman," he said, " with details." And the remark proves
that the gallant youth who had captured this very Fort
Zutphen in so brilliant a manner was not privy to the
designs of his brother and of York ; for the object of the
" discourse" was to deceive the English government.
" I humbly beseech that you will send for me home," con-
cluded Boland, '' for true as I humbled my mind to please
ha: Majesty, your honour, and the dead,^ now am I content
to humble myself lower to please myself, for, now, since his
* Bowland York to Walsmgham,
7 Jan. 1687. (a P. Office Ma)
* Bj tho dead, he meant Sir Philip
Sidney, who had been deceived into a
Mendiy fbeling for the adyentnrer.
Heteren, xiy. 250.
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168 THE UIOTBD NETHERLANDS. Chap. XHL
Excellency^B departure, there is no form of proceeding neither
honourably nor honestly.^
Three other weeks passed over, weeks of anxiety and
dread throughout the republic. Suspicion grew darker than
ever, not only as to York and Stanley, but as to all the
English commanders, as to the whole English nation. An
Anjou plot, a general massacre, was expected by many, yet
there were no definite grounds for such dark' anticipations.
In vain had painstaking, truth-telling Wilkes summoned
Stanley to his duty, and called on Leicester, time after time,
to interfere. In vain did Sir John Norris, Sir John Conway,
the members of the state-council, and all others who should
have had authority, do their utmost to avert a catastrophe.
Their hands were all tied by the fatal letter of the 24ih
November. Most anxiously did all implore the Earl of
Leicester to return. Never was a more dangerous moment
than this for a country to be left to its fate. Scarcely ever
in history was there a more striking exemplification of the
need of a man — of an individual — ^who should embody the
powers and wishes, and concentrate in one brain and arm, the
whole energy, of a commonwealth. But there was no such
man, for the republic had lost its chief when Orange died.
There was much wisdom and patriotism now. Olden-Bame-
veld was competent, and so was Buys, to direct the councils
of the republic, and there were few better soldiers than
Norris and Hohenlo to lead her armies against Spain. But
the supreme authority had been confided to Leicester. He
had not perhaps proved himself extrabrdinarily qualified for
his post, but he was the govemor-in-chief, and his departure,
without resigning his powers, left the commonwealth headless,
at a moment when singleness of action was vitally important.
At last, very late in January, one Hugh Ov^ring, a
ha'berdasher from Ludgate Hill, was caught at Botterdam,
on his way to Ireland, with a bundle of letters from Sir
William Stanley, and was sent, as a suspicious character, to
' York to Walainghain. (MS. last cited)
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1681 STANLBrS BANQUET AT DEVBNTBR. 169
the state-council at the Hague.^ On the same day, another
Englishman, a small youth, ^^ well-fayoured/' rejoicing in a
"very little red beard, and in very ragged clothes,'' unknown
by name, but ascertained to be in the service of Boland York
and to have been the bearer of letters to Brussels, also passed
through Botterdam. By connivance of the innkeeper, one
Joyce, also an Englishman, he succeeded in making his
escape.' The' information contained in the letters thus inter-
cepted "was important, but it came too late, even if then the
state-council could have acted without giving mortal offence
to Elizabeth and to Leicester.
On the evening of 28th January (N. 8.), Sir William Stanley
^itertained the magistrates of Deventer at a splendid banquet.
There was free conversation at table concerning the idle sus-
picions which had been rifo in the Provinces as to his good
intentions and the censures which had been cast upon him for
the repressive measures which ho had thought necessary to
adopt for the security of the city. He took that occasion to
assure his guests that the Queen of England had not a more
loyal subject than himself, nor the Netherlands a more devoted
friend. The company expressed themselves fully restored to
confid^ice in his character and purposes, and the burgomasters,
having exchanged pledges of faith and friendship with the
commandant in flowing goblets, went home comfortably to
bed, highly pleased with their noble entertainer and with
themselves.*
Very late that same night, Stanley placed three hundred of
his wild Irish in the Noorenberg tower, a large white structure
which commanded the Zutphen gate, and sent bodies ^ jan.
of chosen troops to surprise all the burgher-guards i587.
at their respective stations. Strong pickets of cavalry were
also placed in all the principal thoroughfares of the city. At
three o'clock in the following morning he told his officers that
he was about to leave Deventer for a few hours, in order to
bring in some reinforcements for which he had sent, as he
I Conway to Walsingham, 28 Jan. 1587. (S. P. Offioo MS.)
• Ibid. ■ Reyd. vi. 90.
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170 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XIIL
had felt much anxiety for some time past as to the dispoflition
of the burghers. His officers, honest Englishmen, suspecting
no evil and having confidence in their chief, saw nothing
strange in this proceeding, and Sir William rode deliberately
out of Zutphen. After he had been absent an hour or two,
the clatter of hoofs and the tramp of in&ntry was heard
without, and presently, the commandant returned, followed by
a thousand musketeers and three or four hundred troopers.
It was still pitch dark ; but, dimly lighted by torches, small
detachments of the fresh troops picked their way through the
black narrow streets, while the main body poured at once
upon the Brink, or great square. Here, quietly and swiffly,
they were marshalled into order, the cavalry, pikemen, and
musketeers, lining all sides of the place, and a chosen band —
among whom stood Sir William Stanley, on foot, and an
officer of high rank on horseback — occupying the central
space immediately in front of the town-house.^
The drums then beat, and proclamation went forth through
the city that all burghers, without any distinction — ^municipal
guards and all — ^were to repair forthwith to the city-hall, and
deposit their arms. As the inhabitants arose from their
slmnbers, and sallied forth into the streets to inquire the cause
of the disturbance, they soon discovered that they had, in
some mysterious manner, been entrapped. Wild Irishmen,
with uncouth garb, threatening gesture, and unintelligible
jargon, stood gibbering at every comer, instead of the com-
fortable Flemish faces of the familiar burgher-guard. The
chief burgomaster, sleeping heavily after Sir William's hos-
pitable banquet, aroused himself at last, and sent a militia-
captain to inquire the cause of the imseasonable drum-beat
and monstrous proclamation. Day was breaking as the trusty
captain made his way to the scene of action. The wan light
of a cold, drizzly January morning showed him the wide,
stately square — with its leafless lime-trees and its tall many-
storied, gable-ended houses rising dim and spectral through
' Bor, IL xxil 878-879. Reyd, vl 1 volgh, 220-221. Le Petit, n. 3-4L
96-97. Strada, IL 467. Hoofd, Yer- | Wagenaar, viil 196, acq.
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158t.
HB SUBBSNDBBS THE GUTT TO TASST8.
171
the mist — ^filled to overflowiiig with troops^ whose uniforms
and bamiers resembled nothing that he remembered in Dutch
and y^ngb'flh regiments. Fires were lighted at various comers^
kettles were boiling, and camp-followers and sutlers were
crouching over them, half perished with cold — for it had been
raining dismally all night ^ — ^while burghers, with wives and
children, startled from their dreams by the sudden reveille,
stood gaping about, with perplexed faces and despairing
gestures. As he approached the town-house — one of those mag-
nificent, muiy-towered, highly-decorated, municipal palaces
of the Netherlands — ^he found troops all around it ; troops
^goarding the main entrance,, troops on the great external
staircase leading to the front balcony, and officers, in yellow
jerkin and black bandoleer, grouped in the balcony itself
The Flemish captain stood bewildered, when suddenly the
familiar form of Stanley detached itself from the central group
and advanced towards him. Taking him by the hand with
much urbanity. Sir William led the militia-man through two
or three ranks of soldiers, and presented him to the strange
officer on horseback.*
"Colonel Tassis," said he, "I reconmiend to you a very
particular friend of mine. Let me bespeak your best offices in
his behalf"
" Ah God !" cried the honest burgher, " Tassis ! Tassis I
Then are we indeed most miserably betrayed."^
Even the Spanish colonel, who was of Flemish origin, was
affected by the despair of the Netherlander.
"Let "ttiose look to the matter of treachery whom it con-
cerns," said he ; " my business here is to serve the King, my
master."
"Bender unto Ceesar the things which are CsBsar's, and
unto Qt)d the things which are God's," said Stanley, with piety.*
The burgher-captain was then assured that no harm was
intended to the city, but that it now belonged to his most
' "Ongeacht dat ze de gantsche
nacht fs^steynt hadden, in seer qtiaet
en koat weder, enda dat bet den Bel-
yen Yoonniddags oock reghende," Aa
Reyd, vi 96.
^ Ibid. > Ibid. * Ibid.
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172
THE UKITBD NETHERLANDS.
OhAP. XfTT,
Catholic Majesty of Spain — Colonel Stanley^ to whom its
custody had been entrusted, having freely and deliberately
restored it to its lawful owner. He was then bid to go and
fetch the burgomasters and magistrates.
Presently they appeared — a dismal group, weeping and
woe-begone — the same board of strict Calvinists forcibly placed
in office but three months before by Leicester, through the
agency of this very Stanley, who had so summarily ejected
their popish predecessors, and who only the night before had
so handsomely feasted themselves. They came forward, the
tears running down their cheeks, crying indeed so piteously
that even Stanley b^n to weep bitterly himself. " I have -
not done this,'' he sobbed, " for power or pelf. Not the hope
of reward, but the love of God hath moved me.*' ^
Presently some of the ex-magistrates made their appear-
ance, and a party of leading citizens went into a private houso
with Tassis and Stanley to hear statements and explanations —
as if any satisfactory ones were possible.
Sir William, still in a melancholy tone, began to make a
speech, through an interpreter, and again to protest that he
had not been influenced by love of lucre. But as ho stam-
mered and grew incoherent as he approached the point, Tassis
suddenly interrupted the conference. "Let us look after our
soldiers," said he, " for they have been marching in the foul
weather half the night." So the Spanish troops, who had
been standing patiently to be rained upon after their long
march, until the burghers had all deposited their arms in the
city-hall, were now billeted on the townspeople! Tassis gave
> "Sir William Stanley did fetch
some of the commons and magistrates
to come and wdoome Taxis. With
weeping tears and sad countenances
they gave him reverence, sony to see
tbemselves so betrayed.
" When Sir William Stanley did see
the pitlfnl state and sorrowM hearts
of the burghers, God made him have
some feeling of his sins. His own
oonsdenoe, it seemed, aocnsed him,
and he wept vnth the hwrghers for com'
jpany^ protestbg with vehement words
and oaths that ho had done it with no
covetous mind for profit, but only for
the discharge of his conscienca It
is now said he hath and shall have
30,0001" Sir John Oonway to Wal-
sing^iam, 28 Jan. 1587. (S. P. Office
MS.)
Compare Reyd, vbi svp. Wilkes to
Leicester, MS. before cited. Korris
to Buiighley, - Jan. 1687. (a P. Office
SI
Ma)
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1587.
TBBHS OF THB BARGAIN.
173
peremptory orders that no injury should be offered to persons
or property on pain of death ; and, by way of wholesome
example, hung several Hibernians the same day who had been
detected in plundering the inhabitants.^
The citizens were, as usual in such cases, offered the choice
between embracing the Catholic religion or going into exile,
a certain interval being allowed them to wind up their affairs.
They were also required to furnish Stanley and his regiment
full i^j for the whole period of their service since coming to
the Provinces, and to Tassis three months' wages for his
Spaniards in advance.' Stanley offered his troops the privilege
of remaining with him in the service of Spain, or of taking
their departure unmolested. The Irish troops were quite
willing to continue under their old chieftain, particularly as it
was intimated to them that there was an inmiediate proispect
of a brisk campaign in their native island against the tyrant
Elizabeth, under the liberating banners of Philip. And
certainly, in an age where religion constituted coxmtry, these
fervent Catholics could scarcely be censured for taking arms
against the sovereign who persecuted their religion and them-
selves. These honest barbarians had broken no oath, vio-
lated no trust, had never pretended sympathy with freedom
or affection for their Queen. They had fought fiercely under
die chief who led them into battle — they had robbed and
plundered voraciously as opportunity served^ and had been
occasionally hanged for their exploits ; but Deventer and Fort
Zutphen had not been confided to their keeping ; and it was a
pleasant thought to them, that approaching invasion of Ireland.
"I will ruin the whole country from Holland to Friesland,"
said Stanley to Captain Newton, " and then I will play such
' Eeyd, nM aup.
* Willies to Leicester, 24 Jan. 1587.
(& P. Office MS.)
''From the marketplace Taxis and
Stanlej went to the town-house,
whither the woefUl magistrates were
called and made to wdoome Taxis,
and were then required with aU expe-
didon to furnish and make readj so
much monej as should pay all the
arrearage duo to Stanley and his
regiment, sithence their coming into
these countries, who had received a
month's pay of the States not eight
days before he received the enemy
into the town. They were also re-
quired to fhmish and ddiver as mudi
more money as might give three
months to the troops of the enemy
then newly entered."
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174
THE UNITED NETHEBLAin)S.
Chap, tttt
a game in Ireland as the Queen has never seen the like all
the days of her life/' ^
Newton had already been solicited by Boland York to take
service under Parma, and had indignantly declined. Sir
Edmund Carey and his m^ four hundred in all, refused, to
a man, to take part in the monstrous treason, and were allowed
to leave the city.' This was the case with all the English
officers. Stanley and York were the only gentlemen who on
this occasion sullied the honour of England.
Captain Henchman, who had been taken prisoner in a
skirmish a few days before the surrender of Deventer, was now
brought to that city, and earnestly entreated by Tassis and by
Stanley to seize this opportunity of entering the service of Spain.
" You shall have great advancement and preferment," said
Tassis. ^^ His Catholic Majesty has got ready very many ships
for Ireland, and Sir William Stanley is to he general of the
expedition"
" And you shall choose your own preferment,'' said Stanley,
"for I know you to be a brave man."
" I would rather," replied Henchman, " serve my prince in
loyalty as a be^ar, than to be known and reported a rich
traitor, with breach of conscience/'
" Continue so," replied Stanley, unabashed ; " for this is the
very principle of my own enlargement : for, before, I served
the devil, and now I am serving God."
The offers and the arguments of the Spaniard and the
renegade were powerless with the blunt captain, and notwith-
standing " divers other traitorous alledgements by Sfir William
for his most vile &cts," as Henchman ex|)ressed it, that officer
' "Que le Colonel Stanley lui a
profer^ Je me oomporteral tellement
que le pays jusqu'en Hollande et entre
Wezel et Embden, seront en tout
ruin4 dedans six joura; et causerai en
Irlande tel jeu de g^uerre que la Reine
n*a vu en sa vie." Examination of Oapt
Thomas Newton touching the loss of
Deventer, before the Coundl of State^
-Jan. 1687. (S. P. Office MS.)
'*That he (lieatenant John Beenan,
in Stanley^s service, an earnest man)
may deliver to Sir Francis Walsing-
ham some circumstance of the sur^
rendering of Deventer, and what
speedies passed from Sir WiDiam
Stanley touching Ireland, whither he
tiiinks to be sent to work her Mijes^
some trouble and annoy, if he shiul
be able." Sir John Norris to F. Wal-
smgham, 29 Jan. 1587. (& P. 0£ Ica)
* Wilkes to Leicester, 24 Jan. (MS-
before cited.)
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1687.
FEEBLE DEFENCE OP ^STANLEY'S CONDUCT.
175
remained in poTerty and captivity until such time as he could
be exchanged.^
Stanley subsequently attempted in yarious ways to defend
his character. He had a commission from Leicester, he said,
to serve whom he chose — as if the governor-general had
contemplated his serving Philip II. with that commission;
he had a passport to go whither he liked — as if his passport
entitled him to take the city of Deventer along with him ; he
owed no alliance to the States ; he was dischaiged from his
promise to Ihe Earl ; he was his own master ; he wanted
nather money nor preferment ; he had been compelled by his
conscience and his duty to God to restore the city to its lawful
master, and so on, and so on.^
But whether he owed the States allegiance or not, it is
certain that he had accepted their money to relieve himself
and his troops eight days before his treason. That Leicester
had discharged him from his promises to such an extent as to
justify his surrendering a town committed to his honour for
safe keeping, certainly deserved no answer ; that his duty to
conscience required him to restore the city argued a somewhat
tardy awakening of that monitor in the breast of the man who
three months before had wrested the place with the armed
hand from men suspected of Catholic inclinations ; that his
first motive however was not the mere love of money, was
doubtless true. Attachment to his religion, a desire to atone
for his sins against it, the insidious temptings of his evil spirit,
York,* who was the chief organizer of the conspiracy, and the
* Henrf H<aichmaii to WaklDgham,
22 March, 1587. (S. P. <^oe MR)
ToUdem verbis,
• Bor, Eeyd, Strada, Hoofd, *Verw
Yolgh,' Ld Petit^ Wagenaar, ubi sup.
Bentivoglio, P. U. I v. 312. F.
Haraei Ann. IIL 398. Camden, UL
39*7-398.
' According to Camden, York bad
persoaded Stanley that he had been
aocuiied by the conapirators of being
engaged in the Babington plot, and
that he was "forthwith to be sent
into England, to be hanged." Haraens
{ubiety.) has a slight allusion to the
same effect, bnt I have fotmd no other
intimation of this yery hnprobable
sospicion with regard to Sir William.
The English historian also states that
after the treason Stanly called his
troops the Seminary regiment of sol-
diers, to defend the Romish religion
by their swords, as the Seminary
priests by their writings. Cardinal
Allen praised his deed in his fiunoos
book, and excited idl others to go and
do likewise. Camden, B. IIL 398.
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176
THE UNITED NBTHERLANDa
Chap. XTTT.
prospect of gratifying a wild and wicked ambition — ^these were
the springs that moved him. Sums — varying from 30,000?.
to a pension of 1500 pistolets a year — ^were mentioned, as
the stipulated price of his treason, by Norris, Wilkes, Conway,
and others ; ^ but the Duke of Parma, in narrating the whole
affair in a private letter to the King, explicitly stated that he
had found Stanley " singularly disinterested."
" The colonel was only actuated by religious motives," he
said, ** asking for no reward, except that he might serve in his
Majesty's army thenceforth — and this is worthy to be noted." *
At the same time it appears from this correspondence, that
the Duke recommended, and that the King bestowed, a
" merced," which Stanley did not refuse f and it was very well
known that to no persons in the world was Philip apt to be so
generous as to men of high rank, Flemish, Walloon, or English,
who deserted the cause of his rebellious subjects to serve under
his own banners. Yet, strange to relate, almost at the very
moment that Stanley was communicating his fatal act of
treason, in order that he might open a high career for his
ambition, a most brilliant destiny was about to dawn upon
him. The Queen had it in contemplation, in recompense for
his distinguished services, and by advice of Leicester, to bestow
great honors and titles upon him, and to appoint him Yiceroy
of Ireland — of that very country which he was now proposing,
as an enemy to his sovereign and as the purchased tool of a
foreign despot, to invade.*
* MS. Letters before cited. Doyloy
to Walsingham, 25 March, 1587. (S. P.
Office MS.)
' "Que ha sido do nota," Ac
Paitna to Philip, 12 Feb. 1587. (Arch,
do Simancas, MS^)
' Ibid. (Compare Bentivoglio, P. IL
L V. 312. "Era CattoUoo lo Stanley,
e mostrd di iarlo per zelo principal-
mente di Relinone," sajs the Caxdi-
nal, "oontucdo ne fU premicUo largor
mente dal R^ e tanto pin, perche ^
tir6 8000 nel medesimo serritio tutH
gU Inglesi ch* eravano m Derenter,"
9lc This last statement we have seen
to be entirely a mistake.
Compare Strada, II. 468^ 469, who is
very emphatb with regard to the
parity of Stanley's motires: "Motom
se ad dedendam urbem Stanlaens ad-
jnnzit^ non largitionibos, aut honomm
titolis, proditorum pretiis; quae quam^
via oblcUa respuerit utl alieoa & mijo-
rom daritudine, vitaque soa^" io.
The Jesoit adds, that the Dnke warmly
abjured his sovereign not to allow sudi
disinterestedness to go unrewarded —
and it did not
* This is stated distinctly by Le{«
oester in his letter to the SteteshGene-
ral, on first being informed of the
surrender of Deventer: "L*affectioa
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lSd7.
SUBSEQUENT FATE OF STAOT.BY AND YOEK.
177
Stanley's subsequent fate was obscure, A price of 3000
florins was put by the States upon his head and upon that of
York.^ He went to Spain, and afterwards returned to the
Provinces. He was even reported to have become, through
the judgment of God, a lunatic,' although the tale wanted con-
firmation ; and it is certain that at the close of the year he had
mustered his raiment under Famese, prepared to join the
Duke in the great invasion of England.^
Boland York, .who was used to such practices, cheerfully
consummated his crime on the same day that witnessed the
surrender of Deventer. He rode up to the gates of that city
on the morning of the 29th January, inquired quietly whether
Tassis was master of the place, and then galloped furiously
back the ten miles to h£ fort. Entering, he called his soldiers
together, bade them tear in pieces the colours of England, and
follow him into the city of Zutphen/ Two companies of
States' troops offered resistance, and. attempted to hold the
place ; but they were overpowered by the English and Irish,
assisted by a force of Spaniards, who, by a concerted move-
ment, made their appearance from the town. He received a
handsome reward, having far surpassed the Duke of Parma's
et soiDg qu ay toigours ea a la con-
eenration de Testat des prov««* nnies
m'aagmentent tant plus de regret qu
aj ea d^entendre la trahison de la ville
^ Deventer, qu elle a este forme par
la laschet^ de celuy auquel S. U. eui
votiiu confier royaumes etUiers et lequel
^ penaolt annoblir des plus grands
titres avecq recompenses condknes,
pour le promouToir a la dignite de
Tice Roy d'lrlande," Ac Leicester
to the States-Genera], ~ Feb. I58t.
(Hague Arcbiyes, MS.)
» Bor, n. xxii. 882. Wagonaar, vuL
199.
• *^By letters from Deventer, they
write that the traitor Stanley groweth
frantic— a just punishment of God —
and his men yenr poor and in misery.
The other traitor, York, has been
Keen of late in Antwerp and Brussels,
little regarded, whose determination
is to go to Spain or Naples, there to
VOL. n.— N
1170 on his stipend, out of the stir of
these wars, fearing that which I hope
to God he shall never escape.'*
Captain Ed. Bumham to Walsingfaam,
7 March, 1587. (3. P. Office MS.)
"It is bruited that Stanley was now
lately become a lunatic, void of go-
vernment and discretion. «... If this
be true, as he was known for a
traitor, so he may be noted for a fool."
Lloyd to Walsingham, 15 Oct 1587.
(a P. Office MS.)
• "Among them. Sir William Stan-
ley was the leader of his companies,
800 or 900 men, the most part Irish
and Scotch and the rest English. I
heard an Italian captain report that
Stanley's companies were the best that
they make account oC" John Giles
to Walsingham, 4 Dec. 1587. <S. P.
Office M&)
* Wilkes to Leicester, 24 Jan. 158T.
(a R Office Ma)
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178
THE UNITED ITBTHEULANDS.
Chap. XUL
oxpectations^ when he made his original o£fer of serviee. He
died very suddenly, after a great banquet at Deventer, in the
course of the same year, not having succeeded in making his
escape into Spain to live at ease on his stipend. It was sup-
posed that he was poisoned ; but the charge in those days was
a common one, and nobody cared to investigate the subject
His body was subsequently exhumed— when Deventer came
into the hands of the patriots — and with impotent and con-
temptible malice hanged upon a gibbet. This was the end of
Eoland York.*
Parma was highly gratified, as may be imagined, at such
Buccessful results. " Thus Fort Zutphen," said he, " about
which there have been so many fisticuffs, and Deventer* — ^which
was the real object of the last campaign, and which has cost
the English so much blood and money, and is the s^ety of
Groningen and of all those Provinces — ^is now your Majesty's.
Moreovo:, the effect of this treason must be to sow great
distrust between the English and the rebels, who will hence-
forth never know in whom they can confide."^ . .
Parma was very right in this conjuncture. Moreover, there
was just then a fearful run against the States. The castle of
Wauw, within a league of Bergen-op-Zoom, which had been
entrusted to one Lo Marchand, a Frenchman in the service of
the republic, was delivered by him to Parma for 1,6,000 florins.
" 'Tis a very important post," said the Duke, " arid the money
was well laid out."^
The loss of the city of Gelder, capital of the /Province of the
same name, took place in the summer. Thi/ town belonged
to the jurisdiction of Martin Schenk, and was his chief place
of deposit for the large and miscellaneous property acquired
by him during his desultory, but most profitable, freebooting
career. The famous partisan was then absent, engaged in a
lucrative job in the way of his profession. He had made a
* Bor, Reyd, Hoofd, Wagenaar,
StradH) Bentivoglio, Camden, Le Petit,
Haraeus, locis ciiatia. Baker's Chro-
nicle, 3 85. Meteren, ziv. 245-230. MS.
Letters already cited.
• Parma to PhiUp H. 12 Feb. 1587.
(Arch, de Simancas MS.)
* Ibid. Compare Bor, XL xxii. 87a
Strada» XL 466. Wagenaar, viiL 196.
Haraeua, IIL 397 et mviL al
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1587.
BETRAYAL OP GELDEB TO PAEMA.
179
contract — ^in a very business-like way — ^with the States, to
defend the city of Bheinberg and all the country round
against the Duke of Parma, pledging himself to keep on foot
for that purpose an army of 3300 foot and 700 horse. For
this extensive and important operation he was to receive
20,000 florins a month from the general exchequer, and in
addition he was to be allowed the brandschatz — the black-
mail, that is to say — of the whole country-side, and the
taxation upon all vessels going up and down the river before
Bheinbeig ; an ad valorem duty, in. short, upon all river-
merchandise, assessed and collected in summary fashion.^
A tariff thus enforced was not likely to be a mild one ; and
although the States considered that they had got a "good
penny-worth" by the job, it was no easy thing to get the
better, in a bargain, of the vigilant Martin, who was as thrifty
a speculator as he was a desperate fighter. A more accom-
plished highwayman, artistically and enthusiastically devoted
to his pursuit, never lived. Nobody did his work more
thoroughly — ^nobody got himself better paid for his. work —
and Thomas Wilkes, that excellent man of business, thought
the States not likely to make much by their contract.^ Never-
theless, it was a comfort to know that the work would not bo
neglected.
Schenk was accordingly absent, jobbing the Bheinbeig
siege, and in his place one Aristotle Fatten, a Scotch colonel
in tho States' service, was commandant of Gelders. Now the
thrifty Scot had an eye to business, too, and was no more
troubled with qualms of conscience than Eowland York himself.
Moreover, he knew himself to bo in great danger of losing his
place, for Leicester was no friend to him, and intended to
supersede him. Fatten had also a decided grudge agcdnst
Martin Schenk, for that truculent personage had recently
administered to him a drubbing, which no doubt ho had richly
deserved.' Accordingly, when tho Duke of Parma made a
^ WHkes to Leicester, 3 Dea 1686.
(S. P. OflBce MS.) • Ibid.
* Strada^ IL 500. Baudartii Polemo-
grephia, IL 90. Ck)inpare Wagenaar,
yiii 226, who is the aathoritf for the
illustrious pagan name of the Scot
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180
TH£ X7NITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. Xm.
secret o£fer to him of 36^000 florins if he would quietly sur-
render the city entrusted to him, the colonel jumped at so
excellent an opportunity of circumventing Leicester, feeding
his grudge against Martin, and making a handsome fortune for
himself. He knew his trade too well, however, to accept the
o£fer too eagerly, and bargained awhile for better terms, and
to such good purpose, that it was agreed he should have not
only the 36,000 florins, but all the horses, arms, plate, furni-
ture^ and other moveables in the city belonging to Schenk,
that he could lay his hands upon. Here were revenge and
solid damages for the unforgotten assault and battery — for
Schenk's property alone made no inconsiderable fortrme — and
accordingly the city, towards Midsummer, was surrendered to
the Seigneur d^Haultepenne.^ Moreover, the excellent Fatten
had another and a loftier motive. He was in love. He had
also a rival. The lady of his thoughts was the widow of
Pontus de Noyelle, Seigneur de Bours, who had once saved
the citadel of Antwerp, and afterwards sold that city and
himself. His rival was no other than the great Seigneur de
Champagny, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, eminent as soldier,
diplomatist, and financier, but now growing old, not in affluent
circumstances, and much troubled with the gout. Madame
de Bours had, however, accepted his hand, and had fixed the
day for the wedding, when the Scotchman, thus suddenly
enriched, renewed a previously unsuccessful suit. The widow
then, partially keeping her promise, actually celebrated her
nuptids on the appointed evening ; but, to the surprise of the
Provinces, she became not the hattUe et puiaaante dame de
Champagny^ but Mrs. Aristotle Patton.*
For this last treason neither Leicester nor the English were
responsible. Fatten was not only a Scot, but a follower of
Hohenlo, as Leicester loudly protested.^ Le Marchant was a
* IbicL Loioeeter to WalsiDgham,
4 Julj, 4 Aug. 1587. Lloyd to Wal-
Bingham, 3 July, 1587. (S. P. Office
MSS.) But Strada states that the
plate and other property were rcsenred
t6 the Spanish government
* Baudart, tiM aq). Le Petit^ IL
346-347.
* *" It is so that Gelders is lost, given
np by Paton, the Sootohman, and com-
manded thither by the Coant HoUod^
and hath been whoUy at his direction
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1587. THESE TREASONS OAST ODIUM ON THE ENGLISH. 181
FrenchmaiL But Deventer and Zutphen were places of vital
importaDce^ and Stanley an Englishman of highest considera-
tion^ one who had been deemed worthy of the command in
chief in Leicester's absence. Moreover, a comet in the service
of the Earl's nephew, Sir Bobert Sidney, had been seen at
Zntphen in conference with Tassis ; and the horrible suspicion
went abroad that even the illustrious name of Sidney was to
be polluted also.^ This fear was fortunately false, although the
comet was unquestionably a traitor, with whom the enemy had
been tampering ; but the mere thought that Sir Bobert Sidney
could betray the trust reposed in him was almost enough to make
the still unburied corpse of his brother arise from the dead.
Parma was right when he said that all confidence of the
Neiherlanders in the Englishmen would now be gone, and
that the Provinces would begin to doubt their best friends.
No fresh treasons followed, but they were expected every day.
An organized plot to betray the country was believed in, and
a howl of execration swept throng the land. The noble
deeds of Sidney and Willoughby, and Norris and Pelham, and
B(^er Williams, the honest and valuable services of Wilkes,
the generosity and courage of Leicester, were for a season
forgotten. The English were denounced in every city and
village of the Netherlands as traitors and miscreants. Be-
spectable English merchants went from hostelry to hostelry,
and fix)m town to town, and were refused a lodging for love
or money. The nation was put under ban.' A most melan-
dioly change from the beginning of the year, when the very
men who were now loudest in denunciation and fiercest in hate,
had been the warmest friends of Elizabeth, of England, and of
Leicester.
ai^ commandment Yet for the good
nature of Norris and WUkes, so soon
as thej heard of thiSi reported to the
States that this Fatten was s colonel
of mj preferment to make the people
to hate me," &o. Leioester to Walsing-
bam, 2 July, 1587. (a P. OflQoe MS.)
It wDl be peroeived that this oocnr-
renoe has been placed in Jazti^>osition
with similar occurrences in the nxura-
tivo, althoc^h a few months removed
fjTom them in chronological sequence.
* Examination of Newton. MS.
before cited. Compare Meteren, xir.
249-260. Eeyd, vi 9T-98.
' Wilkes to Hatton, 24 Jan. 1687.
Memorial given to Sir Roger Williams,
Feb. 1687. Wilkes to the Queen,
16 Feb. 1587. (a P. Office MSS.)
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182
THE UNITED KETHEBLANDS.
Chap. ZUL
At Hohenlo's table the opinion was loudly expressed, even
in the presence of Sir Roger Williams, that it was highly
improbable, if a man like Stanley, of such high rank in the
kingdom of England, of such great connections and large
means, could commit such a treason, that he could do so
without the knowledge and consent of her Majesty.*
Bameveld, in cotmcil of state, declared that Leicester, by
his restrictive letter of 24th November, had intended to carry
the authority over the republic into England, in order to
dispose of everything at his pleasure, in conjunction with the
English cabinet-cotmcil, and that the country had never been
so cheated by the French as it had now been by the English,
and that their government had become insupportable.'
Councillor Carl Boorda maintained at the table of Elector
Truchsess that the country had fallen de tyrannide in tyrranni'
dem, and — ^if they had spumed the oppression of the Spaniards
and the French — that it was now time to rebel against the
English. Bameveld and Buys loudly declared that the Pro-
vinces were able to protect themselves witiiout foreign assist-
ance, and that it was very injurious to impress a contrary
opinion upon the public mind.^
The whole coU^ of the States-Greneral came before the
state-council, and demanded the name of the man to whom
the Earl's restrictive letter had been delivered — that docu-
ment, by which the governor had dared surreptitiously to
annul the authority which publicly he had delegated to that
body, and thus to deprive it of the power of preventing an-
ticipated crimes. After much colloquy the name of Brackel
was given, and, had not the culprit fortunately been absent,
his life might have been in danger, for rarely had grave
statesmen been so thoroughly infuriated.^
Ko language can exaggerate the consequences of this
* Abuses offered to her Kajestj and
his ExceUenoy and the whole English
nation by the States and others. AprO,
1687. ra p. Office MS.) Sir J. Norris
to Walsingham, 25 March, 1687. (& P.
Office MS.) "Ibid.
*Ibid. Compare Strada, H. 469
Bentivofi^ P. H. L iv. 81S.313
Bor, XL xxil 883; Wagenaar, viiL 199;
cl muU, tU,
« Wilkes to Leicester, 24 Jan. 1687.
(S. P. Office Ma)
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1587.
lOSERABLB PLIGHT OF THE ENGLISH TEOOPS.
183
wretcUed treason. Unfortunately^ too, the abject condition
to vhich. the English troops had been reduced by the nig-
gardliness of their sovereign was an additional cause of
danger. Leicester was gone, and since her favourite was no
longer in the Netherlands, the Queen seemed to forget that
there was a single Englishman upon that fatal soil. In Jive
months not one ptrmy iad been sent to her troops. While the
Earl had been there one hundred and forty thousand pounds
had been sent in seven or eight months. After his departure
not five thousand pounds were sent in one half year.*
The English soldiers, who had fought so well in every Flemish
battle-field of freedom, had become — such as were left of
them — mere famishing half naked vagabonds and marauders.
Brave soldiers had been changed by their sovereign into
brigands, and now the universal odium which suddenly
attached itself to the English name converted them into
outcasts. Forlorn and crippled creatures swarmed about the
Provinces, but were fi^rbidden to come through the towns, and
so wandered about, robbing hen-roosts and pillaging the
peasantry.' Many deserted to the enemy. Many b^ged
their way to England, and even to the very gates of the
palace, and exhibited their wounds and their misery before
the eyes of that good Queen Bess who claimed to be the
mother of her subjects, — and begged for bread in vain.'
The English cavalry, dwindhed now to a body of five
hundred, starving and mutinous, made a foray into Holland,
rather as highwaymen than soldiers.^ Count Maurice com-
manded their instant departure, and Hohenlo swore that if
the order were not instantly obeyed, he would put himself at
the head of his troops and cut every man of them to pieces.*
A most painful and humiliating condition for brave men who
had been fighting the battles of their Queen and of the republic^
to behold themselves — through* the parsimony of the one and
' J. Korris to Walsmgham, 25 March,
1581 (a P. Office M8.)
* wakes to the Queen, 16 Feb. 1687.
Same to WalshigfaaxD, 19 Jan. 1C87.
(aP.OfficoMSS.)
• Memorial (fai Bai^hle}r'8 hand) of
tfakgfl to be declared, Not. 1587. (S.
P. Office MS.)
• «WiIkee to Loioeater, 12 March
1687. (MS.)
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184
TEE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap, tcttt.
the infuriated sentiment of the other — compelled to starve, to
rob, or to be massacred by those whom they had left their
homes to defend !
At last, honest Wilkes, ever watchful of his duty, succeeded
in borrowing eight hundred pounds sterling for two months,
by ^^ pawning his own carcase " as he expressed himself. This
gave the troopers about thirty shillings a man, with whidi
relief they became, for a time, contented and well disposed.^
"Wilkes to Leicester, 12 March,
1587. (MS.) *'So great is the lack of
discipline among the garrisons," wrote
Wilkes^ "especially of oar nation, that
I am ashamed to hear the continual
complaints which come to this council
against them. And albeit 8ir John
Norris and I have written often unto
the captains and governors to soo re-
formation had of the insolences and
disorders of their soldiers within the
towns, it is notwithstanding so slen-
derly respected as there foUoweth no
amendment at all; so as wo begin to
grow as hateftil to the people as the
Spaniard hirMelff who govemeih his
towns of conquest with a milder hand
(han we do ow friends oftd allies. The
causes hereof we find to be two. The
one is for lack of pay, without which
it is hnposaible to preserve discipline
among the soldiers, and most of the
troops in her Majesty's pay (ezoepting
the garrisons of Brill and Flushing)
have not been paid fit>m the beginning
of September last, being now about
five months. The other is lack of
government in the captains and officers,
who for the most part are either such
as never served before, and have no
judgment — no not to nile themselves,
and such as make their profit of the
poor soldiers so extremely as they are
hateM to the companies^ wherein if
there is no redress, it were better her
Miijesty did revoke all ; for as the ca8&
of the comoKMi soldier now standeth
the States receive little or no service
of them but spoil and ruin of their
towns and countries." Wilkes to Wal-
ahigham, 19 Jan. 1587. (Ma)
And again he writes to the Queen,
about " the weakness, and oonfbaion to
which her troops are reduoed for want
of pay, having received nothing iVom
1 Sept to that day" (16 Feb). "The
captains of the horsemen," he says,
" are all in England, and thereby the
most of the companies evil led and
governed, committing daily upon tho
villages and people extreme spoils, in-
solences, and mischiefs, which, toge-
ther with the example of tho late
treasons of Stanley and Torir, hath
drawn our nation into the hatred of
this people very deeply, so as they are
for the most part turned out of the
towns^ and rerhaed to be taken into
garrison. The horsemen, destitute of
money and food, are, without order,
entered now into Holland (an unfit
place for their abodel where the people
are risen against them, and they to
the number of 600 or 600, in teims
either themselves to do mischief or
themselves to be cut in pieces by the
country — a case very lamentable to us
that foel the grief of so hard a chdoev
and can find almost no way to prevent
tho peril. I have uiged the States by
earnest letters (mysdf being at thui
present sk^, by Qod's visitatkm, to
the danger of my life) to take some
order to relieve your people in this
distress, myself oiTering my carcase in
pawn, to answer as much as thev shall
eat| ai^ a certain rata I find them
reasonably inclined, yet afiected by
two impediments— a strange jealousy,
by them oonoeived of all our nation ;
the other their own want .... The
ooD^Qskma are woodeiflil that an
grown in this State in the absence of
my Lord of Leicester, which bath
opened many gaps to disorder," fte.
Wilkes to tho Queen, 10 Feb. 1687.
(a P. Office MS.)
And once more he writes, ^ I saw
no remedy for them but to engage
myself for some means to feed than.
until other order might be taken,
whereupon with the help of mine own
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1587.
HONBSTY JlSD SNEBGT OF "WILKSa
185
Is this picture exaggerated ? Is it drawn by pencils hostile
to the English nation or the English Queen ? It is her own
generals and confidential counsellors who have told a story
in all its painful details^ which has hardly found a place in
other chronicles. The parsimony of the great Qu^n must
ever remain a blemish on her character^ and it was never
more painfully exhibited than towards her brave soldiers in
Flanders in the year 1587. Thomas Wilkes^ a man of truth,
and a man of accounts, had informed Elizabeth that the
expenses of one year's war, since Leicester had been governor-
general, had amounted to exactly five hundred and seventy*
nine thousand three hundred and sixty pounds and nineteen
shillings, of which sum one htmdred and forty-six thousand
three hundred and eighty-six pounds and eleven shillings had
been spent by her Majesty, and the balance had been paid,
or was partly owing by the States.^ These were not agreeable
figures, but the figures of honest accountants rarely flatter,
and Wilkes was not one of those financiers who have the wish
or the gift to make things pleasant. He had transmitted the
accounts just as they had been delivered, certified by the
treasurers of the States and by the English paymasters, and
the Queen was appalled at the sum-totals. She could never
proceed with such a war as that, she said, and she declined
a loan of sixty thousand pounds which the States requested,
besides stoutly refusing to advance her darling Bobin a
penny to pay off the mortgages upon two-thirds of his estates,
on which the equity of redemption was fast expiring, or to
give him the slightest help in furnishing him forth anew for
the wars.
Tet not one of her statesmen doubted that these Netherland
battles were English battles, almost as much as if the fighting-
ground had been the Isle of Wight or the coast of Kent, the
credit, and pawn of n^j own carcase,
to repay at the end of two months
8002. which I divided amimg the com-
panieB diatroasod, being eight in num-
ber, whidi extended to thirty shilUngs
a man," Ac. Wilkes to Leicester,
12 March, 1587. (S. P. Office M&)
1 Wilkes to Walaingham, 12 Jan.
1687. Same to Bm^ghlej, 12 Jan. 15SI
(S. P. Office MSS.)
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186
THB UNITED NETHBELANDa
Chap. Xm.
charts of which the statesmen and generals of Spain were
daily conning.
Wilkes, too, while defending Leicester stoutly behind his
back, doing his best to explain his short-comings, lauding his
courage and generosity, and advocating his beloved theory of
popular sovereignty with much ingenuity and eloquence, had
told him the truth to his face. Although assuring him that
if he came back soon, he might rule the States ^^ as a school-
master doth his boys,"^ he did not fail to s^t before him the
disastrous e£fects of hi^ sudden departure and of his protracted
absence ; he. had painted in darkest colours the results of the
Deventer treason, he had unveiled the cabals against his
authority, he had repeatedly and vehemently implored his
return ; he had informed the Queen, that notwithstanding
some errors of administration, he was much; the fittest man
to represent her in the Netherlands, and that he could
accomplish, by reason of his experience, more in three months
than any other man could do in a year. He had done his
best to reconcile the feuds which existed between him and
important personages in the Netherlands, he had been the
author of the complimentary letters sent to him in the name
of the States-General — to the great satisfaction of the Queenr—
but he had not given up his friendship with Sir John Norris,
because he said " the virtues of the man made him as worthy
of love as any one living, and because the more he knew
him, the more he had cause to afiect and to adpaire him."^
This was the unpardonable ofience, and for this, and for
having told the truth about the accounts, Leicester denounced
Wilkes to the Queen as a traitor and a hypocrite, and
threatened repeatedly to take his life. He had even the
meanness to prejudice Burghley against him — ^by insinuating
to the Lord-Treasurer that he too had been maligned by
Wilkes — and thus most eflfectually damaged the character of
the plain-spoken councillor with the Queen and many of
* WHkes to TValsingham, 17 Feb.
1687. (S. P. Office Ma)
' Ibid. Same to tbe Queen, 16 Feb.
1587. Same to Walsingham, 17 Mar,
1587. (aP. OfflcoMSS.)
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1587.
INDIGNAIJT DISCUSSION IN THB ASSEMBLY.
187
ker advisers ; notwithstanding that he plaintively besought
her to '^ allow him to reiterate his sorry song, as doth the
cuckoo^ that she would please not con4emn her poor servant
unheard,"^
Immediate action was taken on the Deventer treason, and
oa the general relations between the ^tates-Gteneral and the
V.Tigliah government. Bameveld immediately drew up a
severe letter to the Earl of Leicester. On the 2nd February
Wilkes came by chance into the assembly of the States-
G-eneral, with the rest of the councillors, and found Bameveld
just demanding the public reading of that document. The
letter was read. Wilkes then rose and made a few remarks.
" The letter seems rather sharp upon his Excellency/' he
observed. " There is not a word in it/' answered Bameveld
curtly, "that is not perfectly true /' and with this he cut the
matter short, and made a long speech upon other matters
which were then before the assembly.
Wilkes, very anxious as to the effect of the letter, both upon
public feeling in England and upon his own position as
English councillor, waited immediately upon Count Maurice,
President van der Myle, and upon Villiers the clergyman, and
implored their interposition to prevent the transmission of the
epistle. They promised to make an effort to delay its despatch
or to mitigate its tone. A fortnight afterwards, however,
Wilkes learned with dismay, that the document (the leading
passages of which will be given hereafter) had been sent to its
destination.*
Meantime, a consultation of civilians and of the family
council of Count Maurice was held, and it was determined that
the Count should assume the title of Prince more formally
than he had hitherto done,' in order that the actual head of
the Nassaus might be superior in rank to Leicester or to any
* Wnkes to iho Qneen, 8 Feb. 15S7. Wnkes. This is an error, as appears
(S. P. Ottk» MS.) ia the narratiTe given in the text from
* Wilkes to Walsin^liam, 17 May, the Ma letter-book of Wilkes.
1687. (a P. Office Ma) * Memorial given hj Wilkes to Sir
Compare Wasenaar, viil 201, who R. Williams, Feb. 1587. (S. P. Office
states that the mmous 4th of February Ma) Compare Le Petit, IL xiv. 641.
letter was read and approved by Wagenaar, viil 203-204.
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188 THE UNITBD NETHERLANDS. Chap. Xm.
man who could be sent from England. Maurice was also
appointed by the States, provisionally, governor-general,
with Hoheido for his . lieutenant-general.^ That formidal)le
personage, now fully restored to health, made himself very
busy in securing towns and garrisons for the party of Holland,
and in cashiering all functionaries suspected of English
tendencies. Especially he became most intimate with Count
Moeurs, stadholder of Utrecht — ^the hatred of which individual
and his wife towards Leicester and the English nation,
springing originally from the unfortunate babble of Otheman,
had grown more intense than ever, — ^^banquetting and
feasting'^ with him all day long, and concocting a scheme,
by which, for certain considerations, the jH-ovince of Utrecht
was to be annexed to Holland under the perpetual stad-
holderate of Prince Maurice.
* Meteren, sir. 260. Wagenaar, viiL 204. EeTd, rl 100,
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W1. LEIO£STEB m BNGLAVD. 189
I
CHAPTER XIV.
Leicester ia England — ^Trial of thb Qaeen of Scots — Fearfhl Perplexitj at
the English Court— In&taalion and Obstinacj of the Qnoen — Nether-
land Envoys in Engla^id — Queen's bitter InvectiTe against them-*-
Amazement of the Envojrs — ^They consult with her chief Councillors —
Remarks of Burghley and Davison — Fourth of February Letter from the
BtatM — ^Its seywe Language towards Leicester— PainM Posltioa of th€
Envoys at Court — Qneen^s Parsimony towards Leicester.
The scene shifts, for a brief interval, to England. Leicester
had reached the court late in November. Those "blessed
beams," under whose shade he was wont to find so much
"refreshment and nutrition,'' had again fallen with full
radiance upon him. " Never since I was born," said he, " did
I receive a more gracious welcome."^ Alas, there was not
80 much benignity for the starving English soldiers, nor
for the Provinces, which were fast growing desperate ; but
although their cause was so intimately connected with the
" great cause," which then occupied Elizabeth, almost to the
exclusion of other matter, it was, perhaps, not wonderful,
although unfortunate, that for a time the Netherlands should
^ neglected.
The "daughter of debate" had at last brought herself, it
^^ supposed, within the letter of the law, and now began
those odious scenes of hypocrisy on the part of Elizabeth,
Mat frightful comedy — more melancholy even than the
^lemn tragedy which it preceded and followed — which must
erer remain the darkest passage in the history of the Queen.
•'* is unnecessary, in these pages, to make more than a
f^^xig allusion to the condemnation and death of the Queen
^^ Scots. Who doubts her participation in the Babington
couspira^jyp Who doubts that she was the centre of one endless
' Leicester to Wilkes, 4 Dea 1687. (S. P. Office US.)
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190 '^^^ UNITED NBTHEBLAND& Chap. XIV.
conspiracy by Spain and Borne against the throne and life
of Elizabeth ? Who doubts that her long imprisonment in
England was a violation of all law^ all justice^ all humanity ?
Who doubts that the fineing, whipping, torturing, hanging,
embo welling of men, women, and children, guilty of no other
crime than adhesion to the Catholic fEtith, had assisted the
Pope and Philip, and their band of English, Scotch, and Irish
conspirators, to shake Elizabeth's throne and endanger her life ?
Who doubts that, had the English sovereign been capable of
conceiving the great thought of religious toleration, her reign
would have been more glorious than it was, the cause of Pro-
testantism and freedom more triumphant, the name of
Elizabeth Tudor dearer to human hearts ? Who doubts that
there were many enlightened and noble spirits among her
Protestant subjects who lifted up their voices, over and over
again, in parliament and out of it, to denounce that wicked
persecution exercised upon their innocent Catholic brethren,
which was fast converting loyal Englishmen, against their
will, into traitors and conspirators ? Yet who doubts that it
would Kave required, at exactly that moment, and in the
midst of that crisis, more elevation of soul than could fairly
bo predicated of any individual, for Elizabeth in 1587 to
pardon Mary, or to relax in the severity of her legislation
towards English Papists ?
Yet, although a display of sublime virtue, such as the world
has rarely seen, was not to be expected, it was reasonable to
look for honest and royal dealing, from a great sovereign,
brought at last face to face with a great event. The "great
cause'' demanded a great, straightforward blow. It was
obvious, however, that it would be difficult, in the midst of
the tragedy and the comedy, for the Nethetland business to
come fairly before her Majesty. " Touching the Low Country
causes," said Leicester, " very little is done yet, by reason of
the continued business we have had about the Queen of
Scots' matters. All the speech I have had with her Majesty
hitherto touching those causes hath been but private,"*
> Leicester to WOkea^ 4 Dea 1686. (S. P. Office MS.)
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1587. TRIAL OP THE QUKBN OP SCOTS. 191
Walsingham, longing for retirement, not only on account of
*' his infinite grief for tho death of Sir Philip Sidney, which
hath been the cause/' ho said, ^ that I have ever since betaken
myself into solitariness, and withdrawn from public afiairs,^'
but also by reason of tho perverseness and difficulty manifested
in the gravest affiiirs by the sovereign he so faithfully served,
sent information, that, notwithstanding the arrival of some
of the States' deputies, Leicester was persuading her Majesty
to proceed first in the great cause. ^^ Certain principal
persons, chosen as committees," he said, '^ of both Houses are
sent as humble suitors to her Majesty to .desire that she
would bo pleased to give order for the execution of the
Scottish Queen. Her Majesty made answer that she was
loath to proceed in so violent a course against the said Queen,
as tho tiddng away of her life, and therefore prayed them to
think of some other way which might be for her own and
their safety. They replied, no other way but her execution.
Her Majesty, though she yielded no answer to this their latter
reply, is contented to give order that the proclamation be
published, and so also it is hoped that she will be moved by
this their earnest instance to proceed to the thorough ending
of the cause." ^
And so the cause went slowly on to its thorough ending.
And when "no other way" could bo thought of but to take
Mary's life, and when "no other way" of taking that life
could be "devised," at Elizabeth's su^estion, except by
public execution, when none of the gentlemen " of the
association," nor Paulet, nor Drury — ^how skilfully soever
their "pulses had been felt"^ by. Elizabeth's command —
would commit assassination to serve a Queen who was capable
of punishing them afterwards for the murder, the great
cause came to its inevitable conclusion, and Mary Stuart
was executed by command of Elizabeth Tudor. The world
may continue to differ as to the necessity of the execution,
but it has long since pronounced a unanimous verdict as to
1 Walsingbam to Wilkes, 3 Deo. 1586. (S. P. Office MSJ
* DavisoDy in Camden, ill 393.
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192
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XTV".
the respective display of royal dignity by the two Queens
upon that great occasion.
During this interval the Netherland matter, almost as vital
to England as the execution of Mary, was comparatively
n^lected. It was not absolutely in abeyance, but the con-
dition of the Queen's mind coloured every 8tate-a£G%ir with its
tragic hues. Elizabeth, harassed, anxious, dreaming dreams,
and enacting a horrible masquerade, was in the worst possible
temper to be approached by the envoys. She was furious
with the Netherlanders for having maltreated her favourite.
She was still more furious because their war was costing so
much money. Her dis{>osition became so uncertain, her
temper so ungovernable, as to drive her counsellors to
their wit's ends. Burghley confessed himself " weary of his
miserable life," and protested ^^ that the only desire he had in
the world was to be delivered from the ungrateful burthen of
service, which her Majesty laid upon him so veiy heavily/' ^
Walsingham wished himself "well established in Basle."*
The Queen set them all together by the ears. She wrangled
spitefully over the sum-totals from the Netherlands; she
worried Leicester, she scolded Burghley for defending Lei-
cester, and Leicester abused Burghley for taking part against
him.^
^ Burghley to Leioester, 1 Feb. 1587.
(Brit Hub. Galba» 0. xl 262. MS.)
* Walsingham to Wilkes, 2 May,
1587. . (a P. Office M&)
* fiuighlej to Leicester. (MS. before
dted.)
"Your Lordship is greatly oflfendod,"
said the Lord Treasurer, '* for mj
speeches in her Mijestj^s presenoa
What jou conceive, my good Lord, is
best known to jrourself ; . what I meant
18 best known to me; and I do avow
In the presenoe of Ood that I no more
meant to offend you in any thing I
spoke, than I meant to offend the best
and dearest friend I can imagine in
England. And 3ret her Mi^'esty many
times chargeth me that I conoeit, I
flatter, I doro not speak an3rthing that
you should mislike. I see my hard
fortune oootinueth to be sulject to
TOUT doubtful opinion, howsoerer I do
behaye myselC .... You believe me
to have moved Ucr Majesty to be
offended with you for lack of your
procuring a more certainty of the ex-
penses and acoounta of the last year's
chai^ges on the States behal£ ....
But I never did say, nor mean to say,
that your Lordship ought to bo blamed
for those accounts; for I did say, and
do still say, that their accounts are
obscure^ confosed, and without credit
.... I say that they ought to have
been commanded by your authority to
have reformed the same, and made
your Lordship more privy to their
doinga For not doing so I condemned
them, and not your Lordship, who had
so often complained that you were not
better obeyed by them in those points.
And so your Lordship did folly answer
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1587. FEARFUL PERPLEXITY AT THE BITaLISH COURT.
193
The Lord-Treasurer, overcome with "grief which pierced
both his body and his heart," battled his way — as best he
could — throxigh the throng of dangers which beset the path
of England in that great crisis. It was most obvious to every
statesman in the realm that this was not the time — ^when the
gauntlet had been thrown full in the face of Philip and Sixtus
and all Catholicism, by the condemnation of Mary — to leave the
Netherland cause "at random," and these outer bulwarks of
her own kingdom insufficiently protected. •
'^ Your Majesty will hear," wrote Parma to Philip, " of the
disastrous, lamentable, and pitiful end of the poor Queen of
Scots. Although for her it will be immortal glory, and she
will be placed among the number of the many martyrs whose
blood has been shed in the kingdom of England, and be
crowned in Heaven with a diadem more precious than the
one she wore on earth, nevertheless one cannot repress one's
natural emotions. I believe firmly that this cruel deed will
be the concluding crime of the many which that English-
woman has committed, and that our Lord ^ill be pleased that
she shall at last receive the chastisement which she has these
many long years deserved, and which has been reserved till
now, for her greater ruin and confusion."* And with this,
the Duke proceeded to discuss the all important and rapidly-
preparing invasion of England. Famese was not the man to
be deceived by the affected reluctance of Elizabeth before
Mary's scaffold, although he was soon to show that he was
himself a master in the science of grimace. For Elizabeth —
my epeocheOf and I also did afflrm the
same by often repetition to her Miyestj
that both in that as in many other
tilings, the States had gro^y and most
rudely enooontered your Lordship.
And although her licgesty was dis-
posed to leave the cause unrelieved,
perasting on her mmliking of the ao-
oounts^ and so to take occasion to deny
their requests, yet I trust that your
Ixndahip and the rest did see how
earnest I was to draw her Mijesty from
these reckonings of expenses, and to
take regard to the cause which I said
and do say may not now he left ai
VOL. n.— 0
random far reaped to any charges. I
do persist in the opinion that her
Miyesty may not abandon the cause
without manifest injury to her state,
as the case and time now foroeth her.
.... Your Lordship hath seen and
heard her tax me very sharply, that in
not applauding to her censures, I do
conmionly flatter you and that I do
against my conscience hold opinions
to please you— o very hard case held
against me."
> Parma to Philip n., 22 March.
1587. ^Arch. de Simancas, MS.)
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194
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XIV.
more than ever disposed to be friends with Spain and Borne,
now that war to the knife was made inevitable — was wistfully
r^;arding that trap of negotiation, against which all her best
friends were endeavouring to warn her.- She was more ill-
natured than ever to the Provinces, she turned her back upon
the Bernese, she affronted Henry III. by affecting to believe
in the fable of his envoy's complicity in the Stafford con-
spiracy against her life.^
"I pray God to open her eyes," said Walsingham, "to see
the evident peril of the course she now holdeth. ... If it had
pleased her to have followed the advice given her touching
the French ambassador, our ships had been released .... but
she has taken a very strange course by writing a very sharp
letter unto the French King, which I fear will cause him to
give ear to those of the League, and make himself a party with
them, seeing so little r^ard had to him here. Your Lordship
may see that our courage doth greatly increase, for that we
make no difficulty to fall out with all the world I never
saw her worse affected to the poor King of Navarre, and yet
doth she seek in no sort to yield contentment to the French
King. If to offend all the world," repeated the Secretary
bitterly, "be a good cause of government, then can we not do
amiss I never found her less disposed to take a course
of prevention of the approaching mischiefs toward this realm
than at this present. And to be plain with you, there is none
here that hath either credit or courage to deal effectually with
her in any of her great causes." ^
Thus distracted by doubts and dangers, at war with her
best friends, with herself, and with all the world, was Elizabeth
during the dark days and months which preceded and followed
the execution of the Scottish Queen. If the great fight was
at last to be fought triumphantly through, it was obvious that
England was to depend upon Englishmen of all ranks and
1 ** Declaration of the Negotiatkms
with the French Ambaseador, TAubes-
pine, at the Lord Treasurer^ hoose,"
12 Jan. 1587, in Mnrdin, 679-583.
Compare Mignet, 'Hist do Marie
Stuart,' 3rd edition, IL 344^ aeq-
* Walsingham to Leicester, 8 April,
1587. Same to Same, 10 April, 1587,
(Brit 1£U8. Galba, C. xl 319-32L
MSa)
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15ST. DTPATUATION AND OBSTINACY OF THE QUEEN. I95
dasses, upon her pmdent and far-seeing statesmen^ upon
her nobles and her adventurers, on her Anglo-Saxon and
Anglo-Norman blood ever mounting against oppression, on
Howard and Essex, Drake and Williams, Norris and
WHlougfaby, upon high-born magnates, plebeian captains,
London merchants, upon yeomen whose limbs were made in
England, and upon Hollanders and Zeelanders whose fearless
mariners were to swann to the protection of her coasts, quite
as much in that year of anxious expectation as upon the
great Queen herself. Unquestionable as were her mental
capacity and her more than woman's courage, when fairly
brought face to face with the danger, it was fortunately not
on one man or woman's brain and arm that England's salvation
depended in that crisis of her fate.
As to the Provinces, no one ventured to speak very boldly
in their defence. "When I lay before her the peril," said
Walsingham, " she scometh at it. The hope of a peace with
Spain has put her into a most dangerous security."^ Nor
would any man now assume responsibility. The fate of
Davison— of the man who had already in so detestable a
manner been made the scape-goat for Leicester's sins in the
Netherlands, and who had now been so barbarously sacrificed
by the Queen for faithfully obeying her orders in r^iEwd to
the death-warrant, had sickened all courtiers and. counsellors
for the time. " The late severe dealing used by her Highness
towards Mr. Secretary Davison," said Walsingham to Wilkes,
"maketh us very circumspect and careful not to proceed in
anything but wherein we receive direction fix)m herself, and
therefore you must not find it strange if we now be more
sparing than heretofore hath been accustomed."*
Such being the portentous state of the political atmosphere,
and such the stormy condition of the royal mind, it ^j^ ^^ ^
may be supposed that the interviews of the Nether- v ^^-<^' »•>
land envoys with her Majesty during this period
were not likely to be genial. Exactly at the most gloomy
' Walaingbam to Leicester, kCj MS. last cited.
' Walsingham to Wilkes, 13 April, 1587. (a P. Office MS.)
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19p THE TJNITBD NETHBELANDa Chap. XIT.
moment — thirteen days before the execution of Mary — ^they
came first into Elizabeth's presence at Greenwich.^
The envoys were five in number, all of them experienced
and £^16 statesmen — ^Zuylen van Nyvelt^ Joos de Menyn,
Nicasius de Silla, Jacob Valck, and Vitus van Kamminga.'
The Queen was in the privy council-chamber, attended by
the admiral of England, Lord Thomas Howard, Lord Hunsdon,
great-chamberlain, Sir Christopher Hatton, vice-chamberlain,
Secretary Davison, and many other persons of distinction.
The letters of credence were duly presented, but it was
obvious from the banning of the interview that the Queen
was ill-disposed toward the deputies, and had not only been
misinformed as to matters of fact, but as to the state of feeling
of the Netherlanders and of the States-General towards her-
self.^
Menyn, however, who was an orator by profession — being
pensionary of Dort — made, in the name of his colleagues, a
brief but pregnant speech, to which the Queen listened atten-
tively, althougL with frequent indications of anger and im-
patience. He commenced by observing that tho United
Provinces still entertained the hope that her Majesty would
conclude, upon further thoughts, to accept the sovereignty
over them, with reasonable conditions; but the most important
passages of his address were those relating to tho cost of tho
war. "Besides our stipulated contributions,'^ said the pen-
sionary, "of 200,000 florins the month, wo have furnished
500,000 as an extraordinary grant; making for the year
2,900,000 florins, and this over and above the particular and
special expenditures of the Provinces, and other sums for
military purposes. We confess. Madam, that the succour of
your Majesty is a truly royal one, and that there have been
few princes in history who have given such assistance to their
neighbours unjustly oppressed. It is certain that by means of
' Brief van de Oedeputeerden ult
9
England, — Feb. 158T. (Hague Arcli.,
MS.) Compare Bor, II. xxiL 872, scq,
Wagenaar, yiii. 214, 9eq.
» Menjn was pensionary of Dort;
Silla, pensionary of Amsterdam; Yalck
member of tbo state-counciL Wag&-
naar, viil 192.
* Letter of tho Deputies last cited.
(Hague Archiyes, MS.)
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1587. NBTHKRLANI) ENVOYS IN ENGLAND. I97
tiiat help, joined with the forces of the United Provinces^ the
Earl of Leicester has been able to arrest the course of the
Duke of Parma's victories and to counteract his designs.
Nevertheless, it appears, Madam, that these forces have not
been sufficient to drive the enemy out of the country. We are
obliged, for regular garrison work and defence of cities, to keep
up an army of at least 27,000 foot and 3500 horse. Of this
number your Majesty pays 5000 foot and 1000 horse, and wo
are now commissioned, Madam, humbly to request an increase
of your regular succour during the war to 10,000 foot and
2000 horse. We also implore the loan of 6O,00W. sterling,
in order to assist us in maintaining for the coming season a
sufficient force in the field.'' ^
Such, in brief, was the oration of pensionary Menyn, de-
livered in the French language. He had scarcely concluded,
when the Queen — evidently in a great ptwsion* — ^rose to her
feet, and without any hesitation, replied in a strain of vehe-
ment eloquence in the same tongue.
" Now I am not deceived, gentlemen," she said, " and that
which I have been fearing has occurred. Our common
adage, which we have in England, is a very good one. When
one fears that an evil is coming, the sooner it arrives the
better. Here is a quarter of a year that I have been expect-
ing you, and certainly for the great benefit I have conferred
on you, you have exhibited a great ingratitude, and I consider
myself very iU treated by you. 'Tis very strange that you
should begin by soliciting still greater succour without tender-
ing me any satisfaction for your past actions, which have been
80 extraordinary, that I swear by the living God I think it
impossible to find peoples or states more ungrateful or ill-
advised than yourselves.
I have sent you this year fifteen, sixteen, aye seventeen cr
eighteen thousand men. You have left them without pay-
ment, you have let some of them die of hunger, driven
others to such desperation that they have deserted to the
> BiacGUTa de Menio^Aodionco a I ^ "Zocr gealteroert," Mb. Letter,
Greenwich. (Ha^e Arch. MS.) | ttbi sup.
I
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198 THE UNITED -NETHERLANDa Chap. XTV.
enemy. Is it not mortifying for the English nation and a
great shame for you that Englishmen should say that they
have found more courtesy from Spaniards than fit)m Nether-
landers ? Truly, I tell you fiunkly that I wiU never endure
such indignities. Bather will I act according to my will, and
you may do exactly as you think best.
" If I chose, I could do something very good without you,
although some persons are so fond of saying that it was quite
necessary for the Queen Of England to do what she does for.
her own protection. No, no ! Disabuse yourselves of that
impression. These are but false persuasions. Believe boldly
that I can play an excellent game without your assistance,
and a better one than I ever did with it.* Nevertheless, I
do not choose to do that, nor do I wish you so much harm.
But likewise do I not choose that you should hold such
language to me. It is true that I should not wish the
Spaniard so near me if he should be my enemy. But why should
I not live in peace, if we were to be friends to each other ?
At the commencement of my reign we lived honourably
together, the King of Spain and I, and he even asked me to
marry, him, and, after that, we lived a long time very peace-
fully, without any attempt having been made against my life.
If we both choose, we can continue so to do.
" On the other hand, I sent you the Earl of Leicester, as
lieutenant of my forces, and my intention was that he should
have exact knowledge of your finances and contributions.
But, on the contrary, he has never known anything about
them, and you have handled them in yotir own manner and
amongst yourselves. You have given him the title of governor,
in order, under this name, to cast all your evils on his head.
That title ho accepted against my will, by doing which he
ran the risk of losing his life, and his estates, and the grace
and favour of his Princess, which was more important to him
than all. But he did it in order to maintain your tottering
state. And what authority, I pray you, have you given him ?
» "Quo je feroj bien un bon parti
Bans voua 7 appeller, et meiUeur quo je
naj faict oncquea avocq vous." *Be-
ponse do Sa M^jest^ aa Disoours do
S' de Menin.* (GDagoe Archiyea^ MS.)
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1587.
QUEEN'S BITTBE INTECnYB AGAINST THEM.
199
A shadowy authority^ a purely imaginary one. This is but
mockery. He is, at any. rate, a gentleman, a man of honour
and of counsel. You had no right to treat him thtis. If I
had accepted the title which you wished to give me, by the
living GK)d, I would not have suffered you so to treat me.
^^ But you are so badly advised that when there is a man
of worth who discovers your tricks you wish him ill, and make
an outcry against him ; and yet some of you, in order to save
your money, and others in the hope of bribes, have been
favouring the Spaniard, and doing very wicked work. No,
believe me that God will punish those who for so great a
benefit wish to return me so much evil. Believe, boldly too,
ihat the King of Spain will never trust men who have aban-
doned the party to which they belonged, and from which they
have received so many benefits, and will never believe a word
of what they promise him. Yet, in order to cover up their
filth, they spread tho story that the Queen of England is
thinking of treating for peace without their knowledge. No,
I would rather be dead than that any one should have occasion
to say that I had not kept my promise. But princes must
listen to both sides, and that can be done without breach of
fiuth.^ For they transact business in a certain way, and with
a princely intelligence, such as private persons cannot imitate.'
"You are States, to be sure,. but private individuals in
regard' to princes. Certainly, I would never choose to do
anything without your knowledge, and I would never allow
the authority whi^h you have among yourselves, nor your
privileges, nor your statutes, to be infringed. Nor will I iallow
you to be perturbed in your consciences. What then would
you more of me ? You have issued a proclamation in your
country that no one is to talk of peace. Very well, very
pjood. But permit princes likewise to do as they shall think.
^ " £t encores qae les princes oyent
ankmies fois I'uDg et Taultre, cela so
peoH &ire sans " There is a
broken sentence here in the origmal,
which seems to reqoire a phrase simi-
lar to the one which I have supplied.
* Reponse,' Ac., just cited.
s '*Car lis besoignent aveoq une
maniere de iaire et intelligenoe des-
princes, oe que les partiouliers ne
scauroient fiuro." (Ibid.)
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200
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XTT.
best for the security of their state, provided it does you no
injury. Among us princes we are not wont to make such
long orations as you do, but you ought to be content with the
few words that we bestow upon you, and make yourself quiet
thereby.^
" If I ever do anything for you again, I choose to be treated
more honourably. I shall therefore appoint some personages
of my council to communicate with you. And in the first
place I choose to hear and see for myself what has taken
place already, and have satisfaction about that, before I make
any reply to what you have said to me as to greater assist-
ance. And so I will leave you to-day, without troubling you
further.''^
With this her Majesty swept from the apartment, leaving
the deputies somewhat astounded at the fierce but adroit
manner in which the tables had for a moment be^i turned
upon them.
It was certainly a most unexpected blow, this charge of
the States having left the English soldiers — ^whose numbers
the Queen had so suddenly multiplied by throe— unpaid and
unfed. Those Englishmen who, as individuals, had entered
the States' service, had been — ^like all the other troops — •
regularly paid. This distinctly appeared from the statements
of her own counsellors and generals.' On the other hand,
the Queen's contingent, now dwindled to about half their
original number, had been notoriously unpaid for nearly six
months.
This has already been made sufficiently clear from the
private letters of most responsible persons. That these sol-
diers were starving^ deserting, and pillaging, was, alas I too
true; but the envoys pf tiie States hardly expected to be
censured by her Majesty, because she had n^lected to pay
> "Entre nona princes nous nesca-
Tons Idnsi orer comme vous ^ictes,
mais vous devriez eetre oontentz avecq
oe pen de paroUes qui'on yons diet, et
Tons asseurer la dessus." 'Reponse/
Ac., Jast cited.
* Ibid. Compare Bor, IT. xxiL 873,
8t4. Wagenaar, viil 193-194
5 Memorial given by Wilkes to Sir
K Williams, Feb. 1687. (a P. Offlct
MS.)
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i&dT.
JLICAZEMENT OF THS ENVOYS.
201
her own troops. It was one of the points concerning which
they had been especially enjoined to complain^ that the English
cavalrj^ converted into highwaymen by want of pay, had been
plundering the peasantry,^ and we have seen that Thomas
Wilkes had " pawned his carcase " to provide for their tem-
porary relie£
With regard to the insinuation that prominent personages
in the country bad been tampered with by the enemy, the
tovoys were equally astonished by such an attack. The
great Deventer treason had not yet been heard of in England
— ^for it had occurred only a week before this first interview
— but something of the kind was already feared ; for the
slippery dealings of York and Stanley with Tassis and Parma
bad long been causing painful anxiety, and had formed the
subject of repeated remonstrances on the part of the States
to Leicester and to the Queen. The deputies were hardly
prepared therefore to defend their own people against dealing
privately with the King of Spain. Tho only man suspected
of such practices was Leicester's own favourite and financier,
Jacques Ringault, whom the Earl had persisted in employing
against the angry remonstrances of the States, who believed
him to be a Spanish spy ; and the man was now in prison, and
threatened with capital punishment
To suppose that Buys or Bameveld, Boorda, Meetkerk, or
any other leading statesman in the Netherlands, was contem-
plating a private arrangement with Philip II., was as ludicrous
a conception as to imagine Walsingham a pensioner of the
Pope, or Cecil in league with the Duke of Guise. The end
and aim of the States' party was war. In war they not only
> "Les compagDies Anglalses,** wrote
the State&-Qeneral to Leicester, "tant
de cbeval que de pied & la charge de
8. Majesty ayans delaiss^ les fiontidres
8e sont jectez en Hollande, oa ils
fixilent et mangent lo bon bomme
floobs pretexte qu'ils disent n'avoir
le^ atilcun payment en dncq mois,
oe que cause grande alteratfon par-
dessns Tamouidriasement des contri-
bnUoDS du Plat Pa3rs. £t comme ila
tiennent jonmeUement plusieurs pro-
pos estranges contre la dite province
d'HoUande, et qu'ila j yeoillent pour«
chasBer leor payement, a cste trouw^
bon de les fiuro contenir ou ils sont,"
Ac. States-General to Leicester,
1 March, 1687. (Hague Archives,
M&)
The statements of Wilkes to his
government, of like import, have been
given in the notes on preceding pages.
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202 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XIV. '
saw the safety of the reformed religion, but the onlj.meatiB
of maintaiDing the commercial prosperity of the commonwealtb.
The whole correspondence of the times shows that no politician
in the country dreamed of peace, either by public or secret
n^otiation. On the other hand — as will be made still clearer
than ever — the Queen was longing for peace, and was treating
for peace at that moment through private . agents, quite
without the knowledge of the States, and in spite of her
indignant disavowals in her speech to the envoys. *
Yet if Elizabeth could have had the privilege of entering —
as we are about to do — ^into the private cabinet of that excellent
King of Spain, with whom she had once been such good
friends, who had even sought her hand in marriage, and with
whom she saw no reason whatever why she should not live
at peace, she might have modified her expressions on this
subject. Certainly, if she could have looked through the
piles of papers — as we intend to do — which lay upon that
librpy-table, far beyond the seas and mountains, she would
have perceived some objections to the scheme of living at
peace with that diligent letter- writer.
Perhaps, had she known how the subtle Famese was about
to express himself concerning the fast-approaching execution
of Mary, and the as inevitably impending destruction of ^^ that
Englishwoman'' through the schemes of his masfcer and him-
self, she would have paid less heed to the sentiments couched
in most exquisite Italian which Alexander was at the same
time whispering in her ear, and would have taken less offence
at the blunt, language of the States-General
Nevertheless, for the present, Elizabeth would give no
better answer than the hot-tempered one which had already
somewhat discomfited the deputies.
Two days afterwards, the five envoys had an interview with
several members of her Majesty's council, in the private apart-
ment of the Lord-Treasurer in Greenwich Palace. Burghley,
being indisposed, was lying upon his bed. Leicester, Admiral
Lord Howard, Lord Hunsden, Sir Christopher Hatton, Lord
Buckhurst, and Secretary Davison, were present, and the
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1587. THEY CONSULT WITH HBB CHIEF COUNCILLOBS. 203
Lord-Treasurer proposed that the conversation should be in
Latin^ that being the common language most familiar to them
alL^ Then, turning over the leaves of the report, a copy of
which lay on his bed, he asked the envoys, whether, in case
her Majesty had not sent over the assistance which she had
done under the Earl of Leicester, their country would not have
been utterly ruined.
" To all appearance, yes," replied Menyn.
" But," continued Burghley, still running through the pages
of the document, and here and there demanding an explana-
tion of an obscure passage or two, " you are now proposing
to her Majesty to send 10,000 foot and 2000 horse, and to
lend 6O,00W. This is altogether monstrous and excessive.
Nobody ioiU ever dare even to speak to her Mcyesty on the sub-
ject. When you first came in 1585, you asked for 12,000
men, but you were fully authorized to accept 6000. No doubt
that is the case now." *
" On that occasion," answered Menyn, " our main purpose
was to induce her Majesty to accept the sovereigntyi or at
least the perpetual protection of our country. Failing in that
we broached the third point, and not being able to get 12,000
soldiers we compounded for 5000, the agreement being subject
to ratification by our principals. We gave ample security in
shape of the mortgaged cities. But experience has shown us
that these forces and this succom: are insufficient. We have
therefore been sent to b^ her Majesty to make up the con-
tingent to the amount originally request^."
^^But we are obliged to increase the garrisons in the
cautionary towns," said one of the English councillors, "as
800 men in a city like Flushing are very little."
" Pardon me," replied Valck, " the burghers are not enemies
but friends to her Majesty and to the English nation. They
are her dutiful subjects like all the inhabitants of the Kether-
lands."
' Bapport de la Legation. Con&rence des Deputes aveo les Commiasaires
de a IL, 1 Feb. 1587. (Hagae Aichiyee, Ha) « Ibid.
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204 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XTV.
" It is quite true/' said Burghley, after having made some
critical remarks upon the military system of the Provinces,
" and a very common adage, quod tunc tua res agitur, paries
cum proximus ardetj but, nevertheless, this war principally
concerns you. Therefore you are bound to do your utmost
to meet its expenses in your own country, quite as much as
a man who means to build a house is expected to provide the
stone and timber himself. But the States have not done their
best. They have not at the appointed time come forward
with their extraordinary contributions for the last campaign.
" How many men," he asked, "are required for garrisons in
all the fortresses and cities, and for the field ? "
" But," interposed Lord Hunsden, " not half so many men
are needed in the garrisons ; for the burghers ought to be
able to defend their own cities. Moreover it is probable that
your ordinary contributions might he continued and doubled
and even tripled," ^
" And oh the whole," observed the Lord Admiral,* " don't
you think that the putting an army in the field might be dis-
pensed with for this year? Her Majesty at present must
get together and equip a fleet of war vessels against the King
of Spain, which will be an excessively largo pennyworth,
besides the assistance which she gives her neighbours."
" Yes, indeed," said* Secretary Davison, " it would be diffi-
cult to exaggerate the enormous expense which her Majesty
must encounter this year f oil defending an I liberating her
own kingdoms against the King of Spain. That monarch is
making great naval preparations, and is treating all English-
men in the most hostile manner. We are on the brink of
declared war with Spain, with the French King, who is arrest-
ing all English persons and property within his kii^om, and
with Scotland, all which countries are understood to have
made a league together on a^ccouni of the Queen of Scotland^
whom it tviU be absolutely necessary to put to death in order to
preserve the life of her Majesty, and are about to make war
' M& Report laftdtecL
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1687. EBMABKS OF BTJBOHLET AND DAVISON. 205
upon England. This matter then will cost us^ the carrent
year, at least eight hundred thousand pounds sterling. Never-
theless her Majesty is sure to assist you so far as her means
allow ; and I, for my part, will do my hest to keep her Majesty
well disposed to your cause, even as I have ever done, as you
well know." ^
Thus^ spoke poor Davison, but a few days before the fatal
8th of February, little dreaming that the day for his in-
fluencing the disposition of her Majesty would soon be gone,
and that he was himself to be crushed for ever by the blow
which was about to destroy the captive Queen. The political
combinations resulting from the tragedy were not to be ex-
actly as ho foretold, but there is little doubt that in him the
Netherlands, and Leicester, and the Queen of England, were
to lose an honest, diligent, and faithful friend.
''Well, gentlemen,'* said the Lord-Treasurer, after a few
more questions concerning the financial abilities of the States
had been askad and answered, ''it is getting late into the
evening, and time for you all to get back to London. Let
me request you, as soon as may be, to draw up some articles
in writing, to which we will respond immediately."*
. Menyn then, in the name of the deputies, expressed thanks
for the urbanity shown them in the conference, and spoke of
the deep regret with which they had perceived, by her Majesty's
answer two days before, that she was so highly offended with
them and with the States-G^neraL He then, notwithstanding
Buighley's previous hint as to the lateness of the hour, took
up the Queen's answer, point by point, contradicted all its
statements, appealing frequently to Lord Leicester for con-
firmation of what he advanced, and concluded by begging the
councillors to defend the cause of the Netherlands to her
Majesty. Burghley requested them to make an excuse or
reply to the Queen in writing, and send it to him to present.*
Thus the conference terminated, and the envoys returned
to London. They were fully convinced by the result of these
> MS. Report last citecL ' Ibid.
•Ibid. Compere Bor, IL xxil 816-817, wg.
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206 T^™ UNITED NETHBRLANDa Chap. XIV.
interviews^ as they told their constitaeats^ that her Majesty^
by false statements and reports of persons either grossly
ignorant or not having the good of the commonw^th before
their eyes, had been very incorrectly informed as to the con-
dition of the Provinces, and of the great efforts made by the
States-General to defend their country against the enemy.
It was obvious, they said, that their measures had been ex-
aggerated in order to deceive the Queen and her council.^
And thus statements and counter-statements, protocols
and apostilles, were glibly exchanged, the heap of diplomatic
rubbish was rising higher and higher, and the councillors and
envoys, pleased with their work, were growing more and inore
amicable, when the court was suddenly startled by the news
of the Deventer and Zutphen treason. The intelligence was
accompanied by the famous 4th of February letter, which
descended, like a bombshell, in the midst of the decorous
council-chamber. Such language had rarely been addressed
to the Earl of Leicester, and, through him, to the imperious
sovereign herself, as the homely truths with which Bameveld,
speaking with the voice of the States-Ghneral, now smote the
delinquent governor.
" My Lord," said he, " it is notorious, and needs no illustra-
tion whatever, with what true confidence and unfeigned affec-
tion we received your Excellency in our land ; the States-
General, the States-Provincial, the magistrates, and the com-
munities of the chief cities in the United Provinces, all uniting
to do honour to her serene Majesty of England and to your-
self, and to confer upon you the government-general over tis.
And although we should willingly have placed some limitations
upon the authority thus bestowed on you, in order that by
such a course your own honour and the good and constitutional
condition of the country might be alike preserved, yet finding
your Excdlency not satisfied with those limitations, we post-
poned every objection, and conformed ourselves to your
pleasure. Yet, before coming to that decision, we had well
Ma Heport, ^ Feb. 1587, before cited.
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1587. FOUBTH OF FKBBUABT LETTEB FROM THE STATEa 207
considered that by doing so we might be opening a door to
many ambitious, avaricioos, and pernicious persons, both of
these cotmtries and from other nations, who might seize the
occasion to advance their own private profits, to the detriment
of the coimtry and the dishonour of your Excellency.
^^ And, in truth, such persons have done their work so effi-
ciently as to inspire you with distrust against the most faithful
and capable men in the Provinces, against the Estates General
and Provincial, magistrates, and private persons, knowing very
well that they could never arrive at their own ends so long
as you were guided by the constitutional authorities of the
country. And precisely upon the distrust, thus created as a
foundation, they raised a back-stairs council, by means of which
they were able to further their ambitious, avaricious, and se-
ditious practices, notwithstanding the good advice and remon-
strances of the council of state, and the States General and
Pro.vinciaU'*
He proceeded to handle the subjects of the English rose-
noble, put in circulation by Leicester's finance or back-staus
council at two florins above its value, to the manifest detriment
of the Provinces, to the detestable embargo which had pre-
vented them from using the means bestowed upon them by
God himself to defend their country, to the squandering and
embezzlement of the large sums contributed by the Provinces
and entrusted to the Earl's adminbtration, to the starving
condition of the soldiers, maltreated by government, and thus
compelled to prey upon the inhabitants— so that troops in
the States' service had never been so abused during the whole
war, although the States had never before voted such largo
contributions nor paid them so promptly — to the placing in
posts of high honour and trust men of notoriously bad
character and even Spanish spies ; to the taking away the
public authority from those to whom it legitimately belonged,
and conferring it on incompetent and unqualified persons ; to
the illegal banishment of respectable citizens, to the violation
» Lettre des Etats 4 Leycestre. I Compare Bor, II. xxii. 944, seq, Wage-
4 Feb. 1587. (Hague ArdiiYea, Ma) | naar, yiiL 202. Le Pctil^ II. xiv. 641.
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208 ^^^ UNITED NETHSBLANDa Chap. XIV.
of time-honoured laws and privileges^ to the shameful attempts
to repudiate the ancient authority of the States^ and to usurp
a control over the communities and nobles by them repre*
sented^ and to the perpetual efforts to foster dissension^ di^
union^ and rebellion among the inhabitants. Having thus
drawn up a heavy bill of indictment^ nominally against the
Earl's illegal counsellors, but in reality against the Earl him-
self, he proceeded to deal vdth the most* important matter of
all.
"The principal cities and fortresses in the country havo
been placed in hands of men suspected by the States on l^ti*
knate grounds, men who had been convicted of treason against
these Provinces, and who continued to be suspected, notwith-
standing that your Excellency had pledged your own honour
for their fidelity. Finally, by means of these scoundrels,^ it
was brought to pass, that — ^the council of state having been
invested by your Excellency with supremo authority during
your absence — a secret document was brought to light after
your departure, by which the most substantial matters, and
those most vital to the defence of the country, were withdrawn
from the disposition of that council. And now, alas, we see
the effects of these practices !
" Sir William Stanley, by you appointed governor of Deven-
ter, and Bowland York, governor of Fort Zutphen, have re-
fused, by virtue of that secret document, to acknowledge any
authority in this country. And notwithstanding that since
your departure they and their soldiers have been supported at
our expense, and had just received a full month's pay from
the States, they have traitorously and villainously delivered
the city and the fortress to the enemy, with a declaration
made by Stanley that he did the deed to ease his conscience^
and to render to the Eling of Spain the city which of right
was belonging to him. And this is a crime so dishonourable,
scandalous, ruinous, and treasonable, as that, during this
whole war, we have never seen the like. And we are now in
daily fear lest the English commanders in Bergen-op-Zoom^
* "Gibier." Haiastdted.
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1587. ITS SEYEBB LAKaTTAGE TOWARDS LEIOESTEB. 209
Ostend, and other cities, should commit' the same crime.
And although we fully suspected the designs of Stanley and
York, yet your ExoeDency's secret document had deprived us
of the power to act.
" We doubt not that her Majesty and your Excellency will
think this strange language. But we can assure you, that we
too think it strange and grievous that those places Bho«ld
have heen confided to such men, against our repeated remon-
strances, and that, moreover, this very Stanley should have
been recommended by your ExceUency for general of all the
forces. And although we had many just and grave reasons
for opposing your administration — even as our ancestors, were
often wont to rise against the sovereigns of the country— -we
have, nevertheless, patiently suffered for a long time, in order
not to diminish your authority, which we deemed so important
to our welfare, and in the hope that you would at last be
moved by the perilous condition of the commonwealth, and
awake to the artifices of your advisers. '
^^ But at last — ^feeling that the exbtence of the state can no
longer be preserved without proper authority, and. that the
whole community is full of emotion and distrust, on account
of these great treasons — ^we, the States-General, as well as
the Staties-Provincial, have felt constrained to establish such a
government as we deem meet for the emergency. And of
this we think proper to apprize your Excellency."
He then expressed the conviction that all these evil deeds
had been a^ccomplished against the intentions of the Earl and
the English government, and requested his Excellency so to
deal with her Majesty that the contingent of horse and foot
hitherto accorded by her ^^ might be maintained in good
order, and in better pay."
Here, then, was substantial choleric phraseology, as good
plain si>eaking as her Majesty had just been employing, and
with quite as sufficient cause. Here was no pleasant diplo-
matic fencing, but straightforward vigorous thrusts. It was
no wonder that poor Wilkes should have thought the letter
" too sharp," wh^n he heard it read in the assembly, and that
VOL, n.— .P
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210
THE UNITBD NETHBKLAND&
Chap. XIV.
he should have done his best to prevent it from bemg de-
spatched. He would have thought it sharper could he have
seen how the pride of her Majesty and of Leicester was
wounded by it to the quick. Her list of grievances against
the States seem to vanish into au*. Who had been tampering
with the Spaniards now ? Had that ^^ shadowy and imaginary
authority'' granted to Leicester not proved substantial
enough ? Was it the States-General^ the state-council, or was
it the "absolute governor"— who had carried off the supreme
control of the commonwealth in his pocket — ^that was respon-
sible for the ruin effected by Englishmen who had scorned all
" authority" but his own ?
The States, in another blunt letter to the Queen herself,
declared the loss of Deventer to be more disastrous to them
than even the fall of Antwerp had been ; for the republic had
now been split asunder, and its most ancient and vital por-
tions almost cut away. Nevertheless they were not " dazzled
nor despairing," they said, but more determined than ever to
maintain their liberties, and bid defiance to the Spanish
tyrant. And again they demanded of, rather than implored,
her Majesty to be true to her engagements with them.^
The interviews which followed were more tempestuous than
ever. "I had intended that my Lord of Leicester should
return to you," she said to the envoys. "But that shall never
be. He has been treated with gross ingratitude, he has served
the Provinces with ability, he has consumed his own property
there, he has risked his life, he has lost his near kinsman.
Sir Philip Sidney, whose life. I should be glad to purchase
with many millions, and, in place of all reward, he receives
these venomous letters, of which a copy has been sent to his
sovereign to blacken him with her." She had been advising
' "Car 81 la perte d*Anyers a est^
tree grande poar toute le pajSi oeete
C7 tire aveo soi plus grande conse-
quence, tout au regard de plusieurs
autres villes oucumvoisinee d^ De-
venter, lesquelles ne pourront etre
aviotuaillees que par force, que aultre-
ment. Non pas que nous disons cesq
comme esblouys et par desespoir. ....
Car nous ne manquerons jamais en
noe premieres rescdutions de nous you-
loir maintenir contre le Roi d'Espaigne^
pour la conservation de I^ reUgioa
Chrestienne, nos privileges, fianchisos,
et libertes." States-General to the
Queen, 6 Feb. 1587. (Hague AichivesL
MS.)
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16^.
PAINFUL POSmOK OF THE BNVOTS AT COURT.
211
him to return^ she added, bat she was now resolved that he
should nerer set foot iii the Provinces again/' ^
Hare the Earl, who was present, exclaimed — beating him-
self on the breast — " a tali officio libera nos, Domine !"*
But the States, undaunted by these explosions of wrath,
replied that it had ever been their custom, when their laws
and liberties were invaded, to speak their mind boldly to
kinjgs and governors, and to procure redress of their grievances, >
as beoame free men.'
During that whole spring the Queen was at daggers drawn
with all her leading counsellors, mainly in regard to that great
question of questions — ^the relations of England with the
Netherlands and Spain. Walsingham — who felt it madness
to dream of peace, and who believed it the soundest policy to
deal with Parma and his veterans upon the soil of Flanders,
with the forces of the republic for allies, rather than to await
his arrival in London-^was driven almost to frenzy by what
he deemed the Queen's perverseness.
" Our sharp words continue," said the Secretary, " which
doth greatly disquiet her Majesty, and discomfort her poor
servants that attend her. The Lord-Treasiirer remaineth still
in disgrace, and, behind my back, her Majesty giveth out
very hard speeches of myself, which I the rather credit, for
that I find, in dealing with her, I aih nothing gracious^; and if
her Majesty could be otherwise served, I know I should not be
used. . . , . Her Majesty doth wholly lend herself to devise
some further means to disgrace her poor council, in respeot
whereof she neglecteth all other causes The discord
between her Majesty and her council hindereth the necessary
consultations that were to be destined for the preventing of
the manifold perils that hang over this realm. . .^, . . Sir
Christopher Hatton hath dealt very plainly and dutifully
» Bor, n. xxiL 949.
» Ibid-
3 " Kous Bommea accoustumez,
cx>mme aoasi ont ete nos predeces-
seoiS) de remonstrer a nos princes et
gouterneoTB librement des desordres
et contrayentioDS que nous trouvons
contre nos privileges et libertes, commo
avons fiut a Y. E. etant ioi, — ce que
nous avons tor^ours tenu etre de notre
devoir et vrai moyen poor parvenir au
redres des dites desordres," &c. States-
General to Leicester, 1 March, 1587.
(Haguo Archives, MS.)
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212 THE UNITBD NETHERLANDa • Chap. XIV.
with her, which hath been accepted in so evil part as he is
resolved to retire for a time. I assure you I find every
man weary, of attendance here .1 would to God I
could find as good resolution in her Majesty to proceed in
a princely course in relieving the United Provinces, as I find
an honorable disposition in your Lordship to employ your-
self in their service."^
The Lord-Treasurer was much puzzled, very wretched, but
philosophically resigned. " Why her Majesty useth me thus
strangely, I know not," he observed. "To some she saith
that she meant not I should have gone from the court ; to
some she saith, she may not admit me, nor give me con-
tentment. I shall dispose myself to enjoy God's favour,
and shall do nothing to deserve her disfiivour. And if I
be suffered to bo a stranger to her affairs, I shall have a
quieter life.''^
Leicester, after the first burst of his anger was over, was
willing to return to the Provinces. He protested that he had
a greater affection for the Netherland people— not for tiie
governing powers— even than he felt for the people of Eng-
land."* " There is nothing sticks in my stomach," he said,
"but the good-will of that poor aMcted people, for whom, I
take God to record, I could be content to lose any limb I have
to do them good."* But he was crippled with debt, and the
Queen resolutely refused to lend him a few thousand pounds,
without which he could not stir. Walsingham in vain did
battle: with her parsimony, representing how urgently and
vividly the necessity of his' return had been depicted by all
her ministers in both countries, and how much it imported to
her own safety and service. But she was obdurate. "She
woidd rather," he said bitterly to Leicester, " hazard the in-
crease of confusion there — which may put the whole .country
in peril — than supply your want. The like course she holdeth
in the rest of her causes, which maketh me to widi myself
^ Walsingfaam to Leicester, 3 April,
1587. Same to same, 10 April, 1587.
(Brit Mus. Galba, 0. xi 316-319.)
■ Burghley to Leicester, 16 April,
1687. (Brit Mus. Galba, a xi. 333.)
» Bor, XL xxiL 960-952.
* Leicester to Walsingbam, IG ApriL
1587. (ap. oflaceMa)
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1587.
QUEBITS PABSIMONT TOWABDS LEICESTER.
213
from the helm." At last she agreed to advance him ten
thousand pounds, but on so severe conditions/that the Earl
declared himself heart-broken again, and protested that he
would neither accept the money, nor ever set foot in the
Netherlands. " Let Norris stay there," he said in a fury ;
"he will do admirably, no doubt. Only let it not be sup-
posed that I can be there also. Not for one hundred thousand
pounds would I be in that country with him."*
Meantime it was agreed that Lord Buckhurst should bo
sent forth on what Wilkes termed a mission of expostulation,
" "For tho 10,0001 for your parti-
cular," Baid Walsingham, " I have dealt
very earnestly, but cannot prevail to
win her Majesty to assent thereunto.
I caused Mr. Barker to set down a note
of your mortgages that stand upon
ibrfeiture tx lade of this promised
support of the 10,0002, wherewith she
has been made acquainted, but not
moved thereby to relieve you." "Wal-
singham to Leicester, 6 Apiil, 1587.
(Brit Mus. Galba^ a xl 323. MS.)
And again, two days later — " I am
cony that her M^esty sticketh with
you for the loan, for I see, without your
return, both the cause and many an
honest man that have showed them
most constantly affected to you, will
go to ruin. I wish you had it, though
it were for but two months. The
enemy is not like to attempt any great
matter in respect of his wanta But
I am most sorry to see so great an
advantage lost as her M^jes^ might
have had, in case she had been induced
to contribute towards tlie putting an
anny into the field." Same to same,
8 April, 1587. Ibid. p. 321-331. MS.
And once more, a week afterwards —
"She can be content to furnish you
vriQx 10,00021, so as you would devise,
out of her entertainment and the States
to pay her in one year the said sum,
which she saith you promised unto
heraelC and therefore willed me to
write to you to know whether you can
make repayment in such order as she
requireth." Same to same,. 14 April,
1587. IbkL326.
There was not much sentiment be-
tween the "throned vestal" and
"Sweet Bobin" when pounds and
shilUngs were discussed; and it will
be seen that the Earl was rendered
quite frantic by the screwing process
to which he found himself subjected
by her whoso "blessed beams" had
formerly been so " nutritfous."
• "I perceive by. your letters," said
Leicester, "that her Mi^esty would
now I should go over, and will lend
me 10,00021 so she may be sure to re-
ceive it back within a year. I did
offer to her Majesty heretofore that
she should have all I receive of her
entertainment, and as much besides as
shall yield her 2,0002., piud either
1,0002. at Michaelmas and the other at
our Lady-day, or else both at our Lady,
which is less than a year ; and so long
as I shall receive, then her Miyesty
shall receive after this sort till her
10,0001 be paid. And this is more, I
am now persuaded, than I shall be able
to do, and keep any countenance fit
for the place .... but seeing I find
her M^'esty's hardness continue still
to me as it doth, I pray you let mo
your earnest and true fUrtiierance for
my abode at home and dischai^ . . .
for my heart is more than half-broken,
and I do think her Mi^esty had rather
far continue Sir J. Norria there, in
respect to the reconciliation between
him and Ck>unt Hollock. .... But I
will nev^r serve with him again as long
as I live; no, not for to have 100,OQ02.
^ven me I know the man too
well to trust to his service. 1 shall
have no good thereby — not if I were
an angel, for he cannot obey nor almost
like of an equal .... and already ho
hath taken advantage to curry &vour
with captains and soldiers • ... Ho
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214
THE UNITED NETHBBLANDa
Chap. XV.
and a very ill-timed one. This new envoy was to inquire into
the causes of the discontent, and to do his best to remove
them : as if any man in England or in Holland doubted as to
the causes, or as to the best means of removing them ; or as
if it were not absolutely certain that delay was the very worst
specific that could be adopted— delay — ^which the Nether-
land statesmen, as well as the Queen's wisest counsellors, most
deprecated, which Alexander and Philip most d^ired, and by
indulging in which her Majesty was most directly playing into
her adversary's hand. Elizabeth was preparing to put cards
upon the table against an antagonist whose game was dose,
whose honesty was always to be suspected, and who was a
consummate master in what was then considered diplomatic
sleight of hand. So Lord Buckhurst was to go forth to ex-
postulate at the Hague, while transports were loading in
Cadiz and Lisbon, reiters levying in Germany, pikemen and
musketeers in Spain and Italy, for a purpose concerning
which Walsingham and Bameveld had for a long time felt
little doubt.
Meantime Lord Leicester went to Bath to drink tho waters,
and after he had drunk the waters, the Queen, ever anxious
for his health, was resolved that he should not lose the benefit
of those salubrious draughts by travelling too soon, or by
plunging anew into the fountains of bitterness which flowed
perennially in the Netherlands.* '
shall never bear sway under me; his
disdain and craft bath no moderation ;
and I know, for all those speeobes of
my going, bis friends make tail account
that he shall remain there as her Ma-
jesty's general of the forces." Leioester
to Walsingham, 16 April, 1687. (a P.
OffloeMa)
* " Finding your presence here ne-
cessary," wrote Waldngbam, " for the
expedition of the Low Country causes^
I moved her Majesty that I might
be authorised in her name to hasten
your repair hither, whereonto aho
would in no sort consent, pr^end-
ing that after the use of the Bath, it
would be dangeixMis for your Lonl-
ship to take any extraordinary travail
There is some doubt that O^end wi0
be presently besieged," fta ^ Wal-
singham to Leicester, 17 April, 1587.
(B. Mus. OaUMs a xi. 327, MS.)
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158T. BUCKUUBSI SBNT TO TBS NBTUERLANDS. 215
CHAPTER XV.
Bockbont sent to the Netherianda — Alarming State of Affairs on his Arrival
— His Efforts to oondliate — Democratio Theories of Wilkes •** Sophistry
of the Argument — Dispute betweea Wilkes and Bameveld — Religious
Tolerance \>j the States — Their Constitutional Theory — Deventer's bad
Ooonaela to Leicester — Their pernicious EfiBsct — Real and supposed
Plots against Hohenlo — Mutual Suspicion and Distrust — Buckhurst seeks
to restore good Feeling — The Queen angry and vindictive — She cen-
vnres Buckhurst^s CJourse — Leicester's Wrath at Hohenlo*s Charges of a
Plot by the Earl to murder hhn — Buckhurst's eloquent Appeals to the
Queen — Her perplexing and contradictory Orders — Despair of Wilkes —
Leicester announces his Return— -His Instructions — Letter to Junius —
Bameveld denounces him in the States.
We return to the Netherlands. If ever proof wero afforded
of the influence of individual character on the destiny of
nations and of the world^ it certainly was seen in the year
1587. We have lifted the curtain of the secret council-
chamber at Greenwich. We have seen all Elizabeth's ad-
visers anxious to arouse her from her fatal credulity^ from her
almost as fatal parsimony. We have seen Leicester anxious
to return^ despite all fEtncied indignities^ Walsingham eager
to expedite the enterprise, and the Queen remaining obdur^kte,
while month after month of precious time was melting away.
In the Netherlands, meantime, discord and confusion had
been increasing every day ; and the first great cause of such a
dangerous condition of affairs was the absence of the governor.
In this all parties agreed. The Leicestrians, the anti-Leices-
trians, the Holland party, the Utrecht party, the English
counsellors, the. Eij^lish generals, in private letter, in solemn
act, all warned the Queen against the lamentable effects
resulting from Leicester's inopportune departure and pro-
longed absence.^
On the first outbreak of indignation after the Deventer
affidr. Prince Maurice was placed at the head of the general
government, with the violent Hohenlo as his lieutenant.^ The
* Documents in Bor, HI. xxiil IG-SO. • Wagenaar, viU. 204.
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216 THB UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XV.
greatest exertions were made by these two nobles and by
Bameveld, who guided the whole policy of the party, to
secure as many cities as possible to their cause. Magistrates
and commandants of garrisons in many towns willingly gave
in their adhesion to the new government ; others refused ;
especially Diedrich Sonoy, an officer of distinction, who was
governor of Enkhuyzen, and influential throughout North
Holland, and who remained a stanch partisan of Leicester.^
Utrecht, the stronghold of the Leicestrians, was wavering and
much torn by faction ; Hohenlo and Moeurs had '^banquetted
and feasted '' to such good purpose that they had gained over
half the captains of the burgher-guard, and, aided by the
branch of nobles, were making a good fight against the
Leicester magistracy and the clerical force, enriched by the
plunder of. the" old Catholic livings, who deno.unced as Pa-
pistical and Hispaniolized all who favoured the jwurty of
Maurice and Bameveld.
By the end of March the envoys returned from London,
and in their company came Lord Buckhurst, as special am-
bassador from the Queen.^
Thomas SackviUe, Lord Buckhurst — afterwards Earl of
Dorset and lord-treasurer— was then fifty-one years of age.
A man of large culture — poet, dramatist, diplomatist — ^bred
to the bar ; afterwards elevated to the jpeerage ; endowed with
high character and strong intellect ; ready with tongue and
pen ; handsome of person, and with a iSEtscinating address, he
was as fit a person to send on a mission of expostulation as
any man to be found in England. But the author of tho
^ Induction to the Mirror for Magistrates ' and of * Gorboduc,'
had come to the Netherlands on a forlorn hope. To expos-
tulate in favour of peiEice with a people who knew that their
existence depended on war, to reconcile those to delay who
felt that delay was death, and to heal animosities between
men who we*^ enemies from their cradles to their graves, was
a difficult mission. . But the chief ostensible object of Buck-
hurst was to smooth the way for Leicester, and, if possible, to
'Wagenaar, viiL 176, 186, 209-211, 270-278. Bor, TIL xxUl 10, aeq.
neydj vL 101. • Bor, xxU. 952. Wagenaar, 21C ;
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1587. ALABMINa STATE OF AlPAIES AT HIS ARRIVAL. 217
persuade the Neiherlanders as to the good inclinations of the
English government. This was no easy task, for they knew
that their envoys had been dismissed, without even a promise
of Bubsidy. They had asked for twelve thousand soldiers and
sixty thousand pounds, and had received a volley of abuse.
Over and over again, through many months, the Queen fell
into a paroxysm of rage when even an allusion was made to
the loan of fifty or sixty thousand pounds ; and even had she
promised the money, it would have given but little satisfac-
tion. As Count Moeurs observed, he would rather see one
English rose-noble than a hundred royal promises. So the
Hollanders and Zeelanders — ^not fearing Leicester's influence
within their little morsel of a territory — were concentrating
their means of resistance upon their own soil, intending to
resist Spain, and, if necessary, England, in their last ditch,
and with the last drop of their blood.
While such was the condition of affairs. Lord Buckhurst
landed at Flushing — ^four months after the departure of
Leicester — on the 24th March, having been tossing three days
and nights at sea in a great storm, '^miserably sick and in
great danger of drowning/'^ Sir William Eussell, governor
of Flushing, informed him of the progress making by Prince
Maurice in virtue of his new authority. He told him that the
Zeeland raiment, vacant by Sidney's death, and which the
Queen wished bestowed upon Eussell himself, had been given
to Count Solms ; a circumstance which was very sure to ex-
cite her Majesty's ire ; but that the greater number, and those
of the better sort, disliked the alteration of government, and
relied entirely upon the Queen. Sainte Aldegonde visited him
at Middelburgh, and in a " long discourse " expressed the
most friendly sentiments towards England, with free offers of
personal service. " Nevertheless," said Buckhurst, cautiously,
"I mean to trust the effect, not his words, and so I hope ho
shall not much deceive me.. His opinion is that the Earl of
Leicester's absence hath chiefly caused this change, and that
without his return it will hardly be restored again, but that
' BuckhuTBt to Walsingham, 26th Maxxjh, 1587. {\ V. Office Ma)
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218 THE UNITBD NETHEELANDSw Chap. XV
upon his arrival all these clouds will prove but a summer-
shower/' ^
As a matter of course the new ambassador lifted up his
voice, immediately after setting foot on shore^ in favour of
the starving soldiers of his Queen. " 'Tis a most lamentable
thing," said he, "to hear the complaints of soldiers and
captains for want of pay." .... Whole companies made their
way into his presence, literally crying aloud for bread. " For
Jesus' sake," wrote Buckhurst, " hasten to send relief with all
speed, and let such victuallers be appointed as have a con-
science not to make themselves rich with the famine of poor
soldiers. If her Majesty send not money, and that with speed,
for their payment, I am afraid to think what mischief and
miseries are like to follow."^
Then the ambassador proceeded to the Hague, holding
interviews with influential i)er8onages in private, and with the
States-Gkneral in public. Such was the charm of his manner,
and so firm the conviction of sincerity and good- will which
he inspired, that in the course of a fortnight there was already
a sensible change in the aspect of affairs. The enemy, who,
at the time of their arrival, had been making bonfires and
holding triumphal processions for joy of the great breach
between Holland and England, and had been "hoping to
swallow thein all up, while there were so few left who knew
how to act," were already manifesting disappointment.*
In a solemn meeting of the States-General with the state-
council, Buckhurst addressed the assembly Upon the general
subject of her Majesty's goodness to the Netherlands. He
spoke of the gracious assistance rendered by her, notwith-
standing her many special charges for the common cause, cuid
of the mighty enmities which she had incurred for their sake.
He sharply censured the Hollanders for their cruelty to
men who had shed their blood in their cause, but who were
now driven forth from their towns, and left to starve on the
highways, and hated fi^r their nation's sake ; as if the whole
' Buckhttrst to Walsiogham, MS. I * Bartholomew Gerk to Boigliloj,
last cited. « Ibid. | 12 April, 1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
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1587. HIS EEFOBTS TO OONCILIAXS. 219
English name deserved to be soiled " for the treachery of two
miscreants/' He spoke strongly of their demeanour towards
the Earl of Leicester, and of the wrongs they had done him,
and told them, that, if they were not ready to atone to her
Majesty for such injuries, they were not to wonder if their
deputies received no better answer at her hands. ^' She who
embraced your cause," he said, " when other mighty princes
forsook you^ will still stand fast unto you, yea, and increase
her goodness, if her present state may suffer if ^
After being addressed in this manner the council of state
made what Counsellor Clerk called a " very honest, modest,
and wise answer;" but the States-General, not being able
^^so easily to dischaige that which had so long boiled within
them," deferred their reply until the following day. They then
brought forward a deliberate rejoinder, in which they ex-
pressed themselves devoted to her Majesty, and, on the whole,
well disposed to the Earl. As to the 4\h February letter, it
had been written ^^ in amaritudine cordis," upon, hearing the
treasons of York and Stanley, and in accordance with " their
custom and liberty used towards all princes, whereby they had
long preserved their estate," and in the conviction that the
real culprits for all the sins of his Excellency's goverlmient
were certain "lewd persons who sought to seduce his Lord-
ship, and to cause him to hate the States."
Buckhurst did not think it well to reply, at that moment,
upon the groimd that there had been already crimination and
recrimination more than enough, and that "a little bitterness
more had rather caused them to determine dangerously than
resolve for the best."*
They then held council together — the envoys and the
States-General, as to the amount of troops absolutely neces-
sary— casting up the matter " as pinohingly as possibly might
be." And the result was, that 20,000 foot and 2000 horse for
garrison work, and an army of 13,000 foot, 5000 horse, and
1000 pioneers, for a campaign of five or six months, were pro-
nounced indispensable. This would require all their 240,000?.
' Bartholomow Clerk to Burghley, vibi et^, * Ibid.
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220 THE UNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. XV.
sterling a-year, regular contribution, her Majesty's contingent
of 140,000^., and an extra sum of 150,0007. sterling. Of this
sum the States requested her Majesty should furnish two-
thirds, while they agreed to furnish the other third, which
would make in all 240,0007. for the Queen, and 290,00W. for
the States. As it was understood that the English subsidies
were only a loan, secured by mortgage of the cautionary towns,
this did not seem very unreasonable, when the intimate blend-
ing of England's welfero with that of the Provinces was
considered.^
Thus it will be observed that Lord Buckhurst — while doing
his best to conciliate personal feuds and heartburnings — ^had
done full justice to the merits of Leicester, and had placed
in strongest light the favours conferred by her Majesty.
He then proceeded to Utrecht, where he was received with
many demonstrations of respect, "with solemn speeches"
from magistrates and burgher-captains, with military proces-
sions, and with great banquets, which were, however, con-
ducted with decorum, and at which even Count Moeurs excited
imiversal astonishment by his sobriety.^ It was difficult, how-
ever, for matters to go very smoothly, except upon the surfiice.
What could be more disastrous than for a little common-
wealth—a mere handful of people, like these Netherlanders,
engaged in mortal combat with the most powerful, monarch
in the world, and with the first general of the age, within a
league of their borders — thus to be deprived of all oiganized
government at a most critical moment, and to be left to
wrangle with their allies and among themselves, as to the
form of polity to be adopted, while waiting the pleasure of a
capricious and despotic woman ?
And the very foundation of the authority by which the
Spanish yoke had been abjured, the sovereignty offered to
Elizabeth, and the government-general conferred on Leicester,
was fiercely assailed by the confidential agents of Elizabeth
herself. The dispute went into the very depths of the social
* Bartholomew Gerk to Burghley, I « Gflpin to Wilkes, 25 April, 1587.
l£a last cited. • 1 (S. P. Offloo Ma)
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1587. DEMOCRATIC THEORIES OP WILKES. 221
contract. Already Wilkes, standing up stoutly for the demo-
cratic views of the governor, who was so foully to requite him,
had assured the English government that the '^ people were
ready to cut the throats" of the States-General at any con-
venient moment. The sovereign people, not the deputies,
were alone to be heeded, he said, and although he never
informed the world by what process he had learned the
deliberate opinion of that sovereign, as there had been no
assembly excepting those of the States-General and States-
Provincial — ^he was none the less fully satisfied that the people
were all with Leicester, and bitterly opposed to the States.
"For the sovereignty, or supreme authority," said he,
" through failure of a legitimate prince, belongs to the people,
and not to you, gentlemen, who are only servants, ministers,
and deputies of the people. You have your commissions or in-
structions sTurrounded by limitations — ^which conditions are sg
widely different firom the power of sovereignty, as the might
of the subject is in regard to his prince, or of a servant in
respect to his master. For sovereignty is not limited either
as to power or as to time. Still less do you represeTtt the
sovereignty ; for the people, in giving the general and absolute
government to the Earl of Leicester, have conferred upon him
at once the exercise of justice, the administration of polity,
of naval affairs, of war, and of all the other points of sove-
reignty. Of these a governor-general is however only the
depositary or guardian, until such time as it may please the
prince or people to revoke the trust; there being no other
in this state who can do this ; seeing that it was the people,
who, through the instrumentality of your offices — through you
as its servants— conferred on his Excellency, this power,
authority, and government. According to the common rule
of law, therefore, quo Jure quid statuituvy eodem jure tolU
debet. You having been fully empowered by the provinces
and cities, or, to speak more correctly, by your masters and
superiors, to confer the government on his Excellency, it fol-
lows that you require a like power in order to take it away
either in whole or in part. If then you had no commission
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222
THE UNITED NETHEBLANDa
Chap. XV.
to curtail his authority, or even that of the state-council, and
thus to tread upon and usurp his power as governor general
and absolute, there follows of two things one : either you
did not well understand what you were doing, nor duly con-
sider how far that power reached, or— much more probably —
you have fallen into the sin of disobedience, considering how
solemnly you swore allegiance to him.^
Thus subtly and ably did Wilkes defend the authority of
the man who had deserted his post at a most critical moment,
and had compelled the States, by his dereliction, to take the
government into their own hands.
For, after all, the whole argument, of the English counsellor
rested upon a quibble. The people were absolutely sovereign,
he said, and had lent that sovereignty to Leicester. How
" Kluit. »HolL Staatsreg.' II. 281.
Compare Wagenaar, viil 208.
It is very important to obseire, that
Wilkes retracted these democratic
views before the end of the sammer,
and gradually adopted the constitu-
tional theory maintained by Holland.
He inlbrmed the Queen, on the 12th
July, 1687, that in case she refused
tiie sovereignty, it ''should remain
with such as by the laws of iha
country do retain t^ which is not in the
common people, but in some fifty or
sixty persons in every dty and town
called by the name of Yroedschap.
If the Earl of Leicester,"
said he, "should attempt to remove
any of these persons constituting this
Yroedschap, as it is rumoured ho in-
tends doing, it will hazard the ruin of
the whole country, endanger the Earl
greatly, and prove the loss of all her
Majesty^s charge employed in the de-
fence of the country. It is a mistake
to suppose that It will be a (adle
matter to carry the common people
into any such violence at any time
against the States; for the magistrates
of every city and town, upon pre-
monition ahready given, are holding a
vig^ilaut eye and severe haxid over any
that shall stir within any of then:
jurisdiction."
"The remedy," continued WUkes,
" to prevent any mischief that might
ensue of any popular commotion, would
be to leave that course, and to follow
the examine of the late Prmoe of
Orange, who had quite as many diffi-
culties to contend with as the Earl of
Leicester, and yet forebore to discredit
the States with the people— -gaining
five or six of the States' members that
had the most • credit with the assem-
blies, and through them working upon
all the rest; ti^ere being nothmg de-
termined or to be handled in their
assemblies but he knew of it always
beforehand; and whensoever he. had
anything to propound or bring to pass
among l^em, he first consulted with
these persons^ and by them was mado
aoquamted whether the matter would
pass ' or be impugned, and acted
aocprdingly." "The Prince," said
Wilkes, " never attempted anything
of importance without consulting the
States. The people are the same now
as they were then, and do not lore to
be subject to any monardiioal gorem-
mont." Wilkes to the Queen, 12 July,
1687. (a P. Office MS.)
It is obvious, fSrom this chango of
opmion on the part of the councilor,
that he would become liable to the
disapprobation of Leicester; but it
seems hardly credible that he should
have thereby inspired the Eail with
such a hatred and longing for revenge
against him as he unqueBtionabl7 did
excite.
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1587. SOPmSTBT OF THB ARGUMENT. 223
had they made that lom ? Through the machinery of the
States-G^eneral. So long then as the Earl retained the absolute
soveceignty^ the States were not even representatives of the
sovereign people. The sovereign people was merged into one'
En^h Earl. The English Earl had retired— indefinitely—
to England. Waa the sovereign people to wait for months, or
ye^rs, before it r^ained its existence ? And if not, how was
it to reassert its vitality ? How but through the agency of
the States-(Jeneral, who — according to Wilkes himself— Aod
been fuUy empowed by the Provinces and Cities to confer the
govemmmt on the Earl / The people then, after all, were the
provinces and cities. And the States-General were at that
moment as much qualified to represent those provinces and
cities as they ever had been, and they claimed no morq.
Wilkes, nor any other of the Leicester party, ever hinted at
a general assembly of the people. Universal suffirage was not
dreamed of at that day. By the people, he meant, if he
meant anything, only that very small fraction of the in-
habitants of a country, who, according to the English system,
in the reign of Elizabeth, constituted its Commona He chose,
rather from personal and political motives than philosophical
ones, to draw a distinction between the people and the
^ States,' but it is quite obvious, from the tone of his private
communications, that by the 'States' he meant the indi-
viduals who happeiied, for the time-being, to be the deputies
of the States of each Province. But it was almost an affecta-
tion to accuse those individuals of calling or considering them-
selves 'sovereigns;' for it was very well known that they
sat as envoySy rather than as Tneinbers of a congress, and were
perpetually obliged to recur to their constituents, the States of
each Province, for instructions. It was idle, because Buys and
Bameveld, and Roorda, and other leaders, exercised' the in-
fluence due to their talents, patriotism, and experience, to
stigmatise them as usurpers of sovereignty, and to hound
tiie rabble upon them as tyrants and mischief-makers. Yet
to take this course pleased the Earl of Leicester, who saw no
hope for the liberty of the people, unless absolute and uncon-
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224. THE UNITED NETHBRLANDa ' Chap. XV:
ditional authority over the people, in war, nayal aflWrSy
justice, and policy, were placed in his hands. Tliis was the
view sustained by the clergy of the Reformed Church, because
they found it convenient, through such a theory, and by Lei-
cester's power, to banish Papists, exercise intolerance in
matters of religion, sequestrate for their own private uses the
property of the Catholic Church, and obtain for their own a
political power which was repugnant to the more liberal ideas
of the Barneveld party.
The States of Holland — ^inspired as it were by the. memory
of that great martyr to religious and political liberty, William
the Silent — maintained freedom of conscience.
The Leicester party advocated a different theory on the
i;pligious question. They were also determined to omit no
effort to make the States odious.
. "Seeing their violent courses," said Wilkes to Leicester^
" I have not been n^ligent, as well by solicitations to the
ministers^ as by my letters to such as have continued constant
in affection to your Lordship, to Jiave the people informed of
the ungrateful and dangerous proceedings of the States. They
have therein travailed with so good effect, as the people are
now wonderfully well disposed, and have delivered every-
where in speeches, that if, by the overthwart dealings of the
States, her Majesty shall be drawn to stay her succours and
goodness to them, and that thereby your. Lordship be also
discouraged to return, they will cut their throats" ^ -
Who the ^^ people" exactly were, that had been so wonder-
fully well disposed to throat-cutting by the ministers of the
Gospel, did not distinctly appear. It was certain, however,
that they were the special friends of Leicester, great orators,
very pious, and the sovereigns of the country. So much could
not be gainsaid.
" Your Lordship would wonder," continued the councillor,
" to see the people — who so lately, by the practice of the said
States and the accident of Deventer, were notably alienated—*
' Wilkea to Leicester, 12 March, 1587. (S. P. Office Ma)
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15S7. DISPUTE BETWEEN WILKES AND BAENETELD. 225
80 retnmed to their former devotion towards her Majesty,
your Lordship, and onr nation."
Wilkes was able moreover to gratify the absent governor-
general with the intelligence — of somewhat questionable
authenticity however — that the States were very "much
terrified with these threats of the people." But Bameveld
came down to the council to inquire what member of that
body it was who had accused the States of violating the
Earl's authority. "Whoever he is/' said the Advocate, "let
him deliver his mind frankly, and he shall be answered."
The man did not seem much terrified by the throat-cutting
orations. " It is true," replied Wilkes, perceiving himself to
be the person intended, " that you have very injuriously, in
many of your proceedings, derogated from and trodden the
authority of his Lordship and of this council under your
feet"^
And then he went into particulars, and discussed, more sua,
the constitutional question, in which various Leicestrian coun-
sellors seconded him.
But Bameveld grimly maintained that the States were the
sovereigns, and that it was therefore unfit that the governor,
who drew his authority from them^ should call them to account
for their doings. " It was as if the governors in the time of
Charles V.," said the Advocate, "should have taxed that
Emperor for any action of his done in the government."^
In brief, the ru^ed Bameveld, with threatening voice,
and lion port, seemed to impersonate the States, and to hold
reclaimed sovereignty in his grasp. It seemed difficult to
tear it from him again.
"I did what I could," said Wilkes, " to heat them from this
humour of their sovereignty, showing that upon that error they
had grounded the rest of their wilfvl absurdities"^
Next night, he drew up sixteen articles, showing the dis-
orders of the States, their breach of oaths, and violations of
the Eari's authority ; and with that commenced a series of
' Wflkee to Leicester, MS. lagt dted.
* Ibid. Oompare Kloit) IT. 281,
•07. Bor, n. xxli. 918, 821, m^.
VOL.IL — Q
Wagenaar, viii. 208.
* Wilkes to Leicester, Ma last
cited.
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226
THE UNITED NBTHEBLANDS.
CHi.p. XV.
papers interchanged by the two parties^ in which the topics of
the origin of government and* the principles of religions
freedom were handled with mnch ability on both sides^ but
at unmerciful length.
On the religious question^ the States-General, led by Bar-
neveld and by Francis Franck, expressed themselves man-
fully, on various occasions, during the mission of Buckhurst.
^^ The nobles and cities constituting the States/' they said,
^^have been denounced to Lord Leicester as enemies of
religion, by the self-seeking mischief-makers who surround
him. Why ? Because they had refused the demand of
certain preachers to call a general synod, in defiance of the
States-General, and to introduce a set of ordinances, with a
system of discipline, according to their arbitrary wiU. Tius
the late Prince of Orange and the States-General had always
thought detrimental both to religion and polity. They re-
spected the difference in religious opinions, and leaving all
churches in their freedom, they chose to compel no man's con-
science— a course which all statesmen, knowing the diversity
of human opinions, had considered necessary in order to
maintain fraternal harmony.'' ^
Such words shine through the prevailing darkness of the
religious atmosphere at that epoch, like characters of light
' Meteren, ziv. 250-253.
The States of Holland, under the
guidance of Bameveld, took strong
ground, on several oooasioos this year,
against attempts made bj the Reformed
Church to meddle with secular matters.
On the presentation of a petition rela-
tive to pohtics, by a committee of four
preachers, representing the churdies
of Holland, answer was made through
the mouth of Bameveld, that "the
States were very well acquainted with
the matters mentioned in the petition,
and with many other things besides;
that the States were quite as mudi
interested as the churches could be
in the wel&re of the land, and that
they could provide for it, without the
assistance of the preachers." The
petilioners were ao(x>rdingly advised
to go home, and leave the States to
manage the af&ira of the country.
(Bor, in. xxiil 76.)
A few days later, a resolution upon
the subject of the petition was parsed
by the States^ printed, and sent to tdl
the cities in the Province, with an
order to the magistrates to summon
the preachers before them, deliver
them a copy of the resolution, warn
them to keep their congregations in
tranquillity and harmony, and, for
their own part, to occupy themselves
with praying, teadiing, and preadi-
ing, and to allow the States and the
magistrates to administer the govern*
ment
The resolution itself— which tho
preachers diaracterised as a mdo
answer to a courteous request— was
conceived much in the spirit of
Bameveld's original v^bal replj.
(See the documents in Bor, KL xxik
76, 65 8eq.)
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1587. BBLIGIOUS TOLERANCE BY THE STATES. 227
They are beacons in the upward path of mankind. Never
before, had so bold and wise a tribute to the genius of the
reformation been paid by an organized community.. Indi-
viduals walking in advance of their age had enunciated such
truths, and their voices had seemed to die away , but, at last,
a little, struggling, half-developed commonwealth had pro-
claimed the rights of conscience for all mankind — ^for Papists
and Calvinists, Jews and Anabaptists — ^because "iaving a
respect for differences in religious opinions, and leaving all
churches in their freedom, they chose to compel no man's
conscience/'
On the constitutional question, the States commenced by an
astounding absurdity. ^^ These mischief-makers, moreover,''
said they, '^ have not been ashamed to dispute, and to cause
the Earl of Leicester to dispute, the lawful constitution of the
Provinces ; a matter which has not been disputed for eight
hundred years/' ^
This was indeed to claim a respectable age for their
republic. Eight hundred years took them back to the days
of Charlemagne, in whose time it would have been somewhat
difficult to detect a germ of their States-General and States-
Provincial. That the constitutional government— consisting
of nobles and of the vroedschaps of diartered cities — should
have been in existence four hundred and seventeen years
before the first charter had ever been granted to a city, was a
very loose style of argument. Thomas Wilkes, in reply,
might as well have traced the English parliament to Hengist
and Horsa. " For eight hundred years," they said, " Holland
had been governed by Counts and Countesses, on whom the
nobles and cities, as representing the States, had legally con-
ferred sovereignty."^
Now the first incorporated city of Holland and Zeeland that
ever existed was Middelburg, which received its charter from
Count William I. of Holland and Countess Joan of Flanders,
in the year 1217. The first Count that had any legal or
' Bor, ni xxiii. 76-84. Meteren, xiv. 250-253. Kluit» IL 286, aeq.
' Bor, Meteren, Kloit, \ibi sup.
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228 THE UNITED NETHEELANDa Chap. XT.
recognized authority was Dirk the First to whom Charles the
Simple presented the territory of Holland, hy letters-patent,
in 922. Yet the States-General, in a solemn and eloquent
document, gravely dated their own existence from the year
787, and claimed the r^ular possession and habitual delega-
tion of sovereignty from that ei)och down !
After this fabulous preamble, they proceeded to handle the
matter of fact with logical precision. It was absurd, they
said, that Mr. Wilkes and Lord Leicester should aflfect to con-
found the persons who appeared in the assembly with the
States themselves ; as if those individuals claimed or exer-
cised sovereignty. Any man who had observed what had
been passing during the last fifteen years, knew very well
that the supreme authority did not belong to the thirty or
forty individuals who came to the meetings The nobles,
by reason of their ancient dignity and splendid possessions,
took coimsel together over state matters, and then, appeieuring
at the assembly, deliberated with the deputies of the cities.
The cities had mainly one form of government — ^a coU^ of
counsellors, or wise men, 40, 32, 28, or 24 in number, of the
most respectable out of the whole community. They were
chosen for life, and vacancies were supplied by the coll^;es
themselves out of the mass of citizens. These colleges^ alone
governed the city, and that which had been ordained by them
was to be obeyed by all the inhabitants — a system against
which there had never been any rebellion. The collies
again, united with those of the nobles, represented the whole
state, the whole body of the population ; and no form of
government could be imagined, they said, that could resolve,
with a more thorough knowledge of the necessities of the
country, or that could execute its resolves with more unity of
' ** These coneges," sajrs the docu-
ment, "are aa old as the cities; or so
old at leeat, that th^e is no memory
loft of their commencement"
Here, too, was a gross misstatement,
for the colleges of Yroedschappen
dated only firom the time of Philip the
Good — not much more than a oentury
before the publication of this docu-
ment; and the cities themselves, as
oi^ganized corporations, were but 350
years old, at most It is difficult to
understand how such inaccuracies
should find tiielr way into so able a
state-paper.
Ck>mpare Kluit, 'IIoU. Stoatsrege-
ring, II. 291.
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1587. THEIR CONSTITUTIQNAL THEORY. 229
purpose and decisive authority. To bring tlie colleges into
an assembly could only be done by means of deputies. These
deputies, chosen by their colics, and properly instructed,
were sent to the place of meeting. During the war they had
always been commissioned to resolve in common on matters
regarding the liberty of the land. These deputies, thus assem-
bled, represented^ by commission, the States ; but they are not,
in their own persons, the States ; and no one of them had any
such pretension. "The people of this coufttry," said tho
States, " have an aversion to all ambition ; and in these dis-
astrous times, wherein nothing but trouble and odium is to be
gathered by public employment, these commissions are ac-
counted munera necessaria, .... This form of government
has, by God's favour, protected Holland and Zeeland, during
this war, against a powerful foe, without loss of territory,
without any popular outbreak, without military mutiny, be-
cause all huamess Juzs been transacted with open doors ; and
because the very smallest towns are all represented, and vote
in the assembly." ^
In brief, the constitution of the United Provinces was a
matter of fact. It was there in good working order, and had,
for a generation of mankind, and throughout a tremendous
war, done good service. Judged by the principles of reason
and justice, it was in the main a wholesome constitution,
securing the independence and welfare of the state, and the
liberty and property of the individual, as well certainly as
did any polity then existing in the world. It seemed more
hopeful to abide by it yet a little longer than to adopt the
throat-cutting system by the people, recommended by Wilkes
and Leicester as an improvement on the old constitution.
This was the view of Lord Buckhurst. He felt that threats
of ihroat-cutting were not the best means, of smoothing and
conciliating, and he had come over to smooth and conciliate;
" To spend the time," said he, " in private brabbles and piques
between the States and Lord Leicester, when we ought to
prepare an army against the enemy, and to repair the shaken
■ Bor, Metercn, Kluit, vbi sup, *
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230 THE UKlTJfiD NBTHERLAKDa Chap. XV.
and torn state, is not a good course for her Majesty's service."^
Letters were continually circulating from hand to hand among
the antagonists of the Holland party, written out of En^and
by Leicester, exciting the ill-will of the populace against the
organized government. " By such means to bring the States
into hatred," said Buckhurst, "and to stir up the people
against them, tends to great damage and miserable end. This
his Lordship doth full little consider, being the very way to
dissolve all gov^timient, arid so to bring all into confrision, and
open the door for the enemy. But oh, how lamentable a thing
it is, and how doth my Lord of Leicester abuse her Majesty,
making her authority the means to uphold and justify, and
under her name to defend and maintain, all his intolerable
errors^ I thank God that neither his might nor his nialice
shall deter me from laying open all those things which my
conscience knoweth, and which appertaineth to be done for the
good of this cause and of her Majesty's service. Herein, though
I were sure to lose my life, yet will I not offend neither the
one nor the other, knowing very well that I must die ; and
to die in her Majesty's faithful service, and with a good
conscience, is far more happy than the miserable life that I
am in. If Leicester do in this sort stir up the people against*
the States to follow his revenge against them, and if the Queen
do yield no better aid, and the minds of Count Maurice and
Hohenlo remain thus in fear and hatred of him, what good
end or service can be hoped for here ? " ^
Buckhurst was a man of unimpeached integrity and gentle
manners. He had come over with the best intentions towards
the governor-general, and it has been seen that he boldly
defended him in his first interviews with the States. But as
the intrigues and underhand plottings of the EarVs agents were
revealed to him, he felt more and more convinced that there
was a deep laid scheme to destroy the government, and to
constitute a virtual and absolute sovereignty for Leicester.
It was not wonderful that the States were standing vigorously
on the defensive.
' Backborst to Walsingham, 13th Jane^ 1587. (Brit. Mtis. Gfilba, D. L
p. 95,M&) 'Ibid.
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158T. DBVENTBE'S BAD COUNSBLS TO LBIOBSTEB. 231
The subtle Deventer^ Leicester's evil genius, did not cea6e
to poison the mind of the goyemor, during his protracted
absence, against all persons who offered impediments to the
cherished schemes of his master and himsel£ ^^Tour Ex-
cellency knows very well/' he said, " that the state of this
country is democratic, since, by failure of a prince, the
sovereign disposition of affurs has returned to the people.
That same people is everywhere so incredibly affectionate
towards you that the delay in your return drives them to
extreme despair. Any one who would know the real truth
has but to remember the fine fear the Stat^-General were
in when the news of your displeasure about the 4th February
letter became known." ^
Had it not been for the efforts of Lord Buckhurst in calming
the popular rage, Deventer assured the Earl that the writers
of the letter would ^^ have scarcely saved their skins ;" and
that they had always continued in great danger.
He vehemently urged upon Leicester the necessity of his
immediate return — ^not so much for reasons drawn from the
distracted state of the country, thus left to a provisional
government and torn by faction — ^but because of the facility
with which he might at once seize upon arbitrary power.
He gratified his master by depicting in lively colours the
abject condition into which Bameveld, Maurice, Hohenlo,
and similar cowards, would be thrown by his sudden return.
" If," said he, " the States' members and the counts, every
one of them, are so desperately afiraid of the people, even
while your Excellency is afar off, in what trepidation will
they be when you are here ! God, reason, the affection of the
sovereign people, are on your side. There needs, in a little
commonwealth like ours, but a wink of the eye, the slightest
indication of dissatisfaction on your part, to take away all their
valour from men who are only brave where swords are too
short A magnanimous prince like yourself should seek at
once the place where such plots are hatching, and you would
^G. de Proninck (Deventer) an Comte de Levoestre^ 22 Mat, 1581
(Brit Mus. Galba, D. L p. 16, MS.) .
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232
THE UNITED NETHEBLANDa
Chap. XV.
see the fury of the rebels change at once to cowardice. There
is more than one man here in the Netherlands that brags of
what he will do against the greatest and most highly endowed
prince in England^ because he thinks he shall never see him
again^ who, at the very first news o£ your return, my Lord,
would think only of packing his portmanteau, greasing his
boots, or, at the very least, of sneaking back into his hole/' ^
But the sturdy democrat was quite sure that his Excellency,
that most magnanimous prince of England would not desert his
faithful followers — thereby giving those " filthy rascals,'' his
opponents, a triumph, and " doing so great an injury to the
sovereign people, who were ready to get rid of them all at a
single blow, if his Excellency would but say the word."*
He then implored the magnanimous prince to imitate the
example of Moses, Joshua, David, and that of all great ^n-
perors and captains, Hebrew, Greek, and Bom^i, to come at
once to the scene of action, and to smite his enemies hip imd
thigh. He also informed hi^ Excellency, that if the dfelay
should last much longer, he would lose all chance of regaining
power, because the sovereign people had quite made up their
mind to return to the dominion of Spain within throe months,
if they could not induce his Excellency to rule over them.
In that way at least, if in no other, they could circumvent
those filthy rascals whom they so much abhorred, and frustrate
the designs of Maurice, Hohenlo, and Sir John Norris, who
were represented as occupying the position of the triumvirs
after the death of Julius CsBsar.
To place its neck under the yoke of Philip II. and the In-
quisition, after having so handsomely got rid of both, did not
' " Tel bravera es Pays Bas oontre le
plus grand et qnalifi^ prince d'Angle-
terrei lequel if d'asseure ne revoir
jamais parde^a^ qui anx dernieres nou-
velles de votre retour, Monseigneur,
ne penaoit qa'i tronsser bagage et
fitire graisser sea bottea, ou du moins
se desrober en sa taniere," fto. {Qt, de
Proninck, MS. last cited.)
* " Mais nn prince si ires magna-
nime, ne fera jamais oe tort ny a soy
meeme, ni au bon peuple belgiquBL
Pomt a soy mesme, comme B*il ayait
ced^ a la bravade des pouceux, dont
toate sa posterity et histoireset mo-
moires du temps a venir portera Tigno-
minie. Point au peuple^ lequel, oomme
souverain, ne doit recevoir le tort de
cette injure, puisque ne luy que Pin-
formation de vostre mescontentement
pour se des&ire en un coup de cest
obstacle^" Ac. (Ibid.)
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1587.
IHEIB FBBNIGIOUS EFFECT,
233
seem a suUime manifestation of soyereignty on the part of the
people, and even Deventer had some misgivings as to the
propriety of such a result. " What then -vnll become of our
heautifid churches ?" he cried, " What will princes say, what
will the world in general say, what will historians say, about
the honour of the English nation ?" ^
As to the first question, it is probable that the prospect of
the reformed churches would not have been cheerful, had the
inquisition been re-established in Holland and Utrecht, three
months after that date. As to the second, the world and
history were likely to reply, that the honour of the English
nation was fortunatdy not entirely entrusted at that epoch to
the ^' magnanimous prince *' of Leicester, and his democratic
counsellor-in-chief, burgomaster Deventer.
These are but samples of the ravings which sounded inces-
santfy in the ears of the governor-general Was it strange
that a man, so thirsty for power, so gluttonous of flattery,
should be influenced by such passionate appeals ? Addressed
in strains of fulsome adulation, convinced that arbitrary power
was within his reach, and assured that he had but to. wink his
eye to see his enemies scattered before him, he became im-
patient of all restraint, and determined, on his return, to crush
the States into insignificance.
Thus, while Buckhurst had been doing his best as a me-
diator to prepare the path for his return, Leicester himself
and his partisans had been secretly exerting themselves to
make his arrival the signal for discord, perhaps of civil war.
The calm, then, immediately succeeding the mission of Buck-
hurst, was a deceitful one ; but it seemed very promising.
The best feelings were avowed and perhaps entertained. The
* "H plaira a V. Exc* de nous
vecHT incontinent Espagnol, on de nous
en oonserver par rempeschement de
oe desseing. . . . Car il ne pent tomber
en ancune imagination raisonnable, en
cas que ce desseing ne se renverse
toot Bubit, que iaute d'autorit^ jointe,
un desespoir extreme ne nous rende
ik TEspagnol devant Tissue de trois
Que sera oe alors de nos
pauvres delaisaez? Que deviendront
ces belles eglises, que dira le monde,
que diront les prinoes, que diront les
historiens, de Thonneur de la nation
Anglfuse? Le desespoir enrag^ du
peufde choisira plutot quel paHl que
ce soit avec I'E^Mignol, qud d'endurer
ceux qui leur auront renvers^ le retour
de Votre Excellence," Ac. (G. de Plo-
nindc, MS. just cited.)
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234
THB UKITED KETHERLANDa
Chap. XT.
States professed great devotion to her Majesty and friendly
regard for the governor. They distinctly declared that the
arrangements by which Maurice and Hohenlo had been placed
in their new positions were purely provisional ones, subject to
modifications on tho arrival of the EarL^ ^^All things are
reduced to a quiet calm/' said Quckhurst, " ready to receive
my Lord of Leicester and his authority, whenever he cometh."^
Tho quarrel of Hohenlo with Sir Edward Norris had been,
by the exertions of Buckhurst, amicably arranged :* the Count
became an intimate friend of Sir John, '^ to the gladding of all
such as wished well to the country;"^ but he nourished a
deadly hatred to the EarL He ran up and down like a
madman whenever his return was mentioned.' ^^If the Queen
be willing to take the sovereignty," he cried out at his own
dinner-table to a large company, "and is ready to proceed
roundly in this action, I will serve her to the last drop of my
blood ; but if she embrace it in no other sort than hitherto
she hath done, and if Leicester is to return, then am I as
good a man as Leicester, and will never be commanded by
him. I mean to continue on my frontier, where all who love
me can come and find me."*
He declared to several persons that he had detected a plot
on the part of Leicester to have him assassinated ; and tho
assertion seemed so important, that Yilliers came to Councillor
Clerk to confer with him on the subject. The worthy
Bartholomew, who had again, most reluctantly, left his quiet
chambers in the Temple to come again among the guns and
drums, which his soul abhorred, was appalled by such a charge.
* Wilkes to Walaingham, 8 April,
1687. Same to same, 13 and 19 April,
1587. Clerk to Buighley, 12 April,
1587. ^ P. Office MS&)
' Boddiorst to Borgfaley, 19 April,
1687. (a P. Office Mah
* Wilkes to Walsingfaam, 8 April,
1687. (a P. Office MS.)
4 Memorandnm of a speech between
the Lord Backhoist and Gount Ho-
henlo, 17 April, 1687. (Br. Mus.
Galba» xL 345, Ha)
* Otheman to Walaingham, 23rd
March, 1587. ^P. Office Ma)
* Wilkes to Walaingham, 29 April,
1587. (a P. Office Ma)
**HobenIo is their Hercoles,'* said
Wilkes, "and a man fit for any des-
perate attempt) altogether directed
bj Bameveld and Paul Buys, who
seeks (tiz. P. B.) by all manner of
devices to be revenged of Lord Lei-
cester ibr his imprisonment" Wilkes
to the Queen, 12 July, 1687. (a P.
Office Ma)
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1687. BEAL AND SUPPOSBD PLOTS AGAINST HOHENLO.
235
It was best to keep it a secret^ he said, at least till the matter
could be thoroughly investigated. . Yilliers was of the same
opinion, and accordingly the councillor^ in the excess of his
caution, confided the secret only — ^to whom ? To Mr. Atye,
Leicester's private secretary. Atye, of course, instantly told
his master — ^his master, in a frenzy of rage, told the Queen,
and her Majesty, in a paroxjrsm of royal indignation at this
new insult to her fevourite, sent furious letters to her envoys,
to the States-Gteneral, to everybody in the Netherland&--so
that the assertion of Hohenlo became the subject of endless
recrimination. Leicester became very viol^it, and denounced
the statement as an impudent falsehood, devised wilfully in
order to cast odium upon him and to prevent his return.^
Unquestionably there was nothing in the story but table-talk ;
but the Count would have been still more ferocious towards
Leicester than he was, had he known what was actually hap-
pening at that very moment.
While Buckhurst was at Utrecht, listening to the " solemn
speeches" of the militia-captains and exchanging friendly
expressions at stately banquets with Moeurs, he suddenly
received a letter in cipher from her Majesty. Not having the
key, he sent to Wilkes at the Hague. Wilkes was very ill ;
but the despateh was marked pressing and immediate, so he
got out of bed and made the journey to Utrecht. The letter,
on being deciphered, proved to be an order from the Queen
to decoy Hohenlo into soipe safe town, on pretence of con-
sultation, and then to throw him into jnison, on the ground
that he had been tampering with the enemy, and was about
to betray the republic to Philip.^
1587. Wnkes to Walsingham, 29th
April, 1687. Buckhurst to same,
29 April, 1587. Same to same, 30th
April, 1587. (& P. Office MSa}
The Queen's Letter is as follows:
— "Kndhig by a later letter written
to our secretary by our ambassador
Wilkes, that he hath been given to
understand how HoUock shodd have
some secret intelligenoe with the
Prince of Parma^ which being true,
^ * Effect of what passed between
Dr. Yllliere and me, Bartholomew
Qerk, touching the discontentment
of Cknmt Hohenlo.' 22 May, 1687.
(a p. Office Ma)
Wilkes to Lord Ohancellor, 3 June,
1587. (a P. . Office Ma) Ck>mpere
letters of Leksester to Sonoy, and of
Buddiurst to Treslong, in Bor, II.
xzH. 992. Groen t. Prinst. Archiyes
L 63, 68, 69.
to Buckhurst, 15 AprQ,
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236
THE UNITED NETHBBLAKDS.
Chap. XT;
The commotion which would have been excited by any
attempt to enforce this order, could be easily imagined by
those familiar wiUi Hohenio and with the powerful party in
the Netherlands of which he was one of the chiefs. Wilkes
stood aghast as he deciphered the letter. : Buckhurst felt the
impossibility of obeying the royal will. Both knew the cause,
and both foresaw the consequences of the proposed step.
Wilkes had heard some rumours of intrigues between Parma's
agents at Deventer and Hohenio, and had confided them to
Walsingham, hoping that the Secretary would keep the matter
in his own breast, at least till further advice. He was appalled
at the sudden action proposed on a mere rumour, which bolii
Buckhurst and himself liad begun to consider an idle one.
He protested, therefore, to Walsingham that to co;nply with
her Majesty's command would not only be nearly impossible^
but would, if successful, hazard the ruin of the republic.
Wilkes was also very anxious lest the Earl of Leicester should
hear of the matter. He was already the object of hatred to
that powerful personage, and thought him capable of accom-
plishing his destruction in any mode. But if Leicester could
wreak his vengeance upon his enemy Wilkes by the hand of
his other deadly enemy Hohenio, the councillor felt that this
kind of revenge would have a double sweetness for him, Tho
Queen knows what I have been saying, thought Wilkes, and
therefore Leicester knows it ; and if Leicester knows it, he
will take care that Hohenio shall hear of it too, and then wo
oonsidermg how the said.Hollock is
possessed of divers principal towns, in
the which the captains ' and soldiers
are altogether at his devotion, it is
greaUj to be doubted that he may be
drawn by oormption^ to deliver Mp
into the Prince of Parma*s hdnds the
said towns, whereby the enemy may
have the more easy entiy into those
ooontries. We have therefore thought
good, for prevention thereof that you
should confer with our servants Co-
lonel Norris and Wilkes what course
were meet to be taken therein,
which, as we perceive, may be best
performed by staying of the person
of HoUock ; wherein, befisre the execu-
tion thereof Especial care woidd be
had that he might be drawn, under
colour of conference with you about
matters of great importance contained
in certain letters sent from us unto
you in great diligence, into BotOb of
the towns which you shall understand
to be devoted to us, and not affected
to him^ .idierein you may take order
for his restraint, being first well fur-
nished with sufficient matter to charge
him withal, which we wish to be done
in the presence of such principal per-
sons of the countiy as are held for
good patriots and have credit with tbo
' peo0e."
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1587, MUTUAL SUSPICION AKD DISTRUST. 237
be Tinto me. " Your honour knoweth/' he said to Walsing-
ham, ^* that her Majesty can hold no secrets, and if she do
impart it to Leicester, then am I sped.*' ^
Nothing came of it however, and the relations of Wilkes
and Bnckhnrst with Hohenlo continued to be friendly. It
was a lesson to Wilkes to be more cautious even with the
cautious Walsingham. ^^ We had but bare suspicions/' said
Bm^UTst, "nothing fit, God knoweth, to come to such a
reckoning. Wilkes saith he meant it but for a premonition
to you there ; but I think it will henceforth be a premonition
to himself — there being but bare presumptions, and yet shrewd
presumptions." ^
Here then wei^ Deventer and Leicester plotting to overthrow
the government of the States ; the States and Hohenlo arm-
ing against Leicester ; the extreme democratic party threaten-
ing to go over to the Spaniards within three months ; the Earl
accused of attempting the life of Hohenlo ; Hohenlo offering
to shed the last drop of his blood for Queen Elizabeth ; Queen
Elizabeth giving orders to throw Hohenlo into prison as a
traitor ; Councillor Wilkes trembling for his life at the hands
both of Leicester and Hohenlo ; and Buckhurst doing his best
to conciliate all parties, and imploring her Majesty in vain to
send over money to help on the war, and to save her soldiers
firom starving.
For the Queen continued to refuse the loan of fifty thou-
sand pounds which the provinces solicited, and in hope of
which the States had just agreed to an extra contribution of a
mOlion florins (100,0002.), a larger sum than had been levied
by a single vote since the commencement of the war. It
must be remembered, too, that the whole expense of the war
fell upon Holland and Zeeland. The Province of Utrecht,
where there was so strong a disposition to confer absolute
authority upon Leicester, and to destroy the power of the
StatechGkneral, contributed absolutely nothing. Since the
loss of Deventer, nothing could be raised in the Provinces of
^ Wilkes to Walsingham, 29 April, I * Bnckhnrst to Wilkes, 29 April,
1587. I lia already cited.
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238
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XV.
Utrecht, Grelderland, or Overyssel; the Spaniards levying
black mail upon the whole territory, and impoverishing the
inhabitants till they became almost a nullity.^ Was it strange
then that the States of Holland and Zeeland, thus bearing
nearly the whole burden of the war, should be dissatisfied
with the hatred felt toward them by their sister Provinces
so generously protected by them? Was it unnatural that
Bameveld, and Maurice, and Hohenlo, should be disposed to
bridle the despotic inclinations of Leicester, thus fostered by
those who existed, as it were, at their expense ?
But the Queen refused the 50,000Z., although Holland and
Zeeland had voted the 100,000^. "No reason that breedeth
charges," sighed Walsingham, "can in any sdrt be digested.'' *
It was not for want of vehement entreaty on the part of the
Secretary of State and of Buckhurst that the loan was denied.
At least she was entreated to send over money for her troops,
who for six months past were unpaid. " Keeping the money
in your coflFers," said Buckhurst, "doth yield no interest to
you, and — ^which is above all earthly respects-— it shall be the
means of preserving the lives of many of your faithful subjects
which otherwise must needs daily perish. Their miseries,
through want of meat and money, I do protest to God so
much moves my soul with commiseration of that which is
past, and makes my heart tremble to think of the like to
come again, that I humbly beseech your Majesty, for Jesus
Christ sake, to have compassion on their lamentable estate
past, and send some money to prevent the like hereafter.'' '
These were moving words, but the money did not come —
charges could not be digested.
" The eternal God," cried Buckhurst, " incline your heart
to grant the petition of the States for the loan of the 50,00(X.,
and that speedily, for the dangerous terms of the State here
and the mighty and forward preparation of the enemy admit
no minute of delay, so that even to grant it slowly is to deny
it utterly." *
> Wnkes to Walsingham, 15 May,
1687. (S. P. Office Ma)
' WalsiDgbam to Wnkes^ 2 Maj,
1687. (B. P. Office Ma)
* Bacuchurst to the QneeD, 19 April,
1687. (a P. Office Ma) « Ibi<L
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1587. BUCKHUBST SEEKS TO RESTORE GOOD FEELING. 239
He then drew a vivid picture of the capacity of the Nether-
lands to assist the endangered realm of England, if delay were
not suffered to destroy both commonwealths, by placing the
Provinces in an enemy's hand.
" Their many and notable good havens," he said, " the great
number of ships and mariners, their impregnable towns, if
they were in the hands of a potent prince that would defend
ihem, and, lastly, the state of this shore, so near and opposite
unto the land and coast of England — ^lo, the sight of all this
daily in mine eye, conjoined with the deep, enrooted malice
of that your so mighty enemy who seeketh to r^ain them ;
these things entering continually into the meditations of my
heart — so much do they import the safety of yourself and
your estate— do enforce me, in the abundance of my love and
duty to your Majesty, most earnestly to speaky writeyand weep
unto yoUy lest when the occasion yet offered shall be gone by,
this blessed means of your defence, by God's provident good-
ness thus put into your hand, will then be utterly lost, lo,
never, never more to be recovered again/' ^
It was a noble, wise, and eloquent appeal, but it was
uttered in vain. Was not Leicester — ^his soul filled with
petty schemes for reigning in Utrecht, and destroying the
constitutional government of the Provinces — ^in full posses-
sion of the royal ear ? And was not the same ear lent, at
that most critical moment, to the insidious Alexander Far-
nese, with his whispers of peace, which were potent enough
to drown all the preparations for the invincible Armada ?
Six months had rolled away since Leicester had left the
Netherlands ; six months long, the Provinces, left in a condi-
tion which might have become anarchy, had been saved by
the wise government of the States-General ; six months long
the English soldiers bad remained unpaid by their sovereign ;
and now for six weeks the honest, eloquent, intrepid, but
gentle Buckhurst had done his best to conciliate all parties,
and to mould the Netherlanders into an impregnable bulwark
for the realm of England. But his efforts were treated with
^ Buckhurst to the Queen, MS. just cited.
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24S} THE UNITED NETHEBLANDS. Chap. XT.
scorn by the Queen. She was still maddened by a sense of
the injuries done by the States to Leicester. She was indig-
nant that her envoy should have accepted such lame apolo-
gies for the 4th of February letter ; that he should have
received no better atonement for their insolent infringements
of the Earl's orders during his absence ; that he should have
excused their contemptuous proceedings and that^ in shorty
he should have been willing to conciliate and foi^give when ho
should have stormed and railed. " You conceived, it seemeth,"
said her Majesty, " that a more sharper manner of proceeding
would have exasperated matters to the prejudice of tiie ser-
vice, and therefore you did think it more fit to wash the
wounds rather with water than vin^ar, wherein we would
rather have wished, on the other side, that you had better
considered that festering wounds had more need of corrosives
than lenitives. Your own judgment ought to have taught
that such a slight and mild kind of dealing witih a people so
ingrate aud void of consideration as the said Estates have
showed themselves toward us, is the ready way to increase
their contempt.'' ^
The envoy might bo forgiven for believing that at any rate
there wotdd be no lack of corrosives or vinegar, so long as the
royal tongue or pen could do their office, as the unfortunate
deputies had found to their cost in their late interviews at
Greenwich, and as her own envoys in the Netherlands were
perpetually finding now.* The Queen was especially indig-
nant tiiat the Estates should defend the tone of their letters
to the Earl on the groxmd that he had written a piquant
epistle to them. ^^ But you can manifestly see their untruths
in naming it a piquant letter," said Elizabeth, ^^for it has no
sour or sharp word therein, nor any clause or reprehension,
but is full of gravity and gentle admonition. It deserved a
thankful answer, and so you may maintain it to them to their
reproof." ^
The States doubtless thought that the loss of Deventer
> Queen to Bookharst, ^ Ubj, 1587. I * Qaeen to Bucklraist (MS. last
(Br. Mua. Galba» D. L 4, MS.) dted.)
* Leicester to Wateiogham. |
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1587. THE QUBBN ANGRY AND VINDICTIVE. 241
and, with it, the almost ruinous condition of three out of the
seven Provinces^ might excuse on their part a little piquancy
of phraseology, nor was it easy for them to express gratitude
to the governor for his grave and gentle admonitions, after
he had, by his secret document of 24th November, rendered
himself fully responsible for the disaster they deplored.
She expressed unbounded indignation with Hohenlo, who,
as she was well aware, continued to cherish a deadly hatred
for Leicester. Especially she was exasperated, and with rea-
son, by the assertion the Count had made concerning the
governor's murderous designs upon him. " ' Tis a matter,"
said the Queen, ^^ so foul and dishonourable that doth not
only touch greatly the credit of the Earl, but also our own
honour, to have one who hath been nourished and brought
up by us, and of whom we have made show to the world to
have extraordinarily favoured above any other of our own
subjects, and used his service in those countries in a place of
that reputation he held there, stand charged with so horrible
and xm worthy a crime. And therefore our pleasure is, even
as you tender the continuance of our favour towards you, that
you seek, by all the means you may, examining the Count
HoUock, or any other party in this matter, to discover and to
sift out how this malicious imputation hath been wrought ; for
we have reason to think that it hath grown out of some cun-
ning device to stay the Earl's coming, and to discourage him
from the continuance of his service in those countries." ^
And there the Queen was undoubtedly in the right. Ho-
henlo was resolved, if possible, to make the Earl's govern-
ment of the Netherlands impossible. There was nothing in
the story however ; and all that by the most diligent " sifting"
could ever be discovered, and all that the Count could be
prevailed upon to confess, was an opinion expressed by him
that if he had gone with Leicester to England, it might per-
haps have fared ill with him.' But men were given to loose
talk in those countries. There was great freedom of tongue
^ Queen to Buckhurst, MS. just cited.
* BuckhuiBt to Walsiogbam, I3th June, 1537. (Br. Mus. Galba. D. I. 96, MS.)
VOL. n.— R
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242 THE UNITED NBTHBRLANDS. Chap. XT.
and pen ; and as the Earl, whether with justice or not, had
always been suspected of strong tendencies to assassination, it
was not very wonderful that so reckless an individual as
Hohenlo should promulgate opinions on such subjects, without
much reserve. " The nmnber of crimes that have been im-
puted to me," said Leicester, " would be incomplete, had this
calumny not been added to all preceding ones." ^ It is pos-
sible that assassination, especially poisoning, may have been
a more conunon-place affiiir in those days than our own. At
any rate, it is certain that accusations of such crimes were of
ordinary occurrence. Men were apt to die suddenly if they
had mortal enemies, and people would gossip. At the very
same moment, Leicester was deliberately accused not only of
murderous intentions towards Hohenlo, but towards Thomas
Wilkes and Count Lewis William of Nassau likewise. A
trumpeter, arrested in Friesland, had just confessed that he
had been employed by the Spanish governor of that Province,
Colonel Verdugo, to murder Count Lewis, and that four other
persons had been entrusted with the same commission. The
Count wrote to Verdugo, and received in reply an indignant
denial of the charge. " Had I heard of such a project," said
the Spaniard, "I would, on the contrary, have given you
warning. And I give you one now." He then stated, as a
fact known to him on unquestionable authority, that the Earl
of Leicester had assassins at that moment in his employ to
take the life of Count Lewis, adding that as for the trum-
peter, who had just been hanged for the crime suborned by
the writer, he was a most notorious lunatic. In reply, Lewis,
while he ridiculed this plea of insanity set up for a culprit who
had confessed his crime succinctly and voluntarily, expressed
great contempt for the counter-chaige against Leicester.
" His Excellency," said the sturdy little Count, " is a virtuous
gentleman, the most pious and God-fearing I have ever
known. I. am very sure that he could never treat his enemies
in the manner stated, much less his friends. As for yourself,
may God give me grace, in requital of your knavish trick, to
' Groen y. Prinst Archives, I. 63. Compare Bor, n. Txii. 992.
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im. SHE CBlSrSUBKS BUOKHUESrS COURSE. 243
make such a war upon you as becomes an upright soldier and
a man of honour/'^
Thus there was at least one man — ^and a most important
one — in the opposition-party who thoroughly believed in the
honour of the governor-general.
The Queen then proceeded to lecture Lord Buckhurst very
sevCTcly for having tolerated an instant the States' pro-
position to her for a loan of 50,000?. "The enemy/' she
observed, "is quite unaUe to attempt the si^ of any town."^
Buckhurst was, however, instructed, in case the States'
million should prove insufficient to enable the army to make
head against the enemy, and in the event of "any alteration
of the good- will of the people towards her, caused by her not
yielding, in this their necessity, some convenient support," to
let Ihfim then understand, "as of himself, that if they would
be satisfied with a loan of ten or fifteen ihousand pounds^ he
would do his best endeavour to draw her Majesty to yield
unto the furnishing of such a sum, with assured hope to ob-
tain the same at her hands." ^
Truly Walsingham was right in saying that charges of any
kind were difficidt of digestion. Yet, even at that moment,
Elizabeth had no more attached subjects in England than
were the burghers of the Netherlands, who were as anxious
as ever to annex their territory to her realms.
Thus, having expressed an affection for Leicester which no
one doubted, having once more thoroughly brow-beaten the
States, and having soundly lectured Buckhurst — ^as a requital
for his successful efforts to bring about a more wholesome
condition of aflfeirs — she gave the envoy a parting stab, with
this postscript ; — " There is small disproportion," she said
"betwixt a fool who useth not wit because he hath it not, and
him that useth it not when it should avail him."* Leicester,
too, was very violent in his attacks upon Buckhurst. The
envoy had succeeded in reconciling Hohenlo with the bro-
' Letters of Yerdogo and of Count t * Queen
I^wis William, in Bor, III. xxiiu I last cited.)
p. IL I • Ibid,
' Letters of Yerdugo and of Count t * Queen to Buckhurst, 3 Uaj (MS.
*Ibid.
1
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244 THE ITNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. XT.
thers NorriS; and had persuaded Sir John to offer the hand
of friendship to Leicester, provided it were sure of being
accepted. Yet in this desire to conciliate, the Earl found re-
newed cause for violence. "I would have had more r^ard
of mjr Lord of Buckhurst/' he said, '^ if the case had been
between him and Norris, but I must regard my own reputa-
tion the more that I see others would impair it. You have
deserved little thanks of me, if I must .deal plainly, who do
equal me after this sort with him, whose best place is oolonel
under me, and once my servant, and preferred by me to all
honourable place he had."^ And thus were enterprises of
great moment, intimately affecting the safety of Holland, of
England, of all Protestantism, to be suspended between tri-
umph and ruin, in order that the spleen of one individual —
one Queen's favourite — ^might bo indulged. The contempt of.
an insolent grandeo for a distinguished commander — ^himself
the son of a Baron, with a mother the dear friend of her
sovereign — ^was to endanger the existence of great common-
wealths. Can the influence of the individual, for good or
bad, upon the destinies of the race be doubted, when the cha-
racters and conduct of Elizabeth and Leicester, Burghley and
Walsingham, Philip and Parma, are closely scrutinized and
broadly traced throughout the wide range of their effects ?
" And I must . now, in your Lordship's sight," continued
Leicester, "be made a counsellor with this companion, who
never yet to this day hath done so much as take knowledgp
of my ndslike of him ; no, not to say this much, which I
think would well become his better, that he was sorry to hear
I had mislike to him, that he desired my suspension till he
might either speak with me, or be charged from me, and if
then he were not able to satisfy me, he would admowledge
his fault, and make me any honest satisfaction. This manner
of dealing would have been no disparagement to his better.
And even so I must think that your Lordship doth me wrong,
knowing what you do, to make so little difference between
John Norris, my man not long since, and now but my colonel
» Leicester to Luckburst, 30 April, 1587. (3. P. Offlc?, MS.)
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15S7.
LEICESTBB»S WRATH AT HOHBNLO'S CHARGEa
245
under me, as though we were equals. And I cannot but
more than marvel at this your proceeding, when I remember
your promises of friendship, and your opinions reisolutely set
down. . . . You were so determined before you went
hence, but must have become wondeifully enamoured of
those men's unknown virtues in a few days of acquaintance,
firom the alteration that is grown by their own commenda-
tions of themselves. .You know very well that all the world
should not make me serve with John Norris. Your sudden
change from mislike to liking has, by consequence, presently
cast disgrace upon me. But all is not gold that glitters, nor
every shadow a perfect representation. . . . You knew
he shotdd not serve with me, but either you thought me a
very inconstant man, or else a very simple soul, riesolving
with you as I did, for you to take the course you have done."^
He felt, however, quite strong in her Majesty's favour. He
knew himself her favourite, beyond all chance or change, and
was sure, so long as either lived, to thrust his enemies, by her
aid, into outer darkness. Woe to Buckhurst, and Norris, and
Wilkes, and all others who consorted with his enemies. Let
them flee from the wrath to come! And truly, they were
only too anxious to do so, for they knew that Leicester's
hatred was poisonous. " He is not so facile to fprgetas ready
to revenge,"* said poor Wilkes, with neat alliteration. "My
very heavy and mighty adversary will disgrace and undo
me."*
"It sufficeth," continued Leicester, "that her Majesty
doth find my dealings well enough, and so, I trust will gra-
ciously use me. As for the reconciliations and love-days you
have made there, truly I have liked well of it ; for you did
8h6\^ me your disposition therein before, and. I allowed of it,
and I had received letters both from Count Maurice and
Hohenlo of their humility and kindness, but now in your last
letters you say they have uttered the cause of their mislike
* Leicester to Buckhurst The
letter is from Croydon, and* pathe^
cafly signed, "Your poor friend, R.
Leyoester."
» Wilkes to Walsingbam, 13 April,
1587. (S. P. Office, MS,) ,
9 Same ' to the XiOrd Chanoelloi^
3rd June^ 1687. (S. P. Office, MS:)
I
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246 "^^^^ UNITBD NETHRRTiANDa Chap. XV.
towards me, which you forbear to write of, looking so speedily
for my return/'^
But the Earl knew well enough what the secret was, for had
it not been specially confided by the judicious Bartholomew to
Atye, who had incontinently told his master ? " This pretense
that I should kill Hohenlo," cried Leicester, "is a matter
properly foisted in to bring me to choler. I will not sufier it
to rest thus. Its authors shall be duly and severely punished.
And albeit I see well enough the plot of this wicked device,
yet shall it not work the effect the devisers have done it for.
No, my Lord, he is a villain and a false lying knave whosoever
he be, and of what nation soever that hath forged this devioe.
Count Hohenlo doth know I never gave him cause to fear mo
so much. There w^ro ways and means offered me to have
quitted him of the country if I had so liked. This new
monstrous villany which is now found out I do hate and detest,
as I would look for the right judgment of God to fall upon
myself, if I had but once imagined it. All this makes good
proof of Wilkes's good dealing with me, that hath heard of so
vile and villainous a reproach of me, and never gave me
knowledge. But I trust your Lordship shall receive her
Majesty's order for this, as for a matter that toucheth herself
in honour, and me her poor servant and minister, as dearly as
any matter can do ; and I will so take it and use it to the
uttermost."*
We have seen how anxiously Buckhurst had striven to do
his duty upon a most difficult mission. Was it unnatural that
so fine a nature as his should be disheartened, . at reaping
nothing but sneers and contumely from the haughty sovereign
he served, and from the insolent favourite who controlled her
councils? "I beseech your Lordship,'' he said to Burghley,
"keep one ear for me, and do not hastily condemn me before
you hear mine answer. For if I ever did or shall do any
acceptable service to her Majesty, it was in the stay and
appeasing of these countries, ever ready at my coming to have
cast off all good respect towards us, and to have entered even
« Leioester to Buckhurst, 30 April (MS. already cited.) • Ibid.
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1687.
OF A PLOT BY THB BABL TO KUBDSB HDL
247
into some desperate cause. In the meantime I am hardly
thought of by her Majesty^ and in her opinion condemned
before mine answer be understood. Therefore I beseech you
to help me to return, and not thus to lose her Majesty's &vour
for my good desert, wasting here my mind, body, my wits,
wealth, and all, with continual toils, cares, and troubles, more
than I am able to endure." ^
But besides his instructions to smooth and expostulate, in
which he had succeeded so well, and had been requited so ill,
Buckhurst had received a still more difficult commission. He
had been ordered to broach the subject of peace, as delicately
as possible, but without delay; first sounding the leading
politicians, inducing them to listen to the Queen's suggestions
on the subject, persuading them that they ought to be satisfied
with the principles of the pacification of Ghent, and that it
was hopeless for the Provinces to continue the war with their
mighty advCTsary any longer."
Most reluctantly had Buckhurst fulfilled his sovereign's
» Bockhtirst to Boighley, 27 May,
1587. (a P. Officje, Ma)
* " Whereas we have late used your
service ia aa intended treaty of peace
betwixt the Sling of Spain and us,
dealt in by the Duke of Parma ....
we send you copies of such letters as
have lately been written to ouiaelf by
the Duke, and by Champagny to the
Contrc^er. . . . We have taken order
that the Duke shall be put in mind
of the treaty of Ghent, anno '76, . . .
whk^ being afterwards approved by
the King, was published in 1577, . . .
baring just cause to hope that, if the
King be willing to embrace peace,
and the Duke to fhrther the same, as
he pretendeth, he may be induced to
assent to such a tolerance as in the
Bs^ padficatioQ is contained. Now
it resteth that you should seek to
frame the minds of the people of
those coontries to such good means as
by you shall be thought expedient to
content themselves with the said
tolerance; for which purpose you
shall, as of yourself) as one that
wisheth well to those countries, deal
with some well-chosen persons there,
such aa you shall loam to be good
patriots, .... laying before them
how impossible it is fbr them by means
of their contributions, with the bmrden
whereof the people do already find
themselves so much grieved to con-
tinue the war, and to make head any
longer against so mighty and puissant
a prince as the King of Spain, and
how unable ourselves shall be to sup-
ply them still with such relief, as the
necessity of their state shall require.
.... You may advise them to dis-
pose both their own minds and those
of the people to a sound peac6^ which,
in your opinion, they cannot at any
time treat of with greater advantage
than at this present, the King of
Spain being at so low an M both at
home and in these countries, for want
aa well of victuals as of other neces-
sary things to continue the war& . . .
And if you shall find that the using
of these reasons and persuasions in
our name may fhrther the cause by
moving them rather to hearicen unto
peace^ we leave it to yourself to use,
in such case, your own discretion
therein,'* &a Queen to Buckhurst,
May, 1587. (a P. Office Ma)
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248 '^^^^ UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XT.
commands in this disastrous course. To talk to thcs Hollanders
of the Ghent pacification seemed puerile. That memorable
treaty, ten years before, had been one of the great landmarks
of progress, one of the great achievements of William the
Silent. By its provisions, public exercise of the reformed
religion had been secured for the two Provinces of Holland
and Zeeland, and it had been agreed that the secret practice
of those rites should be elsewhere winked at, until such time
as the States-General, under the auspices of Philip II., should
otherwise ordain. But was it conceivable that now, — after
Philip's authority had been solemnly abjured, and the reformed
worship had become the public, dominant religion, throughout
all the Provinces, — the whole republic shotQd return to the
Spanish dominion, and to such toleration as might be sanc-
tioned by an assembly professing loyalty to the most Catholic
King?
Buckhurst had repeatedly warned the Queen, in fervid and
eloquent language, as to the intentions of Spain. ^^ There
was never peace well made," he observed, "without a mighty
war preceding, and always, the sword in hand is the best pen
to write the conditions of peace."
". If ever prince had cause," he continued, " to think himself
beset with doubt and danger, you, sacred Queen, have most
just cause not only to think it, but even certainly to believe
it. The Pope doth daily plot nothing else but how he may
bring to pass your utter overthrow ; the French King hath
already sent you threatenings of revenge, and though for that
pretended cause I think little will ensue, yet he is blind that
seeth not the mortal dislike that boileth deep in his heart for
other respects against you. The Scottish King, not only in
regard of his future hope, but also by reason of some over
conceit in his heart, may be thought a dangerous neighbour to
you. The King of Spain armeth and extendeth all his power
to ruin both you and your estate. And if the Indian gold
have corrupted also the King of Denmark, and made him
likewise Spanish, as I marvellously fear ; why will not yom*
Majesty, beholding the flames of your enemies on every side
kindling around, unlock all your coffers and convert your
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1587. BUCKHUBSrS ELOQUEKT APPEALS TO THE QUEEN. 249
trecaurefoT the advancing of worthy meriy and for the arming of
ships and men'of'tvar that may de/erui you^ since princes*
treasures serve only to that end, and, lie they never so fast or so
full in their chests y can no ways so defend them /
^^ The eternal God^ in whose hands the hearts of kings do
rest, dispose and guide your sacred Majesty to do that which
may be most according to His blessed will, and best for you,
as I trust He will, even for His mercy's sake, both toward
your Majesty and the whole realm of England, whose desola-
tion is thus sought and compassed/'^
Was this the language of a mischievous intriguer, who was
sacrificing the true interest of his country, and whose pro-
ceedings were justly earning for him rebuke and disgrace at the
hands of his sovereign ? Or was it rather the noble advice of
an upright statesman, a lover of his country, a faithful servant
of his Queen, who had looked through the atmosphere of
falsehood in which he was doing his work, and who had de-
tected, with rare sagacity, the secret purposes of those who
were then misruling the world ?
Buckhurst had no choice, however, but to obey. His
private efforts were of course fruitless, but he announced to
her Majesty that it was his intention very shortly to bring the
matter — according to her wish — ^before the assembly.
But Elizabeth, seeing that her counsel had been unwise
and her action premature, turned upon her envoy, as she was
apt to do, and rebuked him for his obedience, so soon as
obedience had proved inconvenient to herself.
" Having perused your letters,^' she said, " by which you
so at large debate unto us what you have done in the matter
of peace we find it strange that you should proceed
further. And although we had given you full and ample
direction to proceed to a public dealing in that cause, yet
your own discretion, seeing the difficulties and dangers that
you yourself saw in the propounding of the matter, ought to
have led you to delay till further command from us." ''
' Bodchont to the Queen, 30 April,
1587. (Br. Mu8. Gall^ C. xi. p. 438,
MS.)
'2
* Qaeen to Buckborst^ 4 Jone^
1687. (aP. Office MS.)
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250 THE UNITED NETHBRLANDa Chap. XV.
Her Majesty then instructed her envoy, in case he bad not
yet ^^ propounded the matter in the state-house to the general
assembly/' to pause entirely until he heard her further
pleasure. She concluded^ as usual, with a characteristic post-
cript in her own hand.
"Oh weigh deepUer this matter/' she said, "than, with so
shallow a judgment, to spill the cause, impair my honour, and
shame yourself, with all your wit, that once was supposed
better than to lose a bargain for the handling.'' ^
Certainly the sphinx cotdd have propounded no more
puzzling riddles than those which Elizabeth thus suggested to
Buckhurst. To make war without an army, to support an
army without pay, to frame the hearts of a whole people to
peace who were unanimous for war, and this without saying a
word either in private or public ; to dispose the Netherlanders
favourably to herself and to Leicester, by refusing them men
and money, brow-beating them for asking for it, and subjecting
them to a course of perpetual insults, which she called " cor-
rosives," to do all this and more seemed difficult. If not to
do it, were to spill the cause and to lose the bargain, it was
more than probable that they would be spilt and lost.
But the ambassador was no (Edipus — although a man of
delicate perceptions and brilliant intellect — and he turned
imploringly to a wiso counsellor for aid against the tormentor
who chose to be so stony-faced and enigmatical.
" Touching the matter of p^ace," said he to Walsingham,
" I have written somewhat to her Majesty in cipher, so as I
am sure you will be called for to decipher it. If you did
know how infinitely her Majesty did at my departure and
before— for in this matter of peace she hath specially used me
this good while — command m^y pray mCy and persuade me to
further and hasten the same with all the speed possible thai
might 6e, and hoWy on the other sidcy I have continually been the
man and the mean that have most plainly dehorted her from
such post-haMCy and that she should never make good peace
without a puissant army in the field, you would then say that
' Queen to Buckhurst, MS. just cited.
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158Y. HER PERPLKXINO AND CONTBADIOTORY ORDERa 251
I had now cause to fear her displeasure for being too slow, and
not too forward. And as for all the reasons which in my last
letters are set down, her Majesty hath debated them with me
many times/' \
And thus midsummer was fast approaching, the common-
wealth was without a regular government, Leicester remained
in England nursing his wrath and preparing his schemes, the
Queen was at Greenwich, corresponding with Alexander
Famese, and sending riddles to Buckhurst, when the enemy
— ^who, according to her Majesty, was " quite unable to attempt
the siege of any town" — suddenly appeared in force in
Flanders, and invested Bluys. This most important seaport,
both for the destiny of the republic and of England at that
critical moment, was insufficiently defended. It was quite
time to put an army in the field, with a governor-general to
command it.
On the 5th June there was a meeting of the state-council
at' the Hague. Count Maurice, Hohenlo, and Moeurs were
present, besides several members of the States-General. Two
propositions were before the council. The first was that it
was absolutely necessary to the safety of the republic, now
that the enemy had taken the field, and the important city of
Sluys was besi^ed, for Prince Maurice to be appointed
captain-general, until such time as the Earl of Leicester or
some other should be sent by her Majesty. The second was
to confer upon the state-council the supremo government in
civil afiairs, for the same period, and to repeal all limitations
and restrictions upon the powers of the council made secretly
by the EarL
Chancellor Leoninus, " that grave, wise old man," moved
the propo^itions. The deputies of the States were requested
to withdraw. The vote of each councillor was demanded.
Buckhurst, who, as the Queen's representative — together
with Wilkes and John Norris — ^had a seat in the council,
refused to vote. " It was a matter," he discreetly observed,
" with which he had not been instructed by her Majesty to
>Backhurst to WalsiDgham, 13 June, 1687. (Br. Mua. Galbo, D. I. 96. MS.)
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252 THE UNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. XV.
intermeddle/' Norris and Wilkes also begged to be excused
from voting, and, although earnestly urged to do so by the
whole council, persisted in their refusal. Both measures were
then carried.^
No sooner was the vote taken, than an English courier
entered the council-chamber, with pressing despatches from
Lord Leicester. The letters were at once read. The Earl
announced his speedy arrival, and summoned both the States-
General and the council to meet him at Dort, where his
lodgings were already taken. All were surprised, but none
more than Buckhurst, Wilkes, and Norris ; for no intimation
of this sudden resolution had been received by them, nor any
answer given to various propositions, considered by her
Majesty as indispensable preliminaries to the governor's visit.*
The council adjourned till after dinner, and Buckhiust held
conference meantime with various counsellors and deputies.
On the reassembling of the board, it was urged by Bameveld,
in the name of the States, that the election of Prince Maurice
should still hold good. " Although by these letters," said he,
" it would seem that her Majesty had resolved upon the speedy
return of his Excellency, yet, inasmuch as the counsels and
resolutions of princes are often subject to change upon new
occasion, it does not seem fit that our late purpose concerning
Prince Maurice should receive any interruption."
Accordingly, after brief debate, both resolutions, voted in
the morning, were confirmed in the afternoon.
" So now," said Wilkes, " Maurice is general of all the
forces, et quid sequetur nescimua"^
But whatever else was to follow, it was very certain that
Wilkes would not stay. His great enemy had sworn his de-
struction, and would now take his choice, whether to do hirp
to death himself, or to throw him into the clutch of the
ferocious Hohenlo. " As for my own particular," said the
counsellor, " the word is go, whosoever cometh or cometh not," ^
and he announced to Walsingham his intention of departing
' Wilkes to Walaingham, 8 Jane, I < Wilkes to Walsinghain, 23 April,
1687. (a P. Office, MS.) 1587. (& P. Office, M&)
«Ibid, 'Ibid.
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i
1587.
BESPAIE OP WILKES.
253
without permission, should he not immediately receive it from
England. ^^ I shall stay to he dandled with no love-days nor
leave-takings/' he observed.^
* WHkes to Walsingham, 8 Jane,
1587. (a P. Office, MS.)
From the very moment of Leicester'a
arriyal in England, be seems to ha^e
conceived a violent hatred to Goun-
dlkx' Wilkes. Yet a careful inspec-
tion of the correspondence shows that
never was hatred more unjust Wilkes
bad told the truth concerning the ex-
penses incurred by England and the
States daring the Earl's first term of
administration. Ho could not have
done less without dereliction of duty,
and he forwarded certified vonchera
for all his statements. Ho alwajrs
did his best to sustain tho governor's
character, and to carry out his legiti-
mate view& As time wore on, ho
was obL'ged to state the disadvantages
resnlting from hia protracted absence,
and he was forced, at last, to admit
the tmth as to lils great impopularity.
H& oven admittod privately, on one
occasion, that^ in consequence of that
unpopularity, somo other governor
might be sent from England ^ more
acceptable to tho Provinces. This
was the sum of his offences in regard
to Leicester. Towards tho Queen he
manifested himself an intelligent,
honest, and most assiduous servant,
but he had incurred tho hostility of
the favourite, and for that there was
no redress. Even so early as January
he felt that he had lost Leicester's
fsvoar, although he protested ho
"would repurchase it with the loss of
his two best fingers" (Wilkes to Lei-
cester, 27 Jan. 1687. S. P. Office,
MS.); and ho wrote at the same time
to the Queen, complaining that he
was in danger of his life, as recom-
pense for his faithfiil service—- a life
whidi he hoped to venture in better
sort for her Majesty's service. Ho was
threatened at home, he said, and en-
dangered abroad. Wilkes to the Queen,
30 Jan. 1687. (S. P. Office, Ma) A
few months later, matters had grown
much worse. Leicester was intending
to wreak his revenge upon him by
means of third persons, who, by his
malignant insinuations, had been
niade hostile to tho councillor.
" TVhcreunto is now added tho danger
of my poor life," he says, "and for-
tune, for that I am secretly given to
understand, by a dear friend of mine,
and inward with my great and heavy
enemy, that he hath sworn and pro-
tested, even now of late, to take his
revenge on me — ^how or in what sort
I know not, but have good cause to
doubt, considering tho mind of my
enemy, that he will not bo satisfied
with any mere offence to be done
unto mo, which I suppose he will
never do of himself nor by any of his
own, but a third means, whereunto ho
hath a gap opened unto him by my
own letters written unto him fh>m
hence, wherein I had touched some
persons of quality here for their in-
direct proceeding against her Majesty
and our nation .... Therefore, I
humbly beseech you to move her Ma-
jesty for my speedy return." W. to
Hatton, 19 April, 1587. (S, P. Office,
MS.) In a letter to Waiangham of
same date ho alluded to tho " deadly
revenge threatened against him by
the Earl with very bitter words," and
indicates tho samo schemo by which
third persons aro to inflict it. "I
would be loth to commit m)r8oif to
his mercy," ho says; "your honour
knoweth him better than I do
God is my witness I have, since his
departure from these countries, de-
served as well of him as ever did any.
.... I will stand to my justification,
and prove that I havo done him with
her Majesty as many good offices as
any man that came from hence," and
he iheu. most urgently solicited pier-
mission to depart. This permission
the government were most reluctant
to grant, and Wilkes protested loudly
agcdnst his continuance - in office at
such "hazard to his poor life, without
means of defence, in the quality of his
ruin or death." "'Tis a hard reward
for my faithful services," ho said, " to bo
lef^ to tho mercy of such as have will
and means by revenge to bereave her
M^'esty of a truo and obedient servant,
and me of my life, in an obscure sort,
to my perpetual inlamy, to tho pleasing
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254
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XV.
But Leicester had delayed his coming too long. The
country felt that it had been trifled with by his absence — at bo
critical a period— of seven months. It was known too that the
Queen was secretly treating with the enemy, and that Buck-
hurst had been privately sounding leading personages upon
that subject, by her orders. This had caused a deep, sup-
pressed indignation. Over and over again had the English
government been warned as to the danger of delay. " Tour
length in resolving," Wilkes liad said, "whatsoever your
secret purposes may be — will put us to new plunges before
long."^ The mission of Buckhurst was believed to bo "but a
stale, having some other intent than was expressed." And
at last, the new plunge had been fairly taken. It seemed now
impossible for Leicester to regain the absolute authority,
which he coveted, and which he had for a brief season possessed.
The States-General, under able leaders, had become used to
a government which had been forced upon them, and which
they had wielded with success. Holland and Zeeland, paying
the whole expense of the war, were not likely to endure again
the absolute sovereignty of a foreigner, guided by a back-
stairs council of reckless politicians — ^most of whom were un-
principled, and some of whom had been proved to be felons —
and established at Utrecht, which contributed nothing to the
of mine cnemieai, and the discomfort-
ing of all honest men, by an example,
iVom serying of her Majesty with sin-
cerity," &C. W. to Walsing. 29th
AprU, 1687. (S. P. Office MS.) And he
soon afterwards declared to Walsingham
(15 May, 1687. S. P. Office, MS.)
that, in case he should bo left there to
the mercy of his great enemy, if he re-
turned, ho would venture *'to hazard
her Majesty's &vour in returning home
without license." His alarm was no
greater for his life than for his repu-
tation, both- which, Leicester, in his
belief; was sworn to destroy. "I do
find that my very heavy and mighty
adversary," he writes to the Lord
Chancellor (3 June, 1687. S. P. Office,
MS.), "doth perpetually travail with
her Majesty to disgrace and undo me,
and I have cause to doubt that he
doth or shall prevail against me, con-
sidering the goodness of her Miyesty 's
nature to be induced to believe whom
she favoureth, and his subtlety to peiw
suada I have therefore no mean in
respect of the great inequality be-
tween him and me, but either to be
held up by my honourable ftiends,
assisted with the wings of mine own
integrity, or to fall to 3ie ground -wiih
disgrace and in&my, to tho dis-
couragement of all that shall servo
her Majesty in like places."
Such passages paint the condition
of tho civil scrrice in England, daring
the reign of Leicester and Elizabeth,
more vividly than oould be done by a
long dissertation.
> WOkee to Walsingham, 17 May,
1687. (S. P. Office Ma)
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1587. LEICBSTBE ANNOUNOBS HIS RBTUBN. 255
general purse. If Leicester were really coming, it seemed
certain that he would be held to acknowledge the ancient con-
stitution, and to respect tho sovereignty of the States-Q-eneral.
It was resolved that ho should be well bridled. The sensa-
tions of Bameveld and his. party may therefore be imagined,
when a private letter of Leicester to his secretary — " the
fellow named Junius," as Hohenlo called him — having been
intercepted at this moment, gave them an opportunity of
studying the Earl's secret thoughts.
The Earl informed his correspondent that he was on the
point of starting for the Netherlands. He ordered him
therefore to proceed at once to reassure those whom he knew
well disposed as to the good intentions of her Majesty and of
the governor-general. And if, on the part of Lord Buckhurst
or others, it should bo intimated that the Queen was resolved
to treat for i)eace with the King of Spain, and wished to havo
the opinion of the Netherlanders on that subject, he was to say
boldly tItcU Lord Buckhurst never had any such charge, and
that her Majesty had not been treating at all. She had only
been attempting to Bound the King's intentions towards the
Netherlands, in case of any accord. Having received no satis-
factory assurance on the subject, her Majesty was determined
to poceed with the defence of these countries. This appeared
by the expedition of Drake against Spain, and by the return
of the Earl, with a good number of soldiers paid by her
Majesty, over and above her ordinary subsidy.*
" You are also," said the Earl, " to tell those who have the
care of the people" (the ministers of the reformed church
and others), *^ that I am returning, in the confidence that they
will, in future, cause all past difficulties to cease, and that
they will yield to me a legitimate authority, such as befits for
administering the sovereignty of the Provinces, without my
being obliged to endure all the oppositions and counter-
minings of the States, as in times past. The States must
content themselves with retaining the power which they claim
^ I«eice8ter to Junius, Qreenwicli, I Comparo Keteren, xiv. 255. Hoofd,
15 June, 1687. (3. P. OflQoe, MS.) | Yervolgb, 249, ei muU. oL
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256 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XT.
to have exercised under the governors of the Emperor and
the King — ^without attempting anything farther during my
government — ^since I desire to do nothing of importance with-
out the advice of the council, which will be composed Inti-
mately of persons of the country. You will also tell them
that her Majesty commands me to return unless I can obtain
from the States the authority which is necessary, in order not
to be governor in appearance only and on paper. And I
wish that those who are good may be apprized of all this, in
order that nothing may happen to their prejudice and ruin,
and contrary to their wishes." ^
There were two very obvious comments to be made upon
this document. Firstly, the States — de Jurcy as they claimed,
and de facto most unquestionably — were in the position of
the Emperor and King. They were .the sovereigns. The
Earl wished them to content themselves with the power which
they exercised under the Emperor's governors. This was like
requesting the Emperor, when in the Netherlands, to consider
himself subject to his own governor. The second obvious
reflection was that the Earl, in limiting his authority by a
state-council, expected, no doubt, to appoint that body him-
self—as he had done before — and to allow the members only
the right of talking, and of voting, without the power of
enforcing their decisions. In short, it was very plain that
Leicester meant to be more absolute than ever.
As to the fiat contradiction given to Buckhurst's proceed-
ings in the matter of peace, that statement could scarcely
deceive any one who had seen her Majesty's letters and in-
structions to her envoy.
It was also a singularly deceitful course to be adopted by
Leicester towards Buckhurst and towards the Netherlands,
because his own private instructions, drawn up at the same
moment, expressly enjoined him to do exactly what Buck-
hurst had been doing. He was most strictly and earnestly
commanded to deal privately with all such persons as had
influence with the "common sort of people," in order that
> Leioester to Jonicia, ubi svp.
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IWT. HIS INSTEUCTIONS— LETTEE TO JUNIUS. 2CT
they should use their influence with those common people in
fayour of peace, bringing vividly before them the excessive
burthens of the war, tiieir inability to cope with so potent a
prince as Philip, and the necessity the Queen was under of
discontinuing her contributions to their support. He was to
make the same representations to the States, and he was
further most explicitly to inform all concerned, that, in case
they were unmoved by these suggestions, her Maj^ty had
quite made up her mind to accept the handsome ofiTers of
peace held cut by the King of Spain, and to leave them to
their fate.
It seemed scarcely possible that the letter to Junius and
the instructions for the Earl should have beien- dated the same
week, and should have emanated from the same mind ; but
such was the fact.
He was likewise privately to assure Maurice and Hohenlo —
in order to remove their anticipated opposition to the peace —
that such care should be taken in providing for them, as that
"they should have no just cause to dislike thereof, but 16 rest
satisfied withaV
With regard to the nature of his authority, he was in-
structed to claim a kind of dictatorship in everything regard-
ing the command of the forces, and the distribution of the
public treasure. All offices were to be at his disposal. Every
florin contributed by the States was to be placed in his hands,
and spent according to his single will. He was also to have
plenary power to prevent the trade in victuals with the enemy
by death and confiscation.
If opposition to any of these proposals were made by the
States-General, he was to appeal to the States of each Pro-
vince, to the towns and communities, and in case it should
prove impossible for him " to be furnished with the desired
authority,'' he was then instructed to say that it was. " her
Majesty's meaning to. leave them to their own counsel and
defence, and to withdraw the support that she had yielded to
them : seeing plainly that the continuance of the confused
VOL. n.— S
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258
THE UNITBD NETTTKRLANDa
Chap. IV.
government now reigning among them could not bat work
their ruin," *
Both these papers came into Bameveld's hands, through
the agency of Ortel, the States' envoy ih England, before the
arrival of the Earl in the Netherlands.'
Of course they soon became the topics of excited conversa-
tion and of alarm in every part of the country. Buckhurst^
touched to the quick by the reflection upon those pro-
ceedings of his which had been so explicitly enjoined upon
him, and so reluctantly undertaken — appealed earnestly to
her Majesty. He reminded her, as delicately as possible, that
her honour, as well as his own, was at stake by Leicester's
insolent disavowals of her authorized ambassador. He be-
sought her to remember '^ what even her own royal hand had
written to the Duke of Parma ; " and how much his honour
was interested ^^ by the disavowing of his dealings about the
peace begun by her Majesty's commandment." He adjured
her with much eloquence to think upon the consequences of
stirring up tiie common and unstable multitude against their
rulers ; upon the pernicious effects of allowing the clergy to
inflame the passions of the people against the government.
" Under the name of such as have charge over the people,"
said Buckhurst, ^^ are understood the ministers and chaplains
of the churches in every town, by the means of whom it seems
that his Lordship tendeth his whole purpose to attain to his
desire of the administration of the sovereignty." He assured
the Queen that this scheme of Leicester to seize virtually
upon that sovereignty, would bo a disastrous one* "The
States are resolved," said he, "since your Majesty doth rofose
the sovereignty, to lay it upon no creature else, as a thing
contrary to their oath and all^iance to their country." He
reminded her also that the States had been dissatisfied with
the Earl's former administration, believing that he had ex-
' Instructions for the Earl of Lei-
cester, 20 June, 1687. Corrected by
Lord Buigbley and Secretary- Wal-
singfaam. (3. P. Office MS. Compare
Bor, IL xxi 906, 907.)
• Bor, ir. xxil 906, 907. "By- the
way," writes Leicester to Boigliley;
" send away Ortel ; he is a bad fSow."
Leicester to Burghley, 17 Aug. 158T
(S. P. Office US.)
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i
168T. BABNBVELD DENOUNCES HDC IN THE STATES. 259
ceeded his commission, and that they were determined there-
fore to limit his authority at his return, "Your sacred
Majesty may consider/' he said, "what effect all this may
work among the common and ignorant people, by intimating
that, unless they shall procure him the administration of such
a sovereignty as he requireth, their ruin may ensue."* Buck-
hurst also informed her that he had despatched Councillor
WilkeB to England, in order that he might give more ample
bformation on all these afiairs by word of mouth than could
well be written.
It need hardly be stated that Barneveld came down to the
states'-house with these papers in his hand, and thundered
against the delinquent and intriguing governor till the general
indignation rose to an alarming height. False statements of
course were made to Leicester as to the substance of the Advo-
cate's discourse. He was said to have charged upon the English
government an intention to seize forcibly upon their cities, and
to transfer them to Spain on payment of the sums due to the
Queen from the States, and to have declared that he ha4 found
all this treason in the secret instructions of the Earl.' But
Barneveld had read the instructions, to which the attention of
the reader has just been called, and had strictly stated the truth,
which was damaging enough, without need of exaggeration.
' BackhuTBt to the Qaeen, 28 June,
1587. (Brit Mas. Oalba. 0. xl p. 61,
MS.)
* Memorial in Bai^ghley'B hand,
Sept 1587. EOligrew and Beale to
the Locds, 11 Sept. 1587. Leiceeter
to Bm^g;fale7, 17 Aug. . 1587. Same to
same, 11 Sept 1587. {S, P. Office
MSS.)
**The9e petsoaaons pf. this, fellow
BarneTelt," says the.Eaii.in' the lasi-
dted letter, "wrought great imprcs-
tioDS in many men that her Majesty
had a former resolation in herself to
make peace without these oountries,
SDd that my now sending was only to
get authority here with the command-
ment of places and people, that, if these
men would not Bfcree to such peace as
her Ktgesty would appoint, they should
be compelled thereto by sudi forces
08 I sboQld have at my disposition;
alleging also that these few supplies
which I brought was to augment my
power the stronger ibr this only end.
These informations^ assisted with the
report of the copy of my instructk>ns
and letters, for the verifying of which
the party took new oath that they were
the true copies which- be had, and .
moved him to speak so plainly, which
matters wei^ very probable and greatly
persuadable to the common sort; yet
is the matter so used as notwithstand-
ing all his allegations both of instruc*
tions and letters, all men are satisfied ;
fuid I have not denied but such words
are in my instructions and such a letter
written, and yet we made all to agree
witi^ an honourable and gracious in-
tention in her Majesty towards them
dl," &Q. (Compare Meteren, ziv. 255
8eq, Bor, II. xziL 906, 907. Hoofd,
Verv. 239. Wagenaan viil 223, 224.)
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260
THE CNITBD NETHERLANOa
Cup. SVL
CHAPTER XVI.
Sitoation of SIujs — Its Batch and English Garrison — "Williams writes finom
Sluys to tho Queen ^Jealousy between the Eail and States ^ Schemes to
relieve Slays — Which are feeble and nnsooeessfUl — The Town Gapito-
hites — Parma enters — Leicester enraged — The Queen angiy with the
Anti-Leicestrians — Norris, Wilkes, and Buckhurst punished — Brake sails
for Spain — His Exploits at Cadiz and Lisbon — He is rebuked by
Elizabeth.
When Dante had passed through the thu-d circle of the
Inferno — a desert of red-hot sand, in which lay a multitude of
victims of divine wrath, additionally tortured by an ever-
descending storm of fiery flakes — ^he was led by Virgil out of
this burning wilderness along a narrow causeway. This path
was protected, he said, against the showers of flame, by the
lines of vapour which rose eternally from a boiling brook.
Even by such shadowy bulwarks, added the poet, do the
Flemings between Cadzand and Bruges protect their land
against the ever-threatening sea.^
It was precisely among these slender dykes between Kad-
zand and Bruges that Alexander Famese had now planted all
the troops that he could muster in the field. It was his deter-
mination to conquer the city of Sluys ; for the possession of
that important sea-port was necessary for him as a basis for
. the invasion of England, which now occupied all the thoughts
of his sovereign and himselfl
Exactly opposite the city was the island of Kadzand,
once a fair and fertile territory, with a city and many flou-
rishing villages upon its surface, but at that epoch diminished
^ Hon een porta 1* an de* dnri marglnl
K 11 ftuno del mtcer di sopro aduraia
81 oho dal Aioco salva Y acqua e gr arglnl
?aal 1 FlaramiDghl tn OvmafUe o Bruggia
emendo il Aotto che ver lor a' aTventa
Fanno 11 seherm^ acoioohtS U mar at fbggia."*
Jnftmo^ Canto st.
Compare Gdcdardini, 'Bescript
des Pays Bas,' ed. 1582, p. 37d.
Strada, IL 487. BentivogUo, P. IL
L. V. 313.
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1587. SITUAHON OP SLUTa 261
to a small dreary sand-bank by the encroachments of the
ocean.
A stream of inland water, rising a few leagues to the south
of Sluys, divided itself into many branches just before reach-
ing the city, converted the surrounding territory into a
miniature archipelago— the islands of which were shifting
treacherous sand-banks at low water, and submerged ones at
flood — and then widening and deepening into a considerable
estuary, opened for the city a capacious harbour, and an ex-
cellent although intricate passage to the sea. The city, which
was well built and thriving, was so hidden in its labyrinth of
canals and streamlets, that it seemed almost as difficult a
matter to find 81uys as to conquer it. It afforded safe har-
bour for five hundred large vessels ; and its possession, there-
fore, was extremely important for Parma. Besides these
natural defences, the place was also protected by fortifications,
which were as well constructed as the best of that period.
There was a strong rampire and many towers. There was also
a detached citadel of great strength, looking towards the sea,
and there was a ravelin, called St. Anne's, looking in the
direction of Bruges. A mere riband of dry land in that
quarter was all of solid earth to be found in the environs of
Sluys.
The city itself stood upon firm soil, but that soil had been
hoUowed into a vast system of subterranean magazines, not
for warlike purposes, but for cellars, as Sluys had been from
a remote period the great entrepot of foreign wines in the
Netherlands.^
While the eternal disputes between Leicester and the States
were going on both in Holland and in England, while the
secret negotiations between Alexander Famese ancl Queen
Elizabeth were slowly proceeding at Brussels and Green-
wich, the Duke, notwithstanding the destitute condition of his
troops, and the famine which prevailed throughout the obe-
dient Provinces, liad succeeded in bringing a little army of
five thousand foot, and something less than one thousand
> Anthorities last cited, lieteren, xiv. 25ivo 255. Hoofd, Ycir. 254.
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262
THB UNITED KETHEBLANDSw
Chap. XVX
horse, into the field.^ A portion of this force he placed under
the command of the veteran La Motte. That distingaifihed
campaigner had assm^ the commander-in-chief that the
redaction of the city woidd be an easy achievement.' Alex-
ander soon declared that the enterprise was the most difficult
one that he had ever undertak^.^ Yet^ two years before^ he
had carried to its triumphant conclusion the famous si^e of
Antwerp. He stationed his own division upon the isle of
Eadzand, and strengthened his camp by additionally fortifying
those shadowy bulwarks, by which the island, since the age of
Dante, had entrenched itself against the assaults of ocean.
On the other hand, La Motte, by the orders of his chief,
had succeeded, after a fiharp struggle, in carrying the fort of
St Anne. A still more important step was the surprising of
Blankenburg, a small fortified place on the coast, about mid-
way between Ostend and Sluys, by whidi the sea-communica-
tions with the former city for the relief of the beleaguered town
were interrupted.*
Farma's demonstrations against Sluys had commenced in
the early days of June. The commandant of the place was
Arnold de Groenevelt, a Dutch noble of ancient lineage and
approved valour. His force, was, however, very meagre,
hardly numbering more than eight hundred, all Nether-
landers, but counting among its officers several most distin-
guished personages — ^Nicholas de Maulde, Adolphus de Meet-
* Parma to Philip 11^ 6 Aug. 1587.
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.)
This force was subsequentlj very
mach increased. It is impossible, how-
ever, to anive at the exact numbers.
Thej are not stated by Famese in his
letters to the King, preserved in the
Arohiros of Simancas. Strads (IX 489)
gives the numbers as stated in the text.
Roger Williamsy however, in a letter
to Queen Elizabeth, sent from Slujs
at an early period of the siege, says
that the I)uko of Paima bad oome
before the town, a week before, in per-
son, with four regiments of Walloons,
four of Oermans, fifty-two companien
of Spaniards, twenty-four comets of
horsey and forty-eight pieces of battery,
and that the next day there arrived
one regiment of Italics and one of
Burgundian& This would give a total
of at least 17,600 men, more than thrice
as many as the historiographer of the
Duke allows. E. Williams to the
9
Queen, -- June, 1587. (Brit. Mua
Galba» D. I. p. 40, Ma)
• Parma to Philip it, G Aug. 1587.
(Arc^. de Simancas, MS.)
' Ibid. *^ £n mio poco juicio la mas
difioultosa y laboriosa cosa que ho
visto e acometido en Flandee."
« Strada, II. 488. Meteren, iibi 9tqx
Bor, IL xxii. 984. Bentivogiio^ Hoofd
ubi sup.
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1587.
ITS DUTCH AND ENGLISH GABBISON.
263
kerke and his younger brother, Captain Heraugierc, and other
well-known partisans.
On the tbieatening of danger the commandant had made
application to Sir William Bussell, the worthy successor of
Sir Philip Sidney in the government of Flushing. He had
received from him, in consequence, a reinforcement of eight
hundred English soldiers, under several eminent chieftains,
foremost among whom yreace the famous Welshman Boger
Williams, Captain Huntley, Baskerville, Sir Francis Yere,
Ferdinando Gorges, and Captain Hart. This combined
force, however, was but a slender one, there being but sixteen
hundred men to protect two miles and a half of rampart, be-
sides the forts and ravelins.^
But, such as it was, no time was lost in vain regrets. The
sorties against the besiegers were incessant and brilliant. On
one occasion Sir Francis Vere— conspicuous in the throng, in
his red mantilla, and supported only by one hundred English-
men and Dutchmen, under Captain Baskerville — held, at bay
eight companies of the famous Spanish legion called the Terzo
Veijo, at push of pike, took many prisoners, and forced the
Spaniards from the position in which they were entrenching
themselves.^ On the other hand, F^nese declared that he
bad never in his life witnessed anything so unflinching as the
courage of his troops; employed aa they were in digging
trenches where the soil was neither land nor water, exposed
to inundation by the suddenly-opened sluices, to a plunging
fire from the forts, and to perpetual hand-to-hand combats
with an active and fearless foe, and yet pumping away in the
coffer-dams — ^which they had invented by way of obtaining a
standing-groimd for their operations — as steadily and sedately
as if engaged in purely pacific employments.^ The besieged
were inspired by a courage equally remarkable. The regular
garrison was small enough, but the buighers were courageous.
t Stiada, Meteren, Bor, Bendyoglio,
Hoofd, vbi wp. Boger WiUiiuma,
'Diaooorae of War/ i^ud Grimstone,
'Hist Ketherlands, L. xiil 962.
' B. Williama, vbi ettp.
20 J«l7
» Parma to PhiUp II. -, 1687.
6 Aug.
(Arch, de Simanoaa, Ma) Strada» XL
491.
I
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264 THE UNITED NETHBRLAUDa Chap.XVX
and even the women organized themselves into a band of
pioneers. This corps of Amazons^ led by two female captains,
rejoicitig in the names of ^ May in the Heart' and ^ Catherine
the Eose,' actually constructed an important redoubt between
the citadel and the rampart, which received, in compliment to
its builders, the appellation of * Fort Venus/ ^
The demands of the beleaguered garrison, however, upon
the States and upon Leicester were most pressing. Captain
Hart swam thrice out of the city with letters to the States,
to the governor-general, and to Queen Elizabeth; and the
same perilous feat was performed several times by a Nether-
land officer.^ The besieged meant to sell their lives dearly,
but it was obviously impossible for them, with so slender a
force, to resist a very long time.
"Our ground is great and our men not so many," wrote
Roger Williams to his sovereign, "but we trust in God and
our valour to defend it We mean, with God's
help, to make their downs red and black, and to let out every
acre of our ground for a thousand of their lives, besides our
own."*
The Welshman was no braggart, and had proved often
enough that he was more given to performances than pro-
mises. " Wo doubt not your Majesty will succour us," he
said, "for our honest mind and plain dealing toward your
royal person and dear country;" adding, as a bit of timely
advice, "Eoyal Majesty, believe not over much your peace-
makers. Had they their mind, they jnll not only undo your
friends abroad, but, in the end, your royal estate." *
Certainly it was from no want of wholesome warning from
wise statesmen and blunt soldiers that the Queen was ven-
turing into that labyrinth of negotiation which might prove so
treacherous. Never had been so inopportune a moment for
that princess to listen to the voice of him who was charming
her so wisely, while he was at the same moment battering
1 Bor, m xxiil 6, seq, * Keteren, Bor, It. Williams, tdd sup.
* B. WOliama to the Queen, -Juno, 1587. (Brit. Mua. Oalba, D. L p. 40, M&)
*Ibid.
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1587. WILLIAMS WRITES FROM SLUTS TO THE QUEEN. 265
the place, whiclx was to be the basis of his operations against
her reahn. Her delay in sending forth Leicester, with at
least a moderate contingent, to the rescue, was most per-
nicioua The States — ignorant of the Queen's exact relations
with Spain, and exaggerating her disingenuousness into abso-
lute perfidy — ^became on their own part exceedingly to blame.
There is no doubt whatever that both Hollanders and English-
men were playing into the hands of Parma as adroitly as if he
had actually directed their movements. Deep were the
denunciations of Leicester and his partisans by the States'
party, and incessant the complaints of the English and Dutch
troops shut up in Sluys against the inactivity or treachery of
Maurice and Hohenlo.
"If Count Maurice and his base brother, the Admiral
(Justinus de Nassau), be too young to govern, must Holland
and Zeeland lose their countries and towns to make them
expert men of war ?" asked Roger Williams.^ A^ pregnant
question certainly, but the answer was, that by sus-
picion and jealousy, rather than by youth and inexperience,
the arms were paralyzed which should have saved the
garrison. "If these base fellows (the States) will make
Count Hollock their instrument," continued the Welshman,
"to cover and maintain their folly and lewd dealing, is it
necessary for her royal Majesty to suffer it ? These are too
great matters to be rehearsed by me ; but because I am in the
town, and do resolve to sign with my blood my duty in serv-
ing my sovereign and country, I trust her Majesty will pardon
me."* Certainly the gallant adventurer on whom devolved
at least half the work of directing the defence of the city, had
a right to express his opinions. Had he known the whole
truth, however, those opinions would have been modified.
And he wrote amid the smoke and turmoil of daily and
niglitly battle.
"Yesterday was the fifth sally we made," he observed.
"Since I followed the wars I never saw valianter captains,
> Williams to Walsingham, **J^, 1587. (Brit Mas. Galba, C. xL 102, M&)
•Ibid.
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266 '^^^ UKITED KETHERLANBa Chap. XTL
nor wiUinger soldiers. At eleven o'clock the enemy entered
the ditch of onr fort, with trenches upon wheels, artillery-
proof. We sallied out, recovered their trenches, slew the
governor of Dam, two Spanish captains, with a number of
others, repulsed them into their artillery, kept the ditch until
yesternight, and will recover it, with God's help, this ni^t,
or else pay dearly for it I care not what may become
of me in this world, so tiiat her Majesty's hoinmr, with the
rest of honourable good friends, toill ihink me an honest
man"^
No one ever doubted the simple-hearted Welshman's ho-
nesty, any more than his valour; but he confided in the
candour of others who were somewhat more sophisticated than
hin^elf When he warned her royal Majesty against the
peace-makers, it was impossible for him to know that the
great peace-maker was Elizabeth herself.
After the expiration of a month the work had become most
fatiguing. The enemy's trenches had been advanced close to
the ramparts, and desp^ate conflicts were of daily occurrence.
The Spanish mines, too, had been pushed forward towards
the extensive wine-caverns below the city, and the danger of
a vast explosion or of a general assault from beneath their
very feet, seemed to the inhabitants imminent. Eight days
long, with scarcely an intermission, amid those sepulchral
vaults, dimly-lighted with torches, Dutchmen, Englishmen,
Spaniards, Italians, fou^i hand to hand, with pike, pistol,
and dagger, within the bowels of the earth.'
Meantime the operations of the States were not commend-
able. The ineradicable jealousy between the Leicestrians and
the Bameveldians had done its work. There was no hearty
effort for the relief of Sluys. There were suspicions that, if
saved, the town would only be taken possession of by the Earl
of Leicester, as an additional vantage-point for coercing the
country into subjection to his arbitrary authority. Perhaps
* Williams to Walsingbam, last dted.
* Strada, IL 486-512. Moteron, tibi 8iq>. Bor, UL xdil 5-9, li-21. Ha-
neos, III. 402-404.
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158Y.
JEALOUSY BETWEEN THE EiJtL AND STATED
267
it would be tFansfemed to Philip by Elizabeth as part of the
price for peace. There was a growing feeling in Holland and
Zeeland; that^ as those Provinces bore all the expense of the
war^ it was an imperatiye necessity that they should limit
theur operations to the defence of their own soil The sos-
^cions as to ike policy of the English government were
sapping the very foundations of the alliance, and there was
small disposition on the part of the Hollanders, therefore, to
protect what remained of Flanders^ and thus to strengthen
the hands of her whom they were banning to look upon as
an enemy.*
Maurice and Hohenlo madey however, a foray into Brabant,
by way of diversion to the siege of Sluys, and thus com-
pelled Famese to detach a considerable force under Haulte-
penne into that country, and thereby to weaken himself. The
expedition of Maurice was not unsuccessfuL There was some
sharp skirmishing between Hohenlo and Haulfepenne, in
which the latter, one of the most valuable and distinguished
generals on the royal side, was defeated and slain ; the fort of
Engel, near Bois-le-Duc, was taken, and that important city
itself endangered ; but, on the other hand, the contingent on
which Leicester relied from the States to assist in relieving
Sluys was not forthcoming.'
For, meantime, the governor-general had at last been sent
back by his sovereign to the post which he had so long aban-
doned. Leaving Leicester House on the 4th July >ii!^,
(N.S.), he had come on board the fleet two days 1687.
afterwards at Margate. He was bringing with him to the
Netherlands three thousand fresh infantry, and thirty thou-
sand pounds, of which sum fifteen thousand pounds had been
at last wrung from Elizabeth as an extra loan, in place of the
sixty thousand pounds which the States had requested. As
be sailed past Ostend and towards Flushing, the Earl was
witness to the constant cannonading between the besieged
' A brief Report of the Prooeedings
of hia ExoeUency for the Relief of
SltqrB, 26 Jolj, 1587. (3. P. Office MS.)
* Bor, Meteren, Iloofd, BentiTOglio^
Strada^ nbi sup.
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268
THE UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. XVL
city and the camp of Famese^ and saw that the work could
hardly be more serious ; for in one short day more shots were
fired than had ever been known before in a single day in all
Parma's experience.*
Arriving at Flushing, the governor-general was well re-
ceived by the inhabitants ; but the mischief, which had been
set a-foot six months before, had done its work. The political
intrigues, disputes, and the conflicting party-organizations,
have already been set in great detail before the reader, in
order that their effect might now be thoroughly understood
without explanation. The governor-general came to Flush-
ing at a most critical moment. The fate, of all the Spanish
Netherlands, of Sluys, and with it the whole of Philip and
Parma's great project, were, in Fameso's own language, hang-
ing by a thread.'
It would have been possible — ^had the transactions of the
past six months, so far as r^arded Holland and England,
been the reverse of what they had been — to save the city,
and, by a cordial and united effort, for the two countries to
deal the Spanish power such a blow, that summer, as would
have paralyzed it for a long time to come, and have placed
both commonwealths in comparative security.
Instead of all this, general distrust and mutual jealousy
prevailed. Leicester had, previously to his departure from
England, summoned the States to meet him at Dort upon his
arrival. Not a soul appeared. Such of the state-councillors
as were his creatures came to him, and Count Maurice made
a visit of ceremony. Discussions about a plan for relieving
the siege became mere scenes of bickering and confusion.
The oflScers within Sluys were desirous that a fleet should
force its way into the harbour, while, at the same time, the
English army, strengthened by the contingent which Leicester
had demanded from the States, should advance against the
Duke of Parma by land. It was, in truth, the only way
' Authorities last cited. Llojcl to
WalsiDghom, 26 June, 1687. (S. P. Of-
fice MS.) Baudart; Polemog. 11. 96,
" 17,800 ahota."
• Parma to Philip, II. 6 Ai^. 1587.
(Arch, de Simancas MS.) "^^Igados
oa un hilo todoa los estados y todo lo
dependiente," Ac
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1687.
SCHEMES TO BEUEYE SLXTTS.
269
to succour the place. The sdieme was quite practicable.
Leio^ter recommended it, the Hollanders seemed to favour
it, Commandant Groenevelt and Bpger WiUiams urged it.
^^I do assure you/' wrote the honest Welshman to' Leicester
" if 70U will come afore this town, with as many galliots and
as many flat-bottomed boats as can cause two men-of-war to
enter, they cannot stop their passage, if your mariners will do
a quarter of their duty, as I saw them do divers times. Before
they make their entrance, we will come with our boats, and
%ht with the greatest part, and show them there is no such
great danger. . Were it not for my wounded arm, I would bo
in your first boat to enter. Notwithstanding, I and other
Englishmen will approach their boats in such sort, that we
will force them to give their saker of artillery upon us. If
your Excellency will give ear unto those false lewd fellows
(the Captain meant the States-Genen^), you shall lose great
opportunity. Within ten or twelve days the enemy will make
his bridge from Eadzand unto. St. Anne, and force you to
hazard battle before you succour this town. Let my Lord
Willoughby and Sir William Russell land at Terhoven, right
against Eadzand, with 4000, and entrench bard by the water-
side, where their boats can carry them victual and munition.
They may approach by trenches without engaging any danger-
ous fight. .... We dare not show the estate of this
town more than we have done by Captain Herte. Wo must
fight this night within our rampart in the fort. You may
assure the world here are no Hamerts, but valiant captains
and valiant soldiers, such as, with God's help, had rather bo
buried in the place than be disgraced in any point that belongs
to such a number of men-of-war." ^
But in vain did the governor of tho place, stout ^mold
Groenevelt, assisted by the rough and direct eloquence of
Boger Williams, urge upon the Earl of Leicester and tho
States-General the necessity and the practicability of the plan
> Wmiams to Leicester, -■ -"■*, 1587.
(Brit UxxB, Galbcs D. I. p. 162, MS.)
It will be remembered that Baron
Hemart was the mifortmiato officer
who so diflgraceftilhr sitrrendered Grave
in the first year of Leicester's adminis-
tration.
L
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270
THE UNITBD KETSERLAKDSw
Chap. XVL
proposed. The fleet never entered the harbour. There was
no William of Orange to save Antwerp and Sluys, as Leyden
had once been saved^ and his son was not old enough to
unravel the web of intrigue by which he was surrounded, or
to direct the whole energies of the commonwealth towards
an all-important end. Leicester had lost all influence, all
authority, nor were his military abilities equal to the occasion,
even if he had been cordially obeyed.
Ten days longer the perpetual battles on the ramparts and
within the mines continued, the plans conveyed by the bold
swimmer. Captain Hart, for saving the place were still un-
attempted, and the city was tottering to its fall. "Had
Captain Hart's words taken place,'' wrote Williams, bittarly,
" we had been succoured, or, if my letters had prevailed, our
pain had been no peril. All wars are best executed in sight
of the enemy. . . . The last night of June (10th July, N.S.)
the enemy entered the ditches of our fort in threo several
places, continuing in flght in mine and on rampart for the
space of eight nights. The ninth he battered us furiously,
made a breach of five score paces saltable for h6rse and man«
That day he attempted us in all places with a general assault
for the space of almost five hours." ^
The citadel was now lost. It had been gallantly defended,
and it was thenceforth necessary to hold the town itself, in
- July, ^^^ ^^^ teeth of an overwhelming force. " Wo
1586. were forced to quit the fort," said Sir Koger, " leaving
nothing behind us but bare earth. But ha:^ we do remain
resolutely to be buried, rather than to be dishonoured in the
least point."*
It was still possible for the fleet to succour the city. " I do
assure you," said Williams, " that your captains and mariners
do not their duty unless they enter with no great loss ; but
you must consider thjlt no wars may be made without danger.
What you mean to do, wo beseech you to do with expedition.
I Williams
to Leicester. — July,
1587. (Brit Mua. Galba, D. I. 179, Ma)
Compare Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, Bcnti-
TOgUo, Strada, Haraous, ybi stqx ei
muU. al
•Williama to Leicester. QiS, last
cited.)
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1&S7.
WHICH ABB FBBBLS AND UKSUOCESSFUL.
271
and peHBuade yourself that we will die valianty honest men.
Tour Excellency will do well to thank the old President do
Meetkerk for the honosty and valour of his son." ^
Count Maurice and his natural brother, the Admiral, now
undertook the succour by sea ; but, according to the Leices-
trians, they continued dilatory and incompetent. At any rate,
it is certain that they did nothing. At last, Parma had com-
pleted the bridge, whose construction was so much dreaded.
The haven was now enclosed by a strong wooden structure,
resting on boats, on a plan similar to that of the famous bridge
with which he had two years before bridled the Scheldt, and
Sluys was thus completely shut in from the sea. Fire-ships were
now constructed, by order of Leicester — ^feeble imitations of
the floating volcanoes of Gianibelli — and it was agreed that
they should be sent against the bridge with the first flood-tide.
The propitious moment never seemed to arrive, however, and,
meantime, the citizens of Fluslfing, of their own accord,
declared that they would themselves equip and conduct a fleet
into the harbour of Sluys.' But the Nassaus are said to have
expressed great dii^ust that low-bom burghers should presumo
to meddle with so important an enterprise, which of right
belonged to their family.^ Thus, in the midst of these alter-
cations and contradictory schemes, the month of July wore
away, and thp city was reduced to its last gasp.
*It.WiBiam8toWakinghain- July,
158T. (Brit Mu8. Galba, D. L p. I'TO.
MS.)
Compare 'Discouree of War' apud
Grimstone, ziiL 963, *' Truly all the
BQtdi and Walloona," sajrs Sir Boger,
** showed themselTes constant, resolute,
and yaliant^ especially those brnye and
valiant captains Heetkerke and Herau-
giere." He also especially commends
the valour of Huntley, XJdall, Scott,
Ferdmando Gorges, St Leger, and
Nicholas Baskerville.
' A brief Report of the Proceedings
of his Excellency for the relief of Sluya,
26 July, 1687. (S. P. Office MS.) Wil-
^OQghby, Russell, Pelham and others,
to the Lords, 12 Aug. 1687. (S. P.
OmoeMS.)
* "Burghers of Flushiog proffered
their services^ which were accepted
with thanks; but that upon Count
Maurice and Admiral Nassau being
applied to for necessaries, they seemed
to be touched very much in reputation
that a piece of service so respectable
should have been left to persons of
base quality instead of to themselves,
who readily would adventure their bcfct
means. His Excellency, fearing to
offend them, gave his consent
Maurice declared the enterprise to bo
impossible without better means, from
which it appeared plainly that all had
been devised on purpose of delay, until
it should be too late to help the town."
Willoughby, Russell, e^ a2. to the Lords.
(Ma last cited.)
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272 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVL
For the cannonading bad thoroughly done its work.
Eighteen days long the burghers and what remained of the
garrison had lived upon the ramparts^ never leaving their
posts, but eating, sleeping, and %hting dayand night. Of
the sixteen hundred Dutch and English but seven hundred
remained. At last a swimming messenger was sent out by the
besi^ed with despatches for the States, to the purport that the
city could hold out no longer. A breach in the wall had been
effected wide enough to admit a hundred men abreast. Sluys
had, in truth, already fallen, and it was hopeless any longer to
conceal the fact. If not relieved within a day or two, the
garrison would be obliged to surrender; but they distinctly
stated, that they had all pledged themselves, soldiers and
burghers, men, women, and all, unless the most honourablo
terms were granted, to set fire to the city in a hundred places,
and then sally, in mass, from the gates, determined to fight
their way through, or be slahi in the attempt. The messenger
who carried these despatches was drowned, but the letters were
saved, and fell into Parma's hands.*
At the same moment, Leicester was making, at last, an
effort to raise the siege. He brought three or four thousand
men from Flushing, and landed them at Ostend ; thence ho
marched to Blanckenburg. He supposed that if he could
secure that little port, and thus cut the Duke completely off
from the sea, he should force the Spanish commander to raise
(or at least suspend) the siege in order to give him battle.
Meantime, an opportunity would be afforded for Maurice and
Hohenlo to force an entrance into the harbour of Sluys. In
this conjecture he was quite correct ; but unfortunately ho
did not thoroughly carry out his own scheme. If the Eail
had established himself at Blanckenburg, it would have been
necessary for Parma — as he himself subsequently declared —
to raise the si^.* Leicester carried the outposts of the
place successfully ; but, so soon as Farnese was aware of this
demonstration, ho detached a few companies with orders to
' Strada, Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, B. Wmiams, in Grimstono, vbisup, ct aL
* Strada, 11. 508, 609, seq.
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158T. THE TOWN CAPlTULATEa 273
skirmish with the enemy until the commanders-in-chief, with as
large a force as he could spare, should come in person to his
support. To the unexpected gratification of Famese, how-
erer, no sooner did the advancing Spaniards come in sight,
than the Earl, supposing himself invaded by the whole of the
Duke's army, under their famous general, and not feeling
himself strong enough for such an encounter, retired, with
great precipitation, to his boats, re-embarked his troops with
the utmost celerity, and set sail for Ostend.^
The next night had been fixed for sending forth the fire-
ships against the bridge, and for the entrance of the fleet into
the harbour. One fire-ship floated a little way towards the
bridge and exploded ingloriously. Leicester rowed in his
barge about the fleet, superintending the soundings and
markings of the channel, and hastening the preparations ; but,
as the decisive moment approached, the pilots who had pro-
mised to conduct the expedition came aboard his pinnace and
positively refused to have aught to do with the enterprise,
which they now declared an impossibility.^ The Earl was
furious with the pilots, with Maurice, with Hohenlo, with
Admiral de Nassau, with the States, with all the world. He
stormed and raged and beat his breast, but all in vain. His
ferocity would have been more' useful the day before, in face
of the Spaniards, than now, against the Zeeland mariners.
But the invasion by the fleet alone, unsupported by a successful
• laiid-operation, was pronounced impracticable, and very soon
the relieving fleet was seen by the distressed garrison sailing
away from the neighbourhood, and it soon disappeared beneath
the horizon. Their fiite was sealed. They entered into treaty
with Parma, who, secretly instructed, as has been seen, of
their desperate intentions, in case any but the most honourable
conditions were offered, granted those conditions. The gar-
rison were allowed to go out with colours displayed, lighted
matches, bullet in mouth, and with bag and baggage. Such
of the burghers as chose to conform to the government of
* Strada, Bor, If eteren, Hoofa, HaiaeuSy Bentivoglio, ubi svp,
* Llojd to Walsin^ham, ^-^ 1587. (S. P. Offioe HS.)
VOL. II.— T
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274
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
CiiAP. XVL
Spain and the church of Rome, were permitted to remain.
Those who preferred to depart were allowed reasonable time
to make their necessary arrangements.^
" We have hurt and slain very near eight hundred/' said
Sir Roger Williams. " We had not powder to fight two hours.
There was a breach of almost four hundred paces, another of
three score, another of fifty, saltable for horse and men. We
had lain continually eighteen nights all on the breaches. - He
gave us honourable composition. Had the state of England
lain on it, our lives could not defend the place three hours,
for half the rampires were his, neither had we any pioneers
but ourselves. Wo were sold by their negligence who are
now angry with us." *
On the 5th August Parma entered the city. Roger Williams
— with his gilt morion rather battered, and his great plume
of feathers much bedraggled — was a witness to the victor's
entrance. Alexander saluted respectfully an oflScer so well
known to him by reputation, and with some complimentary
remarks urged him to enter the Spanish service, and to take
the field against the Turks.*
"My sword," replied the doughty Welshman, "belongs to
her royal Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, above and before all the
world. When her Highness has no farther use for it, it is at
the service, of the King of Navarre." * .
Considering himself sufficiently answered, the Duke then
requested Sir Roger to point out Captain Baskerville — ^very*
conspicuous by a greater plume of feathers than even that of
the Welshman himself— and embraced that officer, when pre-
sented to him, before all his staff. " There serves no prince
> Brief Report, to, US. already
cited Lloyd to Walaingham. MS.
already cited.' Leicester to same,
12 Aug. 1687. Willoughby and others
to the Lords, 12 Aug. 1687. Leicester
to same, 12 Aug. 1687. Same to
Burghley, 27 July, 1687. Same to
same, 13 July, 1587. * Same to the
Lords, 27 July, 1687. Same to same,
17 Aug. 1687. P. Needham to Wal-
aingham, 12 Aug. 1587. (S. P. Offloo
MSS) Compare Bor, Meteren, Hoofd,
Haraeus, Bentiyoglio^ Strada, R.
Williams, vbi sup. Wag^naar, viiL
225-227. Baudart, Polediog., XL 96,
d muU. al
* Williams to Leicester, 5 Aug. 1587.
(Brit Mus. Gkdba, D. L p. 214^ MS.)
* Needham to Walsingham, 12 Aug.
1687. (a P. Office Ma)
* Ibid.
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1587.
PARMA ENTERS-LEIOESTEB ENRAGED.
275
in Europe a braver man than this Englishman/' cried Alex-
ander^ who well knew how to appreciate high military qualities,
whether in his own army or in that of his foes.^
The garrison then retired, Sluys became Spanish, and a
capacious harbour, just opposite the English coast, was in
Parma's hands. Sir Roger Williams was despatched by
Leicester to bear the melancholy tidings to his government,
and the Queen was requested to cherish the honest Welshman,
and at least to set him on horseback, for he was of himself not
rich enough to buy even a saddle. It is painful to say that
the captain did not succeed in getting the horse.*
The Earl was furious in his invectives against Hohenlo,
against Maurice, against the States, uniformly ascribing the
loss of Sluys to negligence and faction. As for Sir John
Norris, he protested that his misdeeds in regard to this business
would, in King Henry VIII.'s time, have " cost him his pate." '
' R. Williams, in Grimstono, Ixiii. 962.
' " I pray you be good to this bearer,
Sir Roger Williams, for he is to be
cherished. Her Majesty I trust will
help him ; and if these wars continue,
return him with speed, but set him well
on horseback, for he is not worth the
saddle of a horse." Leicester to Wal-
Bingham, 13 Aug. 1587. (a P. Office
MS.) Yet according to the report of
Captain Ncedliam, even Williams had
at last become an object of the EarPs
jealousy and suspicioo, on accouat of
the flattering offers made to him by
Pamese. "The Duke of Parma had
essayed," says Needham, " by all possi*
bio means to gain Sir Koger Williams,
but could not prevail, although he
thought the hard usage he had re-
ceive from the Earl of Leicester would
be an occasion to make him leave his
Earty. Themistocles (Leicester) had
ereupon conceived great jealousy,
and hath not spared to give warning
to Sir W. Ruaseli to beware of Williams
as of one who would be his undoing,
and as it seems reported as much to
the Lord North and Sir W. Pelham. . . .
The gentleman (Williams) was won-
derfully perplexed that for his &ithful
service he should reap his utter un-
doing, and to be accounted a traitor to
his prince. He wished he were at
home, upon condition he should never
bear arms here, for he knew the nature
of Themistocles, as he would leave no
means unsought- to overthrow his
credit," Ac. The conversation of the
Duke with the Welshman has been re-
ported in the text
'*The Earl of Essex promises me,"
wrote Williams subsequentiy, ''that
her Majesty will do something for me.
For my part I do hardly believe it, for
I can get no countenance from her
Highness. I humbly desire your Ex-
cellency to write this for me, either to
give me something or dischaige me
away with nothing. ... I fear things
will not fall out here as well as you
would wish. Were your Excellency
here, her M^esty would do. more. The
more the merrier. Without your pre-
sence your friends dare not ^>eak what
they would, for the simplest that speaks
of the peace is better here than tlie
wisest that contraries it . I iear me it
id passed so &r that the King of
Navarre is like to smart for it," &c.
R Williams to Leicester, 1 Sept 1587.
(Brit Mus. Galba^ D. IL p. 5, Ma)
* Leicester to Walsingham, 12 Aug.
1687. (aP. OflaoeMa)
" As for this matter of Sluys," said
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276
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS,
Chap. XVX
The loss of Slays was the beginning and foreshadowed the
inevitable end of Leicester's second administration. The in-
action of the States was one of the causes of its loss. Distrust
of Leicester was the cause of the inaction. Sir William
Bussell, Lord Willoughby, Sir William Pelham^ and other
English officers, united in statements exonerating the Earl
from all blame for the great failure to relieve the place. At
the same time, it could hardly be maintained that his expe-
dition to Blanckenburg and his precipitate retreat on the first
appearance of the enemy were proo& of consummate general-
ship. He took no blame to himself for the disaster ; but he
and his partisans were very liberal in their denunciations of
the Hollanders/ and Leicester was even ungrateful enough to
censure Boger Williams, whose life had been passed, as it were,
at push of pike with the Spaniards, and who was one of his
own most devoted adherents.
The Queen was much exasperated when informed of the fall
of the city. She severely denounced the Netherlanders, and
the Earl, "I may stand before the
tribonal seat of God fi>r any fiatnlt in
me. The greatest is that I did trust
Coant Maurice too much, but either I
must have trusted him or not have had
any means at all for shipping. As it is
well known beside^ he oflfered his ser-
vice most frankly, and willingly, and
did take upon him and his bastard
brother to attempt the bridge by such
men as they had chosen, to whom I
gave 302. beforehand." And in the
same vdn he says to Burieigh, *'I am
grieved to think, much more to speak
of the loss of Sluya God knoweth we
have done for our parts as much as if
A kingdom bad stood upon it. But
these men have strange designs in
their heads, which will in the end
t>reed their own ruin. . . . The dr^
of their dealing will, I fear; remain a
good while, for the practice and fiishion
continue. ... I must beg you to bear
with me, for I scarce know what I
write, yAkBX with grief for the loss of
this town, and with anger for the vile
lewd dealing of these men that have
BO naughtily carried themsdves in this
matter for Slnys. First, by letting me
have no mon of theirs^ when I had but
a few men fhmished ; then, their long
deforring our men to be furnished;
after, their lack of provisions of all
sorts ; lastly, vessels and barics to land
our men. And these with such like
hath brought this poor town to be lost**
... He then makes an insinuation
against the brave and true-hearted
Welshman, who had been fighting
night and day, from the beginning of
the sieg^ to the end. " And yet I can-
not, for many respects^ how well soever
I think of Sir William Rogers' valour
and the other captains, give them
countenance or access to me, before
they do givo some good reason for the
delivery of the town without sending
to me first" Leicester to Buighley,
'^^'^^ (S. P. Office MS.)
honour may see," said
Lloyd, '^how Count Hohenlo's pro-
ceedings, and States' practices, and
this late actiont do concur as matters
that have been hammered on one anvil
and issued from one forge." B. Lbyd
to Walslngham, ?^, 1687. (3. P.
Office MS.)
" '^Tour
• aV
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1587.
QUEEN ANGRY WITH THE ANTI-LEICBSTBIANS.
277
even went bo far as to express dissatisfaction with the great
Leicester himself.^ Meantime, Famese was well satisfied with
his triumph, for he had been informed that ^^ all England was
about to charge npon him/' in order to relieve the place.^
All England, however, had been but feebly represented by
three thousand raw recruits with a paltry sum of 15,000^. to
help pay a long bill of arrears.
Wilkes and Norris had taken their departure from the
Netherlands before the termination of the siege, and imme-
diately after the return of Leicester. They did not think
it expedient to wait upon the governor before leaving the
country,* for they had very good reason to believe that such
an opportunity of personal vengeance would be turned to
account by the Earl. Wilkes had already avowed his inten-
tion of making his escape without being dandled with leave-
takings, and no doubt ho was right The Earl was indignant
when he found that they had given him the slip, and denounced
them with fresh acrimony to the Queen, imploring her to wreak
full measure of wrath upon their heads ; * and he well knew
that his entreaties would meet with the royal attention.
Buckhurst had a parting interview with the governor-
general, at which Killigrew and Beale, the new English coun-
sellors who had replaced Wilkes and Clerk, were present.
The conversation was marked by insolence on the part of
Leicester, and by much bitterness on that of Buckhurst. The
parting envoy refused to lay before the Earl a full statement
of the grievances between the States-General and the governor,
on the ground that Leicester had no right to be judge in his
81 July
* Eaaox to Leicester, ,•- — ' 1587.
10 Aug.
(8. P. Office MS.) Walsingham to same,
2 Aug. 1687. (Brit Mas. Galba» D. I.
p. 234, M&) " The iU gaocen of Slujs
canaeth her to pick 8ome quarrel to-
wards your Lordahip ia that action, as
by her letters you may peroelva"
* "CoiTia la yob que cargava toda
lofi^aterra." Parma to Philip, 6 Aug.
15S7. (Arch, de Simattoas. M&) .
» Wilkes to the Lords, 20 July, 1687,
(S. P. Offloe Ma) explahiiDg— what
had been suffidenUy explained before
— why he left the Netherlands without
greeting Leicester, '^for that he was
too terrified to come into his prosenco,
knowing his animosity." He expresses
the hope that "her Majesty, bemg the
image of Qod on earth, will be like to
Him in mercy, and not suffer more to
be laid upon him than flesh and blood
can bear."
* Leksester to Walsingham, 4 Juh;
1687. Same to Queen, 7 July, 1587.
Same to BuiKhl^, 13 July, 1587. (S
P. Office MSS.)
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278 THB UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVI
own cause. The matter, he said, should be laid before the
Queen in council, and by her august decision he was willing
to abide. On every other subject he was ready to give any
information in his power. The interview lasted a whole fore-
noon and afternoon. Buckhurst, according to his own state-
ment, answered freely all questions put to him by Leicester
and his counsellors ; while, if the report of those personages is
to be trusted, he passionately refused to make any satisfactory
communication. Under the circumstances, however, it may
well be believed that no satisfactory communication was
possible.^
On arriving in England, Sir John Norris was forbidden to
come into her Majesty's presence, Wilkes was thrown into the
Fleet Prison, and Buckhurst was confined in his own country
house.^
Norris had done absolutely nothing, which, even by impli-
cation, could be construed into a dereliction of duty ; but it
was sufficient that he was hated by Leicester, who had not
scrupled, over and over again, to denounce this first general of
England as a fool, a coward, a knave, and a; Uar.
As for Wilkes, his only crime was a most conscientious
discharge of his duty, in the course of which he had foimd
cause to modify his abstract opinions in regard to the origin
of sovereignty, and had come reluctantly to the conviction
that Leicester's unpopularity had made perhaps another
governor-general desirable. But this admission had only
been made privately and with extreme caution ; while, on
the other hand, he had constantly defended the absent Earl,
with all the eloquence at his command. But the hatred of
Leicester was sufficient to consign this able and painstaking
public servant to a prison ; and thus was a man of worth,
honour, and talent, who had been placed in a position of grave
responsibility and immense fatigue, and who had done his duty
* Kinigrew and Beale to Walsing^
ham, 13 Jaly, ISSt. BnckhaiBt to
Buighley, 22 July, 1687. A true de-
claration of the proceedings of Lord
Buckhurst and Dr. Gierke, 24 July.
1587. (a P. 0£Eioe MSa)
* Buckhurst to WaUngfaam, 24th
July, 1587. Same to Burghley, 24 July,
1587. Same to same, 28 July, 1587.
Walaingham to Leicester, 29 July,
1587. (a P. Office MS8.)
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1687.
NORRISi WILKES, AND BUCKHURST PUNISHED.
27D
(ike an upright, straight-forward Eaglishman^ sacrificed to the
wrath of a favourite, " Surely, Mr. Secretary," said the Earl,
"there was never a falser creature, a more seditious wretch, than
Wilkes. He is a villain, a 4evil, without faith or religion." ^
As for Buckhurst himself, it is unnecessary to say a word in
> Leicester to "Walsingfaam, 4 Aug.
1587. (S. P. Office MS.) Buckharst
was of a different opinion.
"Mr. Wilkes, having had bo long
oxperienoe in these parts," he wrote,
"and being so careful and diligent for
the good preservation and furtherance
of the cause, whereof in the late dan-
gerous times and troubles here ho
made right good testimony, is able
therein to do jour Majesty most espe-
cial and notable service, being also
otherwise so suffioientlj practised in
the estate of other countries and so
well trained in jour affairs at home,
with such excellent gifts of uUerance^
memoryj loit^ courage, and knowledge^
and with so faithful and careful aJieart
to serve your Majesey, as it were a
woefid ease if such a worthy servant
should for any respect be discomforted
and disgraced by your Majesty's dis-
pleasure." Buckhurst to the Queen,
28 June, 1587. (Brit Mus. Gklba,
C. xi. p. Gl, MS.)
Yet such a eulogy fh>m so illustrious
a man, and fully borne out by the
deeds and words of Wilkes himself)
could not save the councilbr fix>m the
gaol He had loved Sir John Norris,
which was enough to secure him the
hatred of Leicester, and consequently
the unmitigated wrath of the Queon.
But the^ pages have already illus-
trated the copiousness of the great
EuVb vocabulary in vituperation. Mr.
P. B., Sir John Norris, Hollock, Wilkes,
Buckhurst hlmseli^ the States-General,
the States-Provincial, and, in brief,
any one who crossed his schemes,
were sure to draw down the full
tempest of wrath. He was now very
angry with those who surrounded
young Maurice, especially with the
minister Yilliers, whom he pronounced
to be /'a condemned man, not only
among all honest and godly men, but
also with aU the churches through all
the Provinces." Sainte Aldegonde,
too^ whom before and after this point
of thne^ he seemed to appreciate and
applaud, was now bold up as an object
of suspicion. " I have found cause of
late," ha says, "to fear Sainte Alde-
gonde to be an unsound and hollow
man. There are great presumptions
that he is dealing in secret with Parma.
He is lately married. All men con-
demn him for it, and his best friends
did greatly dissuade him from it, but
it would not be. And now is he to
return again for two or three months,
baing known to ba greatly favoured on
the other side, and can enjoy no penny
but by that favour. I seo he takes no
course to please the church. The
young Count is directed by both him
and Villiera, albeit the one, Sainte
Aldegonde, doth make less show than
the other. Oh, God, wliat a world it
is I Both these hot men heretofore
are become less than lukewarm now,
and wholly given to policy." Leicester
to Walsingham, MS above cited.
Yet before the end^of the year Sainte
Aldegonde was violently abused by
others for opposite tendencies. *'Tho
Count of Hollock being drunk the
other day," says Sir Robert Sidney,
" took a quarrel to Monsieur do Sainto
Aldegonde, saying he was wont to bo
,a lover of the house of Nassau, but
now he was grown altogether a Leices-
trian, the whu:h he repeated sundry
times upon him before the Count Mau-
rice and many other gentlemen. In
truth, I think Sainte Aldegonde very
well aSlKJted unto your Excellency.
Surely he mislikes the proceedings
here, and meddles nothing with tiiem."
Sidney to Leicester, 31 Dec. 1587.
(Brit Mus. Galba, D. H. p. 288.)
Nothing could be more unscrupulous
than the denunciations of Leicester
whenever he was offbnded. They would
seem almost risible, were it not that
the capricious wrath of the all-powerfbl
favourite was often sufficient to bliet
the character, the career, the hopes^
and even take away the lives, of honest
men.
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280 THB UNITED NBTHEBLANDa Chap. XVL
his defence. The story of his mission has been completdj
detailed from the most authentic and secret documents, and
there is not a single line written to the Queen, to her ministers,
to the States, to any public body or to any private friend, in
England or elsewhere, that does not reflect honour on his name.
With sagacity, without passion, with unaffected sincerity, ho
had unravelled the complicated web of Netherland politics,
and, with clear vision, had penetrated the designs of the
mighty enemy whom England and Holland had to encounter
in mortal combat. He had pointed out the errors of the Earl's
administration — ^he had fearlessly, earnestly, but respectfully
deplored ' the misplaced parsimony of the Queen — he had
warned her against the delusions which had taken possession
of hor keen intellect — ^he had done his best to place the
governor-general upon good terms with the States and with
his sovereign ; but it had been impossible for him to further
his schemes for the acquisition of a virtual sovereignty over
the Netherlands, or to extinguish the suspicions of the States
that the Queen was S3cretly negotiating with the Spaniard,
when he knew those suspicions to ba just.
For deeds, such as these, the able and high-minded am-
bassador, the accomplished statesman and poet, was forbidden
to approach his sovereign's presence, and was ignominiously
imprisoned in his own house until the death of Leioester.
After that event, Buckhurst emerged from confinement, re-
ceived the order of the garter and the Earldom of Dorset,
and on the death of Burghley succeeded that statesman in
the office of Lord-Treasurer. Such was the substantial
recognition of the merits of a man who was now disgraced for
the conscientious discharge of the most important functions
that bad yet been confided to him.
It would be a thankless and superfluous task to give the
deit«ils of the renewed attempt, during a few months, made
by Leicester to govern the Provinces. His second adminis-
tration consisted mainly of the same altercations with the
States, on the subject of sovereignty, the same mutual re
criminations and wranglings, that had characterized the period
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158T. DRAKE SAILS FOR SPAIN: 281
of his former nde. He rarely met the States in perpon,
and ahnost never resided at the Hague, holding his court at
Middlehurg, Dort, or Utrecht, as his humour led him.
The one great feature of the autumn of 1587 was the
private negotiation between Elizabeth and the Duke of
.Parma.
Before taking a glance at the nature of thode secrets, how-
ever, it is necessary to make a passing allusion to an event
which might have seemed likely to render all pacific com-
munications with Spain, whether secret or open, superfluous.
For while so much time had been lost in England and
Holland, by misunderstandings and jealousies, there was one
Englishman who had not b^n losing time. In the winter
and early spring of 1587, the Devonshire skipper had organized
that expedition which he had come to the Netherlands, the
preceding autumn, to discuss. He meant to aim a blow at
the very heart of that project which Philip was shrouding
with so much mystery, and which Elizabeth was attempting
to counteract by so much diplomacy.
On the 2nd April, Francis Drake sailed from Plymouth
with four ships belonging to the Queen, and with twenty-four
furnished by the merchants of London, and other private in-
dividuals. It was a bold buccaneering expedition-rcombining i
chivalrous enterprise with the chance of enormous profit —
which was most suited to the character of English adventurers
at that expanding epoch. For it was by England, not by
Elizabeth, that the quarrel with Spain was felt to be a mortal
ona It was England, not its sovereign, that was instinc-
tively arming, at all points, to grapple with the great enemy
of European liberty. It was the spirit of self-help, of self-re-
liance, which was prompting the English nation to take the
great work of the age into its own hands. The mercantile
instinct of the nation was flattered with the prospect of gain,
the martial quality of its patrician and of its plebeian blood
was eager to confix)nt danger, the great Protestant mutiny
against a decrepid superstition in combination with an ag-
gressive tyranny, all impelled the best energies of the English
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282
THE UNITED NETHERLAIfDS.
Chap. XVL
people against Spain, as the embodiment of all which was
odious and menacing to them, and with which they felt that
the life and death struggle could not long be deferred.
And of these various tendencies, there were no more fitting
representatives than Drake and Frobisher, Hawkins and
Essex, Cavendish and Grenfell, and the other privateersmen .
of the sixteenth century. The same greed for danger, for
gold, and for power, which, seven centuries before, had sent
the Norman race forth to conquer all Christendom, was now
sending its Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman kindred to take
possession of the old world and the new.
"The wind commands me away," said Drakoon the 2nd
April, 1587 ; " our ship is under sail. God grant that we may
so live in His fear, that the enemy may have cause to say that
God doth fight for her Majesty abroad as well as at home." *
But he felt that he was not without enemies behind him,
for the strong influence brought to bear against the bold poUcy
which Walsingham favoured, was no secret to Drake. " If we
deserve ill," said he, " let us be punished. If we discharge
our duty, in doipg our best, it is a hard measure to be reported
ill by those who will either keep their fingers out of the fire,
or who too well affect that alteration in our government
which I hope in God they shall never live to see." * In lati-
tude 40° he spoke two Zeeland ships, horneward bound, and
obtained information of great warlike stores accumulating in
Cadiz and Lisbon. His mind was instantly made up. For-
tunately, the pinnace which the Queen despatched with orders
to stay his hand' in the very act of smiting her great adver-
sary, did not sail fast enough to overtake the swift corsair and
his fleet. Sir Francis had too promptly obeyed the wind,
when it " commanded him away," to receive the royal
countermand. On the 19th April, the English ships entered
the harbour of Cadiz, and destroyed ten thousand tons of
shipping, with their contents, in the very face of a dozen great
> Drake to Walsiogham in Bar-
row's 'Lifo of Drake' (Murray, 1843),
p. 223.
« Ibid.
* Walsingham to Leicester, 17 April,
1687, Same to same^ 11 April, 1587.
mrit Mas. Qalba, G. xi. p. 327-344.
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I58r. HIS EXPLOITS AT CADIZ AND LISBON. 283
galleys, which the nimble English vessels soon drove under
their forts for shelter. Two nights and a day, Sir Francis,
that "hater of idleness," was steadily doing his work; un-
loading, rifling, scuttling, sinking, and burning those transport-
ships which contained a portion of the preparations painfully
made by Philip for his great enterprise. Pipe-staves and
spikes, horse-shoes and saddles, timber and cutlasses, wine, oil,
figs, raisins, biscuits, and flour, a miscellaneous mass of ingre-
dients long brewing for the trouble of England, were emptied
into the harbour, and before the second night, the blaze of a
hundred and fifty burning vessels played merrily upon the
grim walls <rf Philip's fortresses. Some of these ships were of
the largest size then known. There was one belonging to
Marquis Santa Cruz of 1500 tons, there was a Biscayan of
1200, there were several others of 1000, 800, and of nearly
equal dimensions.
Thence sailing for Lisbon, Sir Francis captured and des-
troyed a hundred vessels more, appropriating what was port-
able of the cargoes, and annihilating the rest. At Lisbon,
Marquis Santa Cruz, lord high admiral of Spain and general-
issimo of the invasion, looked on, mortified and amazed, but
offering no combat, while the Plymouth privateersman swept
the harbour of the great monarch of the world. After
thoroi^hly accomplishing his work, Drake sent a message to
Santa Cruz, proposing to exchange his prisoners for such
Englishmen as might then be confined in Spain. But the
Marquis denied all prisoners. Thereupon Sir Francis decided
to sell his captives to the Moors, and to appropriate the
proceeds of the sale towards the purchase of English slaves
out of the same bondage.^ Such was the fortune of war in
the sixteenth century.
Having dealt these great blows, Drake set sail again from
liisbon, and, twenty leagues from St. Michaels, fell in with
one of those famous Spanish East Indiamen, called carracks,
then the great wonder of the seas. This vessel, San Felipe
by name, with a cargo of extraordinary value, was easily cap-
* Barrow, 232, 233.
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284 "^^^ UNITBD NETHERTiANDa Chap. XYL
tured, and Sir Francis now determined to return. He had
done a good piece of work in a few weeks, but he was by no
means of opinion that he had materially crippled the enemy.
On the contrary, he gave the government warning as to the
enormous power and vast preparations of Spain. " There would
be forty thousand men under way ere long," he said, " well
equipped and provisioned ; " and he stated, as the result of per-
sonal observation, that England could not be too energetic iu
its measures of resistance. He had done something with his
little fleet, but he was no braggart, and had no disposition to
underrate the enemy's power. "God make us all thankful
again and again," he observed, " that we have, aUh<yugh U he
little, made a beginning upon the coast of Spain "^ And
modestly as he spoke of what he had accomplished, so with
quiet self-reliance did he allude to the probable consequences.-
It was certain, he intimated, that the enemy would soon seek
revenge with all his strength, and "with all the devices and
traps he could devise." This was a matter which could not bo
doubted. " But," said Sir Francis, " I thank them much that
they have staid so long, and when they come they shatt be hut
the sons of mortal men" ^
Perhaps the most precious result of the expedition, was the
lesson which the Englishmen had thus learned in handling
the great galleys of Spain. It might soon stand them in
stead. The little war-vessels which had come from Plymouth,
had sailed round and round these vast unwieldy hulks, and
had fairly driven them off tho field, with very slight damage
to themselves. Sir Francis had already taught the mariners
of England, even if he had done nothing else by this famous
Cadiz expedition, that an armada of Spain might not be so
invincible as men imagined.
Yet when the conqueror returned from his great foray, he
received no laurels. His sovereign met him, not with smiles,
but with frowns and cold rebukes. He had done his duty,
and helped to save her endangered throne, but Elizabeth Wag
1 Barrow, 233. | Meteren, xiv. 263, 254. Bor. II. xaJ.
• Ibid. Comparo Camden, III. 39G. | 763-768, xxii. 981, xxiii. '77.
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[
1687.
HE IS BEBUEED BY ELIZABETH.
285
now the dear friend of Alexander Famese^ and in amicable
correspondence with his royal master. This " little " beginning
on the coast of Spain might not seem to his Catholic Majesty
a matter to be thankful for, nor be likely to further a pacifi-
cation, and so Elizabeth hastened to disavow her Plymouth
captain.*
' " True it is, and I avow it on my
(aiti), her Majesty did send a ship ex-
pressly belbre be went to Cadiz with
a message by letters charging Sir
Francis Drake nol io show cmy act of
hoatUiiy, which messenger by contrary
winds coold never come to the place
where be was, but was constrained to
come home, and hearing of Sir F.
Drake?s acUons, her Miyesty com-
manded tho party that returned to
have been punished, but that he ac-
quitted himself by the oaths of himself
and all liis company. And so unwiiUng
yea wtwiUing to her Majesty those ac-
tions were committed by Sir F. Drake,
for the which her M^'esty is as yet
greaUy offended with ^m.'* Burghley
to Andreas de Loo, 18 July, 1587.
'Flanders Correspondonco.' (S. P.
Office Ma)
"There are letters written to Sir
Francis Drake," said Walsingham,
"sent unto him by a pinnance soot
forth especially for that purpose, to
command him not to attempt anjrthing
by land, nor to enter into the ports to
distress the ships. This resolution
proceedeth altogether upon a hope of
peace which I fear will draw a dan-
gerous war upon her Majesty, by the
alienation of the hearts of the well-
affected people in the Low Countries."
Wakangham to Leicester, II Aprfl,
1687. ^rit Mua Galba, a xl p. 344
MS.)
And again, a week later — " As fjr
Spain," says the Secretary, "they are
so fiir off from any intention to assail
England, as they stand now upon their
own guard for fear of Sir French Drake.
There are letters written from certaui
of my lords, by her Majesty^s effectual
commandment, to inhibit him to at-
tempt anything by land, or within tho
ports of the kingdom of Spain. He is
at liberty to take any of the King's
fleets, either going out of Spain or
returning into Spain. There is a bruit
given out upon tho despatch of these
letters that there is order given-for his
revocation." Samo to same, 17 April,
1587. (Brit Mus. Galba, C. zl p. 327.
MS.)
It is somewhat amtising, on the other
hand, to find Leicester claiming credit
for her Majerty, for this demonstration
against Spain, and using it in his com-
munications with the States as a proof
of her hostile intentions towards that
power. "There is no such meaning
hi her Migesty to abuse you," he ob-
served, "as you might perceive both
by the sending of Sir Francis Drake
into Spain and by the return of myself
hither, to have prosecuted the war if I
had found any means here." Leicester
to the States, 6 Sept. 1587. (& P.
Ofiioe MS)
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286
THE UNITED NETHEELAITOS.
Chap. XVTL
CHAPTER XVII.
Secret Treaty between Queen and Tarma — Excitement and Alarm in tlio
States — Religious Persecution in England — Queen's Sincerity to\rard
Spain — Language and Letters of Parma — Negotiations of De Loo —
English Commissioners appointed — Parma's affectionate Letter to tbo
Queen — Pliilip at bis Writing-Table — His Plots with Parma against
England — Parma^s secret Letters to the King — Philip's Letters to. Parma —
"Wonderflil Duplicity of Philip — His sanguine Views us to England —
He is reluctant to hear of the Obstacles — and imagines Parma in England
— ^But Alexander's Difficulties are great — He denounces Philip's wild
Schemes — Walsingham aware of the Spanish Plot — which the States well
understand — Leicester's great Unpopularity — The Queen warned against
Treating — Leicester's Schemes against Bameveld — Leicestrian Ck>n-
spiracy at Leyden — ^The Plot to seize the City discovered — ^Threo Hlng-
leaders sentenced to Death — CivU War in Franco— Victoiy gained by
Kavarre, and one by Quise — Queen recalls Leicester — Who retires on
ill Terms with the States — Queen warned as to Spanish Designs —
Eesults of Leicester's Administration.
The course of Elizabeth towards the Provinces, in the matter
of the peace, was certainly not ingenuous, but it was not
absolutely deceitful. She concealed and denied the nego-
tiations, when the Netherland statesmen were perfectly a^warc
of their existence, if not of their tenour ; but she was not pre-
pared, as they suspected, to sacrifice their liberties and their
religion, as the price of her own reconciliation with Spain.
Her attitude towards the States was imperious, over-bearing,
and abusive. She had allowed the Earl of Leicester to return,
she said, because of her love for the poor and oppressed
people, but in many of her official and in all her private com-
munications, she denounced tho men who governed that
people as ungrateful wretches and impudent liars.*
' E. g, "Nous avons renvoy^ notro
cousin de Leycestre — nonobstant que
nous fhssions a peu pres degout^ ....
Yus les desordres et confusions depuis
son partement de U . . . les traverses
ingrates de quelques uns mal affect^
par de 14, dont nous memes avons en
occasion de bien fort nous repentu*.
Toutefoia la consideration quo nous
avons cu do Tinnocence d'un ^ bon
peuple, et lo desir qu'avons eu de lear
bien, jointe la prompte volunt^ de notro
cousin, ont eu plus do force a xkhis
retenir en notre premiere affectioQ ....
et attendons que ce qu*est poss^ sera
repar^ i Tavenir . . . ." Queen to State-
Council, 20 June, 1687. (a P. Office,
MS.) A letter to the States, of nearly-
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1587. SECRET TREATING BETWEEN QUEEN AND PARMA. 287
These were the corrosives and vinegar which she thought
suitable for the case ; and the Earl was never weary in
depicting the same statesmen as seditious^ pestilent, self-
seeking, mischief-making traitors. These secret, informal
negotiations, had been carried on during most of the year
1587. It was the " comptroller's peace," as Walsingham con-
temptuously designated the attempted treaty ; for it will be
recollected that Sir James Croft, a personage of very mediocre
abilities, had always been more busy than any other English
politician in these transactions. He acted, however, on the
inspiration of Burghley, who drew his own from the fountain-
head.
But it was in vain for the Queen to affect concealment.
The States knew everything which was passing, before Lei-
cester knew. His own secret instructions reached the Nether-
lands before ho did. His secretary, Junius, was thrown into
prison, and his master's letter taken from him, before ^ere
had been any time to act upon its treacherous suggestions.^
When the Earl wrote letters with his own hand to his
sovereign, of so secret a nature that ho did not even retain a
tha samo date, is Hkewiflo filled wich
ojmressiona of her disgust at tho
"etnuige et ingrate mantere de yos
<^portement3 envora notre oousin,
▼otre ingratitude et traverses," and of
Pfwae of the cousin, who, '* nonobstant
ioutea oes discourtesies et ingratitudes,
^©voudra espargner pour le biea do
^008 to^ do hasarder ni sa vie ni sa
>&rtune," Ac. Queen to States, 22
•^«oe^ 1587. (S. P. Office, MS.)
-Anti three months later — " How tho
^w^^ of Sluya was lost, we will sparo
^ I^'^te, that which thousands of your
tiv^ people did affirm, how traitor-
^?**-5^ *tiis town was lost, or rather be-
^£^^J^ the world knoweth, and we do
/j^^^^**i«k that jouraelves can deny it,
yo^^ "Vrant of supply flx)m you and
OQt ^^^l^iieftains, . . . and yet not with*
{I^i_J^efended
Hi^^^"^^^ honour and roputotion of ours
it . . . Our lieutenant
^ter) could not have conyenient
for ^v?^^^ ^^ with you (about the peace),
ov^^^.^^t he was so entangled with your
^^■^•^wart dealing against him, with
sundry false reports of us aud himself
that we had agreed to a peace with
the King of Spain, without regard to
you. . . . That the Earl of ^^icestcr
was by us directed to surprise divers
towns, to yield to the King, if you
would not assent to peace, with many
more such false and slanderous bruits
spread — ^yea believed and maintained
for some time by some of your own
number, all which we affirm on tho
word of a prince, most false and mali-
ciously devised with devilisli minds,
abhorring, as it seemetli, all liking of
godly peace and quietness," Ac. Queen
to the States, 20 Sept 1587. (a P.
Office MSw)
'Meteren, xiv. 255. "This letter
they have taken perforce from him,
and committed first my man to prison,
which I think was never durst to bo
attempted before, and puts me past
my patience, I assure you." Leicester
to Walsingham, 4 July, 1587. (3. P.
Office MS5
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288
THE UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. XVIL
single copy for himself, for fear of discovery, he found, to his
infinite disgust, that the States were at once provided with an
authentic transcript of every line that he had written.^ It
was therefore useless, almost puerile, to deny facts which
were quite as much within the knowledge of the Netherlanders
as of himself. The worst consequence of the concealment was,
that a deeper treachery was thought possible than actually
existed. " The fellow they call Barneveld," * as Leicester was
in the habit of designating one of the first statesmen in
Europe, was perhaps justified, knowing what he did, in sus-
pecting more. Being furnished with a list of commissioners,
already secretly agreed upon between the English and Spimish
governments, to treat for peace, while at the same time the
Earl was beating his breast, and flatly denying that there was
any intention of treating with Parma at aU, it was not un-
natural that ho should imagine a still wider and deeper
scheme than really existed, against the best interests of his
country. He may have expressed, in private conversation,
some suspicions of this nature, but there is direct evidence
thalt he never stated in public anything which was not after-
wards proved to be matter of fact, or of legitimate inference
from the secret document which had come into his hands.
The Queen exhausted herself in opprobious language against
those who dared to impute to her a design to obtain possession
of the cities and strong places of the Netherlands, in order to
secure a position in which to compel the Provinces into
obedience to her policy. She urged, with much logic, that
" •* I am credibly infonned by an
hooeat man," says Leicester, '^wbo
says he saw it, that the States have a
copy of my last instrument, as also of
the letter of her Miyesty written lately
privately to me, touching the dealing
in the peace. Yea, forther, that they
are thoroughly and particularly mode
acquainted with a late letter of mine
to her Mig'es^, written with my own
hand, whereof I would have no copy
taken, because I would have no man
acquaint with it In which letter I
informed her Majesty at length of all
things here, and gave her also^ in
some sort, my private advice. They
have, by some means, got knowledge
of the contents thereof) and have
intimated the same secretly to the
Provinces, intending thereby to draw
me into hatred wad suspicion of the
people^ as though tliis dealing fi^
p^ce were procured . for me. But ibr
this matter, I shaU hope to deal wc^
enough, for this treacherous usage of
her Majesty's secrets,*' &o, Leicester
to Walsingham, 28 Aug. 1587. (a P.
Office M&)
' Leicester to Burghley, 10-11 Sept
1687. (S. P. Office Ma)
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1587.
EXCITEMENT AND ALABH IN THE STATEa
289
as she had refused the sovereignty of the i^hole country when
offered to her, she was not likely to form surreptitious schemes
to make herself mistress of a portion of it. On the other hand,
it waa very obvious, that to accept the sovereignty of Philip's
rebellious Provinces, was to declare war upon Philip; whereas,
had she been pacifically inclined towards that sovereign, and
treacherously disposed towards the Netherlands, it would be a
decided advantage to her to have those strong places in her
power. But the suspicions as to her good fedth were ex-
aggmtted. Ab to the intentions of Leicester, the States were
justified in their almost unlimited distrust. It is very certain
that both in 1586, and again, at this very moment, when
Elizabeth was most vehement in denouncing such aspersions
ou h,er government, he had unequivocally declared to her his
intention of getting possession, if possible, of several cities,
and of the whole Island of Walcheren, which, together with
the cautionary to^vns already in his power, would enable the
Queen to make good terms for herself with Spain, ^^ if the worst
came to the worst.*' ^ It will also soon be sho?m that he did
his best to carry these schemes into execution. There is no
evidence, however, and no probability, that he had received
the royal commands to perpetrate such a crime.
The States believed also, that in those secret n^tiations
with Parma the Queen was disposed to sacrifice the religious
' "I wffl go to Modenblik (the next
town to £n]£nyzen), which is at your
Mijestj's devotion, as the goyemor
tboreof (Sonoj) is» and will do my
best to recover Enkhuyzen ere I de-
part thence. Then, ibdeed, yoor Ma-
jesty, Jwmng Fliuhmg^ Brill, and
Uhreeht, as yon have, and tliese, ye
shall be able to bring the peace to
better conditions, and bridle (hese
StaUt of EbUand at your pleasure,
.... They are full of shifts, and
yet such as for this matter may ask
tderation, fbr how fuUefid a maUer
peace haOi been to the generality almost
of all these countries, Is well known
to all persons, and how loathsome a
thing it is to all hxA to such as fbr
love, and trost in your Usjesty will
confbrm themselves, I can suCQoiently
testify; and it is the only canse of the
VOL. IT. — ^U
world for them to be careftd in their
dealmg, for it doth confirm them and
their posterity both hi their lives and
liberties, and therefore to be borne
withal, if they take deliberation.**
Leicester to the Queen, 9 Oct 1587.
(a P. Office Ma) Yet the Earl, not-
withstanding this admission, avows
his determination of bridling the
States by gaining possession of their
cities.
And agafai, a month later: "I will
not be idle to do all that in me shall
lie to make this island of Walcheren
assured, whatsoever shall &11 out:
which, if it may be, your Majesty shaiU
Ihe less feair io make a good bargain
for yourself, when the worst shall
come."* Leicester to the Queen, 5tb
Nov. 1587. (a P. Office, MS.)
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290 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIL
interests of the Netherlands. In this they were mistaken.
But they had reason for their mistake^ because the negotiator
De Loo, had expressly said^ that, in her overtures to Famese,
she had abandoned tiiat point altogether.^ If this had been
so, it would have simply been a consent on the part of
Elizabeth, that the Catholic religion and the Inquisition
should be re-established in the Provinces, to the exclusion of
every other form of worship or polity. In truth, however, tiie
position taken by her Majesty on the subject was as fair as
could be reasonably expected. Certainly she was no advocate
for religious liberty. She chose that her own subjects should
be Protestants, because she had chosen to be a Protestant
herself, and because it was an incident of her supremacy, to
dictate uniformity of creed to all beneath her sceptre. No
more than her father, who sent to the stake or gallows
heretics to transubstantiation as well as believers in the Pope,
had Elizabeth the faintest idea of religious freedom. Heretics
to the English Church were persecuted, fined, imprisoned,
mutilated, and murdered, by sword, rope, and fire. In some
respects, the practice towards those who dissented from
Elizabeth was more immoral and illogical, even if less cmel,
than that to which those were subjected who rebelled against
Sixtus. The Act of Uniformity required Papists to assist at
the Protestant worship, but wealthy Papists could obtain im-
munity by an enormous fine. The Roman excuse to destroy
bodies in order to save souls, could scarcely be alledged by a
Church which might be bribed into connivance at heresy, and
which derived a revenue from the very nonconformity for
which humbler victims were sent to the gallows. It would,
however, be unjust in the extreme to overlook the enormous
difference in the amouiffc of persecution, exercised respectively
by the Protestant and the Roman Church. It is probable that
not many more than two hundred Catholics* were executed
De Loo taketh no small hold, and if
she keep that coarse, all will go to
rain, as I have written to her Miyesty.*'
Buckhurst to Walsingfaam, 18 Jaoei
1687. (&P. OffloeMa)
• ** Dod reckons Ihem at 191 ; ACl-
ner has raised the list to 204. fifteeii
' "I have sent her Majesty another
letter ftom De Loo, whereby it seemeth
that now very lately her Majesty hath
given him to understand that«flhe will
not insist npon the matter of religion
fbrther than shall be with the King's
honour and conscience. Whereupon
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1W7.
EELIGIOUS PERSECUTION IN ENGLAND.
291
as such, in Elizabeth's reign, and this was ten score too
many. But what was this against eight hundred heretics
burned, hanged, and drowned, in one Easter week by Alva,
against the eighteen thousand two hundred sent to stake and
scaffold, as he boasted during his administration, against the
vast numbers of Protestants, whether they be count^ by tens
or by hundreds of thousands, who perished by the edicts
of Charles Y., in the Netherlands, pr in the single Saint
Bartholomew Massacre in . France ? Moreover, it should
never be forgotten— from undue anxiety for impartiality —
that most of the Catholics who were executed in England,
suffered as conspirators rather than as heretics. No foreign
potentate, claiming to be vicegerent of Christ, had denounced
Philip as a bastard and usurper, or had, by means of a
blasphemous fiction, which then was a terrible reality, severed
the bonds of allegiance by which his subjects were held, cut
him off from all communion with his. fellow-creatures, and
promised temporal rewards and a crown of glory in heaven
to those who should succeed in depriving him of throne and
life. Yet this was the position of Elizabeth. It was war to
the knife between her and Rome, declared by Eome itself;
nor was there any doubt whatever that the Seminary Priests —
seedlings transplanted from foreign nurseries, which were as
watered gardens for the growth of treason — were a perpetually
oiganized band of conspirators and assassins, with whom it
was hardly an act of excessive barbarity to deal in somewhat
summary fashion. Doubtless it would have been a more lofty
of these, according to him, saffered
lor deoying the Queen's snpremacy,
126 for exercising their ministry, and
the rest for being reconciled to the
Bomish diorch. . Many others died
of hardships in prison, and many were
deprived of their property. There
seems, nevertheless, to be good reason
lor doubting whether any one who
was executed might not have saved
Ilia life by ezp^tly, denying the
P<^'s power to depose the Queen.
This certainly furnishes a distinction
between tlie persecution under Eliza-
beth (which, unjust as it was in its
operation, yet, so fitr as it extended to
capital inflictions, had in view the
security of the government) and that
which the Protestants had sustained
in h^r sister's reign, springing from
mere bigotry and vindictive rancour."
(Hallam's < Ck>n8titutional History,'
kih edition. Hurray, 1846. L 163.
Compare Lingard, viii. 356, 613,
Strype, iii. iv., and see in particular,
chapters ill and iv. of Hallam, in
which the dealings of Elizabeth in
religious matters are prolbandly In-
vestigated.)
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292 ^J^HB UNITED NBTHERLANDa Chap. XVTL
policy, and a far more intelligent one, to extend towards the
Oatholica of England, who as a body were loyal to their
country, an ample toleration. But it could scarcely be ex-
pected that Elizabeth Tudor, as imperious and absolute by
temperament as her fatha: had ever been, would be capable
of embodying that great principle.
When, in the prelinnnaries to the negotiations of 1587,
therefore, it wad ui^ed on the part of Bpaih, that the Queen
was demanding a concession of religious liberty firom Philip
to the Netherlanders which she refused to English heretics,
and that he only claimed the same right of dictating a creed
to his sulgects which she exercised in regard to her own. Lord
Burghley replied that the statement was correct. The Queen
permitted'-^it was iane-^no man to profess any rel^on but
the one which she professed. At the same time it was de-
clared to be unjust, that those persons in the Netherlands who
had been for years in the habit of practising Protestant rites,
should be suddeTdy compelled, without instruction^ to abandon
that form of worship. It was well known that many would
rather die than submit to such oppression, and it was affirmed
that the exercise of this cruelty would be resisted by her to
the uttermost There was no hint of the propriety — on any
logical basis — of leaving the question of creed as a matter
between man^nd his Maker, with which any dictation on the
part of crown or state was an act of odious tyranny. There
was not even a suggestion that the Protestant doctrines Vere
true, and the Catholic doctrmes false. The matter was merely
taken up on the uti posaidetia principle, that they who had
acquired the fact of Protestant worship had a right to retain
it, and could not justly bo deprived of it, except by instruc-
tion and persuasion. It was also affirmed that it was not the
English practice to. inquire into men's consciences. It would
have been difficult, however, to make that very clear to
Philip's comprehen3ion, because, if men, women, and children,
were scourged with rods, imprisoned, and hanged, if they
refused tp conform publicly to a ceremony at which their
consciences revolted — unless they had money enough to pur-
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1SS1,
QUEEN'S SINCBEITY TOWARDS SPAIN.
293
chase non-conformity — ^it seemed to be the practice to inquire
very effectively into their consciences.^
But if there was a certain d^ree of disingenuousness on
the part of Elizabeth towards the States, her {ittitude towards
Panna was one of perfect sincerity. A perusal of the secret
correspondence leaves no doubt whatever on that point. She
was seriously and fervently desirous of peace with Spain.
On the part of Famese and his master, there was the most
unscrupulous mendacity, while the confiding simplicity and
truthfulness of the Queen in these negotiations was ahnost
pathetic. Especially she, declared her trust in the loyal and
upright character of Parma, in which she was sure of never
being disappointed* It is only doing justice to Alexander to
say that he was as much deceived by her frankness as she
by his falsehood. It never entered his head that a royal per-
sonage and the trusted counsellors of a great kingdom could
be telling the truth in a secret international transaction, and
* "And when Do Loo reporteth
an objection made to him, that there
ia no more reason for the Kxag to jield
to any of his subjects liberty of reli-
gion contrary to the one he professeth
no more than her ^^esty doth to any
of hers; indeed, at iho first appear-
anoe, this objection, seemeth of good
moment to be allowed, and, nntil it be
answered, ought to be taken by the
Duke of Parma; but if the diversitieB
of the comparison shall be marked,
the case also will therein be dianged.
The Queen's Miges^ indeed never did
permit^ either publicly or privately,
that any persons for these seven years
should use any exercise of religion
contrary to that form received and
wrtahlighed by puUic authority; so
as none can challenge that they were
by any liberty suffered to use any
other, which is contraiy to tiie Low
Goontriea, for tiie space of about six
years. But if her Majesty had so
permitted, surely reason would move
her sot to constrain, otherwise than by
instruction, any that by reason of her
permiasbn had governed their con-
sciences to the contrary. And be-
cause it may be also further objected,
as most ihlsely is divulged, to more
offence against her Majesty fix>m Ca-
tholic places, that she doth so severely
punish them that are in consciences
contrarOy affected, it is to be avowed
for a certain truth that her Majesty
never did allow that any person was
by inqmsition uiged to show his con-
science in any matter, of fSsuth, nor
ever was puni^ed for professing onlv
of his opinion in his conscience, bat
what any have beside their profession
of their conscience, moved by others,
by open acts to break the law, or
have^ under colour of encouraging
others to change their form of reli-
gion, persuaded them also to alter
their obedience in all wordly duties,
to practise rebellion in the realm,, to
solicit invasions, and flatly to deny
the Queen's Majesty to be their lawful
Queen. Li those cases, her Majesty
and all her nunisters of justice had
cause to withstand such violent
courses under colours of religion; and
otherwise than to withstand these
most dangerous attempts, her Majesty
did never allow any 8lx>uld lose their
lives and shed their bkMxL** (Boogie
drafl of Burghley, 9 March, 16S7*
Br. Mus. Galba, C. ix. pi 122, Ma)
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294
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVH.
he justified the industry with which his master and himself
piled fiction upon fiction, by their utter disbelief in every
word whieh came to them from tlngland.
The private negotiations had been commenced, or rather
had been renewed, very early in February of this year.
During the whole critical period which preceded and followed
the execution of Mary, in the course of which the language of
Elizabeth towards the States had been so shrewish, there had
been the gentlest diplomatic cooing between Famese and her-
self. It was — Dear Cousin, you know how truly I confide in
your sincerity, how anxious I am that this most desirable
peace should be arranged ; and it was — Sacred Majesty, you
know how much joy I feel in your desire for the repose of
the world, and for a solid peace between your Highness and
the King my master ; how much I delight in concord — how
incapable I am by ambiguovs words of ginning out these tran-
sactions, or of deceiving your Majesty, and what a hatred I
feel for steel, fire, and blood.^
Four or five months rolled on, during which Leicester had
been wasting time in England, Famese wasting none before
Sluys, and the States doing their best to counteract the
schemes both of their enemy and of their ally. De Loo made
a visit, in July, to the camp of the Duke of Parma, and
received the warmest assurances of his pacific dispositions.
" I am ^uch pained," said Alexander, " with this procrastina-
tion. I Hm 80 full of sincerity myself, that it seems to me a
very strange matter, this hostile descent by Drake upon the
coasts of Spain. The result of such courses will be, that the
> Parma to Qoeeii Elizabeth, 18th
Feb. 1587. Same to same^ 6 April,
1687. Queen to Parma, 13 Apri],
1587. (Arch, de Simauoaa^ MSS.)
And eren later still :—
** Such is the good opfaiion con-
ceiyed of the Duke of Parma," wrote
Burgfaley, "for his own nature and
wor&iinees in all places, that he is a
prince of honour hi keeping bis pro-
mise, without respect of any gain or
benefit And, to tell you true, it is
the only foundation which her Majesty
maketh to proceed in this treaty,
against the opinion of veiy many, in
that she esteemeth the Duke to hare
great regard to his word and promise^
and also on opinion that she hath,
though he be a great man of war, that
he is Christianly disposed rather to
maintain peaoe than to raise war,
whereof her Mijes^ looketh to make
proof by this trea^," Ac Ac. BuiKh-
ley to Andr. de Loo^ 10 Oct 1681
(S. P. Office MS.)
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^687. LANGUAGE AlH) LETTBES OF PAEMA. 295
King will end by being exasperated, and I shall be touched, in
mj honour — so great is the hopes I have held out of being
able to secure a peace. I have ever been and I still am
most anxious for concord, from the affection I bear to her
sacred Majesty. I have been obliged, much against my will,
to take the field again. I could wish now that our nego-
tiations might terminate before the arrival of my fresh troops,
namely^ 9000 Spaniards and 9000 Italians, which, with
Walloons, Grermans, and Lorrainers, will give me an effective
total of 30,000 soldiers. Of this I give you my word as a
gentleman. Go, then, Andrew do Loo," continued the Duke,
" write to her sacred Majesty, that I desire to make peace,
and to serve her faithfully ; and that I shall not change my
mind, even in case of any great success, for I like to proceed
rather by the ways of love than of rigour and effusion of
blood."^
"I can assure you, oh, most serene Duke," replied Andrew,
"that the most serene Queen is in the very same dispositions
with yourselfc"
. "Excellent well then," said the Duke, "we shall come to
an agreement at once, and the sooner the deputies on both
sides are appointed the better."
A feeble proposition was then made, on the part of tho
peace-loving Andrew, that the hostile operations against Sluys
should be. at once terminatied. But this did not seem so
clear to the most serene Duke. He had gone to great expense
m that business ; and he had not built bridges, erected forts,
and dug mines, only to abandon them for a few fine words,
Fine words were plenty, but they raised no sieges. Mean-
time these pacific and gentle murmurings from Famese's canip
had lulled the Queen into forgetfulness of Eoger Williams and
Arnold Groenevelt and their men, fighting day and night in
trench and mine during that critical midsummer. The wily
tongue of the Duke had been more effective than his bat-
teries in obtaining the much-coveted city. ' The Queen ob-
stinately held back her men and money, confident of effecting
» Do Loo to Burghlej, 11 July, 1687. (3. P. Office M&)
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296
THE UNITED NETHERLAlilDS.
Chap. XVn,
a treaty, whether Sluys fell or not. Was it strange that the
States should be distrustful of her intentions, and, in their
turn, become neglectful of their duty ? ^
And thus summer wore into autumn, Sluys fell, the States
and their governor-general were at daggers-drawn, the Nether-
landers were full of distrust with regard to England, Alexander
hinted doubts as to the Queen's sincerity ; the secret nego-
tiations, though fertile in suspicions, jealousies, delays, and
such £du1 weeds, had produced no wholesome fruit, and the
26th Sept, excellent De Loo became very much depressed,
^^®''* At last a letter from Burghley relieved his droop-
ing spirits. From the most disturbed and melancholy man
in the world, he protested, he had now become merry and
quiet.^ He straightway went off to the Duke of Parma, with
tiie letter in his pocket, and translated it to him by candle-
light, as he was careful to state, as an important point in his
narrative. And Famese was fuller of fine phrases than ever.
"There is no cause whatever," said he, in a most loving
manner, "to doubt my sincerity. Yet the Lord-Treasurer
intimates that the most serene Queen is disposed so to do.
But if I had not the very best intentions, and desires for peace,
I should never have made the first overtures. If I did not
wish a pacific solution, what in the world forced me to do
what I have done ? On the contrary, it is I that have reason
to suspect the other parties with their long delays, by which
they have made me lose the best part of the summer."* .
He then commented on the strong expressions in the English
letters, as to the continuance of her Majesty in her pious re-
solutions ; observed that he was thoroughly advised of the
* Burghley to De loo, 18 July,
168Y. (a P. Office Ma)
' *' Da turbato e melancollco m* ha
del tutto quletato e &tto star allegro,"
kc De Loo to Burghley, 26 iSept.
158t. (a P. Office Ma)
* " Con dire amorevdmente lo obe
Bigue — non e (diaseX causa alcuna di
dubitare della mia sinoera mente — si
oome sullo fine della l** si la menzione
che la 8er*°* regina lo potrebbe &xe —
perohe se non avessi hayuto bonissF^*
disposizione e desiderio della pace
non sard gia ito a &me }a prima aper-
tura mi medesimo, e condescendere
alle cose die sapete (disae a me) so
non si fosse stata intenzione di Tolerne
yenir a una oondusione (agiongondo)
che oosa mi forzava di &rlo?. Ann
piuttosto ayrei oocasione io di suq>et-
tar loro con tante sorte di dilaidoni e
faayer n^ fetto perdere la me^r parte
de r estate," &c (Ibid.)
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1587.
NEGOTIATIONS OF DE LOO.
297
disputes between the Earl of Leicester and the States ; and
added that it was very important for the deputies to arrive at
the time indicated by the Queen.
"Whatever is to be done," said he, in conclusion, "let it
be done quickly ;'' and with that he said he would go and eat
a bit of supper.
"And may I communicate Lord Burghle/s letter to any
one else ? " asked De Loo.
'^Yes, yes, to the Seigneur de Champagny, and to my
secretary Cosimo," answered his Highness.
So the merchant n^otiator proceeded at once to the
mansion of Champagny, in company with the secretary
Cosimo. There was a long conference, in which De Loo
was informed of many things which he thoroughly believed,
and faithfully transmitted to the court of Elizabeth. Alexander
had done his best, they said, to delay the arrival of his fresh
troopa He had withdrawn from the field, on various pretexts,
hoping, day after day, that the English commissioners would
arrive, and that a firm and perpetual peace would succeed to
the miseries of war. But as time wore away, and there came
DO commissioners, the Duke had come to the. painful con-
clusion that he had been trifled with.^ His forces would now
be sent into Holland to find something to eat ; and this would
ensure the total destruction of all that territory. He had also
written to command all the officers of the coming troops to
hasten their march, in order that he might avoid incurring
still deeper censure. He was much ashamed, in truth, to have
been wheedled into passing the whole fine season in idleness.^
He had been sacrificing himself for her sacred Majesty, and
to serve her best interests; and now he foimd himself the
object of her mirth.' Those who ought to be well informed
had assured him that the Queen was only waiting to see how
the King of Navarre was getting on with the auxiliary force
just going to him from Germany, that she had no intention
^ " Ma a V ultimo il Duca Tedendo
la oontimia dflazioDe, oon giudicare
die si burlasBe,'* kc (De Loo to
Burghley, Ma last cited.)
* "Trovandosi Yergogniato davere,
lasciato scorrere si bdkk stagione io
odo,"Aa (Ibid.)
» Had.
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298 THE UNITED NBTHBBLANDa Chap. XVIL
whatever to make peace^ and that^ before long, he might
expect all these German mercenaries upon his shoulders in
the Netherlands. Nevertheless he was prepared to receive
them with 40,000 good infantry, a splendid cavalry force, and
plenty of money.^
All this and more did the credulous Andrew greedily
devour, and he lost no time in communicating the important
intelligence to her Majesty and the Lord-Ti^easurer. He
implored her, he said, upon his bare knees, prostrate on the
ground, and from the most profound and veritable centre of
his heart and with all his soul and all his strength,^ to believe
in the truth of the matters thus confided to hiuL He would
pledge his immortal soul, which was of more value to him —
as he correctly observed — ^than even the crown of Spain, that
the King, the Duke, and his counsellors, were most sincerely
desirous of peace, and actuated by the most loving and benevo-
lent motives. Alexander Famese was '^the antidote to the
Duke of Alva," kindly iaent by heaven, ut contraria contrariis
curenteTy and if the entire security of the sacred Queen were
not now obtained, together with a perfect re-integration of love
between her Majesty and the King of Spain, and with the
assured tranquillity and perpetual prosperity of the Nether-
lands, it would be the fault of England, not of Spain.'
And no doubt the merchant believed all that was told him,
and— what was worse— that he fully impressed his own con-
victions upon her Majesty and Lord Bui^Uey, to say nothing
of the comptroller, who, poor man, had great facility in
believing anything that came from the court of the most
Catholic King. Yet it is painful to reflect, that in all these
commimications of Alexander and his agents, there was not
one single word of truth. It was all false from beginning to
end, as to the countermanding of the troops, as to the pacific
intentions of the King and Duke, and as to the proposed
campaign in Friesland, in case of rupture, and all the rest
But this will be conclusively proved a little later.
' De Loo to Bnrghley, MS. last cited. I centro del mio cuore et ez corde ot ex
* ** Flexifl niidisqne genibus hmni tota anima," Ac. (Ibid.)
proBtratus, dal piu profondo o vero | * n)id.
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5187.
ENGLISH COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED.
299
Meantime the conference bad been most amicable and
satisfactory. And when business was ovct, Champagny — ^not
a whit the worse for the severe jilting which he had so re-
cently sustained from the widow De Bours, now Mrs. Aristotle
Patton — invited De Loo and Secretary Cosimo to supper.
And the three made a night of it^ sitting up late^ and draining
such huge bumpers to the health of the Queen of England/
that — ^as the excellent Andrew subsequently informed Lord
Buighley — ^his head ached most bravely next morning.*
And so, amid the din of hostile preparation not only in
Cadiz and Lisbon, but in Ghent and 81uys and Antwerp, the
import of which it seemed difficult to mistake, the comedy of
negotiation was still rehearsing, and the principal actors were
already familiar with their respective parts. There were the
Earl of Derby, knight of the garter, and my Lord Cobham,
and puzzling James Croft, and other Englishmen, actually
believing that the farce was a solemn reality. There was
Alexander of Parma thoroughly aware of the contrary. There
was Andrew de Loo, more talkative, more credulous, more
busy than ever, and more fully impressed with the importance
of his mission, and there was the white-bearded Lord-
Treasurer turning complicated paragraphs, shaking his head,
and waving his wand across the water, as if, by such expedients,
the storm about to burst over England could be dispersed.
The commissioners should come, if only the Duke of
Parma would declare on his word of honour, that these hostile
preparations with which all Christendom was ringing, were
not intended against England ; or — ^if that really were the
case— if he would request his master to abandon all such
schemes, and if Philip in consequence would promise on the
honour of a prince, to make no hostile attempts against that
country.*
' ''Con sommo contentamento del
tmo e V altrOf a tal eegno, che tenen-
clod il Sr de CbampagDjr a cena, ooq
fiff U ragione di baon cuore d* un gran
brindisi che fiaoe alia amitk di sua
sacra Maesta, mi dolse (con Uoenza
per dirlo come va) la mattina seguente
bravamente la teeta." A. de Loo to
Burghley, 26 Sept 1587. (3. P. Office,
MS.)
• " If you can possibly, I require you
to obtain of the Duke, in writing under
his hand, an assurance either of his
knowledge that these preparations are
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300
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVIL
There would really seem an almost Arcadian eimplicity in
such demands, coming from so pra^^tised a statesman as the
Lord-Treasurer, and from a woman of such brilliant intellect
as Elizabeth unquestionably possessed. But we read the
history of 1587, not only by the light of subsequent events,
but by the almost microscopic revelations of sentiments and
motives, which a full perusal of the secret documents in those
ancient cabinets, afford. At that moment it was not igno-
rance nor dulness which was leading England towards the
pitfall so artfully dug by Spain. There was trust in the
plighted word of a chivalrous soldier like Alexander Famese,^
of a most religious and anointed monarch like Philip II.
English frankness, playing cards upon the table, was no
match for Italian and Spanish legerdemain, — a system accord-
ing to which, to defraud the antagonist by every kind of
falsehood and trickery was the legitimate end of diplomacy
and statesmanship. It was well known that there were great
preparations in Spain, Portugal, and the obedient Netherlands,
by land and sea. But Sir Robert Sidney* was persuaded that
the expedition was intended for Africa ; even the Pope was
BOt nor shall be meant against any of
her Majesty's dominions; or other-
wise, if he be not able to assure the
same, then, at the least, that he will,
by his writing, assure her Majesty
that he will, upon his honour, with all
expedition, send to the King his ad-
vioe to stay all hostile actions, or to
have the King's answer, like a prince
of honour, whether he intendeth or no
to employ thesd forces agahist her
Majesty, which, though in some con-
struction may seem hard to require of
a king intending hostility, yet, as the
case is, when her Majes^ yieldeth to
a oessatton of arms, iod to a trea^ of
peace with the king, is a request
most reasonable to make, and honour-
able for the king to grant . . . Such
are the frequent reports out of Spain
of these preparationa, and yet her
iiajesty wtU stand to the Duke's ansufeTf
if the army shall not be known to be
actually prepared against England-^
-vdiich, if it shall be, no man will
think it meet that her commissioners
should come.** Burgbley to A. De
Loo^ 10 Oct 1587. (S. P. Office Ma)
' As early as August, the Duke had
proposed a cessation of arms, to grant
which, as has been abundantly shown
by his . private correspondence^ was
never in his tboughta "The Duke
of Parma, to the end the treaty may
proceed with better sucoesa^ bath
made offer unto us to yield to a cessa-
tion of arms, having put us also in
hope that such forces as are now pre-
paring in Italy, amounting to 16,00(1
footmen, at the leasl^ shall be stayed."
Queen to Leicester, 9 Aug; 1567.
(Br. Mus. Galba, D. I. 293, M&)
' "There came some out of Spain
very lately, that say the preparataona
there are for a certain place in Africk,
whidi greatly imports the^ passage of
both the Indies. The adnural of the
Turks was to leave it last year with
sixty galleys." Sir R. Sidney to
Leicester, 31 Dec. 1587. (Br. Moa.
Galba, D. H. p. 288, M&)
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iSSt. PARVA^S AiTECrriOlirATE LBTTEB TO THB QUEEN. 301
completely mystified — to the intense delight of Philip — and
Burghley, enlightened by the sagacious De Loo, was con-
yinced, that even in case of a rupture, the whole strength of
the Spanish arms was to be exerted in reducing Friesland
and Overyssel. But Walsingham was never deceived ; for he
had learned from Demosthenes a lesson with which William
the Silent, in his famous Apology, had made the world familiar,
that the only cUadel against a tyrani and a conqueror was
distrust.
Alexander, much grieved tiiat doubts should still be felt as
to his sincerity, renewed the most exuberant expressions of
that sentiment, together with gentle complaints against the
dilatorin^BS which had proceeded from the doubt Her Majesty
had long been aware, he said, of his anxiety to bring about a
perfect reconciliation ; but he had waited, month after month,
for her commissioners, and had waited in vain. His hopes had
been dashed to the ground. The affi^ir had been indefinitely
spun out, and he could not resist the conviction that her
Majesty had changed her mind. Nevertheless, as Andrew de
Loo was again proceeding to England, the Duke seized the
opportunity once more to kiss her hand, and — although he
had well nigh resolved to think no more on the subject — to
renew his declarations, that, if the much-coveted peace were
not concluded, the blame could not be imputed to him, and
that he should stand guiltless before God and the world. He
had done, and was still ready to do, all which became a
Christian and a man desirous of the public welfare and tran-
quillity.^
' " E coBi da canto quo hayeya pre-
parato gli affari di manera, e messo il
- tatto in termine, che Y'* Ma^ baveva
pototo coDoecere qnal zelo cb' io ab-
braoiara questa occaaione, e quanto ia
desiderava di veder rivertire la bisona
e motua intelligenza fra 11 Be mio
Bignore et la y» M^. Ma vedendo
she non obstante le tante speranze che
m' erarano state date deUa vennta dei
commiasarU di Y^ M^, la cosa si va
taitaviatirando al lungo, io non posso
le non dabitiure cb* ella babbia mutato
d* opinione, e se ben io ero qnasi rcso-
loto di non d pensar piu, tuttavia
ritomandosene per di la 11 detto
Andrea mi ptu^ di scriv^ ancor
auesti pochi yersi, tanto per non perder
r occasione di baciar bmnil<« le mani
a Y^ Mt» quanto per assigurarla oho
non restara per me, cbe la risoluzione
presa, non pass! aranti, e cbe snoce-
dendo altrimente ne saro scusato inansi
a Dio et al mondo^ e havero almeno
satisfiitto a me miedosimo, d' haver
&tto quelle cbe 1' oblige Cbristiano^
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302
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVII.
When Burghley read these fine phrases, he was much im-
pressed ; and they were pronounced at the English court to
be "very princely and Christianly/' An elaborate comment
too was drawn up by the comptroller on every, line of the
letter. " These be very good words/' said the comptroller.^
But the Queen was even more pleased with the last proof
of the Duke's sincerity, than even Burghley and Croft had
been. Disregarding all the warnings of Walsingham, she
renewed her expressions of boundless confidence in the wily
Italian. " We do assure you/' wrote the Lords, " and so you
shall do well to avow it to the Duke upon our honours, tiiat
her Majesty saith she thinketh both their minds to accord
upon one good and Christian meaning, though their ministers
may perchance sound upon a discord."* And she repeated
her resolution to send over her commissioners, so soon as the
Duke had satisfied her as to the hostile preparations.
We have now seen the good faith of the English Queen
towards the Spanish government. We have seen her boundless
trust in the sincerity of Famese and his master. We have
heard the exuberant professions of an honest intention to
bring about a firm and lasting peace, which fell from the lips
of Famese and of his confidential agents. It is now necessary
to glide for a moment into the secret cabinet of. Philip,
in order to satisfy ourselves as to the value of all those pro-
fessions. The attention of the reader is solicited to these
investigations, because the year 1587 was a most critical
period in the history of English, Dutch, and European liberty.
The coming year 1588 had been long spoken of in prophecy,
as the year of doom, perhaps of the destruction of the world,
but it was in 1587, the year of expectation and preparation,
that the materials were slowly combining out of which that
year's history was to be formed.
et dl persona desideroea del bene o
ripofio publico m* obligara." Parma
to Queen Elizabeth, 2!!li^ 1587. (S.P.
* Not. ? ^
OffioeMS.)
> The Lords to A. de Loo^ 11 Nov.
1587. (a P. Office Ma)
And if blunt Sir Boger Williams
had been standing by when the re-
mark was made, he might have ex-
claimed with his countryman, honest
Hugh Evans, "Good worts, good
worts — good cabbage !"
•Ibid.
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158T. PHILIP AT HIS WRTrXNG-TABLE. 303
And there Bat the patient letter-writer in his cabinet, busy
with his schemes. His grey head was whitening fiust. He
was sixty years of age. His frame was slight, hb figure
stooping, his digestion very weak, his manner more glacial
and sepulchral than ever ; but if there were a hard-working
man in Europe, that man was Philip II. And there he sat at
his table, scrawling his apostilles. The fine innumerable
threads which stretched across the surface of Christendom,
and coYcred it as with a net, all converged in that silent
cheerless cell. France was kept in a state of perpetual civil
war ; the Netherlands had been converted into a shambles ;
Ireland was maintained in a state of chronic rebellion;
Scotland was torn with internal feuds, regularly organized and
paid for by Philip ; and its young monarch — " that lying King
of Scots," as Leicester called him — ^was kept in a leash ready
to be slipped upon England, when his master should give the
word; and England herself was palpitating with the daily
expectation of seeing a disciplined horde of brigands let loose
upon her shores ; and all this misery, past, present, and future,
was almost wholly due to the exertions of that grey-haired
letter-writer at his peaceful library-table.
At the very beginning of the year the King of Denmark
had made an offer to Philip of mediation. The letter, entrusted
to a young Count do Bantzan, had been intercepted by the
States — the envoy not having availed himself, in time, of his
diplomatic capacity, and having in consequence been treated,
for a moment, like a prisoner of war. The States had imme-
diately addressed earnest letters of protest to Queen Elizabeth,
declaring that nothing which the enemy could do in war was
half so horrible to them as the mere mention of peace. Life,
honour, religion, liberty, their all, were at stake, they said,
and would, go down in one universal shipwreck, if peace should
be concluded; and they implored her Majesty to avert the
proposed intercession of the Danish King.^ Wilkes wrote to
Walsingham,' denouncing that monarch and his ministers as
' Bor, n. XTii. 045-948. Meteren, I * WUkes to Walsingfaom, 3 Bea
XI1247. I 1686. (aP. OffiooMa)
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304 THE UNITED liTBTHEELANDa Chap. XVIL
stipendiaries of Spain^ while^ on the other hand^ the Duke of
Parma, after courteously thanking the King for his offer of
mediation, described him to Philip as such a dogged heretic/
that no good was to be derived &om him, except by meeting.
his fraudulent offers with an equally fraudulent responsa
There will be nothing lost, said Alexander, by affecting to
list^i to his proposals, and meantime your Majesty must
proceed with the preparations against England.^ This was in
the first week of the year 1587.
In February, and almost on the very day when Parma was
writing those affectionate letters to EUzabeth, breathing
nothing but peace, he was carefully conning Philip's directions
in r^ard to the all-important business of the invasion. He
was informed by his master, that one hundred vessels, forty
of them of largest size, were quite ready, together with 12,000
Spanish infantry, including 3000 of the old legion, and that
there were volunteers more than enough. Philip had also
taken note, he said, of Alexander's advice as to dioosing the
season when the crops in England had just been got in, as
the harvest of ^o fertile a country would easily support an
invading force ; but he advised nevertheless that the army
should be thoroughly victualled at starting.' Finding that
Alexander did not quite approve of the Irish part of the plan,
he would reconsider the point, and think more of the Isle of
Wight ; but perhaps still some other place might be discovered,
a descent upon which might inspire that enemy with still
greater terror and confusion. It would be difficult for him,
he said, to grant the 6000 men asked for by the Scotdi
malcontents, without seriously weakening his armada ; but
there must be no positive refusal, for a concerted action with
the Scotch lords and their adherents was indispensable. The
secret, said the King, had been profoundly kept, and neither
in Spain nor in Bome had anything been flowed to transpire.
Aksander was warned therefore to do his best to maintain
' "Empenudo crege," Ac. Parma
to ' Philip, 10 Jan. 1687. (Arch, dd
Simancaa^ Ma)
» Ibid.
' Pbilip n. to Pariua, 28 Feb. 168T.
(Arch, de Simancosy MS.)
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158T. HIS PLOTS WITH PABMA AGAINST ENGLAND. 305
the myefcery, for the enemy was trying very hard to penetrate
their actions and their thoughts.^
And certainly Alexander did- his best. He replied to his
master^ by transnutting copies of the letters he had been
writing with his own hand to the Queen, and of the pacific
messages he had sent her tiirough Champagny and De Loo.^
She is just now somewhat confused, said he, and those of her
counsellors who desire peace are more eager than ever for
negociation. She is very much afflicted with the loss of
Deventer, and is quarrelling with the French ambassador
about the new conspiracy for her assassination. The oppor-
tunity is a good one, and if she writes an answer to my letter,
said Alexander, we can keep the n^ociation alive, while, if
she does not, Hwill be a proof that she has contracted leagues
with other parties. But, in any event, the Duke fervently
implored Philip not to pause in his preparations for the great
enterprise which he had conceived in his royal breast.* So
urgent for the invasion was the peace-loving general.
He alluded also to the supposition that the quarrel between
her Majesty and the French envoy was a mere fetch, and
only one of the results of Bellievre's mission. Whether that
diplomatist had been sent to censure, or in reality to approve,
in the name of his master, of the Scottish Queen's execution,
Alexander would leave to bo discussed by Don Bernardino
de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in Paris ; but he
was of opinion that the anger of the Queen with France
was a fiction, and her supposed league with France and
Germany against Spain a fact/. Upon this point, as it appears
from Secretary Walsingham's lamentations, the astute Famese
was mistaken. In truth he was frequently led into error
by attributing to the English policy the same serpentine
movement and venomous purpose which characterized his
own ; and we have ahready seen, that Elizabeth was ready, on
the contrary, to quarrel with the States, with France, with all
the world, if she could only secure the good- will of Philip.
> Philip to Parma, Ma last cited. I 1587. (Aroh. do Simaocaa^ Ma)
' Parma to Fhflip H 22 March, | * Ibid. « Ibid.
VOL. IL— X
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306
THE UNITED NETHBRLANDa
Chap. XVIL
The French matter, iadissolubly connected in that monarch's
schemes, with his designs upon England and Holland, was
causing Alexander much anxiety. He foresaw great difficulty
in maintaining that indispensable civil war in France^ and
thought that a peace might, some fine day, be declared
between Henry III. and the Huguenots, when least expected.
In consequence, the Duke of Guise was becoming very im-
portunate for Philip's subsidies. "Mucio comes begging to
me," said Parma, "with the very greatest earnestness, and
utters nothing but lamentations and cries of misery.* He
asked for 25,000 of the 150,000 ducats promised him. I gave
them. Soon afterwards he writes, with just as much anxiety,
for 25,000 more. These I did not give ; firstly, because I had
them not^" (which would seem a sufficient reason) "and
secondly, because I wished to protract matters as much as
possible. He is constantly reminding me of your Majesty's
promise of 300,000 ducats, in case he comes to a rupture with
the King of Franc3, and I always assure him that your
Majesty will keep all promises." ^
Philip, on his part, through the months of spring, continued
to assure his generalissimo of his steady preparations by sea
and land. He had ordered Mendoza to pay the Scotch lords
the sum demanded by them, but not till after they had done
the deed agreed upon ; and as to the 6000 men, he felt obliged,
he said, to defer that matter for the moment, and to leave the
decision upon it to tho Duke.' Farnese kept his sovereign
minutely informed of the negociations carried on throngh
Champagny ^md De Loo, and expressed his constant opinion
that the Queen was influenced by motives as hypocritical as
his own. She was only seeking, he said, to deceive, to
defraud, to put him to sleep, by those feigned n^tiations,
while she was making her ^ combinations with France and
Germany, for the ruin of Spain. There was no virtue to be
expected from her, except she was compelled thereto by pnro
' "Con graDdissima instanoia y do
darandome lastimaa y miserias." MS.
Letter of Parma to Philip^ last cited.
•Ibid.
9 Philip to Parma, 15 April
(Arch, de SimancaS) IfS.)
15St
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1537.
PARMA'S SBCRBT LETTERS TO THE KING.
307
necessity.^ The English, he said, were hated and abhorred
by the natives of Holland and Zeeland,* and it behoved Philip
to. seize so fevourable an opportunity for ui^ging on his great
plan with all the speed in the world. It might be that the
Qaeen, seeing these mighty preparations, even although not
suspecting that she herself was to be invaded, would tremble
for her safety, if the Netherlands should be crushed. But if
she succeeded in deceiving Spain, and putting Philip and
Parma to sleep, she might well boast of having made fools of
them all.' The negotiations for peace and the preparations
for the invasion should go simultaneously forward therefore,
and the money would, in consequence, come more sparingly
to the Provinces from the English coffers, and the disputes
between England and the States would be multiplied. The
Duke also begged to be informed whether any terms could be
laid down, upon which the King really would conclude peace,
in order that he might make no mistake for want of instruc-
tions or requisite powers. The condition of France was
becoming more alarming every day, he said. In other words,
there was an ever-growing chance of peace for that distracted
country. The Queen of England was cementing a strong
league between herself, the French King, and the Huguenots,
ttnd matters were looking very serious. The impending peace
"1 France would never do, and Philip should prevent it in
^^} hy giving Mucio his money. Unless the French are
entongled and at war among themselves, it is quite clear, said
-^^exander, that we can never think of carrying out our great
schenxiQ of invading England.*
-'^^o King thoroughly concurred in all that was said and
c/ono \yj hig faithful governor and general. He had no inten-
loxx of concluding a peace on any terms whatever, and there-
^^ould name no conditions ; but he quite approved of a
-foro
'yfrfj^^^-^^o es aguardar do ella ninguna
neoaZ^?^ fliDO fbesse fiurzada de la para
ipj^T^^^^id." Parma to PhUip, 12tli
» ^?? .^3^587. (Arch, de Simancas, Ma)
to PhUip,
,ATeh.deS'
..^^^iiadofl
de
I PhUip, Ma last cited.)
y aborrecidos de los
(Pao:^^^ de Olaoda y Zelanda."
' "Se podria Jactar de habor nos
buriada" (Ibid.)
4 " Sin quedar embarazados los fran-
ceses entre si es claro qae no se podria
pensar a la efectoadon del negocio."
Parma to Philip^ 12 April, 1587.
(Arch, de Simancaw, MS.)
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SOS
THE UNITED KBTHEBLANDa
Chap. XYIl
continuancje of the negotiations. The English, he was con-
vinced, were utterly false on their part, and the King of
Denmark's proposition to mediate was part and parcel of the
same general fiction. He was quite sensible of the necessity
of giving Mucio the money to prevent a pacification in France,
and would send letters of exchange on Agostino Spinola for
the 300,000 ducats. Meantime Famese was to go on steadily
with his preparations for the invasion.^
The secretary-of-state, Don Juan de Idlaquez, also wrote
most earnestly on the great subject to the Duke. "It is not
to be exaggerated," he said, " how set his Majesty is in the
all-important business. If you wish to manifest towards him
the most flattering obedience on earth, and io oblige him as
much as you could wish, give him this great satisfaction this
year. Since you have money, prepare everything out there,
conquer all difficulties, and do the deed so soon as the forces
of Spain and Italy arrive, according to the plan laid down by
your Excellency last year. Mdke iuse of the negotiations for
peace for this one purpose^ and no more, and do the business
like the man you are. Attribute the liberty of this advice to
my desire to serve you more than any other, to my knowledge
of how much you will thereby gratify his Majesty, and to my
fear of his resentment towards you, in the contrary case."'
And, on the same day, in order that there m^t be no
doubt of the royal sentiments, Philip expressed himself at
length on the whole subject. The dealings of Famese with
the English, and his feeding them with hopes of peace, would
have given him more satisfaction, he observed, if it had caused
their preparations to slacken; but, on the contrary, their
- * Phflip to Pannft, 15 April, 1587.
(Arch, de Simanoas, MS.)
• *'No 80 puede OQcarecer qoan
pnesto esti bu Mag<i en el negodo
principal (the inyasion of- England).
SiV« Ex«» le quiere hazer la mayor
liaonja de la tierra, j obligarla a quanto
qoiaiere, A6 le este oontentam^^ este
afio, y puea tiene dineio prepare todo
lo de iSlL j venca las . difieoltades j
baga cl cfcto que a tiempo Uegard lo
de EspaSa j Italia, para ^ q V» Ex^
dezia el afto pasado^ j sirya se do loa
tratos de paz para este miamo fin, no
mas, y haga eeto hecho tan de quien
es, y atribuya V« Ex«» la libertad des-
to aviso a lo q deseo sOTvirle mas que
nadie, y a lo qne yeo que obligara a
su Mag<i con eUo^ y lo que temo que
sentiria lo oontrario." Bon Juan de
Idiaquez to Parma, 13 Kay, 1687
(Arch, do Simancas, MS.)
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* 1587.
PHILIP'S USTXEBS TO PABICA.
309
boldness had increased. They had perpetrated the inhuman
murder of the Queen of Scots, and moreover, not content with
their piracies at sea and in the lAdies, they had dared to
invade the ports of Spain, as would appear in the narrative
transmitted to Famese of the late events at Cadiz. And
izUhough ihat damage was smaU^ said Philip, there resulted a
very great obligation to take them seriously in hand.^ Ho
declined sending full powers for treating ; but in order to make
use of the same arts employed by the Englidi, he preferred
that Alexander should not undeceive them, but desired him to
express, as out of his own head, to the negotiators, his astonish-
ment that while they were holding such language they should
conmiit such actions. Even their want of prudence in thus
provoking the King, when their strength was compared to his,
should be spoken of by Famese as wonderful, and he was to
express the opinion that his Majesty would think him much
wanting in circumspection, should he go on negotiating while
they were playing such tricks. "You must show yourself
very sensitive about this event,'' continued Philip, "and you
iiiUBt give them to understand that I am quite as angry as
you. You must try to draw from them some offer of satisfac-
^n— however false it will be in reality — ^such as a proposal to
^^^call the fleet, or an assertion that the deeds of Drake in
Cadiz were without the knowledge and contrary to the will of
^^^ Queen, and that she very much regrets them, or something
^^ th^t sort.''*
It Ixas already been shown that Famese was very successful
^ eliciting from the Queen, through the mouth of Lord
ttx^j^^y^ as ample a disavowal and repudiation of Sir Francis
, ^^^^^ as the King could possibly desire. Whether it would
, ^^ *he desired effect of allaying the wrath of Philip, might
*^^ \3een better foretold, could the letter, with which we are
13
^ aunqae el dafio tae poco ea ya
la obUgacioD do yr lea muy do
^ la mano." Philip to Parma^
^7, 1587. (Arch, de ^mancasi
MS.)
» PhUip to Pama, 13 May, 168t
(MS. last citod.)
L
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310
THE UNITED NBTHERLAXDS.
Chap. XTIl
now occupied, have been laid upon the Greenwich council^
board.
"When yon have got such a disavowal/' continued his
Majesty, " you are to act as if entirely taken in and imposed
upon by them, and, pretending to believe everything they tell
you, you must renew the negotiations, proceed to name com-
missioners, and propose a meeting upon neutral territory.* As
for powers, say that you, as my governor-general, will entrust
them to your deputies, in regard to the Netherlands. For
all other matters, say that you have had full powers for many
months, but that you cannot exhibit them until conditions
worthy of my acceptance have been offered. Say this only for
the sake of appearance.^ This is the true way to take them in,
and so the peace-commissioners may meet. But to you only
do I declare that my iivtention is that this shall never lead to
any result, whcttever conditions may he offered by them. On the
contrary, all this is done — just as they do — to deceive them,
and to cool them in their preparations for defence, by inducing
them to believe that such preparations will be unnecessary.*
Tou are well aware that the reverse of aU this is the truth, and
that on our part there is to be no slackness, but the greatest
diligence in our efforts for the invasion of England, for which
we have already made the most abundant provision in men,
ships, and money, of which you aro well aware."*
Is it strange that the Queen of England was deceived ? Is
it matter of surprise, censure, or shame, that no English states-
man was astute enough or base enough to contend with such
diplomacy, which seemed inspired only by the very father
of lies ?
" Although we thus enter into negotiations," continued the
Eling — unveiling himself, with a solemn indecency, not agree-
» "T cntonces hazer vo8 del on-
gafiado 7 que creyendo lo que 06 diren
de nuevo VQlvays a la platioa," Ac. MS.
last died.
* " Quo es oamlno disimulado."
(Ibid.)
' *' Pero OOQ TOB solo mo adoro que
mia intoncion no es de que aqueUo
Uegu^ a effeto ooa ningunas oondi-
donea, aioo que todo esto se tome per
medio^ oomo lo hazen ellos, de entre-
teneiioB r enfiriaiios," Jta (Ibid.)
*Ibid.
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i587.
WONDERFUL DUPLICITY OF PHILIP.
311
able to contemplate—" without any intention of concluding
ihem^ you can always get out of them with great honour, by
taking imibrage about the point of religion and about some
other . of the outrageous propositions which they are like to
propose, and of which there are plenty in the letters of Andrew
de Loo.^ Tour commissioners must be instructed to refer all
important matters to your personal decision. The English
will be asking for damages for money spent in assisting my
rebels; your commissioners. will contend that damages are
rather due to me. Thus, and in other, ways, time. will be
spent. Tour own envoys are not to know the secret any more
than the English themselves. I tell it to you only. Thus
you will proceed with the n^otiations, now yielding on one
point, and now insisting on another, but directing all to the
same object — to gain time while proceeding with the prepara-
tion for the invasion, according to the plan already agreed
upon." ^ .
Certainly the most Catholic King seemed, in this remark-
able letter to have outdone himself ; and Pamese — that sincere
Famese, in whose loyal, truth-telling, chivalrous character,
the Queen and her counsellors placed such implicit reliance —
could thenceforward no longer be embarrassed as to the course
he was to adopt. To lie daily, through thick and thin, and
with every variety of circumstance and detail which a genius
fertile in fiction could suggest, such was the simple rule pre-
scribed by his sovereign. And the. rule was implicitly obeyed,
and the English sovereign thoroughly deceived. The secret
confided only to the faithful breast of Alexander was religiously
kept. Even the t'ope was outwitted, flis Holiness proposed
to Philip the invasion of England, and offered a million to
further the plan. He was most desirous to be informed if the
project was resolved upon, and, if so, when it was to be accom-
* "Con mucha honra» desooncer-
CandoTos sobre el punto de la religion
o otro de loa desaforados, qae elloa
ban de proponer, qae harto lo son Iob
del papel de Andrea de Loo." (M&
last cited.)
'"Podreys yr afloxando en nnos
pnntos, 7 afirmando en otros, todo en-
derezado al mismo fin por ganar tiem-
po^ preparando todo con diligenza
Began la traza concebida^" &c. (Ibid.)
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312
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap, j^yjll
plished. The King took the Pope's million, but refused the
desired information. He anawered evasively. He had a very
good will to invade the country^ he said, but there were great
difficulties in the way.^ After a time, the Pope again tried
to pry into the matter,* and again offered the million which
Philip had only accepted for the time when it might be wanted,
giving him at the same time, to understand that it was not
necessary at that time, because there were then great impedi-
ments. '^ Thus he is pledged to give me the subsidy, and I
am not pledged for the time," said Philip, " and I keep my
searet, which is the most important of alL"'
Yet after all, Farnese did not see his way clear towards the
consummation of the plan. His army had wofully dwindled,
and before he could seriously set about ulterior matters, it
would be necessary to take the city of Sluys. This was to
prove— as already seen — a most arduous enterprise. He com-
plained to Philip^ of his inadequate supplies both in men and
money. The project conceived in the royal breast was worth
spending millions for, he said, and although by zeal and devo-
tion he could accomplish something, yet after all he was no
more than a man, and without the necessary means the scheme
could not succeed.^ But Philip, on the contrary, was in the
highest possible spirits. He had collected more money, he
declared, than had ever been seen before in the world.* He
had two million ducats in reserve, besides the Pope's million,
the French were in a most excellent state of division, and tho
invasion should be made this year without fail The fleet
would arrive in the Engli^ channel by the end of the summer,
which would be exactly in conformity with Alexander's ideas.
The invasion was to be threefold : from Scotland, under the
* Philip to Parma, 5 June, 1587.
(Arch, de Simanoas, MS.)
• " Se ha venido de rodear." (Ibid.)
' " Por tenirlo prendado en la ajnda,
7 d9 no prendarme yo en lo tiempo, jr
mas por d secrdo que es la cosa prin-
cipal" (Ibid.)
♦ Parma to Philip, 31 May, 1587.
(Arch, de Simancaa MS.)
•Ibid.
* He had sent, he said, besides the
regular remittances, 700,000 ducats,
and there were then coming 2,300,000
ducats additional— 300,000 of wbk^
were for Mudo, in case of raptun^
Yith the French King. Otberwiso^
not a pennj was to be dir^rted fixxn
the great cause. Philip to Fameeei
5 Jnne^ 1587. (Aich. de RimAT^^^g^
MS.}
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1087. HIS SAKGUmE VIKWB AS TO ENGLAND. 313
Scotch earls and their followers, with the money and troops
famished by Philip ; from the Netherlands, under Parma ;
and by the great Spanish armada itself, upon the Isle of
Wight. Alexander must recommend himself to God, in whose
cause he was acting, and then do his duty, which lay yery
plain before him. If he ever wished to give his sovereign
satisfaction in his life, he was to do the deed that year, what-
ever might betide.^ Never could there be so fortunate a
conjunction of circumstances again. France was in a state of
revolution, the German levies were weak, the Turk was fully
occupied in Persia, an enormous mass of money, over and
^bove the Pope's million, had been got together, and although
the season was somewhat advanced, it was certain that the
Duke would conquer all impediments, and be the instrument
by which his royal master might render to God that service
which he was so anxious to perform. Enthusiastic, though
gouty, Philip grasped the pen in order to scrawl a few words
with his own royal hand. " This business is of such import-
ance,'' he said, ^^ and it is so necessary that it should not be
delayed, that I cannot refrain from urging it upon you as
much as I can. I should do it even more amply, if this hand
would allow me, which has been crippled with gout these
several days, and my feet as well, and although it is unattended
with pain, yet it is an impediment to writing." *
Struggling thus against his own difficulties, and triumphantly
accomplishing a whole paragraph with disabled hand, it was
natural that the King shoidd expect Alexander, then deep in
the siege of Sluys, to vanquish all his obstacles as successfully^
and to effect the conquest of England so soon as the harvests
of that kingdom should be garnered.
Sluys was surrendered at last, and the great enterprise seemed
ripening from hour to hour. During the months of autumn,
upon the very days when those loving messages, mixed with
gentle reproaches, were sent by Alexander to Elizabeth^ and
1 Philip to Parma^ 6 Judo, 1687.
(Arch, do Simancaa^ MS.)
' '' Importa tanto esse negodo, y
que no se dilate, que no pnedo dexar
de encargarosle todo qaonto paedo j
hiziera lo ann mas largamente il mo
diera lugar esta mano que he tenido
con la gota estos dias j los pies, y
aunqae estaya sin dolor, esta impeSda
para esta'* (Ibid.)
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314
THE UNITED NETHERLAKBa
Chap. XVIL
almost at the self-same hours in which honest Andrew de Loo
was getting such head-aches by drinking the Queen's health
with Cosimo and Champagny^ the Duke and Philip were inter-
changing detailed information as to the progress of the inva-
sion. The Bang calculated that by the middle of September
Alexander would have 30^000 men in the Netherlands ready
for embarcation. Marquis Santa Oruz was announced as
nearly ready to sail for the English channel with 22,000 more,
among whom were to be 16,000 seasoned Spanish in&ntry.
The Marquis was then to extend the hand to Parma, and
protect that passage to England which the Duke was at once
to effect. The danger might be great for so large a fleet to
navigate the seas at so late a season of the year ; but Philip
was sure that God, whose cause it was, would be pleased to
give good weather.^ The Duke was to send, with infinite
precautions of secrecy, information which the Marquis would
expect off Ushant, and be quite ready to act so soon as Santa
Cruz should arrive. Most earnestly and anxiously did the
King deprecate any thoi^ht of deferring the expedition to
another year. If delayed, the obstacles of the following
smnmer — ^a peace in France, a peace between the Turk and
Persia, and other contingencies— would cause the whole project
to fail, and Philip declared, with much iteration, that money,
reputation, honour, his own character and that of Famese,
and God's service, were all at stake.' He was impatient at
suggestions of difficulties occasionally ventured by the Duke,
who was reminded that he had been appointed chief of the
great enterprise by the spontaneous choice of his master, and
that all his plans had been minutely followed. ^^ You are tiic
author of the whole scheme,'' said Philip, ^^ and if it is all to
vanish into space, what kind of a figure shall we cut the coming
year ? " * Again and again he referred to the inunense sum
collected — such as never before had been seen since the world
* " Aunquo no dexa de yer lo quo
Be aventura en savegar con gruessa
annada in invierno, j por esse canal,
sin tener puerto cierto; jcl tiempo
plazera a Dies cuva es la causa dorle
bueno." Philip 'to Parma, 4 Sept
1587. (Arcb. do Simancas, MS.)
•n)id.
* " Do quo T03 Eolo sejs autor.
Yeed si hubiesse de caer todo en vacio^
quel es que quedariaoKM d afio que
viene," Ac. Philip to Parma, 14 SepL
1587. (Ardi. de Simancas^ MS.)
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1687. HB IS RELUCTANT TO TTTCAP. QP THE OBSTACLES. 315
was made— 4,800,000 ducats with 2,000,000 *in reserve, of
which he was authorized to draw for 500,000 in advance, to
say nothing of the Pope's million.^
But Alexander, while straining every nerve to obey his
master's wishes about the invasion, and to blind the English
by the fictitious negotiations, was not so sanguine as his sove-
reign. In truth, there was something puerile in the eagerness
which Philip manifested. He had made up his mind that
England was to be conquered that autumn, and had en-
deavoured— as well as he cbuld-^to comprehend the plans
which his illustrious general had laid down for accomplishing
that purpose. Of course, to any man of average intellect, or,
in truth, to any man outside a madhouse, it would seem an
essential part of the conquest that the Armada should arrive.
Tet — ^wonderful to relate — ^Philip, in his impatience, abso-
lutely suggested that the Duke might take possession of
England taithcyut waiting for Scmta Cruz and his Armada, As
the autumn had been wearing away, and there had been un-
avoidable delays about the shipping in Spanish ports, the
King thought it best not to defer matters till the winter.
" You are, doubtless, ready," he said to Famese. " If you
think you can make the passage to England before the fleet
from Spain arrives, go at once. You may be sure that it will
come ere long to support you. But if you prefer to wait,
wait. The dangers of winter to the fleet and to your own
person are to be regretted, but God, whose cause it is, will
protect you."*
It was easy to sit quite out of harm's way, and to make
such excellent arrangements for smooth weather in the wintry
channel, and for the conquest of a maritime and martial
kingdom by a few flat bottoms. Philip had little difficulty
on that score, but the a£birs of France were not quite to his
mind. The battle of Coutras, and the entrance of the German
and Swiss mercenaries into that country, were somewhat per-
plexing. Either those auxiliaries of the Huguenots would be
* PhiliD to Parma, MS. last cited.
• PhUip to Parmay 4 No?. 1587. (Arch, do Simancas. MS.)
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816
THB UNITED NETHEBLANDa
Chap. XVH
defeated, or they would be victorious, or both parties would
come to au agreement In the first event, the Duke, after
sending a little assistance to Mucio, was to effect his passage
to England est once. In the second case, those troops^ even
though successful, would doubtless be so much disoi^nized
that it might be still safe for Famese to go on. In the thiid
contingency — that of an accord — ^it would be necessary for
him to wait till the foreign troops had disbanded and left
France. He was to maintain all his forces in perfect readi-
ness, on pretext of the threatening aspect of French matters,
and, so soon as the Swiss and Grermans were dispersed, he
was to proceed to business without delay.^ The fleet would
be ready in Spain in all November, but as sea-^afiGurs were so
doubtful, particularly in winter, and as the Armada could not
reach the channel till mid-winter, the Duke toas not to wait
for it8 arrived. " Whenever you see a favouraUo oppor-
tunity," said Philip, " you must take care not to lose it, even
if the fleet has not made its appearance. For you may be
sure that it will soon come to give you assistance, in one way
or another.""
Famese had also been strictly enjoined to deal gently with
the English, after the conquest, so that they would have cause
to love their new master. His . troops were not to forget dis-
cipline after victory. There was to be no pillage or rapine.
The Catholics were to be handsomely rewarded, and all the
inhabitants were to be treated with so much indulgence that,
instead of abhorring Parma and his soldiers, they would con-
ceive a strong affection for them all, as the source of so many
benefits.' Again the Duke was warmly commended for the
skill with which he had handled the peace-n^tiatioti. It
was quite right to appoint commissioners^ but it wais never for
an instant to be forgotten that the sole object of treating was
to take the English unawares. ^^ And therefore do you guide
• Phflip to Panna, 14 Nov. 1587.
(Arch, de Simanoas, MS.)
> "Viendo baena ocasion procurays
de no perderia, aonque no aya llegado
la armada— siendo derto quo luego
a hazor espaldas y ayudaros
de una mano o otra.** (Ibid.)
• Philip to Parma, 25 Oct 1581
(Arch, de Simancaa, MS.)
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mi.
AND IMAGINES PAEKA IN ENGLAND.
317
them to this end/' said tke King with pious unction, ^^ which
is what you owe to God, in whose service I have engaged in
this enterprise, and to whom I have dedicated the whole/' ^
The King of France, too — that unfortunate Henry III.,
against whose throne and life Philip maintained in constant
pay an organized band of conspirators — ^was affectionately
adjured, through the Spanish envoy in Paris, Mendoza, to
reflect upon the advantages to France of a Catholic king and
kingdom of England, in place of the heretics now in power/' ^
But Philip, growing more and more sanguine, as those
visions of fresh crovnis and conquered kingdoms rose before
him in his solitary cell, had even persuaded himself that the
deed was already done. In the early days of December, he
expressed a doubt whether his 14th November letter had
reached the Duke, who by that time was probably in England}
One would have thought the King addressing a tourist jusi
starting on a little pleasure-excursion. And this was precisely
the moment when Alexander had been writing those affec-
tionate phrases to the Queen which had been considered by
the counsellors at Greenwich so " princely and Christianly,"
and which Crcfft had pronounced such " very good words/'
K there had been no hostile fleet to prevent, it was to be
hoped; said Philip, that, in the name of God, the passage
had been made. ^^ Once landed there," continued the King,
"I am persuaded that you will give me a good accouixt of
yourself, and, with the help of our Lord, that you will do that
service which I desire to render to Him, and that He will
guide our cause, which is His ovni, and of such great import-
ance to His Church."* A part of the fleet would soon after
arrive and bring six thousand Spaniards, the Pope's million,
and other good things, which might prove useful to Parma,
* " Pot tomarlos desaperdbidoa.
Absi lo goiad a esta fin que es el que
deve a Bios, por cuyo servicio hago lo
principal, y se lo ofreflco." (Philip to
Panoa, last cited.)
■ Philip to Don Bernardino de
Kendoza^ 4 Nov. 1587. (Arch, de
Simancas, Ma)
• Phflip to Parma, 11 Dca 1687.
(Arch, do Simancas, MS.)
* " T aviendo pasado estoy muy per-
snadido de vos que con ayuda de N">
Sefior me dareys la buena cuenta quo
dezio que sareys cierto de hazerle el
servicio que yo en esto pretendo— el
io guia como causa suya y tan impor-
tante a ra yglesia." (Ibid.)
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318 THE UNITBD NETHERLANDa Chap. XVIL
presupposing that they would find him established on the
enemy's territory.^
This conviction that the enterprise had been already accom-
plished grew stronger in the King's breast every day. He
was only a little disturbed lest Famese should have mis-
understood that 14th November letter. Philip — as his wont
was— had gone into so many petty and puzzling details, and had
laid down rules of action suitable for various contingencies,
so easy to put comfortably upon paper, but which might
become perplexing in action, that it was no wonder he
should be a little anxious. The third contingency suggested
by him had really occurred. There had been a composition
between the foreign mercenaries and the French King.
Nevertheless they had also been once or twice defeated, and
this was contingency number two. Now which of the events
would the Duke consider as having really occurred. It was
to be hoped that he would have not seen cause for delay, for
in truth number three was not exactly the contingency -which
existed. France was still in a very satisfactory state of dis-
cord and rebellion. The civil war was by no means over.
There was small fear of peace that winter. Give Mucio his
pittance with frugal hand, and that dangerous personage
would ensure tranquillity for Philip's project, and misery for
Henry III. and his subjects for an indefinite period longer.
The King thought it improbable that Famese could have
made any mistake,^ He expressed therefore a little anxiety
at having received no intelligence from him, but great
confidence that, with the aid of the Lord and of his own
courage he had accomplished the great exploit. Philip had
only recommended delay in event of a general peace in
France — Huguenots, Boyalists, Leaguers, and all. This had
not happened. "Therefore, I trust," said the King, "that
you — ^perceiving that this is not contingency number three
which was to justify a pause — ^will have already executed
the enterprise, and fulfilled my desire. I am confident that
' Philip to Panna^ MS. last cited.
* Samo to same, 24 Dea 1587. (Arch, de ^maocas, MS.)
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1587.
BUT ALEXANDBE'S DIFFICULTIES ARE GREAT.
319
the deed is done^ and that God has blessed it^ and I am now
expecting the news from hour to hour/' ^
But Alexander had not yet arrived in England. The pre-
liminaries for the conquest caused him more perplexity than
the whole enterprise occasioned to Philip. He was very
short of fimds. The five millions were not to be touched,
except for the expenses of the invasion. But as England
wai9 to be subjugated, in order that rebellious Holland might
be recovered, it was hardly reasonable to go away leaving
such inadequate forces in the Netherlands as to ensure not
only independence to the new republic, but to hold out
temptation for revolt to the obedient Provinces. Yet this
was the dilemma in which the Duke was placed. So much
money had been set aside for the grand project that there
was scarcely anything for the regular military business. The
customary supplies had not been sent. Parma had leave to
draw for six hundred thousand ducats, and he was able to get
that draft discounted on the Antwerp Exchange by consent-
ing to receive five hundred thousand, or sacrificing sixteen
per cent, of the sum.* A good number of transports and
scows bad been collected, but there had been a deficiency of
money for their proper equipment, as the five millions had
been very slow in coming, and were still upon the road. The
whole enterprise was on the point of being sacrificed, accord-
ing to Famese, for want of funds. The time for doing the
deed had ' arrived, and he declared himself incapacitated by
poverty. He expressed his disgust and resentment in lan-
guage more energetic than courtly, and protested that he was
not to blame. " I always thought," said he bitterly, " that
your Majesty would provide all that was necessary even in
superfluity, and not limit me beneath the ordinary. I did
not suppose, when it was most important to have ready money,
that I should be kept short, and not allowed to draw certain
DO
* "T asi creo, qne oonodendo qne
€8 estO' el caso teroero, en quo
Aviades do parar, avreTS exeoutado la
empresAy j complido mio deseo ....
de qae qnedo aguardando d aviso de
ore en ora." (Ibid.)
" Parma to Philip, 18 Sept. 1587.
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.)
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320
XHB UNITBD NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVIX.
sums by anticipation^ which I should have done had you not
forbidden."^
This was^ through life^ a striking characteristic of Philip.
Enormous schemes were laid put with utterly inadequate pro-
vision for their accomplishment, and a confident expectation
entertained that wild visions were, in some indefinite way, to
be converted into substantial realities, without fatigue or per-
sonal exertion on his part, and with a very trifling outlay of
ready money.
Meantime the faithful Famese did his best. He was inde-
fatigable night and day in getting his boats together and pro-
viding his .munitions of war. He dug a canal from Sas de
Gand — ^whi.ch was one of his principal depSts — all the way to
Sluys, because the water-communication between those two
points was entirely in the hands of the Hollanders and Zee-
landers. The rebel cruisers swarmed in the Scheldt, from
Flushing almost to Antwerp, so that it was quite impossible
for Parma's forces to venture forth at all ; and it also seemed
hopeless to hazard putting to sea from Sluys.^ At the same
time he had appointed his commissioners' to treat with the
English envoys already named by the Queen. There had
been much delay in the arrival of those deputies, on account
of the noise raised by Bameveld and his followers ; but
Burghley was now sanguine that the exposure of what he
called the Advocate's seditious, feilse, and perverse proceed-
ings, would enable Leicester to procure the consent of the
States to a universal peace.
And thus, with these parallel schemes of invasion and
negotiation, spring, summer, and autumn, had worn away.
Santa Cruz was still with his fleet in Lisbon, Cadiz, and the
Azores ; and Parma was in Brussels, when Philip fondly ima-
* Parma to Philip^ MS. last cfted.
> Panna to Philip^ 21 Dec. 16S7.
(Arch, de Rimancan, MS.) "Pues de
razoQ OlindoBoo y Zelandeees sdos
estan aiempre a la mira y aai oomo
tieDen medio de estorbaroos la junta
y salida de nuestroa baxeles lo ternan
cada dla major para hazer lo mismo
en el pasage."
* Aremberg, Champagny, Hidiardo^
Maaa, Gamier. Parma to Phil^
18 Sept 1687. (Arcb. de Shnawws
MS.)
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mi. HB DEKOUKCES PHILIP'S WILD SCHEMES. 321
gined him established in Ghreenwich Palace. "When made
aware of his master's preposterous expectations^ Alexander
would hare been perhaps amused, had he not been half beside
himself with indignation. Such foUy seemed incredible.
There was not the slightest appearance of a possibility of
making a passage without the protection of the Spanish fleet,
he observed. His vessels were mere transport-boats, without
the least power of resisting an enemy. The Hollanders and
Zeelanders, with one hundred and forty cruisers, had shut
him up in all directions. He could neither, get out from
Antwerp nor from Sluys. There were large English ships,
too, cruising in the channel, and they were getting ready in
the Netheflands.and in England "most furiously."^ The
delays had been- so great, that their secret had been poorly
kept, and the enemy was on his guard. If Santa Cruz had
cotne, Alexander declared that he should have already been
in England. When he did come he should still be prepared
to make the passage ; but to talk of such an attempt without
the Armada was senseless, and ho denounced the madness of
that proposition to his Majesty in vehement and unmeasured
terms.* His army, by sickness and other causes, had been
reduced to one;-half the number considered necessary for the
invasion, and the rebels had established r^ular squadrons in
the Scheldt, in the very teeth of the forts at LiUo, Liefkens-
hoek, Saftingen, and other points close to Antwerp. There
were so many of these war-vessels, and all in such excellent
order, that they were a most notable embarrassment to him,
he observed, and his own flotilla would run great risk of being
utterly destroyed. Alexander had been personally superin-
tending matters at Sluys, Ghent, and Antwerp, and had
strengthened with artillery the canal which he had con*
structed between Sas and Sluys. Meantime his fresh troops
had been slowly arriving, but much sickness prevailed among
them. The Italians were dying fast, almost all the Spaniards
were in hospital, and the others were so crippled and worn
out that it was most pitiable to behold them ; yet it was abso-
* Parma to Philip^ 21 Dec, 1587. (Arch, de Simancaa, MS.) ' Ibid
VOL. II. — ^Y
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322
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVn.
lutely necessary that those who were in health should accom-
pany hitn to ^England/ since otherwise his Spanish force
would be altogether too weak to do the service expected.
He had got together a good number of tninsports. Not
counting his Antwerp fleet — ^which could not stir from port, as
he bitterly complained, nor be of any use, on account of die
rebel blockade — ^he had between Dunkerk and Newport
seventy-four vessels of various kinds fit for sea^servioe, one
hundred and fifty flat-bottoms (pleytas), and seventy river-
hoys, all which were to be assembled at Sluys, whence they
would — so soon as Santa Cruz should make his appearance —
set forth for England.' This force of transports he pro-
noimced sufficient, when properly protected by the Spanish
Armada, to carry himself and his troops across the channel
If, therefore, the matter did not become publicly known, and
if the weather proved favourable, it was probable that his
Majesty's desire would soon be fulfllled according to the plan
proposed. The companies of light horse and of arquebus-
men, with which he meant to miake his entrance into London,
had been clothed, armed, and mounted, he said, in a manner
delightful to contemplate, and those soldiers at least might
be trusted — ^if they could only effect their passage— to do
good service, and make matters quite secure.'
But craftily as the King and Duke had been dealing, it
had been found impossible to keep such yast preparations
entirely secret Walsingham was in full possession of their
plaiis down to the most minute details. The misfortune was
that he was unable to persuade his sovereign. Lord Burgfaley,
and others of the peace-party, as to the accuracy of his in-
formation. Not only was he thoroughly instructed in r^ard
to the number of men, vessels, horses, mules, saddles, spurs,
lances, barrels of beer and tons of biscuit, and other par-
ticulars of the contemplated invasion, but he had even received
> Panna to PhUip, Dec. 21, 1587,
(Ajcb. de Simancas, MS.)
• Ibid. (M& last otted.)
* « Se ban vestido, armado, j enoa-
bolgado, qae es plaoer dA yeriaSi j la
soldadesca de ellas es tal qoe, A pnae-
den pasar, hanm a Y. K. bnen sonrizio
J asegunuraran mucho el senizio."
Ma Letter last cited.
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1587.
WALSINOHAIC AWARE OF THE SPANISH PLOT.
323
curious intelligence as to the gorgeous equipment of those
very troops, with which the Doke was just secre'tlj an*
nonndng to the King his intention of making his triumphal
entrance into the English capital Sir Francis knew iiow
many Ihousand yards of cramoisy velvet, how many hundred-
weight of gold and silver embroidery, how much satin and
feathers, and what quantity of pearls and diamonds, Famese
had been providing himself withal. He knew the tailors,
jewellers, silversmiths, and haberdashers, with whom the
great Alexander — as he now b^an to be called — ^had been
dealing ; but when he spc^e at th^ council-board, it was to
* "There is provided for lights a
great number of tordies, and so tem-
pered that no water can put them out
A great nunU>er of little milU for
grinding com, great store of biscuit
bakod and oxen salted, great number
of saddles and boots, also there is made
500 pair of velvet shoes— red, crimson
velvety and in every cloister through-
out the country great quantity of roses
made of silk, white and red, which are
to be badges for divers of his gentle-
men. By reason of these roses it is
expected he is going for England
There is sold to the Prince by Jolm
Angd, pergamao, ten hundred- weight
of velvet, gold and silver to embroider
his apparel withaL The covering to
his mmes is most gorgeously embroi-^
dered with gold and silver, which
carry his baggage. There is also sold
to bim by the Italian merchants at
least 670 pieces of velvet to apparel
him and his train. Every captain has
received a gift from tiie Prince to
make himself brave, and for Oaptain
Corralini, an Italian, who hath one
comet of horse, I have seen with my
ejes m saddle with the trappings of his
hoT30^ his coat and rapier and dagger^
uihich cost 3,500 French crowns. (II)
All their lances are painted of divers
colours, blue and white, green and
Whiter and most part blood-red— so
there is as great preparation for a
triumph as. for war. A great number
of Bnglish priests oome to Antwerp
from all places. The commandment
is given to all the churches to read
the Litany daily for the prosperity of
the Prince in his enterprise.'* John
Giles to Walsingbam, 4 Dec. 1587.
(S. P. Office MS.)
The same letter conveyed also very
detailed information concerning the
naval prepaiatioDS by the Duke, be-
sides accurate intelligence in regard
to the progress of the armada in Cadiz
and Lisbon.
Sir William Russel wrote also from
Flushing oonoerning these prepara-
tions in much the same strain ; but it
is worthy of note that he considered
I^amese to be rather intending a move-
ment against France.
"The Prince of Parma," he said,
" is making great preparations for war,
and with cUl expedition means to march
a great army, and for a triumph, the
coats and costly apparel for his own
body doth exceed for embroidery, and
beisetwith jewels; for all the embrov-
derers and diamond-cuUers work hoik
^ht and day^ such haste is made.
Five hundred velvet coats of one sort
for lances, and a great number of
brave new coats made for horsemen ;
30,000 men are ready, and gather in
Brabant and Flandera It is said that
there shall be in two days 10,000 to
do some great exploit in these parts^
and 20,000 to march with (he Prince Mo
Frcmce^ and for certain it is not known
what way or how they shall mardi,
but all ore ready at an hour's warning
—4,000 saddles, 4,000 lances, 6,000
pairs of bootS) 2,000 barrels of beer,
biscuit sufficient for a camp of 20,000
men, fta The Prince hath received
a marvellous costly garland or crown
from the Pope, and is chosen diief of
the holy league^ and now puts in his
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324
THE UNITED NBTHEELANDS.
Chap. XVTL
ears wilfully deaf. Nor was much concealed from the Argus-
eyed politicians in the republic. The States were more and
more intractable. They knew nearly all the truth with regard
to the intercourse between the . Queen's government and
Famese, and they snspected more than the truth. The list
of English commissioners privately agreed upon between
Buighley and De Loo was known to Barneveld, Maurice^
and Hohenlo, before it came to the ears of Leicester. Li
June, Biickhurst had been censured by Elizabeth for opening
the peace matter to members of the States, according to her
bidding, and in July Leicester was rebuked for exactly the
opposite delinquency. She was very angry that he had
delayed the communication of her policy so long, but she ex-
pressed her anger only when that policy had proved so trans-
parent as to make concealment hopeless. Leicester, as well
as Buckhurst, knew that it was idle to talk to the Nether-
landers of peace, because of their profound distrust in every
word that came from Spanish or Italian lips ; but Leicester,
less frank than Buckhurst, preferred to flatter his sovereign,
rather than to tell her unwelcome truths. More fortunate
than Buckhurst, he was rewarded for his flattery by boundless
affection, and promotion to the very highest post in Eugland
when the hour of England's greatest peril had arrived, while
the truth-telling counsellor was consigned to imprisonment
and disgrace. When the Queen complained sharply th^t the
States were mocking her, and- that she was touched in honour
at the prospect of not keeping her plighted word to Famese,
the Earl assured her that the Netherlanders were fast changing
their views; that although the very name of peace had till
then been odious and loathsome,^ yet now, as coming from
her Majesty, they would accept it with thankful hearts.
anns two cross keys. The King of
France hath written for the Prince
with expedition, and 'tis gaid he
marches IhUher^ and on the waj will
besiege . Gambraj," Ac. Occurrenoes,
from the €k)yemor of Flushing, Nov. 9,
1587. (8. P. Office Ma)
Thus Sir William seems to have
been less aocnrately acquainted with
the movements of Famese than was
John Giles, and the mysterious precau-
tions of the King and his gonend had
been fisur from fruitlesa
^ Leicester to the Queen, 9 Oct
1687. (a P. Office ACS.)
' Same to same^ 1 Oct 1687. (S
P. Office Ma)
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1687.
WHICH THE STATES WELL UNDERSTAND.
325
The States, or the leading members of that assembly, factious
fellows, pestilent and seditious knaves,^ were doing their
utmost, and were singing sirens' songs* to enchant and delude
the people, but they were fast losing their influence — so
warmly did the country desire to conform to her Majesty's
pleasure. Ho expatiated, however, upon the difficulties in his
path. The knowledge possessed by the pestilent fellows as to
the actual position of affairs, was very mischievous. It was
honey to Maurice and Hohenlo,' he said, that the Queen's
secret practices with Famese had thus been discovered.
Nothing could be more marked than the jollity with which
the ringleaders hailed these preparations for peace-rnaking,*
for they now felt certain that the government of their country
had been fixed securely in their own hands. They were
canonized, said the Earl, for their hostility to peace.*.
Should not this conviction, on the part of men who had so
many means of feeling the popular pulse, have given the
Queen's government pause ? To serve his sovereign in truth,
Leicester might have admitted a possibility at least of honesty
on the part of men who were so ready to offer up their lives
for their country. For in a very few weeks he was obliged
to confess that the people were no longer so well disposed to
acqxiiesce in her Majesty's policy. The great miajority, both
of the States and the people, were in favour, he agreed, of
continuing the war. The inhabitants of the little Province of
Holland alone, he said, had avowed their determination to
maintain their rights— even if obliged to fight single-handed —
and to shed the last drop in their veins, rather than to submit
again to Spanish tyranny.^ This seemed a heroic resolution,
worthy the sympathy of a brave Englishman, but the Earl's
only comment upon it was, that it proved the ringleaders
"either to be traitors or else the most blindest asses in the
* Seme to eame, 5 Nov. 1587. (S.
P. Office MS.)
• Bame to Burghlej, 30 Oct 1587.
(Brit Hub. Galba^ D. H. p. 67. MS.)
s Leicester to Burfirhley, 17 Aug.
1587. (& P. Office MS.)
« Same to same, 30 Oct 1587. (Brit
Mu3. Galba, D. H. p. 67. MS.)
• Leicester to Walsingham, 9 Oct
1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
• Leicester to Bmghley, 30 Oct
1587. (Brit Mua. Galba> D. IL 67. MS )
Same to the Queen, 11 Oct. 1587. (S.
P. Office MS.)
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326
THE UNITED NETHEELANDS.
CiiP. XVII
world*' ^ He never scropled, on repeated occasions, to in-
simiate that Barneveld, Hohenlo, Buys, Roorda, Sainte Al-
degonde, and the Nassaus, had organized a plot to sell their
country to Spain.* Of this there was not the faintest evidence,
but it was the only way in which he chose to account for their
persistent opposition to the peace-negotiations, and to their
reluctance to confer absolute power on himself. "'Tis a
crabbed, sullen, proud kind of people," said he, " and bent on
establishing a popular government,"' — a purpose which seemed
somewhat inconsistent with the plot for selling their country
to Spain, which he charged in the same breath on the same
persons.
Early in August, by the Queen's command, he had sent a
formal communication respecting the private negotiations to
the States, but he conld tell them no secret. The names of
the cotnmissioners, and even the supposed articles of a treaty
already concluded, were flying from town to town, from mouth
to mouth, so that the Earl pronounced it impossible for one,
not on the spot, to imagine the excitement which existed.
He had sent a statcM^ounsellor, one Bardesiifs, to the Hague,
to open the matter ; but that personage had only ventured
to whisper a word to one or two members of the States, and
was assured that the proposition, if made, would raise such a
tumult of fury, that he might fear for his life. So poor Bar-
desius came back to Leicester, fell on his knees, and implored
him, at least to pause in these fatal proceedings.^ After an
interval, he sent two eminent statesmen, Yalk and Menin, to
lay the subject before the assembly. They did so, and it was
met by fierce denunciation. On their return, the Earl, finding
that so much violence had been excited, pretended that they
had misunderstood his meaning, and that he had never meant
to propose peace-negotiations. But Yalk and Menin were too
* Leicester to the Queen, 17 Nov.
1687. (a P. Office Msy
' Leicester to the Queen, 6 Kor.
1587. (S. P. Office MS.) Same to
Burgfalej, 6 Nov. 1687. (Brit Mus.
Galba^ D. XL p. 176. MS.)
' Same to same, 11 Oct 1587. (Sw
P. Office MS.)
* Leicester to Buighlej, 30 Sept
1587. (Brit Mufl. GallMS D. IL p. 34.
Ma)
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158T.
LEICESTER'S GREAT UNPOPULARITY.
327
old politicians to be caught in such a trap, and they produced
a brief^ drawn up in Italian — the foreign. language best un-
derstood by the Earl — with his own corrections and inter-
lineations, so that he was forced to admit that there had been
no misconception.^
Leicester at last could no longer doubt that he was uni-
versally odious in the Provinces. Hohenlo, Bameveld, and
the rest, who had ^^ championed the country against the
peace/' were carrying. aU before them. They had persuaded
the people, that the " Queen was but a tickle stay for them/'
and had inflated young Maurice with vast, ideas of his im-
portance, telling him that he was ^^a natural patriot, the
image of his noble father, whose memory was yet great among
them, as good reason^ dying in their cause, as he had done."^
The country was bent on a popular government, and on
maintaining the war. There was no possibility, he confessed,
that they would ever confer the authority on him which they
had formerly bestowed.^ The Queen had promised, when he
left England the second time, that his absence should be for
but three months,* and he now most anxiotisly claimed per-
mission to depart. Above all things, he deprecated being
employed as a peace-commissioner. He was, of all men, the
most unfit for such a post. At the same time he implored
the statesmen at home to be wary in selecting the wisest
persons for that arduous duty, in order that the peace might
be miade for Queen Elizabeth, as well as for King Philip.
He strongly recommended, for that duty, Beale, the councillor,
who with Killigrew had replaced the hated Wilkes and the
pacific Bartholomew Clerk. "Mr. Beale, brother-in-law to
Walsingham, is in my books a prince," said the EarL " He
" Bor, ITL xxiil 34. Hoofd, *Ver-
vdgb,*. 276. Wagenaar, viiL 236.
Meteren, xi?. 260. Compare Reyd, vl
109, who says however that YaUc and
Meoin ooold produce no written in-
Btnictions from Leicester, but tiiat the
characters of such well-known states-
men carried conyictioa of the tni^ of
their statements.
' Leicester to the Lords, 21 Nov.
1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
* Leicester to Walsuigham, 13 Oct
1687. (a P. Office MS.)
* Leicester to Bmvhlej, 30 Sept
1587. (a P. Office Ma)
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328 THE UNITED NETHERLAND& Chap. XVU
was drovmed in England^ but most useful in the Netherlands.
Without him I am naked/' ^
And at last the governor told the Queen what Buckhurst
and Walsingham had been perpetually telling her^ that the
Duke of Parma meant mischief; and he sent the same
information as to hundreds of boats preparing^ with six
thousand shirts for camisados, 7000 pairs of wading boots,
and saddles^ stirrups, ftnd spurs, enough for a choice band of
3000 men.* . A shrewd troop, said the Earl, of the first
soldiers in Christendom, to be landed some fine morning in
England. And he too had heard of the jewelled suits of
cramoisy velvet, and all the rest of the finery with which the
triumphant Alexander was intending to astonish London.
" Get horses enough, and muskets enough in England," ex-
claimed Leicester, "and then our people will not be ^beaten,
I warrant you, if well led."*
And now, the governor — who, in order to soothe his
sovereign and comply with her vehement wishes, had so long
misrepresented the state of public feeling — ^not only confessed
that Papists and Protestants, gentle and simpK the States
and the people, throughout the republic, were all opposed to
any negotiation with the enemy, but lifted up hi^ own voice,
and in earnest language expressed his opinioii of the Queen's
infatuation.
" Oh, my Lord, what a treaty is this for peace," said he to
Burghley, "that we must treat, altogether disarmed and
weakened, and the King having made his forces stronger than
ever he had known in these parts, beside what is coming out
of Spain, and yet we will presume of good conditions. It
grieveth me to the heart. But I fear you will all smart for
it, and I pray God her Majesty feel it not, if it be His blessed
will. She meaneth well and sincerely to have peace, but God
knows that this is not the way. Well, God Almighty defend
> Leicester to Walsinghaiii, 4 Aug. I * Leicester to Barghlej, 5 Nor. 158X
1587. Same to aama 16 Sept 1687. (3. P. Office MS.)
(aP. OfficeMSa) I a Ibid.
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1687.
THE QUEEN WABNED AGAINST TBEATINa.
329
us and the realm, and especially her Majesty. But look for a
sharp war, or a miserable peace, to undo others and ourselves
after/''
Walsingham, too, was determined not to act as a com-
missioner. If his failing health did not serve as an excuse,
he should be obliged to refuse, he said, and so forfeit her
Majesty's favour, rather than be instrumental in bringing
about her ruin, and that of his country. Never for an instant
had. the Secretary of State faltered in his opposition to the
timid policy o^ Buighley. Again and again he had detected
the intrigues of the Lord-Treasurer and Sir James Croft, and
ridiculed the " comiptroUer's peace."*
And especially did Walsingham bewail the implicit con-
fidence which the Queen placed in the sugary words of
Alexander, and the fatal parsimony which caused her to
n^lect defending herself against Scotland;' for he was as
well informed as was Farriese himself of Philip's arrangements
with the Scotch lords, and of the subsidies in men and money
by which their invasion of England was to be made part of
the great scheme. "No one thing," sighed Walsingham,
*'doth more prognosticate an alteration of this estate, than
that a prince of her Majesty's judgment should neglect, in
* Xeiceater to Burghley, *l Nov.
1587. (S. P. Office MS.)
And to Walsmgham he wrote most
earnest!/ in the same vein. *'Our
enemies have dealt more like politic
men than we have^" he said, "for it
was always agreed heretofore among
•03 that there was no way to make a
good peace but by a strong war. . . .
Now & the difference put in experience,
for we see the Prince of Parma did not
weaken himself to trust upon peace,
bat hath increased his forces in the
highest degree, whilst we talked of
peace; that if we break off, he might
either compel us to his peace or be
beforehand with us by the readiness
of his forces. This vfos told and fore-
told, but yet no ear given nor care
taken. . . . Surely you shall find the
Prinee meaneth no peace, I see money
doih undo aU — the care to keep it^ and
not upon just cause to spend it Her
Majesty doth still blame mo for the
expense of her treasure here, which
doth make me weary of my life; but
her Majesty wHl rue the sparing counsel
at such times.
He then sent information as to
Parma's intentions, derived from on
intercepted letter of a man in Sir Wil-
liam Stanley's regiment to a priest in
England, *' bidding his fHend be sure
they are shortly to be in England."
..." It were better to her Mijesty,"
added Leicester, "than a mDlion
pounds sterling, that she had done as
the Duke of Parma hath done." Lei-
cester to Walsingham, 1 Nov. 1587.
(S. P. Office MS.)
* Walsingham to Leicester, 21 Sept
1587. (Brit Mus. Galba^ D. U. p. 78.
Ma)
* Walsingham to Leicester, 12 Nov.
1587. (Brit Mua Galba^ D. IL p. 17a
MS.)
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330
THE I7KITED NETHEBLANDS.
Chap. XVn.
respect of a little charges^ the stopping of so dangerous a
gap The manner of our cold and careless proceeding
here, in this time of peril, maketh me to take no comfort of
my recovery of health, for that I see, unless it shall please
God in mercy and miraculously to preserve U3, we cannot long
stand:* ^
Leicester, finding himself unable to counteract the policy
of Barneveld and his party, by expostulation or argument,
conceived a very dangerous and criminal project before he
left the country. The fiicts are somewhat veiled in mystoy ;
but he was suspected, on weighty evidence, of a design to
kidnap both Maurice and Barneveld, and carry them off to
England. Of this intention, which wais foiled at any rate,
before it could be carried into execution, there \s perhaps
not conclusive proof, but it has already been shown, from a
deciphered letter, that the Queen had once given Buckhurst
and Wilkes peremptory orders to seize the person of Hohenlo,
and it is quite possible that similar orders may have been
received at a later moment with regard to the young Count
and the Advocate. At any rate, it is certain that late in the
autumn, some friends of Barneveld entered his bedroom, at
the Hague, in the dead of night, and informed him that a plot
was on foot to lay violent hands upon him, and that an armed
force was already on its way to execute this purpose of Lei-
cester, before the dawn of day. The Advocate, without loss of
time, took his departure for Delft, a step which was followed,
shortly afterwards, by Maurice.*
Nor was this the only daring stroke which the Earl had
meditated. During the progress of the secret n^otiations with
Parma, he had not n^lected those still more secret schemes
to which he had occasionally made allusion. He had deter-
* " A letter from the Duke of Panna,"
Bays the Secretary, "bred in her Ka-
jee^ such a daDgeroas secoritj, as all
advertisemeDts of danger are neglected,
and great expedition used in despatch-
ing ^ the oommissionerB. I was tdSij
resolved in no sort to have accepted
the diarge^ had not my sickness pre-
vented, for that I woold be loth tu be
engaged in a service that all men of
Judgment may see cannot but work her
Majesty's rum. I pray God I and
others of my opinion prove in this fidae
propheta" (Ibid.)
• Bor, HX xxiil 61. Hoofd, «Terb
volgh,' 28t. Wagenaar, viiL 240. Van
Wyn op Wagenaar, viil 68, 69.
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1687. LBICESTE;B*S schemes against BAENBVELD. 331
mined^ if possible, to obtain possession of the most important
cities in Holland and Zeeland. It was very plain to him,
that he could no longer hope, by £Air means, for the great
authority once conferred upon him by the free will of the
States. It was his purpose, therefore, by force and stratagem
io recover his lost, power. We have heard the violent terms
in which both the Queen and the Earl denounced the men
who accused the English government of any such intention. It
had been formally denied by the States-General that Bar-
neveld had ever used the language in that assembly with
which he had been chaiged. He had only revealed to them
the exact purport of the letter to Junius, and of the Queen's
secret instructions to Leicester.* Whatever he may have
said in private conversation, and whatever deductions he may
have made among his intimate friends, from the admitted
facts in the case, could hardly be made matters of record. It
does not appear that he, or the statesmen who acted with
him, considered the Earl capable of a deliberate design to seU
the cities, thus to be acquired, to Spain, as the price of peace
for England. Certainly Elizabeth would have scorned such a
crime, and was justly indignant at rumours prevalent to that
e£kct ; but the wrath of the Queen and of her favourite were,
perhaps, somewhat simulated, in order to cover their real
mortification at the discovery of designs on the part of the
Earl which could not be denied. Not only had they been at
last compelled to confess these n^otiations, which for several
months had been concealed and stubbornly denied, but the
still graver plots of the Earl to r^ain his much-coveted
authority had been, in a startling manner, revealed. The
leaders of the States^Gkneral had a right to suspect the
English Earl of a design to reenact the part of the Duke of
Anjou, and were justified in taking stringent measures to
prevent a calamity, which, as they believed, was impending
over their little commonwealth. The high-handed dealings
of Leicester in the city of Utrecht have been already de-
« EeeoL HolL 15, XG, 18 Sept 1587, bL 253, 264, 263, cited in Van Wjn,
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332
THB UNITED KETHERLAKDS.
Chap. XVIL
scribed. The most respectable and influential burghers of the
place had. been. imprisoned and banished/ the municipal go*
vemment wrested from the hands to /which it legitimately
belonged^ and confided to adventurers, who wore the cloak of
Calvinism to conceal their designs, and a successful eff<^ had
been made, in the name of democracy, to ^radicate from one
ancient province the liberty on which it prided itself.
In the course of the autumn, an attempt was made to play
the same game at Amsterdam. A plot was discovered, heEore
it was fairly matured, to seize the magistrates of that im-
portant city, to gain possession of the arsenals, and to place
the government in the hands of well-known Leioestrians. A
list of fourteen influential citizens, drawn up in the writing
of Burgrave, the EarFs confidential secretary, was found, all
of whom, it was asserted, had been doomed to the scaffold.^
The plot to secure Amsterdam had failed^ but, in North
Holland, Medenblik was held firmly for Leicester, by Diedrich
Sonoy, in the very teeth of the States.* The important. city
of Enkhuyzen, too, was very near being secured for the Earl,
but a still more si^iificant movement was made at Leyden.
That heroic city, ever since the famous si^ of 1574^ in which
the Spaniard had been so signally foiled, had distinguished
itself by great liberality of sentiment in religious matters.
The burghers were inspired by a love of country, and a hatred
of oppression, both civil and ecclesiastical ; and Papists and
Protestants, who had fought side by side against the common
foe, were not disposed to tear each other to pieces, now that
he had been excluded from their gates. Meanwhile, however,
refugee Flemings and Brabantines had sought an asylum in
the city, and being, as usual, of the strictest seict of the
' Hoofd, xxvi 1199, 1200. .Wage-
naar, viiL 243-246.
Among them was the name of bur-
gomaster Hoofd, father of the illua-
tiious historian of the Netheriands.
Much caution should be observed,
however, in accepting; to their full
extent, charges made in times of such
violent partj q}irit Leicester would
have hardlj ventured to hang fourteen
such men as Hoofcl and his compeers,
although he would willingly hare
brought Bameveld and Buys to the
gibbet He would have imprisoned
and banished, no doub^ as many
Amsterdam burghers of the States-
party as he could lay hands on.
• Bor, m. xxiii. t, xxiv. lt9-204,
208-283, 279-290. Beyd, vi 101. Wage-
naar, 209, 210, 270-278.
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;587. LEICESTRIAN CONSnBACT AT LETDEN. 333
CalvmiBtswere shocked at the latitudinarianism which pre-
Tailed* To the honour of the city — as it seems to us now —
but^ to their horror^ it was even found that one or two Papists
had seats in the magistracy;^ . More than all this, there was
a school in the town kept by a Catholic, and Adrian van der
Werff himself— the renowned buigomaster, who had sustained
the city -during the dreadful leaguer of 1574, and who had
told the famishing bm^hers that they might eat him if they
liked, but that they should never surrender to the Spaniards
while he remained alive — even Adrian van der Werflf had sent
his. son to this very school.^ To the clamour made by the
refugees against this spirit of toleration, one of the favourite
pre€U)hers in the town, of Arminian tendencies, had declared
in the pulpit, that he would as lieve see the Spanish as the
Calvinistic inquisition established over his country ; using an
expression, in r^ard to the church of Geneva, more energetic
than decorous.* . .
It was from Leyden that the chief opposition came to a
synod, by which a great attempt was to be made towards sub-
jecting the new commonwealth to a masked theocracy ; a
scheme which the States of Holland had resisted with might
tod main. The Calvinistic party, waxing stronger in Leyden,
although still in a minority, at last resolved upon a strong
effort to place the city in the hands of that great represen-
tative of Calvinism, the Earl of Leicester. Jacques Volmar,
a deacon of the church, Cosmo do Pescarengis, a Genoese
captein of much experiionco in the service of the republic,
Adolphus de .Meetkerke, former president of Flanders^ who
had been, by the States, deprived of the seat in the great
council to which the Earl had appointed him ; Doctor Saravia,
professor of theology in the university, with other deacons,
prd^hers, and captains, went at different times from Leyden
to Utrecht, and had secret interviews with Leicester
' A plan was at last agreed upon, according to which, about
the middle of October, a revolution should bo effected in
' Bor, xxiiL 93-106. * Ibid. I sitio dan de Genee&e disdpline, die
• Ibid. " Llever do Spacnso Isqai- | poddge hoere," p. 98,
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334 THE UNITED NBTHERLANDa Chip. XVtL
Leyden. Captain Nicholas de Maulde, who had recently bo
much difltingoished himself in the defence of Slays, was sta-
tioned with two companies of States' troops in the city. He
had been much disgusted — ^not without reason-Hut the culp-
able n^ligehce through whidi the courageous efforts of the
Sluys garrison had been set at nought, and the place sacri-
ficed, when it might so easily have been rejieyed ; and he
ascribed the whole of the guilt to Maurice, Hobenlo, and the
States, although it could hardly be denied that at least an
equal portion belonged to Leicester and his party. The young
captain listened, therefore, to a scheme propounded to him by
Colonel Cosmo and Deacon Yolmar, in the natne of Leicester
He agreed, on a certain day, to muster his iDompany, to leave
the city by the Delft gate — as if by comxnand of superior
authority — to effect a junction with Captain Heraugiere,
another of the distinguished malcontent defendeis of Sluys, who
was stationed, with his command, at Delft, and then to re^-enter
Leyden, take possession of the town-hall, arrest all. the magis-
trates, together with Adrian van der Wer£^ ex-burgomaster,
and proclaim Lord Leicester, in the name of Queen Elizaheth,
Intimate master of the city.^ A list of burghars, who were
to be executed, was likewise agreed upon, at a final meeting
of the conspirators in a hostelry, which bore the ominous
name of ^ The Thunderbolt.' A desire had been signified by
Leicester, in the preliminary interviews at Utrecht, that all
bloodshed, if possible, should be spared,^ but it was certainly
an extravagant expectation, considering the temper, the poli-
tical ^convictions, and the known courage of the Leyden
burghers, that the city would submit, without a struggle, to
this invasion of all their rights. It could hardly be doubted
that the streets would run red with blood, as those of Antwerp
had done, when a similar attempt, on the part of Anjou, had
been foiled.
Unfortunately for the scheme, a day or two before the
great stroke was to be hazarded, Cosmo de Pescarengis had
' Bor, ubi sup, Rejrd, vii 133, 134. Meteren, xiv. 261.
* Bor, Reydy Meteren, iibi wp.
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1587. THE PLOT TO SEIZE THE OTTT DISCOTEEED. 335
been accidentally arrested for debt.^ A subordinate accom-
plice, taking alarm, had then gone before the magistrate and
revealed the plot. Yolmar and de Maulde fled at once, bat
were soon arrested in the neighbonrhood. President de Meet-
keike, Professor Sarsvia, the preacher Van der Wouw, and
others most compromised, effected their escape.^ The matter
was instantly laid before the. States of Hblland \j the ma-
gistracy of Leyden, and seemed of the gravest moment. In
the beginning of the year, the fatal treason of York and
Stanley had implanted a deep suspicion of Leicester in the
hearts of almost all the Netherlanders, which could not be
eradicated. The painful rumours concerning the secret ne^
gotiations with Spain, and the design fiEdsely attributed to the
Englsh Queen, of selling the chief cities of the republic to
Philip as the price of peace, and of reimbursement for ex-
penses incurred by her, increased the ^neral excitement to
fever. It was felt by the leaders of the States that as mortal
a combat lay before them with the Earl of Leicester, as with
the King of Spain, and that it was necessary to strike a severe
blow, in order to vindicate their imperilled authority.
A commission was appointed by the high court of Holland,
acting in conjunction with the States of the Provinces, to try
the offenders. Among the commissioners were Adrian van der
Werff, John van der Does, who had been military commandant
of Leyden during the siege, Bameveld, and other distin-
guished personages, over whom Count Maurice presided.' The
accused were subjected to an impartial trial Without torture,
they confessed t^ir guilt.^ It is true, however, that Cosmo
was placed within sight of the rack. He avowed that his
object had been to place the city under the authority of Lei-
cester, and to effect this purpose, if possible, without blood-
shed. He declared that the attempt was to be made with the
full knowledge and approbation of the Earl, who had pro-
mised him the command of a regiment of twelve companies, as
' Bor, Rejd, Meterexi, vbi sup. I Reyd says that they were put to the
'Ibid. 'Ibid. torture, p. 163. "Nae pljulyke
* 8o Bay Bor and ICeteren ; but | ondervraegingc."
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336
THB UNITED NETHBttliANDS.
Chap. XVUt.
a lecompense for his services/ if thej proved saocessfoL Lei-
cester, said Cosmo, had also pledged himself, in case the men,
thus executing his plans, should be discovered and endangered,
to protcict and rescue them, even at the sacrifice of all his
fortune, and of the office he held. When asked if he had any
written statement from his Excellency to ihatefiPect, Cosmo
replied, no, nothing but his princely word which he had volun-
tarily given.^. .
Yolmar made a similar confession. He, too, declared that
bo had acted throughout the affiur by express command of the
Earl of Leicester. Being asked if he had any written evidence
of the fact, he, likewise, replied in the negative. " Then his
Excellency will unquestionably deny your assertion," said the
judges. ^^. Alas, then am I a dead man," replied Yolmar, and
the unfortunate deacon never spoke truer words. Captain de
Maulde also confessed his crime. He did not pretend, how-
ever, to have had any personal communication with Leicester,
but said that the afibir had been confided to him by Colonel
Cosmo, on the express authority of the Earl, and that he had
believed himself to be acting in obedience to his Excellency's
commands.*
On the 26ih October, after a thorough investigation, fol-
lowed by a full confession on the part of the culprits, the three
were sentenced to death.* The decree was surely a most
flevero one. They had been guilty of no actual crime, and
only in case of high treason could an intention to commit a
crime be considered, by the laws of the state, an oflbnce
* punishable with death. But it was exactly because it was im-
portant to make the cnine high treason that the prisoners
were condemned. The offence was considered as a crime not
against Leyden, but as an attempt to levy war upon a city
' Bor, MeteroD, vhi sup, H^d de-
clares that KUligrew (who with
Beale, was member of the state-
council as representative of the
Queen) notified the commissioners
that the attempt had been made with
the knowledge and consent of Lei-
cester, and warned them not to be
precipitate in the trial : but that the
Ear], who was then at Alkmar,
denied all complicity in the aflbir.
Cosmo, according to the same autho-
rity, called out, when upon the rack,
*'0h, Excellence, a quoi emptojes
vous lessens I" P. 134
• Bor, Metercn, Rejd, vbi sup,
*Ibid. The sentences are given in
Aill by Bor.
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1587. THREE BINaUSADEBS SENTENCED TO DEATH. 337
which was a member of the States of Holland and of the
United States. If the States were sovereign^ then this was a
lesion of their soviereignty. Moreover^ the offence had been
aggravated by the employment of United States' troops
against the commonwealth of the United States itsel£ To cut
off the heads of these prisoners was a sharp practical answer
to the claims of sovereignty by Leicester^ as representing
the people, and a terrible warning to all who might, in future,
be disposed to revive the theories of Deveaiter and Burgrave.
In the case of De Maulde the punishment seemed especially
severe.. His fate exdited universal sympathy, and great
efforts were made to obtain his pardon. He was a universal
favourite ; he was young ; he was very handsome ; his
manners were attractive ; he belonged to an ancient and
honourable race. His father, the Seigneur de Mansart, had
done great services in the war of independence, had been an
iistimate friend of the great Prince of Orange, and had even
advanced large sums of mojiey to assist his noble efforts
to liberate the country. Two brothers of the young captain
had fallen in the service of the republic. He, too, had dis-
tinguished . himself at Ostend, and his gallantry during the
recent siege of Sluys had been in every mouth, and had
excited the warm applause, of so good a judge of soldiership
as the veteran Boger Williams. The scars of the wounds
received in the desperate conflicts of that siege were fresh
upon his breast. He had not intended to commit treason,
but, convinced by the sophistry of older soldiers than himself,
as well as by learned deacons and theologians, he had imagined
himself doing his duty, while obeying the Earl of Leicester. If
there were ever a time for mercy, this seemed one, and young
Maurice of Nassau might have remembered, that even in the
case of the assassins who had attempted the L'fe of his father,
that great-hearted man had lifted up his voice — ^which seemed
his dying one— in favour of those who had sought his life.
But lie authorities were inexorable. There was no hope of
a mitigation of punishment, but a last effort was made, under
fitvour of a singular ancient custom, to save the life of Do
VOL, II. — Z
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338
THE UNITED NETHEELAin)6,
Chap. xrn.
Maulde. A young lady of noble family in Leyden — ^Uyten-
broek by name— claimed the right of rescuing the condemned
male&ctor from the axe^ by appearing upon the scaffold^ and
offering to take him for her husband.^
Intelligence was brought to the prisoner in his dungeon,
that the young lady had made the proposition, and he was
told to be of good cheer. But he refused to be comforted.
He was slightly acquainted with the gentlewoman, he ob-
served, and doubted much whether her request would be
granted. Moreover — ^if contemporary chronicle can be trusted
— ^he even expressed a preference for the scaffold, as tiie
milder fate of the two.* The lady, however, not being aware
of those uncomplimentary sentiments, made her proposal to
the magistrates, but was dismissed with harsh rebukes. She
had need be ashamed, they said, of her willingness to take a
condemned traitor for her husband. It was urged, in her be-
half, that even in the cruel Alva's time, the ancient custom
had been respected, and that victims had been saved frt)m the
executioners, on a demand in marriage made even by women
of abandoned character.' But all was of no avail. The pri-
Oct 26, soners were executed on the 26th October, the same
1587. day on which the sentence had been pronounced.
The heads of Volmar and Cosmo were exposed on one of the
turrets of the city. That of Maulde was interred with his body.*
The Earl was indignant when he heard of the event. As
there had been no written proof of his complicity in the con-
spiracy, the judges had thought it improper to mention his
name in the sentences. He, of course, denied any knowledge
of the jplot^ and its proof rested therefore only on the asser-
tion of iiie prisoners themselves, which^ however, was circum-
stantial, voluntary, and generally believed.*
\ Bor, 97. Yan "Wyn cp Wagcn,
viiu 72.
■ **'Ma€r by hoerende do sdve noe-
men, en in baer geselachap wel ge-
Voest zijnde, hadde weynig moeds dat
hj door verlost worden zonde, of dok
de sdve ten huwdiflce nUi hegeerendey
iLOUde hem niet to rreden steUen," &c.
Bor, xxiiL (III.) 97.
• Bor, uhi aup. .
* Bor, Meteren, Reyd, vbi sup. La
Petit, IL xiv. 661.
•Ibid.
The on]y- passage bearing on the
subject which I have found in Ld-
cester's secret correspondence, is tbii
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\m.
Civil war in pranoe.
339
Franc5e, during the whole of this year of expectation, was
ploughed throughout its whole surface by perpetual civil war.
The fatal edict of June, 1585, had droWned the unhappy kmd
in blood. Foreign armies, called in by the various contending
factions, ravaged its fair territory, butchered its peasantry, aiid
changed its fertile plains to a wilderness. The tmhappy
creature who wore the crown of Charlemagne and of Hugh
Capet, was but the tool in the hands of the most profligate
and desigiiing of his own sulgects, and of foreigners. Slowly
and surely the net, spread by the hands of his own mother, of
his own prime minister,* of the Duke of Guise, all obeying
the command and receiving the stipend of Philip, seamed
closing over him. Hd was without friends, without power to
know his friends, if he had them. In his* hatred to the Be-
formation, he had allowed himself to be made the enemy of
the only mail who Could be his friend, or the friend of France.
Allied with his mortal foe, whose armies were strengthened
extract from a letter to the Queen : —
" The States have used great craelty
of late in L^den, against three per-
sons that mvoured your M^jes1y,
tdiom they put to death, and banished
ty^enfy others^ whereof their devoted
head was one, old Count Meetkerke
another. This gentleman can inform
you of it, and I will send it» st^ort^y, ;
at more length." Leicester to the*
Ctaeen, 2*1 Oct 1587. (S. P. Oflkfe '
MS.)
This very meagre rillusion to so im-
portant an event is almost suspicious
m itself when coupled with the &ct
that the details were entrtisted to a
special messenger to commumcate by
word of mouth. The Earl knew very
well that his most secret de^atdies
were read by his antagonists, and- he
might not be unwilling to deceive
them by the slighting tone of tiiese
allusions in his pnvate letters.
Of coarse, it is un&ir to plaoe hn-
plicit relianoe on the confessions of
prisoners, anxious to save their lives
by implicating the powerM governor.
Yet it is dilSsull to know why they
should expect his intercession if they
knew themselves to be blastmg his
character by an impudent falsehood.
Moreover, an elaborate pamphlet,
published in defence of those persons
who had effected their escape, was
dedicated to the Earl himself and
contained a statement of the interview
of the ringleaders with the Earl,
although a strong attempt was made
by the writer to deprive the plot of
any. criminal character. (Bor, IIL
xxiii. 95, seq^ gives the aocument)
'But the pamphlet was dexibu^oed and
prohibited in Leyden,,as an in&mous
libel aiid a tissue of fidsehoods, and It
is hardly just, therefore, to put it in
as good evidence either for or against
the Earl
The secret intention of Leicester
to obtain possession of certain cities,
in <»tler to bridle the States, and to
make a good bargain for the Queen,
should the worst *-octtrie to the worsts
has been aloeadj -shown from his
private letters.
> In Octobe? of this year, 1587,
Epemon called Yilleroy, in the king's
presence, "un petit coquin," accused^
him. of being a stipendiary of Phih'p
n. and the League, and threatened to
spur hun as he would an obstinate
horse. (*L'Estoile, Begistre Journal
de Henry IIL' ed. 1587, p. 32.)
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340 THE TJNITBD NBTHERLANDa Ceap. XVIL
by contingents from Parma's forces, and paid for hj Spanish
gold, he was forced to a mock triumph over the foreign mer-
cenaries who came to save his crown, and to submit to the
defeat of the flower of his chivahy, by the only man who
could rescue France from ruin, and whom France could look
up to with respect.
For, on the 20th October, Henry of Navarre had at last
gained a victory. After twenty-seven years of perpetual'
defeat, during which they had been growing stronger and
stronger, the Protestants had met the picked troops of Henry
III., under the Duo de Joyeuse, near the buijgh of Coutras.
His cousins Cond^ and Soissons each commanded a wing in
the army of the B6amese. "You are both of my fSamily,'*
said Henry, before. the engagement, "and the Lord so help
me, but I will show you that I am the eldest bom." * And
during that bloody day the white plume was ever tossing
where the battle was fiercest. "I choose to show myself
They shall see the B^amese," was his reply to those who im-
plored him to have a care for his personal safety. And at last,
when the day was done, the victory gained, and more Frendi
nobles lay dead on the field, as Catharine de' Medici bitterly
declared, than had fSsillen in a battle for twenty years ; when
two thousand of the King's best troops had been slain, and
when the bodies of Joyeuse and his brother had been laid out
in the very room where the conqueror's supper, after the
battle, was served, but where he refused, with a shudder, to
eat, he was still as eager as before — ^had the wretched Yalois
been possessed of a spark of manhood, or of intelligence — ^to
shield him and his kingdom from the common enemy.'
For it could hardly be doubtful, even to Henry III., at that
moment, that Philip II. and his jackal, the Duke of Guise,
were pursuing him to the death, and that, in his breathless
doublings to escape, he had been forced to turn upon his
natural protector. And now Joyeuse was defeated and slain.
**Had it been my brother's son," exclaimed Cardinal de
• Do Thou. X. L. Ixxxvil P^r^Oxe, 76-78. * TEatoUe,* 232.
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1587. VICTORY GAINED BT NAVARRE, AND ONE BT GUISE. 341
Bourbon, weeping and wailing, " how much better it would
have been.'' It was not easy to slay the champion of French
Protestantism ; yet, to one less buoyant, the game, even after
the brilliant but fi-uitless victory of Coutras, might have
seemed desperate. Beggared and outcast, with literally
scarce a shirt to his back, without money to pay a corporal's
guard, how was he to maintain an army ?
But *Mucio' was more successful than Joyeuse had been,
and the German and Swiss mercenaries who had come across
the border to assist the B^arnese, were adroitly handled by
Philip's great stipendiary. Henry of Valois, whose troops
had just been defeated at Coutras, was now compelled to
participate in a more fatal series of triumphs. For alas, the
victim had tied himself to the apron-string of "Madam
League," and was paraded by her, in triumph, before the
eyes of his own subjects and of the world. The passage of
the Loire by the auxiliaries was resisted, a series of petty
victories was gained by Guise, and, at last, after it was obvious
that the leaders of the legions had been corrupted with Spanish
ducats, Henry allowed them to depart, rather than give the
Balafir6 opportunity for still farther successes.^
Then came the triumph in Paris— hosannahs in the
churches, huzzas in the public places — not for the King, but
for Guise. Paris, more madly in love with her champion
than ever, prostrated herself at his feet. For him paeans as
to a deliverer. Without him the ark would have fallen into
the hands of the Philistines. For the Valois, shouts of scorn
from the populace, thunders from the pulpit, anathemas from
monk and priest, elaborate invectives from all the pedants of
the Sorbonne, distant mutterings of exconmiunication from
Rome— not the toothless beldame of modem days, but tjie
avenging divinity of priest-rid monarchs. Such were the
results of the edicts of June. Spain and the Pope had
trampled upon France, and the populace . in her capitaV
clapped their hands and jumped for joy. " Miserable country,
miserable King," sighed an illustrious patriot, ^^ whom his own
> Pe Thou, tibi sup. ' L'Estofle,* 232, 23i.
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342
THE UNITED NETHERLiJ!n)a
Chap. XVIL
countrymen wish rather to survive, than to die to defend
him ! Let the name of Huguenot and of Papi^ be never
heard of more. Let us think only of the counter-league. Is
France to be saved by opening all its gates to Spain ? Is
France to, be turned out of France, to make a lodging for the
liorrainer and the Spaniard ?" Pregnant questions, which
could not yet be answered, for the end was not yet. France
was to become still morq and more a wilderness. And well
did tjiat same brave and thoughtful lover of his country
declare, that he who should suddenly awake from a sleep
of twenty-fiye years, and revisit that once beautiful land,
would deem himself transplanted to a barbarous island of
cannibals.*
It had now become quite obvious that the game of Leicester
was played out. His career — as it has now been fully ex-
hibited— could have but one termination. He had made
himself thoroughly odious to the nation whom he came to
govern. He had lost for ever the authority once spontaneously
bestowed, and he had attempted in vain, both by fair means
and foul, to recover that power. There was nothing left him
but retreat. Of this he was thoroughly convinced.^ He was
anxious to be gone, the republic most desiirous to bo rid of
him, her Majepty impatient to have her favourite back again.
The indulgent Queen, seeing nothing to blame in his conduct,
while her indignation at the attitude n:iaintained by the Pro-
vinces was boundless, permitted him, accordingly, to return ;
and in her letter to the States, announcing this decision, she
took a fresh opportunity of emptying her wrath upon their
heiads.
She told ihem, that, notwithstanding her frequent messages
to them, signifying h^ evil contentment "with their unthankful-
ness for her exceeding great benefits, and with their gross
violations of their contract vidth her&elf and with Leicester,
whom they had, of their own accord, made absolute governor
» Duplessis Momay, *Mem.* iv.
Ir34.
* "Tie time for me now to look
after my own bead-rsta tempo ch' io
gn^rdi h mia. testa," he is said to
have ezdahned ^en the Lojdea
plot was discovered. (Reyd, tiL 134.)
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1587. QUEEN RECALLS LEICBSTEB. 343
without her instigation; ehe had never received any good
answer to move her to commit their sins to oblivion, nor had
she remarked any amendment in their conduct. On the con-
trary, she complained that they daily increased their offences,
most notoriously in the sight of the world, and in so many
points that she lacked words to express them in one letter.
She however thought it worth while to allude to some of their
transgressions. She declared that their sinister or rather
barb^X)us iaterpretation of her conduct had been notorious in
perverting and falsifying her princely and Christian intentions,
when she imparted to them the overtures that had been made
to her for a treaty of peace for herself and for them with the
King of Spain. Yet although she had required their allow-
ance, before she would give her assent, she had been grieved
that the world should see what impudent untruths had been
ibi^ged upon her, not only by their sufferance, but by their
special permission for her Christian good meaning towards
• them. She denounced the statements as to her having con-
cluded a treaty, not only without their knowledge, but with
the sacrifice of their liberty and religion, as utterly false, either
for anything done in act, or intwided in thought, by her.
She complained that upon this most false ground had been
heaped a number of like untruths and malicious slanders
against her cousin Leicester, who had hazarded his life, spent
his substance, left Ids native country, absented himself from
her, and lost his time, only for their service. It had been
fidsely stated among them, she said, that the Earl had come
over the last time, knowing that peace had been secretly
concluded. It was false that he had intended to surprise
divers of their towns, and deliver them to the King of Spain.
All such untruths contained matter so improbable, that it was
most strange that any person, having any sense, could imagine
them correct. Having thus slightly anunadverted upon their
wilfulness, unthankfulness, and bad government, and having,
in very plain English, given them the lie, eight distinct and
separate times upon a single page, she proceeded to inform
them that she had recalled her cousin Leicester, having great
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344 THE UNITED NBTZIEELANDa Chip. IVIL
cause to use his services in England, and not seeing how, by
his tarrying there, he could either profit them or hersdC
Nevertheless she protested herself not void of compassion for
their estate, and for the pitiful condition of the great multi-
tude of kind and godly people, subject to the miseries which,
by the States' government, were like to fall upon them, unless
God should specially interpose ; and she had therefore de-
termined, for the time, to continue her subsidies, according
to the covenant between them. If, meantime, she should
conclude a peace with Spain, she promised to them the same
care for their country as for her own.^
Accordingly the Earl, afto: despatching An equally ill-
tempered letter to the States, in which he alluded, at xm-
merciful length, to all the old grievances, blamed them for the
loss'of Sluys, for which place he protested that they had mani-
fested no more interest than if it had been San Domingo in
Hispaniola, took his departure for Flushing.' After remaining
there, in a very moody frame of mind, for several days, ex- -
pecting that the States would, at least, send a committee to
wait upon him and receive his farewells, he took leave of th^n
by letter. " God send me shortly a wind to blow me from
them all,"* he exclaimed — a prayer which was soon granted —
and before the 'end of the year he was safely landed in Eng-
land. ^^ These legs of mine,'' said he, clapping his hands upon
them as he sat in his chamber at Margate, ^^ shall never go
again into Holland. Let the States get others to serve their
mercenary turn, for me they shall not have."* , Upon giving
up the government, he caused a medal to be struck in his own
honour. The device was a flock of sheep watched by an
English mastiff. Two mottoes — ^^non gregem sedingratos,"
and ^^invitus desero"— expressed his opinion of Dutch ingra-
titude and his own fidelity. The Hollanders, on their part,
struck several medals to conmiemorate the same event, some
of which were not destitute of invention. Upon one of them,
' Queen to the States, 8 Nov. 1587.
(& P. Office MS.)
* Bor, m. xxiii. 141. Heteren,
ziy. 262.
* Leioeeter to Atje, 4 Dec. 1581
3. P. Office M&)
* Slowe, 'Chronicle,* T 13.
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1687. WHO RETIRES, ON ILL TERMS WITH TflE STATED 345
for instance^ was represeiited an ape smothering her young
ones to death in her embrace, with the device, ^^ Libertas ne
ita chara at simiae catuli f while upon the reverse was a man
avoiding smoke and falling into the fire, with the inscription,
"Fugiens fumum, incidit in ignem/'*
Leicester found the usual sunshine at Greenwich. All the
efforts of Norris, Wilkes, and Buckhurst, had been insufficient
to rmse even a doubt in Elizabeth's mind as to the wisdom
and integrity by which his administration of the Provinces
had been characterised from beginning to end. Those who
had appealed from his hatred to the justice of their sovereign,
had met with disgrace and chastisement. But for the great
Earl, the Queen's favour was a rock of adamant. At a private
interview he threw himself at her feet, and with tears and
sobs implored her not to receive him in disgrace whom she
had sent forth in honour. His blandishments prevailed, as
they had always done. Instead, therefore, of appearing before
the council, kneeling, to answer such inquiries as ought surely
to have been instituted, he took his seat boldly among his
colleagues, replying haughtily to all murmurs by a reference
to her Majesty's secret instructions.*
The imhappy English soldiers, who had gone forth under
his banner in midsimimer, had been returning, as they best
might, in winter, starving, half-naked wretches, to beg a morsel
of bread at the gates of Greenwich palace, and to be driven
away as vagabonds, with threats of the stocks.' This was not
the fault of the Earl, for he had fed them with his own generous
hand in the Netherlands, week after week, when no money
for their necessities could be obtained from the paymasters.
Two thousand pounds had been sent by Elizabeth to her
soldiers when sixty-four thousand pounds arrearage were due,*
* Bor, in. xxfiL 163. Hoofa, * Ver-
volgh/ 210. Meteren, xiiL 238.
> Camden, lU. 400. Baker, 375.
* Memorial, in Bnrghley's own
hand, Nor. 1687. (a P. Office Ma)
* "She would by no means yield to
annd over any greater sam than 20001,
Chough the Lord Treasorer, Sir Thomas
Shirley, and myself did let her under-
stand that there was due unto the
soldiers serving there the first of July
last 44,0002., and before it oould airive
there, at the least 64,0001" Walsing*
ham to Leicester, 14 Aug. 1587. (Br.
Mus. Galba^ D. I. p. 253, Ma)
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846
THB UNITBO NETHBBIiAND3.
OilAP. XVIL
and no language could ezagg^ate the misery to which these
outcasts, according to eye-witnesses of their own nation, were
reduced.
Lord Willoughby was appointed to the command of what
remained of these imfortunate troops, upon the Earl's de-
parture. The soverei^ty of the Netherlands remained undis-
puted with the States. Leicester resigned his commission by
an instrument dated - December, which, however, never
reached the Netherlands till April of the following year.*
From that time forth the government of the republic main-
tained the same forms which the assembly had claimed for it
in the long controversy with the governor-general, and which
have been suflftciently described.
Meantime the negotiations for a treaty, no longer secret,
continued. The Queen, infatuated as ever, still believed in
the sincerity of Famese, while that astute personage and his
master were steadily maturing their fiiphemes. A matrimonial
alliance was secretly projected between the King of Scots and
Philip's daughter, the Infanta Isabella, with the consent of
the Pope and the whole college of cardinals ; and James, by
the whole force of the Holy League, was to be placed upon the
throne of Elizabeth. In the case of his death, without issue,
Philip was to succeed quietly to the crowns of England, Scot-
land, and Ireland.^ Nothing could be simpler or more rational,
and accordingly these arrangements were the table-talk at
Rome, and met with general approbation.
Communications to this effect, coming straight from the
Colonna palace, were thought sufficiently circumstantial to
be transmitted to the English government. Maurice of Nassau
wrote with his own hand to Walsingham, professing a warm
attachment to the cause in which Holland and ^England were
united, and perfect personal devotion to the English Queen.*
^ Bor, in zzul 143, seq, Meters
ady. 262. Royd, viL 137, 138.
* Le Sienr to Walsingham, 3 Dec.
158*7. Kanrice do Naasftu, to same,
9 Dec. 1687. (S. P. Office, MSa)
3 •< Je no Youa oecrirai rien sur les
propQS d'Odo Colonna^*' wrote Mao-
riocL ** oar tous los enteodres bien par
la ieotore da Bommaire qno je Toni
envoLo, mais bien jo voos aasore qQ*0
est un jeono homme d'esprit yif e4
prompti qui parle bien et a ^ biea
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1687.
QUBEN WAENED AS TO SPANISH DESIGNS.
347
His language wfis not that of a youth^ who^ according to
Leicester's repeated insinuations^ was leagued with the most
distinguished soldiers and statesmen of the Netherlands to
sell their country to Spain.
But Elizabeth was not to be convinced. She thought it
extremely probable that the Provinces would be invaded, and
doubtless felt some anxiety for England. It was unfortunate
that the possession of Sluys had given Alexander such a point
of vantage, and there was moreover a fear that he might take
possession of Ostend. She had, therefore, already recom-
mended that her own troops should be removed from that
city, that its walls should be razed, its marine bulwarks
destroyed, and that the ocean should be let in to swallow the
devoted city forever — ^the inhabitants having been previously
allowed to take their departure. For it was assumed by her
Majesty that to attempt resistance would be idle, and that
Ostend could never stand a siege.^
The advice was not taken, and before the end of her reign
Elizabeth was destined to see this indefensible city — only fit,
in her judgment, to be abandoned to the waves — ^become
niemorable, throughout all time, for the longest, and, in many
respects, the most remarkable si^ which modem history has
recorded, the famous leaguer, in which the first European
nooni TootefiMs monstrant par sea
propos qa'il ne SQait gaeres de cboses
Lots la ooor de Rome, de la connois-
Banoe des bonnes maisons, et a paru a
anloans des miens plos sages et experi-
ment^ qne moV qn'il y avoit fondement
en ce qn*il disait, et que j'en devois
adrertir S» M. tant poor la quality de
son dire, que pour &ire connaitre a
6a IC. quand I'oceaaion se presentoit
que je M sois tree a£fectionn^ senri-
tear, ce qu'Q oonvient par ma quality
et maison de monstrer par effet et non
par parolles. Et en cette intention je
me Buis tFoay6 en ceste arm^ assem-
ble par ma diligence de tons les en-
droits de mes gonyemements, en in-
tention, si Dien m'en lait la grace, de
oombattare la puissance des phu grands
eimemis de Siei Majesty et de toote la
Chretient^ ce sont le Roi d'Espagne
et le Prince de Panne, leqael de toot
mon ooeur, je desire trouyer en personne
oil j'esp^re ayec Taide de IMeu lui fidre
connaitre qu^il n'est pas si bon soldat
ou 11 tronye resistance, que qoand les
hommes mal conseill^ lui mettent les
yictoires en main de concey(»r par lenr
lachet^ de tant de prises de belles yilles.
Je youa snpplie me tenir en la bonne
grace de Sa M., de me continuer Fami-
tie qoe yens avez port^ & monseigneur
mon pdre, oar j*e^re que Dieu me
fittt grace de rensuiyre promptement
en Constance et ferme resolution. Jus-
qu'4 je prierai Dieu,** fta Maurice de
Nassau to Walsin^iam, 9 Dea 1587.
(a P. Office MS.)
' Queen to Leicester, 8 Noy. 158Y,
in Burghley's hand. (S. P. Office
Ma)
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348
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. iLVU.
captains of the coming age were to take their lessons, year
after year, in the school of the great Dutch soldier, who was
now hut a " solemn, sly youth," just turned of twenty.
The only military achievement which characterized the
close of the year, to the great satisfaction of the Provinces
and the annoyance of Parma, was the surprise of the city oT
Bonn. The indefatigable Martin Schenk— in fulfilment of
his great contract with the States-General, by which the war
on the Bhine had been farmed out to him on such profitable
terms— had led his mercenaries against this important town.
He had found one of its gates somewhat insecurely guarded,
placed a mortar xmder it at night, and occupied a neighbouring
pig-stye with a number of his men, who by chasing, maltreat-
ing, and slaught^ng the swine, had raised an unearthly din,
sufficient to drown the martial operations at the gate. In
brief, the place was easily mastered, and taken possession of
by Martin, in the name of the deposed elector, Qebhard
Truchsess — the first stroke of good fortune which had for a
long time befallen that melancholy prelate.^
The administration of Leicester has been so minutely pic-
tured, that it would be superfluous to indulge in many con-
cluding reflections. His acts and words have been made to
speak for themselves. His career in the country has been
described with much detail, because the period was a great
epoch of transition. The republic of the Netherlands, during
those years, acquired consistency and permanent form. It
seemed possible, on the Earl's first advent, that the Provinces
might become part and parcel of the English realm. Whether
such a consummation would have been desirable or not, is a
fruitless enquiry. But it is certain that the selection of such
a man as Leicester made that result impossible. Doubtless
. there were many errors committed by all parties. The Queen
* Bor, in. xxil 143. Meteren, xir.
262. Wagenaar, viil 266. Parma to
Philip IL 29 Dea 1687. (Arch, ^e
Simancaa, M&) . .
" ^ocording to this, Schenok is not
dead jei, as reported," (segan esto
no es mnerto como habian dioho),
was Philip's judicious mai^ginal obser-
yation on the letter in which Panna
communioated this derer erpkit of
Martin.
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168Y. RESULTS OF LBICBSTBR^S ADMINISTRATION. 349
was supposed by the Netherlands to be secretly desirous of
accepting the sovereignty of the Provinces, provided she were
made sure, by the Earl's experience, that they were competent
to protect themselves. But this suspicion was imfounded.
The result of every investigation showed the country so full
of resources, of wealth, and of military and naval capabilities,
that, united with England, it would have been a source of great
revenue and power, not a burthen and an expense. Yet, when
convinced of such facts, by the statistics which were liberally
laid before her by her confidential agents, she neyer mani-
fested, either in public or private, any intention of accepting
the soverdgnty. This being her avowed determination, it
was an error on the part of the States, before becoming
thoroughly acquainted with the man's character, to confer
upon Leicester the almost boundless authority which they
granted on his first arrival. It was a still graver mistake, on
the part of Elizabeth, to give way to such explosions of fury,
both agSrinst the governor and the States, when informed of
the o£fer and acceptance of that authority. . The Earl, elevated
by the adulation of others, and by his own vanity, into an
almost sovereign attitude, saw himself chastised before the
world, like an aspiring lackey, by her in whose favour he had
felt most secure. He found himself, in an instant, humbled
and ridiculous. Between himself and the Queen it was some-
thing of a lovers' quarrel, and he soon found balsam in the
hand that smote him. But though reinstated in authority,
he was never again the object of reverence in the land he was
attempting to rule. As he came to know the Netherlanders
better, he reco^iized the great capacity which their statesmen
concealed imder a plain and sometimes a plebeian exterior,
and the splendid grandee hated, where at first he had only
despised. , The Netherlanders, too, who had been used to look
up almost with worship to a plain man of kindly manners, in
felt hat and bargeman's woollen jacket, whom they called
"Father William," did not appreciate, as they ought, the mag-
nificence. of the stranger who had been sent to govern them.
The Earl was handsome, quick-witted, brave ; but he was
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350 THE UNITED NETHBRLAITOa Chap. XVIt
neither wise in council nor capable in the field He was
intolerably arrogant, passionate, and revengeful. He hated
easily, and he hated for life. It was soon obvious that no
cordiality of feeling or of action could exist between him
and the plain, stubborn Hollanders. He had the fatal
characteristic of loving only the persons who flattered him.
With much perception of character, sense of humour, and
appreciation of intellect, he recognized the power of the
leading men in the nation, and sought to gain them. So long
as ho hoped success, he was loud in their praises. They were
all wise, substantial, well-languaged, big fellows, such as were
not to be found in England or anywhere else. When they
refused to be made his tools, they became tinkers, boors,
devils, dnd atheists. He covered them with curses and devoted
them to the gibbet. He began by warmly commending Buys
and Barneveld, Hohenlo and Maurice, and endowing them
with every virtue. Before he left the country he had accused
them of every crime, and would cheerfully, if he could, have
taken the life of every one of them. And it was quite the
same, with nearly iBvery Englishman who served with or
under him. Wilkes and Buckhurst, however much the objects
of his previous esteem, so soon as they ventured to censure or
even to criticise his proceedings, were at once devoted to per-
dition. Yet, after minute examination of the record, public
and private, neither Wilkes nor Bucihurst can be found
guilty of treachery or animosity towards him, but are proved
to have been governed, in all their conduct, by a strong sense
of duty to their sovereign, the Netherlands, tod Leicester
himsel£
To Sir John Norris, it must be allowed, tiiat ho was never
fickle, for he had always entertained for that distinguished
general an honest, unswerving, and infinite hatred, which was
not susceptible of increase or diminution by any act or word.
Pelham, too, whose days were numbered, and who was dying
bankrupt and broken-hearted, at the close of the Earl's ad-
ministration, had always been regarded by him with tender-
ness and affection. But Pelham had never thwarted hun, had
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1637. RESULTS OF LEICBSTEK'S ADMINISTRATION. 35I
exposed his life for him, and was alwajrs proud of being his
fiuthful, tiDquefltioning, humble adherent. With perhaps this
dngle exception, Leicester found himself, at the end of his
second term in the Provinces, without a single friend and with
few respectable partisans. Subordinate mischievous intriguers
like Deventer, Junius, and Otheman, were his chief advisers
and ihe instruments of his schemes.
With such qualifications it was hardly possible — even if
the current of affairs had been flowing smoothly — that he
should prove a successful governor of the new republic. But
when the numerous errors and adventitious circumstances are
considered— ^for some of which he was responsible, while of
others he was the victim — ^it must be esteemed fortunate that
no great catastrophe occurred. His immoderate elevation,
his sudden degradation, his controversy in regard to the
sovereignty, his abrupt departure for England, his protracted
absence, hU mistimed return^ the secret instructions for his
second administration, the obstinate parsimony ai^d per-
sistent ill-temper of the Queen — ^who, from the beginning to
the end of the Earl's government, never addressed a kindly
word to the Netherlanders, but was ever censuring and brow-
beating them in public state-papers and private epistles — ^the
treason of York and Stanley, above all, the disastrous and
concealed negotiations with Parma, and the desperate attempts
upon Amsterdam and Leyden — all placed him in a most un-
fortunate position from first to last. But he was not compe-
tent for his post under any circumstances. He was not the
statesman to deal in policy with Buys, Bameveld, Ortel,
Sainte Ald^onde ; nor the soldier to measure himself against
Alexander Famese. His administration was a failure ;
and although he repeatedly hazarded his life, and poured
out his wealth in their behalf with an almost unequalled
Uberality, he could never gain the hearts of the Nether-
landers. English valour, English intelligence, English truth-
fulness, English generosity, were endearing England more^
and more to Holland. The statesmen of both countries were
brought into closest union, and learned to appreciate and to
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352 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XTIL
respect each other, while they recognized that the fate of
their respective commonwealths was indissolubly united. • Bat
it was to the efforts of Walsingham, Drake, Raleigh, Wilkes,
Buckhurst, Norris, Willoughby, Williams, Vere, Russell, and
the brave men who fou^t under their banners or their coun-
sels, on every battle-field, and in every beleaguered town in
the Netherlands, and to the universal spirit and sagacity of
the English nation, in this grand crisis of its fate, that these
fortunate results were owing ; not to the Earl of Leicester,
nor— during the term of his administration — ^to Queen Eliza-
beth herself.
In brief, the proper sphere of this remarkable personage,
and the one in which he passed the greater portion of his
existence, was that of a magnificent court favourite, the spoiled
darling, from youth to his death-bed, of the great English
Queen.; whether to the advantage or not of 'his country and
the true interests of his sovereign, there can hardly be at this
day any difference of opinion.
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taei PBOPHECIBS AS TO THB TEAS 1588. 353
CHAPTER XVIII.
Ptopheeles as to the Year 1588 — Distracted Condition of the Datoh Bepublic
— WHloGghby reluctantljr takes Command — English Commissioners come
to Ostend — Secretary Gamier and Robert Cecil — Cecil accompanies Dale
to Ghent — ^And finds the Desolation complete— Interview of Dale and
Oedl with Panna — His fervent Expressions in &yoar of Peace — Cecil
makes a Tour in Flanders — And sees much that is remarkable —
Interviews of Dr. Rogers with Parma — Wonderful Harangues of tho
Envoy — Extraordinary Amenity of Alexander — With which Rogers is
much touched — The Queen not pleased with her Envoy — Credi]iity of
the English Commissioners — Ceremonious Meeting of all the Envoys —
Consummate Art in wasting Timo — Long Disputes about Commissions
— The Spanish Commissions meant to deceive — Disputes about Cessa-
tion of Arms — Spanish Duplicity and Procrastination — Pedantry and
- Ciedulity of Dr. Dale — The Papal Bull and Dr. Allen's Pamphlet— Dale
sent to a^ Explanations — Parma denies all Knowledge of either — Croft
believes to the last in Alexander — Dangerous Discord in North Holland
— Leksester's Resignation arrives — Enmity <^ WHloughby and Maurice —
Willoughby's dark Picture of AfTairs — Hatred between States and Lei-
cestrians — Maurice's Answer to the Queen's Chai^ges — End of Sonpy's
Rebellion — Philip foments the Civil War in France — League's Threats
and Plots against Henry — Mudo arrives in Paris — He is received with
Enthusiasm — The King flies, and Spain triumphs in Paris — States
expostulate with the Queen — English Statesmen still deceived —
Deputies ttom Netherland Churches — hold Conference with the Queen
—And present long Memorials — More Conversations with the Queen —
Katbnal Spirit of England and Holland — Dissatisfection with Queen's
Course — Bitter Complaints of Lord Howard — Want of Preparation in
Army and Navy — Sanguine Statements of Leicester — Activity of Parma
— The painHiI Suspense continuo&
The year 1588 had at last arrived — ^that fatal year concern-
ing which the Gennan astrologers — ^more than a century
before liad prognosticated such dire events.^ As the epoch
approached it was firmly believed by many that the end of
the world was at hand, while the least superstitious could not
doubt that great calamities were impending over the nations.
Portents observed during the winter and in various parts of
Europe came to increase the prevailing panic. It rained
blood in Sweden^ monstrous births occurred in France^ and at
Weimar it was gravely reported by eminent chroniclers that
' De Thou, z. 218. Camden, IIL 402. Strada, IL ix. 630. Pasquier, OeavTC%
IL33L
VOL. 11. — 2 A
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354 THE UNITED NBTHEBLAKDa Chap. XVm:
the sun had appeared at mid-day holding a drawn sword in
his mouth — a warlike portent whose meaning could not be
mistaken.*
But, in truth, it needed no miracles nor prophecies to en-
force the conviction that a long procession of disasters was
steadily advancing. With France rent asunder by internal
convulsions, with its imbecile king not even capable of com-
manding a petty faction among his own subjects, with Spain
the dark cause of unnumbered evils, holding Italy in its
grasp, firmly allied with the Pope, already having reduced
and nearly absorbed France, and now, after long and patient
preparation, about to hurl the concentrated vengeance and
hatred of long years upon the little kingdom of England, and
its only ally — the just organized commonwealth of the Nether-
lands— ^it would have been strange indeed if the dullest in-
tellect had not dreamed of tragical events. It was not
encouraging that there should be distraction in the counsels
of the t\^o States so immediately threatened ; that the Queen
of England should be at vaiiance with her wisest and most
faithful statesmen as to their course of action, and that deadly
quarrels should exist between the leading men of the Dutch
republic and the English governor, who had assumed the re-
sponsibility of directing its energies against the common enemy.
The blackest night that ever descended upon the Nether-
lands—more disappointing because succeeding a period of
comparative prosperity and triiunph — was the winter of
1587-8, when Leicester had terminated his career by his
abrupt departure for England, after his second brief attempt
at administra,tion. For it was exactly at this moment of
anxious expectation, when dangers were rolling up from the
south till not a ray of light or hope could pierce the uni-
versal darkness, that the little commonwealth was left without
a chief. The English Earl departed, shaking the dust from
his feet ; but he did not resign. The supreme authority — so
far as he could claim it — was again transferred, with, his
person, to England.
1 Ibid., tibi sup.
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1588. DISTRACTED CONDITION OF DUTCH REPUBLIC. 355
The consequences were immediate and disastrous. All the
Leicestrians refused to obey the States-General. Utrecht,
the stronghold of that party, announced its unequivocal inten-
tion to annex itself, without any conditions whatever, to the
English crown, while, in Holland, young Maurice was solemnly
installed stadholder, and captain-general of the Provinces,
under the guidance of Hohenlo and Bameveld. But his
authority was openly defied in many important cities within
his jurisdiction by military chieftains who had taken the oaths
of all^iance to Leicester as governor, and who refused to
renounce fidelity to the man who had deserted their coimtry,
but'who had not resigned his authority. Of these mutineers
the most eminent was Diedrich Sonoy, governor of North
Holland, a soldier of much experience, sagacity, and courage,
who had rendered great services to the cause of liberty and
Protestantism, and had defaced it by acts of barbarity which
had made his name infamous. Against this refractory chief-
tain it was necessary for Hohenlo and Maurice to lead an
armed force, and to beside him in his stronghold — the im-
portant city of Medenblik— which he resolutely held for
Leicester, although Leicester had definitely departed, and
which he closed against Maurice, although Maurice was the
only representative of order and authority within the dis-
tracted commonwealth. And thus civil war had broken out
in the little scarcely-organized republic, as if there were not
dangers and bloodshed enough impending over it from abroad.
And the civil war was the necessary consequence of the Earl's
departure.
The English forces — ^reduced as they were . by sickness,
famine, and abject poverty — were but a remnant of the brave
and well-seasoned bands which had faced the Spaniards with
success on so many battle-fields.
The general who now assumed chief command over themi —
by direction of Leicester, subsequently confirmed by the
Queen — was Lord Willoughby. A daring, splendid dragoon,
an honest, chivalrous, and devoted servant of his Queen, a
conscientious adherent of Leicester, and a firm believer in his
capacity and character, he was, however, not a man of suffi-
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356 ^raB UNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. XVHX
cient experieuco or subtletj to perform the various taska
imposed upon him by the necessities of such a situation.
Quick-witted, even brilliant in intellect, and the bravest of
the brave on the battle-field, he was neither a sagacious
administrator nor a successful commander. And he honestly
confessed. his deficiencies, and disliked the post to which he
had been elevated. He scorned baseness, intrigue, and petty
quarrels, and he was impatient of control Testy, choleric,
and quarrelsome, with a high sense of honour, and a keen
perception of insult, very modest and very proud, he was not
likely to feed with wholesome appetite upon the unsavomy
annoyances which w^re the daily bread of a chief coromander
in the Netherlands. ^^ I ambitiously afiect not high titles,
but round dealing," he said ; ^^ desiring rather to be a private
lance with indifferent reputation, than a colonel-general
spotted or defamed with wants." ^ He was not the politician
to be matched against the unscrupulous and aU-accompUshed
Famese ; and indeed no man better than Willoughby could
illustrate the enormous disadvantage under which English-
men laboured at that epoch in their dealings with Italians
and Spaniards. The profuse indulgence in falsehood which
characterized southern statesmanship, was more than a match
for Ei^lish love of truth. English soldiers and n^tiators
went naked into a contest with enemies armed in a panoply
of lies. It was an unequal match, as we have already seen,
and as we are soon more clearly to see. How was an English
soldier who valued his knightly word — ^how were English
diplomatists — among whom one of the most famous— then a
lad of twenty, secretary to Lord Essex in the Netherlands
— ^had poetically avowed that " simple truth was highest skill,"
— to deal with the thronging. Spanish deceits sent northward
by the great father of lies who sat in the Escorial ?
" It were an ill lesson," said Willoughby, " to teach soldiers
the dissimulations of such as follow princes' courts in Italy.
For my own part^ it is my only end to be loyal and dutiful
to my sovereign, and plain to all others that I honour. I see
» Waioughbj to L^ceister, Sept 1587. (Bft Mus. Galba, D. 11. p. 141, Ma)
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1588.
WnXOUGHBT RELUCTAlffTLT TAKES COMMAND.
357
the finest rejmard loses his best coat as well as the poorest
sheep/' ^ He was also a strong Leicestrian, and had imbibed
much of the Earl's resentment against the leading politicians
of the States. Willoughby was sorely in need of council.
That shrewd and honest Welshman — Roger Williams — ^was,
for the moment, absent. Another of the same race and cha-
racter commanded in Bergen-op-Zoom, but was not more
gifted with administrative talent than the general himself.
" Sir Thomas Morgan is a very sufficient, gallant gentle-
man/' said Willoughby, ^' and in truth a very old soldier ; but
we both have need of one that can both give and keep coun-
sel better than ourselves. For action he is undoubtedly vety
able, if there were no other means to conquer but only to
give blows. ' *
In brief, the new commander of the English forces in the
Netherlands was little satisfied with the States, with the
enemy, or with himself ; and was inclined to take but a dismal
view of the disjointed commonwealth, which required so in-
competent a person as he professed himself to be to set it right.
" 'Tis a shame to show my wants," he said, " but too great
a fault of duty that the Queen's reputation be frustrate. What
is my slender experience I What an honourable person do I
succeed ! What an encumbered popular state is left I What
withered sinews, which it passes my cunning to restore ! What
an enemy in head greater than heretofore I And wherewithal
should I sustain this burthen ? For the wars I am fitter to
obey than to command. For the state, I am a man prejudi-
cated in their opinion, and not the better liked of them that I
have earnestly followed the general, and, being one that
wants both opinion and experience with them I have to deal,
and means to win more or to maintain that which is lefb,
what good may be looked for ? " *
The supreme authority — ^by the retirement of Leicester —
was once more the subject of dispute. As on his first de-
parture, so also on this his second and final one, he had left a
^ Same to Burgbley, 16 Julj, 1587.
(Br. Mua. Galba, P. I. p. 10, MS.)
• Wniooghby to Burghlej', last cited.
* WiUoqghbj to Burghley, 18 Nov.
1587. (Br. Mua. Galba, D. IL 210, M&)
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358 THE UNITED NBTHEBLANDS. Chap. XTIIL
commission to the state-council to act as an executive body
during his absence. But, although he nominally still retained
his office, in reality no man believed in his return ; and the
States-Greneral were ill inclined to brook a species of guardian-
ship over them, with which they believed . themselves mature
enough to dispense. Moreover the state-council, composed
mainly of Leicestrians, would expire, by limitation of its com-
mission, early in February of that year. The dispute for
power would necessarily t^minate, therefore, in favour of the
States-GeneraL^ : ■
Meantime — while this internal revolution was taking place
in the polity of the commonwealth — the gravest disturbances
were its natural consequence. There were mutinies in the
garrisons of Heusden, of Gertruydenberg, of Medenblik, as
alarming, and threatening to become as chronic in their cha-
racter, as those extensive military rebellions which often ren-
dered the Spanish troops powerless at the most critical epochs.
The cause of these mutinies was uniformly, want of pay, the
pretext, the oath to the Earl of Leicester, which was declared
incompatible with the alliance claimed by Maurice in the
name of the States-General. The mutiny of Gei'truydenberg
was destined to be protracted ; that of Medenblik, dividing,
as it did, the little territory of Holland in its very heart, it
was most important at once to suppress. Sonoy, however —
who was so stanch, a Leicestrian, that his Spanish contem-
poraries uniformly believed him to be an Englishman ^ — ^held
out for a long time, as will be seen, againist the threats and even
the armed demonstrations of Maurice and the States.
Meantime the English sovereign, persisting in her delusion,
and despite the solemn warnings of her own wisest coun-
sellors, and the passionate remonstrances of the States-General
of the Netherlands, sent her peace-commissioners to the Duke
of Parma.
The Earl of Derby, Lord Cobham, Sir James Croft, Valen-
tine Dale, doctor of laws, and former ambassador at Vienna,
and Dr. Rogers, envoys on the part of the Queen, arrived in
* Comparo Van der Kemp, * Haunts van Nassau,* I. 68, seq,
« Herrerak III. 11, 84. Coroero, * Gaenras de Flandes/ 224.
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1688. ENGLISH COMMISSIONERS COMB TO OSTEND. 359
the Netherlands in February.* The commissioners appointed
on the part of Farnese were Count Aremberg, Champagny,
Bichardot^ Jacob Maas, and Secretary Gamier.
If history has ever furnished a lesson, how an unscrupulous
tyrant, who has determined upon enlarging his own territories
at the expense of his neighbours, upon oppressing human
freedom wherever it dared to manifest itself, with fine phrases
of religion and order for ever in his mouth, on deceiving his
friends and enemies alike, as to his nefarious and almost in-
credible designs, by means of perpetual and colossal false-
hoods ; and if such lessons deserve to be pondered, as a source
of instruction and guidance for every age, then certainly the
secret story of the negotiations by which the wise Queen of
England was beguiled, and her kingdom brought to the verge
of ruin, in the spring of 1588, is worthy of serious attention.
' . The English commissioners arrived at Ostend. With them
came Robert Cecil, youngest son of Lord-Treasurer Burghley,
then twenty-five years of age. He had no official capacity,
but . was sent by his father, that he might improve his diplo-
matic talents, and obtain some information as to the condi-
tion of the Netherlands. A slight, crooked, hump-backed
young gentleman, dwarfish in stature, but with a face not
irr^ular in feature, and thoughtful and subtle in expression,
with' reddish hair, a thin tawny beard, and large, pathetic,
greenish-coloured eyes, with a mind and manners already
trained to courts and cabinets, and with a disposition almost
ingenuous, as compare^ to the massive dissimulation with
which it was to be contrasted, and with what was, in after-
times, to constitute a portion of his own character, Cecil, young
as he was, could not be considered the least important of the
envoys. The Queen, who loved proper men, called him " her
piginy ;'' and "although," he observed with whimsical courtli-
ness, " I may not find fault with the sporting name she gives
me, yet seem I only not to mislihe it, hecause she gives it" ^ The
strongest man among them was Valentine Dale, who had
» Camden, IIL 407.
« B. CecU to Buighley, - Feb. 1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
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3g0 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIEL
much Bhrewdness, experience, and l^al learning, but 'who
valued himself, above all things, upon his Latinity. It was a
consolation to him, while his adversaries were breaking
Priscian's head as fSast as the Duke, their master, was break-
ing his oaths^ that his own syntax was as clear as his con-
science.^ The feeblest commissioner was James-a-Crofb, who
had already exhibited himself with verj^ anile charactoristics,
and whose subsequent manifestations were to seem like dotage.
Doctor Eogers, learned in the law, as he imquestionably was,
had less skill in reading human character, or in deciphering
the physiognomy of a Famese, while Lord Derby, every indi
a grandee, with Lord Cobham to assist him, was not the man
to cope with the astute Richardot, the profound and ex-
perienced Champagny, or that most voluble and most rhe-
torical of doctors of law, Jacob Maas of Antwerp.
The commissioners, on their arrival, were welcomed by
Secretary Gamier, who had been sent to Ostend to greet
them. An adroit, pleasing, courteous gentleman, thirty-six
years of age, small, handsome, and attired not quite as a
soldier, nor exactly as one of the long robe, wearing a doak
furred to the knee, a cassock of black velvet, with plain gold
buttons, and a gold chain about his neck, the secretary de-
livered handsomely the Duke of Parma^s congratailations,
recommended great expedition in the negotiations, and was
then invited by the Earl of Derby to dine with the commis-
sioners.* Ho was accompanied by a servant in plain livary,
who — ^so soon as his master had mad^ his bow to the Englirii
envoys — ^had set forth for a stroll through the town. The
modest-looking valet, however, was a distinguished engineer
in disguise, who had been sent by Alexander for the especial
purpose of examining the fortifications of Ostend^ — ^that town
being a point much coveted, and liable to immediate attadc
by the Spanish commander.
Meanwhile Secretary Gamier made himself very agreeable,
showing wit, experience, and good education; and, after
> Yalentlne Dale to Walsinghabi, 14 Mait^ 1588. (S. P. Offioo KS.)
• R. Ceca to Borgbley, -^ March, 1588. (S. P. Office Ma>
> Parma to Philip II., 20 March, 1588. (Arch, do Simancas, MS.)
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1538. SECBETABT GABNIEB AND BOBSBT CECIL. 361
dinner^ was accompanied to his lodgings by Dr. Sogers and
other gentlemen, Tfith whom — especially with Cecil — ^he held
much conversation.
Knowing that this young gentleman '^wanted not an ho-
noTuuble father/' the Secretary was very desirous that he should
take this opportunity to make a tour thrbugh the Provinces,
examine the cities, and especially ^^ note the miserable ruins
of the poor country and people." He would then feelingly
perceive how much they had to answer for, whose mad rebel-
lion against their sovereign lord and master had caused so
great an effusion of blood, and the wide desolation of such
goodly towns and territories.
Cecil probably entertained a suspicion that the sovereign
lord and master, who had been employed, twenty years long,
in butchering his subjects and in ravaging their territory to
feed his executioners and soldiers, might almost be justified
in treating human beings as beasts and reptiles, if they had
not at last rebelled. He simply and diplomatically answered,
however, that he could not but concur with the Secretary in
lamenting the misery of the Provinces and people so utterly
despoiled and ruined, but, as it might be matter of dispute,
"from what head this fountain of calamity was both fed and
derived, he would not enter further therein, it being a matter
much too high for his capacity.^' He expressed also the hope
that the King's heart might sympathize with that of her
Majesty, in earnest compassion for all this suifering, and in
determination to compound their differences.^
On the following day there was some conversation with
Gumier, on preliminary and formal matters, followed in the
evening by a dinner at Lord Cobham's lodgings — a banquet
which the forlorn condition of the country scarcely permitted
to be luxurious. " We rather pray here for satiety,'' said Cecil,
" than ever think of variety." ^
It was hoped 1^ the Ei^Hshmen that the Secretary would
take his departure after dinner ; for the governor of Ostend,
Sir John Conway, had an uneasy sensation, during his visit,
' Coca to Burgblcy, Ma last cited. • Ibid.
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362 THE UNITED NETHERLANDa Chap. XVHI.
that the unsatisfactory condition of the defences would attract
his attention, and that a sudden attack by Famese might be
the result. Sir John was not aware, however, of the minute
and scientific observations then making— at the very moment
when Mr. G-amier was entertaining the commissioners with
his witty and instructive conversation — ^by the unobtrusive
menial who had accompanied the Secretary to Ostend. In
order that those observations might be as thorough as possible,
rather than with any view to ostensible business, the envoy of
Parma now declared that — on account of the unfavourable
state. of the tide — ^he had resolved to pass another night at
Ostend. "We could have spared his company," said Cecil,
"but their Lordships considered it convenient that he should
be used well." So Mr. Comptroller Croft gave the affiible
Secretary a dinner-invitation for the following day.^
Here certainly was a masterly commencement on the part
of the Spanish diplomatists. There was not one stroke of
business during the visit of the Secretary. He had been sent
simply te convey a formal greeting, and to take the names of
the English commissioners — a matter which could have been
done in an hour as well as in a week. But it must be remem-
bered, that, at that very moment, the Duke was daily expect-
ing intelligence of the sailing of the Armada, and that Philip,
on his part, supposed the Duke already in England, at the
head of his army. Under these circumstances,^ therefore —
when the whole object of the negotiation, so far as Parma
and his master were concerned, was to amuse and to gain
time — it was already ingenious in Gamier to have consumed
several days in doing nothing; and to have obtained plans
and descriptions of Ostend into the baigain.
Gamier — ^when his departure could no longer, on any pre-
text, be deferred — ^took his leave, once more warmly luging
Bobert Cecil to make a little tour in the obedient Nether-
lands, and to satisfy himself, by personal observation, of their
miserable condition. As Dr. Dale purposed mftlnng a pre-
liminary visit to the Duke of Parma at Ghent, it was deter-
mined accordingly that he should be accompanied by Cecil.
> Cedl to Burghlej, MS. last cited.
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1588. CECIL ACCOMPANIES DALE TO a'HEKT. 363
That young gentleman had already been much impressed
by the forlorn aspect of the country about Ostend — ^for, al-
though the town was itself in possession of the English, it was
in the midst of the enemy's territory. Since the fall of Sluys
the Spaniards were masters of all Flanders^ save this one
much-coveted point. And although the Queen had been dis-
posed to abandon that city, and to suffer, the ocean to over-
whelm it, rather than that she should be at charges to defend
it^ yet its possession was of vital consequence to the English-
Dutch cause, as time was ultimately to show. Meanwhile the
position was already a very important one, for — according to
the predatory system of warfare of the day — ^it was an ex-
cellent starting-point for those marauding expeditions against
persons and property, in which neither the Dutch nor English
were less skilled than the Flemings or Spaniards. " The land
all about here," said Cecil, " is so devastated, that where the
open country was wont to be covered with kine and sheep, it
is now fuller of wild boars and wolves ; whereof many come
80 nigh the town that the sentinels — three of whom watch
every night upon a sand-hill outside the gates — ^havo had them
in a dark* night upon them ere they were aware." ^
But the garrison of Ostend was quite as dangerous to the
peasants and the country squires of Flanders, as were the
•wolves or wild boars ; and many a pacific individual of retired
habits, and with a remnant of property worth a ransom, was
doomed to see himself whisked from his seclusion by Conway's
troopers, and made a compulsory guest at the city. Prisoners
were brought in from a distance of sixty miles ; and there was
one old gentlemen, " well-languaged," who " confessed merrily
to Cecil, that when the soldiers fetched him out of his own
mansion-house, sitting safe in his study, he was as little in fear
of the garrison of Ostend as he was of the Turk or the devil" ^
* And Doctor Bogers held very
dmilar language : *' The most dolorous
and heayy sights hi this TOjage to
Ghent^ hj me weighed," he said;
•'seeing the countries which, hereto-
lore, by traffic of merchants, as much
as any other I have seen flourish, now
partly drowned, and, except certam
great cities, wholly burned, rumed,
and desolate, possessed, I say, with
wolves, wild boars, and foxes — a great
testimony of the wrath of God," &c
Ac. Dr. Bogers to the Queen,— April,
1688. (a P. Office MS.)
« Cecil to Burghley, - March, Ma
already cited.
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364 ^^^B UNITED NETHEBLANDa Chap. XVHX
Three days after the departure of Gkimier, Dr. Dale and
his attendants started upon their expedition from Ostend to
7 Ghent — an hour's journey or so in these modem
-March, ^^^ The English envoys, in the sixteenth Century,
found it a more formidable undertaking. They were
many hours traversing the four miles to Oudenburg, their first
halting-place ; for the waters were out, there having been a
great breach of the sea-dyke of Ostend, a disaster threatening
destruction to town and country.^ At Oudenburg, a ^^ small
and wretched hole/' as Gamier had described it to be, there
was, however, a garrison of three thousand Spanish soldiers,
under the Marquis de Renti. From these a convoy of fifty
troopers was appointed to protect the English travellers to
Bruges. Here they arrived at three o'clock, were met outside
the gates by the famous General La Motte, and by hint escorted
to their lodgings in the "English house," and aflerwarda
handsomely entertained at supper in his own quarters.
The General's wife, Madame de la Motte, was, according to
Cecil, " a fair gentlewoman of discreet and modest behaviour,
and yet not unwilling sometimes to hear herself speak ;" ^ so
that in her society, and in that of her sister — " a nun of the
order of the Mounts, but who, like the rest of the sisterhood,
wore an ordinary dress in the evening, and might leave
the convent if asked in marriage" — the supper passed off
very agreeably.
In the evening Cecil found that his father had formerly
occupied the same bedroom of the English hotel in which he
Pridftv ^^ ^^^^ lodged ; for he found that Lord Burgbley
March 8, had scrawled his name in the chinmey-comer — a
fact which was highly gratifying to the son.*
The next morning, at seven o'clock, the travellers set forth
for Ghent The joumey was a miserable one. It was as cold
and gloomy weather as even a Flemish month of March could
fumish. A drizzling rain was falling all day long, the lanes
were foul and miry, the frequent thickets which overhung
'CecUtoBurghle3r,jMarch,1588. I J^^f*^"^^ (Ma last cited.)
(S.ROfflcoMS.) * I
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i588. AND FINDS THE DESOLATION COMPLETE. 365
their path were swarming with the freebooters of Zeeland, who
wore " qver at hand," says Cecil, " to have picked our purses,
but that they descried our convoy, and so saved themselves in
the woods." Sitting on horseback ten hours without alighting,
under sucb circumstances as these, was not luxurious for a
fragile little gentleman like Queen Elizabeth's "pigmy;"
especially as Dr. Dale and himself had only half a red herring
between them for luncheon, and supped afterwards upon an
orange.* The envoy protested that when they could get a
couple of ^gs a piece, while travelling in Flanders, " they
thought they fared like princes." ^
Nevertheless Cecil and himself fought it out manfully, and
when they reached Ghent, at five in the evening, they were
met by their acquaintance Gamier, and escorted to their
lodgings.. Here they were waited upon by President Richardot,
" a tall gentleman," on behalf of the Duke of Parma, and then
left to their much-needed repose.
Nothing could be more forlorn than the country of the
obedient Netherlands, through which their day's journey had
led them. Desolation had been the reward of obedience.
" The misery of the inhabitants," said Cecil, " is incredible,
both without the town, where all things are wasted, houses
spoiled, and grounds unlaboured, and also, even in these
great cities, where they are for the most part poor be^ars
even in the fairest houses," '
And all this human wretchedness was the elaborate
work of one man— one dull, heartless bigot, living, far
away, a life of laborious ease and solemn sensuality; and,
in reality, almost as much removed from these fellow-
creatures of his, whom he called his subjects, as if he had
been the inhabitant of another planet. Has history many
more instructive warnings against the horrors of arbitrary
government — against the folly of mankind in ever tolerating
the rule of a single irresponsible individual, than the lesson
furnished by the life-work of that crowned criminal, Philip
the Second ?
« Dale to Burghlej, jj March, 1688. (1 P. Office MS.) • Ibid. t ibid.
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366 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIIL
The longing for peace on the part of these unfortunate
obedient Flemings was intense. Incessant cries for peace
reached the ears of the envoys on every side. Alas, it would
have been better for these peace- wishers, had they stood side
by side with their brethren, the noble Hollanders and Zee-
landers, when they had been wresting, if not peace, yet inde-
pendence and liberty, from Philip, with their own right hands.
Now the obedient Flemings were but fuel for the vast flame
which the monarch was kindling for the destruction of Chris-
tendom— ^if all Christendom were not willing to accept his
absolute dominion.
The burgomasters of Ghent — of Ghent, once the powerful,
the industrious, the opulent, the free, of all cities in the world
now the most abject and forlorn^ — came in the morning to
wait upon Elizabeth's envoy, and to present him, £^ccording
to ancient custom, with some flasks of wine. They came with
tears streaming down their cheeks, earnestly expressing the
desire of their hearts for peace, and their joy that at least
it had now '/ b^un to be thought on." ^
" It is quite true," replied Dr. Dale, " that her excellent
Majesty the Queen — ^filled with compassion for your condition,
and having been informed that the Duke of Parma is desirous
of peace — ^has vouchsafed to make this overture. If it take
not the desired effect, let not the blame rest upon her, but
upon her adversaries." To these words the magistrates all
said Amen, and invoked blessings on her Majesty.*- And
most certainly, Elizabeth was sincerely desirous of peace,
even at greater sacrifices than the Duke could well have
imagined ; but there was something almost diabolic in the
cold dissimulation by which her honest compassion was mocked,
and the tears of a whole people in its agony made the laughing-
stock of a despot and his tools.
On Saturday morning, Kichardot and Gamier waited upon
the envoy to escort him to the presence of the Duke. Cecil,
who accompanied him, was not much impressed with, the
' Cedl to Burghlej, - March. MS. already^ted. t ibid.
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1688. INTERVIEW OP DALE AND CECIL WITH PAR3CA. 367
grandeur of Alexander's lodgings, and made un- 9 March,
fayourable and rather unreasonable comparisons ^^ ^^®^*
between them and the splendour, of Elizabeth's court. They
passed through an ante-chamber into a dining-room, thence
into' an inner chamber, and next into the Duke's room. In
the ante-chamber stood Sir William Stanley, the Deventer
traitor, conversing with one Mockett, an Englishman, long
resident in Flanders. Stanley was meanly dressed, in the
Spanish fashion, and as young Cecil, passing through the
chamber, looked him in the face, he abruptly turned from him,
and pulled his hat over his eyes. " 'Twas well he did so,"
said that young gentleman, " for his taking it off would hardly
have cost me mine."^ Cecil was informed that Stanley was
to have a commandery of Malta, and was in good favour with
the Duke, who was, however, quite weary of his mutinous and
disorderly Irish regiment.*
In the bed-chamber, Famese — accompanied by the Marquis
del Guasto, the Marquis of Eenty, the Prince of Aremberg,
President Eichardot, and Secretary Cosimo — ^received the
envoy and his companion. " Small and mean was the furni-
ture of the chamber," said Cecil ; " and although they attribute
this to his lov(B of privacy, yet it is a sign that peace is the
mother of all honour and state, as may best be perceived by
the court of England, which her Majesty's royal presence doth
so €ulom, as that it exceedeth this as far as the sun surpasseth
in light the other stars of the firmament."^
Here was a compliment to the Queen and her upholsterers
drawn in by the ears. Certainly, if the first and best fruit of
the much-longed-for peace were only to improve the furniture
of royal and ducal apartments, it might be as well perhaps for
the war to go on, while the Queen continued to outshine all
the stars in the firmament. But the budding courtier and
statesman knew that a personal compliment to Elizabeth
could never be amiss or ill-timed.
The envoy delivered the greetings of her Majesty to the
Duke, and was heard with great attention. Alexander at-
» Ccca to Buighley, MS. last cited. • Ibid. » Ibid.
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368 ^^^ UNITED NBTHEELANDS. Chap. XVIIL
tempted a reply in French, which was very imperfect, and,
apologizing, exchanged that tongue for Italian.^ He alluded
with great fervour to the " hpnourable opinion conoeming his
sincerity and word," expressed to him by her Majesty, throngli
the mouth of her envoy. "And indeed,'' scud he, "I have
always had especial care of keeping my word. My body and
service are at the commandment of the King, my lord and
master, but my honour is my own, and her Miyesty may be
assured that I shall always have especial regard of my word
to so great and famous a Queen as her Majesty."
The visit was one of preliminaries and of ceremony. Never-
theless Farnese found opportunity to impress the envoy and
his companions with his sincerity of heart. He conversed
much with Cecil, making particular and personal inquiries,
and with appearance of deep interest, in regard to Queen
Elizabeth.
" There is not a prince in the world — " he said, " reserving
all question between her Majesty and my royal master — ^to
whom I desire more to do service. So much have I heard of
her perfections, that I wish earnestly. that things might so fiJl
out, as that it might be my fortime to look upon her &ce
before my return tp my own country. Yet I desire to behold
her, not as a servant to him who is not able still to maintain
war, or as one that feared any harm that might befall him ;
for in such matters my account was made long ago, to endare
all which God may send. But, in truth, I am weaiy to
behold the miserable estate of this people, fallen upon them
through their own folly, and methinks th^t he who should do
the best offices of peace would perform a pium et sanctissimnm
opus. Bight glad am I that the Queen is not behind me in
zeal for peace." He then comiJimented Cecil in regard to
his father, whom he understood to be the principal mover in
these n^tiations.'
The young man expressed his thanks, and especially fear tha
> Cecil to Burghley, MS. last cited.
' C«dl to Bui^hlej, ~ March. MS. already dtad.
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1588. UT3 PERVENT BXPEBSSIONS IN FAVOUR OP PEACE. 369
good affection which the Duke had manifested to the Queen
and in the blessed cause of peace. He was well aware that
her Majesty esteemed him a prince of great honour and virtue,
and that for this good work, thus auspiciously b^un, no man
could possibly doubt that her Majesty, like himself, was most
zealously affected to bring all things to a perfect peace.
The matters discussed in this firet interview were only in
regard to the place to bo appointed for the coming con-
ferences, and the exchange of powers. The Queen's commis-
sioners had expected to treat at Ostend. Alexander, on the
contrary, was unable to listen to such a suggestion, as it would
be utter dereliction of his master's dignity to send envoys to
a city of his own, now in hostile occupation by her Majesty's
forces. The place of conference, therefore, would be matter
of future consideration. In respect to the exchange of powers,
Alexander expressed the hope that no man would doubt as to
the production on his commissioners' part of ample authority
both from himself and from the King.^
Yet it will be remembered, that, at this moment, the Duke
had not only no powers from the King, but that Philip had
most expressly refused to send a commission, and that he fully
expected the negotiation to ba superseded by the invasion,
before the production of the powers should become indis-
pensable.
And when Famese was speaking thus fervently in favour
of peace, and parading his word and his honour, the letters
lay in his cabinet in that very room, in which Philip expressed
his conviction that his general was already in London, that
the whole realm of England was already at the mercy of
a Spanish soldiery, and that the Queen, upon whose perfectioni
Alexander had so long yearned to gaze, was a discrowned
captive, entirely in her great enemy's power.
Thus ended the preliminary interview. On the following
Monday, 11th March, Dr. Dale and his tittendants made the
best of their way back to Ostend, while young Cecil, n Moidi,
with a safe conduct from Champagny, set forth on a ^^®^-
little tour in Flanders.
' Cecil to Buiighlej, MS. lost cited.
VOL, II.— 2 B .
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370 THE UIHTBD NETHKRLANPa Chap. XVm.
The journey from Ghent to Antwerp was easy, and he was
agreeably surprised by the apparent prosperity of the country.
At intervals of every few miles, he was refreshed with the
spectacle of a gibbet well garnished with dangling freebooters,
and rejoiced, therefore, in comparative security. For it seemed
that the energetic bailiff of Waasland had levied a contribu-
tion upon the proprietors of the country, to be expended
mainly in hanging brigands ; and so well had the funds been
applied, that no predatory bands could make their appear-
ance but they were instantly pursued by soldiers, and hanged
forthwith, without judge or trial. Cecil counted twelve such
places of execution on his road between Ghent and Antwerp.*
On his journey he fell in with an Italian merchant, Lan-
franchi by name, of a great commercial house in Antwerp, in
the days when Antwerp had commerce, and by him, on his
arrival the same evening in that town, he was made an
honoured guest, both for his father's sake and his Queen's.
" 'Tis the pleasantest city that ever I saw," said Cecil, " for
situation and building, but utterly left and abandoned now by
those rich merchants that were wont to frequent the place." -
His host was much interested in the peace-negotiations, and
indeed, through his relations with Champagny and Andreas
de Loo, had been one of the instruments by which it had been
commenced. He inveighed bitterly against the Spanish cap-
tains and soldiers, to whose rapacity and ferocity he mainly
ascribed the continuance of the war ; and he was especially
incensed with Stanley and other English ren^ades, who were
thought fiercer haters of England than were the Spaniards
themselves. Even in the desolate and abject condition of
Antwerp and its neighbourhood, at that moment, the quick
eye of Cecil detected the latent signs of a possible splendour.
Should peace be restored, the territory once more be tilled,
and the foreign merchants attracted thither again, he believed
that the governor of the obedient Netherlands might live there
in more magnificence than the King of Spain himself, ex-
hausted as were his revenues by the enormous expense of this
» -Ceca to BuigUey, - March, 1688. (S. P. Offlco MS.) • Ibid.
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1588.
CECIL BCAEES A TOUB IN FLANDEBS.
871
protracted war. Eight hundred thousand dollars monthly,
so Lanfianchi informed Cecily were the costs of the forces on
the footing then established. This, however, was probably an
exaggeration, for the royal account-books showed a less for-
midable sum,^ although a sufficiently large one to appal a less
obstinate bigot than Philip. But what to him were the ruin
of the Netherlands, the impoverishment of Spain, and the
downfall of her ancient grandeur compared to the glory of
establishing the Inquisition in England and Holland ?
While at dinner in Lanfranchi's house, Cecil was witness
to another characteristic of the times, and one which afforded
proof of even more formidable freebooters abroad than those
for whom the bailiff of Waasland had erected his gibbets.
A canal-boat had left Antwerp for Brussels that morning, and
in the vicinity of the latter city had been set upon by a
detachment from the English garrison of Bergen-op-Zoom,
and captured, with twelve prisoners and a freight of 60,000
florins in money. " This struck the company at the dinner-
table all in a dump," said Cecil And well it might ; for the
property mainly belonged to themselves, and they forthwith
did their best to have the marauders waylaid on their return.
But Cecil, notwithstanding his gratitude for the hospitality of
Lanfranchi, sent word next day to the garrison of Bergen of
' *'BeIaoioa partioolar de lo quo
monta on mes de sueldo de toda la
gente de este excrcito asi iniantrft como
cab* 7 entretenidos de todos naciones,
artill* annada, yitoallas, 7 el numero
de la gente que ha7 oonforme a la
ultima maestro de 29 Apr., 1588 : —
InfimterU. Hombres. Vanderas, For Mes.
$62,239
35,225
89
52
Espafiola 8,718
Ital* 5,339
Borgog* )
Iriandeeca V . . 3,278 29 20,591
Efloooesa )
WaUona 17,825 144
Alem* Alta.. 11,809 50
M Ba7a 8,616 34
Gaballeria ligero.
3650 Alem* eetandartes 38,631
79,341
86,697
51,195
Gastaios.
Anverea . . ) Per Mes.
Gande .. Vl,180 6,508
Charlemont )
Entretenidos.
668 23,204
Bl Armada de Mar, gasto ordi- > ^a 400
nario per mes J *
Artilleria 8,200
Yitoallafl^ spedale^ Ac. 4,384
Smnario total
59,915 hombres^ per mes, escu- ) son ^ ot
doa ^^80,427
Sua Alteza Alessandro Famese, per
mes, 3000 escudos d* oro.
Maesse del campo gon\ per mes, 1000.
Monta el gasto ordina** de cada me-
hasta aqui $454,315 per mes — 370,000
escndos de era" (Archivo de 8iman-
ca8,Ma)
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372
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XYllL
the designs against them^ and on his arrival at the place had
the satisfaction of being informed by Lord Willoughby that
the party had got safe home with their plunder.^
"And well worthy they are of it/' said young Robert,
" considering how far they go for it."
The traveller, on . leaving Antwerp, proceeded down the
river to Bergen-op-Zoom, where he was hospitably entertained
by that doughty old soldier Sir William Reade, and met Lord
Willoughby, whom he accompanied to Brielle on a visit to the
deposed elector Truchsess, then living in that neighbourhood.
Cecil — ^who was not passion's slave— had small sympathy with
the man who could lose a sovereignty for the sake of Agnes
Mansfeld. "'Tis a very goodly gentleman," said he, "well
fashioned, and of good speech, for which I must rather praise
him than for loving a wife better than so great a fortune as ho
lost by her occasion."'. At Brielle he was handsomely enter-
tained by the magistrates, who had agreeable recollections of
his brother Thomas, late governor of that city. Thence he
proceeded by way of Delft — which, like all English travellers,
he described as "the finest built town that ever he saw" — to
the Hague, and thence to Fushing, and so back by sea to
Ostend. He had made the most of his three weeks' tour, had
seen many important towns both in the republic and in the
obedient Netherlands, and had conversed with many "tall
gentlemen," as he expressed himself, among the English
commanders, having been especially impressed by the heroes
of Sluys, Baskerville and that "proper gentleman Francis
Vere."»
He was also presented by Lord Willoughby to Maurice pf
Nassau, and was perhaps not very benignautly received by the
young prince. At that particular moment, when Leicester's
deferred resignation, the rebellion of Sonoy in North Holland,
founded on a fictitious allegiance to the late governor-
general, the perverse determination of the Queen to treat for
' Ceca to Brai^hloy, jj Marclt US.
alread/ cited.
SSBfsrcli
■ Cecil to Buighley, * 1583.
(3. P. Offloo Ma) * ^"^IWd.
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1588.
AND SEES MUCH THAT IS BEBiARKABLE.
373
peace against the advice of all the leading statesmen of the
Netherlands, and the sharp rebukes perpetually administered
by her, in consequence, to the young stadholder and all his
supporters, had not tended to produce the most tender feelings
upon their part towards the English government, it was not
surprising tl&t the handsome soldier should look askance at
the crooked little courtier, whom even the great Queen smiled
at while she petted him. Cecil was very angry with Maurice.
" In my life I never saw worse bshaviour,'' he said, " except
it were in one lately come from school. There is neither
outward appearance in him of any noble mind nor inward
virtue."^
Although Cecil had constimed nearly the whole month of
March in his tour, he had been more profitably employed than
were the royal commissioners during the same period at
Ostend. .
Never did statesmen know better how not to do that which
they were ostensibly occupied in doing than Alexander Farneso
and his agents, Champagny, Bichardot, Jacob Maas, and
Gamier. The first pretext by which much time was cleverly
consumed was the dispute as to the place of meeting. Doctor
Dale had already expressed his desire for Ostend as the place
of colloquy. . " 'Tis a very slow old gentleman,* this Doctor
Dale,", said Alexander ; " he was here in the time of Madam
my mother, and has also been ambassador at Vienna. I have
received him and his attendants with great courtesy, and held
out great hopes of peace. We had conversations about the
place of meeting. He wishes Ostend : I object. The first
conference will probably be at some point between that place
and Newport.''^
The next opportunity for discussion and delay was afforded
by the question of powers. And it must be ever borne in
mind that Alexander was daily expecting the arrival of the
invading fleets and armies of Spain, and was holding himself
» CecatoBurgblejr, - Mareh, 16S8.
(S. P. Office MS.)
» "Vlejo 7 posado." Parma to
Phnip n., 20 March, 1688.
SimaDoaa, MS.)
» Ibid
(Arch, de
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374 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIII
in readiness to place himself at their head for the conquest of
England. This was, of course, so strenuously denied by
himself and those under his influence, that Queen Elizabeth
implicitly believed him, Burghley was lost in doubt, and
even the astute Walsingham began to distrust his own senses.
So much strength does a falsehood acquire in determined and
skilful hands.
" As to the commissions, it will be absolutely necessary for
your Majesty to send them," wrote Alexander at the moment
when he was receiving the English envoy at Ghent, " for —
unless the Armada arrive soon — it will be indispensable for me
to have them, in order to keep the n^otiation alive. Of
course they will never broach the principal matters without
exhibition of powers. Richardot is aware of the secret which
your Majesty confided to me, namely, that the n^tiations
are only intended to deceive the Queen and to gain time for
the fleet ; but the powers must be sent in order that we may
be able to produce them, although your secret intentions will
be obeyed." ^
The Duke commented, however, on the extreme difficulty
of carrying out the plan, as originally proposed. " The con-
quest of England would have been difficult," he said, " even
although the country had been taken by surprise. Now they
are strong and armed ; we are comparatively weak. The
danger and the doubt are great ; and the English deputies, I
think, are really desirous of peace. Nevertheless I am at
your Majesty's disposition — ^life and all — and probably, before
the answer arrives to this letter^ the fleet will have arrived, and
/ shaU have undertaken the passage to England." *
After three weeks had thus adroitly been frittered away,
the English commissioners became somewhat impatient, and
despatched Doctor Sogers to the Duke at Ghent. This was
extremely obliging upon their part, for if Yal^tine Dale were
a ^^ slow old gentleman," he was keen, caustic, and rapid, as
compared to John Sogers. A formalist and a pedant, a man
of red tape and routine, full of precedents and declamatory
' Panna to Philip n, 20 March, 1588. (Arch, do Simaocas, MS.) * IbkL
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158S. IXTEBTIBWS OP DR. EOGBRS WITH PARMA. 375
commonplaces which he mistook for eloquence, honest as
daylight and tedious as a king, he was just the time-consumer
for Alexander's purpose. The wily Italian listened with pro-
found attention to the wise saws in which the excellent diplo-
matist revelled, and his fine eyes often filled with tears at the
Doctor's rhetoric.
Three interviews — each three mortal hours long — did the
two indulge in at Ghent, and never was high commissioner
hetter satisfied with himself than was John Rogers upon
those occasions. He carried every point ; he convinced, he
softened, he captivated the great Duke ; he turned the great
Duke round his finger. The great Duke smiled, or wept, or
fell into his arms, by turns. Alexander's military exploits
had rung through the world, his genius for diplomacy and
statesmanship had never been disputed ; but his talents as a
light comedian were, in these interviews, for the firpt time
fully revealed.
On the 26th March the learned Doctor made his first bow
and performed his first flourish of compliments at Ghent.
^i^ffL " I assure your Majesty," said he, " his Highness
*1588.' followed my compliments of entertainment with so
much honour, as that— his Highness or I, speaking of the
Queen of England — ^he never did less than uncover his head ;
not covering the same, unless I was covered also." ^ And after
these salutations had at last been got through with, thus
spake the Doctor of Laws to the Duke of Parma : —
" Almighty God, the light of lights, be pleased to enlighten
the understanding of your Alteza, and to direct the same to
his glory, to the uniting of both their Majesties and the
finishing of these most bloody wars, whereby these countries,
being in the highest degree of misery desolate, lie as it were
prostrate before the wrathful presence of the most mighty
God, most lamentably beseeching his Divine Majesty to with-
draw his scourge of war from them, and to move the hearts of
princes to restore them unto peace, whereby they might attain
> Doctor Bogefs to the Queen,-- April, 1688. (S. P. OfBoe HS.)
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376 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIIL
unto their ancient flower and dignity. Into the hands of
your Alteza are now the lives of many thousands, the destruc-
tion of cities, towns, and countries, which to put to the fortune
of war how perilous it were, I pray consider. Think ye, ye
see the mothers l^ alive tendering their offspring in your
presence," "warn matribua detestata bella" continued the
orator. " Think also of others of all sexes, ages, and con-
ditions, on their knees before your Alteza, most humbly
praying and crying most dolorously to spare their lives, and
save their property from the ensanguined scourge of the insime
soldiers," and so on, and so on.^ %
Now Philip II. was slow in resolving, slower in action.
The ponderous three-deckers of Biscay were notoriously the
dullest sailers ever known, nor were the fettered slaves who
rowed the great galleys of Portugal or of Andalusia very
brisk in their movements ; and yet the King might have
found time to marshal his ideas and his squadrons, and the
Armada had leisure to circumnavigate the globe and invade
England afterwards, if a succession of John Kogerses could
have entertained his Highness with compliments while the
preparations were making.
But Alexander — ^at the very outset of the Doctor's eloquence
— ^found it difficult to suppress liis feelings. " I can assure
your Majesty," said Kogers, " that his eyes — ^he has a very
large eye — were moistened. Sometimes they were thrown
upward to heaven, sometimes they were fixed full upon me,
sometimes they were cast downward, well declaring how his
heart was affected." ^
Honest John ev^ thought it necessary to mitigate the
effect of his rhetoric, and to assure his Highness that it
was, after all, only he. Doctor Rogers, and not the minister
plenipotentiary of the Queen's most serene Majesty, who was
exciting all this emotion.
" At this part of my speech," said he, " I prayed his High-
ness not to be troubled,* for that the same only proceeded from
» Doctor Rogers to tho Queen, MS. last cited. • Ibii » " Scontoatacsi," IbiO.
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158S. WONDERFUL HARANGUES OP THE ENVOY. 377
Doctor Rogers y who, it might please him to know, was so much
moved with the pitiful case of these countries, as also that
which of war was sure to ensue, that I wished, if my body
were full of rivers of blood, the same to be poured forth to
satisfy any that were blood-thirsty, so there might an assured
peace follow/'*
His Highness, at any rate, manifesting no wish to drink of
such sanguinary streams — even had the Doctor's body con-
tained them — Sogers became calmer. He then descended
from rhetoric to jurisprudence and casuistry, and argued at
intolerable length the propriety of commencing the con-
ferences at Ostend, and of exhibiting mutually the commissions.
It is quite unnecessary to follow him as closely as did
Famese. When he had finished the first part of his oration,
however, and was " addressing himself to the second point,"
Alexander at last interrupted the torrent of his eloquence.
" He said that my divisions and subdivisions," wrote the
Doctor, " were perfectly in his remembrance, and that he would
first answer the first point, and afterwards give audience to
the second, and answer the same accordingly."
Accordingly Alexander put on his hat, and begged the
envoy also to be covered. Then, " with great gravity, as one
inwardly much moved," the Duko took up his part in the
dialogue.
" Signer Ruggieri," said he, ^'you have propounded unto
me speeches of two sorts : the one proceeds from Doctor
Euggieri, the other from the lord ambassador of the most
serene Queen of England. Touching the first, I do give you
my hearty thanks for your godly speeches, assuring you that
though, by reason I have always followed the wars, I cannot
be Ignorant of the calamities by you aUeged, yet you have
so truly represented the same before mine eyes as to effectuate
in me at this instant, not only the confirmation of mine own
disposition to have peace, but also an assurance that this treaty
shall take good and speedy end, seeing that it hath pleased
God to raise up such a good instrument as you are."^
' Rogers to tbo Qaeco. MS. before dted. • Ibid.
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378
THE UNITED NETHEBIiAl!n)3.
Chap. XVllL
" Many are the causes/' continued the Duke, " which, be-
sides my disposition, move me to peace. My father and
mother are dead, my son is a young prince, my house has
truly need of my presence. I am not ignorant how ticklish a
thing is the fortune of war, which — ^how victorious soever I
have been — ^may in one moment not only deface the same,
but also deprive me of my life. The King, my master, is
now stricken in years, his children are young, his dominions
in trouble. His desire is to live, and to leave his posterity in
quietness. The glory of God, the honor of both their
Majesties, and the good of these countries, with the stay of
the effusion of Christian blood, and divers other like reasons,
force him to peace!' ^
Thus spoke Alexander, like an honest Christian gentleman,
avowing the most equitable end pacific dispositions on the
part of his master and himself. Yet at that moment he knew
that the Armada was about to sail, that his own nights and
days were passed in active preparations for war, and that no
earthly power could move Philip by one hair's-breadth from
his purpose to conquer England that summer.*
It would be superfluous to follow the Duke or the Doctor
through their long dialogue on the place <rf conference, and
the commissions. Alexander considered it ^^ infamy " on his
name if he should send envoys to a place of his master's held
by the enemy. He was also of opinion that it was unheard
of to exhibit commissions previous to a preliminary colloquy.
Both, propositions were strenuously contested by Rogers.
In regard to the second point in particular, he showed tri-
umphantly, by citations from the " Polonians, Prussians, and
Lithuanians," that commissions ought to be previously exhi-
bited.' But it was not probable that even the Doctor's learn-
ing and logic would persuade Alexander to produce his
1 Bogers to the Qnecn, MS. last
dtecL
' We have sufficiently proved the
good faith of the Qaeen on entering
upon these negotiations. Alexander
himself felt as sure of her sincerity
M he did of his master's duplicity.
"I believe that she desires peaco
earnestly," said he to Philip, '*on
acooont of her fear of expense."
Parma to Philip II. 31 Jan. 1588.
(Ardi. de Simancas, MS.)
' Rogers to the Queen, MS. ohxmdy
dted.
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1588. EXTRAORDINABT AMENITT OF ALEXANDER. 379
commission^ because^ unfortunately, he had no commission to
produce. A comfortable argument on the subject, however,
would, none the less, consume time.
Three hours of this work brought them, exhausted and
hungry, to the hour of noon and of dinner. Alexander, with
profuse and smiling thanks for the envoy's plain dealing and
eloquence, assured him that there would have been peace long
ago " had Doctor Eogers always been the instrument,*' and re-
gretted that he was himself not learned enough to deal credit-
ably with him. He would, however, send Eichardot to bear
him company at table, and chop logic with him afterwards.
Next day, at the same hour, the Duke and Doctor had
another encounter. So soon as the envoy made his appear-
ance, he found himself "embraced most cheerfully and
familiarly by his Alteza,'' who, then entering at once into
business, asked as to the Doctor's second point.*
The Doctor answered with great alacrity.
" Certain expressions have been reported ta her Majesty,"
said he, "as coming both from your Highness and from
Eichardot, hinting at a possible attempt by the King of
Spain's forces against the Queen. Her Majesty, gathering
that you are going about belike to terrify her, commands me
to inform you very clearly and very expressly that she does not
deal so weakly in her government, nor so improvidently, but
that she is provided for anything that might be attempted
against her by the King, and as able to offend him as he her
Majesty." 2
Alexander — with a sad countenance, as much offended, his
eyes declaring miscontentment — asked who had made such a
report.
" Upon the honour of a gentleman," said he, " whoever has
said this has much abused me, and evil acquitted himself.
They who know me best are aware that it is not my manner
to let any word pass my lips that might offend any prince."
Then, speaking most solenmly, he added, "I declare really
and truly (which two words he said in Spanish), that /
^ Rogers to Iho Qaoen, MS. last dtod. « Ibid.
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380 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVilL
know not of any intention of the King of ,S]>ain against her
Mcyesty or her realm." ^
At that moment the earth did not open — ^year of portents
though it was— and the Doctor, "singularly rejoicing" at this
authentic information from the highest source, proceeded
cheerfully with the conversation.
"I hold myself," he exclaimed, "the man most satisfied
in the world, because I may now write to her Majesty that I
have heard your Highness upon your honour use these words."
" Upon my honour, it is true," repeated the Duke ; "for so
honourably do I think of her Majesty, as that, after the King,
my master, I would honour and serve her before any prince
in Christendom." Ho added many earnest asseverations of
similar import.
"I do not deny, however," continued Alexander, "that I
have heard of certain ships having been armed by the King
against that Droak" — ^he pronounced the " a" in Drake's name
very broadly, or Dorici — " who has committed so many out-
rages ; but I repeat that I have never heard of any design
against her Majesty or against England."^
The Duke then manifested much anxiety to know by whom
he had been so misrepresented. "There has been no one
with me but Dr. Dale," said he, " and I marvel that he should
thus wantonly have injured me."
"Dr. Dale," replied Rogers, "is a man of honour, of good
years, learned, and well experienced ; but perhaps he unfor-
tunately misapprehended some of your Alteza's words, and
thought himself bound by his allegiance strictly to. report
them to her Majesty." .
"I grieve that I should be misrepresented and injured,"
answered Famese, "in a manner so important to my honoiu*.
Nevertheless, knowing the virtues with which her Majesty is
endued, I assure myself that the protestations I am now
making will entirely satisfy her."
He then expressed the fervent hope that the holy work of
' " Bealmento y venladcramcnte." (Rogers to tbo Queen, MS. last cited.)
• Ibid.
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1588. WITH WHICH EOaBBS IS MUCH TOUCHED. 381
negotiation now commencing would result in a renewal of
the ancient friendship between the Houses of Burgundy and
of England^ asserting that ^' there had never been so favour-
able a time as the present.'"
Under former jgovemments of the Netherlands there had
been many mistakes and misunderstandings.
" The Duke of Alva," said he, " has learned by this time,
before the judgment-seat of God, how he discharged his func-
tions, succeeding as he did my mother, the Duchess of Parma,
who left the Provinces in so flourishing a condition. Of this,
however, I will say no more, because of a feud between the
Houses of Famese and of Alva. As for Bequesens, he was a
good fellow, but didn't understand his business. Don John of
Austria again, whose soul I doubt not is in heaven, was young
and poor, and disappointed in all his designs ; but God has
never, offered so great a hope of assured peace as might now
be accomplished by her Majesty."^
Finding the Duke in so fervent and favourable a state of
mind, the envoy renewed his demand that at least the ji/rsk
meeting of the commissioners might be held at Ostend.
" Her Majesty finds herself so touched in honour upon this
point, that if it be not conceded — as I doubt not it will be,
seeing the singular forwardness of your Highness'' — said the
artful Doctor with a smile,' " we are no less than commanded
to return to her Majesty's presence."
"I sent Bichardot to you yesterday," said Alexander ; " did
he not content you ?"
" Your Highness, no," replied Bogers. " Moreover her
Majesty sent me to your Alteza, and not to Bichardot. And
the matter is of such importance that I pray you to add to all
your graces and favours heaped upon me, this one of sending
your commissioners to Ostend,"
His Highness could hold out no longer ; but suddenly
catching the Doctor in his arms, and hugging him ^^ in most
honourable and amiable manner," he cried — '
* lUigera to the Queen, MS. last cited. * "I spako it souriant," &c. B^idL
. •Ibid.
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382 THE ITNITBD NETHERLANDS. • Chap. XVHL
"Be contented, be cheerful, mj lord ambassador. You
shall be satisfied upon this point also.''
"And never did envoy depart," cried the lord ambassador,
when he could get his breath, " more bound to you, and more
resolute to speak honour of your Highness than I do."
"To-morrow we will ride together towards Bruges," said
the Duke, in conclusion. " Till then farewell."
Upon this he again heartily embraced the envoy, and the
friends parted for the day.
Next morning, 28th March, the Duke, who was on his way
to Bruges and Sluys to look after his gun-boats, and other
2i?!I!l!, naval and military preparations, set forth on horse-
^sss! back, accompanied by the Marquis del Vasto, and,
for part of the way, by Eogers.
They conversed on the general topics of the approaching
negotiations ; the Duke expressing the opinion that the treaty
of peace would bo made short work with, for it only needed
to renew the old ones between the Houses of England and
Burgundy. As for the Hollanders and Zeelanders, and their
accomplices, he thought there would be no cause of stay on
their account ; and in regard to the cautionary towns he felt
sure that her Majesty had never had any intention of appro-
priating them to herself, and would willingly surrender them
to the King.
Rogers thought it a good opportunity to put in a word for
the Dutchmen, who certainly would not have thanked him
for his assistance at that moment.
"Not to give offence to your Highness," he said, '-'if the
Hollanders and Zeelanders, with their confederates, like to
come into this treaty, surely your Highness would not
object ?"
Alexander, who had been riding along quietly during this
conversation, with his right hand on his hip, now threw out
his arm energetically.
"Let them come into it, let them treat, let them con-
clude,"^ he exclaimed, "in the name of Almighty Grod! I
' " Eotrmo^ trattino, conchiudino." Rogers to the QueeD, MS. last dted.
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1588. THE QUEEN NOT PLEASED WITH HEjR ENVOY. 383
have always been well disposed to peace, and am now more
so than ever. I could even, with the loss of my Jife, be con-
tent to have peace made at this time."
Nothing more, worthy of commemoration, occurred during
this concluding interview ; and the envoy took his leave at
Bruges, and returned to Ostend.^
I have furnished the reader with a minute account of these
conversations, drawn entirely from the original records, not
so much because the interviews were in themselves of Vital
importance, but because they afford a living and breathing
example — ^better than a thousand homilies— of the easy vic-
tory which diplomatic or royal mendacity may always obtain
over innocence and credulity.
Certainly never was envoy more thoroughly b^uiled than
the excellent John upon this occasion. Wiser than a ser-
pent, as he imagined himself to be, more harmless than a
dove, as Alexander found him, he could not sufficiently con-
gratulate himself upon the triumphs of his eloquence and
his adroitness ; and despatched most glowing accounts of his
proceedings to the Queen.
His ardour was somewhat dami)ed, however, at receiving a
message from her Majesty in reply, which was anything but
benignant. His eloquence was not commended ; and even
his preamble, with its touching allusion to the live mothers
tendering their oflfepring — the passage which had brought the
tears into the large eyes of Alexander — ^was coldly and cruelly
censured.
" Her Majesty can in no sort like such speeches" — so ran
the return-despatch — " in which she is made to beg for peace.
The King of Spain standeth in as great need of peace as her-
self; and she doth greatly mislike the preamble of Dr.
Bogers in his address to the Duke at Ghenty finding it, in very
truthy quite fond and vain, I am commanded by a particular
letter to let him understand how much her Majesty is offended
with him.''*
I (S. p. Office M&)
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384
THE UNITBD NBTHBBLANDa
Chap. XVIII
Alexander^ on bis part, informed his rojal master of these
interviews, in which there had been so much effusion of senti-
ment, in very brief fashion.
"Dr. Kogers, one of the Queen's commissioners, has been
here," he said, " urging me with all his might to' let all your
Majesty's deputies go, if only for one hour, to Ostend. I
refused, saying, I would rather they should go to England
than into a city of your Majesty held by English troops. I
told him it ought to be satisfactory that I had offered the
Queen, as a lady, her choice of any place in the Provinces,
or on neutral ground, Rogers expressed regret for all the
bloodshed and other consequences if the negotiations should
fall through for so trifling a cause ; the more so as in return
for this little compliment to the Queen she would not only
restore to your Majesty everything that she .holds in the
Netherlands, but would assist you to recover the part which
remains obstinate.^ To quiet him and to consume time, I
have promised that President Bichardot shall go and try to
satisfy them. Thus two or three weeks more wiU he wasted.
But at last the time will come for exhibiting the powers.
They are very anxious to see mine ; and when at last 'they
find I have none, I fear that they will break off the nego-
tiations." ^
Could the Queen have been informed of this voluntary
offer on the part of her envoy to give up Ihe cautionary
towns, and to assist in reducing the rebellion, she might have
used stronger language of rebuke. It is quite possible, how-
ever, that Famese— not so attentively following the Doctor's
eloquence as he had appeared to do— had somewhat inaccu-
rately reported the conversations, which, after sJJ, he knew
to be of no consequence whatever, except as time-consumers.
For Elizabeth, desirous of peace as she was, and trusting to
Famese's sincerity as she was disposed to do, was more sensi-
tive than ever as to her dignity.
> *' For esta poca honra que se bara
a la Bevna ella non solo lestitujre a
y. Mag<> todo lo que tiene destOB esta-
do6 mas ayudara a cobrar la parte quo
quedara obstinada.^
II., 16 ApR, 1588.
maucaa, MS.)
• Ibid.
Parma to Philip
(Archivo de Si-
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158& CBEDULITT OF THE ENGLISH COMMISSIONEBa 386
" We charge you all," site wrote with her own hand to the
oommissioners, " that no word he overslipt hy them, that may
touch our honour and greatness, that be not answered with
good sharp words. I am a king that will be over known not
to fear any but God." ^
It would have been better, however, had the Queen more
thoroughly understood that the day for scolding had quite
gone by, and that something sharper than the sharpest words
would soon be wanted to protect England and herself from
impending doom. For there was something almost gigantic
in the frivolities with which weeks and months of such pre-
cious time were now squandered. Plenary powers — *'com-
mision bastantissima" — from his sovereign had been an-
nounced by Alexander as in his possession ; although the
reader has seen that he had no such powers at all. The mis-
sion of Rogers had quieted the envoys at Ostend for a time,
and they waited quietly for the visit of Bichardot to Ostend,
into which the promised meeting of all the Spanish commis-
sioners in that city had dwindled. Meantime there was an
exchange of the most friendly amenities between the English
and their mortal enemies. Hardly a day passed that La
Motte, or Renty, or Aremberg, did not send Lord Derby, or
Cobham, or Robert Cecil, a hare, or a pheasant, or a cast of
hawks,^ and they in return sent barrel upon barrel of Ostend
oysters, five or six hundred at a time.* The Englishmen, too,
had it in their power to gratify Alexander himself with
English greyhound8,*for which he had a special liking. " You
would wonder," wrote Cecil to his father, " how fond he is of
English dogs." ^ There was also much good preaching among
other occupations, at Ostend. "My Lord of Derby's two
chaplains," said Cecil, "have seasoned this town better with
sermons than it had been before for a year's space."^ But all
this did not expedite the negotiations, nor did the Duke
> Queen to the Commiasionera, - April, 1688. (3. P. Ofllco MS.)
5
• Coca to Burghlejr, — April, 1688. (S. P. Office MS.)
> Ibid. * Ibid. « Ibid
VOL. II.— 2 C
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386
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVTIL
manifest so much anxiety for colloquies as for greyhounds.
So, in an unlucky hour for himself, another " fond and vain"
old gentleman — James Croft, the comptroller, who had already
figured, not much to his credit, in the secret negotiations
between the Brussels and English cotu*ts — ^betook himself,
unauthorized and alone, to the Duke at Bruges. Here he had
an interview very similar in character to that in which John
Sogers had been indulged, declared to Famese that the Queen
was most anxious for peace, and invited him to send a secret
envoy to England, who would instantly have ocular demon-
stration of the fact. Crofb returned as triumphantly as the
excellent Doctor had done ; averring that there was no doubt
as to the immediate conclusion of a treaty. His grounds of
belief wore very similar to those upon which Rogers had
founded his faith. " 'Tis a weak old man of seventy," said
Parma, "with very little sagacity. I am inclined to think
that his colleagues are taking him in, that they may the better
deceive ma} I will see that they do nothing of the kind."
But the movement was purely one of the comptroller's own
inspiration ; for Sir James had a singular facility for getting
himself into trouble, and for making confusion. Already,
when he had been scarcely a day in Ostend, he had insulted
the governor of the place, Sir John Conway, had given him
the lie in the hearing of many of his own soldiers, had gone
about telling all the world that he had express authority from
her Majesty to send him home in disgrace, and that the Queen
had called him a fool, and quite unfit for his post.' And as
if this had not been mischief-making enough, in addition to
the absurd De Loo and Bodman n^;otiations of the previous
year, in whidi he had been the principal actor, he had
crowned his absurdities by this secret and officious visit to
Ghent. The Queen, naturally very indignant at this con-
duct^ reprehended him severely, and ordered him back to
> '*Como muestra poca eagaoidad
dexa de dar re^elo de que le engafian
a el para mas engafiar," Ac. Panna
to PhUip II., 13 May, 1688. (Arch.
de ^mancaa MS.)
* Queen to Derbj and Cobham, -~
April, 1588. (a P. Office MS.)
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1588.
CERBMOliTIOITS MBBTINa OP AIIi THE ENVOYS.
387
England.^ The comptroller was wretched. Ho expressed
his readiness to obey her commands, but nevertheless im-
plored his dread sovereign to ;take merciful consideration of
the manifold misfortunes, ruin, and utter undoing, which,
thereby should fall upon him and his unfortunate family. All
this he protested he would nothing esteem if it tended to her
Majesty's pleasure or service, "but seeing it should effectuate
nothing but to bring the aged carcase of her poor vassal to
present decay, he implored compassion upon his hoary hairs,
and promised to repair the error of his former proceedings.
He avowed that he would not have ventured to disobey for a
moment her orders to return, but " that his aged and feeble
limbs did not retain sufficient force, without present death, to
comply with her commandment.''^ And with that he took to
his bed, and remained there until the Queen was graciously
pleased to grant him her pardon.
At last, early in May — ^instead of the visit of Richardot —
there was a preliminary meeting of all the commissioners in
tents on the sands, within a cannon-shot of Ostend, and between
that place and Newport. It was a showy and ceremonious
interview, in which no business was transacted. The commis-
sioners of Philip were attended by a body of one hundred and
fifty light horse, and by three hundred private gentlemen in
magnificent costume. La Mott« also came from Newport with
one thousand Walloon cavalry, while the English commissioners
on their part were escorted from Ostend by an imposing array of
English and Dutch troops.' As the territory was SpAnish, the
dignity of the King was supposed to be preserved, and Alexander,
who had promised Dr. Rogers that the first interview should
take place within Ostend itself, thought it necessary to apologize
to his sovereign for so nearly keeping his word as to send the
envoys within cannon-shot of the town. " The English com-
' Queen to the Commissioners fbr
the reprehension of Sir James Croft-
in Lord Burghley*s handwriting, —
May, 1688. (a P. Office MS.)
* Croft to the Qoeen, 28 May,
1588. (&P. OffloeMS.)
* Parma to Philip II. 13 Ma^r, 158a
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.)
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388
THB UNITED NBTHEKL/LNDSL
Chap. XVIIL
missioners/' said he^ ^^ begged with so much submission for
this concessioD, that I thought it as well to grant it/' ^
The Spanish envoys were despatched by the Duke of
Parma, well provided with full powers for himself, which were
not desired by the English government, but unfurnished with
a commission from Philip, which had been pronounced indis-
pensable.* There was, therefore, much prancing of cavaliy,
flourishing of trumpets, and eating of oysters, at theflrst con-
ference, but not one stroke of business. As the English
envoys had now been three whole months in Ostehd, and as
this was the first occasion on which they had been brought
face to face with- the Spanish commissioners, it must be con-
fessed that the tactics of Famese had been masterly. Had
the haste in the dock-yards of Lisbon and Cadiz been at all
equal to the magnificent procrastination in the council-cham-
bers of Bruges and Ghent, Medina Sidonia might already have
been in the Thames.
But although little ostensible business was performed, there
was one man who had always an eye to his work. The same
servant in plain livery, who had accompanied Secretaiy
Gamier, on his first visit to the English commissioners at
Osteud, had now come thither again, accompanied by a
fellow-lackey. While the complimentary dinner, offered in
the name of the absent Famese to the Queen's l^resenta-
tives, was going forward, tho two menials strayed off together
to the downs, for the purpose of rabbit-shooting.* The one of
them was the same engineer who had already, on the former
occasion, taken a complete survey of the fortifications of
Ostend ; the other was no less a personage than the Dake of
Parma himself. The pair now made a thorough examination
of the town and its neighbourhood, and, having finished their
reconnoitring, made the best of their way back to Bruges.'
As it was then one of Alexander's favourite objects to reduce
' '^Soplicado con grande submicion
que se dieiBe esta satifl&oioa a la
Reyius" Ac. Panna to Philip II.
IMS. last cited)
• Ibid.
» Parma to Philip XL 13 Ifaj, 168a
(A.roh. do SimaDcas, MS.)
* Ibid.
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U88.
GONSUICMATK ABT IN WASTINa TIKE.
389
the city of Ostend, at the earliest possible moment^ it must
be allowed that this preliminary conferenoe was not so barren
to himself as it was to the commissioners. Philip, when in-
formed of this manoeavre, was naturally gratified at such
masterly duplicity, while he gently rebuked his nephew for
exposing his valuable life ; and certainly it would hare been
an inglorious termination to the Duke's splendid career, had
he been hanged as a spy within the trenches of Ostend. With
the other details of this first diplomatic colloquy Philip was
delighted. "I see you understand me thoroughly," he said.
'^ Keep the negotiation alive till my Armada appears, and then
carry out my determination, and replant the Oatholio religion
on the soil of England/'^
The Queen was not in such high spirits. She was losing
her temper very &st, as she became more and more con-
vinced that she had been trifled with. No powers had been
yet exhibited, no permanent place of conference fixed upon,
and the cessation of arms demanded by her commissioners for
England, Spiain, and all the Netherlands, was absolutely
refused.? She desired her commissioners to inform the Duke
of Parma that it greatly touched his honour — as both before
their coming and afterwards, ho had assured her that he had
comiaion bcutcmtissima from his sovereign — ^to dear himself at
once from the imputation of insincerity. ^^ Let not the Duke
think," she wrote with her own hand, " that we would so long
time endure these many fiivolous and imkindly dealings, but
that we desire all the world to know our desire of a kingly
peace, and that we will endure no more the like, nor any, but
will return you firom your charge."*
Accordingly — by her Majesty's special command — Dr. Dale
made another visit to Bruges, to discover, once for all, whether
there was a commission from Philip or not, and, if so, to see
it with his own eyes. On the 7th May he had an interview
^ Phflip n. to Parma, 21 June, 1588.
(Arch, de SimaDcas, MS.)
• Parma to Philip H. 13 May, 1688.
(Arch, do Simanca?, ISS.)
* Queen to the Conmiiasioner^
ri^ 1688. (& P. Office Ma)
10 May ' ^
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390 ^^B UNITED KETHEBLANDS. Chap. XYIH
with the Duke. After thanking his Highness for the honour-
^ able and stately manner in which the conferences
7^^' had been inaugurated near Ostend, Dale laid very
plainly before him her Majesty's complaints of
the tergiversations and equivocations concerning the com-
mission, which had now lasted three months loi^.^
In answer, Alexander made a complimentary harangue,
confining himself entirely to the first part of the envoy's
address, and assuring him in redundant phraseology, that he
should hold himself very guilty before the wodd, if he had not
surrounded the first colloquy between the plenipotentiaries of
two such mighty princes, with as much, pomp as the circum-
stances of time and place would allow. After this superfluous
xhetonc had been poured forth, he calmly dismissed the
topic which Dr. Dale had come all the way from Ostend to
discuss, by carelessly observing that President Bichardot would
confer with him on the subject of the commission.^
^^ But," said the envoy, " 'tis no matter of conference or
diq>ute. I desire simply to see the commission."
^^ Bichardot and Ohampagny shall deal with you in the
afternoon," repeated Alexander; and, with this reply, the
Doctor was fain to be contented.
Dale then alluded to the pcnnt of cessation of arms.
" Although," said he, ^^ the Queen might justly require that
the cessation should be gmer^d for all the King's dominion,
jei in order not to stand on precise points, she is eontont that
it should extend no further than to the towns of Flushing,
Briel, Ostend, and Bergen-op-Zoom."
"To this he said nothing," wrote the envoy, "and so I
went no further."
In th^ afternoon Dale had conference with Ohampagny and
Siohardoi As usual, Ohampagny was boimd hand and foot
by the gout, but was as quick-witted and disputatious as ever.
Again Dale made an earnest harangue, proving satisfiu^torily
> Dftle to the Queen, ~ Umj, 1588. (S. P. Office IIS.)
s Dale to the Qaeen. (MS. last cited.)
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1588.
LONa DISPUTES ABOUT OOMICISSIONa
891
\ if any proof weit necessary on sacli a point — that a com-
niission from Philip ought to be produced, and that a com-
mission had been promised, over and over again.^
After a pause, both the representatives of Parma b^an to
wrangle with the earoy in very insolont fashion. *^ Bichardot
is always their mouth-piece ; '' said lUIe, " only Champagny
choppeth in at every word, and would do so likewise in ours if
we would sufiBsr it/' *
" We shall never have done with these impertinent demands,"
^aid the Prudent. "You ought to be satisfied' with the
Duke's promise of ratification contained in his commission.
We confess what yon say concerning the former requisitions
and promises to be true, but when will you have done ? Have
we not showed it to Mr, Croft, one of your own colleagues ?
And if we show it you now, another may come to-morrow,
and so m^ shall never have an end."
"The delays, com3 fronx yourselves,' roundly, replied the
Englishman, "for you refuse to do what in reason and law
you are bound to do. And the more demands the more mora
autpotius culpa in you. You, of all men, have least cause to
hold such language, who so confidently and even disdainfully
answered our demand for the commission, in Mr. Cecil's pre-
sence, and promised to show a perfect one at the very first
meeting. As for Mr. Comptroller Croft, he came hither
without the command of her Majesty and without the know-
ledge of his colleagues."
Bichardot then b^n to insinuate that, as Croft had come
without authority, so — ^for aught they could tell — might Dale
also. But Champagny here interruped, protested that the
president was going too far, and b^ged him to show the com-
mission without further argument.*
Upon this Bichardot pulled out the commission from under
his gown, and placed it in Dr. l)ale's hands 1 *
It was dated 17th .April, 1588, signed and sealed by the
' Pale to the Queen, Ma last dtecL
■ Commiflsionere to Privy Council,
7 June, 1588. (a P. OfBce MS.)
* Dale to the Queen, - Maj, 1688.
(aP.OffloeMa) .
* Ibid.
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392
THB UNITED NBTHBRLANDa
Ohap. xvin
Eing^ and written in French, and was to the e£^t, that as
there had been differences between her Majesty and himself^
as her Majesty had sent ambassadors into the NetherlandSy as
the Duke of Parma had entered into treaty with her Majesty,
therefore the King authorised the Duke to appoint oommis-
sioners to treat, conclude, and determine all controversies and
misunderstandings, confirmed any such, appointments already
made, and promised to ratify all that might be done by '&em
in the premises.*
Dr. Dale expressed his satisfaction with the tenor of this
docimient, and b^ged to be furnished with a copy of it, but
thiri was peremptorily refused.* There was then a long con-
versation— ending, as usual, in nothing — on the two odier
points, the place for the conferences, namely, and the cessation
of arms.
Next morning Dale, in taking leave of the Duke of Parma,
expressed the gratification which he felt, and which her
Majesty was sure to feel at the production of the commission.
It was now proved, said the envoy, that the King was as
earnestly in favour of peace as the Duke was himself.
Dale then returned, well satisfied, to Ostend.
In truth the commission had arrived just in time. ^^ Had
I not received it soon enough to produce it then,'' said
Alexander, " the Queen would have broken off the n^otia-
tions. Bo I ordered Bichardot, who is quite aware of your
Majesty's secret intentions, from which we shall not swerve
one jot, to show it privately to Croft, and afterwards to Dr.
Dale, but without allowing a copy of it to be taken."*
" Tou have done very well," replied Philip, "but that com-
mission is, on no account^ to be uaed^ except for show, Tou know
my mind thoroughly." *
> Dale to tbo Queen, Ma last cited.
• Ibid.
' Parma to Philip XL 8 Juna 1588.
(Arcb. de Sim. MS.)
♦ Philip to Parma, 21 June, 1688.
(Arch, de Sim. Ma)
The King, when he sX last sent the
power on the 13th May, 1688, had
observed to Famese^"! don*t think
that there will be any trouble on ac-
count of your haying no commission
from me. Nevertheless in order to
dispel their doubts and to remove all
suspidon, I have ordered fix* the nonce
one to be sent in French. This, as I
have already stated, is not to bo used
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1588.
THE SPANISH COMMISSIONS MEANT TO DECEIVE.
393
Thus three months had been conBumed^ and at last one
indispensable preliminary to any n^^tiation had, in appiear-
ance, been performed. FnH powers on both sides had been
exhibited When the Quoen of England gave the Earl of
Derby and his colleagues commission to treat with the King's
envoys^ and pledged herself beforehand to ratify all their
proceedings, she meant to perform the promise to which she
had affixed her royal name and seal. She could not know
that the Spanish monarch was deliberately putting his namo
to a lie, and chuckling in secret over the credulity of his
English sister, who was willing to take his word and his bond.
Of a certainty the English were no match for southern
diplomacy.
But Elizabeth was now more impatient than ever that the
other two preliminaries should be settled, the place of con-
ferences, and the armistice.
" Be plain with the Duke," she wrote to her envoys, " that
we have tolerated so many weeks in tarrying a commission,
that I will never endure more delays. Let him know ho
deals with a prince who prizes her honour more than her life.
Make yourselves such as stand of your reputations.''^
Sharp words, but not sharp enough to prevent a further
delay of a month ; for it was not till the 6th June that the
commissioners at last came together at Bourboui^,^ 6 Jane,
that '^miserable little hole," on the coast between isss.
for the porpoee of concluding or agroo-
ing to anytbii^, in any case what-
ever, but only for the sake of keeping
the negotiation alive, in order to enable
us the better to execute our armed
enterprise; and so I again charge it
upon you, with a renewed prohibition
of any thing in a contrary sense, refer-
ring you always to my letter of 24th
April, and to my orders so often given,
which you are to fulfil exactly without
departing one jot therefirom." "Para
sacarlos de duda, y quitarlos toda
sospecha, ho mandado un poder por la
via en frances, del qua], como entonoes,
OS lo adverti y declare, no se ha de
usar para asentar ni concluyr por nin-
gun case, cosa alguna^ sine sob que
acade la platica,para poder executar
mojor lo do las armas y empresa, y asi
OS lo tomo a encaigar con nueva pro-
hibicion de lo oontrario^ remitiendome
a la carta que en esta materia se os
escribio por esta via a lo 24 April, que
es la orden que aveys do cumplir
puntualmente sin n^Mirtaros della^" &c.
Philip IL to Parma, 13 May, 1588.
(Archive de Simancas, MS.)
* Queen's Minute to the Commis-
Bioneis, - May, 1588. (S. P. Office
MS.)
s Parma to Philip^ 8 Juno, 1588.
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.) Bale to
Walsingham, ^-—i^ 1688. (a P. Office
8 Jnso
MS.) Commissioners to the Queea
(Ibid.)
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394 7HB UNITED HBTHBRLAKD& Chap. XVIH
Osiend and Newport, against which Gamier had warned them.
And now there was ample opportimitj to wrangle at fall
length on the next preliminary, the cessation of arms. It
would be superfluous to foUow the altercatioos step by step-*
for negotiations there were none — and it is only for the sake
of exhibiting at full length the in£uny of diplomacy, when
diplomacy is unaccompanied by honesty, that we are hanging
up this series of pictures at alL Those bloodless encounters
between credulity and vanity upon one side, and gigantic
fraud on the other, near those very sands of Newport, and in
sight of the Northan Ocean, where, before long, the most
terrible battles, both by land and sea, which the age had yet
witnessed, were to occur, are quite as full of instruction and
moral as the most sanguinary combats eva: waged.
At last the commissioners exchanged copies of their re*
spective powers. After four months of waiting and wrangling,
ff ]f^ so much had been achieved — a show of commissions
9imi and a selection^ of the place for conference. And
now began the long debate about the cessation of
arms. The English claimed an armistice for the whole
dominion of Philip and Elizabeth respectively, daring the
term of negotiation, and for twenty days after. The Spanish
wouU grant only a temporary truce, terminable at six days'
notice, and that only for the four cautionary towns of HoUand
held by the Queen. Thus Philip would be free to invade
England at his leisure out of the obedient Netherlands or
Spain. This was inadmissible, of course, but a week was
spent at the outset in reducing the terms to writing; and
when the Duke's propositions were at last produced in the
French tongue, they were refused by the Queen's commis-
sioners, who required that the documents should be in Latin.
Great was the triumph of Dr. Dale, when, after another
interval, he found their Latin full of barbarisms and blunders,
at which a school-boy would have blushed.^ The Song's
conmiissioners, however, while halting in their syntax, had
kept steadily to their point.
> Dale to Walainghiun, 21 Jane, 1688. (S. P. Offioo MS.)
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158a DISPUTES ABOUT CESSATION OF ARMS. 395
" You promised a general cessation of arms at our coming/'
said Dale, at a conference on the — June, "and now ye
have lingered five times twenty days, and nothing done at
alL The world may see the delays come of you and not of
us, and that ye are not so desirous of peace as ye pretend." *
" But as for your invasion of England," stoutly observed the
Earl of Derby, "ye shall find it hot coming thither. England
was never so ready in any former age, neither by sea nor by
land ; but we would show your unreasonableness in proposing
a cessation of arms by which ye would bind her Majesty to
forbear touching all the Low Countries, and yet leave your-
selves at liberty to invade England." *
While they were thus disputing, Secretary Gkimier rushed
into the room, looking very much frightened, and announced
that Lord Henry Seymour's fleet of thirty-two ships of war
was riding off Gravelines, and that he had sent two men on
shore who were now waiting in the ante-chamber.
The men being accordingly admitted^ handed letters to the
English commissioners from Lord Henry, in which be begged
to be informed in what terms they were standing, and whether
they needed his assistance or countenance in the cause in
which they were engaged. The envoys found his presence
very " comfortable," as it showed the Spanish commissioners
that her Majesty was so well provided as to make a cessation
of arms less necessary to her than it was to the King.
They therefore sent their thanks to the Lord Admiral, b^ging
him to cruise for a time off Dunkirk and its neighbourhood,
that both their enemies and their friends might have a sight
of the English ships.^
Great was the panic all along the coast at this unexpected
demonstration. The King's commissioners got into their
coaches, and drove down to the coast to look at the fleet,
and — so soon as they appeared — ^were received with such a
thundering cannonade an hour long, by way of salute, as to
* Ck>mini88ioner8 to Privy Councul, — Juno, 1688. (S. P. Office MS.)
• Ibid. » Ibid.
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396 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIH
convince them, in the opinion of the Ei^Ufih envoys, that tiie
Qaeen had no cause to be afraid of any enemies afloat or
ashore.*
But these noisy arguments were not much more effective
than the interchange of diplomatic broadsides which they had
for a moment superseded. The day had gone by for blank
cartridges and empty protocols. Nevertheless Lord Henry's
harmless thunder was answered, the next day, by a " Quintu-
plication'' in worse Latin than ever, presented to Dr. Dale
and his colleagues by Bichardot and Champagny, on the
subject of the armistice. And then there was a return quin-
tuplication, in choice Latin, by the classic Dale, and then
there was a colloquy on the quintuplication, and everything
that had been chaiged, and truly charged, by the English,
was now denied by the King's commissioners ; and Cham-
pagny— more gouty and more irascible than ever — " chopped
in " at every word spoken by King's envoys or Queen's, con-
tradicted everybody, repudiated everything said or done by
Andrew de Loo, or any of the other secret n^otiators during
the past year, declared that there never had been a general
cessation of arms promised, and that, at any rate, times were
now changed, and such an armistice was inadmissible.^ Then
the English answered with equal impatience, and reproached
the King's representatives with duplicity and w£;nt of faith,
and censured them for their imseemly langua^, and b^ged
to inform Champagny and Bichardot that they had not then
to deal with such persons as they might formerly have been in
the habit of treating withal, but with a "great prince who did
justify the honour of her actions," and they confuted the posi-
tions now assumed by their opponents with official documents
and former statements from those very opponents' lips. And
then, after a}l this diplomatic and rhet(»ical splutter, the
high commissioners recovered their temper and grew more
polite, and the King's " envoys excused themselves in a mild,
* Commiflsioncre to Privy Ck>ancil, — Jane, 1588. (B. P. Offioe MS.)
* Ibid (Ma last cited.)
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1588.
SPANISH DUPUCITT AND PROCBASTINATION.
397
m&rrj manner/' for the rudeness of their speeches, and the
Queen's envoys accepted their apologies with majestic urbanity,
and so they separated for the day in a more friendly manner
than they had done the day before.*
"You see to what a scholar's shift we have been driven
for want of resolution/' said Valentine Dale. " If we should
linger here until there should be broken heads, in what case
we should be God knoweth. For I can trust Champagny and
Bichardot no farther than I can see them." *
And so the whole month of June passed by ; the English
commissioners ^^eaviug no stone unturned to get a quiet ces-
sation of arms in general terms," ' and being constantly foiled ;
yet perpetually kept in hope * that the point would soon bo
carried. At the same time the signs of the approaching
invasion seemed to thicken. '^In my opinion," said Dale,
" as Phormio spako in matters of wars, it were very requisite
that my Lord Harry should be always on this coast, for they
will steal out from hence as closely as they can, either to join
with the Spanish navy or to land, and they may be very easily
scattered, by God's grace." And, with the honest pride of a
protocol-maker, he added, ^^our postulates do trouble the
King's commissioners very much, and do bring them to
despair."*
The excellent Doctor had not even yet discovered that the
King's commissioners were delighted with his postulates ; and
that to have kept them postulating thus five months in suc-
cession, while naval and military preparations were slowly
bringing forth a great event — ^which was soon to stril^e them
with as much amazement as if the moon had fallen out of
heaven — was one of the most decisive triumphs ever achieved
1 OommiflBionerB to Priyj Coimcfl,
- Juno, 1688. (S. P. Office MS.)
• Dale to Walsingbam, — June,
1588. (a P. Office Ma)
**And if her Majesty list to break,
she may now do it upon their present
denial of the cessation of arms, which
Bichardot did in open council promise
to Norris and Andrea de Loo should
be accorded at the coming of her Ma-
jesty's oommissioners, and which is
now denied as ever spoken, or to be
performed, if promised." (Ibid.)
* Dale to Burghley, " June^ 1588
(a p. Offloe Ma)
* Ibid. • Ibid.
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398 5'HB UNITED NETHERI.ANDS. Chap. XVia
by Spanish diplomacy. But the Doctor thought that his
logic had driven the King of Spain to despair.
At the same time he was not insensible to the merits of
another and more peremptory style of rhetoric. "I pray
you/' said he to Walsingham^ '^et us hear some arguments
from toy Lord Harry out of her Majesty's navy now and then.
I think they will do more good than any bolt that we can
shoot here. If they be met with at their going out, there is
no possibility for them to make any resistance, having so few
men that can abide the sea ; for the rest^ as you know, must be
sea-sick at first." ^
But the envoys were completely puzzled. Even at the
b^inning of July, Sir James Croft was quite convinced of the
innocence of the King and the Duke ; ^ but Croft was in his
dotage. As for Dale, he occasionally opened his eyes and his
ears, but more commonly kept them well closed to the signi-
ficance of passing events, and consoled himself with his pro-
. tocols and his classics, and the purity of his own Latin.
"'Tis a very wise saying of Terence," said he, '^omnibus
nobis ut res dartt sesCy ita magni aut humtlea sumus. When
the King's commissioners hear of the King's navy fix)m Spain,
they are in such jollity that they talk loud In
the mean time — as the wife of Bath saith in Chaucer by her
husband, we owe them not a word. If we should die to-
morrow, I hope her Majesty will find by our writings that the
honour of the cause, in the opinion of the worfd, must be with
her Majesty, and that her commissioners are neither of such
imperfection in their reasons or so barbarous in language, as
* Dale to Barghlejr, Ma last cited.
* "I may be esteemed more creduloua
than cause requireth, yet I assore jour
Lordship I never embraced anj opinion
thereof other than such as hj some
conjectural aiigument was made yerj
probable unto me, like as I' thought
good at this time to inform jour Lord-
ship^ that jesterdaj b j chance I had
conference with one of the coomiis-
sioners on the other side, and was bj
him in sort assured that the matter
of this treatj will fall out— so far as
in that side lieth — ^to as good purpose
as her Mi^festj will require it; he not
doubting that the two jears for the
toleration of religion, and the point of
her Majesty's security, and all other
things necenary in this treaty, will be
easily assented unto^ to which poipose
he wished me to deal with Dr. Dale to
be willing to ui^ge that which be im-
derhand would advise us unto^ rejtdrmg
for iheir better JUstiflaOion to be prened
4o thai wkkh ihenwebfee much d&'
eire'' {t!) Aa Croft to Bmghley,
?|^1688. (S. P. Office Ma)
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1588. PEDANTBY AND CBEDUUTY OF DB. DALK 899
they who fail not, almost in every line^ of some barbarism not
to be borne in a grammar-school, although in dubtleness and
impadent a£Ebrming of untruths and denying of truths, her
commissioners are not in any respect to match with Cham-
pagnj and Bichardot, who are doctors in that faculty/'^
It might perhaps prove a matter of indifference to Elizabeth
and to England, when the Queen should be a state-prisoner
in Spain and the Inquisition quietly established in her king-
dom, whether the world should admit or not, in case of his
decease, the superiority of Dr. Dale's logic and Latin to those
of his antagonists. And even if mankind conceded the best
of the argument to the English diplomatists, that diplomacy
might seem worthless which could be blind to the colossal
falsehoods growing daily before its eyes. Had the commis-
sioners been able to read the secret correspondence between
Parma and his master — as we have had the opportunity of
doing — they would certainly not have left their homes in
February, to he made fools of until July, but would, on their ,
knees, have implored their royal mistress to awake from her
fatal delusion before it should be too late. Even without that
advantage, it seems incredible that they should have been
unable to pierce through the atmosphere of duplicity which
surrounded them, and to obtain one clear glimpse of the
destruction so steadily advancing upon England.
For ike famous bi^ of Sixtus Y . had now been fulminated.
Elizabeth had been again denounced as a bastard and usurper,
and her kingdom had been solemnly conferred upon Philip,
with title of defender of the Christian &ith, to have and to
hold as tributary and feudatory of Bome. The so-called
Queen had usurped the crown contrary to the ancient treaties
between the apostolic stool aiKl the kingdom of England,
which country, on its reconciliation with the head of the church
aflar the death of St. Thomas of Canterbury, had recognised
the necessity of the Pope's consent in the succession to its
throne ; she had deserved chastisement for the terrible tortures
inflicted by her upon English Catholics and God's own saints ;
> Dale to Burgbley,!! Jane, 1688. (a P. OfSce Ma)
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400 ^*HS UNITED NBTHEBLANDS. • Chap. XVllI
and it was declared an act of virtuei to be repaid with plenary-
indulgence and forgiveness of all sins, to lay violent bands on
the usurper, and deliver her into the hands of the Catholic
party. And of the holy league against the usurper, Philip
was appointed the head, and Alexander of Parma chief com-
mander. This document was published in large numbers in
Antwerp in the English tongue.^
The pamphlet of Dr. Allen, just named Cardinal, was also
translated in the same city, under the direction of the Duke
of Parma, in order to be distributed throughout England, on
the arrival in that kingdom of the Catholic troops.* The well-
known ^ Admonition to the Nobility and People of England
and Ireland' accused the Queen of every crime and vice
which can pollute humanity, and was filled with foul details
unfit for the public eye in these more decent days.^
So soon as the intelligence of these publications reached
England, the Queen ordered her commissioners at Bourbourg
. to take instant cognizance of them, and to obtain a cat^orical
explanation on the subject from Alexander himself : as if an
explanation were possible, as if the designs of Bixtus, Philip,
and Alexander, could any longer be doubted, and as if the Duke
were more likely now than before to make a succinct state-
ment of them for the benefit of her Majesty.
"Having discovered," wrote Elizabeth on the 9th July
(N.S.), " that this treaty of peace is entertained only to abuse
us, and being many ways given to understand that the prepa-
rations which have so long been making, and which now are
consummated, both in . Spain and the Low Countries, are pur-
posely to be employed against us and our country ; finding
that, for the furtherance of these exploits, there is leady to be
published a vile, slanderous, and blasphemous book, containing
as many lies as lines, entitled, ^An Admonition,' &c., and
contrived by a lewd born-subject of ours, now become an
arrant traitor, named Dr. Allen, lately made a cardinal at
Borne ; as also a bull of the Pope, whereof we send you a
* Meteren, xv. 270, Mq, I (Arch, de Sim. MS.)
• Parma to Philip II. 21 Jane. 1688. | * Lingard, viiL 442, Mf.
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158B. THE PAPAL BULL AND DB. ALLAITS PAHPHLET. 401
copy, both verjr lately brought into those Low Countries, the
one whereof is already printed at Antwerp, in a great multitude,
in the English tongue, and the other ordered to be printed,
only to stir up our subjects, contrary to the laws of God and
their allegiance, to join with such foreign purposes as are pre-
pared against us and our realm, to come out of those Low
Countries and out of Spain ; and as it appears by the said
bull that the Duke of Parma is expressly named and chosen
by the Pope and the King of Spain to be principal executioner
of these intended enterprises, we cannot think it honourable
for us to continue longer the treaty of peace with them that,
under colour of treaty, arm themselves with all the power they
can to a bloody war/' ^
Accordingly the Queen commanded Dr. Dale, as one of the
commissioners, to proceed forthwith to the Duke, in order to
obtain explanations as to hi^ contemplated conquest of her
realm, and as to his share in the publication of the bull and
pamphlet, and to ^^ require him, as he would be accounted a
prince of honour, to let her plainly tmderstand what she might
think thereof/' The envoy was to assure him that the Queen
would trust implicitly to his statement, to adjure him to declare
the truth, and, in case he avowed the publications and the
belligerent intentions suspected, to demand instant safe-conduct
to England for her commisisioners, who would, of course, in-
stantly leave the Netherlands. On the other hand, if the Duke
disavowed those infamous documents, he was to be requested to
punish the printers, and have the books burned by the hangman.^
Dr. Dale, although suffering from cholic, was obliged to set
forth at once upon what he felt would be a bootless journey.
At his return — ^which was upon the 22nd of July (N.S.) —
the shrewd old gentleman had nearly arrived at the opinion
that her Majesty might as well break off the negotiations.
He had a '^comfortless voyage and a ticklish message;"'
found all along the road signs of an approaching enterprise,
difficult to be mistaken ; reported 10,000 veteran Spaniards,
1 Qoeen to CommisiionerSi 1!^
1588. (S. P. Office M3. • Ibid.)* '"*^
VOL. n. — 2 D
u
> Dale to Borghle^, . Jolj, 1588i
(a P. Offioo Ma) "
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402
THE UNITED NBTHBELANDS.
Chap. XVIIL
to which force Stanley's regiment was united ; 6000 Italians^
3000 Germans, all with pikes, corselets, and slash swords
complete ; besides 10,000 Walloons. The transports for the
cavalry at Gravelingen he did not see, nor was he mnct
impressed with what he heard as to the magnitude of the
naval preparations at Newport. He was informed that the
Duke was about making a foot-pilgrimage from Brussels to
Our Lady of Halle, to implore victory for his banners, and had
daily evidence of the soldier's expectation to invade and to
" devour England." ^ All this had not tended to cure him of
the low spirits with which he began the journey. Nevertheless,
although he was unable — as will be seen — ^to report an entirely
satisfactory answer from Famese to the Queen upon the mo-
mentous questions entrusted to him, he, at least, thought of a
choice passage in ^ The Mneid/ so very apt to the circumstances,
as almost to console him for the ^^ pangs of his cholic'' and
the terrors of the approaching invasion.
"I have written two or three verses out of Virgil for the
Queen to read," said he, "which I pray your Lordship to
present unto her. Ood grant her to weigh them. If your
Lordship do read the whole discourse of Virgil in that place,
it will make your heart melt. Observe the report of the am-
bassadors that were sent to Diomedes to make war against
the Trojans, for the old hatred that he, being a Grecian, did
bear unto them ; and note the answer of Diomedes dissuading
them from entering into war with the Trojans, the perplexity
of the King, the miseries of the country, the reasons of Drances
that spake against them which would have war, the violent
persuasions of Tiimus to war; and note, I pray you, one word,
' nee te ulliua violerdiafrahgai* ^ What a lecture could I make
with Mr. Cecil upon that passage in Virgil I"*
The most important point for the reader to remark is the
date of this letter. It was received in the very last days of
^ Dale to WalslDgfaam, dato last
dted. (S. P. Office Ma)
* The reader who will take the
trouble to refer to the .£neid, lib. xi.
may amuse himself bj obeerviog that
the aptoess of the aualogy was hj no
means so wonderful as it seemed to
Dr. Dale, "««; U uOmu viokntia vnr-
CAT (FRANGAtX Ac.y 364.
» Dale to Buiighlej, - July, 1588.
(S. P. Office MS.)
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1588. DALE SENT TO ASK EXPLANATIONa 403
the month of July. Let him observe— as. he will soon have
occasion to do— the events which were occurring on land and
sea, exactly at the moment when this classic despatch reached
its destination, and judge whether the hearts of the Queen and
Lord Burghley would be then quite at leisure to melt at the
sorrows of the Trojan War. Perhaps the doings of Drake and
Howard, Medina Sidonia, and Bicalde, would be pressing as
much on their attention as the eloquence of Diomede or the
wrath of Tumus. Yet it may be doubted whether the reports
of these Grecian envoys might not, in truth, be almost as
much to the purpose as the despatches of the diplomatic
pedant, with his Virgil and his cholic, into whose hands grave
matters of peace and war were entrusted in what seemed the
day of England's doom.
*^ What a lecture I could make with Mr. Cecil on tho
subject ! " An English ambassador, at the court of Philip II/s
viceroy, could indulge himself in imaginary prelections on the
iEneid, in the last days of July, of the year of our Lord 1588 !
The Doctor, however — to do him justice — ^had put the ques-
tions categorically to his Highness as he had been instructed
- July, to do. Ho went to Bruges so mysteriously, that no
1588. living man, that side the sea, save Lord Derby and
Lord Cobham, knew the cause of his journey.^ Poor puzzling
James Croft, in particular, was moved almost to tears, by being
kept out of the secret.^ On the ^ July Dale had audience of
lo
the Duke at Bruges. After a few commonplaces, he was
invited by the Duke to state what special purpose had brought
him to Bruges.
" There is a book printed at Antwerp," said Dale, "and set
forth byafugitivefromEngland, who calleth himself acardinaV^
Upon this the Duke began diligently to listen.
"This book,'' resumed Dale, "is an admonition to the
nobility and people of England and Ireland touching the
execution of the sentence of the Pope against the Queen,
which the King Catholic hath entrusted to your Highness as
1 Dale to Btuighlej, ICS. last cited. * Ibid. * Ibid.
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404 "^^^ UIHTED NETHEBLAKDa Chap. XVIU.
chief of the enterprise. There is also a bull of the Pope
declaring my sovereign mistress ill^timate and an usurper^
with other matters too odious for any prince or gentleman to
name or hear. In this bull the Pope saith that he hath dealt
with the most Catholic King to employ all the means in his
power to the deprivation and deposition of my sovereign, and
doth charge her subjects to assist the army appointed by the
King Catholic for that purpose, under the conduct of your
Highness. Therefore her Majesty would be satisfied from your
Highness in that point, ^id will take satisfaction of none other ;
not doubting but that as you are a prince of word and credit,
you will deal plainly with her Majesty. Whatsoever it may
be, her Majesty will not take it amiss against your Highness,
so she may only be informed by you of the truth. Wherefore
I do require you to satisfy the Queen/' ^
" I am glad,'' replied the Duke, " that her Majesty and her
commissioners do take in good part my good-will towards
them. I am especially touched by the good opinion her
Majesty hath of my sincerity, which I should be glad always
to maintain. As to the book to which you refer, I have never
read it, nor seen it, nor do I take heed of it. It may well bo
that her Majesty, whom it concemeth, should take notice of
it ; but, for my part, I have nought to do with it, nor can I
prevent men from writing or printing at their pleasure. I
am at the commandment of my master only." '
As Alexander made no ref^nce to the Pope's bull. Dr.
Dale observed, that if a war had been, of piupose, undertaken
at the instance of the Pope, all this n^tiation had been in
vain, and her Majesty would be obliged to withdraw her com-
missioners, not doubting that they would receive safe-conduct
as occasion should require.
"Yea, God forbid else," replied Alexander ; *^and further,
I know nothing of any bull of the Pope, nor do I care for any,
nor do I undertake anything for him. But as for any mis-
understanding (mal entendu) between my master and her
Majesty, I must, as a soldier, act at the command of my
I ]>ale to Bnrghle^, Ha last cited. * Ibid. (Ma lastdted.)
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1688. PARMA DENIES ALL KNOWLEDGE OF EITHER. 405
sovereign. For my part, I have always had such respect for
her Majesty, being so noble a Queen, as that I would never
hearken to anything that might be reproachful to her. After
my master, I would do most to serve your Queen, and I hope
she will take my word for her satisfaction on that point. And
for avoiding of bloodshed and the burning of houses and such
other calamities as do follow the wars, I have been a petitioner
to my sovereign that all things might be ended quietly by a
peace. That is a thing, however," added the Duke, " which
you have more cause to desire than we ; for if the King my
master, should lose a battle, he would be able to recover it
well enough, without harm to himself, being far enough off in
Spain, while, if the battle be lost on your side, you may lose
kingdom and all." ^
"By God's sufferance," rejoined the Doctor, "her Majesty
is not without means to defend her crown, that haih descended
to her from so long a succession of ancestors. Moreover your
Highness knows very well tiiat one battle cannot conquer a
kingdom in another country."
" WeU," said the Duke, " that is in God's hand."
" So it is," said the Doctor.
" But make an end of it," continued Alexander quietly,
" and if you have anything to put into writing, you will do mo
a pleasure by sending it to me."^
Dr. Valentine Dale was not the man to resist the tempta-
tion to make a protocol, and promised one for the next day.
"I am charged only to give your Highness satisfaction,"
he said, "as to her Majesty's sincere intentions, which have
abready been published to the world in English, French, and
Italian, in the hope that you may also satisfy ihe Queen upon
this other point. I am but one of her commissioners, and
could not deal without my colleagues. I crave leave to
depart to-morrow morning, and with safe-convoy, as I had in
coining."
After the envoy had taken leave, the Duke summoned
Andrea de Loo, and related to him the conversation which had
» Bale to Burghley. (MS. last cited.) • n»id.
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406
THE UNITED NETHERLANDa
Chap. XVUL
taken place. He then, in the presence of that personage^
again declared upon his honour and with very constant affirma-
tions, that he had never seen nor heard of (he hook — the ^Adino-
nition' by Cardinal Allen — and that he knew nothing of any
bull, and had no r^rd to it.^
The plausible Andrew accompanied the Doctor to his lodg-
ings, protesting all the way of his own and his master's
sincerity, and of their unequivocal intentions to conclude a
peace. The next day the Doctor, by agreement, brought a
most able protocol of demands in the name of all the commis-
sioners of her Majesty ; * which able protocol the Duke did ,
not at that moment read, which he assuredly never read sub-
sequently, and which no human soul ever read afterwards.
Let the dust lie upon it, and upon all the vast heaps of protocols
raised mountains high during the spring wid summer of 1588.
"Dr. Dale has been with me two or three times," said
Parma, in giving his account of these interviews to Philip.
" I don't know why he came, but I think he wished to make
it appear, by coming to Bruges, that the rupture, when it
occurs, was caused by us, not by the English. He has been
complaining of Cardinal Allen's book, and I told him that I
didn't understand a word of English, and knew nothing what-
ever of the matter." *
It has been already seen that the Duke had declared^ ou
his word of honour, that he had never heard of the £unous
pamphlet. Yet at that very moment letters were lying in. his
cabinet, received more than a fortnight before from Philip, in
which that monarch thanJced Alexander for having had the
Cardinal 8 hook trandated at Antwerp!"^ Certainly few
English diplomatists could be a match for a Highness so
liberal of his word of honour.
But even Dr. Dale had at last convinced himself — even
although the Duke knew nothing of bull or pampUet — that
mischief was brewing against England. The sagacious ihan^
1 Dale to Boi'gfaley. MS. last
cited. " Ibid-
» Farma to Pbilip, 21 July, 1588.
(Areh. de Sim. MS.)
^ Philip II. to Panna, 21 June^ If^a
(Arch, de Sim. Ma)
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1588. CROFT BELIEVES TO THE LAST IN ALEXANDER. 407
having seen largo bodies of Spaniards and Walloons making
such demonstrations of eagerness to be led against his countrj'^
and '^ professing it as openly as if they were going to a fair or
market/' while even Alexander himself conld - " no more hide
it than did Henry VIII. when he went to Boulogne/' ^ could
not help suspecting something amiss.
His colleague, however, Comptroller Croft, was more judi-
cious, for he valued himself on taking a sound, temperate, and
conciliatory view of affairs. He was not the man. to offend a
magnanimous neighbour — ^who meant nothing unfriendly — by
regarding his manoeuvres with superfluous suspicion. So this
envoy wrote to Lord Burghley on the 2nd August (N. S.) — ^let
the reader mark the date — that, *^ although a great doubt had
been conceived as to the King's sincerity, .... yet that
discretion and experience induced him — ^the envoy — to think,
that besides the reverent opinion to he had of princes' oaths,
and the general incommodity which will come by the contrary,
God had so balanced princes' powers in that age, as they rather
desire to assure themselves at home, than with danger to invade
their neighbours." *
Perhaps the mariners of England — at that very instant
exchanging broadsides off the coast of Devon and Dorset with
the Spanish Armada, and doing their best to protect their
native land from the most horrible calamity which had ever
impended over it — ^had arrived at a less reverent opinion of
princes' oaths ; and it was well for England in that supreme
hoar that there were such men as Howard and Drake, and
Winter and Frobisher, and a whole people with hearts of oak
to defend her, while bungling diplomatists and credulous
dotards were doing their best to imperil her existence.
But it is necessary — ^in order to obtain a complete picture
of that famous year 1588, and to understand the cause from
which such great events were springing — to cast a glance ^t the
internal politics of the States most involved in Philip's meshes.
IS I SSJnly
> Dale to Bnrgbley, - July, 1688. j « Croft to Burgliler, , 1688.
(S. P. Office MS.) I (a P. Office MS.) ^"**
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THE UNITED NETHERLANPa Chap. XVIIL
Certainly, if there had ever been a time when the new com-
monwealth of the Netherlands should be both united in itself
and on thoroughly friendly terms with England, it was exactly
that epoch of which we are treating. There could be no
reasonable doubt that the designs of Spain against England
were hostile, and against Holland revengeful. It was at least
possible that Philip meant to undertake the conquest of Ei^-
land, and to undertake it as a stepping-stone to the conquest
of Holland. Both the kingdom and the republic should have
been alert, armed, full of suspicion towards the conmion foe,
full of confidence in each other. What decisive blows might
have been struck against Parma in the Netherlands, when his
troops were starving, sickly, and mutinous, if the Hollanders
and Englishmen had been united under one chieftain, and
thoroughly convinced of the impossibility of peace ! Could
the English and Dutch statesmen of that day have read all
the secrets of their great enemy's heart, as it is our privil^e
at this hour to do, they would have known that in sudden and
deadly strokes lay their best chance of salvation. But, without
that advantage, there were men whose sagacity told them that
it was the hour for deeds and not for dreams. For to Leicester
and Walsingham, as well as to Paul Buys and Bameveld,
peace with Spain seemed an idle vision. It was unfortunate
that they were overruled by Queen Elizabeth and Burghley,
who still clung to that delusion ; it was still more disastrous
that the intrigues of Leicester had done so much to paralyse
the republic ; it was almost fatal that his departure, without
laying down his authority, had given the signal for civil war*
During the winter, spring, and summer of 1588, while the
Duke — in the face of mighty obstacles — ^was slowly proceeding
with his preparations in Flanders, to co-operate with the arma-
ments from Spain, it would have been possible by a combined
movement to destroy his whole plan, to liberate all the Nether-
lands, and to avert, by one great effort, the ruin impending
over England. Instead of such vigorous action, it was thought
wiser to send commissioners, to make protocols, to ask for
armistices, to give profusely to the enemy that which he was
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1588. DANGEROUS DISCOBD IN NORTH HOLLAND. 409
most in need of — time. Meanwhile the Hollanders and Eng-
lish conld qnarrel comfortably among themselves^ and the
little republic, for want of a legal head, could come as near as
possible to its dissolution.
Young Maurice — deep thinker for his years and peremptory
in action — was not the man to see his great father's life-work
annihilated before his eyes, so long as he had an arm and
brain of his own. He accepted his position at the head of the
government of Holland and Zeeland, and as chief of the war-
party. The council of state, mainly composed of Leicester's
creatures, whose commissions would soon expire by their own
limitation, could offer but a feeble resistance to such deter-
mined individuals as Maurice, Buys, and Bameveld. The
party made rapid progress. On the other hand, the English
Leicestrians did their best to foment discord in the^ Provinces.
Sonoy was sustained in his rebellion in North Holland, not
only by the Earl's partizans, but by Elizabeth herself. Her
rebukes to Maurice, when Maurice was pursuing the only
course which seemed to him consistent with honour and sound
policy, were sharper than a sword. Well might Duplessis
Momay observe, that the commonwealth had been rather
strangled than embraced by the English Queen. Sonoy, in
the name of Leicester, took arms against Maurice and the
States ; Maurice marched against him ; and Lord Willoughby,
conimander-in-chief of the English forces, was anxious to
march against Maurice. It was a spectacle to make angels
weep, that of Englishmen and Hollanders preparing to cut
each other's throats, at the moment when Philip and Parma
were bending all their energies to crush England and Holland
at once.
Indeed, the interr^num between the departure of Leicester
and his abdication was diligently employed by his more reck-
less partizans to defeat and destroy the authority of the States.
By prolonging the interval, it was hoped that no government
woidd be possible except the arbitrary rule of the Earl, or of
a successor with similar views : for a republic — a free com-
monwealth— ^was thought an absurdity. To entrust supreme
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410
THE UNITED KETHEBLANDa
Chap. XVUX
power to advocates^ merchants^ and mechanics, seemed as
hopeless as it was vulgar. Willoughby, much devoted to
Leicester and much detesting Bameveld, had small scruple in
fanning the flames of discord.
There was open mutiny against the States by the garrison
of Gertruydenberg, and Willoughby's brother-in-law, Capt£un
Wingfield, commanded in Q^rtruydenberg. There were re-
bellious demonstrations in Naarden, and Willoughby went to
Naarden. The garrison was troublesome, but most of the
magistrates were firm. So Willoughby supped with the burgo-
masters, and foimd that Paul Buys had been' setting the
people against Queen Elizabeth, Leicester, and the whole
English nation, making them all odious. . Colonel Dorp said
openly that it was a shame for the country to refuse their own
natural-bom Count for strangers. He swore that he would
sing his song whose bread he had eaten.^ A 5^ fat militia
captain'' of the place, one Soyssons, on the other hand,
privately informed Willoughby that Maurice and Bamevdd
were treating underhand with Spain. Willoughby was inclined
to believe the calumny, but feared that his corpulent friend
would lose his head for reporting it. Meantime the English
conmiander did his best to strengthen the English party in
their rebellion against the States.
" But how if they make war upon us ?" asked the Leioes-
trians.
" It is very likely," replied Willoughby, " that if they use
violence you will have her Majesty's assistance, and then you
who continue constant to the end will be rewarded accord-
ingly. Moreover, who would not rather be a horse-keeper to
her Majesty, than a captain to Bameveld or Buys ?" *
18 ,
I Willoughby to , — Fob. 1588.
(S. P. Oflace MS.)
> Ibid. " It was likewise said openlj
to Count Maurice at bis table, *Sir,
if the Prinoe yoor &ther had been
offered the third part by the enemy
which yon haye been, he would have
accepted it ; and it is not a good occa-
sion tbat you may article what you
will, and bare whatever you may
demand. Soyssons, a &t captain of
Naarden, fed for*tl]^ir tooth, confessed
to me Ihat .they had . practised with
the enemy. Thus you may see their
dispoeitionB ; much ado had I to peat*
Boade the burgomasters of the honour-
able course her Migestj would hold,
and no less to assure the unfortunate
caption, whose head I fear will pay
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1688. L^CESTBR'S RESIGNATION ARRIVES. 411
When at last the resignation of Leicester — presented to the
States by Kill^rew on the 31st March ^ — seemed to promise
comparative repose to the republic, the vexation of the Lei-
cestrians was intense. Their efforts to effect a dissolution of
the government had been rendered unsuccessful, when success
seemed within their grasp. ^^ Albeit what is once executed
cannot be prevented/' said Captain Champemoun; ^^ yet 'tis
thought certain that if the resignation of Lord Leicester's
commission had been deferred yet some little time, the whole
country and towns would have so revolted and mutinied
against the government and authority of the States, as that
they should have had no more credit given them by the
people than pleased her Majesty. Most part of the people
could see — ^in consequence of the troubles, discontent, mutiny
of garrisons, and the like, that it was most necessary for the
good success of their afiGurs that the power of the States
should be abolished, and the whole government of his Excel-
lency erected. As these matters were busily working into the
likelihood of some good effect, carne the resignation of his Excel-
lency's commission and authority, which so dashed the pro-
ceedings of it, as that all people and commanders well affected
unto her Majesty and my Lord of Leicester are utterly dis-
couraged. The States, with their adherents, before they had
my Lord's resignation, were much perplexed what course to
tdce, but now begin to hoist their heads." The excellent
Leicestrian entertained hopes, however, that mutiny and in-
trigue might still carry the day. He had seen the fat militia-
man of Naarden and other captains, and hoped much mischief
from their schemes. "The chief mutineers of Gertruyden-
berg," he said, "maybe wrought to send tmto the States,
that if they do not procure them some English governor, they
will compound with the enemy, whereon the States shall he
for all Pnrther, I said it was euro
that the Statea-Qeoeral, the oonncil
of state, vrhidi 1 was somewhat ao-
qoainted .with, nor the two oounts
who had feasted us and drank the
health of his Ezcellencj, meant bat
all well to us.' 'Well,' said the old
bm^gomaster, 'but that I hear jovl say
so, I would scaroelj belieye it, for
mine ears have often borne witness to
the contrary.' " 4c. ' Willoughby to
' 7^ ^^^^' (^' ^' ^®^ ^^^
' Bor, IIL 224. "Wagenaar, viiL 265.
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412
THE UinTED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVUL
driven to request her Majesty to accept the place^ themselves
entertaining the garrison. I know certain captains discon-
tented with the States for arrears of pay^ who will contrive to
get into Naarden with their companies^ with the States' con-
sent, who, once entered, will keep the place for their satis-
faction, pay theii" soldiers out of the contributions of the
country, and yet secretly hold the place at her Majesty's
command." ^
This is not an agreeable picture ; yet it is but one out of
many examples of the intri^es by which Leicester and his
party were doing their best to destroy the commonwealth of
the Netherlands at a moment when its existence was most
important to that of England.
To foment mutiny in order to subvert the authority of
Mamice, was not a friendly or honourable course of action
cither towards Holland or England ; and it was to play into
the hands of Philip as adroitly as his own stipendiaries could
have done.*
With mischief-makers like Champemoun in every dty,
and with such diplomatists at Ostend as Croft and Rogers
and Valentine Dale, was it wonderful that the King and the
Duke of Parma found time to mature their plans for the
destruction of both coimtries ?
Lord Willoughby, too, was extremely dissatisfied with his
own position. Ho received no commission from the Queen
for several months. When it at last reached him, it seemed
inadequate, and he became more sullen than ever. He de-
clared that he would rather serve the Queen as a private
soldier, at his own expense — "lean as his purse was" — than
accept the limited authority conferred on him. He preferred
to show his devotion "in a b^garly state, than in a formal
show." Ho considered it beneath her Majesty's dignity that
^ Arthur Champemoun to Walsing«
ham, — April, 1588. . (S. P. Office
MS.) He commanded an English
company in Utrecht
' "I congratulate you," wrote Philip
to Famese^ "upon the disputes be*
tween the rebels and the English, and
among themselTes. I trust yon will
get good fruit from their quanrek"
PhiUp to Panna, 13 May, 1588. (Aich.
de Sim. MS.)
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i588. ENMITY OF WILLOUGHBT AND MAURICE. 413
he should act in the field under the States, but his instruc-
tions forbade his acceptance of any office from that body but
that of general in their service. He was very discontented,
and more anxious than ever to bo rid of his functions. With-
out being extremely ambitious, he was impatient of control.
He desired not ^^a larger-shaped coat,'' but one that fitted
him better. " I wish to shape my garment homely, after my
cloth,'' he said, " that the better of my parish may not be
misled by my sumptuousness. I would live quietly, without
great noise, my poor roof low and near the ground, not sub-
ject to be overblown with unlooked-for storms, while the sun
seems most shining."^
Being the deadly enemy of the States and their leaders, it
was a matter of course that he should be bitter against Mau-
rice. That young Prince, bold, enterprising, and determined,
as he was, did not ostensibly meddle with political affitirs
more than became his years ; but he accepted the counsels of
the able statesmen in whom his father had trusted. Biding,
hunting, and hawking, seemed to be his chief delight at the
Hague, in the intervals of military occupations. He rarely
made his appearance in the state-council during the winter,
and referred public matters to the States-General, to the
States of Holland, to Bameveld, Buys, and Hohenlo.* Super-
ficial observers like George Gilpin r^arded him as a cipher ;
others, like Bobert Cecil, thought him an unmannerly school-
boy ; but Willoughby, although considering him insolent and
conceited, could not deny his ability. The peace partisans
among the burghers — a very small faction — ^were furious
against him, for they knew that Maurice of Nassau repre-
sented war. They accused of deep designs against the liber-
ties of their country the youth who was ever ready to risk his
life in their defence. A burgomaster from Friesland, who
had come across the Zuyder Zee to intrigue against the States'
party, was full of spleen at being obliged to dance attendance
* Waicmghby to Burghlej, ^^ | • GUpin to WaWngham, - Teh
1588. (a P. Office Ma) | 1588. (a P. Offlc? Ma)
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414 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. 'Chap. XVIIL
for a long time at the Hague. He complained that Count
Maurice, green of years, and seconded by greener counsellors,
was meditating the dissolution of the state-council, the appoint-
ment of a new board from his own creatures, the overthrow
of all other authority, and the assumption of the sovereignty
of Holland and Zeeland, with absolute power. " And when
this is done," said the rueful burgomaster, '^ he and his turbu-
lent fellows may make what terms they like with Spain, to
the disadvantage of the Queen and of us poor wretches."^
But there was nothing farther from the thoughts of the
turbulent fellows than any negotiations with Spain. Maurico
was ambitious enough, perhaps, but his ambition ran in no
such direction. Willoughby knew better, and thought that
by humouring the petulant young man it might be possible to
manage him.
" Maurice is young," he said, "hot-headed, coveting honour.
If we do but look at him through our fingers, without much
words, but with providence enough, baiting his hook a little
to his appetite, there is no doubt but he might be caught and
kept in a fish-pool, while in his imagination he may judge
it a sea. If not, 'tis likely he will make us fish in troubled
waters."^
Maurice was hardly the fish for a mill-pond even at that
epoch, and it might one day be seen whether or not he could
float in the great ocean of events. Meanwhile, he swam his
course without superfluous gambols or spoutings.
The commander of her Majesty's forces was not satisfied
with the States, nor their generals, nor their politicians.
" Affairs are going a malo inpejus^" he said. " They embrace
their liberty as apes their young. To this end are Counts
HoUock and Maurice set upon the stage to entertain the
popular sort. Her Majesty and my Lord of Leicester aro
not forgotten. The Counts are in Holland, especially Hol-
lock, for the other is but the cipher. And yet I can assure
you Maurice hcUh wit and spirit too muck for his time''^
' Willoughby to Biui^ej, — Jan.
1588. (S. P. Office MS.) "ibid.
> Same to same, - Jan. 1588. CSb
P. Office MS.)
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1588. WILLOTTGHBY'S DARK PICTURE OP AFFAIRa 415
As the troubles of the interregnum increased Willoughby
was more dissatisfied than ever with the miserable condition
of the Provinces, but chose to ascribe it to the machinations
of the States' party, rather than to the ambiguous conduct of
Leicester. "These evils/' he said, "are especially derived
from the childish ambition of the young Count Maurice, from
the covetous and furious counsels of the proud Hollanders,
now chief of the States-General, and, if with pardon it may
bo said, from our slackness and coldness to entertain our
friends. The provident and wiser sort — weighing what a
slender ground the appetite of a young man is, unfurnished
with the sinews of war to manage so great a cause — ^for a
good space after my Lord of Leicester's departure, gave him
far looking on, to see him play his part on the stage." ^
WiUoughby's spleen caused him to mix his metaphors
more recklessly than strict taste would warrant, but his vio-
lent expressions painted the relative situation of parties more
vividly than could be done by a calm disquisition. Maurice
thus playing his part upon the stage — as the general pro-
ceeded to observe — •" was a skittish horse, becoming by little
and little assured of what he had feared, and perceiving the
harmlessness thereof ; while his companions, finding no safety
of neutrality in so great practices, and no overturning nor
barricado to stop his rash wilded chariot, followed without
fear ; and when some of the first had passed the bog, the
rest, as the fashion is, never started after. The variable
democracy, embracing novelty, began to applaud their pros-
perity ; the base and lewdest sorts of men, to whom there
is nothing more agreeable than change of estates, is a better
monturo to degrees than their merit, took present hold
thereof. Hereby Paul Buys, Barneveld, and divers others,
who were before mantled with a tolerable affection, though
seasoned with a poisoned intention, caught the occasion, and
made themselves the Beelzebubs of all these mischiefs, and,
for want of better angels, spared not to let fly our golden-
* Waiaughby to Walaingham, -—^ 1588. S, P. Office M&
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416 THB UNITBD NETHBRLANDa Chap. XVIU.
winged ones in the name of guilders^ to prepare the hearts
and hands that hold money more dearer than honesty, of
which sort, the country troubles and the Spanish practices
having suckled up many, they found enough to serve their
purpose. As the breach is safely saltable where no defence
is inade, so they, finding no head, but those scattered amas
that were disavowed, drew the sword with Peter, and gave
pardon with the Pope, as you shall plainly perceive by the
proceedings at Horn. Thus their force, fair words, or cor-
ruption, prevailing everywhere, it grew to this conclusion^
that the worst were encouraged with their good success, and
the best sort assured of no fortune or favour." ^
Out of all this hubbub of stage-actors, skittish boxses, rash
wilded chariots, bogs, Beelzebubs, and golden- winged angels^
one truth was distinctly audible ; that Beelzebub, in the shape
of Bameveld, had been getting the upper hand in the Nether-
lands, and that the Lecestrians were at a disadvantage. In
truth those partisans were becoming extremely impatient.
Finding themselves deserted by their great protector, they
naturally turned their eyes towards Spain, and were now
threatening to sell tbemselves to Philip. The Earl, at his
departure, had given them piivately much encouragement.
But month after month had passed by while they were wait-
ing in vain for comfort. At last the "best" — ^that is to say,
the unhappy Leicestrians— came to Willoughby, asking his
advice in their " declining and desperate cause."
" Well nigh a month longer," said that general, " I nou-
rished them with compliments, and assured them that my
Lord of Leicester would take care of them."^ The diet was
not fattening. So they began to grumble more loudly than
ever, and complained with great bitterness of the misCTable
condition in which they had been left by the Earl, and ex-
pressed their fears lest the Queen likewise meant to abandon
them. They protested that their poverty, their powerful foes,
and their slow friends, would compel them either to make their
peace with the States' party, or " compound with the enemy."
* Willoughby to Walsinghlttn, Ma last cited. ■ Ibid.
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1588. HATRED BETWEEN STATES AND LEICESTBIANa 417
It would have seemed that real patriots, tinder such circum-
stanoes, would hardly ^esitate in their choice, and would
sooner accept the dominion of "Beelzebub/* or even Paul
Buys, than that of Philip II. But the Leicestrians of Utrecht
and Ffiesland — ^patriots as they were— hated Holland worse
than they hated the Inquisition. Willoughby encouraged
ihem in that hatred. He assured him of her Majesty's
affection for them, complained of the factious proceedings of
the States, and alluded to the unfavourable: state of th^
weather, as a reason why — ^near four months long — they had
not received the comfort out of England which they had a
right to expect. He assured them that neither the Queen
nor Leicester would conclude this honourable action, wherein
much had been hazarded, " so rawly and tragically " as they
seOTied to fear, and warned them, that "if they did join with
Holland, it would neither ease nor help them, but draw them
into a more dishonourable loss of their liberties ; and that,
after having wound them in, the Hollanders would raake their
own peace with the enemy.'' ^
It seemed somewhat unfair — while the Queen's government
was straining every nerve to obtain a peace from Philip, and
while the Hollanders were obstinately deaf to any propositions
for treating — that Willoughby should accuse them of secret
intentions to negotiate. But it must be confessed that faction
has rarely worn a more mischievous aspect than was pre-
sented by the politics of Holland and England in the vdnter
and spring of 1588.
Young Maurice was placed in a very painful position. He
liked not to be " strangled in the great Queen's embrace ; "
but he felt most keenly the necessity of her friendship, and
the importance to both countries of a close alliance. It was
impossible for him, however, to tolerate the rebellion of
Sonoy, although Sonoy was encouraged by Elizabeth, or to
fly in the face of Bameveld, although Bameveld was detested
by licicester. So with much firmness and courtesy, notwith-
standing the extravagant pictures painted by Willoughby,
* Willoughbj to Walflingham, MS. last cited
VOL. IL— 2 E
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418
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVIII
he suppressed mutiny in Holland, while avowing the most
chivalrous attachment to the sovereign of England.
Her Majesty expressed her surprise and her discontent, that,
notwithstanding his expressions of devotion to herself, he
should thus deal with Sonoy, whose only crime was an equal
devotion. "If you do not behave with more moderation in
future," she said, " you may believe that we are not a princess
of so little courage as not to know how to lend a helping
hand to those who are unjustly oppressed. We should be
sorry if we had cause to be disgusted with your actions, and
if we were compelled to make you a stranger to the ancient
good affection which we bore to your late father, and have
continued towards yourself."^
But Maurice maintained a dignified attitude, worthy of his
great father's name. He was not the man to crouch like
Leicester, when he could no longer refresh himself in the
" shadow of the Queen's golden beams," important as he knew
her friendship to be to himself and his country. So he de-
fended himself in a manly letter to the privy council against
the censures of EUzabeth.^ He avowed his displeasure, that,
within his own jurisdiction, Sonoy should give a special oath
of obedience to Leicester ; a tSiing never done before in the
country, and entirely illegal It would not even be tolerated
in England, he said, if a private gentleman should receive a
military appointment in Warwickshire or Norfolk without the
knowledge of the lord-lieutenant of the shire. He had treated
the contumacious Sonoy with mildness during a long period,
but without effect. He had abstained jGrom violence towards
him, out of reverence to the Queen, under whose sacred name
he sheltered himself. Sonoy had not desisted, but had esta-
blished himself in organized rebellion at Medenblik, declaring
that he would drown the whole country, and levy black-mail
upon its whole property, if he were not paid one himdred
thousand crowns. Ho had declared that he would crush Hol-
' Qaeen to Maorico of Nassau,
- Feb. 1688. {Q, P. OflElce MS.)
* Maurice of Nassau to Privy Coun-
cil, - March, 1588. (S, P. Office M&)
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1588. MAURICE'S ANSWER TO THE QUEEN'S CHARGES. 419
land like a glass beneatli his feet. Having nothing but reli-
gion in his mouthy and protecting himself with the Queen's
name, he had been exciting all the cities of North Holland to
rebellion, and bringing the poor people to destructiop. He
had been offered money enough to satisfy the most avaricious
soldier in the world, but he stood out for six years' full pay
for his soldiers, a demand with which it was impossible to
comply. It was necessary to prevent him from inundating
the land and destroying the estates of the country gentlemen
and the peasants. "This, gentlemen," said Maurice, "is the
plain truth ; nor do I believe that you will sustaiA against me
a man who was under such vast obligations to my lat^ father,
and who requites his debt by daring to speak of myself as a
rascal ; or that you will countenance his rebellion against a
country to which he brought only his cloak and . sword, and
whence he has filched one hundred thousand crowns. You
win not, I am sure, permit a simple captain^ by his insubor-
dination, to cause such mischief, and to set on fire this and
other Provinces.
"If, by your advice," continued the Count, "the Queen
should appoint fitting personages to office here — ^men who
know what honour is, bom ot illustrious and noble race, or
who by their great virtue have been elef ated to the honours
of the kingdom — ^to them I will render an account of my
actions. And it shall appear that I have more ability and
more desire to do my duty to her Majesty than those who
render her lip-service only, and only make use of her sacred
name to fill their purses, while I and mine have been ever
ready to employ our lives, and what remains of our fortunes,
in the cause of God, her Mjyesty, and our country." ^
Certainly no man had a better right to speak with con-
sciousness of the worth of race than the son of William the
Silent, the nephew of Lewis, Adolphus, and Henry of Nassau,
who had all laid down their lives for the liberty of Iheir
country. But Elizabeth continued to threaten the States^
General, through the mouth of Willoughby, with the losa of
1 Maurice of Kassau to Privy Councfl, MS. last cited.
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420
THE UNITED NETHKRLANDa
Chap. XVHL
her protection, if they should continue thus to requite her
favours with ingratitude and insubordination : ^ and Maurice
once more respectfully but firmly replied that Sonoy's re-
bellion could not and would not be tolerated ; appealing
boldly to her sense of justice, which was the noblest attribute
of kings.^
At last the Queen informed Willoughby, that — as the cause
of Sonoy's course seemed to be his oath of obedience to
Leicester; whose resignation of office had not yet been re-
ceived in the Netherlands— she had now ordered Councillor
KiUigrew to communicate the fact of that resignation. She
also wrote to Sonoy, requiring him to obey the States and
Count Maurice, and to accept a fresh commission from them,
or at least to surrender Medenblik, and to fulfil all their
orders with zeal and docility.*
This act of abdication by Leicester, which had been received
on the 22nd of January by the English envoy, Herbert, at the
moment of his departure from the Netherlands, had been carried
back by him to England, on the ground that its communication
to the States at that moment would cause him inconveniently
to postpone his Journey. It never officially reached the States-
General until the 31st of March, so that this most dangerous
crbis was protracted nearly five months long— certainly without
necessity or excuse-^-and whether through design, malice, wan-
tonness, or incomprehensible carelessness, it is difficult to say.*
So soon as the news reached Soiioy, that contumacious
chieftain found his position untenable, and he allowed the
States' troops to take possession of Medenblik, and with it
the important territory of North Holland, of which province
* Queen to Willoughby, - March,
1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
' Maurice of Nassau to Queen Eliza-'
beth, 15 March, 1588. (a P. Office
MS.) .
* Queen to Willoughby, — March,
1588. Queen to Sonoy, - April, 1588,
(a P. Office MSa)
* Bor, m. xxIy. 179, ieq. 233, deq.
Yan der Kemp, L 62. Wagenaar, Tiii
270. Besol. HoU. 1 April, 1588.
' This busii^ess of CoL Diedrich
Sonoy occupies an enormous space in
the ardiives and chronicles of the
day. It has been here reduced to the
smallest compass consistent with a
purpose of presenting an intelligiUe
account of the politics of Leicestef^a
administration and its oonseqoenoea.
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1588. END OF SONOTS BEBELLION. 421
Maurice now saw himself undisputed governor. Sonoy was, in
the course of the summer deprived of all oflSce, and betook
himself to England. Here he was kindly received by the
Queen, who bestowed upon him a ruined tower, and a swamp
among the fens of Lincolnshire. He brought over some of
his countrymen, well-skilled in such operations, set himself
to draining and dyking, and hoped to find himself at home
and comfortable in his ruined tower. But unfortunately, as
neither he nor his wife, notwithstanding their English pro-
clivities, could speak a word of the language, they found then*
social enjoyments very limited. Moreover, as his work-people
were equally without the power of making their wants under-
stood, the dyking operations made but little progress. So the
unlucky colonel soon abandoned his swamp, and retired to East
Friesland, where he lived a morose and melancholy life on a
pension of one thousand florins, granted him by the States of
Holland, until the year 1597, when he lost his mind, fell intt)
the fire, and thus perished.^
And thus, in the Netherlands, through hollow n^otiations
between enemies and ill-timed bickerings among friends, the
path of Philip and Parma had been made comparatively smooth
during the spring and early summer of 1588. What was the
aspect of affairs in Germany and Franco ?
The adroit capture of Bonn by Martin Schenk had given
much trouble. Parma was obliged to detach a strong force,
imder Prince Chimay,^ to attempt the recovery of that im-
portant place, which — so long as it remained in the power of
the States— rendered the whole electorate insecure and a
source of danger to the Spanish party. Famese" endeavoured
in vain to win back the famous partizan by most liberal offers,
for he felt bitterly the mistake he had made in alienating so
formidable a freebooter. But the truculent Martin remained
obdurate and irascible. Philip, much offended that the news
of his decease had proved false, ordered rather than requested
the Emperor Eudolph to have a care that nothing was done
> Bor, HL 290.
» Panna to rhOip II. 8 1 Jan. 1688. (Arch do Sim. MS.)
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^^ TH8 UNITBD NETHEBLAKDS. Chap. XYIIL
in Grennany to interfere with the great design upon England.^
The King gave warning that he would suffer no disturbauco
from that quarter, but certainly the lethargic condition of
Germany rendered such threats superfluous. There were
riders enough, and musketeers enough, to be sold to the
highest bidder. German food for powder was offered largely
in the market to any foreign consumer, for thq trade in their
subjects' lives was ever a prolific source of revenue to the
petty sovereigns— numerous as the days of the year — ^who
owned Germany and the Germans.
The mercenaries who had so recently been making their
inglorious campaign in France had been excluded from that
country at the close of 1587, and furious were the denuncia-
tions of the pulpits and the populace of Paris that the foreign
brigands who had been devastating the soil of France, and
attempting to oppose the decrees of the Holy Father of
Bome, should have made their escape so easily. Babid
Lincestre and other priests and monks foamed with rage, as
they execrated and anathematized the devil- worshipper Henry
of Yalois, in all the churches of that niotiarch's capital The
Spanish ducats were flying about, more profusely than ever,
among the butchers and porters, and fishwomen, of the
great city ; and Madam League paraded herself in the day-
light with still incretudng insolence. There was scarcely a
pretence at recognition of any authority, save that of Philip
and Sixtus. France had become a wilderness — an uncul-
tivated, barbarous province of Spain. Mucio-Guise had been
secretly to Bome, had held interviews with the Pope and
cardinals, and had come back with a sword presented by his
Holiness, its hilt adorned with jewels, and its blade engraved
with tongues of fire.' And with this flaming sword the
avenging messenger of the holy father was to smite the
wicked, and to drive them into outer darkness.
And there had been fresh conferences among the chiefs of
the sacred League within the Lorraine territory, and it was
* PhiUp n. to Parma, 24 April, 1688. (Arch, de Sim. MS.)
«'L'EstoUe,'23G.
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1588.
PHILIP POiCENTS THE CIVIL WAR IN PRANCB.
423
resolyed to require of the Yalois an immediate extermination
of heresy and heretics throughout the kingdom, the publica-
tion of the Council of Trent, and the formal establishment of
the Holy Inquisition in every province of France, Thus,
while doing his Spanish master's bidding, the great Lieutenant
of the league might, if he wad adroit enough to outwit Philip,
ultim^ly carve out a throne for himself.
Yet Philip felt occasional pangs of uneasiness lest there
should, after all, be peaqe in France, and lest his schemes
against Holland and England might be interfered with from
that quarter. Even Famese, nearer the scene, could not feel
completely secure that a, sudden' reconciliation among con-
tending factions might not give rise to a dangerous inroad
across the Flemish border. So Guise was plied more vigour-
ously than ever by the Duke with advice and encou-
ragement, and assisted with such Walloon carabineers as
could be spared,^ while large subsidies and lai^r promises
came from Philip,^ whose prudent policy was never to pay
excessive sums, until the work contracted for was done.
"Mudo must do the job long since agreed upon," said Philip
to Famese, " and you and Mendoza must see that he prevents
the King of France from troubling me in my enterprizo
against England."' If the unlucky Henry III. had retained
one spark of intelligence, he would have seen that his only
' Herrera IIL iiL 12. 2,000 infantry
and 1,000 horse.
« Philip to Parma, 27 Nov. 1587.
Same to same, 29 Jan. 1588. (Arch.
deSim. MSS.)
" Philip to Parma, 24 April, 1588.
(Arch, de Shn. Ma) Philip II. to
Mendoza, 16 Feb. 15A8. (Arch, do
Sim. [Paris.] MS.)
" A Mado animad j aconsejad oomo
soleys, lo que se cumple . . • . y lo
proOTrad hazer tiro." Philip II. to
Mendoza, 2 June, 1688. (Arch, de
Simanfiaa [Paris.] Ma)
"The Kmg was, however, perpetually
warning Guise not to allow himself or
his confederates '*to brag openly of
the assistance whidi they were re-
ceiving fh>m Spain, lest the ministers
of Heniy should think Philip partial;
but in reality not to waver a hair's
breadth in his determination, relying
upon the Spanish King and on the
Duke of Parma," ko, Philip II. to
Mendoza, 16 July, 1588. (Arch, de
Sim. fParia] Ma)
'^The public report that we are
assisting Guise," said the king a year
before, " is very inconvenient, and
must be suppressed. ... My nephew,
the Duke of Parma, has assured Guiso
that he will assist hun, and Guise
ought to be grateful At the same
time Longl^ has been tolling me that
his King desired to join me against
England. All this was to deceive,
and I have answered all with equal
deception," &c. Philip XL to Mendoza^
6 July, 1587, Ma
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424
THE UNITED NETRKRT1AND&
Chap. XVm
chance of rescue lay in the arm of the B^amese, and in an
honest alliance with England. Yet so strong was his love for
the monks^ who were daily raving against him, that he was
willing to commit any baseness, in order to win back their
affection. He was ready to exterminate heresy and to esta-
blish the inquisition, but he was incapable of taking enei^getic
measures of any kind, even when throne and life were in
imminent peril. Moreover, ho clung to Epernoa and the
' polifiqites/ in whose swords he alone found protection, and
he knew that Epemon and the politiquea were the objects
of hbrror to Paris and to the League. At the same time be
looked imploringly towards England and towards the great
Huguenot chieftain, Elizabeth's knight-errant. He had a
secret interview with Sir Edward Stafford, in the garden of
the Bernardino convent, and importuned that envoy to im-
plore the Queen to break off her negotiations with Philip,
and even dared to offer the English ambassador a laige
reward, if such a result could be obtained. Stafford was
also earnestly requested to beseech the Queen's influence
with Henry of Navarre, that he should convert himself to
Catholicism, and thus destroy the League.
On the other hand, the magniloquent Mendoza, who was
fond of describing himself as " so violent and terrible to the
French that they wished to be rid of him,"* had — as usual-
been frightening the poor King, who, after a futile attempt at
dignity, had shrunk before the blusterings of the ambassador.
" This King/' said Dori Bernardino, " thought that he could
impose upon me and silence me, by talking loud, but as I
didn't talk softly to him, he has undeceived himself. ....
I have had another interview with him, and found him softer
than silk, and he made me many caresses, and after I went
out, he said that I was a very skilful minister." *
> "El serlo yo tan teriblo, violente,
J 8edi9io6o, que impido no se estreche
este rey raxxj de veras con V. M^j*
lo qual 80 heria si faltasse yo deste
pnesto." Mendoza to PbUip II. 30 Jan.
1588. (A.rch. da Sim, [Paris.] MS.)
• " Eato rey creyo que me espantara
hiziera caUar con hallar me aho^ y con
el no respondalle yo baxo, so ba
desengafiada Ha tenido de^xQ^ *^*
dienda, y halle lo mas Uiusdo <^
una aeda^ y mo hizo mucbas caridas
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1588. LEAGUE'S THREATS AND PLOTS AGAINST HENRY. ^fi
It was the purpose of the League to obtam possession of the
King's person^ and^ if necessary^ to dispose of the politiquea
by a general massacre, such as sixteen years before had been
so successful in the case of Coligny and the Huguenots. So
the populace — ^more rabid than ever — ^were impatient that
their adored Balafr6 should come to Paris and begin the holy
work.
He came as &r as Gonesse to do the job he had promised
to Philip, but having heard that Henry had reinforced him-
self with four thousand Swiss from the garrison of Lagny, he
fell back to Soissons. The King sent him a most abject mes-
sage, imploring him not to expose his sovereign to so much
danger, by setting his foot at that moment in the capital
The Balafi^ hesitated, but the populace raved and roared for
its darling. The Queen-Mother urged her unhappy son to
yield his consent, and the Montpensier — ^fatal sister of Guise,
with the famous scissors ever at her girdle^ — ^insisted that
her brother had as good a right as any man to come to the
city. Meantime the great chief of the poUtiqueSy the hated and
insolent Epemon, had been appointed governor of Normandy,
and Henry had accompanied his beloved minion a part of the
way towards Rouen. A plot contrived by the Montpensier
to waylay the monarch on his return, and to take him into
the safe-keeping of the League, miscarried, for the King re-
entered the city before the scheme was ripe. On the other
hand, Nicholas Poulain, bought for twenty thousand crowns
by ihe politiqueSy gave the King and his advisers full informa-
tion of all these intrigues, and, standing in Henry's cabinet,
offered, at peril of his life, if he might be confronted with
the conspirators — the leaders of the League within the city —
to prove the truth of the charges which he had made.*
For the whole city was now thoroughly organized. The
que 70 le reoonoci con las palabras
devidaSy 7 despues del salir de nablalle,
entiendo <jue dizo que 70 era un
ministro biea avis^," Ac. Don B. de
Mendoza to Don Juan de Idiaquez.
6 April, 1588. (Arch, de Sim. [Pari&J
Ma)
> *L'Etoae,»244.
■ De Thou, X. L. 89, p. 261, seq,
Herrera III. 118, Mg. *Proc^ verbal *
de Nicolas Poulain, ko. 320-332. Apud
*L*£toaeL Begistre Journal de Heniy
nv
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426 THE UNITED NETHERLAND3. Chap. XVIIL
number of its districts had been reduced from sixteen to five,
the better to bring it imder the control of the League ; and,
while it could not be denied that Mucio had been doing his
master's work very thoroughly, yet it was still in the power
of the Eling — ^through the treachery of Poulain — to strike a
blow for life and freedom, before he was quite taken in the
trap. But he stood helpless, paralyzed, gazing in dreamy
stupor — ^like one fascinated— at the destruction awaiting him.
At last, one memorable May morning, a traveller alighted
outside the gate of Saint Martin, and proceeded on foot
loth May, through the streets of Paris. He was wrapped in a
1688. large cloak, which he held carefully over his fece.
When he had got as far as the street of Saint Denis, a young
gentleman among the passers by, a good Leaguer, accosted
the stranger, and, with coarse pleasantry, plucked the cloak
from his face, and the hat from his head. Looking at tho
handsome, swarthy features, marked with a deep scar, and
the dark, dangerous eyes which woto then revealed, the prac-
tical jester at once recognized in the simple traveller tho
terrible Balafrd, and kissed the hem of his garments with sub-
missive rapture. Shouts of " Vive Guise " rent the air from all
the bystanders, as the Duke, no longer affecting conceal-
ment, proceeded with a slow and stately step toward the resi-
dence of Catharine de' Medici.^ That queen of compromises
and of magic had been holding many a conference with the
leaders of both parties ; had been increasing her son's stupe-
faction by her enigmatical counsels; had been anxiously
consulting her talisman of goat's and human blood, mixed
with metals melted under the influence of the star of her
nativity, and had been daily visiting the wizard Buggieri, in
whose magic circle — ^peopled with a thousand fantastic heads
— she had held high converse with the world of spirits, and
derived much sound advice as to the true course of action to be
pursued between her son and Philip, and between the politicians
and the League. But, in spite of these various sources of in-
' *L'Etoae/ 250. De Thou, vbi sup, *Reclt du Boorgeoia do Paria.* MS.
DvLpajBf cited by Capcflgue, *Hist de la R^orme,* &c IV. 37a
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1588. mJCIO ABRIYE3 IN PARXa 427
struction^ Catharine was somewliat perplexed, nbwithat deci-
sive action seemed necessary — a dethronement and a new
massacre impending, and judicions compromise difficult. So
after a hurried conversation with Mucio, who insisted on an
interview with the King, she set forth for the Louvre, the
Puke lounging calmly by the side of her sedan chair, on
foot, receiving the homage of the populace, as men, women,
and children together, they swarmed around him, as he walked,
kissing his garments, and rending the air with their shouts.^
For that wolfish mob of Paris, which had once lapped the
blood of ten thousand Huguenots in a single night, and was
again rabid with thirst, was most docile and fawning to the
great Balafre. It grovelled before him, it hung upon his look,
it licked his hand, and, at the lifting of his finger, or the
glance of his eye, would have sprung at the throat of Bang
or Queen-Mother, minister, or minion, and devoured them all
before his eyes. It was longing for the sign, for much as Paris
adored and was besotted with Guise and the League, even
more, if possibb, did it. hate those godless politicians, who had
grown fat on extortions firom the poor, and who had converted
their substance into the daily bread of luxury.
Nevertheless the city was full of armed men, Swiss and
German mercenaries, and burgher guards, sworn to fidelity to
the throne. The place might have been swept clean, at that
moment, of rebels who were not yet armed or fortified in their
positions. The Lord had delivered Guise into Henry's hands.
"Oh, the madman 1" cried Sixtus V., when he heard that the
Duke had gone to Paris, " thus to put himself into the clutches
of the King whom he had so deeply offended 1" And, " Oh,
the wretched coward, the imbecile 1" he added, when he heard
how the King had dealt with his great enemy.'
For the monarch was in his cabinet that May morning,
irresolutely awaiting the announced visit of the Duke. By
his side stood Alphonse Corse, attached as a mastiff to his
master, and fearing not Guise nor Leaguer, man nor devil.
« Do Thou, ' L'EtoUo,* ubiwp. « De Thou, x. 2G6.
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428 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XVIIL
" Sire, is the Duke of Guise your friend or enemy ?" said
Alphonse. The King answered by an expressive shrug.
"Say the word, Sire," continued Alphonse, "and I pledge
myself to bring his head this instant, and lay it at your feet/' ^
And he would have done it. Even at the side of Catharine's
sedan chair, and in the very teeth of the worshipping mob,
the Cordcan would have had the Balafr^'s life, even though
he laid down his own.
But Henry — ^irresolute and fascinated — said it was not yet
time* for such a blow.*
Soon afterward, the Duke was announced. The chief
of the League and the last of the Valois met, face to face,
but not for the last time. The interview was coldly re-
spectful on the part of Mucio, anxious and embarrassed on
that of the King. When the visit, which was merely
one of ceremony, was over, the Duke departed as he came,
receiving the renewed homage of the populace as he walked
to his hotel.
That night precautions were taken. All the guards were
doubled around the palace and through the streets. The
Hotel de ViUe and the Place de la GrSve were made secure,
and the whole city was filled with troops. But the Place
Maubert was left unguarded, and a rabble rout — all ni^t
long — ^was collecting in that distant spot Four companies
11th May, of burgher-guards went over to the League at three
1688. o'clock in the morning. The rest stood firm in the
cemetery of the Innocents, awaiting the orders of the King.
At day-break on the 11th the town was still quiet There
was an awful pause of expectation. The shops remained
closed all the morning, the royal troops were drawn up in
battle-array, upon the Greve and around the Hdtd de Ville,
but they stood motionless as statues, until the populace b^ah
taunting them with cowardice, and then laughing them to
scorn. For their sovereign lord and master still sat paralyzed
in his palace.
>*L»Etoae,»24a •Ibid.
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1588. HE IS BECEIVED WITH ENTHUSIASM. 429
The mob had been surging through all the streets and
knes^ until, as by a single impulse, chains were stretched
across the streets, and barricades thrown up in all the prin*
cipal thoroughfares. About noon the Duke of Guise, who
had been sitting quietly in his hotel, with a very few armed
followers, came out into the street of the Hotel Montmorency,
and walked calmly up and down, arm-in-arm with the Arch-
bishop of Lyons, between a double hedge-row of spectators
end admirers, three or four ranks thick. He was dressed in
a white slashed doublet and hose, and wore a very large hat.^
Shouts of triumph resounded from a thousand brazen throats,
as he moved calmly about, receiving, at every instant, ex-
presses from the great gathering in the Place Maubert.
" Enough, too much, my good friends,'' he' said, taking off
the great hat — (" I don't know whether he was laughing in it,"
observed one who was looking on that day) — " Enough of
' Long live Guise !' Cry ^ Long live the King 1' " ^
There was no response, as might be iexpected, and the
people shouted more hoarsely than ever for Madam League
and the Balafr^. The Duke's face was full of gaiety ; there
was not a shadow of anxiety upon it in that perilous and
eventful moment. He saw that the day was his own.
For now, the people, ripe, ready, mustered, armed, barri-
caded, awaited but a signal to assault the King's mercenaries,
before rushing to the palace. On every house-top missiles
were provided to hurl upon their heads. There seemed no
escape for Henry or hia Germans from impending doom, when
Guise, thoroughly triumphant, vouchsafed them their lives.
" You must give me these soldiers as a present, my friends,"
said ho to the populace.
And so the armed Swiss, French, and German troopers and
infantry, submitted to be led out of Paris, following with
docility the aide-de-camp of Guise, Captain St. Paul, who
walked quietly before them, with his sword in its scabbard,
and directing their movements with a cane. Sixty of them
were slain by the mob, who could not, even at the command
I * L*Etoa?/ 250. • Ibid.
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430
THE UNITED NBTHERLANDa
Chap. XVHL
of their beloved chieftam, quite forego their expected banquet.
But this was all the blood shed on the memorable day of
Barricades^ when another Bartholomew massacre had been
expected.^
Meantime^ while Guise was making his promenade through
the city, exchanging embraces with the rabble, and listening
to the coarse congratulations and obscene jests of the porters
and fishwomen, the poor King sat crying all day long in
the Louvre. The Queen-Mother was with him, reproaching
him bitterly with his irresolution and want of confidence in
her, and scolding him, for his tears. But the unlucky Henry
only wept the more as he cowered in a comer,
" These are idle tears," said Catharine. " This is no time
for crying. And for myself, though women weep so easily, I
feel my heart too deeply wrung for tears. If they came to
my eyes they would be tears of blood." ^
Next day the last Valois walked out of the Louvre, as if
for a promenade in the Tuileries, and proceeded straightway
to the stalls, where his horse stood saddled. Du Halde, his
equerry, buckled his master's spurs on, upside down. " No
matter," said Henry, " I am not riding to see my mistress. I
have a longer journey before me." '
And so, followed by a rabble rout of courtiers, without
boots or cloaks, and mounted on sorry hacks — ^the King of
France rode forth from his capital post-haste, and, turning
as he left the gates, hurled back impotent imprecations upon
Paris and its mob.^ Thenceforth, for a long interval, there
was no king in that country. Mucio had done his work, and
' * L'Estoae.* Do Thoo, 257.261.
Herrero^ tibi sup,
* " La Bejna Madre dizo al Bey
qaan mal avisado havia sido quo-
xandoeele do la poca oonflaoQa que
tenia do ella, j que nunca la hada
descubierto sus seoretos, ni prooarado
Bu dafio para ezecutar semejante resolu-
cion sin sa paresoer 7 esto con palabras
de tanto Bontimiento que el R07 so
enteroedo Itorando^ 7 ella le dizo ser
lagrimas peididas aquellaa, por no ser
tiempo do Uorar; quo si bien las
mugeres lo basian tan iacibnente, quo
ella tenia tan zorrado el pecbo que no
podria Uorar, 7 que si la viniessen a
los ojos lagprimas, serian do sangre."
Reladon do lo subcedido 4 Paris desde
los 9 hasta 13 de Ma70^ 1688. (Ardi.
de Sim. [Paris.] MS.)
»*L»E8toao,*^252.
^UEstoilo, Be Thou, Henera^ ubi
sup. Pasquier, vol. il, lettre iv., 331-
334 (ed. 1723).
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1688. THE KING FIIBS, AND SPAIN TRIUMPHS IN PARIS. 431
earned his wages, and Philip II. reigned in Paris. The com-
mands of the League were now complied with. Heretics
were doomed to extermination. The edict of 19th 19th July
July, 1588, was published with the most exclusive ^^^^
and stringent provisions that the most bitter Bomanist could
imagine,^ and, as a fair beginning, two young girls, daughters
of Jacques Forcade, once ^procureur au parlement,' were
burned in Paris, for the crime of Protestantism.^
The Duke of Guise was named Generalissimo of the King-
dom (26th August, 1588). Henry gave in his submission to
the Council of Trent, the edicts, the Inquisition; and the riest of
the League's infernal machinery, and was formally reconciled
to Guise, with how much sincerity time' was soon to show.*
Meantime Philip, for whom and at whose expense all this
work had been done by the hands of the faithful Mucio, was
constantly assuring his royal brother of France, through
envoy Longl^e, at Madrid, of his most affectionate friendship,
and utterly repudiating all knowledge of these troublesome
and dangerous plots. Yet they had been especially organized
— as we have seen — ^by himself and the Balafi^, in order that
France might be kept a prey to civil war, and thus rendered
incapable of offering any obstruction to his great enterprise
against England. Any complicity of Mendoza, the Spanish
ambassador in Paris, or of. the Duke of Parma, who were im-
portant agents in all these proceedings, with the Duke of
Guise, was strenuously and circumstantially denied; and
the Balafr^, on the day of the barricades, sent Brissac to
Elizabeth's envoy, Sir Edward Stafford, to assure him as to
his personal safety, and as to the deep affection with which
England and its Queen were regarded by himself and all his
* Tho King bound himself by oath
to extirpate heresy, to remove all per-
sons suspected of that crime from
ofOoe^ and never to lay down arms so
long as a single heretio remained. By
secret articles, two arinlea against the
Huguenots were agreed upon, one under
the Duke of Mayenne, the other under
some general to be appointed by the
King. The CJouncQ of Trent was forth-
with to be proclaimed, and by a re-
finement of malice the League stipu-
lated that all officers appointed in
Paris by the Duke of Guise on tiie day
after the barricades should resign
their powers^ and be immediately re-
appointed by the King himselC De
Thou, X. 1. 86, pp. 824-326.
* Duplessis Momay. iy. 246.
*L»E8toile,' 268.
• Dc Thou, ttW sup.
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432
THE UNTTBD NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVnL
friends. Stafford had also been advised to accept a guard for
his house of embassy. His reply was noble.
" I represent the majesty of England/' he said, " and can
take no safeguard from a subject of the sovereign to whom I
am accredited/'
To the threat of being invaded, and to the advice to close
his gates, he answered, " Do you see these two doors ? Know
then, if I am attacked, I am determined to defend myself to
the last drop of my blood, to serve as an example to the
universe of the law of nations, violated in my person. Do
not imagine that I shall follow your advice. The gates of
an ambassador shall be open to all the world."
Brissac returned with this answer to Guise, who saw that it
was hopeless to attempt making a display in the eyes of
Queen EHzabeth, but gave private orders that the ambas-
sador should not be molested,^
Such were the consequences of the day of the barricades —
and thus the path of Philip was cleared of all obstructions on
the part of France. His Mucio was. now generalissimo.
Henry was virtually deposed. Henry of Navarre, poor and
good-humoured as ever, was scarcely so formidable at that
moment as he might one day become. When the news of the
day of barricades was brought at night to that cheerful
monarch, he started from his couch. ^^ Ha," he exclaimed with
a laugh, " but they havn't yet caught the Bernese ! " *
And it might be long before the League would catch the
B^amese ; but, meantime, he could render slight assistance
to Queen Elizabeth. .
In England there had been much fruitless negotiation be-
tween the government of that country and the coromissioners
from the States-GleneraL There was perpetual altercation on
the subject of Utrecht, Leyden, Sonoy, and the other causes of
contention ; the Queen — as usual — ^being imperious and cho-
leric, and the envoys, in her opinion, very insolent. But the
* Do Thou, X. 2C4-266.
' "Etant couch^ sur son lit vert il
I leva, ct tout gaiment dit cc8 mots:
*Ils ne tienment cnooro lo Bdarnolai' "
*L'Bstone,» 252.
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X58& STATES EXPOSTULATB WITH XHB QUBKN. 433
principal topic of discussion was the peace-negotiatioDs, which
the States-General^ both at home and throogh their del^ation
in England, had been doing their best to prerent ; steadily re-
fiising her Majest/s demand that commissioners, on their
part, should be appointed to participate in the conferences at
Ostend. Elizabeth promised that there should be as strict
n^ard paid to the interests of Holland as to those of England,
in case of a pacification, and that she would nerer forget her
duty to them, to herself, and to the world, as the protectress
of the reformed religion. The deputies, on the other hand,
warned her that peace with Spain was impossible ; that the
intention of the Spanish court was to deceive her, while pre-
paring her destruction and theirs ; that it waa hopeless to
attempt the concession of any. freedom of conscience from
Philip II. ; and that any stipulations which might be made
upon that, or any other subject, by the Spanish commis-
sioners, would be tossed to the wind. In reply to the Queen's
loud complaints that the States had been trifling with her, and
undutiful to her, and that they had kept her waiting seven
months long for an answer to her summons to participate in
the negotiations, they replied, that up to the 15th October of
the previous year, although there had been flying rumours of
an intention on the part of her Majesty's government to
open those communications with the enemy, it had, ^^ never-
theless been earnestly and expressly, and with high words
and oaths, denied that there was any truth in those rumours."
Since that time the States had not once only, but many times,
in private letters, in public documents, and in conversations
with Lord Leicester and other eminent personages, depre-
cated any communications whatever with Spain, asserting
uniformly their conviction that such proceedings would bring
ruin on their country, and imploring her Majesty not to give
car to any propositions whatever.^
And Aot only were the envoys, r^ularly appointed by the
States-General, most active in England, in their attempts to
> Bor, III. xxir. 22a.
VOL. II.— 2 F
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434
THE UNTTBD NETHBRLANDa
Chap. XTm.
prevent the negotiations, but del^ates from the Nether-
land churches were also sent to the Queen, to reason with her
on the subject, and to utter solemn warnings that the cause
of the reformed religion would be lost for ever, in case of
a treaty on her' part with Spain. When these clerical
envoys reached England the Queen was already b^inning
to wake from her delusion ; although her commissioners were
still— as we have seen — ^hard at work, pouring sand through
their sieves at Ostend, and although the steady protesta-
tions of the Duke of Parma, and the industrious circulation
of falsehoods by Spanish emissaries, had even caused her wisest
statesmen, for a time, to participate in that delusion.
. For it is not so great an impeachment on the sagacity of
the great Queen of England, as it would now appear to those
who judge by the light of subsequent facts, that she still
doubted whether the armaments, notoriously preparing in
Spain. and Flanders, were intended against herself; and that
— even if such were the case — she still believed in the pos-
sibility of averting the danger by negotiation.
So late as the beginning of May, even the far-seeing and
anxious WaLsdngh^m could say, that in England " they were
doing nothiijg but honouring St. George, of whoi^i the Spanish
Armada seemed to be afraid. We hear," he added, "that
they will not be ready to set forward before the midst of May,
but I trust thcU it will he May come twelvemonths. The King
of Spain is too. old and too sickly to fall to conquer kingdoms.
If he be well counselled, his best course will bo to settle his
own kingdoms in his own hands.'' ^
And ,even much later, in the middle of July — when the
mask was. hardly maintained— even then there was no cer-
tainty as to the movements of the Armada ; and Walsing-
hapi believed, just ten days before the. famous fleet was to
appear off Plymouth, that it had dispersed and returned to
' WalaiDgham to Sir Ed. Noma,
-^^, 1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
"By the middle of July." says
Stowe, " it was said by some of honour-
able rank and great jadgment» that
the whole fleet of the invasion was a
Popish brag and a French tale." tsa
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1588.
ENGLISH STATESMEN STILL DECEIVED.
435
Spain, never to re-appear.* As to Parma's intentions, they
were thought to lie rather in the direction of Ostend than of
England ; and Elizabeth, on the 20th July, was more anxious
for that city than for her own kingdom^ " Mr. Ned, I am
persuaded," she wrote to Norris, " that if the Spanish' fleet
break, the Prince of Parma's enterprise for England will fall
to the ground, and then are you to look to Ostend. Haste
your works."* . i
All through the spring and early summer, Stafford, in
Paris, was kept in a state of much perplexity as to the
designs of Spain — so contoidictoiy were the stories circulated,
and so bewildering the actions of men known to be hostile to
England. In the last days of April he intimated it as a com-
mon opinion in Paris, that these naval preparations of Philip
were an elaborate farce ; "that the great elephant would bring
forth but a mouse ; that the great processions, prayers, and
pardons, at Borne, for the prosperous success of the Armada
against England, would be of no effect ; that the King of
Spain was laughing in his sleeve at the Pope, that he could
make such a fool of him ; and that such an enterprise was a
thing the King never durst think of in deed, but only in show
to feed the world." ^ ...
Thus, although furnished with minute . details as to these
armaments, and as to the exact designs of Spain against his
country, by the ostentatious statements of the Spanish ambas-
sador in Paris himself, the English envoy was Btill inclined to
believe that these statements were a figment, expressly in-
tended to deceive. Yet he was aware that Lord Westmore-
land, Lord Paget, Sir Charles Paget, Morgan, and other English
refugees, were constantly meeting with Mendoza, that they
» Walsingham to E. Nonis, - July,
1588. (S. P. Offioe MS.)
" And for the nayy of Spain, we have
lately received advertisements that by
reason of their great wants, as well of
raarineni, as of necessary provisions,
but especially through the infection
fallen among their men, they are forced
toreton, and have dispersed them-
selves." pi)
« Leicester to E. Norris. MSw by
Qneen Elizabeth (?) — July, 1588.
(S. P. Office MS.)
VSir £. Stafford to Walsingham.
-April, 1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
23
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436
THE UNITED lilETHERLJlNDS.
Chip. XynL
were told to get themselvea in readiuess^ and to go down- — as
well appointed as might be — to the Duke of Parma ; that they
hod been ^^sendii^ for their tailor to make them apparel, and
to put themselves in equipage ;*' that, in particular, West-
moreland had been assured of being restored by Philip to his
native country in better condition than before. The Catholic
and . Spanish party in Paris, were however much dissatisfied
with the news from Scotland, and were getting more and
more afraid that King James would object to the Spaniards
getting a foot-hold in his country, and that '^ the Scots would
soon be plajring them a Scottish trick." ^
Stafford \raa plunged still more inextricably into doubt by
the accounts from Longl^o in Madrid.^ The diplomatist,
who had been completely convinced by Philip as to his inno-
cence of any participation in the criminal enterprise of Guise
against Henry III., was now almost staggered by the unscru-
pulous mendacity of that monarch with regard to any supposed
designs against England. .Although the Armada was to be
jeady by the 15th May, Longl6e was of opinion — notwith-
standing many bold announcements of an attack upon Eliza-
beth— that the real object of the expedition was America.
There had recently been discovered, it was said, ^^ a new
country, more rich in gold and silver than any yet found, but
so full of stout people that they could not master them.'' '
To reduce these stout people beyond the Atlantic, therefore,
and to get possession of new gold mines, was the real object at
which Philip was driving, and Longleo and Stafford were both
very doubtful whether it were worth the Quiden's Irhile to
exhaust her finances in order to protect herself against an
imaginary invasion. Even so late (zs the middle of July y six to
erne was offered on the ^aris exchange that the Spanish fleet
would never be seen in the English seas, and thoso that
■ StafiEbrd to Walaingham,
1588. (a P. Offioe MS.
t4April^
ThUj
Depdohes de Longl^ envoj^ do
Henri III. en EspAgne, Mara, AttU,
Mai, 1588. Fonds St Oerraain.
Imp. do Franco, MS.)
* Staflbrd
1588.
to WalsingbaiD,
(aP.OfflooMa)
(Bih.
S4 April
4 Mm'
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1588. DEPUTIES FEOM NETHEBLAND GHUBCHES, 43'/
offered tho bets were known to be well-wishers to the Spanish
party.^
Thus sharp diplomatists and statesmen like Longl6e; Staf-
ford, and Walsingham, were beginning to Jose their fear of ^
the great bugbear by which England had so' long been haunted.
It was therefore no deep stain on the Queen's sagacity that
that she, too, was willing to place credence in the plighted
honour of Alexander Famese, the great prince who prided
himself on his sincerity, and who, next to tiio King his
master, adored the yii^in Queen of England.
The deputies of the Netherland churches had come, with
the permission of Count Maurice and of the States General ;
but they represented more strongly than any other envoys
could do, the English and the monarchical party. They were
instructed especially to implore the Queen to accept the sove-
reignty of their country ; to assure her that the restoration of
Philip— who had been a wolf instead of a ^pherd to his
flock— i-was an impossibility, that he had been solemnly and
for ever deposed, that under her sceptre only could the Pro-
vinces ever recover their ancient prosperity ; that ancient and
modem history alike made it manifest that a free republic
could never maintain itself, but that it must, of necessity, run
its course through sedition, bloodshed, and anarchy, until
liberty was at last crushed by an absolute despotism ; that
equality of condition, the basis of democratic institutions, could
never be made firm ; and that a fortunate exception, like that
of Switzerland, whose historical and political circmnstances
were peculiar, could never serve as a model to the Nether-
lands, accustomed as those Provinces had ever been to a
monarchical form of government ; and that the antagonism
of aristocratic and democratic elements in the States had
already produced discord, and was threateiung destruction
to the whole country. To avert such dangers the splen-
dour of royal authority was necessary, according to the
venerable commands of Holy Writ ; and therefore the Nether-
> StaflBard to WolriDgham, ^ Julj, 1588. (S. P. Offloe MS.)
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438 ^*^S2 UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XYIII.
land churches acknowledged themselves the foster-children
of England, and be^ed that in political matters also the
inhabitants of the Provinces might be accepted as the subjects
of her Majesty. They also implored the Queen to break oS
these accursed negotiations with Spain, and to provide that
henceforth in the Netherlands the rdformed religion might be
freely exercised, to the exclusion of any other"}
Thus it was very evident that these clerical envoys, although
they were sent by permission of the States, did not come
as the representatives of the dominant party. For that ' Beel-
zebub,' Bameveld, had different notions from theirs as to the
possibility of a republic, and as to the propriety of tolerating
other forms of worship than his own. But it was for such
pernicious doctrines, on religious matters in particular, that he
was called Beelzebub, Pope John, a papist in disguise, and an
atheist ; and denounced, as leading young Maurice and the
whole country to destruction.
On the basis of these instructions, the deputies drew
up a memorial of pitiless length, filled with astounding-
12 July, parallels between their own position and that of the
1588. Hebrfews, Assyrians, and other distinguished nations
of antiquity. They brought it to Walsinghain on the 12th July,
1588, and the much-enduring man heard it read from b^imm^
to end. He expressed his approbation of its sentiments, but
said it was too long. It must be put on one sheet of paper,
he said, if her Majesty was expected to read it.
" Moreover," said the Secretary of State, ^^ although your
arguments are full of piety, and your examples from Holy
Writ very apt, I must tell you the plain truth. Great princes
are not always so zealous in religious matters as th^ might
be. Political transactions move them more deeply, and they
depend too much on worldly things. However there is no
longer much danger, for our envoys will return from Flanders
in a few days."*
> Instrootiona from the Churches of the Netherlands for the Deputies to
the Queen of Eugland, apud Bor, III. 256-259.
■ * Beport of the Deputies,' in Bor, HI. 259.
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IM8. HOLD OONFEEENCB WITH THE QUEEN, 439
^^But/' asked a deputy^ ^^if the Spaniflh fleet does Hot
succeed in its enterprise, will the peace-negotiations be
renewed?"
" By no means/' said Walsingham ; " the Queen can never
do that, consistently with her honour. They have scattered
infamous libels against her — so scandalous, that you would be
astoimded should you read them. Arguments drawn from
honour are more vfdid with princes than any other."
He alluded to the point in their memorial touching the free
exercise of the reformed religion in the Pr<)vinces.
" 'Tis well and piously said," he observed ; " but princes and
great lords are not always very earnest in such matters. . I
think that her Majesty's envoys will not press for the free
exercise of the religion so very much ; not more than for two
or three years. By that time — should our n^tiations suc-
ceed— ^the foreign troops will have evacuated the Netherlands
on condition that the States-General shall settle the religious
question."^
"But," said Daniel de Dieu, one of the deputies, ^Uhe
mqfority of the States is Popish."
" Bo it so," replied Sir Francis ; " nevertheless they will
sooner permit the exercise of the reformed religion than take
yip arms and b^in the war anew."
He then alluded to the proposition of the deputies to exclude
all religious worship but that of the reformed church — all
false religion — as they expressed themselves.
^^ Her Majesty," said he, " is well disposed to permit some
exercise of their religion to the Papists. So far as r^ards my
own feelings, if we were now in the b^inning.of the reforma-
tion, and the papacy were still entire, I should willingly con-
cede such exercise ; but now that the Papacy has been over-
thrown, I think it would not be safe to give such permission.
When we were disputing, at the time of the : pacification of
Ghent, whether the Popish religion should.be partially per-
mitted^ the Prince of Orange was of the qffirmative opinion ;
' 'Beport of the DeputieB,' in Bor, last cited.
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440 THE UNITED NETHEBLAKD& Chap. XVHH
but I^ who was then at Antwerp, entertained the contrar7
conviction/'
" But/' said one of the deputies — ^pleased to find that Wal-
singfaam was more of their way of thinking on rdigious tolera-
tion than the great Prince of Orange had been, or than
Maurice and Bameveld then were — ^^but her Majesty will,
we hope, follow the advice of her good and faithful coun-
sellors."
"To tell you the truth," answered Sir Francis, "great
princes are not always inspired with a sincere and upright
zeal ;" — ^it was the third time he had made this observation —
" although, so far as regards the maintenance of the religion
in the Netherlands, that is a matter of necessity. Of that
there is no fear, since otherwise all the pious would depart,
and none would remain but Papists, and, what is more,
enemies of England. Therefore the Queen is aware that the
religion must be maintained."^
He then advised the deputies to hand in the memorial to
her Majesty, without any loi^ speeches, for which there was
then no time or opportunity ; and it was subsequently
arranged that tliey should be presented to the Queen as she
would be mounting her horse at St James's to ride to Rich-
mond.
Accordingly on the 15th July, as her Majesty came forth
at the gate, with a throng of nobles and ladies — some about
15 juij, to i^ompany her and some bidding her adieu — ^the
1588. deputies fell on their knees before her. Notwith-
standing the advice of ■ Walsingham, Daniel de Dieu was bent
upon an oration.
" Oh illustrious Queen !" ho began, " the chiurches of the
United Netherlands "
He had got no further, when the Queen, interrupting, ex-
claimed, " Oh ! I beg you — at another time — ^I cannot now
listen to a speech. Let me see the memorial"
Daniel de Dieu then humbly presented that documait^
^ 'Report of the Dcimtiea.' BcTtUHmip,
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1688.
AND PBBSBNT LONG MEMOBIAL&
441
which her Majesty graciously received, and then, getting on
horseback, rode off to Richmond.*
The memorial was in the nature of an exhortation to sustain
the religion, and to keep clear of all negotiations with idolaters
and unbelievers ; and the memorialists supported themselves
by copious references to Deuteronomy, Proverbs, Isaiah,
Timothy, and Psalms, relying mainly on the case of Jehosa-
phat, who came to disgrace and disaster through his treaty
with the idolatrous King Ahab. With regard to any compo-
sition with Spain, they observed, in homely language, that a
burnt cat fears the fire ; and they assured the Queen that, by
following their advice, she would gain a glorious and immortal
name, like those of David, Ezekiel, Josiah, and others, whose
fragrant memory, even as precious incense from the apothe-
cary's, endureth to the end of the world.*
It was not surprising that Elizabeth, getting on horseback
on the 15th July, 1588, with her head full of Tilbury Fort and
Medina Sidonia, should have as little relish for the affetirs of
Ahab and Jehosophat, as for those melting speeches of Dio-
mede and of Tumus, to which Dr. Valentine Dale on his part
was at that moment invoking her attention.
On the 20th July, the deputies were informed by Leicester
" that her Majesty would grant them an interview, juiy 20,
and that they must come into his quarter of the ^^®®-
palace and await her arrival.
Between six and seven in the evening she came into the
throne-room, and the deputies again fell on their knees before
her.»
She then seated herself — the deputies remaining on their
knees on her right side and the Earl of Leicester standing at
her left — and proceeded to make many remarks touching her
earnestness in the pending n^tiations to provide for their
religious freedom. It seemed that she must have received a
hint from Walsingham on the subject.
* 'Roport of the Deputies,' 259,
260-262.
' 'Memorial from the United
Churches,' Aa, apud Bor, IH 260*
262, teq,
» Bor, m. 262, 263.
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442 THE UNITED NETHERLANDS* Chap. XVML
"I shall provide/' she said, "for the maintenance of the
reformed worship."
De Dieu. — " The enemy will never concede it."
The Queen.— "I think differently."
De Dieu.—" There is no place within his dominions where
he has permitted the exercise of the pure religion. He has
never done so."
The Queen. — " He conceded it in the pacification of Ghent."
De DieiL — " But he did not keep his agreement. Don
John had concluded with the States, but said he was not held
to his promise, in case he should repent ; and the King wrote
afterwards to our States, and said that he was no longer bound
to his pledge.".
The Queen. — " That is quite another thing."
De Dieu. — " He has very often broken his faith."
The Queen. — " He shall no longer be allowed to do so. If
he does not keep his word, that is my affair, not yours. It is
my business to find the remedy. Men would say, see in what
a desolation the Queen of England has brought this poor
people. As to the freedom of worship, I should have proposed
three or four years' interval — Cleaving it afterwards to the
decision of the States."
De Dieu. — " Biit the majority of the States is Popish."
The Queen. — " I mean the States-Greneral, not the States of
any particular Province."
De Dieu. — "The greater part of the States-Greneral is
Popish."
The Queen. — " I mean the three estates — the cleigy, the
nobles, and the cities." The Queen — as the deputies observed
— ^here fell into an error. She thought that prelates of the
reformed Church, as in England, had seats in the States-
General. Daniel de Dieu explained that they had no such
position.
The Queen. — " Then how were you sent hither ?"
De Dieu. — " We came with the consent of Count Maurice
of Nassau."
The Queen.—" And of the States ?"
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1588. MORE CONVERSATIONS WITH THE QUEEN. 443
De Dieu. — " We came with their khowledge/*
The Queen. — " Are you sent only from Holland and Zee-
land ? Ib there no envoy from Utrecht and the other Pro-
vinces ? "
Helmichius. — "We two/' pointing to his colleague Sos-
singius, " are from Utrecht.*'
The Queen.—" What ? Is this young man also a minister ? "
She meant Helmichius^ who had a very little beard, and looked
young.
Sossingius. — " He is not so young as he looks."
The Queen. — " Youths are sometimes as able as old men."
De Dieu. — " I have heard our brother preach in France
more than fourteen years ago."
The Queen. — " He must have begun young. How old were
you when you first became a preacher ? "
Helmichius. — " Twenty-three or twenty-four years of age."
The Queen. — " It was with us, at first, considered a scandal
that a man so young as that should be admitted to the pulpit
Our antagonists reproached us with it in a^book, called ' Scan^
dale de I'Angleterre,' saying that we had none but school-boys
for ministers. I understand that you pray for me as warmly
as if I were your sovereign princess. I think I have done as
much for the religion as if I were your Queen."
Helmichius. — " We are fax from thinking otherwise. Wo
acknowledge willingly your Majesty's benefits to our churches."
The Queen. — " It would else be ingratitude on your part."
Helmichius. — " But the King of Spain will never keep any
promise about the religion."
The Queen. — " He will never come so for : he does nothing
but make a noise on all sides. Item, I don't think he has
much confidence in himself"
De Dieu. — " Your Majesty has many enemies. The Lord
hath hitherto supported you, and we pray that he may continue
to uphold your Majesty."
The Queen. — " I have indeed many enemies ; but I make
no great account of them. Is there anything else you seek ? "
De Dieu. — " There is a special point : it concerns our, or
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444 THB UNITED NETHBRLi.in>S. Chap. XVm.
rather your Majesty's, city of Flushing. We hope that Rus-
selius — (so he called Sir William Russell) — ^may be continued
in its government, although he wishes his discharge/'
^^ Aha V said the Queen, laughing and rising from her seat,
^^ I shall not answer you ; I shall call some one else to answer
you."
She then summoned RusseU's sister. Lady Warwick.
" If you could speak French," said the Queen to that gentle-
woman, " I should bid you reply to these gentlemen, who beg
that your brother may remain in Flushing, so very agree-
able has he made himself to them."
The Queen was pleased to heiar this good opinion of Sir
William, and this request that he might continue to be governor
of Flushing, because he had uniformly supported the Ldceater
party, and was at that moment in high quarrel with Count
Maurice and the leading members of the States.
As the deputies took their leave, they requested an answer
to their memorial, which was graciously promised.^
Three days afterwards, 23rd July, Walsingham gave them
a written answer to their memorial— conceived in the same
23 Juij, sense as had been the expressions of her Majesty
^^®®' and her counsellors. Support to the Netherlands
and stipulations for the free exercise of their religioa were
promised ; but it was impossible for these deputies of the
churches to obtain a guarantee from England that the Popish
religion should be excluded from the Provinces, in case of a
successful issue to the Queen's n^otiation with Spain.^
And thus during all those eventful days — tJie last toeeka of
July and the first weeks of August — the clerical deputation
remained in England, indulging in voluminous protocols and
lengthened conversations with the Queen and the principal
members of her government. It is astonishing, in that
breathless interval of history, that so much time could be
found for quill-driving and oratory.
Nevertheless, both in Holland and England, there had been
* * Report of the Depudea of the Netheriand Churches,* in Bor, IIL 262, 9eq,
* * Reportj' &a vbi wp.
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1538. NATIONAL SPIBIT OF ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 445
other work than protocolling. One throb of patriotism moved
the breast of both natiozus. A longing to grapple^ once for
all, with the great enemy of civil and religious liberty in-
spired both. In Holland, the States-General and all the men
to whom the people looked for guidance, had been long
deprecating the peace-negotiations. Extraordinary supplies —
more than had ever been granted before — were voted for the
expenses of the campaign ; and Maurice of Nassau, fitly em-
bodying the warlike tendencies of his country and race, had
been most importunate with Queen Elizabeth that she would
accept his services and his advice.^ Armed vessels of every
size, from the gun-boat to the galleon of 1200 tons — then
the most imposing ship in thoso waters — swarmed in all the
estuaries and rivers, and along the Dutch and Flemish coast,
bidding defiance to Parma and his armaments; and offers
of a large contingent from the fleets of Joost de Moor and
Justinus de Nassau, to serve under Seymour and Howard,
were freely made by the States-General.
It was decided early in July, by the board of admiralty, pre-
sided over by Prince Maurice, that the largest square-rigged
vessels of Holland and Zeeland should cruise between England
and the Flemish coast, outside the banks; that a squadron
of lesser ships should be stationed within the banks ; and that
a fleet of sloops and fly-boats should hover close in shore,
about Flushing and Bammekens. All tho war-vessels of the
little republic were thus fully employed. But, besides this
arrangement, Maurice was empowered to lay an embargo-
under what penalty he chose and during his pleaaure — on all
square-rigged vessels over 300 tons, in order that there might
be an additional supply in case of need. Ninety ships of war
under Warmond, admiral, and Van der Does, vice-admiral of
Holland ; and Justinus de Nassau, admiral, and Joost de Moor,
vice-admiral of Zeeland ; together with fifty merchant- vessels
of the best and strongest, equipped and armed for active
service, composed a formidable fleet,*
» Bor, in. 318, 310. I by which so mudi mischief bad becD
' So soon as tho Soaoj diffloultj | created should bo terminated, Maoiios
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446
THE XJNITBD NBTHERLANDS.
Chap. XVnL
The States-Gteneral, a month before, had sent twenty-five
or thirty good ships, under Admiral Rosendael, to join Lord
Henry Seymour, then cruising between Dover and Calais.
A tempest drove them back, and tbeir absence from Lord
Henry's fleet being misinterpreted by the English, the States
were censured for ingratitude and want of good faith. But
the injustice of the accusation was soon made manifest, for
these vessels, reinforcing the great Dutch fleet outside the
banks, did better service than they could have done in the
straits. A squadron of strong well-armed vessels, having on
board, in addition to their regular equipment, a picked force
of twelve hundred musketeers, long accustomed to this pecu-
liar kind of naval warfare, with crews of grim Zeelanders,
who had fstced Alva and Valdez in their day, now kept dose
watch over Famese, determined that he should never thrust
his face out of any haven or nook on the coast so long as ihey
should be in existence to prevent him.^
And in England the protracted diplomacy at Ostend, ill-
timed though it was, had not paralyzed the arm or chilled
the heart of the nation. When the groat Queen, arousing
herself from the delusion in which the falsehoods of Fameso
and of Philip had lulled her, should once more represent— as
no man or woman better than Eliziabeth Tudor could repre-
sent— the defiance of England to foreign insolence ; the resolve
of a whole people to die rather than yield ; there was a thriU
of joy through the national heart. When the enforced
restraint was at last taken off*, there was one bound towards
the enemy. Few more magnificent spectacles have been
seen in history than the enthusiasm which pervaded the
announced his intention to the Queen,
**a combattre rennemi par mer et
par terre, pour Tempecher qu' il ne
prenne terre." **Je supplie V. M.,"
he continuedi '*de commander i M.
Tadmiral Howard do tenir corre-
spondanco avec rooi, comma auasi jo
feral aveo Sa Seign^*." Maurice de
ro
Nassau to tho Queen, 7- April, 1588.
(S. P. Office MS.)
"Ne pouvant, pour mon devoir
T0U3 celer qu'un des plus grands
empechemmta que je trouoe en nos
affaires de pardefa est cette negotiation
de paix qui engendre de telles oon-
fusions que les forces ne peayent ^tro
employ^ par mer et par terre si t6t
et si bien que je desireral Je ferai
toute fois toute diligence d*dire prest
assez & temps pour rompre les dee*
seins du Due de Parma/' £c. Same to
same, same date.
> Bor, m. xxiii. 319-321.
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1588. DISSATISFACTION WITH QUEEN'S COURSR 447
country as the great danger, 80 long defeired, was felt at last
to be closely approaching. The little nation of four millions,
the merry England of the sixteenth century, went forward to
the death-grapple with its gigantic antagonist as cheerfully as
to a long-expected holiday. Spain was a vast empire, over-
shadowing the world; England, in comparison, but a pro-
vince ; yet nothing could surpass the steadiness with which
the conflict was awaited.
For, during all the months of suspense, the soldiers and
sailors, and many statesmen of England, had deprecated,
oven as the Hollanders had been doing, the dangerous delays
of Ostend. Elizabeth was not embodying the national in-
stinct, when she talked of peace, and shrank penuriously from
the expenses of war. There was much disappointment, even
indignation, at the' slothfulness with which the preparations
for defence went on, during the i)eriod when there was yet
time to make them. It was feared with justice that Eng-
land, utterly unfortified as were its cities, and defended only
by its little navy without, and by untaught enthusiasm
within, might, after all, prove an easier conquest than Hol-
land and Zeeland, every town in whose territory bristled with
fortifications. If the English ships — well-trained and swift
sailors as they were — ^were unprovided with spars and cord-
age, beef and biscuit, powder and shot, and the militia-men,
however enthusiastic, were neither drilled nor armed, was it
so very certain, after all, that successful resistance would be
made to the great Armada, and to the veteran pikemen and
musketeers of Famese, seasoned on a hundred battle-fields,
and equipped as for a tournament ? There was generous con-
fidence and chivalrous loyalty on the part of Elizabeth's
naval and military commanders ; but there had been deep
regret and disappointment at her course.
Hawkins was anxious, all through the winter and spring, to
cruise with a small squadron off the coast of Spain. With a
dozen vessels he undertook to " distress anything that went
through the seas.'* The cost of such a squadron, with eighteen
hundred men, to be relieved every four months, he estimated at
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448
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XVm.
two thousand seven hundred pounds sterling the month, or a
shilling a day for each man ; and it would be a very unlucky
month, he said, in which they did not make captures to three
times that amount ; for they would see nothing that would
not be presently their own. " We might have peace, but not
with God," said the pious old slave-trader ; " but rather than
serve Baal, let us die a thousand deaths. Let us have open
war with these Jesuits, and every man will contribute, fight,
devise, or do, for the liberty of our country." ^
And it was open war with the Jesuits for which those stout-
hearted sailors longed, AH were afraid of secret mischief.
The diplomatists — who wcro known to be flitting about
France, Flanders, Scotland, and England — ^were birds of ill
omen. King James was beset by a thousand bribes and ex-
postulations to avenge his mother's death ; and although that
mother had murdered his father, and done her best to dis-
inherit himself, yet it was feared that Spanish ducats might
induce him to be true to his mother's revenge, and false to
the reformed religion.? Nothing of good was hoped for from
France. " For my part," said Lord Admiral Howard, " I
have made of the French King, the Scottish King, and the
King of Spain, a trinity that I mean never to trust to bo
saved by, and I would that others were of my opinion." ^
Tho noble sailor, on whom so much responsibility rested,
yet who was so trammelled and thwarted by the ,^mid and
parsimonious policy of Elizabeth and of Buighley, chafed and
shook his chains like a captive. " Since England was Eng-
land," he exclaimed, " there was never such a stratagem and
mask to deceive her as this treaty of peace. I pray God that
> Hawkins to "Walsmgham, — Feb.
1588. (a P. Office MS.)
> En bora buena ajen Uegado cl
Conde de Morton y Coronel Semple,"
sajfl Philip, speaking of one of the
hundred attempts of the Scotch Ca-
tholics employed by him to bring
about a co-operation on the part of
James with the Spanish design upon
England, "atmqne sog^n los avisos
quo embiastes do Inglatierra menos
fnitos haran quo so promotian, pocs
tionen hereses al Rey tan do su
mana Poro bien cs que hagaos las
dlligencias que so pueden, tentando
si la sangre do su madre le cstimola
a la yengan^a,'* ftc. Philip IL to
Mendoza, 2I.JuBe, 1588. (Arch, do
Simancas pn tho Arch, do FEmpiro^
at Paris], Ma) '
» Howard to Walsingnam, — —
1588. (a P. Offico iI3.)
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15d8. BITTEB COMPLAINTS OF LORD HOWARD. 449
we do not curse for this a long grey beard with a white head
witless, that will make all the world think us heartless. You
know whom I mean." * And it certainly was not difficult to
understand the allusion to the pondering Lord-Treaisurer. —
" Opus est aliquo DcedalOy to direct us out of the nuize/'^ said
that much puzzled statesman ; but he hardly seemed to be
making himself wings with which to lift England and himself
oat of the labyrinth. The ships were good ships, but there
was intolerable delay in getting a sufficient number of them
as ready for action as was the spirit of their commanders.
" Our ships do show like gallants here/* said Winter ; " it
would do a man's h«irt good to behold them. Would to God
the Prince of Parma were on the seas with all his forces, and
we in sight of them. You should hear that we would make
his enterprise very unpleasant to him." *
And Howard, too, was delighted not only with his own little
flagHship the Arh-Royal — " the odd ship of the world for all
conditions," — but with all of his fleet that could be mustered.
Although wonders were reported, by every arrival frota the
south, of the coming Armada, the Lord- Admiral was not ap-
palled. He was perhaps rather imprudent in the defiance he
flung to the enemy. ^^ Let me have the four great ships and
twenty hoys, with but twenty men a-piece, and each with but
two iron pieces, and her Maj^ty shall have a good account
of the Spanish forces ; and I will make the King wish his
galleys home again. Few as we are, if his forces be not hun-
dreds, w© will make good sport with them." *
But those foui^ great ships of her Majesty, so much longed
for by Howard, were not forthcoming. He complained that
the Queen was "keeping them to protect Chatham Ohmrch
withal, when they fiould be serving their turn abroiad."'*
The Spanish fleet was already reported as numbering from
210 sail, with 36,000 men,* to 400 or 500 ships, and 80,000
1 Howard to Walsingham, MS. last
cited.
« Burgbley to Willooghby, - Feb.
1588. (a P. Office MS.)
•Sir WiU. Winter to Hawkins,
28F«1)w
~— > 1688. (a P. Office M&)
9 Mar. ^
VOT.. TI. 2 G
29 Feb.
♦ Howard to Burghlov, , 1688.
(& P. Office MS.)
11
^ Howard to Walmnghami -- March,
1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
•Ibid.
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450 ^^^^ UNITED NBTHEBLANDSb Chap. XYIH
soldiers and mariners ;^ and yet Drake was not ready with
his sqqadron. ^^ The fault is not in him/' said Howard^ ^^ but
I pray God her Majesty do not repent her. slack dealing. We
must all lie together^ for we shall be stirred. very shortly with
heave ho ! I fear ere long her Majesty will be sorry she hath
believed some so much as she hath done.'' '
Howard had got to sea, and was cruising all the stormy
month of March in the Channel with his little ui^repared
squadron, expecting at any moment — ^such was. the profound
darkness .which enveloped the world at that day^-that the
sails of the Armada might appear in the offing. He made a
visit to the Dutch coast, and was delighted with the enthu-
siasm with which he was received. Five thousand people a
day came on board his ships, full of congratulation and
delight ; and he informed the Queen that she was not more
assured of the Isle of Sheppey than of Walcheren.'
Nevertheless time wore, on, and both the army and navy of
England were quite unprepared, and the Queen was more
reluctant than ever to incur the expense necessary to the
defence of her kingdom. . At least one of those galleys, which,
as Howard bitterly complained, seemed destined to defend
Chatham Church, was importunately demanded ; but it was
already Easter-Day (17th April), and she was demanded in
vain. " Lord 1 when should she serve," said the Admiral, "if
not at such a time as this ? Either she is fit now to serve, ox
fit for the fire. I hope never in my time to see so great a
cause for her to be used. I dare say her Majesty will look
that men should fi^t for her, and I know, they will at this
time. The King of Spain doth not keep any ship at home,
either of his own or any other, that he can get for money.
Well, well, I must pray heartily for peace," said Howard with
increasing spleen, "for I see the support of an honourable
war will never appear. Sparing and war have no affinity
together."*
* Howard to WalsiDgbaiii, — Marcb,
1588. (& P. Office MSO
« Same to same, - April, I58a
aP. Offioo(Ma)
» Drake to the Queen, ^^ . 1588.
(a p. Office Ma)
s Howard to Walaingham, — March,
1588, Ma
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1688. WANT OP PRBPAEATION IS ARMY AND NAVY. 45I
In truth Elizabeth's most faithful. subjects were appalled at
the ruin which she seemed by her mistaken policy to be ren-
dering inevitable. "I am sorry," said the Admiral, *Uhat
her Majesty is so careless of this most dangerous time. I
fear me much, and with grief I think it, that she relieth on a
hope that will deceive her, and greatly endai^r her, and
then it will not be her money nor her jewels that will help ;
for as they will do good in time, so they will help nothing for
the redeeming of time/' ^ .
The preparations on shore were even more dilatory than
those on the. sea., We have seen that the Duke of Parma,
once landed, expected to march directly upon London ; and it
was notorious that there were no fortresses to oppose a march
of the first general in Europe" and his veterans upon that
unprotected and wealthy metropolis. An army had been
enrolled — a force of 86,016 foot, and 13,831 cavalry ; but it
was an army on paper merely. Even of the 86,000, only
48,000 were set down as trained ; and it is certain that the
training had been of the most meagre and unsatisfactory
description.* Leicester was to be commander-in-chief; but
we have already seen that nobleman measuring himself, not
much to his advantage, with Alexander Famese, in the Isle
of Bommel, on the sands of Blatikenburg, and. at the gates
of Sluys. His army was to consist of 27,000 infanky, and
2000 horse ; yet at midsummer it had not reached half that
number. Lord Chamberlain Hunsdon was to protect the
Queen's person with another army of 36,000 ; but this force
was purely an imaginary one ; and the lord-lieutenant of each
county was to do his best with the militia. But men were
perpetually escaping out of the general service, in order to
make themselves retainers for private noblemen, and be kept
at their expense. " You shall hardly believe," said Leicester,
"how many new liveries be gotten within these six weeks,
and no man fears the penalty. It would be better that every
Howard to Walslngham, MS. last cited.
* Murden, 608-613. * Hardwicke Papers,' L 5 1 6. Lingard, viil 273. Camden,
ilL 406. Stowe^ 750.
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452
THE UNITED NETHEBLAND&
Chap. XVHL
nobleman did as Lord Dacres^ than to take away from the
principal flcrvice such as are set down to serve." ^
Of enthusiasm and courage, then, there was enough, while
of drill and discipline, of' powder and shot, there was a defi-
ciency. No braver or more competent soldier could be foimd
than Sir Edward Stanley — the man whom we have seen in
his yellow jerkm, helping himself into Fort Zutphen with the
Spanish soldier's pike — and yet Sir Edward Stanley gave but
a sorry account of the choicest soldiers of Chester and Lan-
cashire, whom ho had been sent to inspect. ^^ I find ^em
not," he said, " according to your expectation, nor mine own
liking. They were appointed two years past to have been
trained six days by the year or more, at the discretion of the
muster-master, but, as yet, they have not been trained one day^
80 that they have benefited nothing, nor yet know their
leaders. There is now promise of amendment, which, I doubt,
will be very slow, in respect to my Lord Derby's absence." *
My Lord Derby was at that moment, and for many months
afterwards, assisting Valentine Dale in his classical prolu-
sions on the sands of Bourbourg. He had better have be^i
mustering the train-bands of Lancashire. There was a
general indisposition in the rural districts to expend money
and time in military business, until the necessity should
become imperative. Professional soldiers complaioed bitterly
of the canker of a long peace. "For our long quietness,
which it h^th pleased God to send us," said Stanley, " they
think their moliey very ill bestowed which they expend on
armour or weapon, for that they be in hope they shall never
have occasion to use it, so they may pass muster, as they have
done heretofore. I want greatly powder, for there is little or
none at all."'
24 July
' Leicester to Walsioffhom, ,
8 Aug.
1588. (a P. Office MS.)
•Edward Stanley^ to tho Privy
28 Ftb.
9 March
MS.)
•Ibid.
All the spring,
Sir John Korria
was doing what ho conld to
the soldiers In London. The ca^
tains of the ArtiUery-Garden luul
been tolerably well drilled f(x soToral
years, bat the rank and file weto
ignorant enough of the art of war.
" There has been a general muster of
men fit to bear arms here^" said a
resident of London in April, **aiid
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1588.
SANGUINE STATEMENTS OP LEICBSTEB.
453
The day was fast approaching when all the power in Eng-
land would be too little for the demand. But matters had
not very much mended even at midsummer. It is tme that
6 Leicester, who was apt to be sanguine — ^particularly
is ^' in niatters under his immediate control — spoke of
the handful of recruits assembled at his camp in
Essex, as *' soldiers of a year's experience, rather than a
month's camping ; " but in this opinion he differed from many
competent authorities, and was somewhat in contradiction to
himself Nevertheless he was glad that the Queen had de-
termined to visit him, and encourage his soldiers.
"I have received in secret," he said, "those news that
please me, that your Majesty doth intend to behold the poor
and bare company that lie here in the field, most willingly to
serve you, yea, most ready to die for you. You shall, dear
Lady, behold as goodly, loyal, and as able men as any prince
Christian can show you, and yet but a handful of your own, in
comparison of the rest you have. What comfort not only
these shall receive who shall be the happiest to behold your-
self I cannot express ; but assuredly it will give no small
comfort to the rest, that shall be overshined with the beams
of so gracious and princely a party, for what your royal
Majesty shall do to these will be accepted as done to all.
Gbod sweet Queen, alter not your purpose, if God give you
health. It will be your pain for the time, but your pleasure
to behold such people. And surely the place must content
you, being as fair a soil and as goodly a prospect as may bo
seen or found, as this extreme weather hath made trial, which
there have not been found ten tbon-
Band sofficient men. This will seem
strange to you, bat it is as true as the
Gospel of Si John. There is a great
want of powder, and no hope of sup-
plj, except that which can be manu-
Qictored in England." Avis de Lon*
dres, Ayril, 1688. (Arch, de Simanoas,
Ma)
The encouragement given to the
peaoe-party in the metropolis bj the
Ostend negotiations was acting like a
poison. "The people here are
anxious for peace, ** wrote a secret
correspondent of the Spanish govern-
ment; "and if the Duke of Parma
gives the least hope in the world of
it, they will all throw down their
arms." Much encouragement, too,
was given to Philip by the alleged
disloyalty of many inhabitants of
London. "There is an infinity of
feUows here," said the writer, " who
desire the sacking of London not less
than the Spaniards themselves do,
and are doing all they can to advance
the Catholic cause." Avisos de Lon-
dres, 21-25-28 Mayo, 158& (Arch, de
Simancaa [Paris.] MS.)
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454 ^I^HB UNITED NETHEBLAND& Chap. XYUL
doth US little annojance, it is so firm and diy a ground.
your usher also liketh your lodging— a proper, secret, cleanly
house. Your camp is a little mile off, -and your person will
be as sure as at St. James's, for my life."V
But notwithstanding this cheerful view of the position
expressed by the commander-in-chief,' the month of July had
passed, and the early days of August had already arrived; and
yet the camp was not formed, nor anything more than that
mere handful of troops mustered about Tilbury, to defend the
road from Dover to London. The army at Tilbury nevei
exceeded sixteen or seventeen thousand men.*
The whole royal navy — ^numbering about thirty-four vessels
in all — of different sizes, ranging from 1100 and 1000 tons to
30, had at last been got ready for sea. Its aggregate tonnago
was 11,820 ; ^ not half so much as at the present moment — ^in
-the case of one marvellous merchant-steamer— ^/toafe upon a
single keel.
These vessels carried 837 guns and 6279 men. But the
navy was reinforced by the patriotism and liberality of
English merchants and private gentlemen. The city of
London having been requested to furnish 15 ships of war
and 5000 men, asked two days. for deliberation, and ih^
gave 30 ships and 10,000 men * of which number 2710 were
seamen. Other cities, particularly Plymouth, came forward
with proportionate liberality, and plrivate individuals, nobles,
merchaiits, and men of humblest rank, were enthusiastic in
volunteering into the naval service, to risk property and life
in defence of the country. By midsummer there had been a
total force of 197 vessels manned, and partially equipped,
with an aggr^te of 29,744 tons, and 15,785 seamen. Of
this fleet a very laige number were mere coasters of less than
100 tons each ; scarcely ten ships were above 500, and but
one above 1000 tons — the Triumph, Captain Frobisher, of
1100 tons, 42 guns, and 500 sailors.*
Lord Howard of Effingham, Lord High- Admiral of Eng-
Leicester to the Queen, — Julr,
1588. (a P. Office MS.)
■ Stowe, 750.
» Barrow, 266, 267.
* Stowe, 743. Compare ertimatea
in Barrow, 268.
• Ibid.
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1688. ACTIVITY OP PAEMA. 455
land, distingaished for his martial character, public spirit/
and admirable temper, rather than for experience or skill as
a seaman, took command of the whole fleet, in his 'Mittle odd
ship for all conditions," the Ark^Moyal, of 800 tons, 425 sailors,
and 55 guns.
Next in rank was Vice- Admiral Drake, in the Bevenge, of
500 tons, 250 men and 40 guns. Lord Henry Seymour,
in the RaivboWy of precisely the same size and strength,
commanded the inner squadron, which cruised in the neigh-
bourhood of the Erench and Flemish coast.
The Hollanders and Zeelanders had undertaken to blockade
the Duke of Parma still more closely, and pledged themselves
that he should never venture to show himself upon the open
sea at all. The mouth of the Scheldt, and the dangerous
shallows off the coast of Newport and Dunkirk, swarmed with
their determined and well-seasoned craft, from the flybooter or
filibuster of the rivers, to the larger armed vessels, built to
confront every danger, and to deal with any adversary.
Famese, on his part, within that well-guarded territory,
had, for months long, scarcely slackened in his preparations,
day or night. Whole forests had been felled in the land of Waas
to furnish him with transports and gun-boats, and with such
rapidity, that-^-according to his enthusiastic historiographer —
each tree seemed by magic to metamorphose itself into a
vessel at the word of command.^ Shipbuilders, pilots, and
seamen, were brought from the Baltic, from Hamburgh, from
Genoa. The whole surface of the obedient Netherlands,
whence wholesome industry had long been banished, was now
the scene of a prodigious baleful activity. Portable bridges
for fording the rivers of England, stockades for entrench-
ments, rafts and oars, were provided in vast niunbers, and
Alexander dug canals and widened natural streams to facilitate
his operations.* These wretched Provinces, crippled, im-
poverished, languishing for peace, were forced to contribute
out of their poverty, and to find strength even in their ex-
> Strada, II. ix. 642. I 21 Dec. 1587. (Arch, do Simancai^
* Stnda, vbi sup, Fanna to Philip, | MS.) Meteren, xt. 270.
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456 "^^^ UNITED K£THEBIiANDa Chap. XVUL
haustion^ to furnish the machinery for destsroying their own
countrymen^ and for hurling to perdition their most healthful
neighbour.
And this approaching destruction of England — ^now gene-
rally believed in — ^was like the sound of a trumpet throu^ont
Catiiiolic Europe. Scions of royal houses^ grandees of azure
bloody the bastard of Philip 11.^ the bastard of Savoy, the
bastard of Medici, the Margrave of Buighaut, the Ardidake
Charles, nephew of the Emperor, the Princes of Ascoli and of
Melfi, the Prince of Morocco, and others oL illustrious name,
with many a noble English traitor, like Paget, and Westmore-
land, and Stanley, all hurried to the camp of Famese, as to
some famous tournament, in which it was a disgrace to
chivalry if their names were not enrolled. The roads were
trampled with levies of fresh troops from Spain, Naples,
Corsica, the States of the Church, the Milanese, G^ermany,
Burgundy.
Bias Capizucca was sent in person to conduct reinforce-
ments from the north of Italy, The famous. Tersdo of Naples,
under Carlos Pinelo, arrived 3500 strong — ^the most splendid
n^ment ever kno¥m in the history of war. Every man had
an engraved corslet and musket-barrel, and there were many
who wore gilded armour, while their waving plumes and
festive caparisons made them look like holiday-midcers, rather
than real campaigners, in the eyes of the inhabitants of
the various cities through which their road led them to
Flanders.^ By the end of April the Duke of Parma saw
himself at the head of 60,000 men, at a monthly espense
of 454,315 crowns or dollars.' Yet so rapid was the pro-
gress of disease — ^incident to northern climates— among those
southern soldiers, that we shall find the number wofnlly
diminished before they were likely to set foot upon the
English shore.
Thus great preparations, simultaneously with pompons
* Carnero, 'Gueiras de Flandes* I April, 1588. (Aich. de fiimiiniffM^
(1625), p. 222. MS.) Compare Stnida» IL ix. 540.
s ^Reladon PartUmlar,' kc 29th
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1588. THE PAINFUL SUSPENSE OQNTINUEa 457
negotiations^ had been going forward month after month, in
England, Holland, Flanders. Nevertheless, winter, spring,
two-thirds of summer, had passed awaj, and on the 29tt)
July, 1588, there remained the same sickening micertaintj,
which was the atmosphere in which the nations had existed
for a twelvemonth.
Howard had cruised for a few weeks between England and
Spain, without any results, and, on his return, had found it
necessary to implore her Majesty, as late as July, to ^^ trust no
more to Judas' kisses, but to her sword, not her enemy's
word."*
2S Jane
* Howard to "Walangham, Yjip ^^®^ '^ Banow, 284
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v
453 th:b united nethebland& ghap.zix
CHAPTER XIX.
Plis^ip Beoond in hU Cabinet— His System of Woik and Deception — His Tast
but yague Schemes of Conquest — The Armada sails — Description of the
Fleet The Junction with Parma unprovided for — The Gale off Finisterre
— Exploits of David Gwynn — Rrst Engagements in the English Channel
— Considerable Losses of the Spaniards — General Engagement near Port-
land— Superior Seamanship of the English — Both Fleets off Calais —
A Night of Anxiety — Project of Howard and Winter — Impatience of the
Spaniards — Fire-Ships sent against the Armada — A great Gkdeasso dis-
abled — Attacked and c^>tured by English Boots — Genial Engagement of
both Fleets — Loss of several Spanish Ships — Armada flies, fdlowed by tho
English — En^h insufficientiy provided — Are obliged to relinquish tho
Chase — A great Storm disperses the Armada — Great Energy of Parma —
Made fruiUess by Philip^s Dulness — England readier at Sea than on Shore
— The Lieutenant-General's Complaints — His Quarrels with Norria and
Williams — Harsh Statements as to the English Troops — Want of Oigani-
zation in England — Royal Parsimony and Delay — Quarrels of Enc^ish
Admirals — Eo^and's narrow Escape from great Peril— Yarioos Rnmouis
as to the Armada's Fate — Philip for a long Hme in Doubt — Ho believes
himself victorious — Is tranquil when undeceived.
It is now time to look in upon tho elderly letter-writer in tho
Escorial, and see how he was playing his part in the drama.
His counsellors were very few. His chief advisers were
rather like private secretaries than cabinet ministers; for
Philip had been withdrawing more and more into seclusion
and mystery as the webwork of his schemes multiplied and
widened. He liked to do his work, assisted by a very few
confidential servants. The Prince of Eboli, the famous Buy
Gomez, was dead. So was Cardinal Qranvelle. So were
Erasso and Delgado. His midnight council— ^V<n^a de nocht
— for thus, from its original hour of assembling, and tho aii
of secrecy in which it was enwrapped, it was habitually called
— ^was a triumvirate. Don Juan de Idiaquez was chief
secretary of state and of war ; the Count de Chinchon was
minister for the household, for Italian affiiirs, and for the
kingdom of Aragon ; Don Cristoval de Moura, the monarch's
chief fiftvourite, was at the head of the finance department^
and administered the affairs of Portugal and Castile.^
* Herrews HI. iL 43^5, and 138.
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1588. PTTTTiTP THE SECOND IN HIS CABINET. 459
The president of the council of Italy, after Granvelle's
death, "was Quiroga, cardinal of Toledo, and inquisitor-generaL*
Enormously long letters, in the King's name, were prepared
chiefly by the two secretaries, Idiaquez and Moura. In their
hands was the vast correspondence with Mendoza and Parma,
and Olivarez at Eome, and with Mncio, in which all the strata*
gems for the subjugation of Protestant Europe were slowly ahd
artistically contrived. Of the great conspiracy against human
liberty, of which the Pope and Philip were the double head,
this midnight triumyirate was the chief executive committee.
These innumerable despatches, signed by Philip, were not
the emanations of his own mind. The King had a fixed pur-
pose to subdue Protestantism and to conquer the world ; but
the plans for carrying the purpose into effect were developed
by subtler and more comprehensive minds than his own.
It was enough for him to ponder wearily over schemes which
he was supposed to dictate, and to give himself the appear-
ance of supervising what he scarcely comprehended. And
his work of supervision was often confined to pettiest details.
The handwriting of Spain and Italy at that day was beautiful,
and in our modem eyes seems neither antiquated nor ungrace-
ful. But Philip's scrawl was like that of a clown just
admitted to a writing-school, and the whole margin of a fairly
penned despatch, perhaps fifty pages long, laid before him
for comment and signature by Idiaquez or Moura, would be
sometimes covered with a few awkward sentences, which it
was almost impossible to read, and which, when deciphered,
were apt to reveal suggestions of astounding triviality.*
Thus a most important despatch — ^in which the King, with
his own hand, was supposed to be conveying secret intelligence
to Mendoza concerning the Armada, together with minute
directions for the regulation of Guise's conduct at the me-
» Ibid.
'No man who has had personal
experience in the Ardiives of Sman-
cas, or who has studied with his own
ejes the great collection of documents
originally belonging to that deposi-
tory, and now preserved in the
Archives of the Empire at Paris,
win assert that the description in the
text is exaggerated. The paragn^hs
written in the King's own hand are
almost lUegible, and evidently written
with great difficulty. When deci-
phered, they are found to be always
awkward, generally ungrammatiral,
and very often puerile.
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460
THE UNITED NETHBBLANDS.
Chap. XIX.
morable epoch of the barricades — contained bat a sii^e com-
ment from the monarch's own pen. ^'The Armada has
been in Lisbon about a month — qtiasai un mea " — ^wrote the
secretary. *^ There is but one 8 in qwm^" said Philip.^
Again, a despatch of Mendoza to the King contained tiie
intelligence that Queen Elizabeth was, at the date of the
letter, residing at St. James's. Philip, who had no objection
to display his knowledge of English affairs — as became the
man who had already been almost sovereign of England, and
meant to be entirely so-H5upplied a piece of information in
an apostille to this despatch. ^^St. James is a house of
recreation," he said, " which was once a monastery. There is
a park between it, and the palace which is called Huytal;
but why it is called Huytaly I am sure I don't know."* His
researches in the English language had not enabled him
to recognize the adjective and substantive out of which the
abstruse compound White-Hall {Huyt-aJ), was formed.
On another occasion, a letter from flngland containing im-
portant intelligence concerning the number of soldiers en-
rolled in that country to resist the Spanish invasion, the
quantity of gunpowder and various munitions collected, with
other details of like nature, furnished besides a bit. of infor-
mation of less vital interest. '^ In the windows of the Queen's
presence-chamber they have discovered a great quanUty of
lice, all clustered together," said the writer.
Such a minute piece of statistics could not escape the
microscopic eye of Philip. So, disregarding the soldiers and
the gunpowder, he commented ofdy on this last-mentioned
clause of the letter ; and he did it cautiously too, as a King
sumamed the Prudent should : —
> Philip IL to Mendoza, 2 June,
1588. A 66. 1^. (Areb. de Simancaa.
[Parii]Ma) " Ha un S in quasL"
* " La reyna se avia retirado a San
Gemee, que es a las espaldas de Huy-
tal, la caasa de Londres, y para guarda
de 6u persona dedan haver sefialada
4 mil hombres, y mil cavalleros que
estnyiessen siempre oon ella^ y a causa
da estar tan medrosoa los de Lon*
drea^ lleyaron a Don Pedro de Yaldez
y a todos los de mas que se tomaron
en carros a Londres para que vieese el
pueblo que ayian tornado preaos espa-
fioles con yoe de ser deshedui ioda
la armada de V. M^," Ac;
Note fai Philip's hand: "Casa de
plazer que fiie monasterio-^-es im
Cue entre ella y el palado que so
a Huytal, y no s^ porque .ya**
Mendoza to Philip XL 20 Aug. 158a
(Arch, de Simancaa. [Pari&] MS.)
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1588.
HIS SrrSTBM OF WOBK AND BECSPTION.
m
" But perhaps they were fleas/' wrote Philip.*
Such examples — and many more might be given — suffi-
ciently indicate the nature of the num on whom such enormous
responsibilities rested^ and who had been, by the adulation of
his fellow-creatures, elevated into a god. And we may cast
a glance upon him as he sits in his cabinet — buried among
those piles of despatches — and receiving methodically, at
stated hours, Idiaquez, or Moura, or Chincon, to settle the
afiairs of so many millions of the human race ; and we may
watch exactly the progress of that scheme, concerning which
so many contradictory rumours were circulating in Europe.
In the month of April a Walsingham could doubt, even in
August an ingenuous comptroller could disbelieve, the reality
of the great project, and the Pope himself, even while pledg-
ing himself to assistance, had been systematically deceived.
He had supposed the whole scheme. rendered futile by the
exploit of Drake at Cadiz, and had declared that ^^ the Queen
of England's distaff was worth more than Philip's sword, that
the King was a poor creature, that he would never be able to
come to a resolution, and that even if he should do so, it
would be too late ; "^ and he had subsequently been doing
his best, through his nuncio in France, to persuade the Queen
to embrace the Catholic religion, and thus save herself from
the impending danger. Henry III. had even been urged by
the Pope to send a special ambassador to her for this purpose
— OS if the persuasions of the wretched Valois were likely to
be effective with Elizabeth Tudor — and Burghley had, by
means of spies in Bome, who pretended to be Catholics, given
^ " En les fenetres de la chambre
de presence en la ooor do la Beyne
on a trony^ fort grand nombre de
ponlx qui se sont coul^ ensemble."
There is a Spanish translation ap-
pended to this document, and on the
margin, in Philip's hand, is written:
"Gran numero de piqjos o quiza
pu)go&'' Avisos de Londrcs, 1 April,
1586. (Arch, do Simancas [Parisl
Ma)
• Un Vandini, gran vanquero do
Boma, que tieno correspondenda con
cste Bey X™^ j intelligencia con
muchos Cat^o* lo ha escrito haver dicho
ol Papa quando supo lo que Draqneg
avia hecho en Gales, que Sa Magd
(Philip II.) era persona de pooo, quo
nunca se acaveva de reeolver, j quando
lo hiziesse no seria en tiempo— han
aqui no solo solenmizado pero publi-
cado afiadiendo quo vaha mas la
rueca de ]a Beynade Inglaterra quo
la espada del Bey de Espafia," &c.
&Q. Mendoza to Idiaquez, 16 July,
1687. (Arch, do SimaDcas [Parisl
MS.)
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462
THE UNITED KBTHEBLAND&
Chap, ^nr.
out intimations that the Queen was seriously contemplating
such a step.^ Thus the Pope^ notwithstanding Cardinal
Allan, the famous million, and the bull, was thought by
Mendoza to be growing lukewann in the Spanish cause, and
to be urging upon the " Englishwoman" the propriety of con-
verting herself, even at the late hour of May, 1588.'
But Philip, for years, had been maturing his scheme, while
reposing entire confidence — ^beyond his own cabinet doors —
upon none but Alexander Famese ; and the Duke— alone of
all men — was perfectly certain that the inva^on would, this
year, be attempted.
The captain-general of the expedition was the Marquis of
Santa Cruz, a man of considerable naval experience, and of
constant good fortune, who, in thirty years, had never sus-
tained a defeat' He had however shown no desire to risk
one, when Drake had offered him the memorable challenge in
the year 1587, and perhaps his reputation of the invincible
captain had been obtained by the same adroitness on previous
occasions. He was no friend to Alexander Famese, and was
much disgusted when informed of the share allotted to the
Duke in the great undertaking.^ A course of reproach and
perpetual reprimand was the treatment to which he was, in
consequence, subjected, which was not more conducive to the
advancement of the expedition than it was to the health of
the captain-generaL Early in January the Cardinal Arch-
duke was sent to Lisbon to lecture him, with instructions te
turn a deaf ear to all his remonstrances, to deal with him
^ ** He he Tisto con cl nuncio, j me
ha dicho qae Sn Santi^i, avia meses,
que pidio a eete Rey embiasse a
la de £iglaterra lo bien que le estaria
hazerse Catolioa, y esto por tener Su
&^ avisos poder venir en ello con
semejantes porsuasiones que este Rej
esorivio a su embax'* que tiene en
Inglaterra )e avisasse si estava en esta
diroosicion la -Beyna, el qual respondio
el Teeorero Oedl por medio ne espidnes
que tenia en Roma fingiendo ser
Gatoliooe avia hecbo Uegar esta toz
a Su S<i para ganar tiempo 7 entibiar
le en persuadir la emprasa a Y.
Mag<>. y que agora de nuevo Su S*
avia siguificado al Card' de Joyosa
que seria muy bien que este Bey em-
biasse xm embax^ extra<^ para baser
eete officio con la Ynglesa," Ac ^
Mendoza to Philip JL 8 May, 158a
(Arch, de Simancas [Paris], MSu)
«Ibid.
• Herrera, m. iiL 70.
^Las Adyertendas de Sn Mag^
para el Marques de Santa Cruz, 1588.
(Arch, de Simanoas^ M&)
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IM8. HIS VAST BUT VAGUE SOHJBMBS OF CONQUEST. 463
peremptorily^ to forbid his writing letters on the subject to
his Majesty^ and to order him to accept his post or to de-
dine it without conditions, in which latter contingency he was
to be informed that his successor was already decided upon.'
This was not the most eligible way perhaps for bringing
the captain-general into a cheerful mood ; particularly as he
was expected to be ready in January to sail to the Flemish
coast.' Nevertheless the Marquis expressed a hope to ac-
complish his sovereign's wishes ; and great had been the
bustle in all the dockyards of Naples, Sicily^ and Spain ; par-
ticularly in the provinces of Guipuzcoa, Biscay, and Anda-
lusia, and in the four great cities of the coast. War-ships of
all dimensions, tenders, transports, soldiers, sailors, sutlers,
munitions of war, provisions, were all rapidly concentrating
in Lisbon as the great place of rendezvous ; and Philip con-
fidently bdieved, and as confidently informed the Duke of
Parma, that he might be expecting the Armada at any time
after the end of January.'
Perhaps in the history of mankind there has never been a
vast project of conquest conceived and matured in so pro-
tracted and yet so desultory a manner, as was this famous
Spanish invasion. There was something almost puerile in
the whims rather than schemes of Philip for carrying out his
purpose. It was probable that some resistance would bo
offered, at least by the navy of England, to the subjugation
of that country, and the King had enjoyed an oppor-
tunity, the preceding smnmer, of seeing the way in which
English sailors did their work. He had also appeared to
understand the necessity of covering the passage of Famese
from the Flemish ports into the Thames, by means of the
great Spanish fleet from Lisbon. Nevertheless he never
seemed to be aware that Famese could not invade England
quite by himself, and was perpetually expecting to hear that
he had done so.
" Holland and Zeeland," wrote Alexander to Philip, " have
> MS. last dted.
* Orden do Su Uaffi que se embio al &* Cardi Archiduque. Enero^
1688. (Arch, de Simancas, US.) * Herrera* HI. ill 90, 91.
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464
THE UNITED NETHEBLANDa
Chap, yrx,
been arming with their dccustomed promptness ; England has
made great preparations. I have done my best to make ihe
impossible possible ; but your letter told me to wait for Santa
Cruz^ and to expect him very shortly. If^ on the contrary,
you had told me to make the passage without him, I would
have made the attempt, although we had every one of us
perished. Four ships of war could sink every one of my boats.
Nevertheless I b^ to be informed of your Majesty's final
order. If I am seriously expected to make the passage without
Santa Cruz, I am ready to do it, although I should go all
alone in a cock-boat." *
But Santa Cruz at least was not destined to assist in the
conquest of England ; for, worn out with fatigue and vexation,
goaded by the reproaches and insults of Philip, Santa Cruz
was dead.' He was replaced in the chief command of the
fleet by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, a grandee of vast wealth,
but with little capacity and less experience. To the iron
marquis it was said that a golden duke' had succeeded ; but
the duke of gold did not find it easier to accomplish impossi-
bilities than his predecessor had done. Day after day, through-
out the months of winter and spring, the King had been
writing that the fleet was just on the point of sailing, and as
frequently he had been renewing to Alexander Famese tiie
intimation that perhaps^ after all, he might find an opportunity
of crossing to Engird, without waiting for its arrival.^ And
Alexander, with the same regularity, had be^i informing his
master that the troops in the Netherlands had been daily
dwindling from sickness and other causes, till at last, instead
of the 30,000 effective infantry, with which it had been
originally intended to make the enterprise, he had not more
than 17,000 in the month of April.* The 6000 Spaniards,
whom he was to receive from the fleet of Medina Sidonia,
would therefore be the very mainspring of his army.® After
^ "Atmqne haviecBe de passar eolo
en una zabra." Parma to Philip, 2l8t
Dec. 1587. (Arch, de Simancafl,
MS.)
» Strada, n. ix. 549. Philip to
Parma, 18 Feb. 1588. (Arch, de
6imancas, MS.)
' Strada, ubi sup,
* Philip to Parma» 6 March, 1588.
(Arch, de Simancaa, MS.)
» Parma to PhiUp, 20 March, 1688.
(Aidi. de Simancaa^ MS.)
• "El nienro principal" (Ibid.)
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1588. THB ABHADA SAILS. 4g5
leaving no more soldiers in the Netherlands than were abso-
lutely necessary for the defence of the obedient Provinces
against the rebels^ he could only take with him to England
23,000 men, even after the reinforcements from Medina.
" When we talked of taking England by surprise/' said Alex-
ander, " we never thought of less than 30,000. Now that she
is al^t and ready for ug, and that it is certain we must fight
by sea and by land, 50,000 would be few." * He almost ridi-
culed the King's suggestion that a feint might be made by
way of besieging some few places in HoUand'or Zeeland. The
whole matter in hand, he said, had become as public as
possible, and the only effieiesit blind was the peace-n^o-
tiation ; for many .believed, as the English deputies were now
treating at O^tend, that peace would follow.*
At last, on the 28ih, 29th, and 30l;h May, 1588, the fleet,
which had been waiting at Lisbon more tiiah a month for
fdvourable weather, set sail from that port, after having been
duly blessed by the Cardinal Archduke Albert, viceroy of
Portugal.*.
There were rather more than one hundred and thirty ships
in all, divided into ten squadrons.^ There wds the squadron
of Portugal, consisting of ten galleons, and commanded by
Hie captain-general, Medina Sidonia. In the squadron of
Castile were fourteen ships of various sizes, under ' General
Di^ Flores de Valdez. This officer was one of the most
ezperienoed naval officers in the Spanish service, and was
subsequently order^, in consequence, to sail with the. general-
issimo in his flag-ship.' In the squadron of Andalusia were
ten galleons and otiier vessels, under General Pedro de Yaldez.
In the squadron of Biscay were ten galleons and lesser ships,
under General Juan Martinez de Btodde, upper admiral of
^ Parma to Philip^ 81 Jan. 1583.
(Arch, de Simancas, MS.)
* Same to same, 20 MarcB, 1588.
(Aich. de Simancaa, MS.)
* Philip IL to Mendoza, 24 April,
1688, «nd 2 June, 1588. (Arch, de
Bimancas [Paris], MSS.) Bor, III.
321, 322.
VOL. n.— 2 H
* Herrens lU. iil 93, Mg. Philip
IL to Parma, 13 May, 1588, sajs 150,
but there were manj email Teaeels
and transports equipped,^ which nerer
left Spam. The number of effoctiye
ships of an kinds was probably leas
than 140.
* Hexien^ vibt aup^
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466
THE UNITED NBTHEBLANDS.
Chip. ZDL
the fleet. In the squAdron of Guipnzcoa were ten gaUeons,
under General Miguel de Oquendo. In the squadron of Italy
were ten ships, under General Martin de Bertendona. In the
squadron of Ureas, or storerships, were twenty-three sail, under
General Juan GK)mez de Medina. The squadron of tenders,
caravels, and other vessels, numbered twenty-two sail, under
(General Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza. The squadron of four
galeasses was commanded by Don Hugo de.Moncada. Tbe
squadron of four galeras, or galleys, was in chai^ of Captain
Diego de Medrado.
Next in command to Medina Sidonia was Don Alonzo de
Leyva, captain-general of the light horse of Milan. Don
Francisco de Bobadilla was marshal-general of the camp.
Don Diego de Pimentel was marshal of the camp to the
fEtmous Terzio or legion of Sicily.^
The total tonnage of the fleet Tvas 59,120 : the number of
guns was 3165. Of Spanish troops there were 19,295 on
board : there were 8252 sailors and 2088 galley-slaves. * Be-
sides these, there was a force of noble volunteers, belonging
to the most illustrious houses.of Spain, with their attendants^
amounting to nearly 2000 in alL There was also Don Martii
Alaccon, administrator and vicar-general of the Holy Inqui
sition, at the head of some 290 monks of the mendicant ord^
priests and familiars.^ The grand total of those embarked
was. about 30,000. The daily expense of the fleet was esti-
mated by Don Di^ de Pimaitel at 12,000 ducats o-day, and
the daily cost of the combined naval and military force under
Farnese and Medina Sidonia was stated at 30,000 ducats.'
The size of the shipsranged from 1200 tons to 300. The
galleons, of which there were about sixty, were huge, round-
stemmed clumsy vessels, with bulwarks three or four feet thi<^
and built up at st^oi and stem, like castles. The galeasses—
of which there were four — were a third larger than the ordinary
^ Heirera, vbi sup. Compare Strada^
n. iz. 646, seq. Bor, IIL zxy. 317, 9eq,
Het^D, xy. 2*70. Oamden, III. 410,
Mg. Camero, 226. Colomaj t 6, seq,
Banow, 266-270.
* MetereD, ubi sup.
' ' Ezamioatbn of Don Diego de
Pimentel before the ooancil of Hoi*
land; apud Bor. III. 325, seq.
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1588. DBSCBIPnON 01* THE PLEST. 4g7
galley, and were rowed each by three hundred gi^Uey-slaves.
They consisted of an enormous towering fortress at the stem,
a castellated structure almost equally massive in front, with
seats for the rowers amidships. At stem and stem and
between each of the slaves' benches were heavy cannon.
These galeasses were floating edifices, very wonderful to con-
template. They were gorgeously decorated. There were
splendid state-apartments, cabins, chapels, and pulpits in each,
and they were amply provided with awnings, cushions, stream-
ers, standards, gUded saints, and bands of music* To take
part in an ostentatious pageant, nothing could be better
devised. To fulfil the great objects of a war-vessel— to sail
and to fight — ^they were the worst machines ever launched
upon the ocean. The four galfeys were similar to the ga-
leasses in every respect except that of size, in which they were
by one-third inferior. : ,
All the ships of the fleet — galeasses, galleys, galleons, and
hulks — ^wOTe so encumbered with top-hamper, so overweighted
in proportion to their draught of water, that they could bear
but little canvas, even with smooth seas and light and favour-
able winds. In violent, tempests, ther^ore, they. seemed likely
to suffer. To the eyes of the 16th century these vessek
seemed enormous. A ship of 1300 tons was then a monster
rarely seen, and a fleet, numbering from 130 to 150 sail, with
an aggr^;ate tonnage of 60,000, seemed sufficient to conquer
the world, and to justify the arrogant title; by which it had
baptized itself, of the Invincible.
Such was the machinery which Philip had at last set afloat,
for the purpose of dethroning Elizabeth and establishing the
inquisition in England. One hundred and forty ships, eleven
thousand Spanish veterans, as many more recruits, partly
Spanish, partly Portuguese, 2000 grandees, as many gaUey-
slaves, and three hundred barefooted friars and inquisitors.
The plan was simple. Medina Sidonia was to proceed
straight from Lisbon to Calais roads : there he was to virdit for
the Duke of Parma, who was to come forth from Newport,
' Strada, U. ix. 546. Meteren, xv. 270.
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468 THS XTNTTED NSTHEBLAKDS. Chap. XIX.
Sluys^ and Donkerk, bringing with him his 17^000 veterans,
and to assume the diief command of the whole expedition.
They were then to cross the channel to Dover, land the army
of Parma, reinforced with 6000 Spaniards from the fleet, and
with these 23,000 men Alexander was to march at once upon
London. Medina Sidonia was to seize and fortify the Isle of
Wight, guard the entrance of the harbours against any iater-
ferenoe from the Dutch and English fleets, and — so soon as
the conquest of England had been effected, — ^he was to proceed
to Ireland.^ It had been the wish of Sir William Stanley that
Ireland should be subjugated flrst, ^as a basis of operations
against England ; but this had been overruled. The intrigues
of Mendoza and !Famese, too, with the Catholic nobles of
Scotland, had proved, after all, unsuccessful. £ing James had
yielded to superior offers of money and .advancement held out
to him by Elizabeth, and was now, in Alexander's words, a
confirmed heretic!'
There was no Course left, therefore, but to conquer England
at once. ' A strange .omission' had however been made in the
plan from first to last. The commander of the whole expedi-
tion was the Duke of Parma : on his head was the whole
respoti^bility. Not a gun was to be fired— ^if it. could be
avoided-^tintil be had come forth with his veterans to mate
his junction with the Invincible Armada off Calais. Tet theaco
was no arrangement whatever to enable him. to come forth
— not the (slightest provision to effect that junction. It
would almost seem that the letter-writer of the Escorial had
been quite ignorant of the existence of the Dutch fleets off
l!)unkerk, Newport, and Flushing, although he had certainly
received infoniiation enough of this. formidable obstacle to
his plan,
" Most joyful I shall be," said Famese — ^writing on one of
the days when he had seemed most convinced by Yakntine
Dale's arguments, and driven to dei^pair by his postulates —
^^ to see myself with these soldiera on English groidid, where,
' Letters of Philip and of Panna I * Parma to Philip IL 8 June^ 158a
already dted. (AidL de Sim. M&) | (Arch, do ^im. MS.)
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1588. THE JUNCTION WITH PAEMA UNPROVIDBD FOB. 469
Trith Gk)d's help^ I hope to accompliBh your Majesty's de-
mands."^ He was much troubled however to find doubts
entertained at Ihe last moment as to his 6000 Spaniards ; and
certainly it hardly needed an argument to prove that the
invasion of England with but 17,000 soldiers was a somewhat
hazardous scheme. Yet the pilot Moresiui had brou^t him
letters from Medina Sidonia, in which the Duke expressed
hesitation about parting with these 6000 yeterans, unless the
Englidi fleet should have been previously destroyed, and had
also again expressed his hope that Parma would be punctual
to the rendezvous^' Alexander immediately combated these
views ia letters to Medina and to the King. He avowed that
he would not depart one tittle from the plan origihally laid
down. The 6000 men, and more if possible, wisre to be fur-
nished him, and the Sjxinish Armada was to protect his own
flotilla, and to keep the channel clear of enemies. No ather
scheme was possible, he said, for it vtas clear that his collection
of small flat-bottomed river-^boats and hoys could not even
make the passage, except in smooth weather. They could
not contend with a storm, much less vdth the enemy's ships,
which would destroy them utterly in case of a meeting, without
his being able to avail himself of his soldiers — ^who would bo
so cbsely packed as to be hardly moveable — or of Any human
help. The preposterous noticm that he: should come out with
his flotilla to make a junction with Medina off Calais, was over
and over again denounced by Alexander with vehemence and
bitterness, and most boding expressions were used by him as
to the probable result, were such a delusion persisted in.^
Every possible precaution therefore but one had been taken.
The King of France — almost at the same instant in which
Guise had been receiving his latest instructions from the
Escorial for dethroning and destroying that monarch — had
been assured by Philip of his inalienable affection ; had been
informed of the object of this great naval expedition— which
was not by any means, as Mendoza had stated to Henry, an
1 Panna to Philip, 22 Jane, 1588. (Arob. de Sim. MS.)
« Ibid. •Ibid.
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470
THE UNITSD KBTHEBLANDS.
Chap. XDL
enterprise against France or England, but only a determined
attempt to clear the sea, once for all, of these English pirates
who had done so much damage for years past on the high
seas — and had been requested, in case any Spanish ship should
be driven by stress of weather into French ports, to afford
them that comfort and protection to which the yessels of so
close and friendly an ally were entitled.*
Thus there was bread, beef, and powdar enougl^— there were
monks and priests enough — standards, galley-slayes, and in-
quisitors enough ; but there were no light vessels in the
Armada, and no heavy vessels in Parma's fleet. Medina
could not go: to Famese, nor could Famese come to Medina.
The junction was likely to be difficult, and yet it had never
once entered the heads of Philip or his counsellors to provide
for that difficulty. The King never seemed to imagine that
Famese, with 40,000 or 50,000 soldiers in the Netherlands,
a fleet of 300 transports, and power to dispose of very large
funds for. one great purpose, could be kept in prison by a fleet
of Dutch skippers and corsairs.
With as much sluggishness as might have been expected
from their clumsy, architecture, the. ships of the Armada con-
sumed nearly three weeks in sailing from Lisbon to the neigh-
bourhoiDd of Cape-Finisterre. Here they were overtaken by
a tempest, and were scattered hither and thither, almost at
the mercy of the winds and waves ; * for those unwieldy hulks
' ''Hableja antes al Bey de mi
parte, J conviniendo hablarle, le dlreys
que el atreyimiento de los coraarios
ingleses me ha obligado a dessear
limpiar d^os la mar, eete rerano, y
qoe assi he mandado hazer una armada
para este effecto, en la qual avra
cuydado de. hazer todo el buen trata-
miento que es razon a bus buenos
subditbs que toparen, de que le he
querido dar parte y pedir le como
tambien lo h'areys en mi.nombre, y si
algunos baxelea do mi armada aportaran
con temporal a bus puertos. ordene que
sean' tratados confmme alabuenapaz
y hermaodad que entre nosotros hieiy,
quitandole por aqui la soepecha destas
merzaa, y grangeandoU pora lo que se
pretende^ y este oflck> bastara por agora,
sin llegar a mas particularidades," ' fta
PhiUp n. to Mendoza, 24 April, 15S8.
(Arch, de Sim. [Paris.] A. 66, 148,
MS.)
This letter reached Uendoza in
Paris just before that envoy, accord-
ing to his master's iDStmctions, was
assisUng Guise to make his memorable
stroke cf the * barricades.'
There is another letter of the same
purport neariy three months later.
Philip IL to Mendoza, 18 July, 158a
(Arch, de Sim. [Paris.] Au 56, 159,
MS.)
' Herrera Strada, Bor, Meteren,
Camden. Carnero^ Colomai BarroW|
tibiwp.
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1588. THB GALE OFF FINISTEBEB. 471
were ill adapted to a tempest in the Bay of Biscay. There
were those in the Armada^ however^ to whom the storm was a
blessing. David Gwynn^ a Welsh mariner, had sat in the
Spanish hulks a wretched gaUey-slaye— as prisoner of war —
for more than eleven years, hoping, year ^fler year, for a
chance of escape from bondage.^ He sat now among the
rowers of the great galley, the Vasanay one of the humblest
instruments by which the subjugation of his native land to
Spain and Bome was to be effected.
Very naturally, among the ships which suffered most in the
gale were the four huge unwieldy galleys — a squadron of four
under Don Diego de Medrado — with their enormous turrets
at stem and stem, and their low and open waists. The chapels,
pulpits, and gilded Madonnas proved of little avail in a hur«
ricane. The Dianaj largest of the four, went down with all
hands ; the Princess was labouring severely in the trough of
the sea, and the VasaTia was likewise in imminent danger.
So the master of this galley asked the Welsh slave, who had
fiur more experience and seamanship than he possessed himself,
if it were, possible to save the vessel Gwynn saw an oppor-
tunity for which he had been waiting eleven years. He was
ready to improve it. He pointed out to the captcun the hope-
lessness of attempting to overtake the Armada. They should
go down, he said, as the Diana had already done, and as the
Princess was like at any moment to do, unless they took in
every rag of sail, and did their best with their oars to gain the
nearest port But in order that the rowers might exert them-
selves to the utmost, it was necessary that the soldiers, who
were a useless incumbrance on deck, should go below. Thus
only could the ship be properly handled. The captain, anxious
to save his ship and his life, consented. Most of the soldiers
were sent beneath the hatches : a few were ordered to sit on
the benches among the slaves. Now there had been a secret
understanding for many days among these unfortunate men,
nor were they wholly without weapons. They had been
accustomed to make toothpicks and other trifling articles for
1 Bor, iu. 322, seq.
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472 THB UNITBD NBIHSIUiAHD& Chap. XIX.
sale out of broken sword-blades and otber refuse bits of sieeL
There was not a man among them who had not thus provided
himself with a secret stiletto.^
At first Gwynn occupied himself with arrangements for
weathering the gale. So soon however as tiie ship had been
made comparatively easy, he looked around him, suddenly
threw down his cap, and raised his hand to the rigging. It
was a preconcerted signal The next instant he stabbed the
captain to the heart, while each one of the galley-slaves killed
the soldier nearest him ; then, rushing below, tiiey surprised
and overpowered the rest of the troops, and put them all to
death.'
Coming again upon deck, David Gwynn descried the fourth
galley of the squadron, called the Royal, commanded by Com-
modore Medrado in person, bearing down upon them, before
the wind. It was obvious that the Vasana was already an
object of suspicion.
" Comrades," said Gwynn, " God has given us liberty, and
by our courage we must prove ourselves worthy of the
boon."*
As he spoke there came a broadside from the galley Bt^yal
which killed nine of his crew. David, nothing daunted, laid
his ship close alongside of the Boyaiy with such a shock that
the tin^bers quivered again. Then at the head of his libe-
rated slaves, now thoi^ughly armed, ho dashed on boaid the
galley, and, after a furious conflict, in which he was assisted
by the slaves of the Boycd, succeeded in mastering the vessel,
and putting all the Spanish soldiers to death. This done, the
combined rowers, welcoming Gwynn as their deliverer from
an abject slavery which seemed their lot for life, willingly
accepted his orders. The ga-le had meantime abated, and the
two galleys, well conducted by the experienced and intrepid
Welshman, made their way to the coast of France, and landed
at Bayonne on the 3Ist, dividing among them the property
found on board the two galleys. Thence, by land, the fugi-
tives, four hundred and sixty-six in number-r-Frenchmen,
* Bor, iiL 322, aeq. - louL » tbid.
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1588.
EXHiOITS OP DAVID GWTNH.
473
Spaniards, Englishing, Turks, and Moors, made their way to
Bochelle. Gwynn had an interview with Henrjr of Navarre,
and received fronl that chivahons king a handsome preset.
Afterwards he found his way to Enj^nd, and was well com-
mended by the Queen. The rest of the liberated slaves
dispersed in various directions/' ^
This was the first adventure of the invincible Armada. Of
the squadron of galleys, one was already sunk in the sea, and
two of the others had been conquered by their own slaves.
The fourth rode out the gale with difficulty, tuid joined the
rest of the fleet, which ultimately re-assembled at Corufla ;
the ships having, in distress, put in at first at Yivera, Bibadeo,
Gijon, and other noJthem ports of Spain.* At the Groyne — as
the English of that day were accustomed to call Corufia —
they remained a month, repairing damages and recruiting ;
and on the 22nd of July' (N.S.) the Armada set sail. Six
days later, the Spaniards took soundings, thirty leagues from
the Scilly Islands, and on Friday, the 29th of July, off the
Lizard,^ they had the first glimpse of the land of promise
presented them by Sixtus V., of which they had at last come
to take possession.
On the same day and night the blaze and smoke of ten
thousand beacon-fires from the Land's End to Margate, and
from the Isle of Wight to Cumberland, gave warning to every
Englidunan that the enemy was at last upon them. Almost
at that very instant intelligence had been brought fi-om the
coqrt to the Lord-Admiral at Plymouth, that the Armada,
dispersed and shatter^ by the gales of June, was not likely
to make its appearance that year ; and orders had conse-
quently been given to disarm the four largest ships, and send
* Bor, Heteren, zr. 272. Compare
Camden, iy. 410, who had heard, how-
ever, nothing but the name of Gwynn,
and who speaks of the " irtachery of
the TurkiaJi rowera." (I)
* Herrera, IIL til 94.
* Medina Sidonia from his galleon
San Martin to Parma, 25 July, 1588.
(Arch, de Sha Ma)
The dates in the narrative will be
always i^ven according to the New
Style, then already adopted by Spain,
Holland, and France, ^though not by
England. The dates thus given are,
of course, ten days later than they
appear in contemporary English re-
cords.
* Herrera, ubi aq>.
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474
THE UNITBD NBTHERLANDa
Chap.XIZ.
them into 4ock/ Even Wakingham, as already stated^ had
participated in this strange delnsion.'
Before Howard had time to act upon this ill-timed sag-
gestion— even had he been disposed to do so— he received
authentic intelligence that the great fleet was off the Lizard.
Neither he nor Francis Drake were the men to lose time in
such an emergency, and before that Friday night was spent,
sixty of the best English ships had been warped out of Ply-
mouth harbour.*
On Saturday, 30th July, the wind was very light at south-
west, with a mist and drizzling rain,* but by three in the
afternoon the two fleets could descry and count each other
through the haze.*
By nine o'clock, 31st July, about two miles from Looe,*
on the Cornish coast, the fleets had their first meeting. There
were 136 sail of the Spaniards, of which ninety were lai^
ships, and sixty-seven of the English.^ It was a solenm mo-
ment. The long^xpected Armada presented a pompous,
almost a theatrical appearance. The ships seemed arranged
for a pageant, in honour of a victory already won. Disposed
in form of a crescent, the horns of which were seven
miles asunder, those gilded, towered, floating castles, with
their gaudy standards and their martial music, moved
slowly along the channel, with an air of indolent pomp.
Their captain-general, the golden Duke, stood in his pri-
vate shot-proof fortress,^ on the deck of his great galkon
the Saint Martin^ surrounded by generals of in&ntry, and
colonels of cavalry, who knew as little as he did himsdf
of naval matters. The English vessels, on the other
^ Meteren, zt. 2*72. CamdeD, HL
410. MordiQ, 616-62L The ships
were the * Triumph,' * White Bear/
* Blisabeth Jonas,' and * Victory.' Lia-
gard, YiiL 280.
* Walwnsham to Sir Ed. N(Hrris»
^^ July, 1688. (S. P. Office MS.) See
pase 42, note 4.
' Herrens vbi sup.
Howard to
Walsbgham, r: July, 1588, in Banow,
288.
* Herrera, 101.
* Ibid. Howard to Valainghain,
ubi sufK
* R. Tomson to w -— H 168a.
(S. P. Office M&)
' Ibid.
* Meteren, xv. 274.
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1588.
FIRST ENGAGEMENTS IN ENGLISH CHANNEL.
475
iiand — ^with a few exceptions, light, swift, and easily handled
— could sail round and round those unwieldy galleons,
hulks, and galleys rowed by fettered slave-gangs. The
superior seunansbip of free Englishmen, commanded by such
expaienced captains as Drake, Frobisher, and Hawkins —
from infSEmcy at home on blue water-— was manifest in the
very first encounter. They obtained tiie weather-gage at
onoe, and cannonaded the enemy at intervak with consider-
able effect, easily escaping at will out of range of the slug^h
Armada, which was incapable of bearing sail in pursuit,
although provided with an armament which could sink all its
enemies at close quarters. ^^ We had some small fight with
them that Sunday afternoon,'' said Hawkins.^
Medina Sidonia hoisted the royal standard at the fore, and
the whole fleet did its utmost, which was little, to offer
general battle. It was in vain. The English, following at
the heels of the enemy, refused all such invitations, and
attacked only the rear-guard of the Armada, where Becalde
comm^kuded. That admiral, steadily maintaining his post,
faced his nimble antagonists, who coiitinued to teaze, to mal-
treat, and to elude him, while the rest of the fleet proceeded
slowly up the Channel closely followed by the enemy. And
thus the running fight continued along the coast, in full view
of Plymouth, whence boats with reinforcements and volun-
teers were perpetually arriving to the English ships, until the
battle had drifted quite out of reach of the town.
Already in this first ^^ small fight'' the Spaniards had
learned a lesson, and might even entertain a doubt of their
invincibility. But before the sun set there were more serious
disasters. Much powder and shot had been expended by the
Spaniards to very little purpose, and so a master-gunner, on
board Admiral Oquendo's flag-ship was reprimanded for care-
less ball-practice. The gunner, who was a Fleming, enraged
with his captain, laid a train to the powder-magazine, fired it^
and threw himself into the sea.' Two decks blew up. The
* Hawkins to WalaiDgham,
1588. (& P. Office MS.)
* Report of certain MarinorsL Axig,
1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
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476
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XII<
great castle at the stem rose into the douds, carrying with it
the paymaster-general of the fleet, a laige portion of trei^rai^
and nearly two hundred men.^ The ship was a wreck, but it
was possible to save the rest of the crew. So Medina Sidonia
sent light vessels to remove them, and wore with his flag-ship,
to defend Oqnendo, who had already been fastened upon bj
his Englidi pursuers. But the Spaniards, not being so lij^t
in hand as their enemies, involved themselves in moich. em-
barrassment by this manceuvre ; and there was much fedlii^
foul of each other, entanglement of rigging, and carrying
away of yards. Oquendo's men, however, were ultimately
saved, and taken to other ships.'
Meantime Don Pedro de Yaldez, commander of the Anda-
lusian squadron, having got his galleon into collision with two
or three Spanish ships successively, had at last carried away
his fore-mast close to the deck, and the wreck had &Uen
against his main-mast. He lay crippled and helpless, the
Armada was slowly deserting him, night was coming on, the
sea was running high, and the English, ever hovering near,
were ready to grapple with him. In vain did Don Pedro fira
signals of distress. The captain-general, even as though the
unlucky galleon had hoi been connected with the Catholic
fleet — calmly fired a gun to collect his scattered iships, and
abandoned Yaldez to his fate. ^^ He left me comfortless in
sight of the whole fleet," said poor Pedro, " and greater in-
humanity and unthankfulness I think was never heard of
among men/' *
Yet the Spaniard comported himself most gallantly. Fro-
bisher, in the largest ship of the English fleet, the Triumph^
of 1100 tons, and Hawkins in the Vtctoi^y of 800, cannonaded
him at a distance, but, night coming on, he was able to
resist ; and it was not till the following morning that he sur-
rendered to the Refoenge}
> Herrera, ni. iil 100-102. Cam-
den, in. 412. Bor, IIL 323.
» Ibid
» Valdez to PhUip (" Engliahed"),
31 Aug. 1688. (S. P. Offloo MS.)
Compare Herrera) Bor, Camden, M
«. MS. letter of Yaldez befiire cited.
Bor, Camden, vbi sup. Meteren, xv.
272. Herrera, IH iiL 100-102, who
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1588.
CONSIDEliUBLB liOSSES 07 i!HB SPANIABBa
47*
Drake tlien received the gallant prisoner on board his flag-
shipr-mach to the disgust and indignation of Frobisher and
Hawkins^ thus disappointed ojf their prize- and ransom-
money ^ — treated him with much courtesj, and gave his word
x)f honour that he and hia men should be treated fairly like
good prisoners of war. This pledge was redeemed, for it was
not the English, as it was the Spanish custom, to convert
captives into slaves, but. only to hold them for ransom.
Yaldez responded to Drake's politeness by kissing his hand,
embracing him, and overpowering him with magnificent com-
pliments.^ He was then sent on board the Lord-Admiral,
who received him with similar urbanity, and expressed his
regret that so distinguished a personage should have been so
coolly deserted by the Duke of Medina. Don Pedro then
returned to the BevengCj where, as the guest of: Diake, he
was a witness to all subsequent events up to the lOtb of
August, on which day he was sent to London with some other
officers,' Sir Francis claiming his ransom as his lawful due.^
Here certainly was no very ' triumphant b^inning for
the Invincible Armada. On the very first day of their being
in presence* of tihie English fleet— ^then but sixty-seven in
number, and -vastly their inferior in size and weight of
metal — they had lost the flag-ships of the Guipuzcoan and
of the Andalusian squadrons, with a general-admiral, 450
officers and men, and some 100,000 ducats of treasure.
They had been out-manoeuvred, out-sailed, and thoroughly
maltreated by their antagonists, and they had been unable
to inflict' a single blow in return. Thus the ^^ small fight'' had
been a cheerful one for the opponents of the Inquisition,
and the English were proportionably encouraged.^
draws entirely fiom the journal of a
Spanish officer in the Armada, and who
calls the two iamoas English naval com-
manders, Frobesquerio and Avesnisio.
Many Eogli^ names look almost as
strangely in their Spanish dress as
these two fiumliar ones of Frobisher
and .Hawkins. Thus Dr. Bartholomew
Clerk is called, for some mysterious
reason, Dr. Quiberich; Col Fatten
becomes CoL Reyton; while Lord
High Admiral Howard, of Effingham,
^gures in the chronicles as Carlos
Haurat, Count of Contuberland. Her-
rera, HI. p. 49.
^ See page 525, note \
s Meteren, Bor, vbi mp,
SI Joly
s Drake to Walsingham,
1588, in Barrow, p. 308.
10 Atg/
< Ibid.
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478 ^HE UNITED NETHBBLAND& Chap. XIX.
On Monday^ 1st of Augost^ Medina Sidonia placed the
rear-guard — consisting of the galeasses^ the galleons . Si.
MaUheWy St Lukcy St. James , and the Florence and other
ships^ forty-three in all-^nnder command of Don Antonio de
Leyya. He was instructed to entertain the enemy — so con-
stantly hanging on the rear — to accept every chance of battle,
and to come to close quarters whenever it should be possible.
The Spaniards felt confident of sinking every ship in the
English navy, if they could but once come to grappling ; but
it was growing more obvious every hour that the giving or
withholding battle was entirely in the hands of their foes.
Meantime — ^while the roar was thus protected by Leyva's
division — ^the vanguard and main body of the Armada, led
by the captain-general, would steadily pursue its way, accord-
ing to the royal instructions, until it arrived at its appointed
meeting-place with the Duke of Parma. . Moreover, the Duke
of Medina— dissatisfied with the want of discipline and of
good seamanship hitherto displayed in his fleet — ^now took
occasion to send a serjeant-major, with written sailing direc-
tions, on board each ship in the Armada, with express orders
to hang every captain, without appeal or consultation, who
should leave the position assigned him; and the hangmen
were sent with the sergeant-majors to ensure immediate
attention to these arrangements.' Juan Gil was at the same
time sent off in a sloop to the Duke of Parma, to cany the
news of the movements of the Armada, -to request information
as to the exact spot and moment of the junction, and to beg
for pilots acquainted with the French and Flemish coasts.
"In case of the slightest gale in the world," said Medina, "I
don't know how or whore to shelter such large ships as
ours."^
Disposed in this manner, the Spaniards sailed leisurely
along the English coast with light westerly breezes, watched
closely by the Queen's fleet, which hovered at a moderate
^ Herrera, m. ill 106. "Sin replica naoe tan grandes." Medina Sidonia
ni oonsulta," Ac. to Parma, 2 Aug. 1588. (Arch, do
• Ui
'' Oon el menor temporal del mimdo
non 80 sabo donde se pueden abrigar
Sim. Ma)
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1638.
GENERAL ENGAGEICENT NBAB PORTLAND.
479
distance to windward^ without offering, that day, any obstruc-
tion to their course.
By five o'clock on Tuesday monung, 2nd of August, the
Annada lay between Portland Bill and St. Albans' Head,
when.the wind shifted to the north-east, and gave xuea, 2 Aug.
the Spaniards the weather-gage.^ The English did ^^^®-
their best to get to windward, but the Duke, standing close
into the land with the whole Armada, maintained his ad-
vantage The English then went about, making a tack sea-
ward, and were soon afterwards assaulted by the Spaniards.
A long and spirited action ensued. Howard in his little Ark-
Boyal — "the odd ship of the world for all conditions" — ^was
engaged at different times with Bertendona, of the Italian
squadron, with Alonzo de Leyva in the JBcUta, and with otiier
large vessels. He was hard pressed for a time, but was gal-
lantly supported by the Nonpareilj Captain Tanner ; and after
a long and confused combat, in which the 8t Marhj the St
L^kcy thQ St. Matthewy ^e St. Philip j the St John, tiie St
James, the St John Baptik, the St Martin, and many otiier
great gallons, with saintly and apostolic names, fou^t pell-
mell with the Lion, the Bear, the BvU, the Ttycr, the Dread--
nought, the Bevenge, the Victory, the Triumph, and other
of the more profanely-baptized English ships, the Spaniards
were again baffled in all their attempts to dose with, and to
board, their, ever-attacking, ever-flying adversaries. The can-
nonading was incessant. " We had a sharp and a long %ht/'
said Ekiwkios.' Boat-loads of men and munitions were per-
petually arriving to the English, and many high-bom volun-
teeri3-^like Cumberland, Oxford, Northumberland, Baleigh,
Brooke, Dudley, Willoughby, Noel, William Hatton, Thomas
Cecil, and others — could no longer restrain their impatience,
as the roar of battle sounded along the coasts of Dorset, but
flocked merrily on board the ships of Drake, Hawkins,
t Declaration of the Proceedings of
the two FleetB,"July 19-31 (6. SX 168a
(a P. Office Ma) Henera, m. iii. 106.
t Hawkins to WalsixiRfaaiD, ^
" 10 Aug
1588. (a P. Office Ma) HOTera,
HL iii. 106-108. Bor, Hf. 323.
Meteren, zr. 273. Camden, HL 411
.413.
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480
THB UiniBD NBTHEBLA2n)S.
Chap. XTX.
Howard^ and Frobisher^ or came in small vessds which they
had chartered for themselves, in order to iiave their share in
the delights of the long-expected struggle.^
The action, irregular, desultory, but lively, continued neady
all day, and until the English had fired away most of tiieir
powder and shot.^ The Spaniards, too, notwithstanding tiieir
years of preparation, were already short of light metal^ and
Medma Sidonia had been daily sending to Parma for a supply
of four, six, and ten pound balls.' So much lead and gun-
powder had never before been wasted in a single day ; for
there was no great damage inflicted on either side. The
artillery-practice was certainly not much to the credit of
either nation.
^^ If her Majesty's ships had been manned with a full supply
of good gunners,"" said honest William Thomas, an old aortit-
leryman, ^' it would have been the woefullest time ev^r the
Spaniard took in hand, and the most noble victory ever heard
of would have been her Majesty's. But our sins were the
cause that so much powder and shot were spent, so long time
in fi^t, and in comparison so little harm done. It were
greatly to be wished that her Majesty were no longer deceived
in this way." ^
Yet the English, at any rate, had succeeded in displaying
their seamanship, if not their gunnery, to advantage. In vain
the unwieldly hulks and galleons had attempted to gr^ple
with their light-winged foes, who pelted th^n, braved them,
damaged their sails and gearing, and then danced lightly* off
into the distance.; until at last, as night fell, the wind came
out from the west again, and the English r^ained and kept
the weather-gage.
Tha Queen's fleet, now divided into four squadrons, under
* Herrera^ Bor, Moteren, Camden,
' Ma Letter of Hawkins last cited.
^ Medina ^donia to Parma, 2 Aug.
1688. (Arch, de Sim. M&) Herrera,
in. iiL 108.
* William Thomas, master gatmer
of Flushing (who much complained
that Uio loss of its charter by tho
worshipftil corporation of "gunnere,
founded Xxj H^uy Yin.« had ctiOfed
its decay, and much miadiief in coa-
secpMooaX ^ Buxghky, 'i(>8ai
10 OcC
(S. P. Office Ma)
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1588. SUPERIOR SBAMAKSHIP OF THE BNaLISH. 481
Howard^ Drake^ Hawkins, and Frobisher, amounted to near
one hundred sail, exclusive of Lord Henry Seymour's division,
which was cruising in the Straits of Dover. But few of all
this number were ships of war however, and the merchant
vessels, although ziealous and active enough, were not thought
very elective. " If you had seen the simple service done by
the merchants and coast ships,'' said Winter, ^^ you would
have said we had been little holpen by them, otherwise than
that they did make a show/' ^
All night the Spaniards, holding their course towards
CaliEus, after the long but indecisive conflict had terminated,
were closely pursued by their wary antagonists. On
Wednesday, 3rd of August, there was some slight 4 Aug.,*ThTire.
cannonading, with but slender results ; and on ^^?^'
Thursday, the 4th, both fleets were off Dunnose, on the Isle
of Wight. . The great hulk Santana and a galleon of Por-
tugal having been somewhat damt^ed the previous day, were
lagging behind the rest of the Armada, and were vigorously
attacked by the Triumph and a few odier vessels. Don
Antonio de Ley va, with some of the galeasses and large gal-
leons, came to the rescue, and Frobisher, although in much
peril, maintained an unequal conflict, within close range, with
great spirit.*
Seeing his danger, the Lord Admiral in the Ark-Boyal,
accompanied by the Oolden Lion, the White Bear, the Eliza--
hethj the Victory, and the Leicester, bore boldly down into the
very midst of the Spanish fleet, and laid himself within three
or four hundred yards of Medina's flag-ship, the 8t. Martin,
while his coiorades were at equally close quarters ^dth Vice-
Admiral Bedalde and th^ galleons of Oquendo, Mexia, and
Almanza. It' was the hottest conflict which had * yet taken
place.' Here at last was thorough English work. The two
great fleets, which were there to subjugatx) and to defend the
realm of Elizabeth, were nearly yard-arm and yard-arm-
* Sir W. Winter to Walsingham,
i Aug. 1688. (a P. Office M&)
' Declaration of tho Proceedings,
VOL. TI. — 2 I
&C. MS. before dted. Bor, Herrens
Meteren, Camden, vbi nm.
•Ibid.
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482 ^HB UKITBD NBTHESLA2ID& Ohap. XIX
together — all England on the lee. Broadside after broadnde
of great guns, volley after volley of arquebusry from maintop
and rigging, were warmly exchanged, and much damage was
inflicted on the Spaniards, whose gigantic ships were so easy
a mark to aim at, while from their turreted heights they them-
selves fired for the most part harmlessly over the heads of
their adversaries. The leaders of the Armada, however, were
encouraged, for they expected at last to come to even closer
quarters, and there were some among the English who were
mad enough to wish to board.
But so soon as Frobish^, who was the hero of the day, had
extricated himself from his difficulty, the Lord- Admiral —
having no intention of risking th^ existence of his fleet, and
with it perhaps of the English crown, upon ihe hazard of a
single battle, and having been himself somewhat damaged in
the fight — gave the dgnal for retreat, and caused the Ark-Boyal
to be towed out of action. Thus the Spaniards were frustrated
of their hopes, and the English, having inflicted much punish-
ment at comparatively small loss to themselves, again stood
off to windward, and the Armada continued its indolent course
along the cliffs of Freshwater and Blackgang.^
On Friday, 5th August, the English, having received men
and munitions from shore, pursued their antagonists at a
Frid., 6 Ang. moderate distance; and the Lord- Admiral, profiting
1688 by ihe pause — ^for it waA almost a flat calm— «^t
for Martin Frobisher, John Hawkins, Boger Townsend, Lord
Thomas Howard, son of the Duke of Norfolk, and Lord Ed-
mund Sheffield, and on the deck of the Boyal Ark conferred
the honour of knighthood on each for his gallantry in the action
of the previous day.' Medina Sidonia, on his part, was again
despatching messenger after messenger to the Duke of Parma,
asking for small shot, pilots, and forty fly-bo&ts, with whi(^
to pursue the teasing English clippers.' The Catholic Ar-
mada, he said, being so large and heavy, was quite in the.
' Dedaration, fta, MS. before cited.
' Camden, nL 4U. Bor, m. 323, 324.
* Medina Sidonia to Parma, 4 Aug. 1688. (Arch, da Sim. MS.)
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1688. BOTH FLEETS OFF GALAI& 483
power of its adyersaries, who could assault^retreat^ fight^ or
leave off fitting, while he had nothing for it bat to proceed,
as expeditiouslj as might be, to his rendezvous in Calais
roads.
And in Calais roads the great f[eei>-r-sailing slowly all
next day in company with the English, without a Sat, 6 Aug.
shot being fired on either side — at last dropped ^^^s.
anchor on Saturday fiftemoon, August 6Ch.
Here then the Invincible Armada had arrived at its ap-
pointed resting-place. Here the great junction of Medina
Sidonia with the Duke of Parma was to be effected, and now
at last the curtain was to rise upon the last act of the great
drama so slowly and elaborately prepared.
That Saturday afternoon, Lord Henry Sejrmour and his
squadron of sixte^i lay between Dungeness and Folkestone,
waiting the approach of the two fleets. He spok^ several
coasting-vessels coming from tiie west ; but they could
give him no information — strange to say — either of the
Spaniaxds or of his own countrymen.^ Seymour, having
hardly three days' provision in his fleet, thought that there
might be time to take in supplies, and so bore into the Downs.
Hardly had he been there half an hour, when a pinnace
arrived from the Lord- Admiral, with orders for Lord Henry's
squadron to hold itself in readiness. There was no logger
time for victualling, and very soon afterwards the order was
given to make sail and bear for the French coast. The wind
was however so light, that the whole day was spent before
Seymour with his ships could cross the channeL At last,
towards seven in the evening, he saw the great Spanish Ar-
mada drawn up in a half-moon, and riding at anchor — the
ships very near each other-^-a little to the eastward of Calais,
and very near the shore.* The English, under Howard, Drake,
Frobisher, and Hawkins, were slowly following, and-r-so soon
as Lord Henry, arriving from the opposite shore, had made
' Sir. W. Winter to "Walsingham, - Aug., 1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
•Ibid.
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484 ^^^ UNITED NETHBBLANDS. Chap. XIX.
his junction with them — the whole combined fleet dropped
anchor likewise very near Cakds, and within one mile and a
half of the Spaniards. That invincible force had at last almost
reached its destination. It was now to receive the cooperation
of the great Farnese^ at the head of an army of veterans,
disciplined on a hundred battle-fields, confident from countless
victories, and arrayed, as they had been with ostentatious
splendour, to follow the most brilliant general in Christendom
on his triumphal march into the capital of England. The
long-threatened invaision was no longer an idle figment of
politicians, maliciously spread abroad to poison men's minds
as to the intentions of a long-enduring but magnanimous, and
on the whole friendly sovereign. ' The mask had been at last
thrown down, and the mild accents of Philip's diplomatiBts
and their English dupes, interchanging protocols so decorously
month after month on the sands of Bourbourg, had been
drowned by the peremptory voice of English and Spanish
artillery, suddenly breaking in upon their placid conferences.
It had now become supererogatory to ask for Alexander's
word of honour whether he had ever heard of Cardinal Allan's
pamphlet, or whether his master contemplated hostilities
against Quedn Mizabeth.
Never, since England was England, had such a sight been
seen as now revealed itself in those narrow straits between
Dover and Calais. Along that long, low, sandy shore, and quite
within the range of the Calais fortifications, one hundred and
thirty Spanish ships — the greater number of them the largest
and most heavily armed in the world — ^lay face to fiwe, and
scarcely out of cannon-shot, with one hundred and fifty English
sloops and frigates, the strongest and swiftest that the island
could furnish, and commanded by men whose exploits had
rung through the wolrld.
Farther along the coast, invisible, but known to be per-
forming a .most perilous and vital service, was a squadron of
Dutch vessels of all sizes, lining both the inner and outer
edges of the sandbanks off the Flemish coasts, and swarming
in all the estuaries and inlets of that intricate and dangerous
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1588. A NIGHT OP ANXIETY. 485
cmising-ground between Dunkerk and Walcheren. Those
fleets of Holland and Zeeland, numbering some one hundred
and fifty galleons, sloops, and fly-boats, under Warmond,
Nassau, Van der Does, de Moor, and Rpsendael, lay patiently
blockading every possible egress from Newport, or Gravelines,
or Sluys, or Flushing, or Dunkerk, and longing to grapple
with the Duke of Parma,^ so soon as his fleet of gunboats and
hoys, packed with his Spanish and Italian veterans, should
venture to set forth upon the sea for their long-prepared
exploit.
It was a pompous spectacle, that midsummer night, upon
those narrow seaa The moon, which was at the full, was
rising calmly upon a scene of anxious expectation. Would
she not be looking, by the morrow's night, upon a subjugated
England, a re-enslaved Holland — upon the downfall of civil
and religious liberty ? Those ships of Spain, which lay there
with their banners waving in the moonlight, discharging
salvoes of anticipated triumph and filling the air with strains
of insolent music, would they not, by daybreak, be moving
straight to their purpose, bearing the conquerors of the world
to the scene of their cherished hopes ?
That English fleet, too, which rode there at anchor, so
anxiously on the watch — would that swarm of nimble, lightly-
handled, but slender vessels, which had held their own hitherto
in hurried and desultory skirmishes — ^be able to cope with
their great antagonist now that tiie moment had arrived for
the death grapple ? Would not Howard, Drake, Frobisher,
Seymour, Winter, and Hawkins, be swept out of the straits at
last, yielding an open passage to Medina, Oquendo, Becalde,
and Farnese? Would those Hollanders and Zeelanders,
cruising so vigilantly among their treacherous shallows, dare
to maintain their, post, now that the terrible ' Holofernese,'
with his invincible legions, was resolved to come forth ?
So soon as he had cast anchor, Howard despatched a pin-
nace to the Vanguardy with a message to Winter to come on
> Bor, in. 321, seq. Metercn, xr. 272, 273.
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486
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS
Ohap.XDu
board the flag-ship.^ When Sir William reached the Ark, it
was already nine in the evening. He was anxiously consulted
by the Lord- Admiral as to the course now to be taken.
Hitherto the English had been teasing and perplexing an
enemy^ on the retreat^ as it were^ by the nature of his instruc-
tions. Although anxious to give battle, the Spaniard was
forbidden to descend upon the coast until after his junction
with Parma. So the Englidi had played acomparatiyely easy
game, hanging upon their enemy's skirts, maltreating him as
they doubled about him, cannonading him from a distance,
and slipping out of his reach at their pleasure. But he was
now to be met faoe to fiEice, and the &te of the two free com-
monwealths of the world was upon the issue of the struggle,
which could no longer be deferred.
Winter, standing side by side with the Lord- Admiral on
the d^k of the little Arh-Hoyal, gazed for the first time on
those enormous galleond and galleys vrith which his companion
was already sufficiently familiar.
" ConsideriDg their hugeness," said he, " 'twill not be pos-
sible to remove them but by a device."*
Then remembering, in a lucky moment, something that he
had heard foiir years before of the fire ships sent by the Ant-
werpers against Parma's bridge— the inventor of which, the
Italian Gianibelli, was at that very moment constructing forti-
fications on the Thames ^ to assist the English against his old
enemy Farnese — ^Winter suggested that some stratagem of
the same kind should be attempted agwist the Invincible
Armada.* There was no time nor opportunity to prepare such
submarine volcanoes as had been employed on that memorable
occasion ; but burning ships at least might be sent among
the fleet. Some damage would doubtless be thus inflicted by
the fire, and perhaps a panic, suggested by the memories of Ant-
werp and by the knowledge that the famous Mantuan wizard
'Winter to Walsingham, Ma
already dted.
•Ibid.
• Meteren, xr. 272.
4 Thus distinctly stated by Sir Wm.
Winter, in his admirable letter of
-Aug. (Ma already cited.)
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i^Sd.
PROJBOT OP HOWABD AND WINTER.
487
was then a resident of England, would be still more effective.
In Winter's opinion, the Armada might at least be compelled
to slip its cables, and be thrown into some confusion if the
project were fairly carried out.
Howard approved of the device, and determined to hold,
next momiug, a council of war for arranging the details of its
execution.'
While the two sat in the cabin, conversing thus earnestly,
there had well nigh been a serious misfortune. The ship.
White Bear, of 1000 tons burthen, and three othais of the
English fleet, all tangled together, came drifting with the
tide against the Ark. There were many yards carried away,
much tackle spoiled, and for a time there was great danger,
in the opinion of Winter, that some of the very best ships in
the fleet would be crippled and quite destroyed on the eve
of a general engagement. By alacrity and good handling,
however, the ships were separated, and the ill-consequences
of an accident-^such as had already proved fatal to several
Spanish vessels — were fortunately averted.^
Next day, Sunday, 7th August, the two great fleets were
still lying but a mile and a half apart, calmly gazing at each
other, and rising and falling at their anchors as idlysmi.,7 Aug.
as if some vast summer regatta were the only pur- ^^®^-
pose of that great assemblage of shipping. Nothing as yet
was heard of FAmese. Thus far, at least, the Hollanders had
held him at bay, and there was still breathing-time before
the catastrophe. So Howard hung out his signal for council
early in the morning, and very soon after Drake and Hawkins,
Seymour, Winter, and the rest, were gravely consulting in his
cabin.*
» Winter's Letter, MS,*
It has been stated bj many writers
—Camden, UL 416, Meteren, xt. 273,
and others— that this prcgect of the
fire-ships was directly comnianded by
the Qoeen. Others attribute the de-
Tioe to the Lord Admiral (Bor, HI.
324), or to Drake (Strada^ ix. 669).
while Goloma (I. 7) prefers to regard
the whole matter as quite a trifling
accident^ "harto pequeiio aoddente;"
but there is no doubt that the merit
of the original suggestion belongs ex-
dusirely to Winter. To give the
gloiy of the achievement to her Ma*
jesty, who knew nothing of it what*
ever, was a most gratuitous exhibition
of loyalty.
• Winter's Letter, MS.
•ibid.
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488 '^^^ UKITED NETHERLANDa Chap. XIX.
It was decided that Winter's suggestion should be acted
upon, and Sir Henry Palmer was immediately despatdied in
a pinnace to Dover, to bring off a number of old vessds fit
to be fired, together with a supply of light wood, tar, rosin,
sulphur, and other combustibles, most adapted to the purpoea*
But as time wore away, it became obviously impossible, for
Palmer to return that night, and it was determined to make
the most of what could be collected in the fleet itself^ Other-
wise it was to be feared that the opportunity might be for
ever lost. Parma, crushing all opposition, might suddenly
appear at any moment upon the channel; and the whole
Spanish Armada, placing itself between him and his enemies,
would engage the English and Dutch fleets, and cover his
passage to Dover. It would then be too late to think of the
burning ships.
On the other hand, upon the decks of the Armada, there
was an impatience that night which increased every houn
The governor of Calais, M. de Gourdon, had sent his nephew
on board the fliag-ship of Medina Sidonia, with courteous
salutations, professions of friendship, and bountiiul refresh-
ments. There was no fear — now that Mucio was for the time
in the ascendency — that the schemes of Philip woxQd be int^-
fered with by France. The governor, had, however, sent
serious warning of the dangerous position in which the
Armada had placed itself. He was quite right. Calius roads
were no safe anchorage for huge vessels like those of Spain and
Portugal ; for the tides and cross-currents to which they were
exposed were most treacherous.^ It was calm enough at the
moment, but a westerly gale might, in a few hours, drive the
whole fleet hopelessly among the sand-banks of the dangerous
Flemish coast. Moreover, the Duke, although tolerably well
furnished with charts and pilots for the tlnglish coast, was
comparatively unprovided against the dangers which might
beset him off Dunkerk, Newport, and Flushing. He had sent
messengers, day after day, to Farnese, b^ging for assistance
* Winter's Letter, US. • » Ibid, ' Herrera, HI. iiL 108.
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1588. DIPATIENOB OF THB SPANIABDa 489
of rarious kinds^ but, abpve all, imploriDg his instant presence
on the field of action.^ It was the time and place for Alexander
to assume the chief command. The Armada was ready to
make front against the English fleet on the left, while on the
ri^t, the Duke, thus protected, might proceed across the
channel and take possession of England.
And the impatience of the soldiers and sailors on board the
fleet was equal to that of their commanders. There was
London almost before their eyes — a huge mass of treasure,
richa: and more accessible than those mines beyond . the
Atlantic which had so often rewarded Spanish chivalry, with
fabulous wealth. And there were men in those galleons who
remembered the sack of Antwerp, eleven years before — ^men
who could tell, from personal experience, how helpless was a
great commercial city, when once in the clutch of disciplined
brigands — men who, in that dread ^fury of Antwerp,' had
enriched themselves in an hour with the accumxQations of a
merchant's life-time, and who had slain fathers and mothers,
sons and daughters, brides and bridegrooms, before each
others' eyes, until the number of inhabitants butchered in
the blazing streets rose to many thousands ; and the plimder
from palaces and warehouses was counted by millions, befoi^
the sun had set on the ^ great fury.' Those Spaniards, and
Italians, and Walloons, were now thirsting for more gold, for
more blood ; and as the capital of England was even more
wealthy and far more defenceless than the commercial metro-
polis of the Netherlands had been, so it was resolved that the
London ^fury' should be more thorough and more productive
than the ^fury' of Antwerp, at the memory of which the
world still shuddered. And these professional soldiers had
been taught to consider the English as a pacific, delicate,
effeminate race, dependent on good living, without experience
of war, quickly fSsttigued and discouraged,' and even more
easily to be plundered and butchered than were the excellent
burghers of Antwerp.
' Medina Sidonia to Paitna^ 2 Aug.
1588, 4, jLUg. 1588, 5 Aog. 1588.
Panna to Philip IL, 7 Auff. 1688,
C Aug. 1588. (Arch, de Simancas^
l£SS.)
* Examination of Don Diego dt
Pimentel, hi Bor, III. 325, 326.
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490 ^I^HE UNITED NETHERLANDS. Chap. XEC
And 60 these southem conqaerors looked down from their
great galle<ms and galeasses upon the English vessels. More
than three quarters of them were merchantmen. There
was no comparison whatever betwe^i the relative strength
of the fleets. In nnmber they were about equal — bang
each from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and
fifty strong — ^but the Spaniards had twice the tonnage of the
English, four times the artillery, and neaiiy three times the
number of men.
Where was Famese ? Most impatiently the Golden Doke
paced the deck of the 8a/in;t Martin. Most eagerly were
thousands of eyes strained towards the eastern horieon to
catch the first glimpse of Parma's flotilla. But the day wore
on to its close, and still the same inesplicable and mysterious
silence prevailed. 'There was utter solitude on the waters in
the direction of Gravelines and Dunkerk — not a sail upon
the sea in the quarter where bustle and activity had been
most expected. The mystery was profound, for it had never
entered the head of any man in the Armada that Alexander
could not come out when he chose.'
And now to impatience succeeded susj^cion and indigna-
tion; and there were curses upon sluggishness and upon
treachery. For in the horrible atmosphere of duplicity, in
which all Spaniards and Italians of that epoch lived, every
man suspected his brother, and already Medina Sidonia sus-
pected Famese of playing him false. There were whispers
of collusion between the Duke and the English conmussioners
at Bourbourg. There were hints that Alexander was playing
his own game, that he meant to divide the sovereignty of the
Netherlands with the heretic Elizabeth, to desert his great
trust, and to effect, if possible, the destruction of his master's
Aimada, and the dovm&U of his master's sovereignty in the
north. Men told each other, too, of a vague rumour, concern-
ing which Alexander might have received information, and in
which many believed, that Medina Sidonia was the bearer of
secret orders to throw Famese into bondage, so soon as ^e
' ExaminatioDf Ao, last otted.
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1688. FntE-SHIPS SENT AGAINST THE ARMADA. 491
should appear^ to send him a disgraced captive back to Spain
for punishment^ and to place the baton of command in the
hand of the Duke of Pastrana^ Philip's bastard by the Eboli*
ThuS; in the absence of Alexander, all was suspense and
suspicion. It seemed possible that disaster instead of triumph
was in stOTO for them through the treachery of the commander-
in-chief. Four and twenty hours and more, they had been
lying in that dangerous roadstead, and although the weather
had been calm and the sea tranquil, there seemed something
brooding in the atmosphere.
As the twilight deepened, the moon became totally obscured,
dark cloud-mttsses spread over the heavens, the sea grew
black, distant thunder rolled, and the sob of an approaching
tempest became distinctly audible.' Such indications of a
westerly gale were not encouraging to those cumbrous vessels,
with the treacherous quicksands of Fland^B under their lee.
At an hour past midnight, it was so dark that it was difficult
for the most practiced eye to pierce far into the gloom. But a
faint drip of oars now struck the ears of the Spaniards as
they watched from the decks. A few moments afterwards
the sea became suddenly luminous, and six flaming vessels
appeared at a slight distance, bearing steadily down upon
them before the wind and tide.'
There were men in the Armada who had been at the si^
of Antwerp only three years before. They remembered with
horror the devil-ships of Gianibelli, those floating volcanoes,
which had seemed to rend earth and ocean, whose explosion
had laid so many thousands of soldiers dead at a blow, and
which had shattered the bridge and floating forts of Famese,
as though they had been toys of glass. They knew, too, that
the famous engineer was at that moment in England.
In a moment one of those horrible panics, which spread
with such contagious rapidity among large bodies of men,
seized upon the Spaniards. There was a yell throughout the
» Strada, H. x. 667, 668.
* Strada, XL x. 660.
' Winter's Letter, MS. alreadj
cited. Compare Herrera^ III. liL 108.
Meteren, xr. 2*73. Bor, IH 324, »eq,
Strada, IL z. 660, 661. Camden,
in. 416.
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492
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. Yry.
fleet — ^" the fire-ships of Antwerp, the fire-ships of Antwerp 1"
and in an instant every cable was cut, and frantic attempts
were made by each galleon and galeasse to escape what
seemed imminent destruction. The confusion was beyond
description. Four or five of the largest ships became en-
tangled with each other. Two others^ were set on fire by
the flaming vessels, and were consumed. Medina Sidonia,
who had been warned, even before his departure from Spain,'
that some such artifice woxQd probably be attempted, and who
had even, early that morning, sent out a party of sailors in a
pinnace^ to search for indications of the scheme, was not sur-
prised or dismayed. He gave orders — as well as might be —
that every ship, after the danger sTiould be passed, was to
return to its post, and await his further orders.^ But it was
useless, in that moment of unreasonable panic to issue com-
mands. The despised Mantuan, who had met with so many
rebuffs at Philip's court, and who— owing to official incredulity
— ^had been but partially successful in his magnificent enter-
prise at Antwerp, had now, by the mere terror of his name,
inflicted more damage on Philip's Armada than had hitherto
been accomplished by Howard and Drake, Hawkins and
Frobisher, combined.
So long as night and darkness lasted, the confusion and
uproar continued. When the Monday morning dawned, several
Monday ^^ *^® Spanish vessels lay disabled, while the rest of
Aug. 8.' the fleet was seen at a distance of two leagues from
Calais, driving towards the Flemish coast. The
threatened gale had not yet begun to blow, but there were
fresh squalls from the W.S.W., which, to such awkward
sailers as the Spanish vessels, were difficult to contend with.
On the other hand, the English fleet were all astir, and ready
to pursue the Spaniards, now rapidly drifting into the North
> This &ct, mentioned hy. no his-
torian, distinctlj appears from Winter's
Letter, so often cited. "We per-
ceived that there were Uto great fires
more than oors (preyiously stated by
him as six in number), and &t greater
and huger than any onr' fired vessels
could make.**
* "Advertido va el duque dd in-
tento de Drake quanto al quemar loa
navios." Philip ll. to Mendoza^ 2l8t
June^ 1588. (Archives de Smancaa
[Paris], Ma)
' UerrenL, m. iil 108. « Ibid.
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1588. A GBEAT GALEASSE DISABLED. 493
Sea. In the immediate neighbourhood of Calais^ the flag-
ship of the squadron of galeasses, commanded by Don Hugo
de Moncada^ was discovered using her foresail and oars^ and
endeavouring to enter the harbour. She had been danlaged
by collision with the St. John of Sicily and other ships^ during
the night's panic^ and had her rudder quite torn awaj.^ She
was the largest and most splendid vessel in the Armada — the
show-ship of the fleet, "the very glory and stay of the
Spanish navy f^ and during the previous two days she had
been visited and admired by great numbers of Frenchmen
from the shore.
Lord Admiral Howard bore down upon her at once, but
as she was already in shallow water, and was rowing
steadily towards the town, he saw that the Ark could not
follow with safety. So he sent his long-boat to cut her
out, manned with fifty or sixty volunteers, most of them " as
valiant in courage as gentle in birth ''^ — as a partaker in the
adventure declared. The Margaret and Joan of London, also
following in pursuit, ran herself a-groimd, but the master
despatched his pinnace with a body of musketeers, to aid in
the capture of the galeasse.^
That huge vessel failed to enter the harbour, and stuck
fast upon the bar. There was much dismay on board, but
Don Hugo prepared resolutely to defend himself. The quays
of Calais and the line of the French shore were lined with
thousands of eager spectators, aff the two boats — ^rowing
steadily toward a galeasse, which carried forty brass pieces
of artillery, and was manned with three hundred soldiers and
four hundred and fifty slaves — seemed rushing upon thek
own destruction. Of these daring Englishmen, patricians
and plebeians together, in two open pinnaces, there were not
more than one hundred in number, all told. They soon laid
themselves close to the Capitana, far below her lofty sides,
and called on Don Hugo to surrender. The answer was a
> 'Declaration of the Proceedings I , j, Tomaon to ^^"^^ iKRft
of the two Fleets,' Ma ahreadj cited. ^ ^^""^ ^ ^ ri^ ^^®^-
I (a P. Office MS.) 'Ibid. * Ibid.
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494
THE UlirrED NETHBRLA£n)a
Chap. Yty,
smile of derision from the haughty Spaniard, aa he looked
down upon them from what seemed an inaccessible hei^t
Then one Wilton, coxswain of the Ddight^ of Winter's
squadron, clambered up to the enemy's deck and fell dead
the same instant.^ Then the English volunteers opened a
volley upon the Spaniards. " They seemed safely ensconced
in their ships,'' said bold Dick Tomson, of the Margaret and
Joan, ^^ while we in our open pinnaces, and far under them,
had nothing ta shroud and cover us." Moreover the numbers
were seven hundred and fifty to one hundred. But the
Spaniards, still quite disconcerted by the events of the pre-
ceding night, seemed under a spell. Otherwise it would have
been ^n easy matter for the great galeasse to annihilate sudi
puny antagonists in a very short space of time.'
The English pelted the Spaniards quite cheerfully, liow-
ever, with arquebus-shot, whenever they showed th^nselves
above the bulwarks, picked off a considerable number, and
sustained a rather severe loss themselves. Lieutenant Freston,
of the Ark-Royaly among others,^ being dangerously wounded.
^^ We had a pretty skirmish for half-an-hour," said Tomson.
At last Don Hugo de Moncada, furious at the inefficiency of
his men, and leading th^m forward in person, fell back; on his
deck with a bullet through both eyes.* The panic was in-
stantaneous, for, meantime, several other English boats —
some with eight, ten, or twelve men on board — ^were seen
pulling towards the galeasse; while the dismayed soldiers
at once leaped overboard on the land side, and attempted
to escape by swimming^ and wading to the shore. Some of
them succeeded, but the greater number were drowned. The
few who remained — not more than twenty in all^ — ^hoisted
two handkerchiefs upon two rapiers as a sign^ of truce.'
The English, accepting it as^a signal of defeat, scrambled
* Winter to Walaingham, MS. be-
foiredted.
* Tomflon's Letter, MS. Ooippare
Herrera^ m. iii 108. Bor, III. 324,
325. Meteren, Z7. 273. Camdeo,
IIL 415. Strada, H. ix. 661. Cdbnu^
I. 7, 8. » Ibid.
* Coloma, uln eup,
* Toidsod's Letter, l£a before
dted.
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1688. ATTACKED AND CAPTUBED BY BNaii£3H BOATS. 495
with great difficulty up the lofty sides of the Capitafia, and,
for an hour and a half, occupied themselves most agreeably
in plundering the ship and in liberating the slaves.^
It was their intention, with the flood-tide, to get the vessel
off, as she was but slightly damaged, and of very great value.
But a serious obstacle arose to this arrangement. For pre-
sently a boat came along-side, with young M. de Gourdon
and anothei: French captain, and hailed the galeasse. There
was nobody on board who could speak French but Bichard
Tomson. So Bichard returned the hail, and asked then:
business.' They said they came from the governor.
" And what is the governor's pleasure ?*' a^ed Tomson,
when they had come up ihe side.
"The governor had stood and beheld your fight, and re-
joiced in your victory," was the reply ; " and he says that for
your prowess and manhood you well deserve the pillage of
the gcdeasse. He requires and commands you, howev^, not
to attempt carrying off either the ship or its ordnance ; for
she lies a-ground under the battery of his castle, and within
his jurisdiction, and does of right appertain to him.''
This seemed hard upon the hundred volunteers, who, in
their two open boats, had so manfully carried a ship of 1200
tons, 40 guns, and 750 men ; but Bichard answered diplo-
matically^
" We thank M. de Gourdon," said he, " for granting the
pillage to mariners and soldiers who had fought for it, and
we acknowledge that without his good-will we cannot carry
away anythii^ we have got, for the ship lies on ground
directly under his batteries and bulwarks. Concerning the
ship and ordi^nce, we pray that he would send a pinnace to
my Lotd Admind Howard, who is here in person hard by,
from whom he will have an honourable and friendly answer,
which we shall all obey."
With this, the French officers, being apparently con-
tent, were about to depart ; and it is not impossible that
' Bor, m. 325. > Tomaon's Letter, Ma before cited.
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496 ^I^HE UIHTED KETHERLAKBS. Chap. XIX.
the Boft answe^r might have obtained the galeasse and the
ordnance; notwithstanding the arrangement which Philip U.
had made with his excellent friend Henry III. for aid and
comfort to Spanish vessels in French ports. Unluckily, how-
ever, the inclination for plunder being rife that morning,
some of the Englishmen hustled their French visitors, plun-
dered them of their rings and jewels, as if they had been
enemies, and then permitted them to depart. They rowed
off to the shore, vowing vengeance, and within a few minutes
after their return the battery of the fort was opened upon the
English, and they were compelled to make their escape as
they could with the plunder already secured, leaving the
galeasse in the possession of M. do Gourdon.^
This adventure being terminated, and the pinnaces having
returned to the fleet, the Lord- Admiral, who had been lying
off and on,' now bore away with all his force in pursuit of the
Spaniards. The Invincible Armada, already sorely crippled,
was standing n.n.e. directly before a fresh topsail-breeze from
the s.s.w. The English came up with them soon after nine
o'clock A.M. off Gravelines, and found them sailing in a half-
moon, the admiral and vice-admiral in the centre, and the
flanks protected by the three remaining galeasses and by the
great galleons of Portugal.*
Seeing the enemy approaching, Medina Sidonia ordered
his whole fleet to luff to. the wind, and prepare for action.^
The wind shifting a few points, was now at w.N.w., so that the
English had both the weather-gage and the tide in their
favour. A general combat began at about ten, and it was soon
obvious to the Spaniards that their adversaries were intending
warm work. Sir Francis Drake in the Bevengey followed by
Frobisher in the Triumph, Hawkins in the Victory ^ and some
smaller vessels, made the first attack upon the Spanish flag-
ships. Lord Henry in the Rainbow j Sir Henry Palmer in the
Antelope J and others, engaged with three of the largest
> Tomson'a Letter, MS. before cited. I * Winter's Letter, Ma before dted.
Compare Herrera, Bor, Meteren, Cam- I ■ Ibid.
deD, Strada, Coloma, M svp. ] * Herrera, IH iH 110.
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1588. GENERAL BNGAGEMENT OF BOTH FLEETS. 497
galleons of the Armada, whUe Sir William Winter in the
Fangtiard, supported by most of his squadron, chained the
starboard wing.^
The portion of the fleet thus assaulted fell back into the
main body. Four of the ships ran foul of each other," and
Winter, driving into their centre, found himself within
musket-shot of many of their most formidable ships.
" I tell you, on the credit of a poor gentleman,'' he said,
"that there were five hundred discharges of demi-cannon,
culverin, and demi-culverin, from the Vanguard ; and when
I was farthest off in firing my pieces, I was not out of shot
of their harquebus, and most time within speech, one of
another."*
. The battle lasted six hours long, hot and furious ; for now
there was no excuse for retreat on the part of the Spaniards,
but, on the contrary, it was tiie intention of the Captain-
General to return to his station off Calais, if it were within
his power.. Nevertheless the English still partially main-
tained the tactics which had proved so successful, and reso-
lutely refused the fierce attempts of the Spaniards to lay
themselves along-side. Keeping within musket-range, the
well-disciplined English mariners poured broadside after
broadside against the towering ships of the Armada, which
afforded so easy a mark ; while the Spaniards, on their part,
found it impossible, while wasting incredible quantities of
powder and shot, to inflict any severe damage on tiieir ene-
mies. Throughout the action, not an English ship was
destroyed, and not a hundred men were killed.* On the
other hand, all the best ships of the Spaniards were riddled
through and through, and with masts and yards shattered,
sails and rigging torn to shreds, and a north-west wind still
drifting them towards the fatal sand-banks of Holland, they
laboured heavily in a chopping sea, firing wildly, and re-
ceiving tremendous punishment at the hands of Howard,
* Herrera, last dted. Winter'a I * Wlnter'a Letter, MS.
Letter, Ma Lord H. SeTmcmr to the * Ibid.
Queen, in Barrow, 305. | * Herrcra, IIL ill 110.
VOL. n. — 2 K
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498
THE UN}TBB NBTHEBLANDS.
Chap. 2IX.
Drake, Seymour, Winter, and their followers. Not eiren
master-gunner Thomas could complain that day of ^^ blind
exercise" on the part of the English, with " little harm done''
to the etemy. There was scarcely a ship in the Annada that
did not suffer severely ;^ for nearly all were engaged in that
memorable action off the sands of Gravelines. The Captain-
General himself, Admiral Becalde, Alonzo de Leyra, Oquendo,
Diego Flores de Yaldez, Bertendona, Don Frandsco de
Toledo, Don Diego de Pimentel, Telles Enriquez, Alonzo
de Luzon, Gkiribay, with most of the great galleons and
galeasses, were in the thickest of the fight, and one after
the other each of those huge ships was disabled. Three sank
before the fight was over, many others were soon drifting
helpless wrecks towards a hostile shore, and, before five
o'clock in the afternoon, at least sixteen of their best ships
had been sacrificed, and from four to five thousand soldiers
kiUed.a
Nearly all the largest vessels of the Armada^ therefore,
having been disabled or damaged — according to a Spanish
eye-witness-r^nd all their small shot exhausted, Medina
Sidonia reluctantly gave orders to retreat. The Captain-
Gkneral was a bad sailor, but he was a chivalrous Spaniard of
andei^t Gothic blood, and he felt deep mortification at the
plight of his invincible fleet, together with undisguised resent-
ment against Alexander Farnese, through whose treacfaeiy
and incapacity he considered the great Catholic cause to
have been so foully sacrificed. Crippled, maltreated, and
diminished in number, as were his ships, he would have still
faced the enemy, but the winds and currents were fast driving
him on a lee-shore, and the pilots, one and all, assured him
■ ^ "God hatii m^tily preaenred
her MJEJesty's forces wiUi the least
losses that eyer hath been heard o^
being within the oompass of so great
Tolleys of shot, both small and great
I yerilj believe there is not three-
score men lost of her IC^es^s
Ibices." Captain J. Fenner to Wal-
singham, ~ Aug. 1588. (S^ P. OiBce
MS.)
* Bor, III. 327. Henera, vbi mp.
'Declaration of the Prooeeduiga^' MS.
Howard to Walsingham, -- Aug. 1588.
Brake to the Queen, ^^ Aug. 158ft*
in Barrow, 306-310.
13
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1588.
LOSS OF J8EVXRAL SPAIOSH SHIPa
499
that it would be inevitable destruction to letnain. After a
slight and very ineffectual attempt to rescue Don Di^ de Pi-
mentel in the Bt Matthew — who refused to leave his disabled
ship — and Don Francisco de Toledo, whose great galleon, the
St Philip J was fast driving, a helpless wredc, towards Zee-
land, the Armada bore away k.n.e. into the open sea, leaving
those, who could not follow, to their fete.^
The 8t MatthetVy in a sinking conditicMi, hailed a Dutch
fisherman, who was offered a gold chain to pilot her into
Newport. But the fisherman, being a patriot, steered her
close to the Holland fleet, where she was immediately assaulted
by Admiral Yan der Does, to whoin, after a two hours' bloody
fi^t, she struck her flag.' Don Diego, marshal of the camp
to the fiEtmous legion of Sicily, brother of the Marquis of
Tavera, nephew of the Viceroy of Sicily, undo to the Viceroy
of Naples, and numbering as many titles, dignities^ and high
affinities as could be expected of a grandee of the first class,
was taken, with his officers, to the Hague.^ ^^I was the
means," said Captain Borlase, ^^ that the beet sort were saved,
and tiie rest were cast overboard and sl^ at our entry. He
fought with us two hours, and hurt divers of our men, but at
last yielded."*
John Van der Does, his captor, presented the banner of
the Saint Matthew to the great church of Leyden, where —
such was its prodigious length — ^it hung from floor to ceiling
without being entirely unrolled ;^ and there it hung, from
generation to generation, a worthy companion to the Spanish
flags which had been left behind when Valdez abandoned the
siege of that heroic city fifteen years before.
The galleon St. Philip^ one of the four largest ships in the
Armada, dismasted and foundering, drifted towards Newport,
where camp-marshal Don Francisco de Toledo hoped in
vain for succour. La Motte made a feeble attempt at rescue,
but some vessels from the Holland fleet, being much more
> Heirera, IIL iiL 109. Meteren,
zv. 273, 274. Bor, IIL 82S. Camden,
m. 415, 416.
• Bor, vbi sujp. * Ibid.
* Borlase to Walringham, - Ao^
1588. (S. P. Office Ma)
« Bor, Ueteren, vbi 8up,
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500
THE UNITKD NETHERLANDS.
CSAP. TTT
active, seized the unfortunate galleon, and carried her into
Flushing. The captors found forty-dght brass cannon and
other things of value on board, but there were some casks of
Bibadavia wine which was more fatal to her enemies than
those pieces of artillery had proved. F.or while the rebels
were refreshing themselves, after the fetigues of the capture,
with large draughts of that fomous vintage, the St Philip,
which had been bored through and through with English shot,
and had been rapidly filling with water, gave a sudden lurch,
and went down in a moment, carrying with her to the bottom
three hundred of those convivial Hollanders.^
A large Biscay galleon, too, of Becalde's squadron, much
disabled in action, and now, like many others, unable to
follow the Armada, was summoned by Captain Cross, of the
JSTope, 48 guns, to surrender. Although foundering, she re-
sisted, and refused to strike her flag! One of her o£ScerB
attempted to haul down her colours, and was run through the
body by the captain, who, in his turn, was struck dead by a
brother of the officer thus slain. In the midst of this quarrel
the ship went down with all her crew.^
Six hours and more, from ten till nearly five, the fight had
lasted — a most cruel battle, as the Spaniard declared. Thera
were men in the Armada who had served in the action of
Lepanto^^ and who declared that famous encounter to have
been far surpassed in severity and spirit by this fight off
Gravelines. " Surely every man in our fleet did well," said
Winter, "and the slaughter the enemy received was great."*
» Ck)loma^ T. 8^o. Compare Me-
teren, Bor, tibi sup. ei al
• Meteren, xv. 273^o who relates
the aoebdote on Die aatboritj of some
sailors who made their escape by
jumping OTerboard, and who were
picked up just before she sank. 'De-
claration of the Proceedings/ &c, MS.
• Howard to Walsingham, -Aug.
1688. (S. P. Office MS.) "Some
make litUe accoimt," says the Lord
Admiral, " of the Spanish forces by
sea, but, I do warrant jou, all the
world nerer saw such a force as
tlieir*s was. Ani nomo Spanish th.To
we have taken that were in the figfat
of Lepanto, do say, that the worst of
our four fights that we have had with
them did exceed lar the fight. they
had there ; and they say that at some
of our fights we had twenty times as
much great shot there played thtax.
they had there."
** It was a most cruel battle" Oanx"
delisslma batalla) says Herrera, n*om
the journal of a Spaniard present, III.
108.
* Winter's Letter, - Aug. 15SS.
Ma before cited.
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1588. ARMADA FLIES FOLLOWED 5Y THE ENGLISH. gQl
Nor would the Spaniards have escaped even worse punishment,
had not, most unfortunately, the penurious policy of the
Queen's government rendered her ships useless at last, eve^p
in this Buprrane moment. They never ceased cannonading
the discomfited enemy until the ammunition was exhausted.
".When the cartridges were all spent," said Winter, " and the
munitions in some vessels gone altogether, we ceased fighting,
but followed the enemy, who still kept away."^ And the
enemy — although still numerous, and seeming strong enough,
if properly handled, to destroy the whole English fleet — ^fled
before them. There remained more than fifty Spanish vessels,
above six hundred tons in size, besides sixty hulks and other
vessels, of less account ; while in the whole English navy were
but thirteen ships of or above that burthen. " Their force is
wonderful great and strong,'' said Howard, "but wo pluck
their feathers by little and little." *
For Medina Sidonia had now satisfied himself that he should
never succeed in boarding those hard-fighting and swift-sailing
craft, while, meantime, the horrible panic of Sunday night
and the succession of fights throughout the following day, had
completely disorganized his followers. Crippled, riddled, shorn,
but still numerous, and by no means entirely vanquished, the
Armada was flying with a gentle breeze before an enemy
who, to save his existence, could not have fired a broadside.
" Though our powder and shot was well nigh .spent," said
the Lord- Admiral, " we put on a brag countenance and gave
them chase, as though we had wanted nothing." * And the
brag countenance was successful, for that "one day's ser-
vice had much appalled the enemy," * as Drake observed ;
and still the Spaniards fled with a freshening gale all
through the Monday night. " A thing greatly to g Aug.,
be regarded," said Fenner, of the Nonpariel^ "is ^^®®'
that the Almighty had stricken them with a wonderful fear.
» Winter's Letter, MS. last cited
89J11I7
^ Howard to Walsingham, 1
1588. (a P. Office Ma)
» Same to same, — Aug. 1588, in
Barrow, 306, 307.
« Drake to Walsingh.'im, in Barrow,
301.
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502
THE UNITED NETHEBLAKIKL
Chap, inx
I have hardly seen any of their companies succoured of the
extremities which befell them after their fights, but they
^ave been left at utter ruin, while they bear as much sail as
ever they possibly can." ^
On Tuesday morning, 9th August, the English ships were
off the Isle o£ Walcheren, at a safe distance from the shore.
Tues., Aug. 9, " Th© ^^^ 18 hanging westerly," said Richard Tom-
15?®- son, of the Margaret and Joan^ " and we drive our
enemies apace, much marvelling in what port they will direct
themselves. Those that are left alive^are so weak and heart-
less that they could be well content to lose all charges and to
be at home, both rich and poor." *
"In my conscience," said Sir William Winter, "I think
the Duke would give his dukedom to be in Spain again." •
The English ships, one hundred and four in number,^ being
that morning half-a-league to windward, the Duke gave orders
for the whole Armada to lay to and await their approacL
But the English had no disposition to engage, for at that
moment the instantaneous destruction of their enemies seemed
inevitable. Ill-managed, panic-struck, staj^ring before
their foes, the Spanish fleet was now close upon the fatal
sands of Zeeland. Already there were but six and a-half
fathoms of water, rapidly shoaling under their keels, and the
pilots told Medina that all were irretrievably lost, for the
freshening north-wester was driving them steadily upon the
banks. The English, easily escaping the danger, hauled
their wind, and paused to see the ruin of the proud Armada
accomplished before their eyes. Nothing but a change of
wind at the instant could save them from perdition. There
was a breathless shudder of suspense, and then there came 4he
change. Just as the foremost ships were about to ground on
the Ooster Zand, the wind suddenly veered to the south-west,
and the Spanish ships quickly squaring their sails to the new
impulse, stood out once more into the open sea.*
> Fenner to Walsingham, - Aug.
1588. (S. P. Office Ma)
3 Tomson's Letters, MS. before cited.
» Winter's Letter. MS. befiMre cited
* Herrera» 110.
* Ibid. Camden, IIL 416.
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1588. ENGLISH IKSUFFIOIEHTLT PSOYIDBD. 503
AH that day the galleons and galeasses, under all the can-
vas which they dared to spread^ continued their flight before
the south-westerly breeze, and still the Lord- Admiral, main-^
taining the brag countenance, followed, at an easy distance,
the retreating foe. At 4 p. m., Howard fired a signal gun, and
ran up a flag of council Winter could not go, for he had
heeia wounded in action, but Seymour and Diake, Hawkins,
Frobisher, and the rest were present, and it was decided that
Lord Henry should return, accompanied by Winter and the
rest of the inner squadron, to guard the Thames mouth
against any attempt of the Duke of Parma, while the Lord-
Admiral and the rest of the navy should continue the pursuit
of the Armada.^
Very wroth was Lord Henry at being deprived of his share
in the chase. " The Lord- Admiral was altogether desirous
to have me strengthen him,'' said he, ^^and having done so to
the utmost of my good-will and the venture of my life, and
to the distressing of the Spaniards, which was thoroughly done
on the Monday last, I now find his Lordship jealous and loath
to take part of the honour which is to come. So he has used
his authority to command me to look to our English coast,
threatened by the Duke of Parma. I pray God my Lord-
Admiral do not find the lack of the RatTihow and her com-
panions, for I protest before God I vowed I would be as near
or nearer with my little ship to encounter our enemies as any
of the greatest ships in both armies."'
There was no insubordination, however, and Seymour's
squadron, at twilight of Tuesday evening, August 9th — ^ac-
cording to orders, so that the enemy might not see their
departure — ^bore away for Margate.* But although Winter
and Seymour were much disappointed at their . enforced re-
turn, there was less enthusiasm among the sailors of the fleet.
Pursuing the Spaniards without powder or fire, and without
beef and bread to eat, was not thought amusing by the Eng-
lish crews. Howard had not three days' supply of food in his
• Winter's Letter, MS.
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604
THB XJNITJU) N£THEBLANDa
Chap. SIX.
lockers^ and Seymour and liis squadron had not food for one
day. Accordingly, when Seymour and Winter took their
departure,. "they had much ado," so WintOT said, "with the
staying of many ships that would have returned with them,
besides their own company."^ Had the Spaniards, instead
of being panic-struck, but turned on their pursuers, what
might have been the result of a conflict with starving and
unarmed men ? ^
Howard, Drake, and Frobisher, with the rest of the fleet, fol-
lowed the Armada through the North Sea from Tuesday night
(9th August) till Friday (the 12th), and still, the strong south-
wester swept the Spaniards before them, uncertain whether to
seek refuge, food, water, and room to repair damages, in the
realms of the treacherous King of Scots, or on the iron-bound
coasts of Norway. Medina Sidonia had however, quite aban-
doned his intention of returning to England, and was only
anxious for a safe return to Spain. So much did he dread that
northern passage, unpiloted, around the grim Hebrides, that he
would probably have surrendered, had the English overtaken
him and once more offered battle. He was on the point of
hanging out a white flag — as they approached him for the
last time — ^but yielded to the expostulations of the ecdesias-
tics on board the Saint Martin^ who thought, no doubt, that
they had more to fear from England than from the sea,
should they be carried captive to that country, and who
persuaded him that it would bo a sin and a disgrace to sur-
render before they had been once more attacked.*
On the other hand, the Devonshire skipper. Vice- Admiral
Drake, now thoroughly in his element, couljl not restrain his
hilarity, as he saw the Invincible Armada of the man whose
beard he had so often singed, rolling through the German
" Winter's Letter, MS.
* *' Had the English been well fhr-
nished with victuals and munition,"
Bajs Stowe, "they would in the pur-
suit have brought the Spaniards to
their mercy. On the other hand, had
the Spaniards but two days longer
oonthiucd fight, they must have driven
the English to retreat, for want of
shot and powder, leaving the Spaniards
masters of the field," 719.
* l£eteren, xv. 274^ on the autho-
rity of certain Dutch fishermen, who
had been impressed on board the
San Martin, Beyd, viiL 147.
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2688.
ARE OBLIGED TO BSUNQXTISH THE CHASE.
605
Ocean, in full flight from the country which was to have
been made, that week, a Spanish province. Unprovided as
w^^ his ships, he was for risking another battle, and it is
quite possible that the brag countenance might have proved
even more successful than Howard thought.
"We have the army of Spain before us," wrote Drake,
from the BevengCy "and hope with the grace of God to
wrestle a pull with him. There never was any thing pleased
me better than seeing the enemy flying with a southerly wind
to the northward. God grant you have a good eye to the
Duke of Parma, for with the grace of Gtod, if wo live, I doubt
not so to handle the matter with the Duke of Sidonia as
he shall wish himself at St. Mary's Port among his orange
trees." ^
But Howard decided to wrestle no further pulL Having
followed the Spaniards till Friday, 12th of August, as far as
the latitude of 56° 17' the Lord Admiral called a Friday,
council. It was then decided, in order to save Eng- isss.
lish lives and ships, to put into the Frith of Forth for water
and provisions, leaving two "pinnaces to dog the fleet until ifc
should be past the Isles of Scotland."* But the next day, as
the wind shifted to the north-west, another council decided to
take advantage of the change, and bear away for the North
Foreland, in order to obtain a supply of powder, shot, and
provisions.*
Up to this period, tho weather, though occasionally threat-
ening, had been moderate. During the week which succeeded
the eventful night off Calais, neither the Armada nor the
English ships had been much impeded in their manoeuvres by
storms of heavy seas. But on the following Sunday, 14th of
August, there was a change. . The wind shifted again to the
south-west, and, during the whole of that day and the Mon-
day, blew a tremendous gale.* " 'Twas a more violent storm,"
> Drake to Walsingham,
1588, ia Barrow, S04.
• Bor, IIL 326.
SI U\y
lOAoff!
' Fenner to Walsingham, — Aug.
1588. (S. P. Office M&) Howard to
Walsingfaam, — Aug. 1588, in Barron
306.
4 Fenxier*fl Letter, MS. last cited.
*Ibid.
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506
THE UNITED NETHEBLANDa
Chap, aix;
said Howard^ ^' than was ever seen before at this time of the
year/'^ The retreating English fleet was scattered, many
ships were in peril, ^^ among the ill-£Ekvoured sands off Nor^
folk/' but within four or five days all arrived safely in Mar-
gate roads.^
Far different was the fate of the Spaniards. Ovct their
Invincible Armada, last seen by the departing English mid-
way between the coasts of Scotland and Denmark, the black-
ness of night seemed suddenly to descend. A mystery hung
for a long time over their fate. Damaged, leaking, without
pilots, without a competent commander, the great fleet en-
tered that furious storm, and was whirled along the iron crags
of Norway and between the savage rocks of Faroe and the
Hebrides. In those regions of tempest the insulted North
wreaked its full vengeance on the insolent Spaniards. Dis-
aster after disaster marked their perilous track ; gale after
gale swept them hither and thither, tossing them on sand-
banks or shattering them against granite cli£b. The coasts
of Norway, Scotland, Ireland, were strewn with the wrecks of
that pompous fleet, which claimed the dominion of the seas ;
with the bones of those invincible l^ons which were to have
sacked London and made England a Spanish vice-royalty.
Through the remainder of the month of August there was
a succession of storms. On the 2nd September a fierce south-
wester drove Admiral Oquendo in his galleon, together with
one of the great galeasses, two large Venetian ships, the Baita
and the Bcdavzaray and thirty-six other vessels, upon the
Irish coast, where nearly every soul on board perished, while
the few who escaped to the shore— notwithstanding their
religious affinity with the inhabitants — ^were either butchered
in cold blood, or sent coupled in halters from village to village^
in order to be shipped to England.^ A few ships were driven
on the English coast ; others went ashore near Rochelle.
Of the four galeasses and four galleys, one of each returned
1 Howard to WalsiDgbam, — Aog.
1686. (S.P.OffloeUa)
• Ibid.
* Drake, in Stowo^ 760, mq. Bar*
row, 81 9. Met^en, zy. 274. Bor, III
826, 327.
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XS8d.
A GREAT STOBM DISPEBSBS THB ABMADA.
507
to Spain. Of the ninety-oiie great galleons and halks^ fifty-
eight were lost and thirty-three returned.^ Of the tenders and
zahras, sev^iteen were lost and eighteen returned. Of one
hundred and thirty-four veBsels^ which sailed from Corufia
in July^ hut fifty-three,' great and small, made their escape to
Spain, and Ihese were so damaged as to be utterly worthless.
The invincible Armada had not only been vanquished but
annihilated.
Of the 30,000 men who sailed in the fleet, it is probable
that not more than 10,000 ever saw their native land again.
Most of the leaders of the expedition lost their lives. Medina
Sidonia reached Santander in October, and, as Philip for a
moment believed, "with the greater part of the Armada,"
although the King soon discovered his mistake.^ Becalde,
Diego Flores de Yaldez, Oquendo, Maldonado, Bobadilla,
Manriquez, either perished at sea, or died of exhaustion imme-
diately after their return. Pedro de Valdez, Vasco de Silva,
Alonzo de Sayas, Piemontel, Toledo, with many other nobles,
were prisoners in England and Holland. There was hardly a
distii^ished family in Spain not placed in mourning, so that, to
relieve die universal gloom, an edict was published, forbidding
the wearing of mourning at alL On the other hand, a mer-
chant of Lisbon, not yet reconciled to the Spanish conquest
of his country, permitted himself some tokens of hilarity at
the defeat of the Armada, and was immediately hanged by
express command of Philip. Thus— as men said— one could
neither cry nor laugh within the Spanish dominions.^
This was the result of the invasion, so many years pre-
paring, and at an expense almost incalculable. In the year
1568 alone, the cost of Philip's armaments for the subjugation
of England could not have been less than six millions of ducats.
* Meteren and Bor, ubi ntp.
' Ibid. Compare Strada^ II. iz.
563, who sets before his readers the
** absurd discrepaDcy^ between the
Bnglish-Datch and the Spanidi ac-
ooonte of these lotses. Accordbg to
the Spaniards, thirty-three Tessels
were lost or captured, and 10,000 men
were missing. According to their
enemies, only 10,000 men and aboat
sixty ships escaped. Meteren's ao-
coont, ZY. 274, is minute, and seems
trathftd, and is followed ia the text
* Phflip n. to Parma, 10 Oct 15Sa
(Arch, de Simancas, ICS.)
* Reyd, yiil 148.
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508
THB UNITED KBTHEBLANDa
Chjlp. ttt.
and there was at least as large a sum on board the Armada
itself, although the Pope refused to pay his promised million.^
And with all this outlay, and with the sacrifice of so many
thousand lives, nothing had been accomplished, imd Spain, in
a moment, instead of seeming terrible to all the world, had
become ridiculous.^
^^ Beaten and shuffled together from the Lizard to Calais,
from Calais driven with squibs from their anchors, and chased
out of sight of England about Scotland and Ireland,'' as the
Devonshire skipper expressed himself, it must be confessed
that the Spaniards presented a sorry sight. ^^ Their invincible
and dreadful navy,'' said Drake, ^^ with all its great and ta-riUe
ostentation, did not in all their sailing about England so much
as sink or take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cock-boat of ours,
or even burn so much as one sheep-cote on this land."*
Meanwhile Farnese sat chafing imder the unjust reproaches
heaped upon him, as if he, and not his master, had been respon-
sible for the gigantic blunders of the invasion.^
" As for the Prince of Parma," said Drake, " I take him to
be as a bear robbed of her whelps."* The Admiral was quite
right. Alexander was beside himself with rage. Day after
day, he had been repeating to Medina Sidonia and to Philip
that his flotilla and transports could scarcely live in any but
the smoothest sea, while the supposition that they could serve
a warlike purpose he pronounced absolutely ludicrous. He
had always counselled the seizing of a place like Flushing, as
a basis of operations against England, but had been over-
iPhilip to Parma, 10 Oct 1688.
(Arch, do Simancaa, MS.)
• The wlta of Borne were very
severe upon Philip. " S'il y a aucun,"
said a Pasquil stuck up in that city,
"qui sache des noayelles de Tann^
d'Espague, perdue en mer depuis
trois semainea ou environ, et qui
puisso apprendre ce qu' elle est de-
venue, qu' il en vienne a revelation, et
8* addresae au palais St Pierre oa le
8t P^ lui fera donner son via."
TEtoile,' 263.
* Drake, in Stowe, before cited.
« "It seems tlie Duke of Panna is
in a great chafo," said Seymour, "to
see his ships in durance at Dunkirk,
also to find such discomfiture of the
Spanish fleet hard by his noseu I can
say no more, but Gfod doth sbow his
mighty Iiand for protecting this little
island.'' Seymour to Walsingham,
Aug. 4 1^88. (S. P. Office Ua,)
10
^ Drake to Walsingham, -- Aug.
1588, in Barrow, 310.
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1588.
GBEA.T BNEBGY OF PABMA.
509
ruled ; and ho had at least reckoned upon the Invincible
Armada to clear the way for him, before he should be expected
to take the sea.^
With prodigious energy and at great expense he had con-
structed or improved internal water-communications from
Ghent to Sluys, Newport, and Dunkerk. He had thus trans-
ported all his hoys, barges, and munitions for the invasion,
from all points of the obedient Netherlands to the sea-coast,
without coming within reach of the Hollanders and Zeelanders,
who were keeping close watch on the outside. But those
Hollanders and Zeelanders, guarding every outlet to the ocean,
occupying every hole and cranny of the coast, laughed the
invaders of England to scorn, braving them, jeering them,
daring them to come forth, while the Walloons and Spaniards
shrank before such amphibious assailants, to whom a combat
on the water was as natural as upon dry land. Alexander,
upon one occasion, transported with rage, selected a band of
one thousand musketeers, partly Spanish, partly Irish, and
ordered an assault upon those insolent boatmen. With his
own hand — so it was related — ^he struck dead more than one
of his own officers who remonstrated against these commands ;
and then the attack was made by his thousand musketeers
upon the Hollanders, and every man of the thousand was
slain.^
He had been reproached for not being ready, for not having
embarked his men ; but he had been ready for a month, and
his men could be embarked in a single day. ^^ But it was
impossible," he said, " to keep them long packed up on board
vessels, so small that there was no room to turn about in : the
people would sicken, would rot, would die." * So soon as ho
had received information of the arrival of the fleet before
Calais — ^which was on the 8th August — ^he had proceeded the
* Panna^a Letters to Philip, belbro
cited pa89im, (Arch, do Simancas,
M&)
• Bor, ni. 323, 324. Strada, H. ix.
662. Bejd, yiii. 147.
» " Porquo lo3 baxeles sou Ian
pequefios que no hay plaza para rc-
volveree. La gente bo en&nneriu,
pndriera, y perderia." Parma to
Philip, S Ang. 1588. (Arch, de Si-
moncasy MS.)
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510
THB UIOTED NBTHEBLANDS.
OoiP. XDC
same night to Newport and embariced 16,000 men, and befcure
dawn he was at Dunkerk, where the troops stationed in that
port were as rapidly placed on board the transports.^ Sir
William Stanley, with his 700 Irish kernes, were among the
first shipped for the enterprise.' Two days long these xegi-
ments lay heaped together, like sacks of corn, in the boats —
as one of their officers described it* — and they lay cheerfully,
hoping that the Datch fleet wonld be swept out of the sea by
the Invincible Armada, and patiently expecting the signal for
setting sail to Ei^land. Then came the Prince of Ascoli,
who had gone ashore from the Spanish fleet at Calais, accom-
panied by serjeant-major Gallinato and other messengers
from Medina Sidonia, bringing the news of the fire-ships and
the dispersion and flight of the Armada.^
" God knows," said Alexander, " the distress in which this
event has plunged me, at the very moment when I expected
to be sending your Majesty my congratulations on the success
of the great undertaking. But these are the works of the
Lord, who can recompense your Majesty by giving you many
victories, and the fulfilment of your Majesty's desires, when
He thinks the proper time arrived. Meantime let Him be
praised for all, and let your Majesty take great care of your
health, which is the most important thing of all."'
Evidently the Lord did not think the proper time yet arrived
for fulfilling his Majesty's desires for the subjugation of Eng-
land, and meanwhile the King might find what comfort he
could in pious commonplaces and in attention to his health.
But it is very certain that, of all the high parties concerned,
Alexander Famese was the least reprehensible for the over-
throw of Philip's hopes. No man could have been more
judicious — as it has been sufficiently made evident in the
course of this narrative — ^in arranging all the details of the
great enterprise, in pointing out all the obstacles, in providing
for all emergencies. No man could have been more minutely
' P&rma to Philip, 10 Aug. 158a
(Arch, de Sim. Ma)
• Meteren, xv. 273, 274.
* Strada, IL z. 559, 562.
« Parma to PhiHp, 10 Aug. KS.
last cited. * lUd.
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1588. KADB FRUITLESS BY PHILIP^S DDLNESa 511
fiuthful to his mastery more treacherous to all the world beside.
Energetic^ inventive, patient, courageous, and stupendously
&lse, he had covered Flanders with canals and bridges,
had constructed flotillas, and equipped a splendid army, as
thoroughly as he had puzzled Comptroller Croft. And not
only had that diplomatist and his wiser colleagues been hood-
winked, but Elizabeth and Burghley, and, for a moment, even
Walsin^iam, were in the dark, while Henry III. had been his
passive victim, and the magnificent Balafird a blind instrument
in his hands. Nothing could equal Alexander's fidelity but
his perfidy. Nothing could surpass his ability to command
but his obedience. And it is very possiUe that had Philip
followed his nephew's large designs, instead of imposing upon
him his own most puerile schemes, the result for England,
Holland, and, all Christendom might have been very different
from the actual one. The blunder against which Famese
had in vain warned his master, was the stolid ignorance
in which the King and all his counsellors chose to remain
of the Holland and Zeeland fleet. For them Warmond and
Nassau, and Van der Does and Joost de Moor, did not exist,
and it was precisely these gallant sailors, with their intrepid
crews, who held the key to the whole situation.
To the Queen's glorious naval commanders, to the dauntless
mariners of England, with their well-handled vessels, their
admirable seamanship, their tact and their courage, belonged
the joys of the contest, the triumph, and the glorious pursuit ;
but to the patient Hollanders and Zeelanders, who, with their
hundred vessels, held Famese, the chief of the great enter-
prise, at bay, a close prisoner with his whole army in his own
ports, daring him to the issue, and ready — to the last plank of
their fleet and to the last drop of their blood — to confront both
him and the Duke of Medina Sidonia, an equal share of honour
is due. The safety of the two free commonwealths of the
world in that terrible contest was achieved by the people and
the mariners of the two states combined.
Great was the enthusiasm certainly of the English people
as the volunteers marched through London to the place of
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512
THB UNITED NETHEBLAKBS.
Chap. XIX.
rendezvous^ and tremendous were the cheers when the hrave
Queen rode on horseback along the lines of Tilbury. Glowing
pictures are revved to us of merry little England, arising in
its strength, and dancing forth to encounter the Spaniards, as
if to a great holiday. ^^ It was a pleasiEint sight,'' says that
enthusiastic merchant-tailor John Stowe, "to behold the
cheerful countenances, courageous words, and gestures, of the
soldiers, as they marched to Tilbury, dancing, leaping wherever
they came, as joyful at the news of the foe's approach as if
lusty giants were to run a race. And Bellona-like did tho
Queen infuse a second spirit of loyalty, love, and resolution,
into every soldier of her army, who, ravished with their sove-
reign's sight, prayed heartily that the Spaniards might land
quickly, and when they heard they were fled, began to
lament." *
But if the Spaniards had not fled, if there had been no
English navy in the Channel, no squibs at Calais, no Dutch-
men off Dunkerk, there might have been a different picture
to paint. No man who has studied the history of those times,
can doubt the universal and enthusiastic determination of the
English nation to repel the invaders. Catholics and Pro-
testants felt alike on the great subject. Philip did not flatter
Iiimself with assistance from any English Papists, save exiles
and renegades like Westmoreland, Paget, Throgmorton, Mor-
gan, Stanley, and the rest. The bulk of the Catholics, who
may have constituted half tho population of England, although
malcontent, were not rebellious ; and notwithstanding the
precautionary measures taken by government against them,
Elizabeth proudly acknowledged their loyalty.*
» Stowe, 749.
' "Said it was tlieir intention to
oocup7 the whole kingdom of Eng-
land— ^to keep the English Qaeen a
prisoner, but to treat her as a Queen,
until the King should otherwise or-
dain. Said that they had understood
that there were many Catholics in Eng-
land, but that they made not rnucn
account of them, knowing that the
Queen had taken care that they
should not giro any assistance, and
belioying that most of them would
have fought Ibr their native land,"
fta, &c Answers of Don Di^^ de
Pimentel to Interrogations before
Adrian Tan der Myle, John van
Olden-Bameveld, Admiral Tillers, and
Famars, in Bor, IIL xxiiL 325, 326.
"This invaaon, tending to the re-
ducing of this realm to the subjection
of a stranger — a matter so greatly
misliked generally by tho subjects of
this realm of all sorts and of nil !vli-
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1688. ENGLAND BBADIBB AT SEA THAN ON SHORE. ^13
But loyaUy, courage; and enthusiasm, might not have suf*
fioed to supply the want of numbers and discipline. According
to the generally accepted statement of contemporary chroni-
clers, there were some 75,000 men under arms : 20,000 along
the southern coast, 23,000 under Leicester, and 33,000 under
Lord Chamberlain Hunsdon, for the special defence of the
Queen's person.^
But it would have been very difficult, in the moment of
danger, to bring anything like these numbers into the Held.
A drilled and disciplined army — whether of regulars or of
militia-men — ^had no existence whatever. If the merchant-
vessels, which had been joined to the royal fleet, were thought
by old naval commanders to be only good to make a show,
the volunteers on land were likely to be even less effective
than the marine militia, so much more accustomed than they
to hard work. Magnificent was the spirit of the great feudal
lords as they rallied round their Queen. The Earl of Pem-
broke offered to serve at the head of three hundred horse and
five hundred footmen, armed at his own cost, and all ready
to "hazard the blood of their hearts" in defence of her
person. " Accept hereof most excellent sovereign," said the
Earl, " from a person desirous to live no longer than ho may
see your Highness enjoy your blessed estate, maugre the
beards of all confederated leaguers." ^
The Earl of Shrewsbury, too, was ready to serve at the
head of his retainers, to the last drop of his blood. " Though
I be old," he said, " yet shall your quarrel make me young
again. Though lame in body, yet lusty in heart to lend your
greatest enemy one blow, and to stand near your defence,
every way wherein your Highness shall employ me." *
But there was perhaps too much of this feudal spirit The
gionsy yea, by no small number of them
that are known to be addicted to the
Bomish relig^n — ^who are resolutely
bent to withstand the same with the
employment of their goods and hazard
of their liyes," &c Queen to the
Commissioners at Bourbouiv (signed,
but staid by her Majesty's ordorX
VOL. II. — 2 L
July " 1688. (3. P. Office MS.)
> Camden, III. 405.
^ . , , rv 28 July
■ Pembroke to tuo Queen, .
3688. (S. P. Office MS.)
• Sbrewsbuiy to the Queen, — Aug
1588. (3. P. Office MS.) ^
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514 THE UNITED NBTHBBLANDa Chap. XEL
lieutenant-general complained bitterly that there was a most
mischievous tendency among all the militia-mai to escape
from the Queen's colours, in order to enrol themselves as re-
tainers to the great lords.^ This spirit was not favourable to
efficient organization of a national army. Even had the com-
mander-in-chief been a man of genius and experience it
would have been difficult for him, under such circumstances,
to resist a splendid army, once landed, and led by Alexander
Famese, but even Leicester's most determined flatterers hardly
ventured to compare him in military ability with that first
general of his age.. The best soldier in England was im^
questionably Sir John Norris, and Sir John was now marshal
of the camp to Leicester. The ancient quarrel between the
two had been smoothed over, and — as might be expected —
the Earl hated Norris more bitterly than before, and was
perpetually vituperating him, as he had often done in the
Netherlands. Roger Williams, too, was entrusted with the
important duties of master. of the horse, under the lieutenant-
general, and Leicester continued to bear the grudge towards
that honest Welshman, which had begun in Holland. These
were not promising conditions in a camp, when an invading
army was every day expected ; nor was the completeness or
readiness of the forces sufficient to render harmless the quarreb
of the commanders.
The Armada had arrived in Calais roads on Saturday
afternoon, the 6th August. If it had been joined on that
day, or the next — as Philip and Medina Sidonia fully expected
— by the Duke of Parma's flotilla, the invasion would have been
made at once. If a Spanish army had ever landed in Eng-
land at all, that event would have occurred on the 7th August.
The weather was not unfavourable, the sea was smooth, and the
circumstances under which tho catastrophe of the great drama
was that night accomplished, were a profound mystery
to every soul in England. For aught that Leicester, or
Burghley, or Queen Elizabeth, knew at the time, the army of
24 July
» Loioegter to Walsingham, — — , 1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
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/588.
THE UEUTBNANT-GENEBAL'S COMPLAINTS.
S15
Fameso might, on Monday, have been marching upon London.
Now, on that Monday morning, the army of Lord Hunsdon
was not assembled at all, and Leicester, with but four thou-
sand men under his command, was just concunencing his camp
at Tilbury.^ The "Bellona-like" appearance of the Queen
on her white palfrey, with truncheon in hand, addressing her
troops in that magnificent burst of eloquence which has so
often been repeated, was not till eleven days afterwards,
Q
August — f not till the great Armada, shattered and tempest-
19
tossed, had been, a week long, dashing itself against the
cliflfe of Norway and the Faroes, on its forlorn retreat to
Spain.
Leicester, courageous, self-confident, and sanguine as ever,
could not restrain his indignation at the parsimony with which
his own impatient spirit had to contend. " Be you assured,"
said he, o» the 3rd August^ when the Armada was off the Isle
of Wight y "if the Spanish fieet arrive safely in the narrow seas,
the Duke of Parma will join presently with all his forces,
and lose no time in invading this realm. Therefore I beseech
you, my good Lords, let no man, by hope or other abuse,
prevent your speedy providing defence against this mighty
enemy now knocking at oiu: gate." *
For even at this supreme moment doubts were entertained
at court as to the intentions of the Spaniards.
Next day ho informed Walsingham that his four thousand
men had arrived. " They be as forward men and willing to meet
the enemy as I ever saw," said he.* Ho could not say 4 Aug.
as much in praise of the commissariat. " Some want i^^^-
the captains showed," he observed, "for these men arrived with-
out one meal of victuals, so that, on their arrival, they had not
' " I havo a moet apt plaoo to begin
our camp in, not far from the fort, at
a place called West TilbuiT.*' Lei-
24 JdIj
oester to Privy Conncil, t— : — » 1588.
(a P. Office MS.) ^ ^"^
"I did peruse and make choice of
the ground for the encamping of the
soldiers. Yesterday went to Ohelms-
ibrd to order all the soldierB hither
this day."
SBJaly
Same to Walsingham,
, 1688. (S. P. Offloo Ma)
4 Ang.' ^
• lingard, viiL 286. 24 July
• Leicester to Privy Council, »
1688. (S P. Office Ma) ^ j„,
• Same to Walsingham, »
158a. (S. P. Office Ma) * ^"«-
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516 THE UNITED NETTTERLANDa Chap. XDL
one barrel of beer nor loaf of bread— enough after twenty
miles' march to have discouraged them, and brought them to
mutiny. I see many causes to increase my former opinion of
the dilatory wants you shall find upon all sudden hurley
hurleys. In no former time was ever so great a cause, and
albeit her Majesty hath appointed an army to resist her
enemies if they land, yet how hard a matter it will be
to gather men together, I find it now. If it will be five
days to gather these countrymen, judge what it will be
to look in short space for those that dwell forty, fifty, sixty
nulesoff:"^
He had immense difficulty in feeding even this slender
force. "I made proclamation,'' said he, "two days ago, in
all market towns, that victuallers should come to the camp
and receive money for their provisions, but there is not one
victualler come in to this hour. I have sent to all the justices
of peace about it from place to place. I speak it that timely
consideration be had of these things, and that they be not
deferred till the worst come. Let her Majesty not defer the
timey upon any supposed hope, to assemble a convenient/orce of
horse and foot abottt her. Her Majesty cannot be strong enough
too soon, and if her navy had not been strong and abroad as it
is, what care had herself and her whole realm been in by this
time ! And what care she will be in if her forces be not only
assembled, but an army presently dressed to withstand the
aaighty enemy that is to approach her gates."
" God doth know, I speak it not to bring her to charges. I
would she had less cause to spend than ever she had, and
her coffers fuller than ever they were ; but I will prrfer her
life and safety, and the defence of the realm, before all sparing
of charges in the present danger."*
Thus, on the 5th August, no army had been assembled —
not even the body-guard of the Queen — and Leicester, with
four thousand men, unprovided with a barrel of beer or a loaf
of bread, was about commencing his entrenched camp at
»Joly . « ^
> Leicester to Walsingham, -j-j^ 1588. (S. P. Office MS.) ■ Ibid.
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1588. HIS QUARRELS WITH NORRIS AND WILLIAMS. 517
Tilbury. On the 6th August the Armada was in Calais
roads, expecting Alexander Famese to lead his troops upon
London I
Norris and Williams, on the news of Medina Sidonia's
approach, had rushed to Dover, much to the indignation of
Leicester, just as the Earl was beginning his entrenchments
at Tilbury. " I assure you I am angry with Sir John Norris
and Sir Boger Williams," he saii "I am here cook,
caterer, and huntsman. I am left with no one to supply Sir
John's place as marshal, but, for a day or two, am willing to
work the harder myself. I ordered them both to return this
day early, which they fisdthfully promised. Yet, on arriving
this morning, I hear nothing of either, and have nobody to
marshal the camp either for horse or foot. This manner of
dealing doth much mislike me in them both. I am ill-used.
'Tis now four o'clock, but here's not one of them. If they
come not this night, I assure you I will not receive them into
office, nor bear such loose careless dealing at their hands. If
you saw how weakly I am assisted you would be sorry to think
that we here should be the front against the enemy that is so
mighty, if he should land here. And seeing her Majesty hath
appointed me her lieutenant-general, I look that respect
be used towards me, such as is due to my place." ^
Thus the ancient grudge between Leicester and the Earl
of Sussex's son was ever breaking forth, and was not likely to
prove beneficial at this eventful season.
Next day the Welshman arrived, and Sir John promised to
come back in the evening. Sir Roger brought word from the
coast that Lord Henry Seymour's fleet was in want both of
men and powder. " Good Lord !" exclaimed Leicester, "how
is this come to pass, that both he and my Lord- Admiral are
BO weakened of men. I hear they be running away. I
beseech you, assemble your forces, and play not away this
kingdom by delays. Hasten our horsemen hither 5 Aug.
and footmen If the Spanish fleet come to 1588.
S5 Jul7
* Leicester to Waldngham, "^"^ M& already cited.
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518
THE UNITED KBTTTBRLANDS.
Chap. XIX
the narrow seas the Prince of Parma will play another part
than is looked for/' ^
As the Armada approached Calais, Leicester was informed
that the soldiers at Dover b^an to leave the coast. It seemed
that they were dissatisfied with the penmiousness of the
government. " Our soldiers do break away at Dover, or are
not pleased. I assm^ you, without wages, the people willnot
tarry, and contributions go hard with them. Surely I find
that her Majesty must needs deal liberally, and bo at chai^ges
to entertain her subjects that have ohaigeably and liberaUy
used themselves to serve her/'* The lieutenant-general even
thought it might be necessary for him to proceed to Dover in
person, in order to remonstrate with these discontented troops ;
for it was possible that those ill-paid, undisciplined, and
very meagre forces, would find much difficulty in opposing
Alexander's march to London, if he should once succeed in
landing. Leicester had a very indifi^ent opinion too of the
train-bands of the metropolis. " For your Londoners," ho said,
"I see their service taill be little, except they have their own
captains, and having them, / look for none cU aU hy them,
when wo shall meet the enemy/' ^ This was not compli-
mentary, certainly, to the training of the famous Artillery
Garden, and furnished a stUl stronger motive for defending
the road over which the capital was to be approached. But
there was much jealousy, both among citizens and nobles, of
any authority entrusted to professional soldiers. "I know
what burghers be, well enough," said the Earl, ^^ai^ Ihuvo and
well-entertained as ever the Londoners were. If they should
go forth from the city they should have good leaders. You
know the imperfections of the time, how few leaders you have,
and the gentlemen of the counties are very loth to have any
captains placed vdth them. €o that the beating out of our
best captains is like to be cause of great danger/' *
Sir John Smith, a soldier of experience, employed to drill
and organize some of the levies, expressed still more dis-
* Leioester to Walsiogham,
MS. already cited.
at July
9 Auff.
' Same to same,
P. Office MS.)
88 Joly
7 Aug.
•Ibid.
1588.
(3.
Ibid.
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IMS. HAESH STAJKtfKNTS AS TO THE ENGLISH TBOOPa 519
paraging opinions than those of Leicester concerning the
probable efficiency in the field of these English armies.^ The
Earl was very angry with the knight, however, and con-
sidered him imoompetent, insolent, and ridiculous. Sir John
seemed, indeed, more disposed to k«ep himself out of harm's
way, than to render service to the Queen by leading awkward
recruits against Alexander Famese. Ho thought it better to
nurse himself.
"You would laugh to see how Sir John Smith has dealt
since my coming," said Leicester. " He came to me, and told
me that his disease so. grew upon him as he must needs go to
the baths. I told him I would not be against his health, but
he saw what the time was, and what pains he had taken with
his countrymen, and that Z had provided a good place for
him. Next day he came again, saying little to my offer then,
and seemed d^rous, for his health, to be gone. I told him
what place I did appoint, which was a regiment of a great
part of his countrymen. He said his health was dear to him,
and he desired to take leave of me, which I yielded unto.
Yesterday, being our muster-day, he came again to me to
dinner ; but such foolish and vain-glorious paradoxes he burst
withal, without any cause offered, as made all that knew any-
thing smile and answer little, but in sort rather to satisfy men
present than to argue with him." *
And the knight went that day to review Leicester's choice
troops — ^the four thousand men of Essex— but was not much
more deeply impressed with their proficiency than he had
been with that of his own regiment. He became very cen-
sorious.
"After the muster," said the lieutenant-general, "he
entered again into such strange cries for ordering of inen,. and
for the fight with the weapon, as inade me think he was not
welL God forbid he should have charge of men that knoweth
so little, as I dare pronounce that he doth."'
* Hardwidke Papers, L 6*75.
ir. 47. Lingard, yiil 273.
Strype,
Leicester to WolsiDgham, — • — *
« Ibil"**
1588, Ma alroadj dted.
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520 THE UNITBD KBTHEBLAKI)& Chap. HX.
Yet the critical knight was a professional campaigner,
whose opinions were entitled to respect ; and the more so, it
would seem^ because they did not materially yary from those
which Leicester himself was in the habit of expressing. And
these interior scenes of discord, tumult, parsimony, want of
organization, and unsatisfactory mustering of troops, were
occurring on the very Saturday and Sunday when the Armada
lay in sight of Dover cli£&, and when the approach -of the
Spaniards on the Dover road might at any moment be ex-
pected.
Leicester's jealous and overbearing temper itself was also
proving a formidable obstacle to a wholesome system of
defence. He was already displeased with the amount of au-
thority entrusted to Lord Hunsdon, disposed to think his own
rights invaded, and desirous tiiat the Lord Ohambeiiain
should accept office under himself. He wished saving clauses
as to his own authority inserted in Hunsdon's patent ^' Either
it must be so, or I shall have wrong,'" said he, '^if he abso-
lutely command where my patent doth give me power. You
may easily conceive what absurd dealings are likely to fall
out, if you allow two absolute commanders."^
Looking at these pictures of commander-in-chief, officers,
and rank and file — as painted by themselves — we fed an
inexpressible satisfaction that in this great crisis of England's
destiny, there were such men as Howard, Drake, Frobisber,
Hawkins, Seymour, Winter, Fenner, and their gallant
brethren, cruising tha^ week in the Channel, and that Nassau
and Warmond, De Moor and Van der Does, were Uockading
the Flemish coast.
There was but little preparation to resist the enemy once
landed. There were no fortresses, no regular army, no popu-
lation trained to any weapon. There were patriotism, loyalty,
courage, -and enthusiasm, in abundance ; but the commander-
in-chief was a queen's favourite, odious to the people, with
vay moderate abilities, and eternally quarrelling with officers
more competent than himself; and all the arrangements were
' Leieester to Wakuigham, MS. alread/ cited.
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IMS. WANT OF ORGANIZATION IN ENGLAND. 521
80 hopeleedy behind-Uand, that although great disasters might
have been aveDged, they could scarcely have been avoided.
Bemembering that the Invincible Armada was lying in
Calais roads on the 6th of August, hoping to cross to Dover
the next morning, let us ponder the words addressed on that
very day to Queen Elizabeth by the Lieutenant-General of
England.
" My most dear and gracious Lady/' said the Earl, ^^ it is
most true that those enemies that approach your kingdom
and person are your undeserved foes, and being so, and hating
you for a righteous cause, there is the less fear to be had of
their malice or their forces ; for there is a most just God that
beholdeth the innocence of that heart The cause you are
assailed for is His and His Church's, and He never failed any
that £uthfully do put their chi^ trust in His goodness. He
hath, to comfort you withal, given you great and mighty
means to defend yourself, which means I doubt not but your
Majesty will timely and princely use them, and your good
God that ruleth all will assist you and bless you with vic-
tory."^
He then proceeded to give his opinion on two points con-
cerning which the Queen had just consulted him — the pro-
priety of assembling her army, and her desire to place herself
at the head of it in person.
On the first point one would have thought discussion super-
fluous on the 6th of August. " For your army, it is more
than time it were gathered and about yow," said Leicester,
" or so near you as you may have the use of it at a few hours'
warning. The reason is that your mighty enemies are at
hand, and if God suffers them to pass by your fleet, you arc
sure they will attempt their purpose of landing with all expe-
dition. And albeit your navy be very strong, but, as we have
always heard, the other is not only far greater, but their
forces of men much beyond yours. No doubt if the Prince
of Parma come forth, their forces by sea shall not only be
27 Jolr
> Leicester to tho Qaeen, -, 168a (S. P. Office MS.)
6AII8.
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522 "PTTTg UNITED NBTHKBTiANPa Chap. XIX
greatly augmented, but his power to land shall the easier take
effect whensoever he shall attempt it. Therefore it is most
requisite that your M^esty at all events have as great a force
every way as you can devise ; for there is no dalliance at
such a time nor with such an enemy. You shall otherwise
hazard your own honour, besides your person and country,
and must offend your gracious God that gave you these forces
and power, thottgh you will not use them when you should**^
It seems strange enough that such phrases should be neces-
sary when the enemy was knocking at the gate ; but it is
only too true that the land-forces were never organized until
the hour of danger had, most fortunately and unexpectedly,
passed by. Suggestions at this late moment were now given
for the defence of the throne, the capital, the kingdom, and the
life of the great Que^, which would not have seemed prema-
ture had they been made six months before, but which, when
offered in August, excite imbounded amazement. Alexander
would have had time to march from Dover to Durham before
these directions, now leisurely stated with all the air of
novelty, could be carried into effect.
"Now for the placing of your army," says the lieutenant-
general on the memorable Saturday, 6th of August, "no doubt
but I think about London the meetest, and I suppose that
others will bo of the same mind. And your Majesty should
forthwith give the charge thereof to some specicU nobleman about
you, and likewise place all your chief officers that ev^y man
may know what he shall dOy and gather as many good horse
above all things as you can, and the oldest, best, and assuredest
captains to lead ; for therein will consist the great^t hope of
good success under God. And so soon as your army is assem-
bled, let them by and by be exercised^ every man to know his
weapon^ and that there be all other things prepared in readi-
ness for your army, as if they should march upon a day's
warning, especially carriages, and a commissary of victuals,
and a master of ordnance."^
Certainly, with Alexander of Parma on his way to London,
» Leicester to the Queen, MS. last cited. • n)id.
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1588.
BOTAL PABSIMONY AND DELAY.
523
at the head of his Italian pikemen, his Spanish musketeers,
his fi^moua veteran l^on — ^^that nursing mother of great
soldiers ''' — ^it was indeed more than time that every man
should know what he should do, that an army of Englishmen
should be assembled, and that every man should know his
weapon. " By and by " was easily said, and yet on the 6th of
August it was by and by that an army, not yet mustered, not
yet officered, not yet provided with a general, a commissary
of victuals, or a master of ordinance, was to be exercised—
" every man to know bis weapon,"
English courage might ultimately triumph over the mis-
takes of those who governed the country, and over those
disciplined brigands by whom it was to be invaded. But
meantime every man of those invaders had already learned
on a hundred battle-fields to know hia weapon.
It was a magnificent determination on the part of Elizabeth
to place herself at the head of her troops ; And the enthu-
siasm which her attitude inspired, when she had at last
emancipated herself from the delusions of diplomacy and the
seductions of thrift, was some recompense at least for the
perils caused by het procrastination. But Leicester could not
approve of this hazardous though heroic resolution.^
The danger passed away. The Invincible Armada was
* " Aquel tercio ylejo, padre do todos
loe demas, 7 semioario de los majrores
Bolados que ha yisto en nuestro
tiempo Europa.'' Ooloma, ii 26^.
* Leicester to the Queezi, MS. before
cited.
"Now for your person," he said,
«bemg the most daintj and sacred
thing we have in this world to care
for, a man must tremble when he
thinks of it, especiallj finding jour
Hiyesty to Jjave that princelj courage
to transport yourself to the uttermost
confines of your realm to meet your
enemies and defend your sutjects,
I cannot, most dear Queen, consent to
that ; for upon your well-doing con-
sists all and some for your whole king-
dom, and therefore preserve it above
all ! Tet will I not that, in some sort,
so princely and so rare a magnanimity
should not appear to your people and
the world as it is, and thus far, if it
please you, jrou may do it to draw
yourself to your house at Havering;
and your army, being about London,
as at Stratford, Eastham, Hackney,
and the villages there about, shall bo
alway not only a defence but a ready
supply to those counties of Essex
and Kent, if need be, and in the mean-
tune your Majesty may comfort this
army and the people of both those
counties, and may see both the camp
and the forts. It is not above fourteen
miles fh)m Havering, and a very con-
venient place for your Migesty to lie
in by the way. To rest you at the
camp, I trust you will be pleased with
your poor lieutenant's cabin, and
within a mile there is a gentleman's
house where you may also lie. Thus
you may comfort not only these thou-
sands, but many more that shall bear
of it, and thus far, but no farther, can
I consent to adventure your peraon."
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S24 THB XTNITSD NBTHBELANDa Chap. XIZ.
driven out of the Channel by the courage, the splendid
manship^ and the enthusiasm of English sailors and volun-
teers. The Duke of Parma was kept a close prisoner hj the
fleets of Holland and Zeeland ; and the great storm of the
14th. and 15th of August at last completed the overthrow of
the Spaniards.
It, was, however, supposed for a long time that they would
come back, for the disasters which had befallen them in the
north were but tardily known in England. The sailors, by
whom England had been thus defaided in her utmost need,
were dying by hundreds, and even thousands,, of ship-fever, in
the latter days of August. Men sickened one day, and died
the next, so that it seemed probable that the ten thousand
sailors by whom the English ships of war were manned, would
have almost wholly disappeared, at a moment when their
services might be imperatively required. Nor had there been
the least precaution taken for cherishing and saving these
brave defenders of their country. They rotted in their diips,
or died in the streets of the naval ports, because there were
no hospitals to receive them.^
'^ 'Tis a most pitiful sight,'' said the Lord- Admiral, ^^ to see
here at Margate how the men, having no place where they
can be received, die in the streets. I am driven of force
myself to come on land to see them bestowed in some lodg-
ings ; and the best I can get is bams and such outhouses, and
the relief is small that I can provide for them here. It would
grieve any man's heart to see men thai have served so vcUianUy
die so miserably." '
The survivors, too, were greatly discontented ; for, after
having been eight months at sea, and enduring great priva-
tions, they could not get their wages. " Finding it to come
thus scantily," said Howard, "it breeds a marvellous altera-
tion among them."*
But more dangerous tnan the pestilence or the discontent
^ Lord Howard to the Queen ; Same
to Walsingham ; Same to Priry Coun-
cil, 2-^ (S. P. Offlco M8&)
' Howard to Bmghley, - Aug.
(S. P. Office MS.)
• Howard to Privy Council, ^i^
1588. (S. r. OfflcD MS.) ^^*^
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1538.
QUABBELS OF ENGLISH ADMIRALS.
525
vras the nusunderstanding which existed at the moment
between the leading admirals* of the English fleet. Not only
was Seymour angry with Howard, but Hawkins and Frobisher
were at daggers drawn with Drake ; and Sir Martin — ^if con-
temporary affidavits can be trusted — did not scruple to heap
the most virulent abuse upon Sir Francis, calling him, in
language better fitted for tho forecastle than the quarter-
deck; a thief and a coward, for appropriating the ransom«of
Don Pedro Yaldez, in which both Frobisher and Hawkins
claimed at least an equal share with himself.^
> " Tbo -th day of August, 1588,
I arriyed at Harwick," saja Matthew
Starke, mariner on board the 'Be-
yenge,' flag ship of Sir Francis Drake,
"and deliyered letters sent bj the
Lord-Admiral to the Lord Sheffield.
.... I found with him Sir John Haw-
kins, Sir Martin Frobisher, with diyers
others. . . . Then Sir Martin Fro-
bisher began some speeches concern-
ing the service done in this notbn, and
said:— Sir Francis Drake reporteth
that no man hath done anj good ser-
yice but he, but he shall wefi under-
stand that others have done as good
seryice as he, and better toa He
came bragging up at the first indeed,
and gaye them his prow and his broad-
side, and then kept his lufiE; and was
glad that he was gone again, like a
cowardly knaye or traitor — I rest
doubtM which, but tho one I will
swear.
"'Further, said he, he hath done
good seryice indeed, for he took Don
Pedro ; for after he had seen her in
the eyening that she hxul spent her
masts, then, like a ooward, he kept bj
her all night, because he would haye
the spoil. He thinketh to cozen us
of our shares of 15,000 ducats, but we
will haye our shares, or I wiU make
him spend the best blood in hia hdly^
for he hath done enough of those
cozening cheats alreadj.
" * He hath used certahi speeches- of
roe (continued Sir Martin) whidi I
will make him eat again, or I will
make him q[>end tho best blood in his
belly. Furthermore^ he reporteth that
no man hath done so good seryice
as he, but he lieth in his teeth, for
there are others that haye done as
good, and better toa
'* * Then he demanded of me if we (in
the ' Reyenge *) did not see Don Pedro
oyemight or no. Unto whidi I an-
swered No. Then ho told me that
I lied, for she was seen to all the fleet.
Uyto which I answered I would laj
my head that not any one man in the
fleet did see her until it was morning,
that we were within two or threo
cables' lengths of her. Whereunto he
answered, Aye^ marry, you were with-
in two or three cables' lengths, for
you were no &rther off all n^^ but
lay a-hull by her. Whereunto I an-
swered No, for we bear a good sail all
night, off and on.
'"Then he asked mo to what end
we stood off from the fleet all night
I answered that we had descried three
or four hulks, and to that end we
wrought, not knowing what tiiey were.
Then said he, Sur Frauds was ap-
pointed to bear a light all that night,
which light we loo^^ed for, but there
was none to be seen ; and in the morn-
ing, when we should haye dealt with
them, there was not about fiye or sis
near to the admiral, by reason we saw
not his light After this, and many
more speeches which I am not able to
remember, the Lord Sheffield de-
manded of me what I was. Unto which
I answered I had been in the acUon
with Sir Francis in tho 'Beyenge*
this seyen or eight months. Then ho
demanded of me, what art thou — a
soldier? And I answered I am a
mariner, like your Honour. Then said
he, I haye no more to say unto you.
Ton may depart'
"All this I do confoflB to be true, as
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526
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XIX.
And anxious enough was the Lord- Admiral, with his sailors
perishing by pestilence, with ifiany of his ships so weakly
manned that — as Lord Henry Seymour declared — th^e were
not mariners enough to weigh the anchors,^ and with the great
naval heroes, on whose efforts the safety of the realm depended,
wrangling like fisherwomen among themselves, when rumours
came, as they did almost daily, of the return of the Spanish
Aijpada, and of new demonstrations on the part of Famese.
He was naturally unwilling that the fruits of English valour
on the seas should now be sacrificed by the false economy of
the government. He felt that, after all that had been endured
and accomplished, the Queen and her counsellors were still
capable of leaving England at the mercy of a renewed attempt.
" I know not what you think at the court," said he ; " but I
think, and so do all here, that there cannot be too great forces
maintained for the next five or six weeks. God knoweth
whether the Spanish fleet will not, after refreshing themselves
in Norway, Denmark, and the Orkneys, return. I think they
dare not go back to Spain with this dishonour to their King
and overthrow of the Pope's credit Sir, sure bind, sure find.
A kingdom is a grand wager. Security is dangerous, and, if
God had not been our best friend, we should have found it so." -
Nothing could be more replete with sound oonunon sense
than this simple advice, given as it was in utter ignorance of
the fate of the Armada, after it had been lost sight of by the
English vessels off the Frith of Forth, and of the cold refresh-
it was spoken by Sir Martin Frobisher,
and do acknowledge it in the presence
of these parties whose names are here-
under written. Captain Piatt : Captain
Yaughan ; Mr. Grange, master of the
Arke; John Graje, master of the
Beyenge ; Captain Spendeloe.
" Moreover, he said that Sir Francis
was the cause of all these troubles,
and in this action he showed himself
the most coward. Bj me, Matthew
StarkOi Aug. 1^ 1688." (S. P. Office
JO
Ma)
> Seymour to Walsiogham, —^
1688. (S. P. Office MS.)
> Howard to Walsmgham, — Aug:
1588. (a P. Office Ma)
"Some haply may say that winter
Cometh on apace," said Drake^ ^but
my poor opinion is that I dare not ad-
vise her Majesty to hazard a kingdom
with the saying of a little <^tfge.
The Duke of Parma is nigh, and win
not let to send daUy to the Duke of
Sid(mi% if he may find him." Drake
to Walsingham, — Aug. 1688.
Office Ma)
(a P.
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1588. ENGLAND'S NABEOW BSCAPB FBOM GREAT PERIL. 527
ment which it had found in Norway and the Orkneys. But
Burghley had a store of pithy apophthegms, for which he
knew he could always find sympathy in the Queen's breast,
and with which he could answer these demands of admirals
and generals. ^^ To spend in time convenient is wisdom ]" he
observed — " to continue charges without needful cause bringeth
repentance ;" — " to hold on charges without knowledge of the
caittinty thereof and of means how to support them, is lack
of wisdom ;" ^ and so on.
Yet the Spanish fleet might have returned into the Channel —
for aught the Lord-Treasurer on the 22nd August knew— or
the Dutch fleet might have relaxed in its vigilant watching
of Famefife's movements. It might have then seemed a most
plentiful lack of wisdom to allow English sailors to die of
plague in the streets for want of hospitals, and to grow mu-
tinous for default of pay. To have saved under such circum-
stances would perhaps have brought repentance.
The invasion of England by Spain had been most por-
tentous. That the danger was at last averted is to be ascribed
to the enthusiasm of the English nation — ^both patricians and
plebeians — to the heroism of the little English fleet, to the
spirit of the naval commanders and volunteers, to the stanch
and effective support of the Hollanders, and to the hand of
God shattering the Armada at last ; but very little credit can
be conscientiously awarded to the diplomatic or the military
efforts of the Queen's government.' Miracles alone, in the
. ' Hemorial in Bnrghley's band,
-Aug. 1588. (S. P. Office MS.)
* An exception is always to bo made
in favour of the Secretary of State.
Although stunned for a moment bj
the superhuman perfldj of Philip and
Famese, and deceived by fiilse intel-
ligence as to the conditions of the
Armada after the gale near Corufio,
Walsingham had been ever watchful,
and constantly uttering words of solemn
waminfl:. *' Plain dealing is best among
friends," said Seymour. "I will not
flatter you, but you have fought more
with your pen than many here in our
English navy with their enemica Bui
that your place and most necessary
attendance about her Majesty cannot
be spared, your value and deserts
opposite the enemy had showed itself."
" For myself" added tiie bold sailor,
who was much dissatisfied at the pro-
spect of *' being penned and moored in
roadSf" instead of cruizing after the
Spaniards, "I have not spared my
body, which, I thank God, is able to
go through thick and thin. . . . Spare
me not while I am abroad, fi>r when
God shall return me, I will be kin to
the bear. I will hold to the stake
before I come abroad again." Lord
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528
THE UNITED KETHERULNDS.
Chap. XIX.
opiniou of Boger WiUiams, had sayed England on this occa-
sion from perdition.*
Towards the end of Augost, Admiral de Nassau paid a visit
to Dover "with forty ships, " well appointed and furnished." *
He dined and conferred with Seymour, Palmer, and other
officers — ^Winter heing still laid up with his wound — and
expressed the opinion that Medina Sidonia would hardly
return to the Channel, after the banquet he had received fix)m
her Majesty's navy between Calais and Gravelines. He also
gave the information that the States had sent fifty Dutch
vessels in pursuit of the Spaniards, and had compelled all the
herring-fishermen for the time to serve in the ships of war,
although the prosperity of the country depended on that
industry. ^' I find the man very wise, subtle, and cunning,''
said Seymour of the Dutch Admiral, '^and therefore do I
trust him." *
Nassau represented the Duke of Parma as evidently dis-
couraged, as having already disembarked his troops, and as
very little disposed to hazard any further enterprise against
England. "I have left twenty-five Kromstevens," said he,
^^to prevent his egress from Sluys, and I am immediately
returning thither myself. The tide will not allow his vessels
at present to leave Dunkerk, and I shall not fail — ^befbre the
next full moon — ^to place myself before that place, to prevent
their coming out, or to have a brush with them if they venture
to put to sea." *
But after the scenes on which the last full moon had looked
down in those waters, there could be no further pretence on
the part of Famese to issue from Sluys and Dunkerk, and
H. SeTmour to WalaiDgham, from the
Bainbow, irAag. 1588. (S. P. Offioe
MS.) Same to flame, — ^ MS.
» R. Williams to Walslngham, July,
1588. (a P. Office Ma)
17
« Seymour to Walsingham, — Aug.
1588. (a P. Office Ma)
II
* Seymour to Walsingfaam, ~ Aug.
1588. (a P. Offioe Ma)
« "Gepeudant je ne fiiuldroi de me
retoumer contre la procbaine Inne
deyant Dunquerque pour empecfaer la
sortie a ceuz dedans, ou de me m€kr
ayec eux s'ils se delibereut so mettre
en mer." Just de Nassau to Wal-
singbam, ^ Aug. 1588. (S. P.
Ma)
Office
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1588. TABIOUS BUMOUBS AS TO THE ABMAPA'S FATE. 529
England and Holland were thenceforth saved from all naval
enterprises on the part of Spain.
Meantime, the same uncertainty which prevailed in England
as to the condition and the intentions of the Armada was still
more remarkable elsewhere. There was a systematic decep-
tion practised not only upon other governments, but upon the
Eing of Spain as well. Philip, as he sat at his writing-desk,
was r^arding himself as the monarch of England, long after
his Armada had been hopelessly dispersed.^
In Paris, rumours were circulated during the first ten days
of August that England was vanquished, and that the Queen
was already, on her way to Bome as a prisoner, where she was
to make expiation, barefoot, before his Holiness. Mendoza —
now more magnificent than ever — stalked into Notre Dame
with his drawn sword in his hand, crying out ii^ith a loud
voice, " Victory, victory 1" * and on the 10th of August
ordered bonfires to be made before his house ; but afterwards
thought better of that scheme.' He had been deceived by a
variety of reports sent to him day after day by agents on the
coast ; and the King of France^— better informed by Stafford,
but not unwilling thus to feed his spite against the insolent
ambassador— affected to believe his fables. He even confirmed
them by intelligence, which he pretended to have himself
received from other sources, of the landing of the Spaniards
in England without opposition, and of the entire subjugation
of that country without the striking of a blow.*
Hereupon, on the night of August 10th, the envoy — " like
a wise man,'' as Stafford observed *-H3ent off four couriers, one
after another, with the great news to Spain, that his master's
heart might be rejoiced, and caused a pamphlet on the subject
to be printed and distributed over Paris.* "I will not waste
a large sheet of paper to express the joy which we must all
feel," he wrote to Idiaquez, "at this good news. God be
» Philip n. to Paima, 18 Aug. 1688. * Reyd, yiil 148.
(Aroh. de Sim. MS.) * Stafford to Walsingham, Ma last
• Stowe, lU-lbO. cited.
3 ^ £. Stafford to Walsingham, * Ibid. Beyd, Mwp.
i Aug. 1688. (a P. Office MS.)
VOL. n.— 2M
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5S0
THB UNITED NETHEBLANDS.
Chap. XEC
praised for all^ who gives us small chastisements to make us
better^ and then^ like a merciful Father, sends us infinite
rewards/' ^ And in the same strain he wrote, day after day,
to Moura and Idiaquez, and to Philip himself.
Stafford, on his side, was anxious to be informed by hii
govaimient of the exact truth, whatever it were, in order that
these figments of Mendoza might be contradicted. ''That
which Cometh firom me," he said, "will be believed, for I
have not been used to tell lies, and in very tiiith I have not
the face to do if
And the news of the Calais squibs, of the %ht off Grave-
lines, and the retreat of the Armada towards the north, could
not be very long concealed. So soon, therefore, as authentic
intelligence reached the English envoy of those events —
which was not however for nearly ten days after their occur-
rence*— Stafford in his turn wrote a pamphlet, in answer to
that of Mendoza, and decidedly the more successful one of
the two. It cost him but five crowns, he said, to print four
hundred copies of it ; but those in whose name it was published
got one hundred crowns by its sale. The English amba^ssador
was unwilling to be known as the author — although '' desirous
of touching up the impudence of the Spaniard ;" — ^but the
King had no doubt of its origin. Poor Henry, still smarting
under the insults of Mendoza and ' Mucio,' was delighted with
this blow tp Philip's presumption, was laud in his praises of
Queen Elizabeth's valour, prudence, and marvellous fortune,
and declared that what she had just done could be compared
to the greatest exploits of the most illustrious men in history.^
* " No quiero ocapar Y . M. con larga
carta el Begozijo que tendra con ks
boenoB nneyas con que qneria de-
spaohar. Dios sea alavado por todo^
qui noe maestra chloos caatigoa por
enmendamofl, y da como padre de
miaerioordia inflnitoa mercedes y
beneflcios." Mendoza to Idiaquez.
13 Aug. 1588. (Arcb. de Sim. [Paria.]
M&) Same to Philip IL same date.
The enroy thought that the "Al-
mighty Father of mercy had conferred
as infinite rewards and benefits," upon
His Spanish children, the sackmg of
London, and the butchering of the
English nation — ^rewards and benefits
similar to those which they had fi>r-
merly enjoyed in the Netherlands.
s Staffbrd to Walsingham, i- Aug.
Ka before dted.
9
* Same to same^ — Aug. 1588. ^
P. Oifioe MS.)
4 *" Este Rey ha loado, hablandoee
con algunos de sua iayoridos grande-
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1588.
PHILIP FOR A LONG TIMB IN DOUBT.
631
"So soon as ever he saw the pamphlet," eaii Stafford^ "he
offered to lay a wager it was my doing, and laughed at it
heartily/' * And there were malicious pages about the French
court, who also found much amusement in writipg to ^the
ambassador, begging his interest with the Duke of Parma that
they might obtain from that conqueror some odd refuse towa
or so in England, such as York, Canterbury, London, or the
like — till the luckless Don Bernardino was ashamed to show
bis face.'
A letter from Famese, however, of 10th August, apprized
Philip before the end of August of the Calais disaster, and
caused him great uneasiness, without driving him to despair^
" At the very moment," wrote the King to Medina Sidonia^
" when I was expecting news of the effect hoped for from njy
Armada, I have learned the retreat from before Calais, to
which it was compelled hy the weaiher;[\'\ and I have received
a very great shock, which keeps me in anxiety not to be
exaggerated* Nevertheless I hope in our Lord that he will
have provided a remedy, and that if it was possible for you to
return upon the enemy, to come back to the appointed post,
and to watch an opportunity for the great stroke, you will
have done as the case required ; and so I am expecting, with
solicitude, to hear what has happened, and please God it may
be that which is so suitable for his service." ^
mente del valor, aDimo, j pradencia
de la Rqrna do Iiiglatorr% tavoredda
de una maravilloea fortana, diziendo
que lo qae ella avia hedio oltimamente
ae podia comparer con las mayores
hazaiias de los bombres mas Uustres
del tiempo passado, pues a^ osado
con solas sos Aierzas aguardar las qoe
eran tan pi^'antes como las de Eapafia
y combatir ]as» oerrando juntamente el
paso a la armada del duoa de Parma^
que era no menos poderoea^ j aver
tardado quatro alios Y. Mag^. con
jontar semejaotes armadas, poniendo
al mnndo en admiracion de ser las de
las qnales se podia dezir aver trion&do
la Beyna de Inglaterra." Mendoza to
Philip^ 13 Oct. 1588. (Arch, de Sim.
[Paris.] Ma)
Of ooarse all the exploits of the
Englisli and Butch admirals and their
crews were, in the opinion of Henry
IIL, the work of Queen Elizabeth. It
was the royal prudence, valor, and
good fortune, which saved England,
not the merits of Drake and Howard,
Nassau and De Moor.
> Stafford to Walsingham, MS. before
cited.
* Stowe, *l4AAh(i.
3 <«A1 tiempo que se aguardavaa
nuevas del effeto que de las fiierzas
dessa armada se eq>eraba, se ha enten*
dido la derrota que deede sobre Cales
la Ibr90 a tomar el temporal, y redbido
muy gran sobresalto que me tiene con
mas cuydado que se puede encarecer,
aunque espero en nueetro Sefior q^
avra proveydo de remedio, y que os me
posible rebolver eobro ol enemigo y
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532
THB UNITED KETHSBLANDa
Chap. XIX.
And in the same strain, melancholy jet hopeful, were other
letters despatched on that day to the Duke of Parma. " The
satisfaction caused by your advices on the 8th August of the
arrival of the Armada near Calais, and of your preparations
to embark your troops, was changed into a sentiment which
you can imagine, by your letter of the 10th. The anxiety
thus occasioned it would be impossible to exa^erate, alihou^
— the cause being such as it is — there is no ground for distrust
Perhaps the Armada, keepmg together, has returned upon the
enemy, and given a good iiOGOunt of itself, with the help of
the Lord. So I still proniiae myself that you will have per-
formed your part in the enterprise in such wise as that the
service intended to the Lord may have been executed, and
repairs made to the reputation of all, which has been so much
compromised/' *
And the King's drooping spirits were rerived by fresh
accounts which reached him in September, by way of France.
He now learned that the Armada had taken captive four
Dutch men-of-war and many English ships ; that, after the
Spaniards had been followed from Calais roads by the enemy's
fleet, there had been an action, which the English had
attempted in vain to avoid, off Newcastle ; that Medina
Sidonia had charged upon them so vigorously as to sink twenty
of their ships, and to capture twenty-six others, good and
sound; that the others, to escape perdition, had fled, after
suffering great damage, and had then gone to pieces, all
hands perishing ; that the Armada had taken a port in Scot-
land, where it was very comfortably established ; that the
acadir al pnesto sefialAdo, j atender
ol offecto priDcipal lo pariades oomo
pedia el caso, y assi aguardo con deeseo
aviso de lo sucedido, <|ue plega a Bios
sea k> que tanto oonviene a sa servicia"
PbOip II. to Medina Sidonia^ 31 Aug.
1588. (Aroh. de Sim. Ma)
* *'Prometo mo de tos quo ayreTS
executado lo que ob toca de manera
que se cousiga al servioio que se ha
pretendido hazer a Dios, y d teparo
de la rmnUacion de iodoe que eeia tan
eTftpenadoL^ The underlined words
were stricken out by PhUip, from the
draft of the letter— prepared aa usual
hy the secretary — ^with the note in the
King's hand: "See if it be well to omit
the passage erased, because in that
vrhi(Si God does, or by which He is
served, there is no gaining or losing
of reputation, and it is better not to
apeak of it at all" (" Pues en lo quo
Dies base, y es servido, no ay que per-
der ni ganar reputaobn, y es mi^ no
bablar en eUa*") Philip IL to Parma^
31 Aug. 1688. (AidL de Sim. Ma)
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1588.
HE BELIEVES HII£SELF VICTORIOUS.
533
flag-sliip of Lord-admiral Howard, of Drake, and of that " dis-
tinguished mariner Hawkins/' had all been sunk in action, and
that no soul had been saved except Drake, who had escaped
in a cock-boat. " This is good news," added the writer, " and
it is most certain.'' ^
The King pondered seriously over these conflicting accounts,
and remained very much in the dark. Half the month of
September went by, and he had heard nothing official since
the news of the Calais catastrophe. It may be easily under-
stood that Medina Sidonia, while fljring round the Orkneys
had not much opportunity for despatching couriers to Spain,
and as Famese had not written since the 10th August, Philip
was quite at a loss whether to consider himse^lf triumphant or
defeated. From the reports by way of Calais, Dunkerk, and
Bouen, ho supposed that the Armada had inflicted much
damage on the enemy. He suggested accordingly, on the
3rd September, to the Duke of Parma, that he might now
make the passage to England, while the English fleet, if any-
thing was left of it, was repairing its damages. ^^ 'Twill be
easy enough to conquer the country," said Philip, "so soon as
you set foot on the soil. Then^ perhaps our Armada can come
back and station itself in the Thames to support you." *
Nothing could be simpler. Nevertheless the King felt a
pang of doubt lest affi^irs, after all, might not be going on so
swimmingly ; so he dipped his pen in the inkstand again, and
observed with much pathos, " But if this hope must be given
up, you must take the Isle of Walcheren : something must be
done to console me." ^
And on the 15th September he was still no wiser. " This
business of the Armada leaves me no repose," he said ; " I can
think of nothing else. I don't content myself with what I
have written, but write again and again, although in great
want of light. I hear that the Armada has sunk and captured
many English ships, and is refitting in a Scotch port. If this
> Ayisofl de Danqaerqoe, 30 Aug.
158S. . Carta de Roan de.Juan de
Gamarra, 31 Aug. 1688. "A lido
baesa nueva^ j esto es certisamo."
(Ard). de Sim. [Paris.] MSa)
* Philip II. to Panaa, 3 Sept. 158a
(ArdudeSim. MS.)
•Ibid.
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S34
THE UNITED NBTHERLANDS.
Chap. ttY,
is in the territory of Lord Huntley, I hope he will stir up the
Catholics of that country." *
And so, in letter after letter, Philip clung to the delusion
that Alexander could yet cross to England, and that the
Armada might sail up the Thames. The Duke was directed
to make immediate arrangements to that effect with Medina
Bidonia, at the very moment when that tempest-tossed grandee
was painfully creepii^ back towards the Bay of Biscay, with
what remained of his invincible fleet.
Sanguine and pertinacious, the Eii^ refbsed to believe in
the downfall of his long-cherished scheme ; and even when
the light was at last dawning upon him, he was like a child
crying for a fresh toy, when the one which had long amused,
him had been broken. If the Armada were really very much
damaged, it was easy enough, he thought, for the Duke of
Parma to make him a new one, while the old one was repcdr-
ing. "In case the Armada is too much shattered to come
out," said Philip, "and wintier compels it to stay in that
port, you must cause another Armada to he constructed a#
Emden and the adjacent towns, at my expense, and, with
the two together, you will certainly be able to conquer
England."*
And he wrote to Medina Bidonia in similar terms. That
naval commander was instructed ib enter the Thames at once,
if strong enough. If not, he was to winter in the Scotch port
which he was supposed to have captured. Meantime Famese
would build a new fleet at Emden, and in the spring the two
dukes would proceed to accomplish the great purpose.*
But at last the arrival of Medina Bidonia at Santander^
dispelled these visions, and now the King appeared in another
attitude. A messenger, coming post-haste from the captain-
general, arrived in the early days of October at the EscoriaL
Entering the palace he found Idiaquez and Moura pacing up
and down the corridor, before the door of Philip's cabinet.
> Philip XT. to Parma, 15 Sept 1688.
(Axoh. do Sim. MS.)
« Ibid
> Philip XL to Medina Sidonia,
16 Sept 1688. (Arch, de Shn. MS.)
* PhiUp XL to PaniUH 10 Oct 158&
(Arch, de Sim. M&)
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1688w IS TRANQUIL WHBN UNDECEIVED. 335
and was immediately interrogated hj those oonnsellors^ most
anxious^ of course^ to receive authentic intelligence at last as
to the fate of the Armada.* The entire overthrow of the
great project was now, for the first time, fully revealed in
Spain ; the fabulous victories over the English^ and the anni-
hilation of Howard and all his ships, were dispersed in air.
Broken, ruined, forlorn, the invincible Armada — so far as it
still existed — ^had reached a Spanish port. Great was the con-
sternation of Idiaquez and Moura, as they listened to the tale,
and very desiifbus was each of the two secretaries that the
other should discharge the imwelcome duty of communicating
the fatal intelligence to the King.^
At last Moura consented to undertake the task, and entering
the cabinet, he found Philip seated at his desk. Of course
he was writing letters.^ Being informed of the arrival of a
messenger from the north, he laid down his pen, and inquired
the news. The secretary replied that the accounts concerning
the Armad& were by no means so favourable as could be wished.
The courier was then introduced, and made his dismal report.
The King did not change countenance. ^^ Great thanks,'^ he
observed, " do I render to Almighty God, by whose generous
hand I am gifted with such power, that I could easily, if I
chose, place another fleet upon the seas. Nor is it of very
great importance that a running stream should be sometimes
intercepted, so long as the fountain from which it flows re-
mains inexhaustible."
So saying he resumed his pen, and serenely proceeded with
his letters.^ Christopher Moura stared with imafiected amaze-
ment at his sovereign, thus tranquil while a shattered world
was falling on his head, and then retired to confer with his
colleague.
"And how did his Majesty receive the blow?" asked
Idiaquez.
" His Majesty thinks nothing of the blow," answered Moura,
> Strada^ U. ix. 664.
•Ibid.
' "Begem literas ecribentem
perit" (Ibid.)
* Ibid. "His diotifl calftmnm re-
8iimit» et eadem qua oeperat tranquil-
lltate TxUtus ad scnbeDdam redit
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536 ^^HB UNITED NBTHBBLANDfi. Chap. SX.
"nor do I, consequently, make more of this great calamity
than does his Majesty/' ^
So the King — as fortune flew away from him, wrapped
himself in his virtue ; and his counsellors, imitating their
sovereign, arrayed themselves in the same garment Thus
draped, they were all prepared to bide the pelting of the
storm which was only beating figuratively on their heads,
while it had been dashing the King's mighty galleons on the
rocks, and drowning by thousands the wretch^ .victims of his
ambition.. Soon afterwards, ' when the partrcmliirs of the
great disaster were thoroughly known, Philip ordered a letter
to be addressed in his name to all the bishops of Spain, order-
ing a solemn thanksgiving to the Almighty for the safety of
that portion of the invincible Armada which it had pleased
Him to preserve.'
And thus, with the sound of mourning throughout Spain —
for there was scarce a household, of whidi some beloved
member had not perished in the great catastroph€^^-«nd with
the peals of merry bells ; over all England and Holland, and
with a solemn ^Te Deum' resounding in every church, the
curtain fell upon the great tragedy of the Armada.
> "Rex, inqnit, totnm hoc infbrta- I • Strada, II. ix. 666w Henexs, m.
nitun nihili &cSt| iieo ego pluris quam I iu. 113.
ipee.** (Ibid.) '
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1588. ALEXAMDEB BBSIBGBS BBBaBN-OP-ZOOlL 537
CHAPTER XX.
Alexander besiegee Bei^g«n-op-Zoom — ^PallaTidnrs Attempt to flednoe Panna
— ^Alexander's Fuiy — ^He ia forced to raise the Siege of Beigen — Qertmy-
denberg betrayed' to Parma — ^Indigoatioii of the States — Exploits of
Schenk — His Attadc on Nymegen — ^He is defeated and drowned— Eng-
lish-Dutoh Expedition to Spain— Its meagre Besolts— Death of Guise
and of the Queen-Mother — Combinations after the Murder of Homy III.
— ^Tandem fit Surciilus Arbor.
The fever of the past two years was followed by comparative
languor. The deadly crisis was past, the freedom of Europe
was saved^ Holland and England breathed again ; but tension
now gave place to exhaustion* The events in the remioinder
of the year 1588, with those of 1589 — although important in
themselves— were the immediate results of that history which
has been so minutely detailed in these volumes, and can be
indicated in a very few pages.
The Duke of Parma, melancholy, disappointed, angry—
stung to the soul by calumnies as stupid as they were
venomous, and already afflicted with a painful and lingering
disease, which his fiiends attributed to poison administered
by command of the master whom he had so faithfully
served — determined, if possible, to afford the consola-
tion which that master was so plaintively demanding at his
hands.
So Alexander led the splendid army which had been packed
in, and unpacked fix)m, the flat boats of Newport and Dunkerk,
against Bergen-op-Zoom, and besieged that city in form. Once
of great commercial importance, although somewhat fallen
away fix)m its original prosperity, Bergen was well situate on
a little stream which connected it with the tide-waters of the
Scheldt, and was the only place in Brabant, except -Willem-
stad, still remaining to the States. Opposite lay the Isle of
Tholen from which it was easily to be supplied and rein-
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538 '^ UNITBD 'KETHBELAND& Chap. XX.
forced. The Vosmeer, a branch of the Scheldt, separated the
islaud from the main, and there was a path along the bed of
that estuary, which, at dead low-water, was practicable for
wading. Alexander, accordingly, sent a party of eight hundred
pikemen, under Montigny, Marquis of Benty, and Ottavio
Mansfeld, supported on the dyke by three thousand mus-
keteers, across the dangerous ford, at ebb-tide, in order to
seize this important island. It was an adventure similar to
those, which, in the days of the grand commander, and under
the guidance of Mondragon, had been on two occasions so
brilliantly successful. But the Isle of Tholen was now de-
fended by Count Bolms and a garrison of fierce amphibious
Zeelanders— of those determined bands which had just been
holding Famese and his fleet in prison, and daring him to the
issue— and the invading party, after fortunately accomplishing
their night-journey along the bottom of the Yosmeer, were
unable to effect a landing, were driven with considerable
loss into the waves again, and compelled to find their way
back as best they could, along their dangerous path, and with
a rapidly rising tide. It was a blind and desperate venture, and
the Yosmeer soon swallowed four hundred of the Spaniards.
The rest, half-drowned or smothered, suoceeded in reaching
the shore — ^the chiefs of the expedition, Benty and Mansfeld,
having been with difficulty rescued by their followers, when
nearly sinking in the tide.^
The Duke continued the siege, but the place was well
defended by an English and Dutch garrison, to the number
of five thousand, and commanded by Colonel Moigan, that
bold and nmch experienced Welshman, so well known in the
Netherland wars. Willoughby and Maurice of Nassau, and
Olden-Bameveld were, at different times, within the walk ; for
the Duke had been unable to invest the place so closely as to
prevent all communications from without ; and, while Maurice
was present, there were almost daily sorties from the town,
with many a spirited skirmish, to give pleasure to the martial
> Bor. in. xrr. 338-341. Parma to Philip IL, 1 Oct 1588. (Arch, do Smk
Ua) Herrer^ IIL ii 114^ seq.
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1588.
PALLAVIOmrS ATTEMPT TO SEDUOB PABMA.
539
young Prince.* The English officers, Vere end Baskerville,
and two Netherland colonels, the brothers Bax, lo Oct
most distinguished themselves on these occasions, ^^s*
The siege was not going on with the good fortune which had
usuallj attended the Spanish leaguer of Dutch cities, while,
on the 29th September, a personal incident came to increase
Alexander's dissatisfaction and melancholy.
On that day the Duke was sitting in his tent, brooding, as
he was apt to do, over the unjust accusations which had been
heaped upon him in regard to the failure of the Armada, when
a stranger was announced. His name, he said, was Giacomo
Morone, and he was the bearer of a letter from Sir Horace
Pallayicini, a Genoese gentleman long established in I^ondon,
and known to be on confidential terms with the English
goyemment. Alexander took the letter, and glancing at the
bottom of the last page, saw that it was not signed.
" How dare you bring me a dispatch without a signature ?"
he exclaimed. The messenger, who was himself a Genoese,
assured the Duke that the letter was most certainly written
by Pallavicini — ^who had himself placed it, sealed, in his
hands-^and that he had supposed it signed, although he had
of course, not seen the inside.
Alexander began to read the note, which was not a very
long one, and his brow instantly darkened. He read a line
or two more, when, with an exclamation of fury, he drew his
dagger, and, seizing the astonished Genoese by the throat,
was about to strike him dead. Suddenly mastering his rage,
however, by a strong effort, and remembering that the man
might be a useful witness, he flung Morone from him.
" If I had Pallavicini here,'' he said, " I would treat him
as I have just refrained from using you. And if I had any
suspicion that you were aware of the contents of this letter, I
would send you this instant to be hanged/' ^
The tmlucky despatch-bearer protested his innocence of all
■ " Y oomo fti^ viendo
gruenza j vellaqaeria
la desrer-
me altero do
manera que me lerante de donde
estaba con resoladon de darle eeto*
cadas, j Pios me alambr6 con ponerme
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540
THE Ul^rrED NBTHBBLAND&
Qbip. XX.
complicity with PaUavicini, and his igDoranoe of the tenor of
the communication by which the Duke's wrath had been bo
much excited. He was then searched and cross-examined
most carefully by Bichardot and other counsellors^ and —
his innocence being made apparent — he was ultimatdy dis-
charged.
The letter of PaHavicini was simply an attempt to sound
Famese as to his sentiments in regard to a secret scheme^
which could afterwards be arranged in form, and according to
which he was to assume the sovereignty of the Netherlands
himself, to the exclusion of his King, to guarantee to England
the possession of the cautionary towns, until her advances to
the States should be refunded, and to receive the support and
perpetual alliance of the Queen in his new and rebellious
position.^
Here was additional evidence, if any were wanting, of the
universal belief in his disloyalty ; and Alexander, faithful, if
man ever were to his master — was cut to the heart, and
irritated almost to madness, by such insolent propositions.
There is neither proof nor probability that the Queen's govern-
ment was implicated in this intrigue of Pallavicini, who ap-
pears to have been inspired by the ambition of achieving
a bit of Machiavellian policy quite on his own account.
Nothing came of the proposition, and the Duke, having tnms-
mitted to the King a minute narrative of the affiur, together
with indignant protestations of the fidelity which all the
world seemed determined to dispute, received most affectionate
replies from that monarch, breathing nothing but unbounded
confidence in his nephew's innocenoe and devotion.'
delante que coDTenia que este bombre
86 ffuaixUse a buen recado, porque
y. M. pueda entender del lo oue para
este nego reporte me; 7 le dije que si
yo tuv&80 al Palavicino se ladaria
oual el merece^ 7 a voa si supieae que
sabeis este neg«, ob mandaria luego
oolgar. Acab^ de leer la carta, 7 cuanto
maa la t! 7 oonaider^ la hall4 mas
vellaca 7 epoonaonada." Parma to
PbOip IL 29 Sept 1588. (Arch, de
Sim. MS.) Compare Strada^ II. L ill
673, seq.
1 Parma to Philip, US. last cited.
Orazio Pallavicini to Giaoomo Morone,
31 Aug. 1688. (Ardi. de Sim. 1IS&)
Strada, i«6t «I9>.
* Parma to Idiaques, 1 Oct 1688.
PhHip to PaniMS 17 Oct 1588. Idla-
quez to Parma, 17 Oct 1688. (ArdL
deSim.MSS.)
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1588. ALEXA.NDXR'S FUBY. 541
Such aBSuranoes from any other man in the Trorld might
have disarmed suspicion^ but Alexander knew his master too
well to repose upon his word^ and remembered too bitterly
the last hours of Don John of Austria — ^whose dying pillow
he had soothed, and whose death had been hastened, as he
knew, either by actual poison or by the hardly less fatal venom
of sl^ider — to regain tranquillity as to his own position.
The King was desirous that Pallayicini should be invited
over to Flanders, in order that Alexander, under pretence of
listffliing to his propositions, might draw from the (Genoese
all the particulars of his scheme, and then, at leisure, inflict
the punishment whidi he had deserved.^ But insuperable
obstacles presented themselves, nor was Alexander desirous
of affording still further pretexts for his slanderers.
Very soon after this incident — most important as showing
the real situation of various parties, although without any
immediate result — ^Alexander received a visit in his . tent
from another stranger. This time the visitor was an English-
man, one Lieutenant Grimstone, and the olgect of his inter-
view with the Duke was not political, but had a direct refer-
ence to the si^ of Bergen. He was accompanied by a
countryman of his own. Bedhead by name, a camp-suttler. by
profession. The two represented themsdves as deserters from
the b^i^ed city, and offered, for a handsome reward, to
conduct a force of Spaniards, by a secret path, into one of the
gates. The Duke ' questioned them narrowly, and being
satisfied with their intelligence and coolness, caused them to
take an oath on the Evangelists, that they were not playing
him false. He then selected a band of one hundred mus-
keteers, partly Spaniards, partly Walloons — to be followed at
20 Oct. a distance by a much more considerable force,
1588. two thousand in number, under Sancho de Leyva
and the Marquis of Benti — ^and appointed the following night
for an enterprise against the city, under the guidance of
Grimstone.
It was a wild autumnal night, moonless, pitch-dark, with a
' Idiaqncz to Panna, MS. last cited.
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5^ THB UKITED MCl'HKKLA.ND& Chap. XX.
Btorm of wind and rain. The waters were out — ^for the dykes
had been cut in all directiong by the defenders of the city —
and, with exception of some elevated points occupied by
Parma's forces, the whole country was overflowed. Before
the party set forth on their daring expedition, the two Eng-
lishmen were tightly bound with cords, and led, each, by two
soldiers instructed to put them to instant death if their con-
duct should give cause for suspicion. But both Grrimstone
and Bedhead preserved a cheerful countenance, and inspired
a strong confidence in their honest intention to betoty tiiidr
countrymen. And thus the band of bold adventurers plunged
at once into the darkness, and soon found themselves con-
tending with the tempest, and wading breast h%h in the
black waters of the Scheldt.
After a long and perilous struggle, they at length reached
the appointed gate. The external portcullis was raised, and
the fifteen for^host. of the band rushed into the town. At
the next moment, Lord Willoughby, who had been privy to
the whole scheme, cut with his own hand the cords which held
the portcullis, and entrapped the leaders of the expedition,
who were all at once put to the sword, while their followers
were thundering at the gate. The lientenajut and suttler,
who had thus ovaireached that great master of diwimnlatioii,
Alexander Famese, were at the same time unbound by th^
comrades, and rescued from the fate intended for them.
Notwithstanding the probability — ^when the portcullis fill —
that the whole party had been deceived by an artifice of war,
the adventurers, who had come so far, refi:»ed to abandon the
enterprise, and continued an impatient battery upon the gate.
At last it was swung wide open, and a furious onslaught was
made by the garrison upon the Spaniards. There was a
fierce, brief struggle, and then the assailants were utterly
routed. Some were killed under the walls, while the rest
were hunted iato the waves. Nearly every one of the expe-
dition (a thousand in number) perished.*
' Panna to Philip IL 30 Oct 1588. I 2'?5'o. Bor, III. xxv. 340. Herrera,
(Arcb.de Sim. Ua) Meteren, xv. \ IIL il 118, ^e^. Strada, IL z. 582, 585.
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1588.
HE IS FOECBD TO RAISB THS SISaB OF BEBaEN.
543
It had now become obvious to the Duke that his si^ must
be raised. The days were gone when the walls of Dutch
towns seemed to melt before the first scornful glance of the
Spanish invade, and when a summons meant a surrender,
and a surrender a massacre. Now, strong in the feeling of
independence, and supported by the oourage and endurance
of their English allies, the Hollanders had learned to humble
the pride of Spain as it had never been humbled before.
The hero of a hundred battle-fields, the inventive and bril«'
liant conqueror of Antwerp, seemed in the deplorable issue
of the English invasi(m to have lost all his genius, all his
fortune. A doud had. fallen upon bis fame, and he now saw
himself, at the head of the best army in Europe, compelled
to retire, defeated and humiliated, from the /walls of fieigen.
Winter was coming on apace ; the country was flooded ; the
storms in that bleak region and inclement season were inces-
sant ; and he was obliged to retreat befi»re his army should
be drowned.
On the night of 12-13 November he set fire to his camp,
and took his departure. By daybreak he was descried in full
retreat, and was hotly pursued by the English and Dutch from
the city, who drove the great Alexander and his l^ons before
them in ignominious flight. Lord Willoughby, in full view
of the retiring enemy, indulged the allied forces with a chi-
valrous speetacla Galling a halt, after it had become obvi-
ously useless, with their small force of cavalry, to follow any
Oameit), Gofirras de Flandes (Bruseles,
1625), p. 231, 232. Coloma, Guerras
de loa Estados Baxos, I. 10, 11. Sir
20
W. Draiy to Burghlej, - Oct 1688.
(a p. Office ICS.)
'^Seemeth to my simple opinion a
great commendation tmto the gentle-
man that could so sweetly charm so
wise and learned a master in his own
art as the Doke of Parma Is," Ac
The Jesuit Strada, however — ^who
narrates all the trickeries of Philip and
of Famese with so much applause — is
shocked at the duplicity of Lieutenant
Grimstone; and Coloma is "
diagusted at auoh sharp prectioo.
It has been stated by Meteren (xr.
275*«) and others, that Sir WilBam
Stanley was in this expedition, and
thaX ho very narrowly escaped being
taken with the first fifteen. This
would have been probable enough,
had he been there, for his valour was
equal to his treachery. But Parma
does not mention his name in the letters
desorlbhig the adventure, and it is
therefore unlikely that he was present
At any rate he escaped capture, and,
with it, a traitor's death. Strada says
expressly, "Stanlaeo ad id operis
nequaquam adhibiUx"
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544
THB UNITED NETHBRLAIOXS.
Chap. XX
longer^ through a flooded <x>anti7, an enemj who had aban-
doned his design^ he solemnly conferred the honour of knight-
hood, in the name of Queen Eliziaibeih, on the officers who
had most distinguished themselves during the siege, Francis
Yere, Baskerville, Powell, Parker, Knowles, and on the two
Netherland brothers, Paul and Marcellus Bax.^
The. Duke. of Parma then went into winter quarters in
Brabant, and, before the spring, that obedient Province had
been eaten as bare as Flanders had already been by the
friendly Spaniards.
An excellent understanding between England and Holland
had been the result of their united and splendid exertions
against the Invincible Armada. Late in the year 1588 Sir
John Norris had been sent by the Queen to o£kr her congra-
tulations and earnest thanks to the States for their valuable
assistance in preserving her throne, and to solicit thdr
cooperation in some new designs against the common foe.'
Unfortunately, however, the epoch of good feeling was but
of brief duration. Bitterness and dissension seemed the ine-
vitable conditions of the English-Dutch alliance. It will be
remembered, that, on the departure of Leicester, several dties
had refused to acknowledge the authority of Count Maurice
and the States ; and that civil war in the scarcely-born com-
monwealth had been the result. Medenblik, Naarden, and the
other contumacious cities, had however been reduced to obedi-
ence after the reception of the Earl's resignation, but the impor-
tant city of G-ertruydenberg had remained in a chronic state of
mutiny. This rebellion had been partially appeased during the
year 1588 by the efforts of Willoughby, who had strengdiened
the garrison by reinforcements of English troops under command
of his brother-in-law. Sir John Wingfield. Early in 1589
however, the whole garrison became rebellious, disarmed
and maltreated the })urghers, and demanded immediate pay-
ment of the heavy arrearages still due to the troops. Wil-
1589.
» Bor, ttW 8ttp,
Oobma, L 11, 12
Strada, z. 688.
s Propositions of Sir John Norris to
lieteren. Compare
Herrera, uM sup.
Council of State. Bor, IIL xrr. 361,
362. Sir Ed. Norris to y ?^
8 Not.
158a (8. p. Office Ma)
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/589. GERTRUYDENBBRG BETRAYED TO PARMA. 545
loughby, who — ^much disgusted with his career in the Nether-
lands— was about leaving for England^ complaining that the
States had not only left him without remuneration for his
services, but had not repaid his own advances, nor even given
him a complimentary dinner, tried in vain to pacify them.
A rumour became very current, moreover, that the garrison
had opened n^otiations with Alexander Famese, and accord-
ingly Maurice of Nassau — of whose patrimonial property the
city of Gertruydenberg made a considerable proportion, to the
amount of eight thousand pounds sterling a year^ — ^after sum-
moning the garrison, in his own name and that of the States,
to surrender, laid siege to the place in form. It would have .
been cheaper, no doubt, to pay the demands of the garrison
in full, and allow them to depart. But Maurice considered
his honour at stake. His letters of summons, in which ho
spoke of the rebellious commandant and his garrison as self-
seeking foreigners and mercenaries, wero taken in veiy ill
part. Wingfield resented the statement in very insolent
language, and offered to prove its falsehood with his sword
against any man and in any place whatever. Willoughby
wrote to his brother-in-law, frotn Flushing, when about to
embark, disapproving of his conduct and of his language ;
and to Maurice, deprecating hostile measures against a city
under the protection of Queen Elizabeth. At any rate, he
claimed that Sir John Wingfield and his wife, the Countess
of Kent, with their newly-born child, should be allowed to
depart from the place. But Wingfield expressed great scorn
at any suggestion of retreat, and vowed that he would rather
surrender the city to the Spaniards than tolerate the presump-
tion of Maurice and the States. The young Prince accordingly
opened his batteries, but before an entrance could be effected int^
the town, was obliged to retireat theapproach of Count Mansfeld
with a much superior force. Gertruydenberg was lo April,
now surrendered to the Spaniards (10 April, 1589) ^^®^-
in accordance with a secret negociation which had been
proceeding all the spring, and had been brought to a conclu-
s Ortell to WoUer, 9 April, 1589. (a P. Offloo Ma)
VOL. u.— 2N
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546
THB UNITED NBTHBRLANDS.
Chap. XX.
sion at last. The garrison received twelve months' pay in
full and a gratuity of five, months in addition, and the city
was then reduced into obedience to Spain and Borne on the'
terms which had been usual during the government of Far-
nese.^
The loss of this city was most severe to the republic, for
the enemy had thus gained an entrance into the very heart
of Holland. It was a more important acquisition to Alex-
ander than even Bergen-op-Zoom would have been, and it was
a bitter reflection that to the treachery of Netherlanders and
of their English allies this great disaster was owing. All the
.wrath aroused a year before by the famous ia-eason of York
and Stanley, and which had been successfully extinguidied,
now flamed forth afresh. The States published a placard
denouncing the men who had thus betrayed the cause of
freedom, and surrendered the city of Gtertruydenberg to the
Spaniards, as perjured traitors whom it was made lawful to
hang, whenever or wherever caught, without trial or sentence,
and offering fifty florins a-head for every private soldier and
one hjindred florins for any officer of the garrison. A list of
these Englishmen and Netherlanders, so far as known, was
appended to the placard, and the catalogue was headed by
the name of Sir John Wingfield.*
Thus the consequences of the fatal event were even moro
deplorable than the loss of the city itsel£ The fury of Olden-
Bameveld at the treason was excessive, and the great Advo-
cate governed the policy of the republic, at this period, almost
like a dictator.' The States, easily acknowledging the sway
' Bor, in. xxvL 403-419. Strada^
IT. X. 600-609. Coloma, I. 20-23.
' Bor, vbi sup. BckUej to Buighley,
^ April, 1589. (B. Mofl. OoUms D. iv.
144, MS.)
• "For all here is directed bj
Holland, and Holland is carried away
by Bameveld, whose resolatbns are
so M of self-will, and so opposite to
ber Migesfy's proceedings, as there
are of the wisest among themselves
that fear by bis dealing some great
alteration. For the hindrance of
which, I cannot propose any better
means than if that coarse which is
held between him and OrteQ might
be stopped in England. For matt«B
here are so handled at this present^
as in whatsoever cause the States-
General, or they of Holland and Zee-
land, have to deal with bw Mijesty,
they neither propose it before to the
council of state, nor impart it with
her Majesty's lieutenant or oonns^-
lors; \>u% by Bameveld*s directioik
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1589.
Un)IGNATION OP THE STATBS.
547
of the imperious orator, became bitter and wrathful with the
English, side by side with whom they had lately been so
cordially standing.
Willoughby, on his part, now at the English court, was
furious with the States, and persuaded the leading counsellors
of the Queen as well as her Majesty herself, to adopt his view
of the transaction. Wingfield, it was asserted, was quite
innocent in the matter ; he was entirely ignorant of the
French language, and therefore was unable to read a word of
the letters addressed to him by Maurice and the replies which
had been signed by himself. Whether this strange excuse
ought to be accepted or not, it is quite certain that he was no
traitor like York and Stanley, and no fnend to Spain ; for he
had stipulated for himself the right to return to England, and
had neither received nor desired any reward. He hated Mau-
rice and he hated the States, but he asserted that he had
been held in durance, that the garrison was mutinous, and
that he was no more responsible for the loss of the city than
Sir Francis Vere had been, who had also been present, and
whose name had been subsequently withdrawn, in honq^rable
fashion from the list of traitors, by authority of the States.
His position — so far as he was personally concerned — seemed
defensible, and the Queen was thoroughly convinced of his
innocence. Willoughby complained that the republic was
utterly in the hands of Bameveld, that no man ventured to
lift his voice or his eyes in presence of the terrible Advocate
who ruled every Netherlander with a rod of iron, and that his
violent and threatening language to Wingfield and himself at
the dinner-table in Bergen-op-Zoom on the subject of the
mutiny (when one hundred of the Gertruydenbeig garrison
were within sound of his voice) had been the chief cause of
the rebellion.^ Inspired by these remonstrances, the Queen
once more emptied the vials of her wrath upon the United
solicit all by Ortell, and so receive
their despatch. Whereunto the repu-
tation of every action doth redound
nnto hhn, and her Majesty's lieutenant
and ministers are little regarded.^
IOTA.
Bodley to Bm^hley,
(Br. Hus. Galb% D. iv. 55, Ma)
' Bor, vhiiup.
158a
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548
THB XmiTKD NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XX
Netherlands. The criminations and recriminations seemed
endless^ and it was most fortunate that Spain had been weak-
ened^ that Alexander, a prey to melancholy and to lingering
disease, had gone to the baths of Spa to recruit his shattered
health, and that his attention and the schemes of Philip for
the year 1589 and the following period were to be directed
towards France. Otherwise the conmionwealth could hardly
have escaped still more severe disasters than those already
experienced in this unfortunate condition of its affitirs, and
this almost hopeless misunderstanding with its most important
and vigorous friend.'
While these events had been occurring in the heart of the
republic, Martin Schenk, that restless freebooter, had been
pursuing a bustling and most lucrative career on its outskirts.
All the episcopate of Cologne — that debatable land of the
two rival paupers, Bavarian Ernest and Gebhard Truchsess —
trembled before him. Mothers scared their children into
quiet with the terrible name of Schenk, and farmers and
land-younkers throughout the electorate and the land of
Berg, Cleves, and Juliers, paid their black -mail, as if it were
a constitutional impost, to escape the levying process of the
redoubtable partisAn. '
But Martin was no longer seconded, as he should have
been, by the States, to whom he had been ever faithful since
he forsook the banner of Spain for their own ; and he had
' Bor, ubi sup, imd 448-45*7.
WiUonghby published a very bitter
pamphlet in replj to the severe at-
tadcs of Olden-BanieTeld and his parti-
sans. **The cbUd of MUoid Wil-
loughby is bom at last," said Joachim
Ortell; '*the book is printed, and is
as fiill of lies as an egg is or meat "
(so vol lengens als een ey vol sujvels).
Walsingfaam — as might be supposed
•^much regretted these misunder-
fftandingfl^ t3though he was inclined
to censure the States. "I like very
well," he said, "that the plaooard
should father be answered by Lord
Willougfaby than l^ her Majesty.
But to have it not answered at idl
were the best Their ingrati-
tude is great, yet seeing we cannot
sever ourselves from them without in-
finite danger, their errors are to be
winked at for a time. It may be disk
the disgrace inflicted on them through
the loss of Gertruydenberg will some-
what humble them ; for seeing Bame-
velt, the principal ringleader amongst
them, begins to stick nil, I think the
rest will stoop. But when I VxSl into
their strange course in publishing
their placcud, after the loss of the
town to hazard the loss of her Ma-
jesty's fiivour, I roust conclude that
with the loss of the town they have
lost th«r wits." Wabingham to
Burghley,
27Apdl
Galba» P. iv.'ltl^ MS.)
1589. (Br. MosL
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1689.
EXPLOITS OF SCH8NE.
549
even gone to England and complained to the ijueen of the
short-comings of those who owed him so much. His in-
genious and daring exploit — the capture of Bonn — has already
been narrated, hut the States had neglected the proper pre-
cautions to secure that important city. It had consequently,
after a six months' siege, been surrendered to the Spaniards
under Prince Chimay, on the 19th of September ; ^ while, in
December following, the city of Wachtendonk, between the
Bhine and Meuse, had fallen into Mansfeld's hands.' ; Bhein-
berg, the only city of the episcopate which remained to the
deposed Truchsess, was soon afterwards invested by the troops
of Parma, and Schenk in vain summoned the States-General
to take proper measures for its defence. But with the enemy
now eating his way towards the heart of Holland, and with so
many dangers threatening them on every side, it was thought
imprudent to go so far away to seek the enemy. So Gebhard
retired in despair into Germany, and Martin did what he
could to protect Bheinberg, and to fill his own coffers at the
expense of the whole country side.
He had built a fort, which then and long afterwards bore
his name — Schenken Schans, or Schenk's Scbiice — at that
important point where the Bhine, opening its two arms to
enclose the /^ good meadow " island of Batavia, becomes on
the left the Waal, while on the right it retains its ancient
name; and here, on the outermost edge of the republic,
and looking straight from his fastness into the fruitful fields
of Munster, Westphalia, and the electorate, the industrious
Martin devoted himself with advantage to his favourite
pursuits.
On the 7th of August, on the heath of Lippe, vhe . had
attacked a body of Spanish musketeers, more than a thousand
1 Stradfli, X. C 84-595. Coloma^ L
12-14. Bor, m. XXV. 328.
* Strada, X 599, who states that
bomb-8hell»— which he elaborately de-
scribes, were first used at this siege
of Wachtendonk. They had been in-
vented, he says, a few days befi>ro its
commencement, by an artizan of Yenlo,
for bis own misfbrtone and that of his
city ; for he set the town of Yenlo on
fire, and burned down two-thirds of
it^ by a prematnre explosion of his
new prcgectikt.
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650
THB UNITHD KETHEBIiA2n)3.
Ghjip. ZX.
strong, who were protecting a convoy of provisions, treasure,
1 Aug. and furniture, sent by Farnese to Verdugo, royal go*
1589. yemor of FrieslaniL Schenk, without the loss of a
single man, had put the greater part of these Spaniards and
Walloons to the sword, and routed the rest The leader of
the dixpedition, Colonel Aristotle Patton, who had once played
him so foul a trick in the surrender of Q^lder, had soon taken
to flight, when he found his ancient enemy upon him, and,
dashing into the Lippe, had succeeded, by the strength and
speed of his horse, in gaining the opposite bank, and effecting
his escape. Had he waited many minutes longer it is pro*
bable that the treacherous Aristotle would have passed a
comfortless half-hour with his former comrade. Treasure to
the amount of seven .thousand crowns in gold, five hundred
horses, with jewels, plate, and other articles of value, were the
fruit of this adventure, and Schenk returned with his followers,
highly delighted, to Schenkenschans,^ and sent the captured
Spanish colours to her Majesiy of England as a token.'
A few miles below his fortress was Nym^n, and towards
that ancient and wealthy city Schenk had often cast longing
eyes. It still held for the King, although on the very con-
fines of Batavia ; but while acknowledging the supremacy of
Philip, it claimed the privileges of the empire. From earliest
times it had held its head very high among imperial towns,
had been one of the three chief residences of the Emperor
Charlemagne, and still paid the annual* tribute of a glove full
of pepper to the German empire.*
On the evening of the 10th of August^ 1589, there was a
weddii^-feast in one of the splendid mansions of the statdy
city. The festivities were prolonged until deep in the mid-
sunmier's night, and harp and viol were still inspiring the feet
of the dancers, when on a sudden, in the midst of the holiday-
groups, appeared the grim visage of Martin Schenk, the man
^ Strada^ X. 630, 631. Coloma, 11.
26-27. Bor, IIL xxvl 469. Bodley
to "Walabgham, — Aug. 1589. (Br.
lias. Galba, D. v. p. 60. Ma)
' Bodley to Bui^bley, - Aug. 1589.
(Br. Mas. Galba^ B. ir. p. 55, MS.)
' 0aiociardmi, in voce.
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1^89. HIS ATTAOH ON NYMBOiair. 551
who never smiled. Clad in no wedding-garment, but in
armour of proof, with morion on head, and sword in hand, the
great freebooter strode heavily through the ball-room, fol-
lowed by a party of those terrible musketeers who never gave
or asked for quarter, while the affirighted revellers fluttered
away before them.
Taking advantage of a dark night, he had just dropped
down the river from his castle, with five-and-twenty barges,
had landed with his most trusted soldiers in the foremost
vessels, had battled down the gate of St. Anthony, and
surprised and slain the guard. Without waiting for the rest
of his boats, he had then stolen with his comntdes through
the silent streets, and torn away the lattice-work, and other
slight defences on the rear of the house which they had now
entered, and through which they intended to possess them-
selves of the market-place. Martin had long since selected
this mansion as a proper position for his enterprise, but he
had not been bidden to the wedding, and was somewhat dis-
concerted when he found himself on the festive scene which
he had so grimly interrupted. Some of the merry-makers
escaped from the house, and proceeded to alarm the town ;
while Sohenk hastily fortified his position, and took posses-
sion of the square. But the burghers and garrison were
soon on foot, and ho was driven back into the house. Three
times he recovered the square by main strength of his own
arm, seconded by the handful of m3n whom ha had brought
with him, and three times he was beaten back by overwhelm-
ing numbers into the wedding mansion. The arrival of the
greater part of his followers, with whose assistance he could
easily have mastered the city in the first moments of surprise,
was mysteriously delayed. He could not account for their
prolonged absence, and was meanwhile supported only by
those who had arrived with him in the foremost baiges.
The tnith— of which he was ignorant — was, that the re-
mainder of the flotilla, borne along by the strong and deep
current of the Waal, then in a state of freshet, had shot past
the landing-place, and had ever since been vainly struggling
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552
THB UNITED KETHBRLANDS.
Chap. XX,
against wind and tide to force their way back to the neoessary
point. Meantime Schenk and his followers fought desperately
in the market-place, and desperately in the house which he
had seized. But a whole garrison, and a town full of citizens
in arms proved too much for him, and he was now hotly
besi^ed in the mansion, and at last driven forth into the
streets.
By this time day was dawning, the whole population,
soldiers and burghers, men, women, and children, were
thronging about the little band of marauders, and assailing
them with every weapon iand every missile to ba found.
Schenk fought with his usual ferocity, but at last the mus-
keteers, in spite of his indignant commands, began rapidly to
retreat towards the quay. In vain Martin stormed and cursed,
in vain with his own hand ha strusk more than one of his
soldiers dead.^ He was swept along with the panic-stricken
band, and when, shouting and gnashing his teeth with frenzy,
he reached the quay at last, he saw at a glance why his great
enterprise had failed. The few empty barges of his own party
were moored at the steps ; the rest were half a mile off, con-
tending hopelessly against the swollen and rajnd Waal.
Schenk, desperately wounded, was left almost alone upon the
wharf, for his routed followers had plunged helter skelter into
the boats, several of which, overladen in the panic, sank at
once, leaving the soldiers to drown or stru^le with the waves.
The game was lost. Nothing was left the freebooter but
retreat. Behictantly turning his back on his enemies, now
in full cry close behind liim, Schenk sprang into the last re-
maining boat just pushing from the quay. Already over*
laden, it foundered with his additional weight, and Martin
Schenk, encumbered with his heavy armour, sank at once to
the bottom of the WaaL*
Some of the fugitives succeeded in swimming down the
' Schencius ird furens et ^ndens
Buorum nonuullis sua' inana
interemptis," fta Strada, X 632.
» Bor, III. xxvi. 469-460. Wage-
iiaar, tuI 307, 308. Strada, X. 631-
633. Coloma^ IL 27. Bodley to Wal-
siogfaam, - Aug. 1589. (3. P. OiBoe
MR) Bentivoglio, H. t. 336. HanMl
Turn. Belg. III. 42S.
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1(89.
HE IS DEFBATED AND DROWNED
553
stream, and. were picked up by their comrades in the barges
below the town, and so made their escape. Many were
drowned with their captain. A few days afterwards,, the
inhabitants of Nymegen fished up the body of the femons
partisan. He was easily recognized by his armour, and by
his Ixuculent fSsuse, still wearing the scowl with which he had
last rebuked his followers. His head was taken off at once,
and placed on one of the turrets of the town, and his body,
divided in four, was made to adorn other portions of the
battlements ; so that the burghers were enabled to feast their
eyes on the renmants of the man at whose name the whole
country had so often trembled.
This was the end of Sir Martin Schenk of Nidd^m,
knight, colonel, and brigand ; save that ultimately his dis-
severed limbs were packed in a chest, and kept in a church-
tower, until Maurice of Nassau, in course of time becoming
master of Nymegen, honoured the valiant and on the whole
faithful freebooter with a Christian and military burial.^
A few months later (October, 1589) another man who had
been playing an important part in the Netherlands' drama
lost his life. Count Moeurs and Niewenaar, stadholder of
Utrecht, Gelderland, and Overyssel, while inspecting some
newly-invented firewoiis, was suddenly killed by their acci-
dental ignition and explosion.^ His death left vacant three
great stadholderates, which before long were to be conferred
upon a youth whose power henceforth was rapidly to grow
greater.
The misunderstanding between Holland and England con-
tinuing, Olden-Bameveld, Aerssens, and Buys, refusing to see
that they had done wrong in denouncing the Dutch and
English traitoiB who had sold Gertruydenberg to the enemy,
and the Queen and her counsellors persisting in their anger
> Bor, Wagenaar, Strada, ubi sup.
*'The towDsmen since have fished
for SoheQk, and fband him ia hla
annoar, and since have cut him in
quarters and set him on their gates;
which extraordinary inhumanity doth
so exasperate the States as they will
publish an edict upon it, that no
quarter shall be kept with Nymegen."
Bodley to Walsingham, -- Aug. 1589.
(S. P. OfBoe Ma)
* Bor, m. xxfL 480.
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554 ^HB UNITED KBIHEBLANDSL Chap. ZH
at 80 insolent a proceeding, it may easily be supposed that
there ^as no great heartiness in the joint expedition against
Spaip, i^hich had been projected in the autumn of 1588, and
was accomplbhed in the spring and summer of 1589.
Nor was this well-known enterprise fruitful of any remark-
able result. It had been decided to carry the war into Spain
itself, and Don Antonio, prior of Crato, bastard of Portugal,
and pretender to its crown, had persuaded himself and the
English government that his name would be potent to conjure
with in that kingdom, hardly yet content with the Spanish
yoke. Supported by a determined force of English and Dutch
adventurers, he boasted that he should excite a revolution by
the ma^c of his presence, and cause Philip's throne to tremble,
in return for the audacious enterprise of that monarch against
England.
If a foray were to be made into Spain, no general and no
admiral could be found in the world so competent to the
adventure as Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Diake. They
were accompanied, too, by Sir Edward Korris, and another of
those 'chickens of Mars,' Henry Norris ; by the indomitable
and ubiquitous Welshman, "RogBr Williams, and by the young
Earl of Essex, whom the Queen in vain commanded to remain
at home, and who, somewhat to the annoyance of the leaders
of the expedition, concealed himself from her Majesty's pur-
suit, and at last embarked in a vessel which he had equipped,
in order not to be cheated of his share in the hazard and the
booty. "If I speed well," said the spendthrift but valiant
youth, " I will adventure to be rich ; if not, I will never live
to see the end of my poverty."^
But no great riches were. to be gathered in the expe-
dition. With some fourteen thousand men, and one hundred
and sixty vessels— of which six were the Queen's ships of
war, including the famous Bevenge and the Dreadnought^ and
the rest armed merchantmen, English, and forty Hollanders —
and with a contingent of fifteen hundred Dutchmen under
' Essex to the Yioe-Cbamberlain, March, 1689, ia Bairow^g 'life of
Drake^' 877.
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C689. ENaUSH-DUTGH EXPEDITION TO SPAIN. 555
Nicolas van Meetkerke and Van Laen, the adven- ig AprO,
toren set sail from Plymouth on the 18th of April, ^^^
1589.
They landed at Corofla — at which place they certainly
conld not expect to create a Portuguese revolution, which was
the first object of the expedition — destroyed some shipping
in the harbour, captured and sacked the lower town, and were
repulsed in the upper ; marched with six thousand men to
Burgos, crossed the bridge at push of pike, and routed ten
thousand Spaniards under Andrada and Altamira — ^Edward
Norris receiving a desperate blow on the head at the passage
of the bridge, and being rescued from death by his brother
John — ^took sail for the south after this action, in which they
had killed a thousand Spaniards, and had lost but two men of
their own ; were joined off Cape Finisterre by Essex ; landed
a force at Peniche, the castle of which place surrendered to
them, and acknowledged the authority of Don Antonio ; and
thence marched with the main body of the troops, under Sir
John Norris, forty-eight miles to Lisbon, while Drake, with
the fleet, was to sail up the Tagus.
Nothing like a revolution had been effected in Portugal.
No one seemed to care for the Pretender, or even to be aware
that he had ever existed, except the governor of Peniche
Castle, a few ragged and bare-footed peasants, who, once upon
the road, shouted " Viva Don Antonio,'' and one old gentle-
man by the way side, who brought him a plate of plums. His
hopes of a crown faded rapidly, and when the army reached
Lisbon it had dwindled to not much more than four thousand
effective men — the rest being dead of dysentery, or on the
sick-list from imprudence in eating and drinking — while they
found that they had made an unfortunate omission in their
machinery for assailing the capital, having not a single field-
piece in. the whole army. Moreover, as Drake was prevented
by bad weather and head-winds from sailing up the Tagus, it
seemed a difficult matter to carry the city. A few cannon,
and the co-operation of the fieet, were hardly to be dispensed
with on such an occasion. Nevertheless it would perhaps
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556 ^^^^ mnxED kbthbblakd& chap.xx.
have proved an easier task than it appeared — for so great was
the panic within the place that a large nnmber of the in-
habitants had fled, the Cardinal Viceroy Archduke Albert
had but a very insufficient guard, and there were many gentle-
men of high station who were anxious to further the entrance
of the English, and who were afterwaids hanged or garotted
for their hostile sentiments to the Spanish government.^
While the leaders were deliberating what course to take,
they were informed that Count Fuentes and Henriquez de
Guzman, with six thousand men, lay at a distance of two
miles from Lisbon, and that they had been proclaimii^ by
sound of trumpet that the English had been signally defeated
before Lisbon, and that they were in full retreat.
Fired at this bravado, Norris sent a trumpet to Fuentes
and Guzman, with a letter signed and sealed, giving them the
lie in plainest terms, appointing the next day for a meeting of
the two forces, and assuring them that when the next en-
counter should take place, it should be seen whether a
Spaniard or an Englishman would be first to fly ; while Essex,
on his part, sent a note, defying either or both those boastful
generals to single combat. Next day the English army took
the field, but the Spaniards retired before them ; and nothing
came of this exchange of cartels, save a threat on the part
of Fuentes to hang the trumpeter who had brought the
messages. From the execution of this menace he refrained,
however, on being assured that the deed would be avenged
by the death of the Spanish prisoner of highest rank then in
English hands, and thus the trumpeter escaped.
Soon afterwards the fleet set sail from the Tagus, landed,
and burned Vigo on their way homeward, and rptumed to
Plymouth about the middle of July.
Of the thirteen thousand came home six thousand, the rest
having perished of dysentery and other disorders. They had
braved and insulted Spain, humbled her generals, defied her
power, burned some defenceless villages, frightened the pea-
santry, set fire to seme shipping, destroyed wine, oil, and other
» Bor, IIL xxvl 430.
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1689.
ITS MBAGBE BESULTS.
5OT
merchandize, and had divided among the survivors of the ex-
pedition, after landing in England, five shillings a head prize-
money ; but thej had not effected a revolution in Portugal.
Don Antonio had been offered nothing by his faithful sub-
jects but a dish of plums — so that he retired into obscurity
from that time forward— -and all this was scarcely a magni-
ficent result for the death of six or seven thousand good
English and Dutch soldiers, and the outlay of considerable
treasure.
As a freebooting foray — and it was nothing else — ^it could
hardly, bo thought successful ; although it was a splendid
triumph compared with the result of the long and loudly
heralded Invincible Armada.^
In France, great events during the remainder of 1588 and
the following year, and which are well known even to the
most superficial student of history, had much changed the
aspect of European affitirs. It wasfortimate for the two com-
' For particulars of this ozpedition,
see Camden, IV. 429-433. Stowe,
IdMSe. Bam>Vs *Life of Drake,'
with the letters of Drake, Norris, and
others, 335-379. Bor, III. xxvi 430-
443. Herrera, IIL v. 170, seq.
Sir Boger Williams to the Lord
ChanceUor, Lord Treasurer, and Secro-
tary Walsingham, July, 1689: (& P.
Office MS.)—
'VHad we gone to lisbon," sajs tho
Welsh knight, "and not touched at
the Groyne, we had found the town
unprovided with men of war; in such
sort, with the favour of God, wo had
carried it away without blows ....
We liavo returned the most of our
ships into England that should have
been laden with rich merchandise and
great treasure. With that lading, our
sovereign and your honours might
have returned our shipping unto us
with a new supply. In going into the
Groyne^ we lost a number of brave
men in dislodging. At the least 2000
took their course — some for England,
some for France. There we took our
sickness, partly by the hot winds, but
chiefly by the old dothes and bag-
gage of thcEe which returned with
the Duke of Medma out of England.
There we lost many a day, in tiie
which time the enemy arrived, and
placed his forces where he thought
roost necessariest^ chiefly in Listen.
Notwithstanding, when we arrived,
we gave the law in the field, that
none durst fight with us, In twelve
days, with 6000 footmen, and, God
knows, poor people, save 2000, and
those all volunteers. All the horse-
men we had amounted not to 46 ; wo
had not any Portuguese to speak oij
and such as we had did us more hurt
than good. .... Some will say. How
could you have kept Lisbon? Believe
it not With six thousand we would
have kept it against ail Spain and
Portugal. Our journey was
most honourable and profitable unto
our sovereign and estate. Firsts and
prind^dly, the world will speak how
6000 Englishmen dared the Spaniards
to battle at the gates of Lisbon — not
stealing, but after giving leave to arm
two months; f<^ the woiid must think
they knew where we meant to direct
our course, when Don Antonio dis-
lodged flrom his house at London,**
&c.&a
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558 THE UNITED NETHEBLANDa Chap. XX.
monwealths of Holland and England, engaged in the great
stm^le for civil and religions liberty, and national inde-
pendence, that the attention of Philip became more and
more absorbed — as time wore on — ^with the affidrs of France.
It seemed necessary for him firmly to establish his do-
minion in that country before attempting once more the
conquest of England, or the recorery of the Netherlands.
For France had been brought more nearly to anarchy and
utter decomposition than ever. Henry III., after his fatal
forgiveness of the deadly offence of Guise, felt day by day
more keenly that he had transferred his sceptre — such as it
was — to that dangerous intriguer. Bitterly did the King
regret having refused the prompt offer of Alj^onse Corse on
the day of the barricades ; for now, so long as the new
generalissimo should live, the luckless Henry felt himself a
superfluity in his own realm. The halcyon days were for ever
past, when, protected by the swords of Joyeuse and of Epemon,
the monarch of France could pass his life playing at cup and
ball, or snipping images out of pasteboard, or teaching his
parrots to talk, or his lap-dogs to dance. His loyal occupar-
tions were gone, and murder now became a necessary pre-
liminary to any future tranquillity or enjoyment. Discrowned
as he felt himself already, he knew that life or liberty was
only held by him now at the will of Guise. The assassina-
tion of the Duke in December was the necessary result of the
barricades in May ; and accordingly that assassination was
arranged with an artistic precision of which the world had
hardly suspected the Valois ta be capable, and which Philip
himself might have envied.
The story of the murders of Blois — the destruction of Guise
and his brother the Cardinal, and the subsequent imprison-
ment of the Archbishop of Lyons, the Cardinal Bourbon, and
the Prince de Joinville, now, through the death of his fitther^
become the young Duke of Guis^— all these events are too
familiar in the realms of history, song, romance, and painting;
to require more than this slight allusion here.
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1589.
DEATH OF GUISB AND OF THE QUBBN-MOTHEB.
559
Never had an assassination been more technically success-
ful ; yet its results were not commensurate with the monarch's
hopes. The deed which he had thought premature in May
was already too late in December. His mother denounced
his cruelty now, as she had, six months before, execrated his
cowardice. And the old Queeu, seeing that her game was
played out — that the cards had all gone against her — ^that her
son was doomed, Bfid her own influence dissolved in air, felt
that there was nothing left for her but to die. In a week she
was dead, and men spoke no more of Catharine de' Medici,
and thought no more of her than if— in the words of a
splenetic contemporary — "she had been a dead she-goat."^
Paris howled with rage when it learned the murders of Blois,
and the sixteen quarters became more furious than ever
against the Valois. Some wild talk there was of democracy
and republicanism after the manner of Switzerland, and of
dividing France into cantons — and there was an earnest desire
on the part of every grandee, every general, every soldier of
fortune, to carve out a portion of French territory with his
sword, and to appropriate it for himself and his heirs. Dis-
integration was making rapid pn^ress, and the epoch of the
IsL&t Yalois seemed more dark and barbarous than the times
of the d^nerate Carlovingians had been. The letter-writer
of the Escorial, who had earnestly warned his faithful Mucio,^
week after week, that dangers were impending over him,
and that " some trick would be played upon him," should he
venture into tiie royal presence, now acquiesced in his assassi-
nation, and placidly busied himself with fresh combinations
and newer tools.
Baffled, hunted, scorned by all beside, the luckless Henry
now threw himself into the arms of the B^amese — the man
who could and would have protected him long before, had the
King been capable of understanding their relative positions
» •L'Etoile.'
« A. 66. i« Arch,
[at Paris,] M& passim.
de Simancas,
K ^., *^Coii Mocio a quien siempre
acoDseJad que mire por si y no ee
dexe engafiar j hager dtguna burlap
poes anda a tanto peligra" And, in
the King's own hand, ''Y se acnerde
de su padre." Philip to Mendoct^
3 Sept 1588, M&
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560
THB UNITED NETHERLANDS.
Chap. XX
and his own true interests. Could the Valois have conceived
the thought of religious toleration, his throne even then might
have been safe. But he preferred playing the game of the
priests and bigots, who execrated his name and were bent
upon his destruction. At last, at Plessis les Tours, the Ber-
nese, in his shabby old chamois jacket -and his well-dinted
cuirass took the silken Henry in his arms, and the two— the
hero and the fribble — swearing eternal friendship, proceeded
2 Aug., to besiege Paris. A few weeks later, the dagger of
1689. Jacques Cl6ment put an end for ever to the line of
Valois.^ Luckless Henry III. slept with his forefathers, and
Henry of Bourbon and Navarre proclaimed himself King of
France. Catharine and her four sons had all past away at
last, and it would be a daring and a dexterous schemer who
should now tear the crown, for which he had so long and so
patiently waited, from the iron grasp of the B^amese. Philip
nad a more difficult game than ever to play in France.
It would be hard for him to make valid the . claims of the
Infanta and any hiisband he might select for her to the crown
of her grandfather Henry II. It seemed simple enough for
him, while waiting the course of events, to set up a royal
effigy before tiie world in the shape of an effete old Cardinal
Bourbon, to pour oil upon its head and to baptize it Charles X. ;
but meantime the other Bourbon was no effigy, and he called
hinaself Henry IV.
• It was easy enough for Paris, and Madam League, and Philip
the Prudent, to cry wo upon the heretic ; but the cheerful
' The spelling of the sixteenth cen-
tury, in all European languages, was
capricious and unsettled; yet the
fittle note in which the Duchess Maiy
of Luxemburg announced the deatibi
of Heniy IIL is a curiosity, even for
that age; —
"Qui la ette tue— sa ette par un
Jacobin qui luy a donne dun cou de
pissetolle dan la tayte. Ill i a dotre
Douvelle beaucoup avantf^'euse pour
les bon Cat<^n& jay donne chiaige
a se deporteur de les tous dire.**
Dudiess Maria de Luxembouig an
Commandeur Moreo, 9 Aug. 1589.
(Archiyo de Simancas, MS.)
Philip*s wonderful comment on ^e
words "pissetolle*' and ,"ti^" in
this communication, has been already
published, but will bear repetition : —
"Perhaps," he wrote with his own
hand, "'pissetoUe* is some kind of
knife, and 'tayte,' I don't know if
it can be anything else than head,
which is not *tayte,* but *tete' or
* teyte,' as you know."
" Quiz& es alguna maneni de cuchillo^
y la tayte no 86 si podria ser otra
coca que cabeza, qui no es tayte, sino
tete, 0 teyte, como sabreys."
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1589. COilBINATIONS AFTER MURDKB OP HENRY Itt 561
leader of the Huguenots was a philosopher^ who in the days of
St. Bartholomew had become orthodox to save his life^ and who
was already " instructing himself" anew in order to secure his
crown. Philip was used to deal with fanatics, and had often
been opposed by a religious bigotry as fierce as his own ; but
he might perhaps be baffled by a good-humoured free-thinker,
who was to teach him a lesson in political theology of which
he had never dreamed.
The Leaguers were not long in doubt as to the meaning of
^•' instruction," and they were thoroughly persuaded that — so
soon as Henry IV. should reconcile himself with Rome — their
game was likely to become desperate.
Nevertheless prudent Philip sat in his elbow-chair, writing
his apostilles, improving himself and his secretaries in ortho^
graphy, but chiefly confining his attention to the affairs of
France. The departed Mucio's brother Mayenne was installed
as chief stipendiary of Spain and lieutenant-general for tho
League in France, until Philip should determine within him-
self in what form to assume the sovereignty of that kingdom.
It might be questionable however whether that corpulent
Duke, who spent more time in eating than Henry IV. did in
sleeping, and was longer in reading a letter than Henry in
winning a battle, were likely to prove a very dangerous rival
—even with all Spain at his back — to the lively Bernese.
But time would necessarily be consumed before the end was
reached, and time and Philip were two. Henry of Navarre
and France was ready to open his ears to instruction ; but even
he had declared, several years before, that " a religion was not
to be changed like a shirt." So while the fresh garment was
airing for him at Bome, and while he was leisurely stnpping
off the old, he might perhaps be taken at a disadvantage.
Fanaticism on both sides, during this process of instruction,
might be roused. The Huguenots on their part might de-
nounce the treason of their great chief, and the Papists, on
theirs, howl at the hypocrisy of the pretended conversion.
But Henry IV. had philosophically prepared himself for the
denunciations of the Protestants, while determined to protect
VOL. TT. — 2 0
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562
THE UNITED NETHEBLANDS.
Chap. XX.
them against the persecutions of the Bomanism to which he
meant to give his adhesion. While accepting the title of
ren^ade, together with an undisputed crown, he was not the
man to rekindle those fires of religious bigotry which it was
his task to quench, now that they had lighted his way to the
throne. The demands of his Catholic supporters for the
exclusion from the kingdom of all religions hut their own,
were steadily refused.*
And thus the events of 1588 and 1589 indicated that the
great game of despotism against freedom would be played, in
the coming years, upon the soil of France. Abeady Elizabeth
had furnished the new King with 22,000?. in g6ld — a larger
sum, as he observed, than he had ever seen before in his life,*
and the States of the Netherlands had provided him with as
much more.^ Willoughby too, and tough Roger Williams,
and Baskerville, and Utnpton, and Vere, with 4000 English
pikemen at their back, had already made a brief but spirited
campaign in France ;^ and the Duke of Farma, after recruiting
his health, so &r as it was possible, at Spa, was preparin^i:
himself to measure gwords with that great captain of Hugue-
nots, who now assumed the crown of his ancestors, upon the
same ground. It seemed probable that for the coming years
England would bo safe from Spanish invasion, and that Hol-
land would have a better opportunity than it had ever enjoyed
before of securing its liberty and perfecting its political organi-
zation. While Parma, Philip, and Mayenne were fighting the
B6amese for the crown of France, there might be a fairer field
for the new commonwealth of the United Netherlands.
And thus many of the personages who have figured in these
volumes have already passed away. Leicester had died just
after the defeat of the Armada, and the thrifty Queen, while
dropping a tear upon the grave of 'sweet Bobin,' had sold
his goods at auction to defray his debts to herself; and Moeurs,
* Do Thoix, X I S9, pp. 270, 680.
P^r^flxe, 80, 96. »L'Etoiie,» 268, 291.
» Camden, IV. 436.
• Bodley to Burghley, 20 Aug.
1589. (Br. Una, Oalba» D. ir. p. 56l
MS.)
* Camden, Msup.
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1690. TANDEM FIT SURCULUS AKBOa 5(53
and Martin Schenk, and ' Mucio/ and Henry III., and Catha-
rine de' Medici, were all dead. But Philip the Pnident re-
mained, and Elizabeth of England, and Henry of France and
Navarre, and John of Olden-Bameveld ; and there was still
another personage, a very young man still, but a deep-thinking,
hard-working student, fa^ng steadily at mathematics and
deep in the works of Stevinus, who, before long, might play a
conspicuous part in the world's great drama. But, previously
to 1590, Maurice of Nassau seemed comparatively insignificant,
and he could be spoken of by courtiers as a cipher, and as an
unmannerly boy just let loose from school.
END OP VOL. n.
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